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A.D. 353.] CHUELTY OF CONST ANTIUS. 13 mere fact, tliat his name had been mentioned was sufficient, every one who was informed against or in any way called iii. question, was condemned either to death, or to confis- cation of his property, or to confinement in a desert island. 4. For his ferocity was excited to a still further degree when any mention was made of treason or sedition ; and the bloodthirsty insinuations of those around him, ex- aggerating everything that happened, and pretending great concern at any danger which inight threaten the life of the emperor, on whose safety, as on a thread, they hypocritically exclaimed the whole world depended, added daily to his suspicions and watchful anger. 5. And therefore it is reported he gave orders that no one who was at any time sentenced to punishment for these or similar offences should be readmitted to his presence for the purpose of offering the usual testimonies to his character, a thing which the most implacable princes have been wont to permit. And thus deadly cruelty, which in all other men at times grows cool, in him only became more violent as he advanced in years, because the court of flatterers which attended on him added continual fuel to his stern obstinacy. 6. Of this court a most conspicuous member was Paulus, the secretary, a native of Spain, a man keeping his objects hidden beneath a smooth countenance, and acute bej'ond all men in smelling out secret ways to bring others into danger. He, having been sent into Britain to arrest some military officers who had dared to favour the conspiracy of Magnentius, as they could not resist, licentiously exceeded his commands, and like a flood poured with sudden violence upon the fortunes of a great number of people, making his path through manifold slaughter and destruction, loading the bodies of free-born men with chains, and crushing some with fetters, while patching up all kinds of accusations far removed from the truth. And to this man is owing one especial atrocity which has branded the time of Constantius with indelible infamy. 7. Martinus, who at that time governed these provinces as deputy, being greatly concerned for the sufferings in- flicted on innocent men, and making frequent entreaties 14 AAIMIANCS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIV. CH. vi. that those who were free from all guilt might be spared, when he found that he could not prevail, threatened to withdraw from the province, in the hope that this male- volent inquisitor, Paulus, might be afraid of his doing so, and so give over exposing to open danger men who had combined only in a wish for tranquillity. 8. Paulus, thinking that this conduct of Martinus was a hindrance to his own zeal, being, as he was, a formidable artist in involving matters, from which people gave him the nickname of " the Chain," attacked the deputy him- self while still engaged in defending the people whom he was set to govern, and involved him in the dangers which surrounded every one else, threatening that he would carry him, with his tribunes and many other persons, as a pri- soner to the emperor's court. Martiniis, alarmed at this threat, and seeing the imminent danger in which his life was, drew his sword and attacked Paulus. But because from want of strength in his hand he was unable to give him a mortal Avound, he then plunged his drawn sword into his own side. And by this unseemly kind of death that most just man departed from life, merely for having dared to interpose some delay to the miserable calamities of many citizens. 9. And when these wicked deeds had been perpetrated, Paulus, covered with blood, returned to the emperor's camp, bringing with him a crowd of prisoners almost covered with chains, in the lowest condition of squalor and misery; on whose arrival the racks were prepared, and the executioner began to prepare his hooks and other engines of torture. Of these prisoners, many of them had their property confiscated, others were sentenced to banish- ment, some were given over to the sword of the exe- cutioner. Nor is it easy to cite the acquittal of a single person in the time of Constantius, where the slightest whisper of accusation had been brought against him. VI. 1. AT this time Orfitus was the governor of the Eternal City, with the rank of prefect ; and he behaved with a degree of insolence beyond the proper limits of the dignity thus conferred upon him. A man of prudence indeed, and A.D.353.] ORFITUS, GOVERNOR OF ROME. 15 well skilled in all the forensic business of the city, but less accomplished in general literature and in the fine arts than was becoming in a nobleman. Under his adminis- tration some very formidable seditions broke out in con- sequence of the scarcity of wine, as the people, being exceedingly eager for an abundant use of that article, were easily excited to frequent and violent disorders. 2. And since I think it likely that foreigners who may read this account (if, indeed, any such should meet with it) are likely to wonder how it is that, when my history has reached the point of narrating what was done at Rome, nothing is spoken of but seditions, and shops, and cheap- ness, and other similarly inconsiderable matters, I will briefly touch upon the causes of this, never intentionally departing from the strict truth. 3. At the time when Rome first rose into mundane brilliancy that Rome which was fated to last as long as mankind shall endure, and to be increased with a sublime progress and growth virtue and fortune, though com- monly at variance, agreed upon a treaty of eternal peace, as far as she was concerned. For if either of them had been wanting to her, she would never have reached her perfect and complete supremacy. 4. Her people, from its very earliest infancy to the latest moment of its youth, a period which extends over about three hundred years, carried on a variety of wars with the natives around its walls. Then, when it arrived at its full-grown manhood, after man} 7 and various labours in war, it crossed the Alps and the sea, till, as youth and man, it had carried the triumphs of victory into every country in the world. 5. And now that it is declining into old age, and often owes its victories to its mere name, it has come to a more tranquil time of life. Therefore the venerable city, after having bowed down the haughty necks of fierce nations, and given laws to the world, to be the foundations and eternal anchors of liberty, like a thrifty parent, prudent and rich, intrusted to the Caesars, as to its own children, the right of governing their ancestral inheritance. 6. And although the tribes are indolent, and the countries peaceful, and although there are no contests for votes, but the tranquillity of the age of Numa has returned, 10 AJIMIANUS MAECELLINUS. [UK. XIV. CH. vi. nevertheless, in every quarter of the world Home is still looked up to as the mistress and the queen of the earth, and the name of the Eoman people is respected and venerated. 7. But this magnificent splendour of the assemblies and councils of the Eoman people is defaced by the inconside- rate levity of a few, who never recollect where they have been born, but who fall away into error and licentiousness, as if a perfect impunity were granted to vice. For as the lyric poet Simonides teaches us, the man who would live happily in accordance with perfect reason, ought above all things to have a glorious country. 8. Of these men, some thinking that they can be handed down to immortality by means of statues, are eagerly desirous of them, as if they would obtain a higher reward from brazen figures unendowed with sense than from a consciousness of upright and honourable actions ; and they even are anxious to have them plated over with gold, a thing which is reported to have been first done in the in- stance of Acilius Glabrio, who by his wisdom and valour had subdued King Antiochus. But how really noble a thing it is to despise all these inconsiderable and trifling things, and to bend one's attention to the long and toilsome steps of true glory, as the poet of Ascrea 1 has sung, and Cato the Censor has shown by his example. For when he was asked how it was that while many other nobles had statues he had none, replied : " I had rather that good men should marvel how it was that 1 did not earn one, than (Avhat would be a much heavier misfortune) inquire how it was that I had obtained one." 9. Others place the height ol glory in having a coach higher than usual, or splendid apparel ; and so toil and sweat tinder a vast burden of cloaks, which are fastened to their necks by many clasps, and blow about from the excessive fineness of the material ; showing a desire, by the continual wriggling of their bodies, and especially by the waving of the left hand, to make their long fringes and tunics, embroidered in multiform figures of animals with threads of various colours, more conspicuous. 10. Others, with not any one asking them, put on a 1 Hesiod. Ammianus refers to the passage in Hesiod's Op. et Dies, 289, beginning rris 5" dperf/s ISpwTa, Oeol TrpoirdooiOev fBrjffav. A.D. 353.] ARROGANCE OF THE RICH. 17 feigned severity of countenance, and extol their patrimonial estates in a boundless degree, exaggerating the yearly pro- cFtice of their fruitful fields, which they boast of possessing in numbers from east to west, being forsooth ignorant that their ancestors, by whom the greatness of Rome was so widely extended, were not eminent for riches ; but through a course of dreadful wars overpowered by their valour all who were opposed to them, though differing but little from the common soldiers either in riches, or in their mode of life, or in the costliness of their garments. 11. This is how it happened that Valerius Publicola was buried by the contributions of his friends, and that the destitute wife of Regulus was, with her children, supported by the aid of the friends of her husband, and that the daughter of Scipio had a dowry provided for her out of the public treasury, the other nobles being ashamed to see the beauty of this full-grown maiden, while her monej'less father was so long absent on the service of his country. 12. But now if you, as an honourable stranger, should enter the house of any one well off, and on that account full of pride, for the purpose of saluting him, at first, indeed, you will be hospitably received, as though your presence had been desired ; and after having had many questions put to you, and having been forced 'to tell a number of lies, you will wonder, since the man had never seen you before, that one of high rank should pay such attention to you who are but an unimportant individual ; so that by reason of this as a principal sowce of happiness, you begin to repent of not having come to Kome ten years ago. 13. And when relying on this affability you do the same thing the next day, you will stand waiting as one utterly unknown and unexpected, while he who yester- day encouraged you to repeat your visit, counts upon his fingers who you can be, marvelling, for a long time, whence you come, and what you want. But when at length you are recognized and admitted to his acquaint- ance, if you should devote yourself to the attention of saluting him for three years consecutively, and after this intermit your visits for an equal length of time, then if you return to repeat a similar course, you will never be questioned about your absence any more than if you had c 18 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIV. CH. vr. been dead, and you will waste your whole life in sub*mit- ting to court the humours of this blockhead. 14. But when those long and unwholesome banquets, which are indulged in at certain intervals, begin to be pre- pared, or the distribution of the usual dole-baskets takes place, then it is discussed with anxious deliberation whether when those to whom a return is due are to be entertained, it is proper to invite also a stranger; and if, after the matter has been thoroughly sifted, it is determined that it may be done, that person is preferred who \vaits all night before the houses of charioteers, or who professes a skill in dice, or pretends to be acquainted with some peculiar secrets. 15. For such entertainers avoid all learned and sober men as unprofitable and useless ; with this addition, that the nomenclators' also, who are accustomed to make a market of these invitations and of similar favours, selling them for bribes, do for gain thrust in mean and obscure men at these dinners. 10. The whirlpools of banquets, and the various allure- ments of luxury, I omit, that I may not be too prolix, and with the object of passing on to this fact, that some people, hastening on without fear of danger, drive their horses, as if they were post-horses, with a regular licence, as the saying is, through the wide streets of the city, over the roads paved with flint, dragging behind them large bodies of slaves like bands of robbers ; not leaving at home even Sannio, 2 as the comic poet says. 17. And many matrons, imitating these men, gallop over every quarter of the city with their heads covered, and in close carriages. And as skilful conductors of battles place in the van their densest and strongest battalions, then their light- armed troops, behind them the darters, and in the extreme rear troops of reserve, ready to join in the attack if necessity should arise ; so, according to the careful arrangements of the stewards of these city households, who are conspicuous by wands fastened to their right hands, as if a regular watchword had been issued from the camp, first of all, near 1 A nomenclator was a slave who attended a great noble in his walk through the city to remind him of the names of thosa whom he met. See Cicero pro Murrena, c. 36. 2 The name of a slave in the Eunuch, of Terence, who says, act. iv. sc. 8 Sanuio alone stays at home. A.D.353.] ARROGANCE OF THE RICH. 10 the front of the carriage march all the slaves concerned in spinning and working ; next to them come the blackened .grew employed in the kitchen ; then the whole body of slaves promiscuously mixed up with a gang of idle plebeians from the neighbourhood ; last of all) the multitude of eunuchs, beginning with the old men and ending with the boys, pale and unsightly from the distorted deformity of their features ; so that whichever way any one goes, seeing troops of mutilated men, he will detest the memory of Semiramis, that ancient queen who was the first person to castrate male youths of tender age ; doing as it were a violence to nature, and forcing it back from its appointed course, which at the very first beginning and birth of the child, by a kind of secret law revealing the primitive foun- tains of seed, points out the way of propagating posterity. 18. And as this is the case, those few houses which were formerly celebrated for the serious cultivation of becoming studies, are now filled with the ridiculous amusements of torpid indolence, re-echoing with the sound of vocal music and the tinkle of flutes and lyres. Lastly, instead of a philo- sopher, you find a singer ; instead of an orator, some teacher of ridiculous arts is summoned ; and the libraries closed for ever, like so many graves ; organs to be played by water- power are made ; and lyres of so vast a size, that they look like waggons ; and flutes, and ponderous machines suited for the exhibitions of actors. 19. Last of all, they have arrived at such a depth of un- worthiness, that when, no very long time ago, on account of an apprehended scarcity of food, the foreigners were driven in haste from the city ; those who practised liberal accomplishments, the number of whom was exceedingly small, were expelled without a moment's breathing-time ; yet the followers of actresses, and all who at that time pretended to be of such a class, were allowed to remain ; and three thousand dancing-girls had not even a question put to them, but stayed unmolested with the members of their choruses, and a corresponding number of dancing masters. 20. And wherever you turn your eyes, you may .see a multitude of women with their hair curled, who, as far as their age goes, might, if they had married, been by this time the mothers of three children, sweeping the pavements with their feet till they are weary, whirling round in rapid 20 AMMIAXUS MARCELLISUS. [BK. XIV. CH. vi. gyrations, while representing innumei'able groups and figures which the theatrical plays contain. 21. It is a truth beyond all question, that, when at one time Rome was the al-ode of all the virtues, many of the nobles, like the Lotophagi, celebrated in Homer, who detained men by the deliciousness of their fruit, allured foreigners of free birth by manifold attentions of courtesy and kindness. 22. But now, in their empty arrogance, some persons look upon everything as worthless which is born outside of the walls of the city, except only the childless and the un- married. Nor can it be conceived with what a variety of obsequious observance men without children are courted at Rome. 23. And since among them, as is natural in a city so great as to be the metropolis of the world, diseases attain to such an insurmountable degree of violence, that all the skill of the physician is ineffectual even to mitigate them ; a certain assistance and means of safety has been devised, in the rule that no one should go to see a friend in such a condition, and to a few precautionary measures a fuither remedy of sufficient potency has been added, that men should not readmit into their houses servants who have been sent to inquire how a man's friends who may have been seized with an illness of this kind are, until they have cleansed and purified their persons in the bath. So that a taint is feared, even when it has only been seen with the eyes of another. 24. But nevertheless, when these rules are observed thus stringently, some persons, if they be invited to a wedding, though the vigour of their limbs be much diminished, yet, when gold is offered 1 in the hollow palm of the right hand, will go actively as far as Spoletum. These are the customs of the nobles. 25. But of the lower and most indigent class of the popu- lace some spend the whole night in the wine shops. Some lie concealed in the shady arcades of the theatres ; which Catulus was in his axlileship the first person to 1 It was customary on such solemnities, as also on the occasion of n.snming the toga virilis, or entering on any important magistracy, to make small presents of money to the guests who were invited to cele- brate the occasion. Cf. Plin. Epist. x. 117. A.D. 353.] CRUELTY OF CALLUS. 21 raise, in imitation of the lascivious manners of Campania, or else they play at dice so eagerly as to quarrel over them ; siruffing up 1heir nostrils and making unseemly noises by drawing back their breath into their noses ; or (and this is tKeir favourite pursuit of all others) from sunrise to even- ing they stay gaping through sunshine or rain, examining in the most careful manner the most sterling good or bad qualities of the charioteers and horses. 26. And it is very wonderful to see an innumerable multitude of people with great eagerness of mind intent upon the event of the contests in the chariot race. These pursuits, and others of like character, prevent anything worth mentioning or important from being done at Eome. Therefore we must return to our original subject. VII. 1. His licentiousness having now become more unbounded, the Cassar began to be burdensome to all virtuous men ; and discarding all moderation, he harassed every part of the East, sparing neither those who had received public honours, nor the chief citizens of the different cities ; nor the common people. 2. At last by one single sentence he ordered all the principal persons at Antioch to be put to death ; being exasperated because when he recommended that a low price should be established in the market at an unsea- sonable time, when the city was threatened with a scarcity, they answered him with objections, urged with more force than he approved ; and they would all have been put to death to a man, if Honoratus, who was at that time count of the East, had not resisted him with pertinacious constancy. 3. This circumstance was also a proof, and that no doubtful or concealed one, of the cruelty of his nature, that he took delight in cruel sports, and in the circus he would rejoice as if he had made some great gain, to see six or seven gladiators killing one another in combats which have often been forbidden. 4. In addition to these things a certain worthless woman inflamed his purpose of inflicting misery; for she, having obtained admission to the palace, as she had requested, gave 22 AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XIV. CH. vn. him information that a plot was secretly laid against him by a few soldiers of the lowest rank. And Constantina, in her exultation, thinking that her husband's safety was now fully secured, rewarded and placed this woman, in a carriage, and in this way sent her out into the public street through the great gate of the palace, in order, by such a temptation, to allure others also to give similar or more important information. 5. After these events, Gallus being about to set out for Hierapolis, in order, as far as appearance went, to take part in the expedition, the common people of Antioch entreated him in a suppliant manner to remove their fear of a famine which for many reasons (some of them difficult to explain) it was believed was impending ; Gallus, how- ever, did not, as is the custom of princes whose power, by the great extent of country over which it is diffused, is able continually to remedy local distresses, order any dis- tribution of food to be made, or any supplies to be brought from the neighbouring countries ; but he pointed out to them a man of consular rank, named Theophilus, the governor of Syria, who happened to be standing by, re- plying to the repeated appeals of the multitude, who were trembling with apprehensions of the last extremities, that no one could possibly want food if the governor were not willing that they should be in want of it. 6. These words increased the audacity of the lower classes, and when the scarcity of provisions became more severe, urged by hunger and frenzy, they set fire to and burnt down the splendid house of a man of the name of Eubulus, a man of great reputation among his fellow- citizens ; and they attacked the governor himself with blows and kicks as one especially made over to them by the judgment of the emperor, kicking him till he was half dead, and then tearing him to pieces in a miserable manner. And after his wretched death every one saw in the destruction of this single individual a type of the danger to which he was himself exposed, and, taught by this recent example, feared a similar fate. 7. About the same time Serenianus, who had previously been duke ' of Phoenicia, to whose inactivity it was owing, 1 The Latin is Dux. It is about this period that the title Duke and C ount, which we have already had, arose, indicating however at fir.-.t A.D. 353.] COXSTANT1US SUMMONS GALLUS. 23 as we have already related, that Celse in Phoenicia was laid waste, was deservedly and legally accused of trea- son, and no one saw how he could possibly be acquitted. He was also manifestly proved to have sent an intimate friend with a cap (with which he used to cover his own head) which had been enchanted by forbidden acts to the temple of prophecy, 1 on purpose to ask expressly whether, according to his wish, a firm enjoyment of the whole empire was portended for him. 8. And in these days a twofold misfortune occurred : first, that a heavy penalty had fallen upon Theophilus who was innocent ; and, secondly, that Serenianus who deserved universal execration, was acquitted without the general feeling being able to offer any effectual remonstrance. 9. Oonstantius then hearing from time to time of these transactions, and having been further informed of some particular occurrences by Thalassius, who however had now died by the ordinary course of nature, wrote courteous letters to the Caesar, but at the same time gradually with- drew from him his support, pretending to be uneasy, least as the leisure of soldiers is usually a disorderly time, the troops might be conspiring to his injury : and he desired him to content himself with the schools of the Palatine, 2 and with those of the Protectors, with the Scutarii, and Gentiles. And he ordered Domitianus, who had formerly been the Superintendent of the Treasury, but who was now promoted to be a prefect, as soon as he arrived in Syria, to addi'ess Gallus in persuasive and respectful language, ex- horting him to repair with all speed to Italy, to which province the emperor had repeatedly summoned him. not territorial possessions, but military commands ; and it is worth noticing that the rank of Count was the higher of the two. 1 Constantine, on his conversion to Christianity, had issued an edict forbidding the consultation of oracles ; but the practice was not wholly abandoned till the time of Theodosius. 2 Schools was the name given at Eome to buildings where men were wont to meet for any purpose, whether of study, of traffic, or of the practice of any art. The schools of the Palatine were the station of the cohorts of the guard. The " Protectors or Guards " were a body of soldiers of higher rank, receiving also higher pay ; called also "Domes- tici or household troops," as especially set apart for the protection of the imperial palace and person. The "Scutarii" (shield-bearers) belonged to the Palatine schools ; and the Gentiles were troops enlisted from among those nations which were still accounted barbarous. 24. AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. r BK. XIV. CH. vii. 10. And when, with this object, Domitianus had reached Antioch, having travelled express, he passed by the gates of the palace, in contempt of the Cassar, whom, however, he ought to have visited, and proceeded to the general's camp with ostentatious pomp, and there pretended to be sick ; he neither visited the palace, nor ever appeared in public, but keeping himself private, he deviled many things to bring about the destruction of the Caesar, adding many superfluous circumstances to the relations which he was continually sending to the emperor. 11. At last, being expressly invited by the Caesar, and being admitted into the prince's council-chamber, without making the slightest preface he began in thin inconsiderate and light-minded manner : " Depart," said he, " as you have been commanded, Csesar, and know this, that if you make any delay I shall at once order all the provisions allotted for the support of yourself and your court to be carried away." And then, having said nothing more than these insolent woi'ds, he departed with every appearance of rage ; and would never afterwards come into his sight though frequently sent for. 12. The Ctesar being indignant at this, as thinking he had been unworthily and unjustly treated, ordered his faithful protectors to take the prefect into custody ; and when this became known, Montius, who at that time was quaestor, a man of deep craft indeed, but still inclined to moderate measures, 1 taking counsel for the common good, sent for the principal members of the Palatine schools and addressed them in pacific words, pointing out that it was neither proper nor expedient that such things should be done ; and adding also in a reproving tone of voice, that if such conduct as this were approved of, then, after throwing down the statues of Constantius the prefect would begin to think how he might also with the greater security take his life also. 13. \Vhen this was known Gallus, like a serpent attacked with stones or darts, being now reduced to the extremity of despair, and eager to insure his safety by any possible 1 Gibbon here proposes for lenitatem to read leaitatem, fickleness ; himself describing Moutius as " a statesman whose art and experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of his disposition." Cap. xix., p. 298, vol. iii., Bolm's edition. A.D. 353.] RESISTANCE OF CALLUS. 25 means, ordered all Ills troops to be collected in arms, and when they stood around him in amazement he gnashed his tetth, and hissing with rage, said, 14. "You are present here as brave men, come to the aid of me who am in one common danger with you. Mon- tius, with a novel and unprecedented arrogance, accuses us of rebellion and resistance to the majesty of the emperor, by roaring out all these charges against us. Being offended forsooth that, as a matter of precaution, I ordered a contu- macious prefect, who pretended not to know what the state of affairs required, to be arrested and kept in custody." 15. On hearing these words the soldiers immediately, being always on the watch to raise disturbances, first of all attacked Montius, who happened to be living close at hand, an old man of no great bodily strength, and enfeebled by disease ; and having bound his legs with coarse ropes, they dragged him straddling, without giving him a moment to take breath, as far as the general's camp. 1C. And with the same violence they also bound Domitia- nus, dragging him head first down the stairs ; and then having fastened the two men together, they dragged them through all the spacious streets of the city at full speed. And, all their limbs and joints being thus dislocated, they trampled on their corpses after they were dead, and mutilated them in the most unseemly manner ; and at last, having glutted their rage, they threw them into the river. 17. But there was a certain man named Luscus, the governor of the city, who, suddenly appearing among the soldiers, had inflamed them, always ready for mischief, to the nefarious actions which they had thus committed ; exciting them with repeated cries, like the musician who gives the tune to the mourners at funerals, to finish what they had begun : and for this deed he was, not long after, burnt alive. 18. And because Montius, when just about to expire under the hands of those who were tearing him to pieces, repeatedly named Epigonius and Eusebius, without indi- cating either their rank or their profession, a great deal of trouble was taken to find out who they were ; and, lest the search should have time to cool, they sent for a philo- sopher named Epigonius, from Lycia, and for Eusebius the orator, surnamed Pittacos, from Emissa ; though they were 20 AMMIA.NUS MARCELLINUS. I.BK. XIV. CH. vn. not those whom Montius had meant, but some tribunes, superintendents of the manufactures of arms, who had pro- mised him information if they heard of any revolutionary measures being agitated. 19. About the same time Apollinaris, the son-in-law of Domitianus, who a short time before had been the chief steward of the Cassar's palace, being sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-1 aw, took exceeding pains to inquire among the soldiers whether they had received any secret de- spatches from the Cassar, indicating his having meditated any deeper designs than usual. And as soon as he heard of the events which had taken place at Antioch, he passed through the lesser Armenia and took the road to Constantinople ; but he was seized on his journey by the Protectors, and brought back to Antioch, and there kept in close confine- ment. 20. And while these things were taking place there was discovered at Tyre a royal robe, which had been secretly made, though it was quite uncertain who had placed it where it was, or for whose use it had been made. And on that account the governor of the province, who was at that time the father of Apollinaris, and bore the same name, was arrested as an accomplice in his guilt ; and great num- bers of other persons were collected from different cities, who were all involved in serious accusations. 21. And now, when the trumpets of internal war and slaughter began to sound, the turbulent disposition of the Caesar, indifferent to any consideration of the truth, began also to break forth, and that not secretly as before. And without making any solemn investigation into the truth of the charges brought against the citizens, and without sepa- rating the innocent from the guilty, he discarded all ideas of right or justice, as if they had been expelled from the seat of judgment. And while all lawful defence on trials was silent, the torturer, and plunderer, and the executioner, and every kind of confiscation of property , raged unrestrained throughout the eastern provinces of the empire, which I think it now a favourable moment to enumerate, with the exception of Mesopotamia, which I have already described when I was relating the Parthian wars ; and also with the exception of Egypt, which I am forced to postpone to another opportunity. DESCRIPTION OF C1LICIA. 27 VIII. 1. AFTER passing over the summit of Mount Taurus, which towards the east rises up to a vast height, Cilicia spreads itself out for a very great distance a land rich, in all valu- able productions. It is bordered on its right by Isauria, which is equally fertile in vines and in many kinds of grain. The Calycadnus, a navigable river, flows through the middle of Isaurus. 2. This province, besides other towns, is particularly adorned by two cities, Seleucia, founded by King Seleucus, and Claudiopolis, which the Emperor Claudius Caesar esta- blished as a colony. For the city of Isauria, which was formerly too powerful, was in ancient times overthrown as an incurable and dangerous rebel, and so completely de- stroyed that it is not easy to discover any traces of its pristine splendour. 3. The province of Cilicia, which exults in the river Cydnus, is ornamented by Tarsus, a city of great magni- ficence. This city is said to have been founded by Perseus, the son of Jupiter and Danae ; or else, and more probably, by a certain emigrant who came from Ethiopia, by name Sandan, a man of great wealth and of noble birth. It is also adorned by the city of Anazarbus, which bears the name of its founder ; and by Mopsuestia, the abode of the celebrated seer Mopsus, who wandered from his comrades the Argonauts when they were returning after having carried off the Golden Fleece, and strayed to the African coast, where he died a sudden death. His heroic remains, though covered by Punic turf, have ever since that time cured a great variety of diseases, and have generally re- stored men to sound health. 4. These two provinces being full of banditti were for- merly subdued by the pro-consul Servilius, in a piratical war, and were passed under the yoke, and made tributary to the empire. These districts being placed, as it were, on a prominent tongue of land, are cut off from the main conti- nent by Mount Amanus. 5. The frontier of the East stretching straight forward for a great distance, reached from the banks of the river Euphrates to those of the Nile, being bounded on the 23 AMMIAXUS MABCELLIN'US. [Ex. XIV. CH. vm. left by the tribes of the Saracens and on the right by the sea. (5. Xicator Seleucus, after he had occupied that dis- trict, increased its prosperity to a wonderful degree, when, after the death of Alexander, king of Macedonia, he took possession of the kingdom of Persia by right of suc- cession ; being a mighty and victorious king, as his sur- name indicates. And making free use of his numerous subjects, whom he governed for a long time in tranquil- lity, he changed groups of rustic habitations into regular cities, important for their great wealth and power, the greater part of which at the present day, although thoy are called by Greek names which were given them by the choice of their founder, have nevertheless not lost their original appellations which the original settlers of the villages gave them in the Assyrian language. 7. After Osdroene, which, as I have already said, I intend to omit from this description, the first province to be mentioned is Commagena, now called Euphraten.sis, Avhich has arisen into importance by slow degrees, and is remarkable for the splendid cities of Hierapolis, the ancient Ninus, and Samosata. 8. The next province is Syria, which is spread over a beautiful champaign country. This province is ennobled by Antioch, a city known over the whole world, with which no other can vie in respect of its riches, whether imported or natural : and by Laodicea and Apameia, and also by Seleucia, all cities which have ever been most prosperous from their earliest foundation. 9. After this comes Phoenicia, a province lying under Mount Lebanon, full of beauty and elegance, and deco- rated with cities of great size and splendour, among which Tyre excels all in the beauty of its situation and in it.s renown. And next come Sidon and Berytus, and on a par with them Emissa and Damascus, cities founded in remote ages. 10. These provinces, which the river Orontes borders, a river which passes by the foot of the celebrated and lofty mountain Cassius, and at last falls into the Levant near the Gulf of Issus, were added to the 1 Ionian dominion by Cmeus Pompey, who, after he had conquered Tigranes, separated them from the kingdom of Armenia. A. n. 353.] ARABIA. 29 11. The last province of the Sj'rias is Palestine, a dis- trict, of great extent, abounding in well-cultivated and tTtautiful land, and having several magnificent cities, all of equal importance, and rivalling one another as it were, in parallel lines. For instance, Cassarea, which Herod built in honour of the Prince Octavianus, and Eleuthempolis, and Neapolis, and also Ascalon, and Gaza, cities built in bygone ages. 12. In these districts no navigable river is seen : in many places, too, waters naturally hot rise out of the ground well suited for the cure of various diseases. These regions also Pompey formed into a Roman, province after he had subdued the Jews and taken Jerusalem : and he made over their government to a local governor. 13. Contiguous to Palestine is Arabia, a country which on its other side joins the Kabatheei a land full of the most plenteous variety of merchandize, and studded with strong forts and castles, which the watchful solicitude of its ancient inhabitants has erected in suitable defiles, in order to repress the inroads of the neighbouring nations. This province, too, besides several towns, has some mighty cities, such as Bostra, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, fortified with very strong walls. It was the Emperor Trajan who first gave this country the name of a Roman province, and appointed a governor over it, and compelled it to obey our laws, after having by repeated victories crushed the arro- gance of the inhabitants, when he was carrying his glorious arms into Media and Parthia. 14. There is also the island of Cyprus, not very far from the continent, and abounding in excellent harbours, which, , besides its many municipal towns, is especially famous for two renowned cities, Salamis and Paphos, the one cele- brated for its temple of Jupiter, the other for its temple ot Venus. This same Cyprus is so fertile, and so abounding in riches of every kind, that without requiring any ex- ternal assistance, it can by its own native resources build a merchant ship from the very foundation of the keel up to the top sails, and send it to sea fully equipped with stores. 15. It is not to be denied that the Roman people invaded this island with more covetousness than justice. For when Ptolemy, the king, who was connected with us by 30 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. BK. XIV. CH. ix. treaty, and was also our ally, was without any fault of his own proscribed, merely on account of the necessities of our treasury, and slew himself by taking poison, the island was made tributary to us, and its spoils placed on board our fleet, as if taken from an enemy, and carried to Rome by Cato. We will now return to the actions of Constan- tius in their due order. 3X. 1. AMID all these various disasters, Ursicinus, who was the governor of Nisibis, an officer to whom the command of the emperor had particularly attached me as a servant, was summoned from that city, arid in spite of his reluc- tance, and of the opposition which he made to the clamorous bands of flatterers, was forced to investigate the origin of the pernicious strife which had arisen. He was indeed a soldier of great skill in war, and an approved leader of troops ; but a man who had always kept himself aloof from the strife of the forum. He, alarmed at his own danger when he saw the corrupt accusers and judges who were associated with him, all emerging out of the same lurking- places, wrote secret letters to Constantius informing him of what was going on, both publicly and in secret ; and im- ploring such assistance as, by striking fear into Gallus, should somewhat curb his notorious arrogance. 2. But through excessive caution he had fallen into a worse snare, as we shall relate hereafter, since his enemies got the opportunity of laying numerous snares for him, to poison the mind of Constantius against him ; Constantius, in other respects a prince of moderation, was severe and implacable if any person, however mean and unknown, whispered suspicion of danger into his ears, and in such matters was wholly unlike himself. 3. On the day appointed for this fatal examination, the master of the horse took his seat under the pretence of being the judge ; others being also set as his assessors, who were instructed beforehand what was to be done : and there were present also notaries on -each side of him, who kept the Cresar rapidly and continually informed of all the questions which were put and all the answers which were given ; and by his pitiless orders, urged as he was by A.D. 353.] TORTURES OF THE PRISONERS. ' 31 the persuasions of the queen, who kept her ear at the curtain, many were put to death without being permitted tcrsofteu the accusations brought against them, or to say a word in their own defence. 4. The first persons who were brought before them were Epigonius and Eusebius, who were ruined because of the similarity of their names to those of other people ; for we have already mentioned that Montius, when just at the point of death, had intended to inculpate the tribunes of manufactures, who were called by these names, as men who had promised to be his supports in some future enterprise. 5. Epigonius was only a philosopher as far as his dress went, as was evident, when, having tried entreaties in vain, his sides having been torn with blows, and the fear of instant death being presented to him, he affirmed by a base confession that his companion was privy to his plans, though in fact he had no plans ; nor had he ever seen or heard anything, being wholly unconnected with forensic affairs. But Eusebius, confidently denying what he was accused of, continued firm in unshaken con- stancy, loudly declaring that it was a band of robbers before whom he was brought, and not a court of justice. 6. And when, like a man well acquainted with the law, he demanded that his accuser should be produced, and claimed the usual rights of a prisoner ; the Caesar, having heard of his conduct, and looking on his freedom as pride, ordered him to be put to the torture as an audacious calumniator ; and when Eusebius had been tortured so severely that he had no longer any limbs left for torments, imploring heaven for justice, and still smiling disdain- fully, he remained immovable, with a firm heart, not permitting his tongue to accuse himself or any one else. And so at length, without having either made any con- fession, or being convicted of anything, he was condemned to death with the spiritless partner of his sufferings. Pie was then led away to death, protesting against the ini quity of the times ; imitating in his conduct the cele- brated Stoic of old, Zeno, who, after he had been long subjected to torture in order to extract from him some false confession, tore out his tongue by the roots and threw it, bloody as it was, into the face of the king of Cyprus, who was examining him. 32 AMMIANUS MARCKLUNUS. [BK. XIV. CH. x. 7. After these events the affair of the royal robe was examined into. And when those who were employed in dyeing purple had been put to the torture, and had con- fessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover the chest, without sleeves, a- certain person, by name Maras, was brought in, a deacon, as the Christians call him ; letters from whom were produced, written in the Greek language *o the superintendent of the weaving manu- factory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beau- tiful work finished speedily ; of which work, however, these letters gave no further description. And at last this man al.so was tortured, to the danger of his life, but could not be made to confess anything. 8. After the investigation had been carried on with the examination, under torture of many persons, when some things appeared doubtful, and others it was plain were of a very unimportant character, and after many persons had been put to death, the two Apollinares, father and son, were condemned to banishment ; and when they had come to a place which is called Cra- terse, a country house of their own, which is four-and- twenty miles from Antioch, there, according to the order which had been given, their legs were broken, and they were put to death. 9. After their death Gallus was not at all less ferocious than before, but rather like a lion which has once tasted blood, he made many similar investigations, all of which it is not worth while to relate, lest 1 should exceed the bounds which I have laid down for myself; an error which is to be avoided 1. WHILE the East was thus for a long time suffering under these calamities, at the first approach of open weather, Constantius being in his seventh consulship, and the Cassar in his third, the emperor quitted Aries and went to Yalentia, with the intention of making war upon the brothers Gundomadus and Vadomarius, chiefs of 'the Allemanni ; by whose repeated inroads the territories of the Gauls, which lay upon their frontier, were continually laid waste. 2. And while he was staying in that district, as he did A.P. 353.] DISCONTENT OF THE SOLDIERS. * 33 for some time while waiting for supplies, tlie importation of which from Aquitania was prevented by the spring rams, which were this year more severe than usual, so that the rivers were flooded by them, Herculanus arrived, a principal officer of the guard, son of Hermogenes, who had formerly been master of the horse at Constantinople, and had been torn to pieces in a popular tumult as we have mentioned before. And as he brought a faithful account of what Gallus had done, the emperor, sorrowing over the miseries that were passed, and full of anxious fear for the future, for a time stilled the grief of his mind as well as he could. 3. But in the mean time all the soldiery being assembled at Cabillon, 1 began to be impatient of delay, and to get furious, being so much the more exasperated because they had not sufficient means of living, the usual supplies not yet having arrived. 4. And in consequence of this state of things, Eufinus, at that time prefect of the camp, was exposed to the most imminent danger. For he himself was r-ompelled to go among the soldiers, whose natural ferocity was inflamed by their want of food, and who on other occasions are by nature generally inclined to be savage and bitter against men of civil dignities. He was compelled, I say, to go among them to appease them and explain on what account the arrival of their corn was delayed. 5. And the task thus imposed on him was veiy cun- ningly contrived, in order that he, the uncle of Gallus, might perish in the snare ; lest he, being a man of great power and energy, should rouse his nephew to confidence, and lead him to undertake enterprises which might be mis- chievous. Great caution, however, was used to escape this ; and, when the danger was got rid of for a while. Eusebius, the high chamberlain, was sent to Cabillon with a large sum of money, which he distributed secretly among the chief leaders of sedition : and so the turbulent and arrogant disposition of the soldiers was pacified, and the safety of the prefect secured. Afterwards food having arrived in abundance the camp was strack on the clay appointed. 6. After great difficulties had been surmounted, many 1 Chalons sur Saoue. D 34 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bs. XIV. CH. x. of the roads being buried in snow, the army came near to Rauracum * on the banks of the Ehine, where the mul- titude of the Allemanni offered great resistance, so that by their fierceness the Komans were prevented from fixing their bridge of boats, darts being poured upon them from all sides like hail; and, when it seemed impossible to succeed in that attempt, the emperor being taken by sur- prise, and full of anxious thoughts, began to consider \vhut to do. 7. When suddenly a guide well acquainted with the country arrived, and for a reward pointed out a ford by night, where the river could be crossed ; and the army crossing at that point, while the enemy had their attention directed elsewhere, zuight without any one expecting such a step, have and waste the whole country, if a few men of the same nation to whom the higher posts in the Roman army were intrusted had not (as some people believe) in- formed their fellow-countrymen of the design by secret messengers. 8. The disgrace of this suspicion fell chiefly on Latinus, a commander of the domestic guard, and on Agilo, an equerry, and on Scudilo, the commander of the Scutari i, men who at that time were looked up to as those who sup- ported the republic with their right hands. 9. But the- barbarians, though taking instant counsel on such an emergency, yet either because the auspices turned out unfavourable, or because the authority of the sacrifices prohibited an instant engagement, abated their energy, and the confidence with which they had hitherto resisted ; and sent some of their chiefs to beg pardon for their offences, and sue foi peace. 10 Therefore, having detained for some time the envoys of both the kings, and having long deliberated over the affair in secret, the emperor, when he had decided that it was ex- pedient to grant peace on the terms proposed, summoned his army to an assembly with the intention of making them a short speech, and mounting the tribunal, surrounded with a staff of officers of high rank, spoke in the following manner : 11. "I hope no one will wonder, after the long and toilsome marches we have made, and the vast supplies and magazines which have been provided, from the ccnfi- 1 Near Basle. A.D. 353.J SPEECH OF COXSTAXT1US. , 33 dence which I felt in you, that now although we are close to the villages of the barbarians, I have, as if I had sud- denly changed my plans, adopted more peaceful counsels. 12. "For if every one of you, having regard to his own position and his own feelings, considers the case, he will find this to be the truth : that the individual soldier in all cases, however strong and vigorous he may be, regards and defends nothing but himself and his own life ; while the general, looking on all with impartiality as the guardian of their general safety, is aware that the common interest of the people cannot be separated from his own safety ; and he is bound to seize with alacrity every remedy of which the condition of affairs admits, as being put into his hand by the favour of the gods. 13. "That therefore I may in a few words set before you and explain on what account I wished all of you, my most faithful comrades, to assemble here, I entreat you to listen attentively to what I will state with all the brevity possible. For the language of truth is always concise and simple. 14. " The kings and people of the Allemanni, viewing with apprehension the lofty steps of your glory (which fame, increaeing in magnificence, has diffused throughout the most distant countries), now by their ambassadors humbly implore pardon for their past offences, and peace. And this indulgence I, as a cautious and prudent adviser of what is useful, think expedient to grant them, if your consent be not wanting : being led to this opinion by many considerations, in the first place that so we may avoid the doubtful issues of war ; in the second place, that instead of enemies we may have allies, as they promise we shall find them ; further, that without bloodshed we may pacify their haughty ferocity, a feeling which is often mis- chievous in our provinces ; and last of all, recollecting that the man who falls in battle, overwhelmed by supe- rior weapons or strength, is not the only enemy who has to be subdued; and that with much greater safety to the state, even while the trumpet of war is silent, he is sub- dued who makes voluntary submission, having learnt by experience that we lack neither courage against rebels, nor mercy towards suppliants. 15. " To sum up, making you as it were the arbitrators, I 36 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIV. CH. xi. wait to see what yon determine ; having no doubt myself, as an emperor always desirous of peace, that it is best to employ moderation while prosperity descends upon us. For, believe me, this conduct which I recommend, and which is wisely chosen, will not be imputed to want of courage on your part, but to your moderation and huma- nity." 16. As soon as he had finished speaking, the whole assembly being ready to agree to what the emperor de- sired, and praising his advice, gave their votes for peace ; being principally influenced by this consideration, that they had already learnt by frequent expeditions that the fortune of the emperor was only propitious in times of civil troubles ; but that when foreign wars were undertaken they had often proved disastrous. On this, therefore, a treaty being made according to the customs of the Allemanni, and all the solemnities being completed, the emperor retired to Milan for the winter. XI. 1. AT Milan, having discarded the weight of other cares, the emperor took into his consideration that most difficult gordian knot, how by a mighty effort to uproot the Cassar. And while he was deliberating on this matter with his friends in secret conference by night, and considering what force, and what contrivances might be employed for the purpose, before Gallus in his audacity should more resolutely set himself to plunging affairs into confusion, it seemed best that Gallus should be invited by civil letters, under pretence of some public affairs of an urgent nature requiring his advice, so that, being deprived of all support, he might be put to death without any hindrance. 2. But as several knots of light-minded flatterers opposed this opinion, among whom was Arbetio, a man of keen wit and always inclined to treachery, and Eusebius, a man always disposed to mischief, at that time the principal chamberlain, they suggested that if the Cajsar were to quit those countries it would be dangerous to leave Ursicinus in the East, with no one to check his designs, if he should cherish ambitious notions. 3. And these counsels were supported by the rest of the A.D. 353.] JEALOUSY OF CONSTANTIUS. , 37 royal eunuchs, whose avarice and covetousness at that period had risen to excess. These men, while performing their private duties about the court, by secret whispers supplied food for false accusations ; and by raising bitter suspicions of Ursicinus, ruined a most gallant man, creating by underhand means a belief that his grown-up sons began to aim at supreme power ; intimating that they were youths in the flower of their age and of admirable per- sonal beauty, skilful in the use of every kind of weapon, well trained in all athletic and military exercises, and favourably known for prudence and wisdom. They in- sinuated also that Gallus himself, being by nature fierce and unmanageable, had been excited to acts of additional cruelty and ferocity by persons placed about him for that purpose, to the end that, when he had brought upon him- self universal detestation, the ensigns of power might be transferred to the children of the master of the horse. 4. When these and similar suspicions were poured into the ears of Constantius, which were always open to reports of this kind, the emperor, revolving different plans in his mind, at last chose the following as the most advisable course. He commanded Ursicinus in a most complimentary manner to come to him, on the pretence that the urgent state of certain affairs required to be arranged by the aid of his counsel and concurrence, and that he had need of such additional support in order to crush the power of the Parthian tribes, who were threatening war. ' 5. And that he who was thus invited might not sus- pect anything unfriendly, the Count Prosper was sent to act as his deputy till he returned. Accordingly, when Ursicinus had received the letters, and had obtained a sufficient supply of carriages, and means of travelling, we 1 hastened to Milan with all speed. 6. The next thing was to contrive to summon the Csesar, and to induce him to make the like haste. And to remove all suspicion in his mind, Constantius used many hypocri- tical endearments to persuade his own sister, Gallus' s wife, whom he pretended he had long been wishing to see, to accompany him. And although she hesitated 1 It will be observed that Ammianus here speaks of himself aa in attendance upon Ursicinus. 38 AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XIV. CH. xi. from fear of her brother's habitual cruelty, yet, from a hope that, as he was her brother, she might be able to pacify him, she set out ; but when she reached Bithynia, at the station named Caeni Gallici, she was seized with a sudden fever and died. And after her death, her husband, considering that he had lost his greatest security and the chief support on which he relied, hesitated, taking anxious thought what he should do. 7. For amid the multiplicity of embarrassing affairs which distracted his attention, this point especially filled his mind with apprehension, that Constantius, determining everything according to his own sole judgment, was not a man to admit of any excuse, or to pardon any error; but being, as he was, more inclined to severity towards his kinsmen than towards others, would be sure to put him to death if he could get him into his power. 8. Being therefore in this critical sitiiation, and feeling that he had to expect the worst unless he took vigilant care, he embraced the idea of seizing on the supreme power if he could find any opportunity : but for two reasons he distrusted the good faith of his most intimate councillors ; both because they dreaded him as at once cruel and fickle, and also because amid civil dissensions they looked with awe upon the loftier fortune of Constantius. 9. While perplexed with these vast and weighty anxieties he received continual letters from, the emperor, advising and entreating him to come to him ; and giving him hints that the republic neither could nor ought to be divided ; but that every one was bound to the utmost of his power to bring aid to it when it was tottering; alluding in this to the devastations of the Gauls. 10. And to this suggestion he added an example of no great antiquity, that in the time of Diocletian and his colleague, 1 the Caesars obeyed them as their officers, not remaining stationary, but hastening to execute their orders in every direction. And that even Galerius went in his purple robe on foot for nearly a mile before the chariot of Augustus* when he was offended with him. 11. After many other messengers had been despatched to him, Scudilo the tribune of the Scutarii arrived, a very cun- ning master of persuasion under the cloak of a rude, blunt 1 Maximianiis Herculius. 2 Diocletian. VD.353.J CALLUS REACHES CONSTANTINOPLE. 39 disposition. He, by mixing flattering language with his serious conversation, induced him to proceed, when no one ej^e could do so, continually assuring him, with a hypo- critical countenance, that his cousin was extremely desirous to see him ; that, like a clement and merciful prince, he would pardon whatever errors had been committed through thoughtlessness ; that he would make him a partner in his own royal rank, and take him for his associate in those toils which the northern provinces, long in a disturbed state, imposed upon him. 12. And as when the Fates lay their hand upon a man his senses are wont to be blunted and dimmed, so Gallus, being led on by these alluring persuasions to the expectation of a better fortune, quitted Antioch under the guidance of an unfriendly star, and hurried, as the old proverb has it, out. of the smoke into the flame; 1 and having arrived at Constantinople as if in great prosperity and security, at the celebration of the equestrian games, he with his own band placed the crown on the head of the charioteer Corax, when he obtained the victory. 13. When Constantius heard this he became exaspe- rated beyond all bounds of moderation ; and lest by any chance Gallus, feeling uncertain of the future, should attempt to consult his safety by flight, all the garrisons stationed in the towns which lay in his road were care- fully removed. 14. And at the same time Taurus, who was sent as quasstor into Armenia, passed by without visiting or seeing him. Some persons, however, by the command of 1he emperor, arrived under the pretence of one duty or another, in order to take care that he should not be able to move, or make any secret attempt of any kind. Among whom was Leontius, afterwards prefect of the city, who was sent as quastor ; and Lucillianus, as count of the domestic guards, and a tribune of the Scutarii named Bainobaudes. 15. Therefore after a long journey through the level country, when he had reached Hadrianopolis, a city in the district of Mount Haemus, which had been formerly called Uscudama, where he stayed twelve days to recover from his fatigue, he found that the Theban legions, who were in winter quarters in the neighbouring towns of those parts, 1 As we say, Out of the fryinjj-pan into the fire. 40 AMMIANUS MARCELLIXUS. [B K . XIV. CH. xi. had sent some of their comrades to exhort him by trust- worthy and sure promises to remain there relying upon them, since they were posted in great force among the neighbouring stations ; but those about him watched him with such diligent care that he could get no opportunity of seeing them, or of hearing their message. 16. Then, as letter after letter from the emperor urged him to quit that city, he took ten public carriages, as he was desired to do, and leaving behind him all his retinue, except a few of his chamberlains and domestic officers, whom he had brought with him, he was in this poor manner compelled to hasten his journey, his guards forcing him to use all speed ; while he from time to time, with many regrets, bewailed the rashness which had placed him in a mean, and despised condition at the mercy of men of the lowest class. 17. And amid all these circumstances, in moments when exhausted nature sought repose in sleep, his senses were kept in a state of agitation by dreadful spectres making unseemly noises about him ; and crowds of those whom he had slain, led on by Domitianus and Montius, seemed to seize and tortiire him with all the torments of the Furies. 18. For the mind, when freed by sleep from its con- nection with the body, is nevertheless active, and being full of the thoughts and anxieties of mortal pursuits, en- genders mighty visions which we call phantoms. 19. Therefore his melancholy fate, by which it was destined he shoiild be deprived, of empire and life, lead- ing the way, he proceeded on his journey by continual relays of horses, till he arrived at Petobio, 1 a town in Noricum. Here all disguise Avas thrown off, and the Count Barbatio suddenly made his appearance, with Apo- demius, the secretary for the provinces, and an escort of soldiers whom the emperor had picked out as men bound to him by especial favours, feeling sure that they could not be turned from their obedience either by bribes or pity. 20. And now the affair was conducted to its conclusion without further disguise or deceit, and the whole portion of the palace which is outside the walls was surrounded by 1 The town of Pettau, on the Drave. A.D. 353.] CALLUS IS SENT INTO ISTRIA. 41 armed men. Barbatio, entering the palace before day- break, stripped the Csesar of his royal robes, and clothed him with a tunic and an ordinary soldier's garment, assuring him with many protestations, as if by the especial command of the emperor, that he should be exposed to no further suffering ; and then said to him, " Stand up at once." And having suddenly placed him in a private car- riage, he conducted him into \ stria, near to the town of Pola, where it is reported that Crispus, the son of Constan- tine, was formerly put to death. 21. And while he was there kept in strict confine- ment, being already terrified with apprehensions of his approaching destruction, Eusebius, at that time the high chamberlain, arrived in haste, and with him Pentadius the secretary, and Mallobaudes the tribune of the guard, who had the emperor's orders to compel him to explain, case by case, on what accounts he had ordered each of the individuals whom he had executed at Antioch to bo put to death. 22. He being struck with a paleness like that of Aclrastus ' at these questions, was only able to reply that he had put most of them to death at the instigation of his wife Constantina ; being forsooth ignorant that when the mother of Alexander the Great urged him to put to death some one who was innocent, and in the hope of prevailing with him, repeated to him over and over again that she had borne him nine months in her womb, and was his mother, that emperor made her this prudent answer, " My excellent mother, ask for some other reward ; for the life of a man cannot be put in the balance with any kind of service." 23. "When this was known, the emperor, giving way to unchangeable indignation and anger, saw that his only hope of establishing security firmly lay in putting the Caesar to death. And having sent Serenianus, whom we have already spoken of as having been accused of treason, but acquitted by intrigue, and Pentadius the secre- tary, and Apoderaius the, secretary for the provinces, he commanded that they should put him to death. And 1 A paleness such as overspread the countenance of Aclrastus when he saw his two sons-in-law, Pydeus and Polynices, slain at Thebes. Virgil speaks of Adrasti pallentis imago, Mil. vi. 480. 4-2 AMMIAXU3 MARCELLIXU3. [BK. XIV. Cu. xi accordingly his hands were bound like those of some con- victed thief, and he was beheaded, and his carcass, which but a little while ago had been the object of dread to cities and provinces, deprived of head and defaced: it was then left on the ground. 24. In this the supervision of the supreme Deity mani- fested itself to be everywhere vigilant. For not only did the cruelties of Gallus bring about his own destruction, but they also who, by their pernicious flattery and instigation, and charges supported by perjury, had led him to the perpetration of many murders, not long afterwards died miserably. Scudilo, being afflicted with a liver complaint which penetrated to his lungs, died vomiting ; while Bai % - batio, who had long busied himself in inventing false accusations against Gallus, was accused by secret infor- mation of aiming at some post higher than his command of infantry, and being condemned, though unjustly, was put to death, and so by his melancholy end made atonement to the shade of the Csesar. 25. These, and innumerable other actions of the same kind, Adrastea, who is also called Nemesis, the avenger of wicked and the rewarder of good deeds, is continually bringing to pass : would that she could always do so ! She is a kind of sublime agent of the powerful Deity, dwelling, according to common belief, above the human circle ; or, as others define her, she is a substantial pro- tection, presiding over the particular destinies of indi- viduals, and feigned by the ancient theologians to be the daughter of Justice, looking down from a certain inscrutable eternity upon all terrestrial and mundane affairs. 26. She, as queen of all causes of events, and arbitress and umpire in all affairs of life, regulates the urn which contains the lots of men, and directs the alternations of fortune which we behold in the world, frequently bringing our undertakings to an issue different from what we in- tended, and involving and changing great numbers of actions. She also, binding the vainly swelling pride of mankind by the indissoluble fetters of necessity, and sway- ing the inclination of progress and decay according to her will, sometimes bows down and enfeebles the stiff neck of arrogance, and sometimes raises virtxious men from the 4.D. 353.J DEATH OF GALLUS. 43 lowest depth, leading them to a prosperous and happy life. And it is on this account that the fables of antiquity have represented her with wings, that she may be sup- posed to be present at all events with prompt celerity. And they have also placed a rudder in her hand and given her a wheel under her feet, that mankind may be aware that she governs the universe, running at will through all the elements. 1 27. In this untimely manner did the Csesar, being himself also already weary of life, die, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, having reigned four years. He was born in the country of the Etrurians, in the district of Yeternum,' 2 being the son of Constantius, the brother of the Emperor Constantine ; his mother was Galla, the sister of Kufinus and Cerealis, men who had been ennobled by the offices of consul and prefect. 28. He was a man of splendid stature and great beauty of person and figure, with soft hair of a golden colour, his newly sprouting beard covering his cheeks with a tender down, and in spite of his youth his countenance showed dignity and authority. He differed as much from the tem- perate habits of his brother Julian, as the sons of Vespasian, Domitian and Titus, differed from each other. 29. After he had been taken by the emperor as his colleague, and raised to the highest eminence of power, he experienced the fickle changeableness of fortune which mocks mortality, sometimes raising individuals to the 1 Ammianus here confounds Nemesis with Fortuna. Compare Horace's description of the latter goddess, Lib. i. Od. 34 : "... Valet ima summis Mutare, et insignia attenuat deus Obscura promens : hiric apieena rapax Fortuna cum stridore acuto Sustulit ; hie posuisse gaudet." Or, as it is translated by Dr. Francis : " The hand of Jove can crush the proud Down to the meanness of the crowd : And raise the lowest in his stead : But rapid Fortune pulls him down, And snatches his imperial crown, To place, not fx it, on another's head." 2 Near the modern city of Sienna. 4-t AMMIANUS MARCKLLIXUS. [BK. XIV. CH. xr. stars, at others sinking them to the lowest depths of hell. 30. And though the examples of such vicissitudes are beyond number, nevertheless I will only enumerable a few in a cursory manner. This changeable and fickle fortune made Agathocles, the Sicilian, a king from being a potter, and reduced Dionysius, formerly the terror of all nations, to be the master of a grammar school. This same fortune emboldened Andriscus of Adramyttimn, who had been born in a fuller's shop, to assume the name of Philip, and com- pelled the legitimate son of Perseus ' to descend to the trade of a blacksmith to obtain a livelihood. Again, for- tune surrendered Mancinus 2 to the people of Kumantia, after he had enjoyed the supreme command, exposed Veturrus 3 to the cruelty of the Sanmites, Claudius 4 to that of the Corsicans, and made Eegulus 5 a victim to the ferocity of the Carthaginians. Through the injustice of fortune, Pompey, 6 after he had acquired the surname of the Great by the grandeur of his exploits, was murdered in /Egypt at the pleasure of some eunuchs, while a fellow named Eunus, a slave who had escaped from a house of correction, commanded an army of runaway slaves in Sicily. How many men of the highest birth, through the connivance of this same fortune, submitted to the authority of Viriathus and of Spartacus ! 7 How many heads at which nations once trembled have fallen under the deadly hand of the executioner ! One man is thrown into prison, another is promoted to unexpected power, 1 See Plutarch's Life of -ZEmilius, c. 37. The name of the young prince was Alexander. 2 Called also Hostilius; cf. Veil. Paterc. ii. 1. 3 Cf. Liv. ix. c. x. ; Cicero de Officiis, iii. 30. 4 Of Val. Max. vi. 3. 5 Cf. Horace, Od. iv. nit. ; Floras, ii. 1. The story of the cruelties inflicted on Regulus is now, however, generally disbelieved. 6 The fate of Pompey served also as an instance to Juvenal in iiis satire on the vanity of human wishes. Provida Pompeio diderat Campania febres Optandas, sed mu'ltte urbes et publica vota Vicerunt ; igitnr Fortuna ipsius et urbis Servatum victo caput abstulit. Sat. X. 283, &c. " Spartacus was the celebrated leader of the slaves in the Servile War. A.D. 35-l.j INDUSTRY OF THE AUTHOR. 45 a third is hurled down from the highest rank and dignity. But he who would endeavour to enumerate all the various antl frequent instances of the caprice of fortune, might as well undertake to number the sands or ascertain the weight of mountains. BOOK XV. ARGUMENT. I. The death of the Csesar Gallus is announced to the emperor. II. Ursicinus, the commander of the cavalry in the East ; Julian, the brother of the Caesar Gallus ; and Gorgonius, the high cham- berlain, are accused of treason. III. The adherents and servants of the Ca3sar Gallus are punished. IV. The Allemanni of the district of Lintz are defeated by the Emperor Constantius with great loss. V. Silvanus, a Frank, the commander of the infantry in Gaul, is saluted as emperor at Cologne ; and on the twenty-eighth day of his reign is destroyed by stratagem. VI. The friends and adherents of Silvanus are put to death. VII. Seditions of the Eoman people are repressed by Leontius, the prefect of the city ; Liberius, the bishop, is driven from his see. VIII. Julian, the brother of Gallus, is created Csesar by the Emperor Constantius, his uncle ; and is appointed to command. IX. On the origin of the Gauls, and from whence they derive the names of Celts and Gauls ; and of their treaties. X. Of the Gallic Alps, and of the various passes over them. XI. A brief description of Gaul, and of the course of the River Rhone. XII. Of the manners of the Gauls. XIII. Of Musonianus, prefect of the Prsetorium in the East. I. A.D. 354. 1. HAVING investigated the truth to the best of our power we have hitherto related all the transactions which either our age permitted us to witness, or which we could learn from careful examination of those who were con- cerned in them, in the order in which the several events took place. The remaining facts, which the succeeding books will set forth, we will, as far as our talent permits, explain with the greatest accuracy, without fearing those who may be inclined to cavil at our work as too long; 46 A1IMIANUS MAUCELLIXUS. '_%& XV. CH. r. for brevity is only to be praised when, while it puts an end to unseasonable delays, it suppresses nothing which is well authenticated. 2. Gallus had hardly breathed his last in Koricum, when Apodemius, who as long as he lived had been a fieiy instigator of disturbances, caught up his shoes and carried them off, journeying, with frequent relays of horses, so rapidly as even to kill some of them by excess of speed, and so brought the first news of what had occurred to Milan. And having made his way into the palace, he threw down the shoes before the feet of Constantius, as if he were bringing the spoils of a king of the Parthians who had been slain. And when this sudden news arrived that an affair so unexpected and difficult had been exe- cuted with entire facility in complete accordance with the wish of the emperor, the principal courtiers, accord- ing to their custom, exerting all their zeal in the path of flattery, extolled to the skies the virtue and good fortune of the emperor, at whose nod, as if they had been mere common soldiers, two princes had thus been deprived of their power, namely, Veteranio and Gallus. 3. And Constantius being exceedingly elated at the exquisite taste of this adulation, and thinking that he him- self for the future should be free from all the ordinary inconveniences of mortality, now began to depart from the path of justice so evidently that he even at times laid claim to immortality ; and in writing letters with his own hand, would style himself lord of the whole world ; a thing which, if others had said, any one ought to have been indignant at, who laboured with proper dili- gence to form his life and habits in emulation of the con- stitutional princes who had preceded him, as he professed to do. 4. For even if he had under his power the infinities of worlds fancied by Democritus, as Alexander the Great, under the promptings of Anaxarchus, did fancy, yet either by reading, or by hearing others speak, he might have considered that (as mathematicians unanimously agree) the circumference of the whole earth, immense as it seems to us, is nevertheless not bigger than a pin's point as com- pared with the greatness of the universe. A.D. 354.] DANGER OF URSICINUS. 47 II. IT AND now, after the pitiable death of the Czesar, the trumpet of judicial dangers sounded the alarm, and Ursi- cinus was impeached of treason, envy gaining more and more strength every day to attack his safety ; envy which is inimical to all powerful men. 2. For he was overcome by this difficulty, that, while the ears of the emperor were shut against all defences which were reasonable and easy of proof, they were open to all the secret whispers of calumniators, who pretended that his name was almost disused among all the districts of the East, and that Ursicinus was urged by them both privately and publicly to be their commander, as one who could be formidable to the Persian nation. 3. But this magnanimous man stood his ground im- movably against whatever might happen, only taking care not to throw himself away in an abject manner, and grieving from his heart that innocence had no safe founda- tion on which to stand. And the more sad also for this consideration, that before these events took place many of his friends had gone over to other more powerful persons, as in cases of official dignity the lictors go over to the successors of former officers. ' 4. His colleague Arbetio was attacking him by cajol- ing words of feigned good-will, often publicly speaking of him as a virtuous and brave man ; Arbetio being a man of great cunning in laying snares for men of simple life, and one who at that season enjoyed too much power. For as a serpent that has its hole underground and hidden from the sight of man observes the different passers-by, and attacks whom it will Avith a sudden spring, so this man, having been raised from being a common soldier of the lowest class to the highest military dignities, without having received any injury or any provocation, polluted his conscience from an insatiable desire of doing mis- chief. 5. Therefore, having a few partners in his secrets for accomplices, he had secretly arranged with the emperor when he asked his opinion, that on the next night Ursicinus should be seized and carried away from the sight of the soldiers, and so be put to death uncondemned, just as 48 .AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bs. XV. CH. I. formerly Domitius Corbulo, that faithful and wise defender of our provinces, is said to have been slain in the miserable period of Nero's cruelty. G. And after the matter had been thus arranged, while the men destined for the service of seizing Ursicinus were waiting fur the appointed time, the emperor's mind changed feo mercy, and so this impious deed was put off for further consideration. 7. Then the engine of calumny was directed against Julian, who had lately been brought to court ; a prince who afterwards became memorable, but Avho was now attacked with a two-fold accusation, as the iniquity of his enemies thought requisite. First, that he had gone from the Park of Macellurn, which lies in Cappadocia, into Asia, from a desire of acquiring polite learning. Secondly, that he had seen his brother as he passed through Con- stantinople. 8. And when he had explained away the charges thus brought against him, and had proved that he had not done either of these things without being ordered, he would still have perished through the intrigues of the abandoned court of flatterers, if he had not been saved by the favour of the supreme Deity, with the assistance of Queen Eusebia. By her intercession he obtained leave to be conducted to the town of Como, in the neighbourhood of Milan ; and after he had remained there a short time he was permitted to go to Greece for the purpose of cultivating his literary tastes, as he was very eager to do. 9. Nor were there wanting other incidents arising out of these occurrences, which might be looked upon as events under the direction of Providence, as some of them were rightly pxmished, while others failed of their design, proving vain and ineffective. But it occasionally happened that rich men, relying on the protection of those in office, and clinging to them as the ivy clings to lofty trees, bought acquittals at immense prices ; and that poor men Avho had little or no means of piirchasing safety were condemned out of hand. And therefore truth was overshadowed by false- hood, and sometimes falsehood obtained the authority of truth. 10. In these days Gorgonius also was summoned to court, the man who had been the Caesar's principal cham- A.D. 351.] SEVERE TREATiMENT OF CALLUS'S FRIENDS. 49 berlain. And though it was made plain by his own con- fession that he had been a partner in his undertakings, anrt sometimes a chief instigator of them, yet through the conspiracy of the eunuchs justice was overpowered by dexterously arranged falsehoods, and he was acquitted and so escaped the danger. III. 1. WHILE these events were taking place at Milan, batta- lions of soldiers were brought from the East to Aquileia, with a number of members of the court, who, being broken in spirit, while their limbs were enfeebled by the weight of their chains, cursed the protraction of their lives which -were surrounded with every variety of misery. For they were accused of having been the ministers of the ferocity of Gallus, and it was believed to be owing to them that Domitian had been torn to pieces, and that Montius and others had been brought to destruction. 2. Arboreus, and Eusebius, at that time high chamber- lain, both men of insane arrogance, and equally unjust and cruel, were appointed to try these men. And they, with- out any careful examination, or making any distinction between the innocent and the guilty, condemned some to scourgings, others to torture and exile, some they adjudged to serve in the lowest ranks of the army, and the rest they condemned to death. And when they had thus filled the sepulchres with dead bodies, they returned as if in triumph, and brought an account of their exploits to the emperor, who was notoriously severe and implacable against all offences of the kind. 3. After this, throughout the rest of his reign, Con- stantius, as if resolved to reverse the prescribed arrangement of the Fates, behaved with greater violence than ever, and opened his heart to numbers of designing plotters. And owing to this conduct, many men arose who watched for all kinds of reports, at first attacking, as with the appetite of wild beasts, those in the enjoyment of the highest honours and rank, and afterwards both poor and rich indiscriminately. Not like those Cibyratse in the time of Verres, 1 fawning on the tribunal of a single lieutenant, 1 Tlepolemus and Hiero, whom Cicero, Verres iii. 11, calls Cibyratici canes. E 50 AMMIAJTCJS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XV. CH. in. but harassing the liinbs of the whole republic by means of all the evils that arose anywhere. 4. Among these men Paulus and Mercurius were espe- cially conspicuous, the first a Dacian born, the latter a Persian. Mercurius was a notary, and Paulus had been promoted from being a steward of the emperor's table to a receivership in the provinces. Paulus, as I have already mentioned, had been nicknamed The Chain, because in weaving knots of calumnies he was invincible, scattering around foul poisons and destroying people by various means, as some skilful wrestlers are wont in their contests to catch hold of their antagonists by the heel. 5. Mercurius was nicknamed Count of Dreams, because (as a dog fond of biting secretly fawns and wags his tail while full of inward spite) he forced his way into feasts and companies, and if any one in his sleep (when nature roves about with an extraordinary degree of freedom) communicated to a friend that he had seen anything, ex- aggerated it, colouring it for the most part with envenomed arts, and bore it to the open ears of the emperor. And for such speeches men were attacked with formidable accusa- tions, as if they had committed inexpiable crimes. 6. The news of these events having got abroad, men were so cautious of even relating nocturnal dreams, that, in the presence of a stranger, they would scarcely con- fess they had slept at all. And some accomplished men lamented that they had not been born in the country of Mount Atlas, 1 where it is said that dreams never occur, though what the cause of such a fact is, we must leave to those who are learned in such matters to decide. 7. Amid all these terrible investigations and punish- ments, another disaster took place in Illyricum, which from some empty words involved many in danger. At an entertainment given by Africanus, the governor of the second Pannonia, at Sirmium, some men having drunk rather too much, and thinking there was no witness of their proceedings, spoke freely of the existing imperial government, accusing it as most vexatious to the people. And some of them expressed a hope that a change, such as was wished for by all, might be at hand, affirming that 1 Herodotus, iv. 184, records that in Africa, in the country about 3. r ount Atlas, dreams are unknown. A.D. 354.] SEVERE TREATMENT OF GALLUS's FRIENDS. ol this was portended by omens, while some, with incredible rashness, affirmed that the auguries of their ancestral house pKimised the same thing. 8. Among those present at the banquet was Gaudentius, one of the secretaries, a stupid man, and of a hasty disposi- tion. And he looking upon the matter as serious, reported it to Rufinus, who was at that time the chief commander of the guard of the praetorian prefecture, a man always eager for the most cruel measures, and infamous for every kind of wickedness. 9. He immediately, as if borne on wings, flew to the court of the emperor, and so bitterly inflamed him, always easy of access and susceptible of impressions from sus- picious circumstances of this kind, that without a moment's deliberation he ordered Africanus and all who had been partakers of his fatal banquet to be seized. And when this was done, the wicked informer, always fond of what- ever is contrary to popular manners, obtained what he most coveted, a continuation of his existing office for two years. 10. To arrest these men, Teutomeres, the chief of the Protectores, was sent with his colleague ; and he loaded them all with chains, and conducted them, as he had been ordered, to the emperor's court. But when they arrived at Aquileia, Marinus, who from having been a drillmaster had been promoted to a tribuneship, but who at that time had had no pai~ticular duty, being a man who had held dangerous language, and who was in other respects of an intemperate disposition, being left in an inn while things necessary for the journey were being prepared, stabbed himself with a knife which he accidentally found, and his bowels gushed out, so that he died. The rest were con- ducted to Milan, and subjected to torture ; and having been forced by their agony to confess that while at the banquet they had used some petulant expressions, were ordered to be kept in penal confinement, with some hope, though an uncertain one, of eventual "release. But Teuto- meres and his colleague, being accused of having allowed Marinus to kill himself, were condemned to banishment, though they were afterwards pardoned through the inter- cession of Arbetio. 52 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XV. CH. IV. IV. 1. SOON after this transaction had been thus terminated, war was declared against the tribes of the Alleinanni 'around Lentia, 1 who had often made extensive incursions into the contiguous Eoman territories. The emperor him- self set out on the expedition, and went as far as Rhsetia, and the district of the Canini. 2 And there, after long and careful deliberation, it was decided to be both honour- able and expedient that Arbetio, the master of the horse, should inarch with a division of the troops, in fact with the greater part of the army, along the borders of the lake of Brigantia, with the object of coming to an immediate engagement with the barbarians. And I will here describe the character of the ground briefly, as well as I can. 2. The Rhine rising among the denies of lofty moun- tains, and forcing its way with immense violence through steep rocks, stretches its onward course without receiving any foreign waters, in the same manner as the Nile pours down with headlong descent through the cataracts. And it is so abundantly full by its own natural riches that it would be navigable up to its very source were it not like a torrent rather than a stream. 3. And soon after it has disentangled itself from its denies, rolling onward between high banks, it enters a vast lake of circular form, which the Rhsetian natives call Brigantia, 3 being four hundred and sixty furlongs in length, and of nearly equal extent in breadth, unapproach- able on account of a vast mass of dark woods, except where the energy of the Romans has made a wide road through them, in spite of the hostility of the barbarians, and the unfavourable character both of the ground and the climate. 4. The Rhine forcing its way into this pool, and roaring with its foaming eddies, pierces the sluggish quiet of the waters, and rushes through the middle from one end to the other. And like an element separated from some other element by eternal discord, without any increase or diminution of the volume of water which it has brought into the lake, it comes forth from it again with its old 1 Lintz. 2 The district around Bcllinzona. 3 The Bodensee, more generally known us the Lake of Constance : at its south-eastern end is the town of Bregenz, the ancient Brigantia. A.D. 351.] THE OUTBREAK OF THE LENTIEXSES. 53 name and its unalloyed power, never having suffered from the contact, and so proceeds till it mingles with the waves of~fhe sea. 5. And what is exceedingly strange, the lake is not moved at all by this rapid passage of the river through it, nor is it affected by the muddy soil beneath the waters of the lake ; the two bodies of water being incapable of mingling with each other. A thing which would be sup- posed impossible, did not the very sight of the lake prove the fact. 6. In a similar manner, the Alpheus, rising in Arcadia, being seized with a love for the fountain Arethusa, 1 passing through the Ionian sea, as is related by the poets, proceeds " onward till it arrives at the neighbourhood of its beloved fountain. 7. Arbetio not choosing to wait till messengers arrived to announce the approach of the barbarians, although he knew the fierce way in which they begin their wars, Allowed himself to be betrayed into a hidden ambush, where he stood without the power of moving, being bewildered by the suddenness of his disaster. 8. In the mean time the enemy, showing themselves, sprang forth from their hiding-places and spared not one who came in their way, but overwhelmed them with every kind of weapon. For none of our men could offer the smallest resistance, nor was there any hope of any of them being able to save their lives except by a speedy flight. Therefore, being intent only on avoiding wounds, our soldiers, losing all order, ran almost at random in every direction, exposing their backs to the blows of the enemy. Nevertheless the greater part of them, scattering themselves among narrow paths, were saved from danger by tho protecting darkness of the night, and at the retxim of day recovered their courage and rejoined their different legions. But still by this sad and unexpected disaster a vast number of common soldiers and ten tribunes were slain. 9. The Allemanni were greatly elated at this event, and advanced with increased boldness, every day coming up to the fortifications of the Romans while the morning mists obscured the light ; and drawing their swords roamed about 1 The Aretlmsa is in Sicily, near Syracuse. 0-t AMMIAXUS MARCELL1NUS. [Bu. XV. CH. iv. in every direction, gnashing their teeth, and threatening us with haughty shouts. Then with a sudden sally our Scutarii would rush forth, and after being stopped for a moment by the resistance of the hostile squadrons, would call out all their comrades to join them in the engage- ment. 10. But the greater part of our men were alarmed by the recollection of their recent disaster, and Arbetio hesitated, thinking everything pregnant with danger. Upon this three tribunes at once sallied forth, Arintheus who was a lieutenant commander of the heavy troops, Seniauchus who commanded the cavalry of the Comites, 1 and Bappo who had the command of the Promoti* and of those troops who had been particularly intnisted to his charge by the emperor. 11. These men, looking on the common cause as their own, resolved to repel the violence of the enemy according to the example of their ancient comrades. And pouring down upon the foe like a torrent, not in a regular line of battle, but in desultory attacks like those of banditti, they put them all to flight in a disgraceful manner. Since they, being in loose order and straggling, and hampered by their endeavours to escape, exposed their unprotected bodies to our weapons, and were slain by repeated blows of sword and spear. 12. Many too were slain with their horses, and seemed as they lay on their backs to be so entangled as still to be sitting on them. And when this was seen, all our men who had previously hesitated to engage in battle with their comrades, poured forth out of the camp ; and now, forget- ful of all precautions, they drove before them the mob of barbarians, except such as flight had saved from destruction, trampling on the heaps of slain, and covered with gore. 13. "When the battle was thus terminated the emperor in triumph and joy returned to Milan to winter quarters. 1 The Comites were a picked body of troops, divided into several regiments distinguished by separate names, such as Seniores, Juniores, J-'airittarii, &c. - The Promoti were also picked men, something like the Comites the French translator calls them the Veterans. >.i. 555.1 THE STORY OF SILVAXUS. 55 V. A.D. 355. 1. AFTER these unhappy circumstances, accompanied as they were with equal calamities in the provinces, a whirl- wind of new misfortunes arose which seemed likely to destroy the whole state at once, if Fortune, which regu- lates the events of human life, had not terminated a state of affairs which all regarded with great apprehension, by bringing the dangers to a speedy issue. 2. From the long neglect with which these provinces had been treated, the Gauls, having no assistance on which to rely, had borne cruel massacres, with plunder and con- flagration, from barbarians who raged throughout their land with impunity. Silvanus, the commander of the infantry, being a man well suited to correct these evils, went thither at the command of the emperor, Arbetio at the same time urging with all his power that this task should be undertaken without delay, with the object of imposing the dangerous burden of this duty on his absent rival, whom he was vexed to see still in prosperity. . ' . . 3. There was a certain man -named Dynartmis, the super- intendent of the emperor's beasts of burden, who had begged of Silvanus recommendatory letters to his friends as of one who was admitted to his most intimate friendship. Having obtained this favour, as Silvanus, having no sus- picion of any evil intention, had with great simplicity granted what ho was asked, Dynamius kept the letters, in order at a future time to plan something to his injury. 4. Therefore, when the aforesaid commander had gone to" the Gauls in the service of the republic, and while be was engaged in repelling the barbarians, who already began to distrust their own power, and to be filled with alarm, Dynamius, being restless, like a man of cunning and practised deceitfulness, devised a wicked plot ; and in this it is said he had for his accomplices Lampadius, the prefect of the praetorian guard, Euscbius, who had been the superintendent of the emperor's privy purse, and was known by the nickname of Matty ocopa, 1 and 1 From K6irrw to cut, and parrva. any delicate food ; meant as equivalent to our cheeseparer, or skinflint. 56 AJIMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bu. XV. Cn. v yEdesius, formerly keeper of the records, whom this prefect had contrived to have elected consul, as being his dearest friend. He then with a sponge effaced the contents of the letters, leaving nothing but the address, and inserted a text materially differing from the original writing, as if Silvanus had asked, by indirect hints, and entreated his friends who were within the palace and those who had no office (among whom was Albinus of Etruria, and many others), to aid him in projects of loftier am- bition, as one who would soon attain the imperial throne. This bundle of letters he thus made up, inventing at his leisure, in order with them to endanger the life of this innocent man. 5. Dynamius was appointed to investigate these charges on behalf of the emperor ; and while he was artfully weaving these and similar plans, he contrived to enter alone into the imperial chamber, choosing his opportunity, and hoping to entangle firmly in his meshes the most vigilant guardian of the emperor's safety. And being full of wicked cun- ning, after he had read the forged packet of letters in the council chamber, the tribunes were ordered to be com- mitted to custody, and also several private individuals were commanded to be arrested and brought up from the provinces, whose names were mentioned in those letters. 6. But presently Malarichus, the commander of the Gen- tiles, being struck with the iniquity of the business, and taking his colleagues to his counsel, spoke out loudly that men devoted to the preservation of the emperor ought not to be circumvented by factions and treachery. He accordingly demanded that he himself, his nearest relations being left as hostages, and Mallobaudes, the tribune of the heavy-armed soldiers, giving bail that he would return, might be commis- sioned to go with speed to bring back Silvanus, who he was certain had never entertained the idea of any such attempt as these bitter plotters had imputed to him. Or, as an alternative, he entreated that he might become security for Mallobaudes, and that their officers might be permitted to go and do what he had proposed to take upon himself. 7. For he affirmed that he knew beyond all question that, if any stranger were sent, Silvanus, who was inclined to be somewhat apprehensive of danger, even when no A.D. 355.] THE STORY OF SILVANUS. 57 circumstances were really calculated to alarm him, woiiH very likely throw matters into confusion. -8. But, although the advice which he gave was useful and necessary, he spoke as to the winds, to no purpose. For by the counsels of Arbetio, Apodemius, who was a persevering and bitter enemy to all good men, was sent with letters to summon Silvanus to the presence. When he had ai-rived in Gaul, taking no heed of the commission with which he was charged, and caring but little for any- thing that might happen, he remained inactive, without either seeing Silvanus, or delivering the letters which commanded him to appear at court. And having taken the receiver of the province into his counsels, he began with arrogance and malevolence to harass the clients and servants of the master of the horse, as if that officer had been already condemned and was on the point of being executed. 9. In the mean time, while the arrival of Silvanus was looked for, and while Apodemius was throwing everything, though quiet before, into commotion, Dynamius, that he might by still more convincing proofs establish belief in his wicked plots, had sent other forged letters (agreeing with the previous ones which he had brought under the emperor's notice by the agency of the prefect) to the tribune of the factory at Cremona : these were written in the names of Silvanus and Malarichus, in which the tribune, as one privy to their secrets, was warned to lose no time in having everything in readiness. 10. But when this tribune had read the whole of the letters, he was for some time in doubt and perplexity as to what they could mean (for he did not recollect that those persons whose letters he had thus received had ever spoken with him upon private transactions of any kind) ; and accordingly he sent the letters themselves, by the courier who had brought them, to Malarichus, sending a soldier also with him ; and entreated Malarichus to explain in intelligible language what he wanted, and not to use such obscure terms. For he declared that he, being but a plain and somewhat rude man, had not in the least understood what was intimated so obscurely. 11. Malarichus the moment he received the letters, being already in sorrow and anxiety, and alarmed for his own 58 .AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. [BK. XV. CH. v fate and that of his countryman Silvanus, called around him. the Franks, of whom at that time there was a great multitude in the palace, and in resolute language laid open and proved the falsehood of the machinations by which their lives were threatened, and was loud in his complaints. 12. When these things became known to the emperor, he appointed the members of his secret council and the chief officers of his army to make further investigation of the matter. And when the judges appeared to make light of it, Florentius the son of iS'igridianus, who at that time filled the post of master of the offices, 1 having examined the writings carefully, and detecting beneath them some vestiges of the tops of the former words which had been effaced, perceived, as was indeed the case, that by inter- polations of the original letter, matters very different from any of which Silvanus was author had been written over them, according to the fancy of the contriver of this forgery. 13. On this the cloud of treachery was dispersed, and the emperor, informed of the truth by a faithful report, recalled the powers granted to the prefect, and ordered him to be submitted to an examination. Nevertheless he was acquitted through the active combination of many of his friends ; while Eusebius, the former treasurer of the emperor's secret purse, being put to the torture, confessed that these things had been done with his privity. 14. yEdesius, affirming with obstinate denial that lie had never known anything which had been done in the matter, escaped, being adjudged innocent. And thus the transaction was brought to an end, and all those who had been accused in the original information were acquitted ; and Dyiiamius, as a man of exceeding accomplishments and prudence, was appointed to govern Etruria with the rank of corrector. 15. While these affairs were proceeding, Silvanus was living at Agrippina, 4 and having learnt by continual 1 This was a very important post ; it seems to have united the func- tions of a modern chamberlain, chancellor, and secretary of state. The master presented citizens to the emperor, received foreign ambassadors, recommended men for civil employments, decided civil actions of several kinds, and superintended many of the affairs of the post. 2 Cologne. A.D. 355.] S1LVANUS ASSUMES THE IMPERIAL DIGNITY. 59 information sent to him by his friends what Apodemius was doing with the hope of effecting his ruin; and Knowing also how impressible the mind of the feeble emperor was ; began to fear lest in his absence, and without being convicted of any crime, he might still be treated as a criminal. And so, being placed in a situation of the greatest difficulty, he began to think of trusting himself to the good faith of the barbarians. 16. But being dissuaded from this by Laniogaisus, at that time a tribiine, whom we have already spoken of as the only person who was present with Constans when he was dying, himself serving at that time as a volunteer ; and being assured by Laniogaisus that the Franks, of whom he himself was a countryman, would put him to death, or else betray him for a bribe, he saw no safety anywhere in the present emergency, and so was driven to extreme counsels. And by degrees, having secretly con- ferred with the chiefs of the principal legions, and having excited them by the magnitude of promised rewards, he tore for use on this occasion the purple silk from the in- signia of the dragons ' and standards, and so assumed the title of emperor. 17. And while these events are passing in Gaul, one day, a little before sunset, an unexpected messenger arrived at Milan, relating fully that Silvanus, being ambitious to rise above his place as commander of the infantry, had tampered with the army, and assumed the imperial dignity. 18. Constantius, at this amazing and unexpected event, seemed as if struck by a thunderbolt of fate, and having at once summoned a council to meet at the second watch, all the nobles hastened to the palace. No one had either mind to conceive or tongue to recommend what was best to be done; but in suppressed tones they mentioned the name of Ursicinus as a man eminent for skill in affairs of war, and one who had been undeservedly exposed to most injurious treatment. He was immediately sent for by the principal chamberlain, which is the most honourable kind of summons, and as soon as he entered the council-chamber he was offered the purple to salute much more graciously than at any former time. Diocletian was the first who in- troduced the custom of offering reverence to the emperor 1 The dragons were the effigies on some of the standards. 60 A1IMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bs. XV. Cn. v. after this foreign manner and royal pretension ; whereas all former princes, as we read, had been saluted like judges. 19. And so the man who a little while before, through the malevolent persecution of certain of the courtiers, had been termed the whirlpool of the East, and who had been accused of a design to aim at the supreme power for his sons, was now recommended as one who was a most skilful general, who had been the comrade of the great Constan- tine, and as the only man capable of extinguishing the threatened conflagration. And though the reasons for which he was sent for were honest, they were not wholly free from underhand motives. For while great anxiety was felt that Silvanus should be destroyed as a most for- midable rebel, yet, if that object miscarried, it was thought that Ursicinus, being damaged by the failure, would him- self easily be ruined ; so that no scruple, which else was to be feai^ed, would interpose to save him from, destruction. 20. While arrangements were being made for acclerating his journey, the general was preparing to repel the charges which had been brought against him ; but the emperor prevented him, forbidding him in conciliatory language, saying that this was not an opportunity suitable for under- taking any controversy in defence of his cause, when the imminent necessity of affairs rather prompted that no delay should be interposed to the restoration of parties to their pristine concord before the disunion got worse. 21. Therefore, after a long deliberation about many things, the first and most important matter in which con- sultation was held, was by what means Silvanus could be led to think the emperor still ignorant of his conduct. And the most likely manner to confirm him in his con- fidence appeared to be that he should be informed, in a complimentary despatch, that Ursicinus was appointed his successor, and that he was invited to return to court with undiminished power. 22. After this affair was arranged, the officer who had brought the news to Milan was ordered to depart with some tribunes and ten of the Protectores and domestic guard as an escort, given to him at his own request, to aid him in the discharge of his public duty. And of these I myself was one, with my colleague Verriuianus ; and all the rest were either friends or relations of mine. A.D. 355.] URSICINUS GOES TO COLOGNE. 61 23. And now all of us, fearing mainly for ourselves, accompanied him a long distance on his journey ; and although we seemed as exposed to danger as gladiators about to fight with wild beasts, yet considering in our minds that evils are often the forerunners of good, we recollected with admiration that expression of Cicero's, uttered by him in accordance with the eternal maxims of truth, which runs in these words : l " And although it is a thing most desirable that one's fortune should always con- tinue in a most flourishing condition ; still that general level state of life brings not so much sensation of joy as we feel when, after having been surrounded by disasters or by dangers, fortune returns into a happier condition." 24. Accordingly we hastened onwards by forced journeys, in order that the master of the horse, who was eager to acquire the honour of suppressing the revolt, might make his appearance in the suspected district before any rumour of the usurpation of Silvanus had spread among the Italians. But rapidly as we hastened, fame, like the wind, had outstripped us, and had revealed some part of the facts ; and when we reached Agrippina we found matters quite out of the reach of our attempts. 25. For a vast multitude of people, assembled from all quarters, were, with a mixture of haste and alarm, strengthening the foundations of Silvanus's enterprise, and a numerous military force was collected ; so that it seemed more advisable, on the existing emergency, for our unfor- tunate general to await the intentions and pleasure of the new emperor, who was assuring himself by ridiculous omens and signs that he was gaining accessions of strength. By permitting his feelings of security to increase, by diiferent 1 There is no such passage in any extant -work of Cicero, but a sen- tence in his speech ad Pontiflces resembles it : " For although it be more desirable to end one's life without pain, and without injury, still it tends more to an immortality of glory to be regretted by one's countrymen, than to have been always free from injury." And a still closer likeness to the sentiment is found in his speech ad Quirites post reditum : " Although there is nothing more to be wished for by man than prosperous, equal, continual good-fortune in life, flowing on in a prosperous course, without any misadventure ; still, if all my life had been tranquil and peaceful, I should have been deprived of the in- credible and almost heavenly delight and happiness which I now enjoy through your kindness." Orations, v. 2 ; Bohn, p. 491-2. 62 A.MMIAXUS MARCELLIXL'S. [BK. XV. CH. v. pretences of agreement and flattery, Silvanus, it was thought, might be relieved from all fear of hostility, and so be the more easily deceived. 26. But the accomplishment of such a design appeared difficult. For it was necessary to use great care and watchfulness to make our desires subordinate to our oppor- tunities, and to prevent their either outrunning them, or falling behind them ; since if our wishes were allowed to become known unseasonably, it was plain we should all be involved in one sentence of death. 27. However our general was kindly received, and (the very business itself forcing us to bend our necks), having been compelled to prostrate himself with all solemnity before the newly robed prince, still aiming at higher power, was treated as a highly favoured and eminent friend ; having freedom of access and the honour of a seat at the royal table granted to him in preference to every one else, in order that he might be consulted with the more secrecy about the principal affairs of state. 28. Silvanus expressed his indignation that, while un- worthy persons had been raised to the consulship and to other high dignities, he and Ursicinus alone, after the fre- quent and great toils which they had endured for the sake of the republic, had been so despised that he himself had been accused of treason in consequence of the examination of some slaves, and had been exposed to an ignoble trial ; while Ursicinus had been brought over from the East, and placed at the mercy of his enemies ; and these were the subjects of his incessant complaints both in public and in private. 29. While, however, he was holding this kind of lan- guage, we were alarmed at the murmurs of our soldiers who were now suffering from want, whiph surrounded us on all sides ; the troops showing every eagerness to make a rapid march through the defiles of the Cottian Alps. 30. In this state of anxiety and agitation, we occu- pied ourselves in secretly deliberating on the means of arriving at our object ; and at length, after our plans had been repeatedly changed out of fear, it was determined to use great industry in seeking out prudent agents, bind ing them to secrecy by solemn oaths, in order to tamper A.D. 355.] DEATH OF SILVANUS. G3 with the Gallic soldiers whom we knew to be men of doubtful fidelity, and at any time open to change for a sufficient reward. 31. Therefore, after we had secured our success by the address of some agents among the common soldiers, men by their very obscurity fitted for the accomplish- ment of such a task, and now excited by the expecta- tion of reward, at sunrise, as soon as the east began to redden, a band of armed men suddenly sallied forth, and, as is common in critical moments, behaving with more than usual audacity. They slew the sentinels and penetrated into the palace, and so having dragged Silvanus out of a little chapel in which, in his terror, he had taken refuge on his way to a conventicle devoted to the ceremonies of the Christian worship, they slew him with repeated strokes of their swords. 32. In this way did a general of no slight merit perish, through fear of false accusations heaped on him in his absence by a faction of wicked men, and which drove h m to the utmost extremities in order to preserve his safety. 33. For although he had acquired strong claims on the gratitude of Constantius by his seasonable sally with his troops before the battle of Mursa, and although he could boast the valorous exploits of his father Bonitus, a man of Frankish extraction, but who had espoused the party of Constantino, and often in the civil war had exhibited great prowess against the troops of Licinius, still he always feared him as a prince of wavering and fickle cha- racter. 34. Now before any of these events had taken place in Gaul, it happened that one day in the Circus Maximus at Rome, the populace cried out with a loud voice, " Silvanus is conquered." Whether influenced by instinct or by some prophetic spirit, cannot be decided. 35. Silvanus having been slain, as I have narrated, at Agrippina, the emperor was seized with inconceivable joy when he heard the news, and gave way to exceeding insolence and arrogance, attributing this event also to the prosperous course of his good fortune ; giving the reins to his habitual disposition which always led him to hate men of brave conduct, as Domitian in former times had done, 64 AMMIANUS MAUCKLLIXUS. [Ex. XV. CH. vi. and desiring at all times to destroy them by every act of opposition. 36. And he was so far from praising even his act of diligence and fidelity, that he recorded in writing a charge that Ursicinus had embezzled a part of the Gallic treasures, which no one had ever touched. And he ordered strict inquiry to be made into the fact, by an examination of Bemigius, who was at that time accountant-general to Ursicinus in his capacity of commander of the heavy troops. And long afterwards, in the time of Valentinian, this Remi- gius hung himself on accotint of the trouble into which he fell in the matter of his appointment as legate in Tripolis. 37. And after this business was terminated, Constan- tius, thinking his prosperity had now raised him to an equality with the gods, and had bestowed on him entire sovereignty over human affairs, gave himself up to elation at the praises of his flatterers, whom he himsefi: encouraged, despising and trampling under foot all who were unskilled in that kind of court. As we read that Croesus, when he was king, drove Solon headlong from his court because he would not fawn on him ; and that Diony- sius threatened the poet Philoxenus with death because, when the king recited his absurd and unrhythmical verses, he alone refused to fall into an ecstasy while all the rest of the courtiers praised them. 38. And this mischievous taste is the nurse of vices ; for praise ought only to be acceptable in high places, where blame also is permitted when things are not sufficiently performed. VI. 1 . AND now, after the re-establishment of security, inves- tigations as usual were set on foot, and many persons were put in prison as guilty. For that infernal informer Paulus, boiling over with delight, arose to exercise his poisonous employment with increased freedom, and while the members of the emperor's council and the military officers were employed in the investigation of these affairs, as they were commanded, Proculus was put to the torture, who had been a servant of Silvanus, a man of weak body and of ill health ; so that every one was afraid lest the exceed- A.D. 355.J EXECUTION OF SEVERAL NOBLES. 65 ing violence of his torture should prove too much for his feeble lirobs, so that he would expose numbers to be im- plicated in the accusations of atrocious crimes. But the result proved quite different to what had been expected. 2. For remembering a dream in which he had been for- bidden, while asleep, as he affirmed, to accuse any innocent person, though he should be tortured till he was brought to the very point of death, he neither informed against, nor even named any one ; but, with reference to the usurpation of Silvanus, he invariably asserted that he had been driven to contemplate that act, not out of ambition, but from sheer necessity ; and he proved this assertion by evident argu- ments. 3. For he adduced one important excuse, which was established by the testimony of many persons, that, five days before he assumed the ensigns of imperial authority, he addressed the soldiers, while distributing their pay to them, in the name of Constantius, exhorting them to prove always brave and loyal. From which it was plain that if he had then been thinking of seizing on a loftier fortune, he would have given them this money as if it had pro- ceeded from himself. 4. After Proculus, Posmenius was condemned and put to death ; he who, as we have mentioned before, 1 when the Treveri had shut their gates against Caesar Decentius, was chosen to defend that people. After him, Asclepiodotus, and Luto, and Maudio, all Counts, were put to death, and many others also, the obdurate cruelty of the times seeking for these and similar punishments with avidity. VII. 1. WHILE the fatal disturbances of the state multi- plied these general slaughters, Leontius, who was the governor of Koine itself, gave many proofs of his deserv- ing the character of an admirable judge ; being prompt in hearing cases, rigidly just in deciding them, and merciful by nature, although, for the sake of maintaining lawful au- thority, he appeared to some people to be severe. He was also of a somewhat amorous temperament. 2. The first pretext for exciting any sedition against him 1 In one of the lost books of this history. AMMIANUS MAKCliLLlNUS. [Bs. XV. CH. vn. was a most slight and trumpery one. For when an order had been issued to arrest a charioteer, named Philoromus, the whole populace followed him, as if resolved to defend something of their own, and with terrible violence assailed the prefect, presuming him to be timorous. But he re- mained unmoved and upright, and sending his officers among the crowd, arrested some and punished them, and then, without any one venturing to oppose him, or even to murmur, condemned them to banishment. 3. A few days later the populace again became excited to its customary frenzy, and alleging as a grievance the scarcity of wine, assembled at the well-known place called Septemzodium, where the Emperor Marcus built the Nymphasum, 1 an edifice of great magnificence. To that place the prefect went forthwith, although he was earnestly entreated by all his household and civil officers not to trust himself among an arrogant and threatening multi- tude, now in a state of fury equal to any of their former commotions ; but he, unsusceptible of fear, went right onwards, though many of his attendants deserted him, when they saw him hastening into imminent danger. 4. Therefore, sitting in a carriage, with every appear- ance of confidence, he looked with fierce eyes at the coun- tenance of the tumultuous mobs thronging towards him from all quarters, and agitating themselves like serpents. And after suffering many bitter insults, at last, when he had recognized one man who was conspicuous among all the rest by his vast size and red hair, he asked him whether his name was Petrus Valvomeres, as he had heard it was ; and when the man replied in a defiant tone that it was so, Leontius, in spite of the outcries of many around, ordered him to be seized as one who had long since been a notorious ringleader of the disaffected, and having his hands bound behind him, commanded him to be suspended on a rack. 5. And when he was seen in the air, in vain imploring 1 The Nymphseum was a temple sacred to the Nymphs, deriving its name of Septemzodium, or Septizonium (which it shared with more than one other building at Rome), from tho seven rows of pillars, one above the other, and each row lessening both in circuit and in height, with which the exterior was embellished. Another temple of this kind was built by Septimius Severus. A.D. 355.] CHARACTER OF ATHANASIUS. fi7 the aid of his fellow-tribesmen, the whole mob, which a little while before was so closely packed, dispersed at onSe over the diiferent quarters of the city, so as to offer no hindrance to the punishment of this seditious leader, who after having been thus tortured with as little resist- ance as if he had been in a secret dungeon of the court was transported to Picenum, where, on a subsequent occasion, having offered violence to a virgin of high rank, he was condemned to death by the judgment of Patruinus, a noble of consular dignity. 6. While Leontius governed the city in this manner, Liberius, a priest of the Christian law, was ordered by Constantius to be brought before the council, as one who had resisted the commands of the emperor, and the decrees of many of his own colleagues, in an affair which 1 will explain briefly. 7. Athanasius was at that time bishop of Alexandria; and as he was a man who sought to magnify himself above his profession, and to mix himself up with affairs which did not belong to his province, as continual reports made known, an assembly of many of his sect met together a synod, as they call it and deprived him of the right of administering the sacraments, which he previously enjoyed. 8. For it was said that he, being very deeply skilled in the arts of prophecy and the interpretation of auguries and omens, had very often predicted coming events. And to these charges were added others very inconsistent with the laws of the religion over which he presided. 9. So Liberius, being of the same opinion with those who condemned these practices, was ordered, by the sentence of the emperor, to expel Athanasius from his priestly seat ; but this he firmly refused to do, reiterat- ing the assertion that it was the extremity of wicked- ness to condemn a man who had neither been brought before any court nor been heard in his defence, in this openly resisting the commands of the emperor. 10. For that prince, being always unfavourable to Atha- nasius, although he knew that what he ordered had in fact taken effect, yet was exceedingly desirous that it should be confirmed by that authority which the bishops of the Eternal City enjoy, as being of higher rank. And as he did not succeed in this, Liberius was removed by f>8 AMMIAXUS MARCELLINUS. [fin. XV. CH. vm. night : a measure which was not effected without great difficulty, through the fear which his enemies had of the people, among whom he was exceedingly popular. VIII. 1. THESE events, then, took place at Eome, as I have already mentioned. But Constantius was agitated by frequent intelligence which assured him that the Gauls were in a lamentable condition, since no adequate resist- ance could be made to the barbarians who were now carrying their devastations with fire and sword over the whole country. And after deliberating a long time, in great anxiety, what force he could employ to repel these dangers (himself remaining in Italy, as he thought it very dangerous to remove into so remote a country), he at last determined on a wise plan, which was this : to associate with himself in the cares of the empire his cousin Julian, whom he had some time before summoned to court, and who still retained the robe he had worn in the Greek schools. 2. And when, oppressed by the heavy weight of im- pending calamities, he had confessed to his dearest friends that by himself he was unequal to the burden of such weighty and numerous difficulties a thing which he had never felt bef re they, being trained to excessive flattery, tried to fill him with foolish ideas, affirming that there was nothing in the world so difficult but what his pre- eminent virtue and his good fortune, equal to that of the gods, would be able to overcome, as it always hitherto had done. And many of them added further, being stung by their consciousness of guilt, that henceforth he ought to beware of conferring the title of Csesar on any one, enumerating the deeds which had been done in the time of Gallus. 3. They therefore opposed his design resolutely, and it was supported by no one but the queen, who, whether it was that she feared a journey to a distant country, or that, from her own natural wisdom, she saw the best course for the common good, urged him that a relation like Julian ou-ht to be preferred to every one else. Accordingly, A.D. 355.] PROMOTION OF JUUAX. 69 after many undecided deliberations and long discussions, his resolution was at last taken decidedly, and having discarded all further vain debate, he resolved on asso- ciating Julian with him in the empire. 4. He was therefore summoned ; and when he had ar- rived, on a fixed day, the whole of his fellow- comrades who were in the city were ordered to attend, and a tribunal was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by the eagles and standards. And Augustus, mounting it, and holding Julian by the right hand, made this conciliatory speech : 5. " We stand here before you, most excellent defenders of the republic, to avenge with one unanimous spirit tlio common dangers of the state. And how I propose to provide for it I will briefly explain to you, as impartial judges. 6. " After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom rage and madness prompted to engage in the enterprises which they undertook, the barbarians, as if they meant to sacrifice unto their wicked manes with Eoman blood, having violated the peace and invaded the territories of the Gauls, are encouraged by this consideration, that our empire, being spread over very remote countries, causes us to be beset with great difficulties. 7. " If, then, your decision and mine are mutual to en- counter this evil, already progressing beyond the barriers which were opposed to it, while there is still time to check it, the necks of these haughty nations will learn to humble their pride, and the borders of the empire will remain inviolate. It remains for you to give, by your strength, prosperous effect to the hopes which I entertain. 8. " You all know my cousin Julian, whom I hero present to you ; a youth endeared to us by his modesty as well as by his relationship ; a youth of virtue already proved, and of conspicuous industry and energy. Him I have deter- mined to raise to the rank of Caesar, and hope, if this seems expedient to you, to have my decision confirmed by your consent." 9. Ho was proceeding to say more, but was prevented by the whole assembly interrupting him with friendly shouts, declaring that his decision was the judgment of the Supreme Deity, and not of any human mind ; with 70 AMMIANUS MARCP:LLINUS. [BK. xv. CH. \m. such certainty that one might have thought them inspired with the spirit of prophecy. 10. The emperor stood without moving till they- re- sumed silence, and then with greater confidence proceeded to explain what he had to say further. " Because, therefore, your joyful acclamations show that you look favourably on the design I have announced, let this youth, of tranquil strength, whose temperate disposi- tion it will be better to imitate than merely to praise, rise up now to receive the honours prepared for him. His excellent disposition, increased as it has been by all liberal accomplishments, I will say no more of than is seen in the fact that I have chosen him. Therefore, now, with the manifest consent of the Deity, I will clothe him with the imperial robe." 1 1. This was his speech. And then, having immediately clothed Julian with the purple robe of his ancestors, and having pronounced him Caesar, to the great joy of the army, he thus addressed him, though Julian himself appeared by his grave countenance to be somewhat melancholy. 12. "Most beloved of all my brothers, you thus in early youth have received the splendid honour belonging to your birth, not, I confess, without some addition to my own glory ; who thus show myself as just in confer- ring supreme power on a noble character nearly related to me, as I appear also sublime by virtue of my own power. Come thou, therefore, to be a partner in my labours and dangers, and undertake the defence of the government of the Gauls, devoting thyself with all benefi- cence to alleviate the calamities of those afflicted countries. 13. "And if it should be necessary to engage with the enemy in battle, do thou take thy place steadily among the standard-bearers themselves, as a prudent encourager of daring at the proper opportunity ; exciting the warriors by leading them on with caution, supporting any troops which may be thrown into disorder by reserves, gently reproving those who hang back, and being present as a trustworthy witness of the actions of all, whether brave or timid. 14. " Think that a serious crisis is upon us, and so show yourself a great man, worthy to command brave men. V\ e ourselves will stand by you in the energetic constancy A.D. 3:,5.] JOY OF THE SOLD1EKS. 71 of affection, or will join you in the labours of war, so that we may govern together the whole world in peace, if ofTry God will grant us, as we pray he may, to govern with equal moderation and piety. You will everywhere represent me, and I also will never desert you in what- ever ta.sk you may be engaged. To sum up : Go forth ; go forth supported by the friendly prayers of men of all ranks, to defend with watchful care the station assigned to you, it may be said, by the republic itself." 15. After the emperor had thus ended his speech, no one held his peace, but all the soldiers, with a tremendous crash, rattled their shields against their knees (which is an abundant indication of applause ; while on the other hand to strike the shield with the spear is a testimony of anger and indignation), and it was marvellous with what excessive joy they all, except a very few, showed their approbation of the judgment of Augustus : and they re- ceived the Caesar with well-deserved admiration, brilliant as he was with the splendour of the imperial purple. 16. And while they gazed earnestly on his eyes, terrible in their beauty, and his countenance more attractive than ever by reason of his present excitement, they augured from his looks what kind of ruler he was likely to prove, as if they had been searching into those ancient volumes which teach how to judge of a man's moral disposition by the external signs on his person. And that he might be re- garded with the greater reverence, they neither praised him above measure, nor yet below his desert. And so the voices raised in his favour were looked upon as the judg- ment of censors, not of soldiers. 17. After the ceremony was over, Julian was taken up into the imperial chariot and received into the palace, and was heard to whisper to himself this verse of Homer " Now purple death hath seized on me, And powerful strength of destiny." These transactions took place on the sixth of November, in the year of the consulship of Arbetio and Lollianus. 18. A few days afterwards, Helen, the maiden sister of Constantius, was also given in marriage to the Csesar. And everything being got ready which the journey required, he started on the first of December with a small retinue ; 72 AMMIANUS JIAUCELLINUS. CBK. XV. Cir. nc. and having been escorted on his way by Augustus himself as far as the spot, marked by two pillars, which lies between Laumellum and Ticinurn, he proceeded straight on to the country of the Taurini, where he received dis- astrous intelligence, which had recently reached the em- peror's court, but still had been intentionally kept back, lest all the preparations made for his journey should be wasted. 19. And this intelligence was that Colonia Agrippina, 1 a city of great renown in lower Germany, had been carried by a vigorous siege of the barbarians, who appeared before it in great force, and had utterly destroyed it. 20. Julian being greatly disti'essed at this news, looking on it as a kind of omen of misfortunes to come, was often heard to murmur in querulous tones, " that he had gained nothing except the fate of dying amid greater trouble and employment than before." 21. But when he arrived at Vienne, people of every age and class went forth to meet him on his entrance to the city, with a view to do him honour by their reception of him as one who had been long wished for, and was now granted to their prayers. And when he was seen in the distance the whole population of the city and of the adjacent neigh- bourhood, going before his chariot, celebrated his praises, saluting him as Emperor, clement and prosperous, greet- ing with eager joy this royal procession in honour of a lawful prince. And they placed all their hopes of a remedy for the evils which affected the whole province on his arrival, thinking that now, when their affairs were in a most desperate condition, some friendly genius had come to shine upon them. 22. And a blind old woman, when in reply to her ques- tion " Who was entering the city ?" she received for answer " Julian the Caesar," cried out that " lie would restore the temples of the gods." IX. 1 . Xow then, since, as the sublime poet of Manttia has sung, " A greater series of incident rises to my view ; in a more arduous task I engage," I think it a proper oppor- 1 Cologne. ^D. 355.] DESCRIPTION OF GAUL. 73 tunity to describe the situation and different countries of the Gauls, lest, among the narration of fiery preparations ami the various chances of battles, I should seem, while speaking of matters not understood by every one, to resemble those negligent sailors, who, when tossed about by dangerous waves and storms, begin, to repair their sails and ropes which they might have attended to in calm weather. 2. Ancient writers, pursuing their investigations into the earliest origin of the Gauls, left our knowledge of the truth very imperfect ; but at a later period, Timagenes, a thorough Greek both in diligence and language, collected from various writings facts which had been long unknown, and guided by his faithful statements, we, dispelling all obscurity, will now give a plain and intelligible relation of them. 3. Some persons affirm that the first inhabitants ever seen in these regions were called Celts, after the name of their king, who was very popular among them, and some- times also Galatai, after the name of his mother. For Galatse is the Greek translation of the Eoman term Galli. Others affirm that they are Dorians, who, following a more ancient Hercules, selected for their home the districts bordering on the ocean. 4. The Druids affirm that a portion of the people was really indigenous to the soil, but that other inhabitants poured in from the islands on the coast, and from the dis- tricts across the Ehine, having been driven from their former abodes l>y frequent wars, and sometimes by inroads of the tempestuous sea. 5. Some again maintain that after the destruction of Troy, a few Trojans fleeing from the Greeks, who were then scattered over the whole world, occupied these dis- tricts, which at that time had no inhabitants at all. 6. But the natives of these countries affirm this more positively than any other fact (and, indeed, we ourselves have read it engraved on their monuments), that Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, hastening to the destruction of those cruel tyrants, Geryon and Tauriscus, one of whom was oppressing the Gauls, and the other Spain, after he had conquered both of them, took to wife some women of noble birth in those countries, and became the father of 74 AMMTAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [Bsc. XV. Cu. x. many children ; and that his sons called the districts of which they became the kings after their own names. 7. Also an Asiatic tribe coming from Phocsea in order to escape the cruelty of Harpalus, the lieutenant of Cyrus the king, sought to sail to Italy.' And a part of them founded Velia, in Lucania, others settled a colony at Marseilles, in the territory of Vienne ; and then, in subsequent ages, these towns increasing in strength and importance, founded other cities. But we must avoid a variety of details which are commonly apt to weary. 8. Throughout these provinces, the people gradually becoming civilized, the study of liberal accomplishments flourished, having been first introduced by the Bards, the Eubages, 2 and the Druids. The Bards were accustomed to employ themselves in celebrating the brave achievements of their illustrious men, in epic verse, accompanied with sweet airs on the lyre. The Eubages investigated the system and sublime secrets of nature, and sought to explain them to their followers. Between these two came the Druids, men of loftier genixis, bound in brotherhoods according to the precepts and example of Pythagoras ; and their minds were elevated by investigations into secret and sublime matters, and from the contempt which they entertained for human affairs they pronounced the soul immortal. X. 1. THIS country then of the Gauls was by reason of its lofty mountain ranges perpetually covered with terrible snows, almost unknown to the inhabitants of the rest of the world, except where it borders on the ocean ; vast fortresses raised by nature, in the place of art, surrounding it on all sides. 2. On the southern side it is washed by -the Etruscan and Gallic sea : where it looks towards the north it is separated from the tribes of the barbarians by the river Khine ; where it is placed under the western star it is bounded by the ocean, and the lofty chain of the Pyrenees ; 1 This story of the Phocseenses is told by Herodotus, i. 16G, and alluded to by Horace, Epod. xv. 10. - The Eubages, or Ovare'is, as Strabo calls them, appear to have been a tribe of priests. A.D. 355.] THE ALPS. 75 where it has au eastern aspect it is bounded by the Cottian l Alps. In these mountains King Cottiiis, after the Gauls hall been subdued, lying by himself in their denies, and relying on the rugged and pathless character of the country, long maintained his independence ; though afterwards he abated his pride, and was admitted to the friendship of the Emperor Octavianus. And subsequently he constructed immense works to serve as a splendid gift to the emperor, making roads over them, short, and convenient for travellers, between other ancient passes of the Alps ; on which subject we will presently set forth what discoveries have been made. 3. In these Cottian Alps, which begin at the town of Susa, one vast ridge rises up, scarcely passable by any one without danger. 4. For to travellers who reach it from the side of Gaul it descends with a steepness almost precipitous, being terrible to behold, in consequence of the bulk of its over- hanging rocks. In the spring, when the ice is melting, and the snow beginning to give way from the warm spring breezes, if any one seeks to descend along the mountain, men and beasts and wagons all fall together through the fissures and clefts in the rocks, which yawn in every direc- tion, though previously hidden by the frost. And the only remedy ever found to ward off entire destruction is to have many vehicles bound together with enormous ropes, with men or oxen hanging on behind, to hold them back with great efforts ; and so with a crouching step they get down with some degree of safety. And this, as I have sftid, is what happens in the spring. 5. But in winter, the grotind being covered over with a smooth crust of ice, and therefore slippery under foot, the traveller is often plunged headlong; and the valleys, which seem to open here and there into wide plains, which are merely a covering of treacherous ice, sometimes swallow up those who try to pass over them. On ac- count of which danger those who are acquainted with the country fix projecting wooden piles over the safest spots, in order that a series of them may conduct the 1 The Cottian Alps are Mont Genevre. It is unnecessary to point oxit bow Arnmianus mistakes the true bearing of these frontiers of Gaul. 76 A.MMIANUS TJAllCELLIXUS. [BK. XV. CH. x. traveller nnliurt to his destination; though if these piles get covered with snow and hidden, or thrown down by melting torrents descending from the mountains, then it is difficult for any one to pass, even if natives of the district lead the way. 6. But on the summit of this Italian mountain there is a plain, seven miles in extent, reaching as far as the station known by the name of Mars ; and after that comes another ridge, still more steep, and scarcely possible to be climbed, which stretches on to the summit of Mons Matrona, named so from an event which happened to a noble lady. 7. From this point a path, steep indeed, but easily passable, leads to the fortress of Virgantia. 1 The sepulchre of this petty prince whom we have spoken of as the maker of these roads is at Susa, close to the walls ; and his re- mains are honoured with religious veneration for two reasons : first of all, because he governed his people with equitable moderation ; and secondly, because, by becoming an ally of the Koman republic, he procured lasting tran- quillity for his subjects. 8. And although this road which I have been speaking of runs through the centre of the district, and is shorter and more frequented now than any other, yet other roads also were made at much earlier periods, on different occa- sions. 9. The first of them, near the maritime alps, was made by the Theban Hercules, when he was proceeding in a leisurely manner to destroy Geryon and Tauriscus, as has already been mentioned ; and he it was who gave to these alps the name of the Grecian Alps. 2 In the same way hjp consecrated the citadel and port of Monaecus to keep alive the recollection of his name for ever. And this was the reason why, many ages afterwards, those alps were called the Penine Alps. 3 10. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the father of the elder Africanus, when about to go to the assistance of the citizens 1 Briancon. 2 The Graiae Alps are the Little St. Bernard ; and it was over them that Hannibal really passed, as has been conclusively proved by Dr. J. A. Cramer. 3 From the god Pen, or Penintis, Liv. xxi. 38. The Alpes Peninsa are the Great St. Bernard. A.D. 355.] HANNIBAL'S PASSAGE OF THE ALPS. 77 of Saguntum celebrated for the distresses which they ensured, and for their loyalty to Korae, at the time when they were besieged with great resolution by the Cartha- ginians led to the Spanish coast a fleet having on board a numerous army. But after the city had been destroyed by the valour of the Carthaginians, he, being unable to over- take Hannibal, who had crossed the Bhone, and had obtained three days' start of him in the march towards Italy, crossed the sea, which at that point was not wide, making a rapid voyage ; and taking hia station near Genoa, a town of the Ligures, awaited his descent from the moun- tains, so that, if chance should afford him an oppor- tunity, he might attack him in the plain w r hile still fatigued with the ruggedness of the way by which he had come. 11. But still, having regard to the interests of the republic, he ordered Cnaeus Scipio, his brother, to go into Spain, to prevent Hasdrubal from making a similar expedi- tion from that country. But Hannibal, having received information of their design by some deserters, being also a man of great shrewdness and readiness of resources, obtained some guides from the Taurini who inhabited those districts, and passing through the Tricastini and through the district of the Yocontii, he thus reached the defiles of the Tricorii. 1 Then starting from this point, he made another march over a line previously impassable. And having cut through a rock of immense height, which he melted by means of mighty fires, and pouring over it a quantity of vinegar, he proceeded along the Druentia, a river full of danger from its eddies and currents, until he reached the district of Etruria. This is enough to say of the Alps ; now let us return to our original subject. XI. 1. IN former times, when these provinces were little known, as being barbarous, they were considered to be divided" into three races : 2 namely, the Celtae, the same 1 Compare Livy's account of Hannibal's march, from which, wholly erroneous as it is, this description seems 1o have been taken ; not that even Livy has made such a gross mistake about the Druentia, or Durance, which falls into the Rhone. 2 Cfcsar's account of his expedition begins with the statement that " Gaul is divided into three provinces.'' 78 AMMIAXUS MARCELL1XU3. [BK. XV. CH. xi. who are also called Galli ; the Aquitani, and the Belgae : all differing from each other in language, manners, and laws. 2. The Galli, who, as I have said, are the same as the Celtse, are divided from the Aquitani by the river Garonne, which rises in the mountains of the Pyrenees ; and after passing through many towns, loses itself in the ocean. 3. On the other side they are separated from the Belgians by the Marne and the Seine, both rivers of considerable size, which flowing through the tribe of the Lugdunenses, after surrounding the stronghold of the Parisii named Lutetia, so as to make an island of it, proceed onwards together, and fall into the sea near the camp of Con- stantius. 4. Of all these people the Belgians are said by ancient writers to be the most warlike, because, being more remote from civilization, and not having been rendered effeminate by foreign luxuries, they have been engaged in continual wars with the Germans on the other side of the Rhine. 5. For the Aquitanians, to whose shores, as being nearest and also pacific, foreign merchandise is abundantly im- ported, were easily brought under the dominion of the Romans, because their character had become enervated. 6. But from the time when the Gauls, after long and repeated wars, submitted to the dictator Julius, all their provinces were governed by Roman officers, the country being divided into four portions; one of which was the province of "N'ar bonne ; containing the districts of Vicnne and Lyons : a second province comprehended all the tribes of the Aquitanians ; upper and lower Germany formed a third jurisdiction, and the "Belgians a fourth at that period. 7. But now the whole extent of the country is portioned out into many provinces. The second (or lower) Germany is the first, if you begin on the western side, fortified by Cologne and Tongres, both cities of great wealth and importance. 8. Next comes the first (or high) Germany, in which, besides other nvunicipal towns, there is Mayence, and Worms, and Spiers, and Strasburg, a city celebrated for the defeats sustained by the barbarians in its neighbourhood. 9. After these the first Belgic province stretches as far A.D. 355.] PROVINCES OF GAUL. 79 as Metz and Treves, which city is the splendid abode of the chief governor of the country. TO. Next to that conies the second Belgic province, where we find Amiens, a city of conspicuous magnificence, and Chalons, 1 and Eheims. 11. In the province of the Sequani, the finest cities are Besan9on and Basle. The first Lyonnese province contains Lyons, Chalons, 2 Sens, Bourges, and Autun, the walls of which are very extensive and of great antiquity. 12. In the second Lyonnese province are Tours, and Eouen, Evreux, and Troyes. The Gi'ecian and Penine Alps have, besides other towns of less note, Avenche, a city which indeed is now deserted, but which was formerly one of no small importance, as even now is proved by its half-ruinous edifices. These are the most important pro- vinces, and most splendid cities of the Galli. 13. In Aquitania, which looks towards the Pyrenees, and that part of the ocean which belongs to the Spaniards, the first province is Aquitanica, very rich in large and populous cities ; passing over others, I may mention as pre-erninent, Bordeaux, Clermont, Saintes, and Poictiers. 14. The province called the Nine Nations is enriched by Ausch and Bazas. In the province of Narbonne, the cities of Narbonne, Euses, and Toulouse are the principal places of importance. The Viennese exults in the magni- ficence of many cities, the chief of which are Vienne itself, and Aries, and V 7 alence ; to which may be added Marseilles, by the alliance with and power of which we read that Eome itself was more than once supported in moments of danger. 15. And near to these cities is also.Aix, Nice, Antibes, and the islands of Hieres. 16. And since we have come in the progress of our work to this district, it would be inconsistent and absurd to omit all mention of the Ehone, a river of the greatest celebrity. The Ehone rises in the Penine Alps, from sources of great abundance, and descending with headlong impetuosity into the more champaign districts, it often overruns its banks with its own waters, and then plunges into a lake called Lake Leman, and though it passes through it, yet it never mingles with any foreign waters, but, rushing over the top of those which flow with -less 1 Chalons sur Marue. 2 Chalons sur Saone. 80 AMMIAXUS MARCELLINCTS. [BK. XV. Cu. xn. rapidity, in its search for an exit, it forces its own way by the violence of its stream. 17. And thus passing through that lake without any damage, it runs through Savoy and the district of Tranche Comte ; and, after a long course, it forms the boundary between the Viennese on its left, and the Lyonnese on its right. Then after many windings it receives the Saone, a river which rises in the first Germany, and this latter river here merges its name in the Rhone. At this point is the beginning of the Gauls. And from this spot the dis- tances are measured not by miles but by leagues. 18. From this point also, the Rhone, being now enriched by other rivers, becomes navigable for large vessels, which are often tossed about in it by gales of wind ; and at last, having finished the course which nature has marked out for it, foaming on it joins the Gallic Sea in the wide gulf which they call the Gulf of Lyons, about eighteen miles from Aries. This is enough to say of the situation of the province ; I will now proceed to describe the appearance and character of the inhabitants. XII. 1. NEARLY all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair, and of ruddy complexion ; terrible from the sternness of their eyes, very quarrelsome, and of great pride and insolence. A whole troop of foreigners would not be able to with- stand a single Gaul if he called his wife to his assistance, who is usually very strong, and with blue eyes ; es- pecially when, swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth, and brandishing her sallow arms of enormous size, she begins to strike blows mingled with kicks, as if they were so many missiles sent from the string of a catapult. 2. The voices of the generality are formidable and threatening, whether they are in good humour or angry : they are all exceedingly careful of cleanliness and neatness, nor in all the country, and most especially -in Aquitania, could any man or woman, however poor, be eeen either dirty or ragged. 3. The men of every age are equally inclined to war, and the old man and the man in the prime of life answer with equal zeal the call to arms, their bodies being MANNERS OF GAUL. 81 hardened by their cold weather and by constant exercise, SQ^hat they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors. Nor has any one of this nation ever mutilated his thumb from fear of the toils of war, as men have done in Italy, whom in their district are called Murci. 4. The nation is fond of wine, and of several kinds of liquor which resemble wine. And many individuals of the lower orders, whose senses have become impaired by continual intoxication, which the apophthegm of Cato defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about in all directions at random ;' so that there appears to be some point in that saying which is found in Cicero's oration in defence of Fonteius, "that henceforth the Gauls will drink their wine less strong than formerly," because forsooth they thought there was poison in it. 5. These countries, and especially such parts of them as border on Italy, fell gradually under the dominion of the Eomans without much trouble to their conquerors, having been first attacked by Fulvius, afterwards weakened in many trifling combats by Sextius, and at last entirely subdued by Fabius Maximus ; who gained an additional surname from the complete accomplishment of this task, after he had brought into subjection the fierce tribe of the Allobroges. 6. Caesar finally subdued all the Gauls, except where their country was absolutely inaccessible from its morasses, as we learn from Sallust, after a war of ten years, in which both nations suffered many disasters ; and at last he united them to us in eternal alliance by formal treaties. I have digressed further than I had intended, but now I will return to my original subject. XIII. 1. AFTER Domitianus had perished by a cruel death, Musonianus his successor governed the East with the rank of pragtorian prefect ; a man celebrated for his eloquence and thorough knowledge of both the Greek and Latin languages; from which he reaped a loftier glory than he expected. 2. For when Constantino was desirous of obtaining a 82 AMMIANUS JIARCELL1NUS. [BK. XV. CH. xm. more accurate knowledge of the different sects in the empire, the Manicheans and other similar bodies, and no one could be found able sufficiently to explain them, Musonianus was chosen for the task, having been recom- mended as competent ; and when he had discharged this duty with skill, the emperor gave him the name of Muso- nianus, for he had been previously called Strategics. After that he ran through many degrees of rank and honour, and soon reached the dignity of prefect ; being in other matters also a man of wisdom, popular in the pro- vinces, and of a mild and courteous disposition. But at the same time, whenever he could find an opportunity, especially in any controversies or lawsuits (which is most shameful and wicked), he was greatly devoted to sordid gain. Not to mention many other instances, this was es- pecially exemplified in the investigations which were made into the death of Theophilus, the governor of Syria, a man of consular rank, who gave information against the Caesar Gallus, and who was torn to pieces in a tumult of the people ; for which several poor men were condemned, who, it was clearly proved, were at a distance at the time of the transaction, while certain rich men who were the real authors of the crime were spared from all punish- ment, except the confiscation of their property. 3. In this he was equalled by Prosper, at that time master of the horse in Gaul ; a man of abject spirit and great inactivity ; and, as the comic poet has it, despising the acts of secret robbing he plundered openly. 1 4. And, while these two officers were conniving to- gether, and reciprocally helping each other to many means of acquiring riches, the chiefs of the Persian nation who lived nearest to the river, profiting by the fact that the king was occupied in the most distant parts of his do- minions, and that these commanders were occupied in plundering the people placed under their authority, began to harass our territories with predatory bands, making audacious inroads, sometimes into Armenia, often also into Mesopotamia. 1 Ammianus refers to Pl.vutus, Epidicus, Act. I., so. i., line 10 : Thcsprio. I am less of a pilferer now than formerly. Ep. How so ? Thes. I rob openly. 83 BOOK XVI. ARGUMENT. A panegyric of Julian the Caesar. II. Julian attacks and defeats the Allcmanni. III. He recovers Cologne, which had been taken by the Franks, and concludes a peace with the king of the Franks. IW. He is besieged in the city of Sens by the Allcmanni. V. His virtues. VI. The prosecution and acquittal of Arbetio. VII. The Cffisar Julian is defended before the emperor by his chamberlain Eutherius against the accusations of Marcellus. VIII. Calumnies are rife in the camp of the Emperor Constantius, and the courtiers are rapacious. IX. The question of peace with the Persians. X. The triumphal entry of Constantius into Rome. XI. Julian attacks the Allemanni in the islands of the Rhine in which they had taken refuge, and repairs the fort of Saverne. XII. Ho attacks the kings of the Allemanni on the borders of Gaul, and defeats them at Strasburg. I. 1. "While the chain of destiny was bringing these events to pass in the Eoman world, Julian, being at Vienne, was taken by the emperor, then in his own eighth consulship, as a partner in that dignity; and, under the promptings of his own innate energy, dreamt of nothing but the crash of battles and the slaughter of the barbarians ; preparing without delay to re-establish the province, and to reunite the fragments that had been broken from it, if only fortune should be favourable to him. 2. And because the great achievements which by his valour and good fortune Julian performed in the Gauls, surpass many of the most gallant exploits of the ancients, I will relate them in order as they occurred, employing all the resources of my talents, moderate as they are, in the hope that they may suffice for the narrative. 3. But what I am about to relate, though not embla- zoned by craftily devised falsehood, and being simply a plain statement of facts, supported by evident proofs, will have all the effect of a studied panegyric. 4. For it would seem that some principle of a more than commonly virtuous life guided this yoting prince from his 84 AMMIANU.S MARCELLIXUS. IBK. \VJ. On. n. very cradle to his last breath. Increasing rapidly in every desirable quality, he soon became so conspicuous both at home and abroad, that in respect to his prudence he was looked upon as a second Titus : in his glorious deeds of war he was accounted equal to Trajan ; in mercy he was the prototype of Antoninus ; and in the pursuit and disco- very of true and perfect wisdom, he resembled Marcus Aurelius, in imitation of whom he formed all his actions and character. 5. And since, as we are taught by Cicero, that th^ lofti- ness of great virtues delights us, as does that of high trees, while we are not equally interested in the roots and trunks; so, also, the first beginnings of his admirable dis- position were kept concealed by many circumstances which threw a cloud over them ; though in fact they ought to be preferred to many of his most marvellous actions of later life, in that he, who in his early youth had been brought up like Erectheus in the retirement sacred to Minerva, nevertheless when he was drawn forth from the quiet shades of the academy (and not from any military tent) into the labours of war, subdued Germany, tranquillized the districts of the frozen Ehine, routed the barbarian kings breathing nothing but bloodshed and slaughter, and forced them to submission. II. J . THEREFORE while passing a toilsome winter in the city aforesaid, he learnt, among the numerous reports which were flying about, that the ancient city of Autun, the walls of which, though of vast extent, were in a state of great decay from age, was now besieged by the barbarians, who had suddenly appeared before it in great force ; and while the garrison remained panic-stricken and inactive, the town was defended by a body of veterans who were be- having with great courage and vigilance ; as it often happens that extreme despair repulses dangers which appear destructive of all hope or safety. 2. Therefore, without relaxing his anxiet}^ about other matters, and putting aside all the adulation of the courtiers with which they sought to divert his mind towards volup- tuousness and luxury, he hastened his preparations, and when everything was ready he set out, and on the 24th of A.. 356.] JULIAN MARCHES AGAINST THE ALLEMANNI. 85 June arrived at Autun ; behaving like a veteran general conspicuous alike for skill and prowess, and prepared to fail upon the barbarians, who were straggling in every direction over the country, the moment fortune afforded him an opportunity. 3. Therefore having deliberated on his plans, and con- sulted those who were acquainted with the country as to what would be the safest line of march for him to adopt, after having received much information in favour of dif- ferent, routes, some recommending Arbois, others insisting on it ihat the best way was by Saulieu and Cure. 4. But as some persons affirmed that Silvanus, in com- mand of a body of infantry, had, a short time before, made his way with 8,000 men by a road shorter than either, but dangerous as lying through many dark woods and defiles suitable for ambuscades, Julian became exceedingly eager to imitate the audacity of this brave man. 5. And to prevent any delay, taking with him only his cuirassiers and archers, who would not have been sufficient to defend his ^person had he been attacked, he took the same route as Silvanus ; and so came to Auxerre. 6. And there, having, according to his custom, devoted a short time to rest, for the purpose of refreshing his men, he proceeded onwards towards Troyes ; and strengthened his flanks that he might with the greater effect watch the barbarians, who attacked him in numerous bodies, which he avoided as well as he could, thinking them more numerous than they really were. Presently, however, having occupied some favourable ground, he descended upon one body of them, and routed it, and took some prisoners whom their own fears delivered to him ; and then he allowed the rest, who now devoted all their energies to flying with what speed they could, to escape unattacked, as his men could not pursue them by reason of the weight of their armour. 7. This occurrence gave him more hope of being able to resist any attack which they might make, and marching forwards with this confidence, after many dangers he reached Troyes so unexpectedly, that when he arrived at the gates, the inhabitants for some time hesitated to give him entrance into the city, so great was their fear of the straggling multitudes of the barbarians. 8. After a little delay, devoted to again refreshing his weary troops, thinking that there was no time to waste, he 86 AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [I5 K . XVI. CH. in. proceeded to the city of Eheims, where he had ordered his whole army, carrying*. ... to assemble, and there to await his presence. The army at Eheims was under the command of Marcellus, the successor of ITrsicinus ; and l'ricinus himself was ordered to remain there till the termination of the expedition. 9. Again Julian took counsel, and after many opinions of different purport had been delivered, it was determined to attack the host of the Allemanni in the neighbourhood of Dieu.se ; and to that quarter the army now marched in dense order, and with more than usual alacrity. 10. And because the weather, being damp and misty, pre- vented even what was near from being seen, the enemy, availing themselves of their knowledge of the country, came by an oblique road upon the Caesar's rear, and attacked two legions while they were piling their arms ; and they would almost have destroyed them if the uproar which suddenly arose had not brought the auxiliary troops of the allies to their support. 11. From this time forth Julian, thinking it impossible to find any roads or any rivers free from ambuscades, proceeded with consummate prudence and caution ; qua- lities which above all others in great generals usually bring safely and success to armies. 12. Hearing therefore that Strasburg, Brumat, Saverne, Spiers, Worms, and Mayence, were all in the hands of the barbarians, who were established in their suburbs, for the barbarians shunned fixing themselves in the towns them- selves, looking upon them like graves surrounded with nets, he first of all entered Brumat, and just as he reached that place he was encountered by a body of Germans pre- pared for battle. 18. Having arranged his own army in the form of a crescent, the engagement began, and the enemy were speedily surrounded and utterly defeated. Some were taken prisoners, others were slain in the heat of the battle, the rest sought safety by rapid flight. III. 1. AFTER this, meeting with no resistance; he determined (o proceed to recover Cologne, which had been destroyed * The text is defective here, as it is whorevc-r these marks occur. *.D. 356.1 JULIAN'S OPERATIONS. 87 before liis arrival in Gaul. In that district there is no city or fortress to be seen except that near Confluentes ; a place so named because there the river Moselle becomes mingled with the Rhine there is also the village of liheinmagen, and likewise a single tower near Cologne. 2. After having taken possession of Cologne he did not leave it till the Frank kings began, through fear of him, to abate of their fury, when he contracted a peace with them likely to be of future advantage to the republic. In the mean time he put the whole city into a state of com- plete defence. 3. Then, auguring well from these first-fruits of victor}-, he departed, passing through the district of Treves, with the intention of wintering at Sens, which was a town very suitable for that purpose. \Yhen bearing, so to say, the weight of a world of wars upon his shoulders, he was occupied by perplexities of various kinds, and among them how to provide for establishing in places most exposed tc danger the soldiers who had quitted their former posts ; how to defeat the enemies who had conspired together to injure the Roman cause ; and further, how to provide supplies for the army while employed in so many different quarters. IV. 1. WHILE he was anxiously revolving these things in his mind, he was attacked by a numerous force of the enemy, who had conceived a hope of being able to take the town. And they were the more confident of success because, from the information of deserters, they had learnt that he neither had with him his Scutarii nor his Gentiles, both of which bodies of* troops had been distributed among the different municipal towns in order that they might be the more easily supplied with provisions. 2. Therefore after the gates of the city had been, barri- caded, and the weakest portions of the walls carefully strengthened, Jxilian was seen night and day on the battlements and ramparts, attended by a band of armed men, boiling over with anger and -gnashing his teeth, because, often as he wished to sally forth, he was pre- i Cobk-nz. 88 AMMIAXUS MAUCELLINUS. [BK. XVI. Cn. v. vented from taking such a step by the scantiness of the force which he had with him. 3. At last, after thirty days, the barbarians retired disappointed, murmuring that they liad been so vain and weak as to attempt the siege of such a city. It deserves however to be remarked, as a most unworthy circumstance, that when Julian was in great personal danger, Marcellus, the master of the horse, who was posted in the immediate neighbourhood, omitted to bring him any assistance, though the danger of the city itself, even if the prince had not been there, ought to have excited his en- deavours to relieve it from the peril of a siege by so for- midable an enemy. 4. Being now delivered from this fear, Julian, ever prudent and active, directed his anxious thoughts inces- santly to the care of providing that, after their long labours, his soldiers should have rest, which, however brief, might be sufficient to recruit their strength. In addition to the exhaustion consequent on their toils, they were distressed by the deficiency of crops on the land, which through the frequent devastations to which they had been exposed afforded but little suitable for human food. 5. But these difficulties he likewise surmounted by his ever wakeful diligence, and a more confident hope of future success opening itself to his mind, he rose with higher spirits to accomplish his other designs. V. 1. IN the first place (and this is a most difficult task for every one), he imposed on himself a rigid temperance, and maintained it as if he had been living under the obligation of the sumptuary laws. These were originally brought to Borne from the edicts of Lycurgus and the tables of laws compiled by Solon, and were for a long time strictly observed. When they had become some- what obsolete, they were re-established by Sylla, who, guided by the apophthegms of Democritus, agreed with him that it is Fortune which spreads an ambitious table, but that Virtue is content with a sparing one. 2. And likewise Cato of Tusculum, who from his pure and temperate way of life obtained the surname of the A.D. 356.] INDUSTRY OF JULIAX. 89 Censor, said with profound wisdom on the same subject, " When there is great care about food, there is very little care about virtue." 3. Lastly, though he was continually reading the little treatise which Constantius, when sending him as his step- son to prosecute his studies, had written for him with his own hand, in which he made extravagant provision for the dinner-expenses of the Csesar, Julian now forbade phea- sants, or sausages, or even sow's udder to be served up to him, contenting himself with the cheap and ordinary food of the common soldiers. 4. Hereupon arose his custom of dividing his nights into three portions, one of which he allotted to rest, one to the affairs of the state, and one to the study of literature ; and we read that Alexander the Great had been accus- tomed to do the same, though he practised the rule with less self-reliance. For Alexander, having placed a brazen shell on the ground beneath him, used to hold a silver ball in his hand, which he kept stretched outside his bed, so that when sleep pervading his whole body had relaxed the rigour of his muscles, the rattling of the ball falling might banish slumber from his eyes. 5. But Julian, without any instrument, awoke whenever he pleased ; and always rising when the night was but half spent, and that not from a bed of feathers, or silken cover- lets shining with varied brilliancy, but from a rough blanket or rug, would secretly offer his supplications to Mercury, who, as the theological lessons which he had re- ceived had taught him, was the swift intelligence of the world, exciting the different emotions of the mind. And thus removed from all external circumstances calculated to distract his attention, he gave his whole attention to the affairs of the repiiblic. 6. Then, after having ended this arduous and important business, he turned and applied himself to the cultivation of his intellect. And it was marvellous with what exces- sive ardour he investigated and attained to the sublime knowledge of the loftiest matters, and how, seeking as it were some food for his mind which might give it strength to climb up to the sublimest truths, he ran through every branch of philosophy in profound and subtle discus- sions. 90 AinilAN'US MARCELUXU3. [fiK. XVI, CH. v. 7. Nevertheless, while engaged in amassing knowledge of this kind in all its fullness and power, he did not despise the humbler accomplishments. He was tolerably fond of poetry and rhetoric, as is shown by the invari- able and pure elegance, mingled with dignity, of all his speeches and letters. And he likewise studied the varied history of our own state and of foreign countries. To all these accomplishments was added a very tolerable degree of eloquence in the Latin language. 8. Therefore, if it be true, as many writers affirm, that Cyrus the king, and S'monides the lyric poet, and Hippias of Elis, the most acul^ of the Sophists, excelled as they did. in memory because they had obtained that faculty through drinking a particular medicine, we must also believe that Julian in his early manhood had drunk the whole cask of memory, if such a thing could ever be found. And these are the nocturnal signs of his chastity and virtue. 9. But as for the manner in which he passed his days, whether in conversing with eloquence and \vit, or in making preparations for war, or in actual conflict of battle, or in his administration of affairs of the state, correct- ing all defects with magnanimity and liberality, these things shall all be set forth in their proper place. 10. When he was compelled, as being a prince, to apply himself to the study of military discipline, having been previously confined to lessons of philosophy, and when he was learning the art of marching in time while the pipes were playing the Pyrrhic air, he often, calling upon the name of Plato, ironically quoted that old proverb, " A pack- saddle is placed on an ox ; this is clearly a burden which does not belong to me." 11. On one occasion, when some secretaries were intro- duced into the council-chamber, with solemn ceremony, to receive some gold, one of their company did not, as is the usual custom, open his robe to receive it, but took it in the hollow of both his hands joined together ; on which Julian said, secretaries only know how to seize things, not how to accept them. 12. Having been approached by the parents of a virgin who had been ravished, seeking for justice, he gave sen- tence that the ravisher, on conviction, should be banished ; and when the parents complained of this sentence as uu- 356.] JULIANS MODERATION. 91 equal to the crime, because the criminal had not been condemned to death, he replied, " Let the laws blame my ch?me.ncy ; but it is fitting that an emperor of a most merciful disposition should be superior to all other laws." 13. Once when he was about to set forth on an expedi- tion, he was interrupted by several people complaining of injuries which they had received, whom he referred for a hearing to the governors of their respective provinces. And after he had returned, he inquired what had been done in each case, and with genuine clemency mitigated the punishments which had been assigned to the offences. 1 4. Last of all, without here making any mention of the victories in which he repeatedly defeated the barbarians, and the vigilance with which he protected his army from all harm, the benefits which he conferred on the Galli, pre- viously exhausted by extreme want, are most especially evident from this fact, that when he first entered the country he found that four-and-twenty pieces of gold were exacted, under the name of tribute, in the way of poll-tax, from each individual. But when he quitted the country seven pieces only were required, which made up all the payments due from them to the state. On which account they rejoiced with festivals and dances, looking upon him as a serene sun which had shone upon them after melan- choly darkness. 15. Moreover we know that up to the very end of his reign and of his life, he carefully and with great benefit observed this rule, not to remit the arrears of tribute by edicts which they call indulgences. For he knew that by such conduct he should be giving something to the rich, whilst it is notorious everywhere that, the moment that taxes are imposed, the poor are compelled to pay them all at once without any relief. 16. But while he was thus regulating and governing the country in a manner deserving the imitation of all virtuous princes, the rage of the barbarians again broke out more violently than ever. 17. And as wild beasts, which, owing to the carelessness of the shepherds, have been wont to plunder their flocks, even when these careless keepers are exchanged for more watchful ones, still cling to their habit, and being furious with hunger, will, without any regard for their own safety, 92 AM..UI AN US MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVI. Cn. vu again attack the flocks and herds; so also the barbarians, having consumed all their plunder, continued, under the pressure of hunger, repeatedly to make inroads for the sake of booty, though sometimes they died of want before they could obtain any. VI. 1. These were the events which took place in Gaul during this year ; at first of doubtful issue, but in the end successful. Meanwhile in the emperor's court envy con- stantly assailed Arbetio, accusing him of having already assumed the ensigns of imperial rank, as if designing soon to attain the supreme dignity itself. And especially was he attacked by a count named Verissimus, who with great vehemence brought forth terrible charges against him, openly alleging that although he had been raised from the rank of a common soldier to high military office, he was not contented, thinking little of what he had obtained, and aiming at the highest place. 2. And he was also vigorously attacked by a man named Dorns, who had formerly been surgeon of the Scutarii, and of whom we have spoken, when promoted in the time of Magnentius to be inspector of the works of art at Eome, as having brought accusations again.st Adelphius, the prefect of the city, as forming ambitious designs. 3. And when the matter was brought forward for judi- cial inquiry, and all preliminary arrangements were made, proof of the accusations which had been confidently looked for was still dela} ed ; when suddenly, as if the business had been meant as a satire on the administration of justice, through the interposition of the chamberlains, as rumour affirmed, the persons who had been imprisoned as accom- plices were released from their confinement : Dorus disap- peared, and Verissimus kept silence for the future, as if the curtain had dropped and the scene had been suddenly changed. VII. 1. ABOUT the same time, Constantius having learnt, from common report, that Marcellus had omitted to carry assist- ance to the Cassar when he was besieged at Sens, cashiered him, and ordered him to retire to his own house. Arid he, A.D. 356.J MARCELLUS PLOTS AGAINST JULIAX. 93 as if he had received a great injury, began to plot against Julian, relying upon the disposition of the emperor to open hiiTears to every accusation. 2. Therefore, when he departed, Eutherius, the chief chamberlain, was immediately sent after him, that he might convict him before the emperor if he propagated any false- hoods. But Marcellus, unaware of this, as soon as he arrived at Milan, began talking loudly, and seeking to create alarm, like a vain chatterer half mad as he was. And when he was admitted into the council-chamber, he began to accuse Julian of being insolent, and of preparing for himself stronger wings in order to soar to a greater height. For this was his expression, agitating his body violently as he uttered it. 3. While he was thus uttering his imaginary charges with great freedom, Eutherius being, at his own request, intro- duced into the presence, and being commanded to say what he wished, speaking with great respect and moderation showed the emperor that the truth was being overlaid with falsehood. For that, while the commander of the heavy- armed troops had, as it was believed, held back on purpose, the Caesar having been long besieged at Sens, had by his vigilance and energy repelled the barbarians. And he pledged his own life that the C0esar would, as long as he lived, be faithful to the author of his greatness. 4. The opportunity reminds me here to mention a few facts concerning this same Eutherius, which perhaps will hardly be believed ; because if Xuma Pornpilius or Socrates were to say anything good of a eunuch, and were to con- firm what they said by an oath, they would be accused of having departed from the truth. But roses grow up among thorns, and among wild beasts some are of gentle disposi- tion. And therefore I will briefly mention a few of his most important acts which are well ascertained. 5. He was born in Armenia, of a respectable family, and having while a very little child been taken prisoner by the enemies on the border, he was castrated and sold to some Roman merchants, and by them conducted to the palace of Constantine, where, while growing up to manhood, he began to display good principles and good talents, becom- ing accomplished in literature to a degree quite sufficient for his fortune, displaying extraordinary acuteness in dis- 94 AMM1AXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. vn. covering matters of a doubtful and difficult complexion ; being remarkable also for a marvellous memory, always eager to do good, and full of wise and honest counsel. A man, in short, who, if the Emperor Constantius had listened to his advice, which, whether he gave it in youth or man- hood, was always honourable and upright, would have been prevented from committing any errors, or at least any that were not pardonable. 6. ^Vhen he became high chamberlain he sometimes also found fault even with Julian, who, as being tainted with Asiatic manners, was apt to be capricious. Finally, when he quitted office for private life, and again when he was recalled to court, he was always sober and consistent, cultivating those excellent virtues of good faith and con- stancy to such a degree that he never betrayed any secret, except for the purpose of securing another's safely ; nor was he ever accused of covetous or grasping conduct, as the other courtiers were. 7. From which it arose that, when at a late period he retired to Borne, and fixed there the abode of his old age, bearing with him the company of a good conscience, he was loved and respected by men of all ranks, though men of that class generally, after having amassed riches by iniquity, love to seek secret places of retirement, just as owls or moths, and avoid the sight of the multitude whom they have injured. 8. Though I have often ransacked the accounts of anti- quity, I do not find any ancient eunuch to whom I can compare him. . There were indeed among the ancients some, though very few, faithful and economical, but still they were stained by some vice or other ; and among the chief faults which they had either by nature or habit, they were apt to be either rapacious or else boorish, arid on that account contemptible ; or else ill-natured and mischievous ; or fawning too much on the powerful ; or too elated with power, and therefore arrogant. But of any one so univer- sally accomplished and prudent, I confess I have neither ever read nor heard, relying-for the truth of this judgment on the general testimony of the age. 9. But if any careful reader of ancient histories should oppose to us Menophilus, the eunuch of King Mithridates, I would warn him to recollect that nothing is really known A.I). 350.] ACCUSATIONS OF SORCERY. 95 of him except this single fact, that he behaved gloriously in a^moment of extreme danger. 10. \Vhen the king above mentioned, having been defeated by the Eomans under the command of Pompey, and fleeing to his kingdom of Colchis, left a grown-up daughter, named Drypetina, who at the time was danger- ously ill, in the castle of Synhorium, under the care of this Menophilus, he completely cured the maiden by a variety of remedies, and preserved her in safety for her father ; and when the fortress in which they were enclosed began to be besieged by Manlius Priscus, the lieutenant of the general, and when he became aware that the garrison were pro- posing to surrender, he, fearing that, to the dishonour of her father, this noble damsel might be made a prisoner and be ravished, slew her, and then fell upon his sword himself. Now I will return to the point from which I digressed. VIII. 1. AFTER Marcellus had been foiled, as I have men- tioned, and had returned to Serdica, which was his native place, many great crimes were perpetrated in the camp of Augustus, iinder pretence of upholding the majesty of the emperor. 2. For if any one had consulted any cunning soothsayer about the squeak of a mouse, or the appearance of a weasel, or any other similar portent, or had used any old woman's chants to assuage any pain a practice which the autho- rity of medicine does not always prohibit such a man was at once informed against, without being able to conceive by whom, and was brought before a court of law, and at once condemned to death. 3. About the same time an individual named Dames was accused by his wife of certain trifling acts, of which, whether he was innocent or not is uncertain ; but Kufinus was his enemy, who, as we have mentioned, had given in- formation of some matters which had been communicated to him by Gaudentius, the emperor's secretary, causing Africanus, then governing Pannonia with the rank of a consul, to be put to death, with all his friends. This Eufinus was now, for his devotion to the interests of the emperor, the chief commander of the praetorian guard. 90 AMM1AXUS MAUCELLINTS. [BK. XVI. Cu. vin 4. He, being given to talking in a boastful manner, after having seduced that easily deluded woman (the wife of Dames) into an illicit connection with him, allured her into a perilous fraud, and persuaded her by an accumu- lation of lies to accuse her innocent husband of treason, and to invent a story that he had stolen a purple garment from the sepulchre of Diocletian, and, by the help of some accomplices, still kept it concealed. 5. When this story had been thus devised in a way to cause the destruction of many persons, Eufinus himself, full of hopes of some advantage, hastened to the camp of the emperor, to spread his customary calumnies. And when the transaction had been divulged, Manlius, at that time the commander of the praetorian camp, a man cf ad- mirable integrity, received orders to make a strict inquiry into the charge, having united to him, as a colleague in the examination, Ursulus, the chief paymaster, a man likewise of praiseworthy equity and strictness. 6. There, after the matter had been rigorously inves- tigated according to the fashion of that period, and when, after many persons had been put to the torture, nothing was found out, and the judges were in doubt and per- plexity ; at length truth, long suppressed, found a respite, and, under the compulsion of a rigorous examination, the woman confessed that Eufinus was the author of the whole plot, nor did she even conceal the fact of her adultery with him. Reference was immediately made to the law, and as order and justice required, the judges con- demned them both to death. 7. But as soon as this was known, Constantius became greatly enraged, and lamenting Eufinus as if the champion of his safety had been destroyed, he sent couriers on horseback express, with threatening orders to Ursulus, commanding him to return to court. Ursulus, disregard- ing the remonstrances of those who advised him to dis- obey, hastened fearlessly to the presence ; and having entered the emperor's council-chambers, with nn daunted heart and voice related the whole transaction; and this confident behaviour of his shut the mouths of the flatterers. and delivered both the prefect and himself from serious danger. 8. It was at this time also that an event took place in Aqui- A.i>. S56.] INFLUENCE OF INFORMERS. 97 which, was more extensively talk,ed about. A certain cunning person being invited to a splendid and sumptuous banquet, which are frequent in that province, having seen a pair of coverlets, with two purple borders of such width, that 'ry the skill of those who waited they seemed to be but one ; and beholding the table also covered with a similar cloth, he took up one in each hand, and arranged them so as to resemble the front of a cloak, representing them as having formed the ornament of the imperial robe ; and then searching over the whole house in order to find the robe which he affirmed must be hidden there, he thus caused the ruin of a wealthy estate. 9. With similar malignity, a certain secretary in Spain, who was likewise invited to a supper, hearing the servants, while bringing in the evening candles, cry "let us con- quer," affixing a malignant interpretation to that common exclamation, in like manner ruined a noble family. 10. These and other evils increasing more and more, because Constantius, being a man of a very timorous dis- position, was always thinking that blows were being aimed at him, like the celebrated tyrant of Sicily, Dionysius, who, because of this vice of his, taught his daughters to shave him, in order that he might not have to put his face in a stranger's power ; and surrounded the small chamber in which he was accustomed to sleep wi(h a deep ditch, so placed that it coxild only be entered by a drawbridge ; the loose beams and axles of which when he went to bed he removed into his own chamber, replacing them when about to go forth at daybreak. 11. Moreover, those who had influence in the court pro- moted the spread of these evils, with the hope of joining to their own estates the forfeited possessions of those who should be condemned ; and thus becoming rich by the ruin of their neighbours. 12. For, as clear evidence has shown, if Constantino was the first to excite the appetites of his followers, Con- stantius was the prince who fattened them on the marrow of the provinces. 13. For under him the principal persons of every rank burnt with an insatiable desire of riches, without any regard for justice or right. And among the ordinary judges, Rufinus, the chit? prefect of the prsetorium, was H 98 AMMIANUS MARCELLISUS. [Bit. XVI. CH. K. conspicuous for this avarice. And among the military officers Arbetio, the master of the horse, and Eusebius, the high chamberlain, . . . Ard . . . anus, the quaestor, and in the city, the two Anicii, whose posterity, treading in the steps of their fathers, could not be satisfied even with possessions much larger than they themselves had enjoyed. IX. 1. BUT in the East, the Persians now practising pre- datory inroads and forays, in preference to engaging in pitched battles, as they had been wont to do before, carried off continually great numbers of men and cattle : some- times making great booty, owing to the unexpectedness of their incursions, but at other times being overpowered by superior numbers, they suffered losses. Sometimes, also, the inhabitants of the districts which they had invaded had removed everything which could be carried off. 2. But Musonianus, the prefect of the prsetorium, a man, as we have already said, of many liberal accomplishments but corrupt, and a person easily turned from the truth by a bribe, acquired, by means of some emissaries who were skilful in deceiving and obtaining information, a know- ledge of the plans of the Persians ; taking to his counsels on this subject Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia, a veteran who had served many campaigns, and had become hard- ened by all kinds of dangers. 3. And when, by the concurrent report of spies, these officers had become certain that Sapor was occupied in the most remote frontier of his kingdom in repelling the hos- tilities of the bordering tribes, which he could not accom- plish without great difficulty and bloodshed, they sought to tamper with Tamsapor, the general in command in the district nearest our border. Accordingly they sent soldiers of no renown to confer with him secretly, to engage him, if opportunity served, to write to the king to persuade him to make peace with the Roman emperor ; whereby he, being then secure on every side, might be the better able to subdue the rebels who were never weary of exciting dis- turbances. 4. Tamsapor coincided with these wishes, and, trust- ing to them, reported to the king that Constantius, A.D. 356.] WEAKNESS OF CONSTANT1US. 99 being involved in very formidable wars, was a suppliant for peace. But it took a long time for these letters to reach the country of the Chionites and the Euseni, on whose borders Sapor had taken up his winter quarters. X. 1. WHILE matters were thus proceeding in the eastern regions and in the Gauls, Constantius, as if the temple of Janus were now shut and hostilities everywhere at an end, became desirous of visiting Rome, with the intention of celebrating his triumph over Magnentius, to which he could give no name, since the blood that he had spilt was that of Roman foes. 2. For indeed, neither by his own exertions, nor by those of his generals did he ever conquer any nation that made war upon him ; nor did he make any additions to the empire ; nor at critical moments was he ever seen to be the foremost or even among the foremost ; but still he was eager to exhibit to the people, now in the enjoyment of peace, a vast procession, and standards heavy with gold, and a splendid train of guards and followers, though the citizens themselves neither expected nor desired any such spectacle. 3. He \vas ignorant, probably, that some of the ancient emperors were, in time of peace, contented with their lictors, and that when the ardour of war forbade all in- activity, one, 1 in a violent storm, had trusted himself to a fisherman's boat ; another,* following the example of the Decii, had sacrificed his life for the safety of the republic ; another 3 had by himself, accompanied by only a few soldiers of the lowest rank, gone as a spy into the camp of the enemy : in short, that many of them had rendered themselves illustrious by splendid exploits, in order to hand down to posterity a glorious memory of themselves, earned by their achievements. 1 Julius Caesar : the story of the frightened fisherman being en- couraged by the assurance that he was carrying " Caesar and his for- tunes " is universally known. 2 Claudius, who devoted himself in the Gothic war. 3 Galerius Maximianus, who reconnoitred in person the camp of tho king of Persia. 100 A1IMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVI. CH. x. 4. Accordingly, after long and sumptuous preparation, . . . in the second prefecture of Orfitus, Constantius, elated with his great honours, and escorted by a formidable array of troops, marching in order of battle, passed through Ocricoli, attracting towards himself the astonished gaze of all the citizens. 5. And when he drew near to the city, contemplating . the salutations offered him by the senators, and the whole body of fathers venerable from their likeness to their ancestors, he thought, not like Cineas, the ambassador of Pyrrhus, that a multitude of kings was here assembled together, but that the city was the asylum of the whole world. 6. And when from them he had turned his eyes upon the citizens, he marvelled to think with what rapidity the whole race of mankind upon earth had come from all quarters to Home ; and, as if he would have terrified the Euphrates or the Rhine with a show of armed men, he himself came on, preceded by standards on both sides, sit ting alone in a golden chariot, shining with all kinds of brilliant precious stones, which seemed to spread a flicker- ing light all around. 7. Numbers also of the chief officers who went before him were surrounded by dragons embroidered on various kinds of tissue, fastened to the golden or jewelled points of spears, the mouths of the dragons being open so as to catch the wind, which made them hiss as though they were inflamed with anger ; while the coils of their tails were also contrived to be agitated by the breeze. 8. After these matched a double row of heavy-armed soldiers, with shields and crested helmets, glittering with brilliant light, and clad in radiant breast-plates ; and among these were scattered cavalry with cuirasses, whom the Persians call Clibanarii, 1 protected by coverings of iron breast-plates, and girdled with belts of iron, so that you would fancy them statues polished by the hand of Praxiteles, rather than men. And the light circular plates of iron which surrounded their bodies, and covered all their limbs, were so well .fitted to all their motions, that in whatever direction they had occasion to move, the joints 1 The word is derived from K\I&O.VOV, an oven, and seems to meaa entirely clothed in iron. A.D. 356.] ARROGANCE OF CONSTANT1US. 101 jof their iron clothing adapted themselves equally to any position. 9. The emperor as he proceeded was saluted as Augustus by voices of good omen, the mountains and shores re-echo- ing the shouts of the people, amid which he preserved the same immovable countenance which he was accustomed tc display in his provinces. 10. For though he was very short, yet he bowed down when entering high gates, and looking straight before him, as though he had had his neck in a vice, he turned his eyes neither to the right nor to the left, as if he had been a statue : nor when the carriage shook him did he nod his head, or spit, or rub his face or his nose ; nor was he ever seen even to move a hand. 11. And although this calmness was affectation, yet these and other portions of his inner life were indicative of a most extraordinary patience, as it may be thought, granted to him alone. 1 2. I pass over the circumstance that during the whole of his reign he never either took up any one to sit with him in his chariot, or admitted any private person to bo his partner in the consulship, as other emperors had done ; also many other things which he, being filled with elation and pride, prescribed to himself as the justest of all rules of conduct, recollecting that I mentioned those facts before, as occasion served. 13. As he went on, having entered Rome, that home of sovereignty and of all virtues, when he arrived at the rostra, he gazed with amazed awe on the Forum, the most renowned monument of ancient power ; and, being be- wildered with the number of wonders on every side to which he turned his eyes, having addressed the nobles in the senate-house, and harangued the populace from the tribune, he retired, with the good-wi]l of all, into his palace, where he enjoyed the luxury he had wished for. And often, when celebrating the equestrian games, was he delighted with the talkativeness of the common people, who were neither proud, nor, on the other hand, inclined to become rebellious from too much liberty, while he him- self also reverently observed a proper moderation. 14. For he did not, as was usually done in other cities, allow the length of the gladiatorial contests to depend on 102 AMMIANUS MARCELLINU3. [BK. XVI. CH. x. his caprice ; but left it to be decided by various occurrences. Then, traversing the summits of the seven hills, and the different quarters of the city, whether placed on the slopes of the hills or on the level ground, and visiting, too, the siiburban divisions, he was so delighted that whatever he saw first he thought the most excellent of all. Admiring the temple of the Tarpeian Jupiter, which is as much superior to other temples as divine things are superior to those of men ; and the baths of the size of provinces ; and the vast mass of the amphitheatre, so solidly erected of Tiber- tine stone, to the top of which human vision can scarcely reach ; and the Pantheon with its vast extent, its imposing height, and the solid magnificence of its arches, and the lofty niches rising one above another like stairs, adorned with the images of former emperors ; and the temple of the city, and the forum of peace, and the theatre of Pompey, and the odeum, and the racecourse, and the other ornaments of the Eternal City. 15. But when he came to the forum of Trajan, the most exquisite structure, in my opinion, under the canopy of heaven, and admired even by the deities themselves, he stood transfixed with wonder, casting his mind over the gigantic proportions of the place, beyond the power of mortal to describe, and beyond the reasonable desire of mortals to rival. Therefore giving up all hopes of attempt- ing anything of this kind, he contented himself with say- ing that he should wish to imitate, and could imitate the horse of Trajan, which stands by itself in the middle of the hall, bearing the emperor himself on his back. 16. And the royal prince Hormisda, whose departure from Persia we have already mentioned, standing by answered, with the refinement of his nature, " But first, emperor, command such a stable to be built for him, if you can, that the horse which you purpose to make may have as fair a domain as this which we see." And when he was asked what he thought of Rome, he said that " he was particularly delighted with it because he had learnt that men died also there." 17. Now after he had beheld all these various objects with awful admiration, the emperor complained of fame, as either deficient in power, or else spiteful, because, though it usually exaggerates everything, it fell very A.D. 356.] PLOTS OF EUSEBIA. 103 short in its praises of the things which are at Eome ; and "ftaving deliberated for some time what he should do, he determined to add to the ornaments of the city by erecting .an obelisk in the Circus Maxirnus, the origin and form of which I will describe when I come to the proper place. 18. At this time Eusebia, the queen, who herself was barren all her life, began to plot against Helena, the sister of Constantius, and wife of the Caasar Julian, whom she had induced to come to Rome under a pretence of affection, and by wicked machinations she induced her to drink a poison which she had procured, which shoxild have the effect, whenever Helena conceived, of producing abortion. 19. For already, when in Gaul, she had borne a male child, but that also had been dishonestly destroyed because the midwife, having been bribed, killed it as soon as it was born, by cutting through the navel-string too deeply; such exceeding care was taken that this most gallant man should have no offspring. 20. But the emperor, while wishing to remain longer in this most august spot of the whole world, in order to enjoy a purer tranquillity and higher degree of pleasure, was alarmed by repeated intelligence on which he could rely, which informed him that the Suevi were invading the Tyrol, that the Quadi were ravaging Valeria, 1 and that the Sarmatians, a tribe most skilful in plunder, were laying waste the upper Mcesia, and the second Pannonia. And roused by these news, on the thirtieth day after he had entered Rome, he again quitted it, leaving it on the 29th of May, and passing through Trent he proceeded with all haste towards Illyricum. 21. And from that city he sent Severus to succeed Marcellus, a man of great experience and ripe skill in war, and summoned Ursicinus to himself. He, having gladly received the letter of summons, came to Sirmium, with a large retinue, and after a long deliberation on the peace which Musonianus had reported as possible to be made with the Persians, he was sent back to the East with the authority of commander-in-chief, and the older officers of our company having been promoted to commands over the 1 Valeria was a division of Pannonia, so called from Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian, and the wife of Galerius. 104 AMMIANUS 3IARCELLIXUS. [Bit. XVI. CH. xi. soldiers, we younger men were ordered to follow him to perform whatever he commanded us for the service of the republic. XI. A.D. 357. 1. BUT Julian, having passed his winter at Sens, amid continual disturbance, in the ninth consulship of the era- peror, and his own second, while the threats of the Germans were raging on all sides, being roused by favour- able omens, marched with speed to Eheims, with the greater alacrity and joy because Severus was in command of the army there ; a man inclined to agree with him, void of arrogance, but of proved propriety of conduct and experience in war, and likely to follow his lawful au- thority, obeying his general like a well- disciplined sol- dier. 2. In another quarter, Barbatio, who after the death of Silvanus had been promoted to the command of the in- fantry, came from Italy by the emperor's orders, to Augst, with 25,000 heavy-armed soldiers. 3. For the plan proposed and very anxiously prepared was, that the Allernanni, who were in a state of greater rage than ever, and were extending their incursions more widely, should be caught between our two armies, as if between the arms of a pair of pincers, and so driven into a corner and destroyed. 4. But while these well-devised plans were being pressed forward, the barbarians, in joy at some success which they had obtained, and skilful in seizing every opportunity for plunder, passed secretly between the camps of the armies, and attacked Lyons unexpectedly. And having plundered the district around, they would have stormed and burnt the city itself, if they had not found the gates so strongly defended that they were repulsed ; so that they only destroyed all they could find outside the city. 5. When this disaster was known, Caesar, with great alacrity, despatched three squadrons of light cavalry, of approved valour, to watch three lines of road, knowing that beyond all question the invaders must quit the district by one of them. A.D. 357.] PLOTS AGAINST JULIAN. 105 6. K or was he mistaken ; for all who came by these fOads were slaughtered by our men, and the whole of the booty which they were carrying off was recovered unhurt. Those alone escaped in safety who passed by the camp of Barbatio, who were suffered to escape in that direction because Bainobaudes the tribune, and Valentinian (after wards emperor), who had been appointed to watch that pass with the squadrons of cavalry under their orders, were forbidden by Cella (the tribune of the Scutarii, who had been sent as colleague to Barbatio) to occupy that road, though they were sure that by that the Germans would return to their own country. 7. The cowardly master of the horse, being also an obstinate enemy to the glory of Julian, was not contented with this, but being conscious that he had given orders inconsistent with the interests of Rome (for when he was accused of it Cella confessed what he had done), he made a false report to Constantius, and told him that these same tribunes had, under a pretence of the business of the state, came thither for the purpose of tampering with the soldiers whom he commanded. And owing to this state- ment they were deprived of their commands, and returned home as. private individuals. 8. In these days, also, the barbarians, alarmed at the approach of our armies, which had established their sta- tions on the left bank of the Rhine, employed some part of their force in skilfully barricading the roads, naturally difficult of access, and full of hills, by abattis constructed of large trees cut down ; others occupied the numerous islands scattered up and down the Rhone, and with horrid howls poured forth constant reproaches against the Romans and the Caesar ; who, being now more than ever resolved to crush some of their armies, demanded from Barbatio seven of those boats which he had collected, for the purpose of constructing a bridge with them, with the intention of crossing the river. But Barbatio, determined that no as- sistance should be got from him, burnt them all. 9. Julian, therefore, having learnt from the report of some spies whom he had lately taken prisoners, that, when the drought of summer arrived, the river was fordable, addressed a speech of encouragement to his light-armed auxiliary troops, and sent them forward with Baiuobaudes, 10G AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. X! the tribune of the Cornuti, to try and perform some gallant exploit, if they could find an opportunity. And they, entering the shallow of the river, and sometimes, when there was occasion for swimming, putting their shields under them like canoes, reached a neighbouring island, and having landed, killed every one they found on it, men and women, without distinction of age, like so many sheep. And having found some empty boats, though they were not very safe, they crossed in them, forcing their way into many places of the .same land. When they were weary of slaughter, and loaded with a rich booty, some of which, however, they lost through the violence of the river, they returned, back to the camp without losing a man. 10. And when this was known, the rest of the Germans, Junking they could no longer trust the garrisons left in the islands, removed their relations, and their magazines, and their barbaric treasures, into the inland parts. 11. After this Julian turned his attention to repair the fortress known by the name of Saverne, which had a little time before been destro} r ed by a violent attack of the enemy, but which, while it stood, manifestly prevented the Germans from forcing their way into the interior of the Gauls, as they had been accustomed to do ; and he executed this work with greater rapidity than he expected, and he laid up for the garrison which he intended to post there sufficient magazines for a whole year's consump- tion, which his army collected from the crops of the barbarians, not without occasional contests with the owners. 12. Xor indeed was he contented with this, but he also collected provisions for himself and his army sufficient for twenty days. For the soldiers delighted in using the food which they had won with their own right hands, being especially indignant because, out of all the supplies which had been recently sent them, they were not able to obtain anything, inasmuch as Barbatio, when they were passing near his camp, had with great insolence seized on a portion of them, and had collected all the rest into a heap and burnt them. "Whether he acted thus out of his own vanity and insane folly, or whether others were really the authors of this wickedness, relying on the command of the emperor himself, has never been known. A.D. 357.1 PRUDENCE OF JUU,YX. 107 13. However, as far as report went, the story commonly was, that Julian had been elected Caasar, not for the object of relieving the distresses of the Gauls, but rather of being himself destroyed by the formidable wars in which he was sure to be involved ; being at that time, as was supposed, inexperienced in war, and not likely to endure even the sound of arms. 14. While the works of the camp were steadily rising, and while a portion of the army was being distributed among the stations in the country districts, Julian occu- pied himself in other quarters with collecting supplies, operating with great caution, from the fear of ambuscades. And in the mean time, a vast host of the barbarians, out- stripping all report of their approach by the celerity of their movements, came down with a sudden attack upon Barbatio, and the army which (as I have already men- tioned) he had under his command, separated from the Gallic army of Severus only by a rampart ; and having put him to flight, pursued him as far as Augst, and beyond that town too, as far as they could ; and, having made booty of the greater part of his baggage and beasts of burden, and having carried off many of the sutlers as prisoners, they returned to their main army. 15. And Barbatio, as if he had brought his expectations to a prosperous issue, now distributed his soldiers into winter quarters, and returned to the emperor's court, to forge new accusations against the Caesar, according to his custom. XII. 1. WHEN this disgraceful disaster had become known, Chnodomarius and Vestralpus, the kings of the Allemanni, and Urius and Ursicinus, with Serapion, and Suomarius, and Hortarius, having collected all their forces into one body, encamped near the city of Strasburg, thinking that the Caesar, from fear of imminent danger, had retreated at the very time that he was wholly occupied with com- pleting a fortress to enable him to make a permanent stand. 2. Their confidence and assurance of success was in- creased by one of the Scutarii who deserted to them, who, 108 AMMIANUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. xn. fearing punishment for some offence which he had com- mitted, crossed over to them after the departure of Bar- batio, and assured them that Julian had now only 13,000 men remaining with him. For that was the number of troops that he had now with him, while the ferocious barbarians were stirring up attacks upon him from all sides. 3. And as he constantly adhered to the same story, they were excited to more haughty attempts by the confidence with which he inspired them, and sent ambassadors in an imperious tone to Caesar, demanding that he should retire from the territory which they had acquired by their own valour in arms. But he, a stranger to fear, and not liable to be swayed either by anger or by disappointment, de- spised the arrogance of the barbarians, and detaining the ambassadors till he had completed the works of his camp, remained immovable on his ground with admirable con- stancy. 4. But King Chnodomarius, moving about in every direc- tion, and being always the first to undertake dangerous enterprises, kept everything in continual agitation and confusion, being full of arrogance and pride, as one whose head was turned by repeated success. 5. For he had defeated the Caesar Decentius in a pitched battle, and he had plundered and destroyed many wealthy cities, and he had long ravaged all Gaul at his own pleasure without meeting with any resistance. And his confidence was now increased by the recent retreat of a general superior to him in the number and strength of his forces. 6. For the Allemanni, beholding the emblems on their shields, saw that a few predatory bands of their men had wrested those districts from those soldiers whom they had formerly never engaged Tbut with fear, and by whom they had often been routed with much loss. And these cir- cumstances made Julian very anxious, because, after the defection of Barbatio, he himself under the pressure of absolute necessity was compelled to encounter very popu- lous tribes, with but very few, though brave troops. 7. And now, the sun being fully risen, the trumpets sounded, and the infantry were led forth from the camp in slow march, and on their flanks were arrayed the A.D. 357.] JULIAN'S SPEECH TO HIS SOLDIERS. 109 squadrons of cavalry, among which were both the cui- rassiers and the archers, troops whose equipment was very formidable. 8. And since from the spot from which the Eoman standards had first advanced to the rampart of the bar- barian camp were fourteen leagues, that is to say one-and- twenty miles, Caesar, carefully providing for the advantage and safety of his army, called in the skirmishers who had gone out in front, and having ordered silence in his usual voice, while they all stood in battalions around him, addressed them in his natural tranquillity of voice. 9. " The necessity of providing for our common safety, to say the least of it, compels me, and I am no prince of abject spirit, to exhort yon, my comrades, to rely so much on your own mature and vigorous valour, as to follow my counsels in adopting a prudent manner of enduring or repelling the evils which we anticipate, rather than resort to an overhasty mode of action which must be doubtful in its issue. 10. " For though amid dangers youth ought to be ener- getic and bold, so also in cases of necessity it should show itself manageable arid prudent. Now what I think best to be done, if your opinion accords with mine, and if your just indignation will endure it, I will briefly explain. 11. " Already noon is approaching, we are weary with our march, and if we advance we shall enter upon rugged paths where we can hardly see our way. As the moon is waning the night will not be lighted up by any stars. The earth is burnt up with the heat, and will afford us no supplies of water. And even if by any contrivance we could get over these difficulties comfortably, still, when the swarms of the enemy fall upon us, refreshed as they will be with rest, meat, and drink, what will become of us ? What strength will there be in our weary limbs, exhausted as we shall be with hunger, thirst, and toil, to encounter them ? 12. " Therefore, since the most critical difficulties are often overcome by skilful arrangements, and since, after good counsel has been taken in good part, divine-looking remedies have often re-established affairs which seemed to be tottering ; I entreat you to let us here, surrounded as 110 AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. xn we are with fosse and rampart, take our repose, after first parcelling out our regular watches, and then, having refreshed ourselves with sleep and food as well as the time will allow, let us, under the protection of God, with the earliest dawn move forth our conquering eagles and standards to reap a certain triumph." 13. The soldiers would hardly allow him to finish his speech, gnashing their teeth, and showing their eagerness for combat by beating their shields with their spears ; and entreating at once to be led against the enemy already in their sight, relying on the favour of the God of heaven, and on their own valour, and on the proved courage of their fortunate general. And, as the result proved, it was a certain kind genius that was present with them thus prompting them to fight while still under his inspiration. 14. And this eagerness of theirs was further stimulated by the full approval of the officers of high rank, and especially of Florentius the prefect of the praetorian guard, who openly gave his opinion for fighting at once, while the enemy were in the solid mass in Avhich they were now arranged ; admitting the danger indeed, but still thinking it the wisest plan, because, if the enemy once dispersed, it would be impossible to restrain the soldiers, at all times inclined by their natural vehemence of disposition towards sedition ; and they were likely to be, as he thought, so in- dignant at being denied the victory they sought, as to be easily tempted to the most lawless violence. 15. Two other considerations also added to the con- fidence of our men. First, because they recollected that in the previous year, when the Eomans spread themselves in every direction over the countries on the other side of the Khine, not one of the barbarians stood to defend his home, nor ventured to encounter them ; but they contented themselves with blockading the roads in every direction with vast abattis, throughout the whole winter retiring into the remote districts, and willingly endured the greatest hardships rather than fight ; recollecting also that, after the emperor actually invaded their territories, the barba- rians neither ventured to make any resistance, nor even to show themselves at all, but implored peace in the most suppliant manner, till they obtained it. 16. But no one considered that the times were changed, A.D. 357.] EAGERNESS OF THE ROMANS FOR BATTLE. Ill because the barbarians were at that time pressed with a threefold danger. The emperor hastening against them through the Tyrol, the Caesar who was actually in their country cutting off all possibility of retreat, while the neighbouring tribes, whom recent quarrels had converted into enemies, were all but treading on their heels ; and thus they were surrounded on all sides. But since that time the emperor, having granted them peace, had returned to Italy, and the neighbouring tribes, having all cause of quarrel removed, were again in alliance with them ; and the disgraceful retreat of one of the Eoman generals had increased their natural confidence and boldness. 17. Moreover there was another circumstance which at this crisis added weight to the difficulties which pressed upon the Eomans. The two royal brothers, who had obtained peace from Constantius in the preceding year, being bound by the obligations of that treaty, neither ventured to raise any disturbance, nor indeed to put them- selves in motion at all. But a little after the conclusion of that peace one of them whose name was Gundomadus, and who was the most loyal and the most faithful to his word, was slain by treachery, and then all his tribe joined our enemies ; and on this the tribe of Vadomarius also, against his will, as he affirmed, ranged itself on the side of the barbarians who were arming for war. 18. Therefore, since all the soldiers of every rank, from the highest to the lowest, approved of engaging instantly, and would not relax the least from the rigour of their determination, on a sudden the standard-bearer shouted out, " Go forth, O Csesar, most fortunate of all princes. Go whither thy better fortune leads thee. At least we have learnt by your example the power of valour and military skill. Go on and lead us, as a fortunate and gallant champion. You shall see what a soldier under the eye of a warlike general, a witness of the exploits of each individual, can do, and how little, with the favour of the Deity, any obstacle can avail against him." 19. When these words were heard, without a moment's delay, the whole army advanced and approached a hill of moderate height, covered with ripe corn, at no great distance from the banks of the Rhine. On its summit were posted three cavalry soldiers of the enemy as scouts, 112 AMMIAN'US MARCELLIXUS. [Bic. XVI. CH. xn. who at once hastened back to their comrades to announce that the Roman army was at hand ; but one infantry soldier who was with them, not being able to keep up with them, was taken prisoner by the activity of some of our soldiers, and informed us that the Germans had been passing over the river for three days and three nights. 20. And when our generals beheld them now at no great distance forming their men into solid columns, they halted, and formed all the first ranks of their troops into a similarly solid body, and with equal caution the enemy likewise halted. 21. And when in consequence of this halt, the enemy saw (as the deserter I mentioned above had informed them) that all our cavalry was ranged against them in our right wing, then they posted all their own cavalry in close order on their left wing. And with them they mingled every here and there a few infantry, skirmishers and light-armed soldiers, which indeed was a very wise manoeuvre. 22. For they knew that a cavalry soldier, however skilful, if fighting with one of our men in complete armour, while his hands were occupied with shield and bridle, so that he could use no offensive weapon but the spear which he brandished in his right hand, could never injure an enemy wholly covered with iron mail ; but that an infantry soldier, amid the actual struggles of personal conflict, when nothing is usually guarded against by a combatant except that which is straight before him, may crawl unperceivedly along the ground, and piercing the side of the Roman soldier's horse, throw the rider down headlong, rendering him thus an easy victim. 23. When these dispositions had been thus made, the barbarians also protected their right flank with secret ambuscades and snares. Now the whole of these warlike and savage tribes were on this day under the command of Chnodomarius and Serapio, monarchs of more power than any of their former kings. 24. Chnodomarius was indeed the wicked instigator of the whole war, and bearing on his head a helmet blazing like fire, he led on the left wing with great boldness, confiding much on his vast personal strength. And now with great eagerness for the impending battle he mounted A.l). 357-1 THE BATTLE OF STRASBUKG. 113 a spirited horse, that by the increased height lie might be mo"'re conspicuous, leaning upon a spear of most formidable size, and remarkable for the splendour of his arms. Being indeed a prince who had on former occasions shown him- self brave as a warrior and a general, eminent for skill above his fellows. 25. The light wing was led by Serapio, a youth whose beard had hardly grown, but who was beyond his years in courage and strength. He was the son of Mederichus the brother of Chnodomarius, a man throughout his whole life of the greatest perfidy ; and he had received the name of Serapio because his father, having been given as a hostage, had been detained in Gaul for a long time, and had there learnt some of the mysteries of the Greeks, in consequence of which he had changed the name of his son, who at his birth was named Agenarichus, into that of Serapio. 26. These two leaders were followed by five other kings who were but little inferior in power to themselves, by ten petty princes, a vast number of nobles, and thirty- five thousand armed men, collected from various nations partly by pay, and partly by a promise of requiting their service by similar assistance on a future day. 27. The trumpets now gave forth a terrible sound ; Severus, the Koman general in command of the left wing, when he came near the ditches filled with armed men, fi-om which the enemy had arranged that those who were there concealed should suddenly rise up, and throw the Eoman line into confusion, halted boldly, and suspecting some yet hidden ambuscade, neither attempted to retreat nor advance. 28. Seeing this, Julian, always full of courage at the moment of the greatest difficulty, galloped with an escort of two hundred cavalry through the ranks of the infantry at full speed,, addressing them with words of encourage- ment, as the critical circumstances in which they were placed required. 29. And as the extent of the space over which they were spread and the denseness of the multitude thus collected into one body, would not allow him to address the whole army (and also because on other accounts he wished to avoid exposing himself to malice and envy, as well as not i 114 AMMIANUS MARCEULINUS. [BK. XVI. CH. xn. to affect that which Augustus thought belonged exclusively to himself), he, while taking care of himself as he passed within reach of the darts of the enemy, encouraged all whom his voice could reach, whether known or unknown to him, to fight bravely, with these and similar words : 30. " Now, my comrades, the fit time for fighting has arrived ; the time which I, as well as you, have long de- sired, and which you just now invited when, with gestures of impatience, you demanded to be led on." Again, when he came to those in the rear rank, who were posted in reserve : " Behold," said he, " my comrades, the long- wished-for day is at hand, which incites us all to wash out former stains, and to restore to its proper brightness the Roman majesty. These men before you are barbarians, whom their own rage and intemperate madness have urged forward to meet with the destruction of their fortunes, de- feated as they will now be by our might." 31. Presently, when making better dispositions for the array of some troops who, by long experience in war, had attained to greater skill, he aided his arrangements by these exhortations. " Let us rise up like brave men ; let us by our native valour repel the disgi'ace which has at one time been brought upon our arms, from contemplating which it was that after much delay I consented to take the name of Caesar." 32. But to any whom he saw inconsiderately demanding the signal to be given for instant battle, and likely by their rash movements to be inattentive to orders, he said, " I entreat you not to be too eager in your pursuit of the flying enemy, so as to risk losing the glory of the victory which awaits us, and also never to retreat, except under the last necessity. 33. " For I shall certainly take no care of those who flee. But among those who press on to the slaughter of the enemy I shall be present, and share with you indiscrimi- nately, provided only that your charge be made with moderation and prudence." 34. While repeatedly addressing these and similar ex- hortations to the troops, he drew up the principal part of his army opposite to the front rank of the barbarians. And suddenly there arose from the Allemanni a great shout, mingled with indignant cries, all exclaiming with one A.D.357.] THE BATTLE CF STRASBURG. 115 voice that the princes ought to leave their horses and fight in the ranks on equal terms with their men, lest if any mischance should occur they should avail themselves of the facility of escaping, and leave the mass of the army in miserable plight. 35. When this was known, Chnodomarius immediately leapt down from his horse, and the rest of the princes fol- lowed his example without hesitation. For indeed none of them doubted but that their side would be victorious. 36. Then the signal for battle being given as usual by the sound of trumpets, the armies rushed to the combat with all their force. First of all javelins were hurled, and the Germans, hastening on with the utmost impetuosity, brandishing their javelins in their right hands, dashed among the squadrons of our cavalry, uttering fearful cries. They had excited themselves to more than usual rage ; their flowing hair bristling with their eagerness, and fuiy blazing from, their eyes. While in opposition to them our soldiers, standing steadily, protecting their heads with the bulwark of their shields, and drawing their swords or brandishing their javelins, equally threatened death to their assailants. 37. And while in the very conflict of battle, the cavalry kept their gallant squadrons in close order, and the in- fantry strengthened their flanks, standing shoulder to shoulder with closely-locked shields, clouds of thick dust arose, and the battle rocked to and fro, our men some- times advancing, sometimes receding. Some of the most powerful warriors among the barbarians pressed upon their antagonists with their knees, trying to throw them down ; and in the general excitement men fought hand to hand, shield pressing upon shield ; while the heaven resounded with the loud cries of the conquerors and of the dying. Presently, when our left wing, advancing forward, had driven back with superior strength the vast bands of German assailants, and was itself advancing with lotid cries against the enemy, our cavalry on the right wing unexpectedly retreated in disorder ; but when the leading fugitives came upon those in the rear, they halted, perceiving themselves covered by the legions, and renewed the battle. 38. This disaster had arisen from the cuirassiers see'ng their commander slightly wounded, and one of their 116 AMMIAXUS MARCELLINUS. [B K . XVI. CH. xii comrades crushed under the weight of his own arms, and of his horse, which fell upon him while they were changing their position, on which they all fled as each could, and would have trampled down the infantry, and thrown everything into confusion, if the infantry had not steadily kept their ranks and stood immovable, supporting each other. Julian, when from a distance he saw his cavalry thus seeking safety in flight, spurred his horse towards them, and himself stopped them like a barrier. 39. For as he was at once recognized by his purple standard of the dragon, which was fixed to the top of a long spear, waving its fringe as a real dragon sheds its skin, the tribune of one squadron halted, and turning pale with alarm, hastened back to renew the battle. 40. Then, as is customary in critical moments, Julian gently reproached his men : " ^Vhither," said he, " gallant comrades, are ye retreating ? Are ye ignorant that flight, which never insures safety, proves the folly of having made a vain attempt ? Let us return to our army, to be partakers of their glory, and not rashly desert those who are fighting for the republic." 41. Saying these words in a dignified tone, he led them all back to discharge their duties in the fight, imitating in this the ancient hero Sylla, if we make allowances for the difference of situation. For when Sylla, having led his army against Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, became exhausted by the violence of the conflict, and was desei'ted by all his soldiers, he ran to the foremost rank, and seizing a standard he turned it against the enemy, ex- claiming, " Go ! ye once chosen companions of my dangers ; and when you are asked where I, your general, was left, tell them this truth, alone in Boeotia, fighting for us all, to his own destruction." 42. The Allemanni, when our cavalry had been thus driven back and thrown into confusion, attacked the first line of our infantry, expecting to find their spirit abated, and to be able to rout them without much resistance. 43. But when they came to close quarters with them, they found they had met an equal match. The conflict lasted long; for the Comuti and Braccati, 1 veterans of 1 Troops named from the fashion of their arms ; the Cornuti having projections like horns on their helmets, the Braccati wearing drawers. A.D. 357.] THE BATTLE OF STRASBUKG. 117 great experience in war, frightening even by their ges- tures, shouted their battle cry, and the uproar, through the heat of the conflict, rising up from a gentle murmur, and becoming gradually louder and louder, grew fierce as that of waves dashing against the rocks ; the javelins hissed as they flew hither and thither through the air ; the dust rose to the sky in one vast cloud, preventing all possibility of seeing, and causing arms to fall upon arms, man upon man. 44. But the barbarians, in their undisciplined anger and fury, raged like the flames ; and with ceaseless blows of their swords sought to pierce through the compact mass of the shields with which our soldiers defended themselves, as with the testudo. 1 45. And when this was seen, the Batavi, with the royal legion, hastened to the support of their comrades, a for- midable band, well able, if fortune aided them, to save even those who were in the extremest danger. And amid the fierce notes of their trumpets, the battle again raged with undiminished ferocity. 46. But the Allemanni, still charging forward impetu- ously, strove more and more vigorously, hoping to bear down all opposition by the violence of their fury. Darts, spears, and javelins never ceased ; arrows pointed with iron were shot ; while at the same time, in hand-to-hand conflict, sword struck sword, breastplates were cloven, and even the wounded, if not quite exhausted with loss of blood, rose up still to deeds of greater daring. 47. In some sense it may be said that the combatants were equal. The Allemanni were the stronger and the taller men ; our soldiers by great practice were the more skilful. The one were fierce and savage, the others com- posed ,and wary ; the one trusted to their courage, the others to their physical strength. 48. Often, indeed, the Roman soldier was beaten down by the weight of his enemy's arms, but he constantly rose again ; and then, on the other hand, the barbarian, finding his knees fail under him with fatigue, would rest his left 1 The testudo was properly applied to the manner in which they locked their shields over their heads while advancing to storm a wallej town. 118 AMMIANUS MAKCELUXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. xn knee on the ground, and even in that position attack his enemy, an act of extreme obstinacy. 49. Presently there sprang forward with sudden vigour a fieiy band of nobles, among whom also were the princes of the petty tribes, and, as the common soldiers followed them in great numbers, they burst through our lines, and forced a path for themselves up to the principal legion of the reserve, which was stationed in the centre, in a posi- tion called the praetorian camp ; and there the soldiery, being in closer array, and in densely serried ranks, stood firm as so many towers, and renewed the battle with increased spirit. And intent upon parrying the blows of the enemy, and covering themselves with their shields as the Minnillos l do, with their drawn swords wounded their antagonists in the sides, which their too vehement impetuosity left unprotected. 50. And thus the barbarians threw away their lives in their struggles for victory, while toiling to break the compact array of our battalions. But still, in spite of the ceaseless slaughter made among them by the Romans, whose courage rose with their success, fresh barbarians succeeded those who fell ; and as the frequent groans of the dying were heard, many became panic-stricken, and lost all strength. 51. At last, exhausted by their losses, and having no strength for anything but flight, they sought to escape with all speed by different roads, like as sailors and traders, when the sea rages in a storm, are glad to flee wherever the wind carries them. But any one then present will confess that escape was a matter rather to be wished than hoped for. 52. And the merciful protection of a favourable deity was present on our side, so that our soldiers, now slashing at the backs of the fugitives, and finding their swords so battered that they were insufficient to wound, used the enemy's own javelins, and so slew them. Nor could any one of the pumiers satiate himself enough with their blood, nor allow his hand to weary with slaughter, nor did any one spare a suppliant out of pity. 53. Numbers, therefore, lay on the ground, mortally 1 The Mirmillo was a gladiator opposed to a Retiarius, protecting himself by his oblong shield against the net of the latter. A.D. 357.] DEFEAT OF THE ALLEMAXNI. 119 wounded, imploring instant death as a relief; others, half dead, with failing breath turned their dying eyes to the last enjoyment of the light. Of some the heads were almost cut off by the huge weapons, and merely hung by small strips to their necks; others, again, who had fallen because the ground had been rendered slippery by the ^lood of their comrades, without themselves receiving any wound, were killed by being smothered in the mass of those who fell over them. 54. While these events were proceeding thus prosper- ously for us, the conquerors pressed on vigorously, though the edges of their weapons were blunted by frequent use, and shining helmets and shields were trampled under foot. At last, in the extremity of their distress, the barbarians, finding the heaps of corpses block up all the paths, sought the aid of the river, which was the only hope left to them, and which they had now reached. 55. And because our soldiers unweariedly and with great speed pressed, with arms in their hands, upon the fleeing bands, many, hoping to be able to deliver them- selves from danger by their skill in swimming, trusted their lives to the waves. And Julian, with prompt appre- hension, seeing what would be the result, strictly forbade the tribxines and captains to allow any of our men to pursue them so eagerly as to trust themselves to the dan- gerous currents of the river. 56. In consequence of which order they halted on the brink, and from it wounded the Germans with every kind of missile ; while, if any of them escaped from death of that kind by the celerity of their movements, they still sunk to the bottom from the weight of their own arms. 57. And as sometimes in a theatrical spectacle the cur- tain exhibits marvellous figures, so here one could see many strange things in that danger ; some unconsciously clinging to others who were good swimmers, others who were floating were pushed off by those less encum- bered as so many logs, others again, as if the violence of the stream itself fought against them, were swallowed up in the eddies. Some supported themselves on their shields, avoiding the heaviest attacks of the opposing waves by crossing them in an oblique direction, and so, after many dangers, reached the opposite brink, till at last the foaming 120 AMJIIANUS MAROELLIXUS. [BK. XVI. CH. xn. river, discoloured with barbarian blood, was itself amazed at the unusual increase it had received. 58. And while this was going on, Chnodomarius, the king, finding an opportunity of escaping, making his way over the heaps of dead with a small .escort, hastened with exceeding speed towards the camp which he had made near the two Koman fortresses of Alstatt and Lauterbourg, in the country of the Tribocci, that he might embark in some boats which had already been prepared in case of any emergency, and so escape to some secret hiding-place in which he might conceal himself. 59. And because it was impossible for him to reach his camp without crossing the Rhine, he hid his face that he might not be recognized, and after that retreated slowly. And when he got near the bank of the river, as he was feeling his way round a marsh, partly overflowed, seeking some path by which to cross it, his horse suddenly stumbled in some soft and sticky place, and he was thrown down, but though he was fat and heavy, he without delay reached the shelter of a hill in the neighbourhood ; there he was recognized (for indeed he could not conceal who he was, being betrayed by the greatness of his former fortune) : and immediately a squadron of cavalry came up at full gallop with its tribune, and cautiously surrounded the wooded mound ; though they feared to enter the thicket lest they should fall into any ambuscade concealed among the trees. 60. But when he saw them he was seized with extreme terror, and of his own accord came forth by himself and surrendered ; and his companions, two hundred in number, and his three most intimate friends, thinking it would be a crime in them to survive their king, or not to die for him if occasion required, gave themselves up also as prisoners. 61. And, as barbarians are naturally low spirited in adverse fortune, and very much the reverse in moments of prosperity, so now that he was in the power of another he became pale and confused, his consciousness of guilt closing his mouth ; widely diiferent from him who lately, insulting the ashes of the Gauls with ferocious and lamentable violence, poured forth savage threats against the whole empire. (J2. Xow after these affairs were thus by the favour of the deity brought to an end, the victorious soldiers were A.D. 357.] DEATH OF CHNODOMARIUS. 121 recalled at the close of the day to their camp by the signal of the trumpeter, and marched towards the bank of the Rhine, and there erecting a rampart of shields piled together in several rows, they refreshed themselves with food and sleep. 63. There fell in this battle, of Eomans 243, and four -generals : Bainobaudes, the tribune of the Cornuti, and with him Laipso, and Innocentius, who commanded the cuiras- siers, and one tribune who had no particular command, and whose name I forget. But of the Allemanni, there were found 6000 corpses on the field, and incalculable num- bers were carried down by the waves of the river. 64. Then Julian, as one who was now manifestly ap- proved by fortune, and was also greater in his merit than even in his authority, was by unanimous acclamation hailed as Augustus by the soldiers ; but he sharply reproved them for so doing, affirming with an oath that he neither wished for such an honour, nor would accept it. 65. In order to increase the joy at his recent success, Julian ordered Chnodomarius to be brought before him at his council ; who at first bowing, and then like a sup- pliant, prostrating himself on the ground, and imploring pardon with entreaties framed after the fashion of his nation, was bidden to take courage. 66. A few days afterwards he was conducted to the court of the emperor, and thence he was sent to Rome, where he died of a lethargy in the foreign camp which is stationed on Mons Caelius. 67. Notwithstanding that these numerous and important events were brought to so happy an issue, some persons in the palace of Constantius, disparaging Julian in order to give pleasure to the emperor, in a tone of derision called him Yictorinus, because he, modestly relating how often he had been employed in leading the army, at the same time related that the Germans had received many defeats. 68. They at the same time, by loading the emperor with empty praises, of which the extravagance was glaringly conspicuous, so inflated an inherent pride, already beyond all natural bounds, that he was led to believe that, what- ever took place in the whole circumference of the earth was owing to his fortunate auspices. 69. So that, being inflated by the pompous language of 122 AMMIANUS MARCELUNU3. [BK. XVI. CH. xn. his flatterers, he then, and at all subsequent periods, be- came accustomed in all the edicts which he published to advance many unfounded statements ; assuming, that he by himself had fought and conquered, when in fact he had not been present at anything that had happened ; often also asserting that he had raised up the suppliant kings of conquered nations. For instance, if while he was still in Italy any of his generals had fought a brilliant campaign against the Persians, the emperor would write triumphant letters to the provinces without the slightest mention of the general throughout its whole length, relating with odious self-praise how he himself had fought in the front ranks. 70. Lastly, edicts of his are still extant, laid up among the public records of the empire .... relating . . . .* and extolling himself to the skies. A letter also is to be found, though he was forty days' journey from Stras- burg when the battle was fought, describing the engage- ment, saying that he marshalled the army, stood among the standard-bearers, and put the barbarians to the rout ; and with amazing falsehood asserting that Chnodomarius was brought before him, without (oh shameful indignity!) saying a single word about the exploits of Julian ; which he would have utterly buried in oblivion if fame had no{ refused to let great deeds die, however many people may try to keep them in the shade. * The text is mutilated here, as in many other passages similarly marked. 123 BOOK XVII ARGUMENT. I. Julian crosses the Rhine and plunders and burns the towns of the Allemanni, repairs the fortress of Trajan, and grants the barbarians a truce for ten months. II. He hems in six hundred Franks who are devastating the second Germania, and starves them into surrender. III. He endeavours to relieve the Gauls from some of the tribute which weighs them down. IV. By order of the Emperor Constantius an obelisk is erected at Rome in the Circus Maximus ; some observations on obelisks and on hieroglyphics. V. Constantius and Sapor, king of the Persians, by means of ambassadors and letters, enter into a vain negotiation for peace. VI. The Nethargi, an Alleman tribe, are defeated in the Tyrol, which they were laying waste. VII. Nicomedia is destroyed by an earthquake ; some observations on earthquakes VIII. Julian receives the surrender of the Salii, a Prankish tribe. He defeats one body of the Ohamari, takes another body prisoners, and grants peace to the rest. IX. He repairs three forts on the Meuse that had been destroyed by the barbarians. His soldiers suffer from want, and become discontented and reproachful. X. Surmarius and Hortarius, kings of the Allemanni, surrender their prisoners and obtain peace from Julian. XI. Julian, after his successes in Gaul, is disparaged at the court of Constantius by enviers of his fame, and is spoken of as inactive and cowardly. XII. The Emperor Constantius compels the Sarmatians to give hostage, and to restore their prisoners ; and imposes a king on the Sarmatiau exiles, whom he restores to their country and to freedom. XIII. He compels the Limigantes, after defeating them with great slaughter, to emigrate, and harangues his own soldiers. XIV. The Roman ambassadors, who had been sent to treat for peace, return from Persia ; and Sapor returns into Armenia and Mesopotamia. I. A.D. 357. 1. AFTER the various affairs which we have described were brought to a conclusion, the warlike young prince, now that the battle of Strasburg had secured him the na- vigation of the Rhine, felt anxious that the ill-omened 124 , AMMIAXDS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVII. CH. t birds should not feed on the corpses of the slain, and so ordered them all to be buried without distinction. And having dismissed the ambassadors whom we have men- tioned as having come with some arrogant messages before the battle, he returned to Saverne. 2. From this place he ordered all the booty and the prisoners to be brought to Metz, to be left there till his return. Then departing for Mayence, to lay down a bridge at that city and to seek the barbarians in their own terri- tories, since he had left none of them in arms, he was at first met by great opposition on the part of his army ; but addressing them with eloquence and persuasion he soon won them to his opinion. For their affection for him, be- coming strengthened by repeated experience, induced them to follow one who shared in all their toils, and who, while never surrendering his authority, was still accustomed, as every one saw, to impose more labour on himself than on his men. They soon arrived at the appointed spot, and, crossing the river by a bridge they laid down, occupied the territory of the enemy. 3. The barbarians, amazed at the greatness of his enter- prise, inasmuch as they had fancied they were situated in a position in which they could hardly be disturbed, were now led by the destruction of their countrymen to think anxiously of their own future fate, and accordingly, pre- tending to implore peace that they might escape from the violence of his first invasion, they sent ambassadors to him with a set message, offering a lasting treaty of agreement ; but (though it is not known what design or change of circumstances altered their purpose) they immediately afterwards sent off some others with all speed, to threaten our troops with implacable war if they did not at once quit their territories. 4. And when this was known, the Caesar, as soon as all was quiet, at the beginning of night embarked 800 men in some small swift boats, with the intention that they should row with all their strength up stream for some distance, and then land and destroy all they could find with fire and sword. 5. After he had made this arrangement, the barbarians were seen at daybreak on the tops of the mountains, on A.D. 357.] JULIAN PURSUES THE ALLKMANN1. 125 which our soldiers were led with speed to the higher ground ; and when no enemy was found there (since the barbarians, divining their plan, immediately retreated to a distance), presently large volumes of smoke were seen, which indicated that our men had broken into the enemy's .territory, and were laying it waste. 6. This event broke the spirit of the Germans, who, de- serting the ambuscades which they had laid for our men in narrow denies full of lurking-places, they fled across the river Maine to carry aid to their countrymen. 7. For, as is often the case in times of uncertainty and difficulty, they were panic-stricken by the incursion of our cavalry on the one side, and the sudden attacks of our infantry, conveyed in boats, on the other ; and therefore, relying on their knowledge of the country, they sought safety in the rapidity of their flight ; and, as their retreat left the motions of our troops free, we plundered the wealthy farms of their crops and their cattle, sparing no one. And having carried off a number of prisoners, we set fire to, and burnt to the ground all their houses, which in that district were built more carefully than usual, in the Roman fashion. 8. And when we had penetrated a distance of ten miles, till we came near a wood terrible from the denseness of its shade, our army halted for a while, and stayed its advance, having learnt from information given by a deserter that a number of enemies were concealed in some subterranean passages and caverns with many entrances in the neigh- bourhood, ready to sally forth when a favourable oppor- tunity should appear. 9. Nevertheless our men presently ventured to advance in full confidence, and found the roads blockaded by oaks, ashes, and pines, of great size, cut down and laid together. And so they retreated with caution, perceiving that it was impossible to advance except by long and rugged defiles ; though they could hardly restrain their indignation at being compelled to do so. 10. The weather too became very sever e, BO that they were enveloped in all kinds of toil and danger to no pur- pose (forasmuch as it was now past the autumnal equinox, and the snow, which had already fallen in those regions, covered the mountains and the plains), and so, instead of 126 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVII. Cii. r. proceeding, Julian undertook a work worthy of being related. 11. He repaired with great expedition, while there was no one to hinder him, the fortress which Trajan had con- structed in the territory of the Allemanni, and to which he had given his own name, and "which had lately been attacked with great violence and almost destroyed. And he placed there a temporary garrison, and also some maga- zines, which he had collected from the barbarians. 12. But when the Allemanni saw these preparations made for their destruction, they assembled rapidly in great consternation at what had already been done, and sent ambassadors to implore peace, with prayers of extreme humility. And the Caesar, now that he had fully matured and secured the success of all his designs, taking into con- sideration all probabilities, granted them a truce for ten months. In reality he was especially influenced by this prudent consideration, that the camp which he had thus occupied without hindrance, in a way that could hardly have been hoped for, required, nevertheless, to be fortified with mural engines and other adequate equipments. 13. Trusting to this truce, three of the most ferocious of those kings who had sent reinforcements to their countrymen when defeated at Strasburg, came to him, though still in some degree of alarm, and took the oaths according to the formula in use in their country, that they would create no further disturbance, but that they would keep the truce faithfully up to the appointed day, because that had been the decision of our generals ; and that they would not attack the fortress ; and that they would even bring supplies to it on their shoulders if the garrison informed them that they were in want; all which they promised, because their fear bridled their treachery. 14. In this memorable war, which deserves to be com- pared with those against the Carthaginians or the Gauls, yet was accompanied with very little loss to the republic, Julian triumphed as a fortunate and successful leader. The very smallness of his losses might have given some colour to the assertions of his detractors, who declared that he had only fought bravely on all occasions, because he preferred dying gloriously to being put to death like his brother Gallus, as a condemned malefactor, as they had A.D. 357.] JULIAN'S OPERATIONS. 127 expected lie would be, if he had not, after the death of Constantius, continued to distinguish himself equally by splendid exploits. II. 1. Now when everything was settled in that country as "fairly as the case permitted, Julian, returning to his winter quarters, found some trouble still left for him. Severus, the master of the horse, being on the way to Eheims through Cologne and Juliers, fell in with some strong battalions of Franks, consisting of six hundred light-armed soldiers, who were laying waste those places which were not defended by garrisons. They had been encouraged to this audacious wickedness by the opportunity afforded them when the Caesar was occupied in the remote districts of the Alle- manni, thinking to obtain a rich booty without any hin- drance. But in fear of the army which had now returned, they occupied two fortresses which had been abandoned for some time, ond defended themselves there as long as they could. 2. Julian, amazed at the novelty of such an attempt, and thinking it impossible to say how far such a spirit would spread if he allowed it to pass without a check, halted his soldiers, and gave orders to blockade the forts. . . . The Meuse passes beneath them ; and the blockade was protracted for fifty-four days, through nearly the entire months of December and January, the barbarians resisting with incredible obstinacy and courage. 3. Then the Cfesar, like an experienced general, fearing that the barbarians might take advantage of some moonless night to cross over the river, which was now thoroughly frozen, ordered soldiers to go up and down the stream every day in light boats, from sunset till daybreak, so as to break the crust of ice and prevent any one from escaping in that manner. Owing to this manoeuvre, the barbarians were so exhausted by hunger, watching, and the extremity of despair, that at last they voluntarily surrendered, and were immediately sent to the court of the emperor. 4. And a vast multitude of Franks, who had come to their assistance, hearing that they were taken prisoners and Bent off, would not venture on any further enterprise, but returned to their own country. And when this affair 128 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVII. CH. m. was finished, the Ceesar retired to Paris to pass the winter there. Ill, 1 . IT was now expected that a number of tribes Avould unite in greater force, and therefore the prudent Jiilian, bearing in mind the uncertainties of war, became very anxious and full of care. And as he thought that the truce lately made, though not free from trouble, and not of long duration, still gave him opportunity to remedy some things which were faulty, he began to remodel the arrangements about tribute. 2. And when Florentius, the prefect of the praetorium, having taken an estimate of everything, affirmed that whatever deficiency there might be in the produce of a capitation tax he should be able to make good from what he could levy by force, Julian, deprecating this prac- tice, determined to lose his own life rath.er than permit it. 3. For he knew that the wounds inflicted by such ex- tortions, or, as I should rather call them, confiscations, are incurable, and have often reduced provinces to extreme destitution. Indeed, such conduct, as will be related here- after, utterly lost us Illy ri cum. 4. And when, owing to this resolution of his, the prgetorian prefect exclaimed that it could not be endured that he, to whom the emperor had intrusted the chief authority in this matter, should be thus distrusted, Julian attempted to appease him, showing by exact and accurate calculations that the capitation tax was not only enough, but more than enough to provide all the necessaiy supplies. 5. And when some time afterwards an edict for a supplementary tax was nevertheless presented to him by Florentius, he refused to sign or even to read it ; and threw it on the ground ; and when warned by letters from the emperor (written on receiving the prefect's report) not to act in so embarrassing a manner, lest he should seem to be diminishing the authority of Florentius, Julian wrote in answer, that it was a matter to be thankful for, if a province that had been devastated in every direction could still pay its regular taxes, without A.D. 357.1 JULIAN'S MEASURES L\ GAUL. 129 demanding from it any extraordinary contributions, which indeed no punishments could extort from men in a state of destitution : and then, and from that time forward, owing to the firmness of one man, no one ever attempted to extort anything illegal in Gaul beyond the regular taxes. 6. The Caesar had also in another affair set an example "Wholly unprecedented, entreating the prefect to intrust to him the government of the second Belgic province, which was oppressed by manifold evils ; on the especial and single condition that no officer, either belonging to the prefect or to the garrison, should force any one to pay anything. And the whole people whom he thus took under his care, comforted and relieved by this mildness, paid all the taxes due from them before the appointed day, without any demand being made upon them. IV. 1. WHILE Julian was thus beginning to put Gaul into a better condition, and while Orfitus was still governor of the second province, an obelisk was erected at Rome, in the Circus Maximus, concerning which, as this seems a convenient opportunity, I will mention a few particulars. 2. The city of Thebes, in Egypt, built in remote ages, with enormous walls, and celebrated also for entrances by a hundred gates, was from this circumstance called by its founders e/caro/jTri/Xoe (Hecatompylos) ; and from the name of this city the whole district is known as Thebais. 3. AVhen Carthage began to rise in greatness, the Cartha- ginian generals conquered and destroyed Thebes by a sudden attack. And after it was rebuilt, Cambyses, the celebrated king of Persia, who throughout his whole life was covetous and ferocious, overran. Egypt, and again attacked this city that he might plunder it of its wealth, which was enough to excite his envy ; and he spared not even the offerings which had been made to the gods. 4. And while he was in his savage manner moving to nnd fro among his plunderers, he got entangled in his own flowing robes, and fell on his face, and by the fall his dagger, which he wore close to his thigh, got loose from the scabbard, and he was mortally wounded and died. 5. And long afterwards, Cornelius Gallus, who was gover- K 130 AMMIANUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK.X7II.Cn.iv. nor of Egypt at the time when Octaviamis was emperor of Eome, impoverished the city by plundering it of most of its treasuries ; and returning to Borne on being accused of theft and of laying waste the province, he, from fear of the nobles, who were bitterly indignant against him, as one to whom the emperor had committed a most honourable task, fell on his own sword and so died. If I mistake not, he is the same person as Galhis the poet, whose loss Virgil de- plores at the end of his Bucolics, celebrating his memory in sweet verses. 6. In this city of Thebes, among many works of art and different structures recording the tales relating to the Eg} r ptian deities, we saw several obelisks in their places, and others which had been thrown down and broken ; which the ancient kings, when elated at some victory or at the general prosperity of their affairs, had caused to be hewn out of mountains in distant pa,rts of the world, and erected in honour of the gods, to whom they solemnly consecrated them. 7. Now an obelisk is a rough stone, rising to a great height, shaped like a pillar in the stadium ; and it tapers upwards in imitation of a sunbeam, keeping its quadri- lateral shape, till it rises almost to a point, being made smooth by the hand of a sculptor. 8. On these obelisks the ancient authority of elementary wisdom has caused innumerable marks of strange forms all over them, which are called hieroglyphics. 9. For the workmen, carving many kinds of birds and beasts, some even such as must belong to another world, in order that the recollection of the exploits which the obelisk was designed to commemorate might reach to subsequent ages, showed by them the accomplishment of vows which the kings had made. 10. For it was not the case then as it is now, that the established number of letters can distinctly express what- ever the human niind conceives ; nor did the ancient Egyp- tians write in such a manner ; but each separate character served for a separate noun or verb, and sometimes even for an entire sense. 11. Of which fact the two following may for the present be sufficient instances : by the figure of a vulture they indicate the name of nature ; because naturalists declare A.B. 357.] EGYPTIAN OBELISKS. 131 that no males are found in this class of bird. And by the figure of a bee making honey they indicate a king ; show- ing by such a sign that stings as well as sweetness are the characteristics of a ruler ; and there are many similar emblems. 12. And because the flatterers, who were continually """whispering into the ear of Constantius, kept always affirm- ing that when Augustus Octavianus had brought two obe- lisks from Heliopolis, a city of Egypt, one of which was placed in the Circus Maximus, and the other in the Campus Martius, he yet did not venture to touch or move this one which has just been brought to Rome, being alarmed at the greatness of such a task ; I would have those, who do not know the truth, learn that the ancient emperor, though he moved several obelisks, left this one tintouched, because it was especially dedicated to the Sun-god, and was set up within the precincts of his magnificent temple, which it was impious to profane ; and of which it was the most conspicuous ornament. 13. But Constantino deeming that a consideration of no importance, had it torn up from its place, and thinking rightly that he should not be oifering any insult to religion if he removed a splendid work from some other temple to dedicate it to the gods at Rome, which is the temple of the whole world, let it lie on the ground for some time while arrangements for its removal were being prepared. And when it had been carried down the Nile, and landed at Alexandria, a ship of a burden hitherto unexampled, re- quiring three hundred rowers to propel it, was built to receive it. 14. And when these preparations were made, and after the aforenamed emperor had died, the enterprise began to cool. However, after a time it was at last put on board ship, and conveyed over sea, and up the stream of the Tiber, which seemed as it were frightened, lest its own winding waters should hardly be equal to conveying a present from the almost unknown Nile to the walls which itself cherished. At last the obelisk reached the village of Alexandria, three miles from the city ; and then it was placed in a cradle, and drawn slowly on, and brought through the Ostran gate and the public fish-market to the Circus Maximus. 132 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Ex. XVII. On. n-. 1 5. The only work remaining to be done was to raise it, which was generally believed to be hardly, if at all, practi- cable. And vast beams having been raised on end in a most dangerous manner, so that they looked like a grove of machines, long ropes of huge size were fastened to them, darkening the very sky with their density, as they formed a web of innumerable threads ; and into them the great stone itself, covered over as it was with elements of writing, was bound, and gradually raised into the empt}' air, and long suspended, many thousands of men turning it round and round like a millstone, till it was at last placed in the middle of the square ; and on it was placed a brazen sphere, made brighter with plates of gold : and as that was immediately afterwards struck by lightning, and destroyed, a brazen figure like a torch was placed on it, also plated with gold to look as if the torch were fully alight. 16. Subsequent ages also removed other obelisks ; one of which is in the Vatican, a second in the garden of Sallust ; and two in the monument of Augustus. 17. But the writing which is engraven on the old obelisk in the Circus, we have set forth below in Greek characters, following in this the work of Hermapion : APXHN AHO TON NOTION AIEPMHNEYMENA EXEI 2TIXO2 HPiiTO2 TAAE. 18. The first line, beginning on the south side, boars this interpretation" The Sun to Eamestes the king I have given to thee to reign with joy over the whole earth ; to thee whom the Sun and Apollo love to thee, the mighty truth-loving son of Heron the god-bom ruler of the habitable earth ; whom the Sim has chosen above all men, the valiant warlike King Karnestes. Under whose power, by his valour and might, the whole world is placed. The King Eamestes, the immortal son of the Sun." 19. The second line is " The mighty Apollo, who takes his stand upon truth, the lord of the diadem, he who has honoured Egypt by becoming its master, adorning Heliopolis, and having created the rest of the world, and having greatly honoured the gods who have their shrines in the city of the Sun ; whom the son loves." AJ). 358.] INSCRIPTIONS ON THE OBELISKS. 133 20. The third line" The mighty Apollo, the all- brilliant son of the Sun, whom the Sun chose above all others, and to whom the valiant Mars gave gifts. Thou whose good fortune abideth for ever. Thou whom Ammon loves. Thou who hast filled the temple of the Phoenix with good things. Thou to whom the gods have """given long life. Apollo the mighty son of Heron, Eamestes the king of the world. Who has defended Egypt, having subdued the foreign enemy. Whom the Sun loves. To whom the gods have given long life the master of the world the immortal Eamestes," 21. Another second line " The Sun, the great God, the master of heaven. I have given unto thee a life free from satiety. Apollo, the mighty master of the diadem ; to whom nothing is comparable. To whom the lord of Egypt has erected many statues in this kingdom. And has made the city of Heliopolis as brilliant as the Sun him- self, the master of heaven. The son of the Sun, the king living for ever., has co-operated in the completion of this work." 22. A third line " I, the Sun, the god, the master of heaven, have given to Eamestes the king might and authority over all. Whom Apollo the truth-lover, the master of time, and Vulcan the father of the gods hath chosen above others by reason of his courage. The all- rejoicing king, the son of the Sun, and beloved by the Sun." 23. The first line, looking towards the east " The great God of Heliopolis, the mighty Apollo who dwelleth in Heaven, the son of Heron whom the Sun hath guided. Whom the gods have honoured. He who ruleth over all the earth : whom the Sun has chosen before all others. The king valiant by the favour of Mars. Whom Ammon loveth, and the all-shining god, who hath chosen him as a king for everlasting." And so on. V. A.D. 358. 1. IN the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, when all arrangements in Gaul were made with more careful zeal than before, and while the terror caused by past events 134 AMMIAXUS MAKCELLIXUS. ' [Bir. XVII. CH. v still checked the outbreaks of the barbarians, the king of the Persians, being still on the frontiers of those nations which border on his dominions, and having made a treaty of alliance with the Chionitse and the Gelani, the most warlike and indefatigable of all tribes, being about to return to his own country, received the letters of Tamsapor which announced to him that the Eoman emperor was a suppliant for peace. 2. And he, suspecting that Constantius would never have done so if the empire had not been weakened all over, raised his own pretensions, and embracing the name indeed of peace, offered very unwelcome conditions. And having sent a man of the name of Xarses as ambassador with many presents, he gave him letters to Constantius, in which he in no respect abated of his natural pride. The purport of these letters we have understood to be this : 3. " I, Sapor, king of kings, partner of the stars, brother of the sun and moon, to Constantius Cassar my brother send much greeting. I am glad and am well pleased that at last thou hast returned to the right way, and hast acknow- ledged the incorruptible decree of equity, having gained experience by facts, and having learnt what disasters an obstinate covetousness of the property of others has often caused. 4. " Because therefore the language of truth ought to be unrestrained and free, and because men in the highest rank ought only to say what the} r mean, I will reduce my propositions into a few words ; remembering that I have already often repeated what I am now about to say. 5. " Even your own ancient records bear witness that my ancestors possessed all the countiy up to the Stryrnon and the frontier of Macedonia. And these lands it is fitting that I who (not to speak arrogantly) am superior to those ancient kings in magnificence, and in all eminent virtues, should now reclaim. But I am at all times thoughtful to remember that, from my earliest youth, I have never done anything to repent of. 6. " And therefore it is a duty in me to recover Armenia and Mesopotamia, which were wrested from my ancestor by deliberate treachery. That principle was never admitted by us which you with exultation assert, that all successes in war deserve praise, without con- A.D. 358.] SAPOR'S LETTEU. 135 sidering whether they were achieved by valour or by treachery. 7. " Lastly, if you are willing to be giiided by one who gives you good advice, I would bid you despise a small part of your dominions which is ever the parent of sorrow and bloodshed, in order to reign in safety over the rest. "Wisely considering that physicians also sometimes apply cautery or amputation, and cut oft' portions of the body that the patient may have good use of the rest of his limbs. Nay, that even beasts do the same : since when they observe on what account they are most espe- cially hunted, they will of their own accord deprive them- selves of that, in order henceforth to be able to live in security. 8. " This, in short, I declare, that should my present embassy return without having succeeded in its object, after giving the winter season to rest I will gird myself up with all my strength, and while fortune and justice give me a well-founded hope of ultimate success, I will hasten my march as much as Providence will permit." 9. Having given long consideration to this letter, the emperor with upright and wise heart, as the saying is, made answer in this manner : 10. " Constantius, always august, conqueror by land and sea, to my brother Sapor much health. I congratulate thee on thy safety, as one who is willing to be a friend to thee if thou wilt. But I greatly blame thy insatiable covetousness, now more grasping than ever. 11. "Thou demandest Mesopotamia as thine own, and then Armenia. And thou biddest me cut off some members from my sound body in order to place its health on a sound footing : a demand which is to be rejected at once rather than to be encouraged by any consent. Receive therefore the truth, not covered with any pretences, but clear, and not to be shaken by any threats. 12. " The prefect of my praetorian guard, thinking to undertake an affair which might be beneficial to the state, without my knowledge discoursed about peace with thy generals, by the agency of some low persons. Peace we should neither regret nor refuse let it only come with credit and honour, in such a way as to impair neither our Belf-respect nor our dignity. 136 A5IMIAXUS J1A11CELLIXUS. [BK. XVII. CH. TI. 13. " For it would be an unbecoming and shameful thing when all men's ears are filled with our exploits, so as to have shut even the mouth of envy ; when after the destruction of tyrants the whole Roman world obeys us, to give up those territories which even when limited to the narrow boundaries of the east we preserved un- diminished. 14. " But I pray thee make an end of the threats which thou utterest against me, in obedience to thy national habit, when it cannot be doubted that it is not from inactivity, but from moderation, that we have at times endured attacks instead of being the assailants ourselves : and know that, whenever we are attacked, we defend our own with bravery and good will : being assured both by thy reading and thy personal experience that in battle it has been rare for Romans to meet with disaster ; and that in the final issue of a war we have never come off the worst." 15. The embassy was therefore dismissed without gaining any of its objects ; and indeed no other reply could be given to the unbridled covetousness of the king. And a few days afterwards, Count Prosper followed, and Spectatus the tribune and secretary ; and also, by the suggestion of Musonianus, Eustathius the philosopher, as one skilful in persuading, bearing a letter from the emperor, and presents, with a view to induce Sapor to suspend his pre- parations, so that all our attention might be turned to fortifying the northern provinces in the most effective manner. VI. 1. Now while these affairs, of so doubtful a complexion, were proceeding, that portion of the Allemanni which borders on the regions of Italy, forgetful of the peace and of the treaties which they only obtained by abject entreaty, laid waste the Tyrol with such fury that they even went beyond their usual habit in undertaking the siege of some walled towns. 2. And when a strong force had been sent to repel them under the command of Barbatio, who had been promoted to the command of the infantry in the room of Silvanrs, A.D. 358.] EARTHQUAKES IN ASIA. 137 a man of not much, activity, but a fluent talker, he, as his troops were in a high state of indignation at the invaders, gave them so terrible a defeat, that only a very few, who took to flight in their panic, escaped to earuy back their tears and lamentations to their homes. _^ 3. In this battle Nevita, who afterwards became consul, was present as commander of a squadron of cavalry, and displayed great gallantry. VII. 1. THIS year also some terrible earthquakes took place in Macedonia, Asia Minor, and Pontus, and their repeated shocks overthrew many towns, and even mountains. But the most remarkable of all the manifold disasters which they caused was the entire ruin of Nicomedia, the metro- polis of Bithynia ; which I will here relate with truth and brevity. 2. On the 23rd of August, at daybreak, some heavy black clouds suddenly obscured the sky, which just before was quite fair. And the sun was so wholly concealed that it was impossible to see what was near or even quite close, so completely did a thick lurid darkness settle on the ground, preventing the least use of the eyes. 3. Presently, as if the supreme deity were himself letting loose his fatal wrath, and stirring up the winds from their hinges, a violent raging storm descended, by the fury of which the groaning mountains were struck, and the crash of the waves on the shore was heard to a vast distance. And then followed typhoons and whirlwinds with a horrid trembling of the earth, throwing down the whole city and its suburbs. 4. And as most of the houses were built on the slopes of the hills, they now fell down one over the other, while all around resounded with the vast crash of their fall. In the mean time the tops of the hills re-echoed all sorts of noises, as well as outcries of men seeking their wives and children, and other relations. 5. At last, after two hours, or at least within three, the air became again clear and serene, and disclosed the destruction which till then was unseen. Some, overwhelmed by the enormous masses of ruins which had fallen upon them, were crushed to death. Some were 138 AMMIAXUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XVII. CH. vn. buried up to the neck, and might have been saved if there had been any timely help at hand, but perished for want of assistance ; others were transfixed by the points of beams projecting forth, on which they hung suspended. 6. Here was seen a crowd of persons slain by one blow ; there a promiscuous heap of corpses piled in various ways some were buried beneath the roofs of falling houses, which leant over so as to protect them from any actual blows, but reserved them for an agonizing death by starva- tion. Among whom was Aristaenetus, who, with the authority of deputy, governed Bithynia, which had been recently erected into a province ; and to which Constantius had given the name of -Piety, in honour of his wife Eusebia, (a Greek word, equivalent to Pietas in Latin) ; and he perished thus by a lingering death. 7- Others who were overwhelmed by the sudden fall of vast buildings, are still lying entombed beneath the im- movable masses. Some with their skulls fractured, or their shoulders or legs cut through, lay between life and death, imploring aid from others suffering equally with themselves ; but in spite of their entreaties they were abandoned. 8. Not but what the greater part of the temples and buildings and of the citizens also would have escaped unhurt, if a fire had not suddenly broken out, which raged with great violence for fifty days and nights, and destroyed all that remained. 9. I think this a good opportunity to enumerate a few of the conjectures which the ancients have formed about earthquakes. For as to any accurate knowledge of their causes, not only has that never been attained by the ignorance of the common people, but they have equally eluded the long lucubrations and subtle researches of natural philosophers. 10. And on this account in all priestly ceremonies, whether ritual or pontifical, care is taken not at such times to name one god more than another, for fear of impiety, since it is quite uncertain which god causes these visitations. 1 1 . But as the various opinions, among which Aristotle wavers and hesitates, suggest, earthquakes are engendered either in small caverns under the earth, which the Greeks A.D.358.] CAUSES OF EARTHQUAKES. 139 call o-upiyyee, because of the waters pouring through them, with a more rapid motion than usual, or, as Anaxagoras affirms, they arise from the force of the wind penetrating the lower parts of the earth, which, when they have got down to the encrusted solid mass, finding no vent-holeB, fih^ake those portions in their solid state, into which they have got entrance when in a state of solution. And this is corroborated by the observation that at such times no breezes of wind are felt by us above ground, because the winds are occupied in the lowest recesses of the earth. 12. Anaxiinancler says that the earth when burnt up by excessive heat and drought, and also after excessive rains, opens larger fissures than usual, which the upper air pene- trates with great force and in excessive quantities, and the earth, shaken by the furious blasts which penetrate those fissures, is disturbed to its very foundations ; for which reason these fearful events occur either at times of great evaporation or else at those cf an extravagant fall of rain from heaven. And therefore the ancient poets and theo- logians gave Neptune the name of Earthshaker, 1 as being the power of moist substance. 13. Now earthquakes take place in four manners: either they are brasmatice* which raise up the ground in a terrible manner, and throw vast masses up to the surface, as in Asia, Delos arose, and Hiera ; and also Anaphe and Rhodes, which has at different times been called Ophiusa and Pelagia, and was once watered with a shower of gold ; 3 and Eleusis in Boaotia, and the Hellenian islands in the Tyrrhenian sea, and many other islands. Or they are dimatioe* which, with a slanting and oblique blow, level cities, edifices, and mountains. Or chasmatice, 5 which sud- denly, by a violent motion, open huge mouths, and so swallow up portions of the earth, as in the Atlantic sea, 1 'Evoffix6(ai>, 2s n'x0&>i/, 'EvvoffiySaios, from 4v66u> and fffita, to shake, and x^ J/ smd ya.1a, the earth. - From jSpufo), to boil over. * Strabo gives Ophiusa as one of the names of Rhodes, and Homer mentions the golden shower : KOI ffe Kpovitiiv. II. (8. vi. 70. \s also does Pindar, 01. vii. 63. 4 From K\ivu:, to lay down. b From x^"/" a > a chasm, derived from x a ' ivu > to gape. 140 AMMIAXtJS MARCELL1NUS. [BK. XVII. Cn. vnl. on the coast of Europe, a large island l was swallowed up, and in the Crissaean Gulf, Helice and Bnra,* and in Italy, in the Ciminian district, the town of Saccuinum 3 was swallowed up in a deep gulf and hidden in everlasting darkness. And among these three kinds of earthquakes, mycemotice 4 are heard with a threatening roar, when the elements either spring apart, their joints being broken, or again resettle in their former places, when the earth also settles back ; for then it cannot be but that crashes and roars of the earth should resound with bull-like bellowings. Let us now return to our original subject. VIII. 1. C.ESAR, passing his winter among the Parisii, was eagerly preparing to anticipate the Allemanni, who were not yet assembled in one body, but who, since the battle of Strasburg, were working themselves up to a pitch of insane audacity and ferocity. And he was waiting with ^reat impatience for the month of July, when the Gallic campaigns usually begin. For indeed he could not march before the summer had banished the frost and cold, and allowed him to receive supplies from Aquitania. 2. But as diligence overcomes almost all difficulties, he, revolving many plans of all kinds in his mind, at last con- ceived the idea of not waiting till the crops were ripe, but falling on the barbarians before they expected him. And having resolved on that plan, he caused his men to take corn for twenty days' consumption from what they had in store, and to make it into biscuit, so that it might keep longer ; and this enabled the soldiers to carry it, which they did willingly. And relying on this pro 1 . and setting out as before, with favourable auspic reckoned that in the course of five or six months he might finish two urgent and indispensable expeditions. 3. And when all his preparations were made, he first 1 This is a tale told by Plato in the TimsBus (which is believed to have no foundation). 2 The destruction of Helice is related in Diodorus Sic. xiv. 48 ; cf. Ov. Met. xv. 290. 3 The lake Ciminus was near Cenhtmcellfe, cf. Virg. JEn. vii. G97. The town of Saccumum is not mentioned by any other writer. * From uu/caa>, to roar like a bull. A.D.358.] VIGOUR OF JULIAN. 141 marched against the Franks, that is against that tribe of them usually called Salii, who some time before had ventured with great boldness to fix their habitations on the Eoman soil near Toxandria. 1 But when he had reached Tongres, he was met by an embassy from this tribe, who expected still to find him in his winter quarters, offering him peace on condition of his leaving them unattacked an(* unmolested, as if the ground they had seized were right- fully their own. Julian comprehended the whole aft'air, and having given the ambassadors an ambiguous reply, and also some presents, sent them back again, leaving them to suppose he would remain in the same place till they returned. 4. But the moment they had departed he followed them, sending Severus along the bank of the river, and suddenly came upon the whole settlement like a thunder- bolt ; and availing himself of his victory to make a reason- able exhibition of clemency, as indeed they met him with entreaties rather than with resistance, he received the submission of them and their children. 5. He then attacked the Chamavi, 2 who had been guilty of similar audacity, and through the same celerity of move- ment he slew one portion of them, and another who made u vigorous resistance he took prisoners, while others who fled precipitately he allowed to escape unhurt to their own territories, to avoid exhausting his soldiers with a long campaign. And when ambassadors were afterwards sent by them to implore his pardon, and generally to do what they could for them, when they prostrated them- selves before him, he granted them peace on condition of retiring to their own districts without doing any mischief. IX. 1. EVERYTHING thus succeeding according to his wish, Julian, always on the watch to establish by every means in his power the security of the provinces on a solid foun- dation, determined to put in as good repair as the time permitted those fortresses erected in a line on the banks of the Mouse, which some time before had been destroyed by 1 Toxandria was in Bcljrfiim, on the Scheldt. 2 The Chamari were a tribe at the mouth of the Rhino. 142 AMMIAXTJS MARCELLIXUS. [Bjs. XVII. CH. ix an attack of the barbarians. And accordingly he desisted for a while from all other operations, and restored them. 2. And that he might by a prudent rapidity insure their safety, he took a part of the seventeen days' pro- visions, which troops, when going on an expedition, carry on their backs, and stored in those forts, hoping to replace what he thus took from the soldiers by seizing the crops of the Chamavi. 3. But he was greatly disappointed. For as the crops were not yet ripe, the soldiers when they had consumed what they had with them were unable to find food, and began to utter violent threats against Julian, mingled with fierce cries and reproaches, calling him Asiatic, Greek, a cheat, and a fool pretending to be wise. And as it is com- monly the case among soldiers that some men are found of remarkable fluency of speech, they poured forth such harangues as this : 4. " Whither are we being dragged, having lost all hope of good fortune ? We formerly, indeed, suffered terrible hardships in the snow, and cruel biting frost ; but now (oh, shame !), when we have the fate of the enemy in our hands, we are wasting away with famine, the most miser- able of all deaths. Let no one think that we are stirrers up of tumults ; we declare that we are speaking for our very lives. We do not ask for gold or silver, which it is long since we have touched or seen, and which are as much denied to us as if we had been convicted of having en- countered all our toils and perils in the service of the enemies of the republic." 5. And their complaints were just. For after all his gallant exploits and all his doubtful changes and dangers, the soldiers were exhausted by his Gallic campaigns, with- out even receiving either donation or pay from the time that Julian was sent to take the command ; because he himself had nothing to give, nor would Constant] us permit any- thing to be drawn for that purpose from the treasury, as had been the custom. 6. And at a later period it was manifest that this was owing more to ill- will than to parsimony, because when Julian had given some small coin to one of the common soldiers, who, as was the custom, had asked for some to get shaved with, he was attacked for it with most insulting AJ). 358.] SUBMISSION OF SURMARIUS. 143 calumnies by Gaudentius, the secretary, who had long remained in Gaul as a spy upon his actions, and whom he himself subsequently ordered to be put to death, as will be related in its fitting place. X. 1. WHEN at length their discontent was appeased by various kinds of caresses, and when the Ehine had been crossed by a bridge of boats, which was thrown over it, Severus, the master of the horse, up to that time a brave and energetic soldier, suddenly lost all his vigour. 2. And he who had frequently been used to exhort the troops, both in bodies and as individuals, to gallant acts, now seemed a base and timid skulker from battle, as if he feared the approach of death. As we read in the books of Tages l that those who are fated to be soon struck by light- ning, so lose their senses that they cannot hear thunder, or even greater noises. And he marched 011 in a lazy way, not natural to him, and even threatened with death the guides, who were leading on the army with a brisk step, if they would not agree to say that they were wholly igno- rant of the road any further. So they, fearing his power, and being forbidden to show the way any more, advanced no further. 3. But amid this delay, Suomarius, king of the Alle- manni, arrived unexpectedly with his suite ; and he who had formerly been fierce and eager for any injury to the Eomans, was now inclined to regard it as an unexpected gain to be permitted to retain his former possessions. And because his looks and his gait showed him to be a sup- pliant, he was received as a friend, and desired to be of good cheer. But still he submitted himself to Julian's discretion, and implored peace on his bended knees. And peace was granted him, with pardon for the past, on con- dition of giving up our prisoners and of supplying our soldiers with food, whenever it was required, receiving, like any ordinary purveyor, security for payment of what 1 Tages was an Etruscan, the son, it is said, of a genius, Jovialis, and grandson of Jupiter, who rose out of the ground as a man named Tarchon was ploughing near Tarquinii, and instructed the auspices in divination. Cf. Cic. Div. ii. 23. 144 AMM.IANUS MARCELLIJSUS. [Bu. XVII. CH. x. he provided. But lie was at the same time warned, that if he did not furnish the required supplies in time he would be liable to be called in question for his former hostility. 5. And that which had been discreetly planned was car- ried out without hindrance. Julian desiring to reach a, town belonging to another chieftain, named Hortarius, to- wards which object nothing seemed wanting but guides, gave orders to Kestica, a tribune of the Scutarii, and to Cha- riettoa, a man of marvellous courage, to take great pains to capture a prisoner and to bring him to him. A youth of the Allemanni was speedily caught and brought before him, who, on condition of obtaining his freedom, pro- mised to show the road. The army, following him as its guide, was soon obstructed by an abattis of lofty trees, which had been cut down ; but by taking long and cir- cuitous paths, they at last came to the desired spot, and the soldiers in their rage laid waste the fields with fire, earned off the cattle and the inhabitants, and slew all who resisted without mercy. 6. The king, bewildered at this disaster, seeing the nume- rous legions, and the remains of his burnt villages, and look- ing upon the last calamities of fortune as impending over him, of his own accord implored pardon, promising to do all that should be commanded him, and binding himself on oath to restore all his prisoners. For that was the object about which Julian was the most anxious. But still he restored only a few, and detained the greater part of them. 7. ^Vhen Julian knew this, he was filled with just indig- nation, and when the king came to receive the customary presents, the Caesar refused to release his four companions, on whose support and fidelity the king principally relied, till all the prisoners were restored. 8. But when the king was summoned by the Csesar to a conference, looking up at him with trembling eyes, he was overcome by the aspect of the conqueror, and overwhelmed by a sense of his own embarrassing condition, and especially by the compulsion under which he was now (since it was reasonable that after so many successes of the Romans that the cities which had been destroyed by the violence of the barbarians should be rebuilt) to supply waggons and materials from his own stores and those of his subjects. 9. And after he had promised to do to, and had bound him- A.D. 358.] MALICE TOWARDS JULIAN. 145 self with an oath to consent to die if he were guilty of any treachery, he was permitted to return to his own country. For he could not be compelled to furnish provisions like Suomarius, because his land had been so utterly laid waste that nothing could be found on it for him to give. 10. Thus those kings who were formerly so pfoud and "aTccustomed to grow rich by the plunder of our citizens, were now brought under the Eoman yoke ; and as if they had been born and brought up among our tributaries, they submitted to our commands, though with reluctance. And when these events were thus brought to a conclusion, the Caesar distributed his army among its usual stations, and returned to his winter quarters. XI. 1. WHEX these transactions presently became known in the court of Constantius for the knowledge of them could not be concealed, since the Caesar, as if he had been merely an officer of the emperor's, referred to him on all occasions those who had the greatest influence in the palace, being skilful professors of flattery, turned all Julian's well-arranged plans and their successful accomplishment into ridicule ; continually uttering such malicious sayings as this, " We have had enough of the goat and his victo- ries ;" sneering at Julian because of his beard, and calling him a chattering mole, a purple-robed ape, and a Greek pedant. And pouring forth numbers of sneers of the same kind, acceptable to the emperor, who liked to hear them, they endeavoured with shameless speeches to overwhelm Julian's virtues, slandering him as a lazy, timid, carpet- knight, and one whose chief care was to set off his exploits by fine descriptions ; it not being the first time that such a thing had been done. 2. For the greatest glory is always exposed to envy. So we read in respect of the illustrious generals of old, that, though no fault could be found in them, still the malignity which found offence in their greatest actions was constantly inventing false charges and accusations against them. 3. In the same manner Cimon the son of Miltiades, who destroyed a vast host of the Persians on the Eurymedon, a 146 AMMIANUS MARCELLIMJS. [BK. XVII. Cu. xir. river in Pamphylia, and compelled a nation always insolent and arrogant to beg for peace most humbly, was accused of intemperance; and again Scipio ^Emilianus, by whose indomitable vigilance two 1 most powerful cities, which had made great efforts to injure Rome, were both destroyed, was disparaged as a mere drone. 4. Moreover, wicked detractors, scrutinizing the cha racter of Pompey, when no pretext for finding fault with him could be discovered, remarked two qualities in which they could raise a laugh against him ; one that he had a sort of natural trick of scratching his head with one finger : another that for the purpose of concealing an un- sightly sore, he used to bind one of his legs with a white bandage. Of which habits, the first they said showed a dissolute man ; the second, one eager for a change of government ; contending, with a somewhat meagre argu- ment, that it did not signify what part of his body he clothed with a badge of royal dignity ; so snarling at that man of whom the most glorious proofs show that no braver and truer patriot ever lived. 5. During these transactions, Artemius, the deputy go- vernor of Borne, succeeded Bassus in the prefecture also ; for Bassus, who had lately been promoted to be prefect of the city, had since died. His administration had been marked by turbulent sedition, but by no other events suffi- ciently memorable to deserve mention. XII. 1 . Ix the mean time, while the emperor was passing the winter quietly at Sirmium, he received frequent and trust- worthy intelligence that the Sarmatians and the Quadi, two tribes contiguous to each other, and similar in man- ners and mode of warfare, were conjointly overrunning Pannonia and the second province of Mcesia, in straggling detachments. 2. These tribes are more suited to predatory incur- sions than to regular war ; they curry long spears, and wear breastplates made of horn scraped and polished, let into linen jackets, so that the layers of horn are like the feathers 1 Carthage and Numantia. A..D. 358.] HE DEFEATS THE SARMATIANS. 147 of a bird. Their horses are chiefly geldings, lest at the sight of mares they should be excited and run away, or, when held back in reserve, should betray their riders by their fierce neighing. 3. They cover vast spaces in their movements, whether in pursuit or in retreat, their horses being swift and very "manageable ; and they lead with them one or sometimes two spare chargers apiece, in order that the change may keep up the strength of their cattle, and that their vigour may be preserved by alternations of rest. 4. Therefore, after the vernal equinox was past, the emperor, having collected a strong body of soldiers, marched forth under the guidance of propitious fortune. Having arrived at a suitable place, he crossed the Danube, which was now flooded from the melting of the snow, by a bridge of boats, and descended on the lands of the barbarians, which he began to lay waste. They, being taken by surprise through tLe rapidity of his march, and seeing that the battalions of his warlike army were at their throats, when they had not supposed it possible that such a force could be collected for a year, had no courage to make a stand, but, as the only means of escaping un- expected destruction, took to flight. 5. When many had been slain, fear fettering their steps, those whose speed had saved them from death hid themselves among the secret defiles of the mountains, and from thence beheld their country destroyed by the sword, which they might have delivered if they had resisted with as much vigour as they fled. 6. These events took place in that part of Sarmatia which looks towards the second Pannonia. Another mili- tary expedition, conducted with equal courage, routed the troops of the barbarians in Valeria, who were plunder- ing and destroying everything within their reach. 7. Terrified at the greatness of this disaster, the Sar- matians, under pretext of imploring peace, planned to divide their force into three bodies, and to attack our army while in a state of fancied security ; so that they should neither be able to prepare their weapons, nor avoid wounds, nor (which is the last resource in a despe- rate case) take to flight. 8. There were with the Sarmatians likewise on this 148 A.VIM JANUS MARCKLLIXDS. [BK. XVli. CH. xit. occasion, as partners in their danger, the Quadi, 1 who had often before taken part in the injuries inflicted on us ; but their prompt boldness did not help them on this occasion, rushing as they did into open danger. 9. For many of them were slain, and the survivors escaped among the hills, with which they were familiar. And as this event raised the spirits and courage of our army, they united in solid columns, and marched with speed into the territories of the Quadi ; who, having learnt by the past to dread the evils which impended over them, came boldly into the emperor's presence to implore peace as suppliants, since he was inclined to be merciful in such cases. On the day appointed for settling the conditions, one of their princes named Zizais, a young man of great stature, marshalled the ranks of the Sarmatians to oifer their entreaties of peace in the fashion of an army ; and as soon as they came within sight, he threw away his arms, and fell like one dead, prostrating himself on his breast before the emperor ; his very voice from fear refusing its office, when he ought to have uttered his en- treaties, he awakened the more pity, making many attempts, and being scarcely able from the violence of his sobs to give iitterance to his wishes. 10. At last, having recovered himself, and being bidden to rise up, he knelt, and having regained the use of his tongue, he implored pardon for his offences. His followers also, whose mouths had been closed by fear while the fate of their leader was still doubtful, were admitted to offer the same petition, and when he, being commanded to rise, gave them the signal which they had been long expecting, to present their petition, they all threw away their javelins and their shields, and held out their hands in an attitude of supplication, striving to surpass their prince in the humility of their entreaties. 11. Among the other Sarmatians the prince had brought with him three chiefs of tribes, Rumo, Zinafer, and Fragi- ledus, and many nobles who came to offer the same petition with earnest hope of success. And they, being elated at the promise of safety, undertook to make amends for their former deeds of hostilit} r by performing the conditions now imposed on them ; giving up willingly into the power 1 The Quadi occupied a part of Hungary. AJ>. 358.] SUBMISSION OF OTHER CHIEFS. 149 of the Romans themselves, their wives and children, and all their possessions. The kindness of the emperor, united with justice, subdued them; and he bidding them be of good cheer and return to their homes, they restored our prisoners. They also brought the hostages who were 1 demanded of them, and promised prompt obedience to all the emperor's commands. 12. Then, encouraged by this example of our clemency, other chieftains came with all their tribe, by name Ara- harius and Usafer, men of distinction among the nobles, and at the head of a great force of their country- men ; one of them being chief of a portion of the Quadi who dwelt beyond the mountains, and the other of a division of the Sarmatians : the two being united by the proximity of their territories, and their natural ferocity. But the emperor, fearing the number of their followers, lest, while pretending to make a treaty, they should sud- denly rise up in arms, separated them ; ordering those who were acting for the Sarmatians to retire for a while, while he was examining into the affairs of Araharius and the Quadi. 13. And when they presented themselves before him, bowing according to their national custom, as they were not able to clear themselves of heavy charges, so, fearing extreme punishment, they gave the hostages which were demanded, though they had never before been compelled to give pledges for their fidelity. 14. These matters being thus equitably and successfully settled, Usafer was admitted to offer his petition, though Araharius loudly protested against this, and maintained that the peace ratified with him ought to comprehend Usafer also, as an ally of his though of inferior rank, and subject to his command. 15. But when the question was discussed, the Sarma- tians were pronounced independent of any other power, as having been always vassals of the Roman empire ; and they willingly embraced the proposal of giving hostages as a pledge of the maintenance of tranquillity. 16. After this there came a vast number of nations and princes, flocking in crowds, when they heard that Araharius had been allowed to depart in safety, imploring us to withdraw the sword which was at their throats ; and 150 AMMIANUS MAKCT:LL:NUS. [BK. XVII.CH. xn. they also obtained the peace which they requested on similar terms, and without any delay gave as hostages the sons of their nobles whom they brought from the interior of the country ; and they also surrendered, as we insisted, all their prisoners, from whom they parted as unwillingly as from their own relations. 17. When these arrangements were completed, the emperor's anxiety was transferred to the Sarmatians, who were objects of pity rather than of anger. It is incredible how much prosperity our connection with their affairs had brought them, so as to give grounds for really believing, what some persons do imagine, that Fate may be either overcome or created at the will of the emperor. 18. There were formerly many natives of this kingdom, of high birth and great power, but a secret conspiracy armed their slaves against them ; and as among barbarians all right consists in might, they, as they were equal to their masters in ferocity, and superior in number, com- pletely overcame them. 19. And these native chiefs, losing all their wisdom in their fear, fled to the Victohali, 1 whose settlements were at a great distance, thinking it better in the choice of evils to become subject to their protectors than slaves to their own slaves. But afterwards, when they had obtained pardon from us, and had been received as faithful allies, they deplored their hard fate, and invoked our direct pro- tection. Moved by the undeserved hardship of their lot, the emperor, when they were assembled before him, ad- dressed them with kind words in the presence of his army, and commanded them for the future to own no master but himself and the Eoman generals. 20. And that the restoration of their liberty might carry with it additional dignity, he made Zizais their king, a man, as the event proved, deserving the rewards of eminent fortune, and faithful. After these glorious transactions, none of the Sarmatians were allowed to depart till all our prisoners had returned, as we had before insisted. 21. When these matters had been concluded in the territories of the barbarians, the camp was moved to Szoeni, 2 that there also the emperor might, by subjugation 1 The Victohali were a tribe of Goths. 2 Szoani, called by Amraianus Bregetio, is near Cormorn. A.D. 253.] ADVANCE OF THK ROMAN ARMY. 151 or slaughter, terminate the war with the Quadi, who were keeping that district in a state of agitation. Their prince Vitrodorus, the son of king Viduarius, and Agilimundus, an inferior chieftain, with the other nobles and judges who governed the different tribes, as soon as they saw the im- perial army in the bosom of their kingdom and of their native land, threw themselves at the feet of the soldiers, and having obtained pardon, promised obedience ; and gave their children as hostages for the performance of the con- ditions imposed upon them ; and drawing their swords, which they worship as deities, they swore to remain faithful. XIII. 1. These matters then, as has been related, having been thus successfully terminated, the public interests required that the army should at. once march against the Limigantes, the revolted slaves of the Sarmatians, who had perpetrated many atrocities with impunity. For, as soon as the countrymen of free blood had attacked us, they also, forget- ful of their former condition, thinking to take advantage of a favourable opportunity, burst through the Eoman frontier, in this wickedness alone agreeing with their masters and enemies. 2. But on deliberation we determined that their offence also should be punished with more moderation than its greatness deserved ; and that vengeance should limit itself to removing them to a distance where they could no longer harass our territories. The consciousness of a long series of crimes made them fearful of danger. 3. And therefore, suspecting that the weight of war was about to fall upon them, they were prepared, as exigency might require, to resort to stratagem, arms, or entreaties. But at the first sight of our army they became as it were panic-stricken ; and being reduced to despair, they begged their lives, offering a yearly tribute, and a body of their chosen youths for our army, and promising perpetual obedi- ence. But they were prepared to refuse if they were ordered to emigrate (as they showed by their gestures and countenances), trusting to the strength of the place where, after they had expelled their masters, they had fixed their abode. 152 AMMIAXUS MARCELLINUS. [BK.XVII. CH. xin. 4. For the Parthiscus 1 waters this land, proceeding \vith oblique windings till it falls into the Danube. But while it flows unmixed, it passes through a vast extent of country, which, near its junction with the Danube, it narrows into a very small corner, so that over on the side of the Danube those who live in that district are protected from the attack of the Eomans, and on the side of the Parthiscus they are secured from any irruptions of the barbarians. Since along its course the greater part of the ground is frequently under water from the floods, and always swampy and full of osiers, so as to be quite impassable to strangers ; and besides the mainland there is an island close to the mouth of the river, which the stream itself seems to have separated into its present state. 5. Accordingly, at the desire of the emperor, they came with native arrogance to our bank of the river, not, as the result showed, with the intention of obeying his commands, but that they might not seem alarmed at the presence of his soldiers. And there they stood, stubbornly showing that they had come bent on resistance. 6. And as the emperor had foreseen that this might happen, he secretly divided his army into several squadrons, and by the rapidity of their movements hemmed in the barbarians between his own lines. And then, standing on a mound, with a few of his officers and a small body-guard, he gently admonished them .not to give way to ferocity. 7. But they, wavering and in doubt, were agitated by various feelings, and mingling craft with their fury, they had recourse to arms and to prayers at the same time. And meditating to make a sudden attack on those of our men who were nearest, they threw their shields some distance before them, with the intent that while they made some steps forward to recover them, they might thus steal a little ground without giving any indication of their purpose. 8. And as it was now nearly evening, and the departing light warned us to avoid further delay, our soldiers raised their standards and fell upon them with a fiery onset. And they, in close order, directed all their force against the mound on which (as has been already said) the em- 1 The Theiss. A.D. 358.] DEFEAT OF THE LIMIGANTES. 153 peror himself was standing, fixing their eyes on him, arid uttering fierce outcries against him. 9. Our army was indignant at such insane audacity, and forming into a triangle, to which military simplicity has given the name of " the boar's head," with a violent charge they scattered the barbarians now pressing vigorously tvpon the emperor ; on the right our infantry slew their infantry, and on the left our cavalry dashed among their squadrons of light hoi'semen. 10. The praetorian cohort, carefully guarding the em- peror, spared neither the breasts of those who attacked nor the backs of those who fled, and the barbarians, yielding in their stubbornness to death alone, showed by their horrid cries that they grieved not so much at their own death as at the triumph of our army. And, beside the dead, many lay with their legs cut off, and so deprived of the resource of flight, others had lost their hands ; some who had received no wound were crushed by the weight of those who fell upon them, and bore their torments in profound silence. 11. Nor, amid all their sufferings, did any one of them ask for mercy, or throw away his sword, or implore a speedy death, but clinging resolutely to their arms, wounded as they were, they thoxight it a lesser evil to be subdued by the strength of another than by their own consciences, and at times they were heard to grumble that what had happened was the work of fortune, not of their deserts. And so this whole battle was brought to an end in half an hour, in which such numbers of barbarians fell that nothing but the fact of our victory proved that there had been any battle at all. 12. Those in arms had scarcely been routed when the relations of the dead, of every age and sex, were brought forward in crowds, having been dragged from their humble dwellings. And all their former pride being now gone, they descended to the lowest depths of servile obedience, and after a very short time nothing but barrows of the dead and bands of captives were beheld. 13. So, the heat of strife and the excitement of victory stimulating our men, they rose up to destroy all who had escaped the battle, or who \vere lying hidden in their dwellings. And when, eager for the blood of the bar- 154 AMMIAN'US MAUCELLINCS. [Bs. XVII.CH.xin barians, our soldiers had reached the spot, they tore to pieces the slight straw-thatched huts ; nor could even the strongest-built cottages, or the stoutest beams save any one from death. 14. At last, when everything was set on fire, and when no one could be concealed any longer, since every protec- tion for their lives was destroyed, they either perished obstinately in the flames, or else, if they avoided the fire and sallied out, they only escaped that destruction to fall beneath the sword of their enemies. 15. Some, however, did escape from the weapons of the enemy and from the spreading flames, and committed themselves to the stream, trusting to their skill in swim- ming to enable them to reach the further bank ; but many of them were drowned, and others were transfixed by our javelins, so that the winding stream of the vast river was discoloured with blood, and thus, by the agency of both elements, did the indignation and valour of the conquerors destroy the Sarinatians. 16. After these events it was determined to leave the barbarians no hope nor comfort of life ; and after burning their houses and carrying off their families, an order was given to collect boats in order to hunt out those who, being on the opposite bank of the river, had escaped the attack of our men. 17. And immediately, that the alacrity of our warriors might have no time to cool, some light-armed troops were embarked in boats, and led by secret paths to occupy the retreats of the Sarmatians. The barbarians at first were deceived by seeing only the boats of their own country, and crews with whom they were acquainted. 18. But when the weapons glittered in the distance, and they perceived that what they feared was upon them, they sought refuge in their accustomed marshes. And our .soldiers pursuing them with great animosity, slew numbers of them, and gained a victory in a place where it had not been supposed that any soldier could find a footing, much less do any bold action. 19. After the Anicenses l had -thus been routed and almost destroyed, we proceeded at once to attack the Picenses, who are so called from the regions which they 1 The Anicenses and Picenses were Dacian tribes. A.D. 358.] SUBMISSION OF THE L1M 1C ANTES. 155 inhabit, which border on one another ; and these tribes had fancied themselves the more secure from the disasters of their allies, which they had heard of by frequent rumours. To crush them (for it was an arduous task for those who did not know the country to follow men scattered in majjy directions as they were) the aid of Taifali ' and of the free-born Sarmatians was sought. 20. And as the nature of the ground separated the auxiliary battalions from each other, our own troops took ihe ground nearest Mcesia, the Taifali that nearest to their own settlements, while the free Sarmatians occupied that in front of their original position. 21. The Limigantes, alarmed at the still fresh examples of nations subdued and crushed by us, for a long time hesitated and wavered whether they should attack us or ask for peace, having arguments of no small weight for either line of conduct. But at last, through the influence of the council of the elders, the idea of surrender prevailed ; and the submission also of those who had dared to attack their free-born masters was added to our numerous victories ; and the rest of them, who had previously despised their masters, thinking them unwarlike and easily subdued, now finding them stronger than themselves, submitted to them. 22. Accordingly, having received pledges of their safety, and having quitted the defence of their mountains, the greater portion of them came with speed to the Eoman camp, and they spread over a vast extent of ground, bringing with them their parents, their children, their wives, and all the movable treasures which their rapid motions had allowed them to carry off. 23. And those who it had been supposed would rather lose their lives than quit their country, while they mistook their mad licentiousness for liberty, now submitted to obey our orders, and to take up another abode in peace and good faith, so as to be undisturbed for the future by wars or seditions. And having been thus accepted as subjects, in accordance with their own wish as it was believed, they remained quiet for a time ; but afterwards they broke out in destructive wickedness, as shall be related at the proper time. 1 The Taifali were a tribe of the Western Goths. 156 AMMIANUS MARCELLINOS. [Bic. XVII.Cn. xm 24. While our affairs were thus prospering, Illyricum was put in a state of twofold security, since the emperor, in endeavouring by two means to accomplish this object, succeeded in both. He brought back and established in their ancient homes the people who had been banished, whom, although they were objects of suspicion from their natural fickleness, he believed would go on more mode- rately than of old. And to crown this kindness, he set over them as a king, not one of low birth, but the very man whom they themselves had formerly chosen, as eminent for all the virtues of mind and body. 25. After such a wise action, Constantius, being now raised above all fear, and having received from the una- nimous consent of his soldiers the title of Sarmaticus, from the name of the nation which he had subdued ; and being now about to leave the army, summoned all his cohorts and centuries and maniples, and mounting the tribune, surrounded by the standards and eagles, and by a great number of soldiers of all ranks, he addressed the troops in these words, choosing his topics as usual so as to gain the favour of all. 26. " The recollection of our glorious exploits, the dearest of all feelings to brave men, encourages me to repeat, though with great moderation, what, in our heaven- granted victories, and before battle, and in the very heat of -the strife, we, the most faithful champions of the Koman state, have conducted to a deservedly prosperous issue. For what can be so honourable or so justly worthy to be handed down to the recollection of posterity as the exult- ation of the soldier in his brave deeds, and of the general in his wise plans ? 27. "The rage of our enemies, in their arrogant pride thinking to profit by our absence, while we were pro- tecting Italy and Gaul, was overrunning Illyricum, and with continual sallies they were ravaging even the districts beyond our frontiers ; crossing the rivers, sometimes in boats made of hollow trees, sometimes on foot ; not relying on combats, nor on their arms and strength, but being accustomed to secret forays, and having been from the very earliest era of tbeir nation an object of fear to our ancestors, from their cunning and the variety of their manoeuvres, which we indeed, being at a great distance, A.D. 358.] SPEECH OF CONSTANTIUS. J 57 bore as long as we could, thinking that the vigour of our generals would be able to protect us from even slight injury. 28. " But when their licentiousness led them on to bolder attempts, and to inflict great and frequent injury on our provinces, we, having first fortified the passes of the Tyrol, and having secured the safety of the Gauls by watchful care, leaving no danger behind us, have marched into JPannonia, in order, with the favour of the everlasting deity, to strengthen our tottering interests in that country. And after everything was prepared, we set forth, as you know, at the end of the spring, and undertook a great enterprise ; first of all taking care that the countless darts of the enemy should not prevent us from making a bridge. And when, with no great trouble, this had been ac- complished, after we had set our foot upon the enemy's territories, we defeated, with very little loss to ourselves, the Sarmatians, who with obstinate courage set themselves to resist us to the death. And we also crushed the Quadi, who were bringing reinforcements to the Sarmatians, and who with similar courage attacked our noble legions. 29. "These tribes, after heavy losses sustained in their attacks, and their stubborn and toilsome resistance, have at length learnt the power of our valour, and throwing away their arms, have allowed their hands, prepared for fighting, to be bound behind their backs ; and seeing that their only hope of safety is in prayer, have fallen at the feet of your merciful emperor, whose wars they found are usually successful. Having got rid of these enemies, we with equal coiirage defeated the Limigantes, and after we had put numbers of them to the sword, the rest found their only means of escaping danger lay in fleeing to their hiding-places in the marshes. 30. " And when these things were successfully ter- minated, it seemed to be a seasonable opportunity for mercy. So we compelled the Limigantes to remove to very distant lands, that they might not be able any more to move to our injury ; and we spared the greatest part of them. And we made Zizais king over the free-born por- tion of them, sure that he would be faithful to us, and thinking it more honour to create a king for the barbarians than to take one from them, the dignity being increased by 158 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVII. On. xnr this honourable consideration, that the ruler whom we thus gave them had before been elected and accepted by them. 31. "So we and the republic have in one campaign obtained a fourfold reward : first, vengence on our guilty assailants ; next, abundance of captive slaves from the enemy, for valour is entitled to those rewards which it has earned with its toil and prowess. 32. " Thirdly, we have ample resources and great treasures of wealth ; our labour and courage having pre- served the patrimony of each of us undiminished. This, in the mind of a good sovereign, is the best fruit of pros- perity. 33. " Lastly, I myself have the well-won spoil of a surname derived from the enemy the title of Sarmaticus which you unanimously have (if I may say so without arrogance) deservedly conferred on me." 34. After he had made an end of speaking, the whole assembly, with more alacrity than usual, since its hope of booty and gain was increased, rose up with joyful voices in praise of the emperor ; and, as usual, calling God to witness that Constantius was invincible, returned with joy to their tents. And the emperor was conducted back to his palace, and having rested two days, re-entered Sir- mium with a triumphal procession; and the troops re- turned to their appointed stations. XIV. 1. ABOUT this time Prosper and Spectatus and Eus- tathius, who, as has been mentioned above, had been sent as ambassadors to the Persians, found the Persian king at Ctesiphon, on his return from his campaign, and they delivered the emperor's letters and presents, and requested peace while affairs were still in their existing state. And mindful of what had been enjoined them, they never forgot the interests nor the dignity of the Eoman empire, maintaining that the peace ought to be made on the con- dition that no alteration should be made in the state of Armenia or Mesopotamia. 2. And having remained for some time, when they saw A.D. 359.J MISSION OF PROCOPIUS. 159 that the king was obstinate, and resolute not to admit of peace unless the absolute dominion of those regions was assigned to him, they returned without having completed their business. 3. After which, Lucillianus, a count, and Procopius, at that time secretary, were sent to obtain the same condi- tions, with equal powers. Procopius being the same man who afterwards, under the pressure of violent necessity, committed himself to a revolutionary movement. BOOK XVIII. ARGUMENT. I. The Caesar Julian consults the welfare of the Gauls, and provides for the general observance of justice. II. He repairs the walls of the castles on the Ehine which he had recovered ; crosses the Rhine, and having conquered those of the Alemanni who remained hostile, he compels their kings to sue for peace, and to restore their prisoners. III. Why Barbatio, the commander of the infantry, and his wife, were beheaded by command of Constantius. IV. Sapor, king of Persia, prepares to attack the Romans with all his power. V. Antoninus, the protector, deserts to Sapor, with all his men ; and increases his eagerness to engage in war with the Romans.' VI. Ursicinus, the commander of the legions, being summoned from the East, when he had reached Thrace was sent back to Mesopotamia, and having arrived there he hears from Marcellinus of Sapor's approach. VII. Sapor, with the kings of the Chionitse and Albani, invades Mesopotamia The Romans of their own accord lay waste their lands with fire ; compelled the countrymen to come into the towns, and fortify the western bank of the Euphrates with castles and garrisons. VIII. Seven hundred Illyrian cavalry are surprised by the Persians, and put to flight Ursicinus escapes in one direction, and Marcellinus in another. IX. A description of Amida ; and how many legions and squadrons were there in garrison. X. Sapor receives the surrender of two Roman fortresses. I. A.D. 359. 1. THESE events took place in the different parts of the world in one and the same year. But while the affairs in Gaul were in a better state ; and while titles of consul 160 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [J3 K : XVIJI: CH: n: were ennobling the brothers Eusebius and Hypaiins, Julian, illustrious for his uninterrupted successes, now in his winter quarters, being relieved for a while from his warlike anxieties, was devoting equal care to many points connected with the welfare of the provinces. Taking anxious care that no one should be oppressed by the burden of taxation ; that the power of the officers should not be stretched into extortion; that those who increase their property by the public distresses, should have no sanction, and that no judge should violate justice with impunity. 2. And he found it easy to correct what was wrong on this head, because he himself decided all causes in which the persons concerned were of any great importance ; and showed himself a most impartial discerner of right and wrong. 3. And although there are many acts of his in deciding these disputes worthy of praise, it will be sufficient to mention one, on the model of which all his other words and actions were framed. 4. Xumerius, a native of Narbonne, had a little time before been accused before the governor as a thief, and Julian, by an unusual exercise of the censor's power, heard his cause in public ; admitting into the court all who sought entrance. And when Numerius denied all that was charged against him, and could not be convicted on any point, Delphidius the orator, who was assailing him with great bitterness, being enraged at the failure of his charges, exclaimed, " But, great Caesar, will any one ever be found guilty if it be enough to deny the charge?" To whom Julian, with seasonable wisdom, replied, " Can any one be judged innocent if it be enough to make a charge?" And he did many similar actions in his civil capacity. II. 1. BUT when he was about to set out on an important expedition against some tribes of the Allemanni whom he considered hostile, and likely to proceed to acts of atrocious daring if they were not defeated in a way to be an example to the rest, he hesitated in great anxiety, since a report of his intentions had gone before him, what force he couL] _ _ . A.D. 359.J ADVANCE OF JULIAN. 161 employ, and how he could be quick enough to take them by surprise the first moment that circumstances should afford him an opportunity. 2. But after he had meditated on many different plans, he decided on trying one, which the result proved to be good, without any one being aware of it. He had sent Hariobaudes, a tribune who at that time had no particular command, a man of honour, loyalty, and courage, under pretext of an embassy, to Hortarius the king who was now in a state of friendship with us ; in order that from his court Hariobaudes might easily proceed to the frontiers of the enemy whom he was proposing to attack ; and so ascertain what they were about, being thoroughly skilled in the language of the barbarians. 3. And when he had gone boldly on this commission, Julian himself, as it was now a favourable time of the year, assembled his soldiers from all quarters for the expedition, and set out ; thinking it above all things desirable, before the war had got warm, to effect his entrance into the cities which had been destroyed some time before, and having recovered them to put them in a state of defence ; .and also to establish granaries in the place of those which had been burnt, in which to store the corn usually imported from Britain. 4. Both these objects were accomplished, and that more speedily than could have been looked for. For the store- houses were rapidly built, and abundance of provisions laid up in them ; and seven cities were occupied. The camp of Hercules, Quadriburgium, 1 Kellen, ^Nuys, Bonn, Andernach, and Bin gen. At which last city, by exceedingly good fortune, Florentius the prefect also arrived unex- pectedly, bringing with him a division of soldiers, and. a, supply of provisions sufficient to last a long time. 5. After this, the next measure of urgent necessity was to repair the walls of the recovered cities, while as yet no one raised any hindrance ; and it is abundantly plain that at that time the barbarians did out of fear what was com- manded them for the public interests, while the Eomans did it for love of their ruler. 6. According to the treaty made in the preceding year, 1 It is not known what towns are meant by Castra Herculis and Quadriburgium. M 162 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bs. XVIII. CH. n. the kings sent their own waggons with many articles useful for building. And the auxiliary soldiers who always hold themselves above employments of this kind, being won over by Julian's caresses to diligent obedience, now carried beams fifty feet long and more on their shoulders, and gave the greatest aid to the labours of the architect. 7. And while all this was being done with diligence and speed, Hariobaudes, having learnt all he wanted, returned and related what he had ascertained. And after his arrival the army marched with all speed, and soon reached Mayence, where, though Florentius and Lupicinus, who succeeded Severus, insisted vehemently that they might cross by the bridge laid down at that town, the Caesar strenuously objected, maintaining that it was not well to trample on the lands of those who were brought into a state of tranquillity and friendship ; lest the treaty made with them should be brought to an abrupt end, as had often happened through the discourtesy of the soldiers ra- vaging everything that came in their way. 8. But all the Allemanni who were the objects of our attack, seeing the danger now on their borders, with many threats urged Surmarius their king, who by a previous treaty was on friendly terms with us, to prevent the Romans from crossing the river. For their villages were on the eastern bank of the Rhine. But when Surmarius affirmed that he by himself was unable to offer effectual resistance, the barbarian host assembled in a body, and came up to Mayence, intending by main force to prevent our army from crossing the river. 9. So that Caesar's advice now seemed best in two points, both not to ravage the lands of our friends ; and also, not in the teeth of the opposition of a most warlike people, to risk the loss of many lives in order to make a bridge, even in a spot the most favourable for such a work. 10. And the enemy, watching his movements with great skill, marched slowly along the opposite bank, and when they saw our men pitching their tents at a distance, they still watched all night, exerting the most sleepless vigi- lance to prevent the passage of the river from being attempted. 11. But when our men reached the spot intended, they AJJ. 359.] HE CROSSES THE RHItfE. 163 surrounded their camp with a rampart and ditch, and took their rest; and the Ctesar, having taken counsel with Lupiciniis, ordered some of the tribunes to get ready thi-ee hundred light-armed soldiers with stakes, without letting them, know what was to be done, or whither they were going. 12. They being collected, when the night was well advanced, and being all embarked on board of forty light boats, which were all that were at hand, were ordered to -go down the stream so silently as not to use even their oars, lest the noise should rouse the barbarians, and then using all activity both of mind and body, to force a landing on the opposite bank, within the frontier of the enemy, while they were still watching the camp-fires of our men. 13. While these orders were being performed with great promptness, King Hortarius, who had been previously bound to us by treaties, and was without any intention of revolting, kept on friendly terms with the bordering tribes, having invited all their kings, princes, and chieftains to a banquet, detained them to the third watch, the banquet being prolonged so late according to the custom of his nation. And as they were departing, our men chanced to come upon them suddenly, but could neither stay nor capture any of them owing to the darkness of the night and the fleetness of their horses, on which they fled at random in all directions. A number of sutlers and slaves, however, who were following them on foot, our men slew; the few who escaped being likewise protected by the dark- ness, of the hour. 14. When it became known that the Romans had crossed the river (and they then as well as in all former expeditions accounted it a great relief to their labours when they could find the enemy), the kings and their people, who were watching zealously to prevent the bridge from being made, were alarmed, and being panic- stricken fled in all directions, and their violent fury being thus cooled, they hastened to remove their relations and their treasures to a distance. And as all difficulties were now surmounted, the bridge was at once made, and before the barbarians could expect it, the Roman army appeared in their territories, and passed through the dominions of Hortarius without doing any injury. 164 AMMIANUS MAKCELLINUS. [BK.XVlII.CH.ii. 15. But when they reached the lands of those kings who were still hostile, they went on invincibly through tho midst of their rebellious country, laying waste with firo and sword, and plundering everything. And after their frail houses were destroyed by fire, and a vast number of men had been slain, and the army, having nothing to face but corpses and suppliants, had arrived in the region called Capellatum, or Palas, where there are boundary stones marking the frontiers of the Allemanni and the Burgundians ; the army pitched its camp, in order that Macrianus and Hariobaudus, brothers, and both kings, might be received by us, and delivered from their fears. Since they, thinking their destruction imminent, were coining with great anxiety to sue for peace. 16. And immediately after them King Vadomarius also came, whose abode was opposite Augst : and having pro- duced some letters of the Emperor Constantius, in which he was strictly recommended to the protection of the Konians, he was courteously received, as became one who had been admitted by the emperor as a client of the Eoman empire. 17. And Macrianus and his brother, being admitted among our eagles and standards, marvelled at the imposing appearance of our arms, and various resources which they had never seen before. And they offered up petitions on behalf of their people. But Vadomarius, who had met us before, since he was close to our frontier, admired indeed the appointments of our daring expedition, but remembered that he had often seen such before, ever since his child- hood. 1 8. At last, after long deliberation, with the unanimous consent of all, peace was granted to Macrianus and Hario- baudus ; but an answer could not be given to Vadomarius, who had come to secure his own safety, and also as an ambassador to intercede for the kings Urius, Ursicinns, and Vestralpus, imploring peace for them also ; lest, as the barbarians are men of wavering faith, they might recover their spirits when our army was withdrawn, and refutbut few died : and at last, on the night after the tenth day from the first attack, the heavy and dense air was softened by a little rain, and the health of the garrison, was restored and preserved. V. 1. Itf the mean time the restless Persians were sur- rounding the city with a fenco of wicker-work, and mounds were commenced ; lofty towers also were con- structed with iron fronts, in the top of each of which a balista was placed, in order to drive down the garri- 1 i. e., \oifj.(aS-ns, from Xoijubs, pestilence. Pandemic means " alfnck- ing the whole people." Epidemic, "spreading from individual to individual." 192 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIX. CH. v. son from the battlements ; but during the whole time the shower of missiles from the archers and slingers never ceased for a moment. 2. We had with us two of the legions which had served under Magneutius, and which, as we have said, had lately been brought from Gaul, composed of brave and active men well adapted for conflicts in the plain ; but not only useless for such a kind of war as that by which we were now pressed, but actually in the way. For as they had no skill either in working the engines, or in constructing works, but were continually making foolish sallies, and fighting bravely, they always returned with diminished numbers ; doing just as much good, as the saying is, as a bucket of water brought by a single hand to a general conflagration. 3. At last, when the gates were completely blocked, and they were utterly unable to get out, in spite of the entrea- ties of their tribunes, they became furious as wild beasts. But on subsequent occasions their services became con- spicuous, as we shall show. 4. In a remote part of the walls on the southern side, which looks down on the Tigris, there was a high tower, below which yawned an abrupt precipice, which it was impossible to look over without giddiness. From this by a hollow subterranean passage along the foot of the mountain some steps were cut with great skill, which led up to the level of the city, by which water was secretly obtained from the river, as we have seen to be the case in all the fortresses in that district which are situated on any river. 5. This passage was dark, and because of the precipitous character of the rock was neglected by the besiegers, till, under the guidance of a deserter who went over to them, seventy Persian archers of the royal battalion, men of emi- nent skill and courage, being protected by the remoteness of the spot which prevented their being heard, climbed up by the steps one by one at midnight, and reached the third story of the tower. There they concealed themselves till daybreak, when they held out a scarlet cloak as a signal for commencing an assault, when they saw that the city was entirely surrounded by the multitude of their comrades ; and then they emptied their quivers and threw them dmvn A.IJ. 359.] VIGOUR OF THE ENEMY. 193 at their feet, and with loud cries shot their arrows among the citizens with prodigious skill. 6. And presently the whole of the mighty host of the enemy assaulted the city with more ferocity than ever. And while we stood hesitating and perplexed to know which danger to oppose first, whether to make head against the foe above us, or against the multitude who were sealing the battlements with ladders, our force was .divided ; and five of the lighter balistae were brought round and placed so as to attack our tower. They shot out heavy wooden javelins with great rapidity, sometimes transfixing two of our men at one blow, so that many of them fell to the ground severely wounded, and some jumped down in haste from fear of the creaking engines, and being terribly lacerated by the fall, died. 7. But by measures promptly taken, the walls were again secured on that side, and the engines replaced in their former situation. 8. And since the crime of desertion had increased the labours of our soldiers, they, full of indignation, moved along the battlements as if on level ground, hurling missiles of all kinds, and exerting themselves so strenu- ously that the Virtae, who were attacking on the south side, were repulsed covered by wounds, and retired in consternation to their tents, having to lament the fall of many of their number. VI. 1. THUS fortune showed us a ray of safety, granting us one day in which we suffered but little, while the enemy sustained a heavy loss ; the remainder of the day was given to rest in order to recruit our strength ; and at the dawn of the next morning we saw from the citadel an innumera- ble multitude, which, after the capture of the fort called Ziata, was being led to the enemy's camp. For a promis- cuous multitude had taken refuge in Ziata on account of its size and strength ; it being a place ten furlongs in cir- cumference. 2. In those days many other fortresses also were stormed and burnt, and many thousands of men and women carried off from them into slavery ; among whom were many men o 194 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIX. OH. VJ. and women, enfeebled by age, who, fainting from different causes, broke down under the length of the journey, gave up all desire of life, and were hamstrung and left behind. 3. The Gallic soldiers beholding these wretched crowds, demanded by a natural but unseasonable impulse to be led against the forces of the enemy, threatening their tribunes and principal centurions with death if they refused them leave. 4. And as wild beasts kept in cages, being rendered more savage by the smell of blood, dash themselves against their movable bars in the hope of escaping, so these men smote the gates, which we have already spoken of as being blockaded, with their swords ; being very anxious not to be involved in the destruction of the city till they had done some gallant exploit ; or, if they ultimately escaped from their dangers, not to be spoken of as having done nothing worth speaking of, or worthy of their Gallic courage. Although when they had sallied out before, as they had often done, and had inflicted some loss on the raisers of the mounds, they had always experienced equal loss themselves. 5. We, at a loss what to do, and not knowing what resistance to oppose to these furious men, at length, having with some difficulty won their consent thereto, decided, since the evil could be endured no longer, to allow them to attack the Persian advanced guard, which was not much beyond bow-shot ; and then, if they could force their line, they might push their advance further. For it was plain that if they succeeded in this, they would cause a great slaughter of the enemy. 6. And while the preparations for this sally were being made, the walls were still gallantly defended with unmitigated labour and watching, and planting engines for shooting stones and darts in every direction. But two high mounds had been raised by the Persian in- fantry, and the blockade of the city was still pressed forward by gradual operations ; against which our men, exerting themselves still more vigorously, raised also im- mense structures, topping the highest works of the enemy ; and sufficiently strong to support the immense weight of their defenders. 7. In the mean time the Gallic troops, impatient of delay, A.D. 359.] COURAGE OK THE GARRISON. 195 armed with their axes and swords, went forth from the open postern gate, taking advantage of a dark and moonless night. And imploring the Deity to be propitious, and repressing even their breath when they got near the enemy, they advanced with quick step and in close order, slew some of the watch at the outposts, and the outer sentinels of the camp (^who were asleep, fearing no such event), and entertained secret hopes of penetrating even to the king's tent if fortune assisted them. 8. But some noise, though slight, was made by them in cheir march, and the groans of the slain aroused many from sleep ; and while each separately raised the cry " to arms," our soldiers halted and stood firm, not venturing to move any further forward. For it would not have been prudent, now that those whom they sought to surprise were awakened, to hasten into open danger, while the bands of Persians were now heard to be flocking to battle from all quarters. 9. Nevertheless the Gallic troops, with tindiminished strength and boldness, continued to hew down their foes with their swords, though some of their own men were also slain, pierced by the arrows which were flying from all quarters ; and they still stood firm, when they saw the whole danger collected into one point, and the bands of the enemy coming on with speed ; yet no one turned his back : and they withdrew, retiring slowly as if in time to music, and gradually fell behind the pales of the camp, being unable to sustain the weight of the battalions pressing close upon them, and being deafened by the clang of the Persian trumpets. 10. And while many trumpets in turn poured out their clang from the city, the gates were opened to receive our men, if they should be able to reach them : and the engines for missiles creaked, though no javelins were shot from them, in order that the captains of the advanced guard of the Persians, ignorant of the slaughter of their comrades, might be terrified by the noise into falling back, and so allowing our gallant troops to be admitted in safety. 11. And owing to this manoeuvre, the Gauls about day- break entered the gate although with diminished numbers ; many of them severely and others slightly wounded. They lost four hundred men this night, when if they had 196 AMMIAtfUS MARCELLIXUS. [BK. XIX. CH. vn not been hindered by more formidable obstacles, they would have slain in his very tent not Rhesus nor Thracians sleep- ing before the walls of Troy, but the king of Persia, sur- rounded by one hundred thousand armed men. 12. To their leaders, as champions of valiant actions, the emperor, after the fall of the city, ordered statues in armour to be erected at Edessa in a frequented spot. And those statues are preserved up to the present time unhurt. 13. When the next day showed the slaughter which had been made, nobles and satraps were found lying amongst the corpses, and all kinds of dissonant cries and tears indi- cated the changed posture of the Persian host : everywhere was heard wailing ; arid great indignation was expressed by the princes, who thought that the Romans had forced their way through the sentries in front of the walls. A truce was made for three days by the common consent of both armies, and we gladly accepted a little respite in which to take breath. VII. 1. Now the nations of the barbarians, being amazed at the novelty of this attempt, and rendered by it more savage than ever, discarding all delay, determined to proceed with their works, since open assaults availed them but little. And with extreme warlike eagerness they all now hastened to die gloriously, or else to propitiate the souls of the dead by the ruin of the city. 2. And now, the necessary preparations having been completed by the universal alacrity, at the rising of the day-star all kinds of structures and iron towers were brought up to the walls ; on the lofty summits of which balistse were fitted, which beat down the garrison who were placed on lower ground. 3. And when day broke the iron coverings of the bodies of the foe darkened the whole heaven, and the dense lines advanced without any skirmishers in front, and not in an irregular manner as before, but to the regular and soft music of trumpets ; protected by the roofs of the engines, and holding before them wicker shields. 4. And when they came within reach of our missiles, the 1 Ammian alludes to the expedition of Ulj-sses and Diomed. related by Homer, II. viii. AJ. 359.] DAKGER OF THE GARRISOU. 197 Persian, infantry, holding their shields in front of them, and even then having difficulty in avoiding the arrows which were shot from the engines on the walls, for scarcely any kind of weapon found an empty space, they broke their line a little ; and even the cuirassiers were checked and began to retreat, which raised the spirits of our men. 5. Still the balistae of the enemy, placed on their iron towers, and pouring down missiles with great power from Hheir high ground on those in a lower position, spread a great deal of slaughter in our ranks. At last, when evening came on, both sides retired to rest, and the greater part of the night was spent by us in considering what device could be adopted to resist the formidable engines of the enemy. 6. At length, after we had considered many plans, we determined on one which the rapidity with which it .could be executed made the safest to oppose four scorpions to the four balistae ; which were carefully moved (a very difficult operation) from the place in which they were ; but before this work was finished, day arrived, bringing us a mournful sight, inasmuch as it showed \is the formidable battalions of the Persians, with their trains of elephants, the noise and size of which animals are such that nothing more terrible can be presented to the mind of man. 7. And while we were pressed on all sides with the vast masses of arms, and works, and beasts, still our scorpions were kept at work with their iron slings, hurling huge round stones from the battlements, by which the towers of the enemy were crushed and the balistas and those who worked them were dashed to the ground, so that many were desperately injured, and many crushed by the weight of the falling structures. And the elephants were driven back with violence, and surrounded by the flames which we poured forth against them, the moment that they were wounded retired, and could not be restrained by their riders. The works were all burnt, but still there was no cessation from the conflict. 8. For the king of the Persians himself, who is never ex- pected to mingle in the fight, being indignant at these dis- asters, adopting a new and unprecedented mode of action, sprang forth like a common soldier among his own dense columns ; and as the very number of his guards made him the more conspicuous to us who looked from afar on the 198 AMMIANCJS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XIX. CH. vm. scene, he was assailed by numerous missiles, and was forced to retire after he had lost many of his escort, while his troops fell back by echellons ; and at the end of the day, though frightened neither by the sad sight of the slaughter nor of the wounds, he at length allowed a short period to be given to rest. VIII. 1. Night had put an end to the combat ; and when a slight rest had been procured from sleep, the moment that the dawn, looked for as the harbinger of better fortune, appeared, Sapor, full of rage and indignation, and per- fectly reckless, called forth his people to attack us. And as his works were all burnt, as we have related, and the attack had to be conducted by means of their lofty mounds raised close to our walls, we also from mounds within the walls, as fast as we could raise them, struggled in spite of all our difficulties, with all our might, and with equal courage, against our assailants. 2. And long did the bloody conflict last, nor was any one of the garrison driven by fear of death from his resolution to defend the city. The conflict was prolonged, till at last, while the fortune of the two sides was still undecided, the structure raised by our men, having been long assailed and shaken, at last fell, as if by an earthquake. 3. And the whole space which was between the wall and the external mound being made level as if by a cause- way or a bridge, opened a passage to the enemy, which was no longer embarrassed by any obstacles ; and numbers of our men, being crushed or enfeebled by their wounds, gave up the struggle. Still men flocked from all quarters to repel so imminent a danger, but from their eager haste they got in one another's way, while the boldness of the enemy increased with their success. 4. By the command of the king all his troops now has- tened into action, and a hand-to-hand engagement ensued. Blood ran down from the vast slaughter on both sides : the ditches were filled with corpses, and thus a wider path was opened for the besiegers. And the city, being now filled with the eager crowd which forced its way in, all hope of defence or of escape was cut off, and armed and unarmed A.D. 359.] ESCAPE OF AMMIANUS. 199 without any distinction of age or sex were slaughtered like sheep. 5. It was full evening, when, though fortune had proved adverse, the bulk of our troops was still fighting in good order ; and I, having concealed myself with two com- panions in an obscure corner of the city, now under cover of darkness, made my escape by a postern gate where there was no guard ; and aided by my own knowledge of tie country and by the speed of my companions, I at last reached the tenth milestone from the city. 6. Here, having lightly refreshed ourselves, I tried to proceed, but found myself, as a noble unaccustomed to such toil, overcome by fatigue of the march. I happened to fall in, however, with what, though a most unsightly object, was to me, completely tired out, a most seasonable relief. 7. A groom riding a runaway horse, barebacked and without a bridle, in order to prevent his falling had knotted the halter by which he was guiding him tightly to his left hand, and presently, being thrown, and unable to break the knot, he was torn to pieces as he was dragged over the rough ground and through the bushes, till at last the weight of his dead body stopped the tired beast ; 1 caught him, and mounting him, availed myself of his services at a most seasonable moment, and after much suffering arrived with my companions at some sulphur- ous springs of naturally hot water. 8. On account of the heat we had suffered greatly from thirst, and had been crawling about for some time in search of water ; and now when we came to this well it was so deep that we could not descend into it, nor had we any ropes ; but, taught by extreme necessity, we tore up the linen clothes which we wore into long rags, which we made into one great rope, and fastened to the end of it a cap which one of us wore beneath his helmet ; and letting that down by the rope, and drawing up water in it like a sponge, we easily quenched our thirst. y. From hence we proceeded rapidly to the Euphrates, intending to cross to the other side in the boat which long custom had stationed in that quarter, to convey men and cattle across. 10. When lo ! we see at a distance a Eoman force with 200 AMMIANUS MAKCELLIXUS. fBic. XIX. CH ix. cavalry standards, scattered and pursued by a division of Persians, though we did not know from what quarter it had come so suddenly on them in their march. 11. This example showed us that what men call in- digenous people are not sprung from the bowels of the earth, but merely appear unexpectedly by reason of the speed of their movements : and because they were seen Tinexpectedly in various places, they got the name of Sparti, ' and were believed to have sprang from the ground, antiquity exaggerating their renown in a fabulous manner, as it does that of other things. 1 2. Roused by this sight, since our only hope of safety lay in our speed, we drew off through the thickets and woods to the high mountains ; and from thence we went to Melitina, a town of the Lesser Armenia, where we found our chief just on the point of setting off, in whose company we went on to Antioch. IX. 1. Ix the mean time Sapor and the Persians began to think of returning home, because they feared to penetrate more inland with their prisoners and booty, now that the autumn was nearly over, and the unhealthy star of the Kids had arisen. 2. But amid the massacres and plunder of the destroyed city, ^Elianthe count, and the tribunes by whose vigour the walls of Amida had been defended, and the losses of the Persians multiplied, were wickedly crucified ; and Jacobus and Cassias, the treasurers of the commander of the cavalry, and others of the band of protectores, were led a* prisoners, with their hands bound behind their backs ; and the people of the district beyond the Tigris, who were diligently sought for, were all slain without distinction of rank or dignity. 3. But the wife of Craugasius, who, preserving her chastity inviolate, was treated with the respect due to a high-born matron, was mourning as if she were to be carried to another world without her husband, although 1 Ammianus is wrong here ; it was only the Thebans who were called Siraprol, from .360.] SIEGE OF BEZABDE. 239 raised, with arrows and slings and lighted javelins, which flew over the roofs of the towers, but did no harm, means having been prepared to extinguish any flames. 18. And as the ranks on both sides became thinner, and the Persians were now reduced to extremities unless some aid could be found, they prepared with redoubled energy a fresh sally from the camp : accordingly, they made a sudden sally, supported by increased numbers, and aTnong the armed men were many bearing torches, and iron baskets full of fire, and faggots ; and all kinds of things best adapted for setting fire to the works of the besiegers were hurled against them. 19. And because the dense clouds of smoke obscured the ight, when the trumpet gave the signal for battle, the legions came up with quick step ; and as the eagerness of the conflict grew hotter, after they had engaged, suddenly all the engines, except the great ram, caught fire from the flames which were hurled at them ; but the ropes which held the chief ram were broken asunder, and that the vigorous efforts of some gallant men saved when it was half burnt. 20. When the darkness of night terminated the combat, only a short time was allowed to the soldiers for rest; but when they had been refreshed by a little food and sleep, they were awakened by their captains, and ordered to re- move their works away from the walls of the town, and prepare to fight at closer quarters from the lofty mounds which were untouched by the flames, and now commanded the walls. And to drive the defenders from the walls, on the summit of the mounds they stationed two balistae, in fear of which they thought that none of the enemy would venture even to look out. 21. After having taken these efficacious measures, a triple line of our men, having a more threatening aspect than usual from the nodding cones of their helmets (many of them also bearing ladders), attempted about twilight to scale the walls. Arms clashed and trumpets sounded, and both sides fought with equal boldness and ardour. The Eomans, extending their lines more widely, when they saw the Persians hiding from fear of the engines which had been stationed on the mounds, battered the wall with their ram, and with spades, and axes, and levers, and ladders, pressed 240 AMMIANUS MARCKLUNUS. [Bic. XX. CH. xi. fiercely on, while missiles from each side flew without ceasing. 22. But the Persians were especially pressed by the various missiles shot from the balistte, which, from the artificial mounds, came down upon them in torrents ; and having become desperate, they rushed on, fearless of death, and distributing their force as if at the last ex- tremity, they left some to guard the walls, while the rest, secretly opening a postern gate, rushed forth va- liantly with drawn swords, followed by others who carried concealed fire. 23. And while the Romans at one moment were pressing on those who retreated, at another receiving the assault of those who attacked them, those who carried the fire crept round by a circuitous path, and pushed the burning coals in among the interstices of one of the mounds, which was made up of branches of trees, and rushes, and bundles of reeds. This soon caught fire and was utterly destroyed, the soldiers themselves having great difficulty in escaping and saving their engines. 24. But when the approach of evening broke off the conflict, and the two sides separated to snatch a brief repose, the emperor, after due reflection, resolved to change his plans. Although many reasons of great urgency pressed him to force on the destruction of Phoenice, as of a fortress which would prove an impregnable barrier to the inroads of the enemy, yet the lateness of the season was an objec- tion to persevering any longer. He determined, therefore, while he preserved his position, to carry on the siege for the future by slight skirmishes, thinking that the Persians would be forced to surrender from want of provisions, which, however, turned out very different. 25. For while the conflict was proceeding sharply, the heavens became moist, and watery cloxids appeared with threatening darkness ; and presently the ground got BO wet from continual rain, that the whole country was changed into an adhesive mud (for the soil is naturally rich), and every plan was thrown into confusion ; mean- time, thunder with incessant crashes and ceaseless light- ning filled men's minds with fear. 26. To these portents were added continual rainbows. A short explanation will serve to show how these appear- A.D. 360.] NATURE OF THE RAINBOW. 241 ances are formed. The vapours of the earth becoming warmer, and the watery particles gathering in clouds, and thence being dispersed in spray, and made brilliant by the fusion of rays, turn upwards towards the fiery orb of the sun, and form a rainbow, which sweeps round with a large curve because it is spread over our world, which physical investigations place on the moiety of a sphere. 27. Its appearance, as far as mortal sight can discern, is, ~"in the first line yellow, in the second tawny, in the third scarlet, in the fourth purple, and in the last a mixture of blue and green. 28. And it is so tempered with this mixed beauty, as mankind believe, because its first portion is discerned in a thin diluted state, of the same colour as the air which surrounds it ; the next line is tawny, that is a somewhat richer colour than yellow ; the third is scarlet, because it is opposite to the bright rays of the sun, and so pumps up and appropriates, if one may so say, the most subtle portion of its beams ; the fourth is purple, because the density of the spray by which the splendour of the sun's rays is quenched shines between, and so it assumes a colour near that of flame ; and as that colour is the more diffused, it shades off into blue and green. 29. Others think that the rainbow is caused by the rays of the sun becoming infused into some dense cloud, and pouring into it a liquid light, which, as it can find no exit, falls back upon itself, and shines the more brilliantly because of a kind of attrition ; and receives those hues which are most akin to white from the sun above ; its green hues from the cloud under which it lies, as often happens in the sea, where the waters which beat upon the shore are white, and those farther from the land, which, as being so, are more free from any admixture, are blue. 30. And since it is an indication of a change in the atmosphere (as we have already said), when in a clear sky sudden masses of clouds appear, or on the other hand, when the sky changed from a gloomy look to a joyful serenity, therefore we often read in the poets that Iris is sent from heaven when a change is required in the condition of any present affairs. There are various other opinions which it would be superfluous now to enumerate, since my narration must hasten back to the point from which it digressed. 242 AMMIANUS MARCKLLIXUS. [BK. XXI. 31. By these and similar events the emperor was kept wavering between hope and fear, as the severity of winter was increasing, and he suspected ambuscades in the country, which was destitute of roads ; fearing also, among other things, the discontent of the exasperated soldiers. And it further goaded his unquiet spirit to return balked of his purpose, after, as it were, the door of the rich mansion was opened to him. 32. However, giving up his enterprise as fruitless, he returned into the unwelcome Syria, to winter at Antioch, after having suffered a succession of melancholy disasters. For, as if some unfriendly constellation so governed events, Constantius himself, while warring with the Per- sians, was always attended by adverse fortune ; on which account he hoped at least to gain victories by means of his generals ; and this, as we remember, usually hap- pened. BOOK XXL ARGUMF.XT. I. The Emperor Julian at Vienne learns that Constantius is about to die How he knew it An essay on the different arts of learning the future. II. Julian at Vienne feigns to be a Christian in order to conciliate the multitude, and on a day of festival worships Go