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 Darrell of Littlecote. 
 
 PoPHAM OF Littlecote. 
 
 Arms of Sir Walter Raleigh. 
 
 (From an Criir''ial ll'i'ie License. J 
 
 ^ ml 
 
 HUNCERFORD OF HeYTESBURV. 
 
 Essex of Berkshire. 
 
 Frontispiece. 
 
 ARMS OF THE DARRELL FAMILY AND ALLIES.
 
 o^t il^\gm 
 
 _SOCIETY IN THE 
 
 ELIZABETHAN AGE. 
 
 HUBERT HALL, F.S.A., 
 
 OF H.M. PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, 
 Author of '■'■ A History of the Custom- Revenue in England" etc. 
 
 WITH SEVEN COLOURED AND OTHER PLATES 
 
 By John Medland and the Author. 
 
 THIRD EDITION, REVISpn AND ENLARGED. 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., 
 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE. 
 
 1888
 
 
 Butler & Tanner. 
 
 The Selwood Printing Works, 
 
 Frome, and London.
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 In the following pages I have once more tendered my mite 
 of industry towards the tardy restoration-fund of historical 
 research ; this time in the further hope of proving that 
 original matter is not necessarily uninteresting, but that the 
 Romance of Society, as read in the infallible records of the 
 past, possesses attractions greater and more lasting than a 
 many conceptions of impossible humanity. 
 
 In these Essays descriptive of social life during the second 
 half of the i6th century, I have attempted to place before the 
 reader some familiar names in new characters, with the aid of 
 a mass of information, desultory I must confess, but perhaps 
 curious, as it is certainly new. 
 
 The " star " of this historical company is none other than 
 that lord of Littlecote whose evil fame has descended to us 
 from a barely contemporary gossip, and is now best known 
 through the exquisitely pathetic ballad of "The Friar of 
 Orders Grey," in Rokeby, together with Burke's version of 
 the same legend. 
 
 In these pages Wild Darrell will appear in two parts, those 
 of the Landlord and the Courtier, while his name or fortunes 
 will be found more or less connected with several other 
 characters of the period. 
 
 Dr. Richard Cox, Elizabeth's Bishop of Ely, will speak for 
 the state of the Anglican Church, with Latimer as prologue.
 
 iv Preface. 
 
 Master Edward Baeshe, the veteran Surveyor of Navy 
 Victuals, is the type of the honest Official, to whom a foil 
 will be presented in the person of one Uriah Babington and 
 his more aristocratic accomplices in the great Irish Army 
 contract frauds between 1598 and 1606. 
 
 Sir John Popham is the Lawyer /«r ^AY^//(?«f^ for the period 
 between the declining years of Plowden and the rising stars 
 of Coke and Bacon ; while none but Sir Thomas Gresham 
 could decently be installed in the character of the Mer- 
 chant. 
 
 The part of the Burgess has brought to light a promising 
 debutant in the person of a young London grocer, George 
 Stoddard by name, who will, I venture to predict, take no 
 mean place amongst our stock Elizabethan worthies. 
 
 The Host has scarcely a "speaking part," but will be 
 represented for the nonce by him of the " Tabred " inn in 
 Southwark, supported during the later acts by the worthy 
 landlord of the " Castill " inn, without Smithfield bars. 
 
 The prototype of the Steward will be found in the person 
 who acted in the like capacity in attendance upon William 
 Darrell, both at Littlecote Hall in the county of Wilts, and 
 Warwick Lane, nigh unto Paternoster Row in the City of 
 London. 
 
 The impersonation of the Tenant is so various (by 
 reason of the traditionally insecure tenure of the role) that it 
 has been found impossible to engage any prominent candidate 
 for the public favour, for which reason the part has been 
 discreetly resolved into a chorus of Tudor agriculturists. 
 
 It only remains for me to admit frankly that I have fol- 
 lowed my personal inclinations in the historical colouring of 
 my materials. I may claim, however, the just credit of 
 having redeemed the character of Wild Darrell from the 
 most part of the odium which has unwittingly attached to it. 
 He is here in fact (to pursue my metaphor) the hero rather
 
 Preface. v 
 
 than the villain of the piece. So, too, Edward Baeshe has 
 received here for the first time the due recognition of the im- 
 portant services which he rendered to his country. On the 
 other hand, I have often felt myself constrained to represent 
 our countrymen of the Elizabethan era in the more un- 
 favourable aspects of their social life. If I should have 
 herein unconsciously offended the courteous reader by my 
 unguarded views on certain momentous questions, let him 
 reflect that even an historian has acquired by long usage 
 the right to his individual opinion, one indeed to be wisely 
 tolerated as a necessary introduction to the original materials 
 which, after all, it is his chief business to prepare for the use 
 of others. 
 
 Now I have unearthed these gems ; I have cut, polished, 
 and set them as I was best able ; if you do not admire the 
 handiwork, I pray you, value the purity of the stones. 
 
 London. 
 
 Sept, 2oth, i8S6. 
 
 PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. 
 
 Since the first edition of this work appeared, I have received 
 many kind suggestions from my readers with reference to the 
 palpable omission of those details of the Littlecote murder 
 which have been so frequently reproduced in genealogies and 
 guide-books. The omission was of course intentional, since, 
 quite apart from the untrustworthy character of this " barely 
 contemporary gossip," the romantic story of Wild Darrell's 
 crime had already been exhaustively reviewed by able and 
 impartial authorities in the light of modern research, and 
 therefore I passed the subject by like any other for which a 
 recognised authority existed. Since then, however, I have
 
 vi Preface. 
 
 discovered rebutting evidence against the dark charges of 
 adultery, incest, and murder, which it appears were never 
 supported in a court of law, but had their origin in the im- 
 potent malice of those enemies whom Darrell had success- 
 fully defied. The latter then was not tried for child-murder, 
 but for a libel upon a local magnate under circumstances of 
 great provocation, in which he appears alone of the country- 
 side the champion of his oppressed neighbours and of the 
 majesty of the law against the interested opposition of a 
 ministerial cabal. For the display of independence Darrell 
 was cast into prison on a ridiculous charge of treason. The 
 prtHs of his correspondence in the Fleet will show what 
 efforts were made at this crisis by his life-long enemies to 
 complete his destruction ; and it was now that, in addition to 
 the pending action for libel, the accusation of child-murder 
 was concocted by those who, not content with ruining a 
 neighbour whose chivalrous nature stood in the way of their 
 own advancement, were even resolved to consign him to 
 a felon's doom. The curious libel which was the cause 
 of Darrell's imprisonment on a charge of treasonable prac- 
 tices was printed in the At/iencsum in 1887, with explanatory 
 remarks intended to prove that its authorship may more 
 probably be ascribed to Sir Philip Sidney or some other wit 
 in the interest of the Leicester faction visiting at Ramsbury, 
 and that Darrell suffered for his indiscretion in repeating it 
 coil amore in the hearing of a spy at his own table. It may 
 perhaps be added that this contemporary and local satire 
 forms the strongest excuse for any strictures that an irre- 
 verent modern might be tempted to make upon the prevalent 
 corruption of Elizabethan Society. 
 
 H. H.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PART I.— IN THE COUNTRY, 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter I. — The Landlord 3 
 
 Chapter II. — The Steward 17 
 
 Chapter III. — The Tenant 26 
 
 PART II.— TN TOWN 
 
 Chapter IV.— The Burgess 45 
 
 Chapter V. — The Merchant • 5S 
 
 Chapter VI.— The Host . 72 
 
 PART III— AT THE COURT. 
 
 Chapter VII. — The Courtier 89 
 
 Chapter VIII. — The Churchman ...... 103 
 
 Chapter IX.— The Official 119 
 
 Chapter X. — The Lawyer 133 
 
 Appendix I.— Notes and References to Chapters I.-X. 147 
 
 Appendix II.— The Darrell Papers 183 
 
 Index , 293
 
 PART I. 
 
 IN THE COUNTRY. 
 
 r
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE LANDLORD. 
 
 On the 26th of August, 1549, there was a death at Littlecote, 
 the seat of the ancient family of the Darrells of Wiltshire. 
 Sir Edward Darrell, last but one of his line, had passed to his 
 fathers, and was buried with the pomp of torches, wax lights, 
 and bearers, and all the rites of the Anglo-Catholic Church, 
 amidst the lamentations of the parish poor, for whom he had 
 provided mourning, of his retainers, to whom he had be- 
 queathed legacies, and of his neighbours, whose loans were 
 unexpectedly repaid by direction of his will. 
 
 There were, however, some circumstances connected with 
 the event that were not as they should have been. During 
 the last few years there had been a sad scandal at Littlecote. 
 Its dame had quarrelled with her lord, and, more strangely, 
 with her own relations as well. The cause of this breach may 
 perhaps be found in the presence in the Littlecote household 
 of a young gentleman, a distant kinsman of the family, who 
 married Sir Edward's lady as soon as she was freed by his 
 death. However that may be, she was separated from her 
 husband, who ignored her in his will, and disinherited her 
 son in so far as he was able. When Sir Edward died there 
 was a new mistress at Littlecote, who obtained the adminis- 
 tration of his estate, and who styled herself his widow, though 
 the law recognised only the cast-off wife as his dowager. To 
 the former, however, he devised a great part of his estates by 
 his will, having previously conveyed another portion in trust 
 to her use for her life. 
 
 By his wife, Elizabeth Essex, Sir Edward Darrell had two 
 children, a son and heir, William, and a daughter. A short
 
 4 Elizabctha7t Society. 
 
 time either before or after his death, however, another son 
 was born to him, but who was his mother there is no 
 evidence to show. He is not once alluded to in the con- 
 temporary history of the family, and though he was returned 
 by inquisition as his brother's heir, the fact is no proof of his 
 legitimacy, nor did he ever lay claim to the family estates. 
 It is possible, then, that this second son may have been the 
 issue of an illicit intercourse with the mysterious woman who 
 supplanted Sir Edward Darrell's lawful wife and heir. At 
 least it was afterwards asserted in the course of litigation that 
 the absolute enjoyment of the estates assured to this lady was 
 conditional on her not marrying during her benefactor's life ; 
 iind that immediately after his death, she married first one 
 husband and then another. 
 
 William Darrell was left at his father's death, a child of 
 nine years old, in a situation of exceptional difficulty. His 
 boyhood, passed during the worst years of the Reformation, 
 could scarcely have been a bright or peaceful one, apart from 
 the consideration of those domestic complications which have 
 been already alluded to. Sir Edward Darrell had left behind 
 him real property of very considerable value for those times, 
 and a personal property which had been nearly wholly 
 absorbed in the payment of his funeral and testamentary 
 expenses ; but it would not appear that he intended his 
 eldest son to benefit greatly by either the one or the other. 
 Of the twenty-four manors of which, at the lowest computa- 
 tion, he died possessed, sixteen, at least, were subject to 
 the life interest of other members of his family by his own 
 act ; while two or three more were encumbered for long 
 terms of years. Moreover, it is certain that this disposition 
 was not made from purely prudential motives, in view of the 
 hazards attending a long minority in troubled times. Thirty 
 years later William Darrell was still paying over to the 
 woman whose moral claim was at the best doubtful, a heavy 
 rent-charge upon the estates which were his birthright. 
 Thanks to Magna Carta, and to her own official connections, 
 Sir Edward's widow was secure of her reasonable dower ; but 
 it is at least remarkable that her husband, with every oppor-
 
 The Landlord. 5 
 
 tunity of arranging his affairs, should have made no better 
 provision for a wife who, if we accept the traditional gene- 
 alogy, was about to become the mother of his youngest child. 
 
 No sooner was Sir Edward Darrell gone than the friends 
 whom he had loaded with benefits, and the enemies whom he 
 had kept at bay, sunk their differences with the common 
 object of plundering his heir. First the tenants of Chilton 
 Folyat, a manor purchased by his grandfather from the 
 Crown at its full value, developed symptoms of conscience as 
 to the lawfulness of paying their rent any longer to a lord 
 who had no power of compulsion at hand. This course they 
 pursued at the instigation of the Earl of Rutland, a neigh- 
 bouring magnate, who extemporized an ancient claim to the 
 property in question without a tittle of evidence to make it 
 good. But his lordship exerted all his court influence, and, 
 taking the law into his own hands, broke into Chilton Park 
 with an armed band of retainers, and encamped upon the 
 disputed territory. A collision ensued, and the young heir 
 prosecuted some of the parties at the next quarter-sessions 
 for trespass and assault. The Chilton tenants, becoming 
 bolder, pressed for their rents to be returned to them. Finally 
 the case resolved itself into a lingering suit in Chancery, 
 the result of which could have been never once in doubt. 
 
 Throughout the whole period of William Darrell's minority, 
 he was an exile from the home of his ancestors. Here the 
 spurious Lady Darrell reigned supreme, for her rival had 
 married a young husband, and had gone to reside in another 
 county. She had received the rents and enjoyed the profits 
 of many a fair manor unmolested, and had gathered a pretty 
 strong faction in the neighbourhood, besides covering her 
 retreat by allying herself with a gentleman of good position 
 without dispensing, on this occasion at least, with the cere- 
 monies of the Church. But as soon as the young heir of 
 Littlecote had attained his majority, he instituted a suit to 
 recover more than his nominal ownership of the home manors, 
 basing his claim upon the following grounds : That, in the 
 first place, he was the lawful heir ; and, secondly, that the 
 demise made by his father for the lady's benefit only ex-
 
 6 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 tended over the period of his minority. Hereupon the de- 
 fendant sought to prove that by an early deed these manors 
 were demised to her for her Hfe ; and that upon her subse- 
 quent marriage, after her benefactor's decease, the guardian 
 of his heir attempted to dispossess her, but, after long strife, 
 failing to do so, he gave way, " to ease his conscience," and 
 admitted the justice of her cause. The reply on the part of 
 William Darrell to this explanation was clear and decisive as 
 regarded the home manors, the real point at issue. He pro- 
 duced a deed dated three years later than that under which 
 the defendant claimed, whereby the property in dispute was 
 conveyed to his guardian in trust for the lady during the 
 heir's minority only. This trust was, he showed, merely 
 fulfilled by his guardian. Why then, it was asked, did Sir 
 Edward alter his disposition of those estates, or why did his 
 mistress consent to benefit by that disposition, if she could 
 have claimed a life-interest under an earlier deed ? Hence- 
 forth William Darrell was in possession at Littlecote until 
 the day of his death. 
 
 There can be little doubt that Sir Edward Darrell's dow- 
 ager viewed these proceedings on her son's part with intense 
 satisfaction. Indeed, about this time she was on the best 
 of terms with him, and the two now opened a masterly 
 campaign against her paternal family, the Essexes, who were 
 at the bottom of most of the family embarrassments, with 
 the sole view of profiting by them, and who were a pack of 
 as greedy, false, and cringing knaves as any perhaps in the 
 county. 
 
 Dame Elizabeth Darrell had received as a reasonable 
 dower the modest annuity of almost ;^40 (i^30o) a year in 
 land. This assignment, ten years after date, her son acquired 
 at ten years' purchase; with the condition attached that 
 certain ancient tenants, specified by name, should be un- 
 molested in their holdings, which was confirmed by a bond 
 Darrell was required to enter into to that effect with his 
 stepfather, John Rogers. The most considerable of these 
 favoured tenants was an old servant of the family who had 
 sub-let his holding to one of the younger Essexes and another
 
 The Landlord. 7 
 
 of that faction ; and who was secretly bought over by the 
 Darrells. The latter, therefore, having completed their 
 arrangements, made a sudden descent upon the sub-tenants' 
 farms, impounded all their cattle, and sued their servants for 
 trespass and damage. The fury of the enemy was intense. 
 They called upon the lessor to make good his title ; but he 
 found that he had mislaid the documents. They claimed 
 the forfeiture of the bond, but there was none to prosecute 
 the claim, for Dame Elizabeth's second husband was dead, 
 and she herself was acting in collusion with their overlord, 
 neither was their own position recognised by any previous 
 deed : it depended on their lessor's title, and he had betrayed 
 them. On every side, therefore, Darrell's triumph was complete; 
 but the victory was dearly bought. Henceforth his enemies 
 devoted themselves body and soul to his utter destruction. 
 
 It is easy to note after these last occurrences the increasing 
 animosity which characterized the quarrel. The tenants of 
 yet another manor defied their lord, and dragged him into 
 court, there to defend his conduct. These were the copy- 
 holders of Wanboro', whose ire had been excited by certain 
 reforms of which the lord's steward had given notice in the 
 manor court. They commenced a suit in the feudal Court of 
 Requests for protection against their lord's malice. Here 
 charges and counter-charges of a very extraordinary nature 
 were brought forward. Darrell, it seems, had ejected certain 
 of his tenants, and replaced them by more pliant vassals. 
 These he supported against the rebellious majority, and the 
 two parties soon came to extremities. Several of the old 
 tenants were arrested by the new ones on a charge of felony. 
 They were brought beforea neighbouring justice and committed 
 for trial. Darrell exerted himself to make an example for the 
 protection of his own people. He collected evidence and 
 pressed for a conviction. The accused were returned guilty, 
 but found means, as Darrell bitterly complained, to obtain 
 the Queen's pardon, contrary to all right and justice. 
 
 To the action of the Wanboro' copyholders Darrell replied 
 with a cross-suit in Chancery to compel evidence for a trial at 
 the common law. Meanwhile the case of the former, aftei
 
 8 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 hanging fire for a long time at the Court of Whitehall (Re- 
 quests) came on for hearing, when an injunction was issued 
 to secure the plaintiffs in their holdings until the further hear- 
 ing in Chancery. This decision was highly displeasing to 
 Darrell's side. One of his people refused at first to recognise 
 the writ, observing incredulously " that it was a counterfayte 
 and made under a busshe " — to the " evil example," as it 
 was reported, of "many others." Foiled in one direction, 
 Darrell fell back on his Chancery suit. The case had been 
 directed to stand over till Michaelmas term ; but on the 28th 
 of October, the defendants were suddenly served with notice 
 to appear and make answer afresh on the 29th. The sum- 
 mons was dated the 26th, though neither motion nor order 
 had been made. In fact, the defendant's counsel had grossly 
 neglected his client's interests, and had allowed his opponents 
 to steal a march. 
 
 Worse than this was Darrell's position with regard to 
 his Berkshire tenants at Uffington. The chief of these 
 was a nephew on whom he had lavished every kindness, and 
 he, upon the occasion of some dispute, the merits of which 
 are uncertain, though the law afterwards decided in the 
 uncle's favour, made the following return for his benefactor's 
 favours. Under his leadership a band of rioters armed with 
 sword and buckler and the " picked " staves, which, to the 
 manifold breach of the peace were then to be found in every 
 man's hands, made a forcible entry into the lands in dispute. 
 The shepherds whom they found in the fields after a few 
 blows fled before them : so leaving some of their number to 
 guard the fleecy " loot," they pursued their march to the 
 mansion house, which they approached in skirmishing order. 
 The garrison consisted only of two of Darrell's dairywomen ; 
 but the invaders, fearing the possibility of an ambuscade, 
 or more probably an action for burglary, did not at once 
 mount to the assault, but turned the siege into a blockade, 
 and " laye in contynuall awayte " about the house for the space 
 of four or five days. During all this time they placed sen- 
 tries on the terrace and patrolled the grounds, receiving sup- 
 plies and reinforcements from their allies in the neighbourhood
 
 The Landlord. 9 
 
 At last the house was stormed and the garrison suffered all 
 the horrors of a miniature sack, the place being henceforth 
 occupied by the enemy in force. Meantime the detachment 
 mounting guard over the flocks were reconnoitred by the 
 trembling shepherds solicitous for their charge, as it was just 
 then lambing time. These worthies, however, resenting the 
 intrusion, seized the invaders, and, hoisting their heels aloft, 
 " drew them violently a greate distance, their hedes knocking 
 against the ground," and cast them headlong forth. 
 
 Last of all was the case of the manor of Axford, one of the 
 most weighty causes of those times. This estate had been con- 
 veyed by Sir Edward Darrell to his father-in-law, Sir William 
 Essex, and had been devised by the latter to his eldest 
 son with option of purchase to Sir Edward Darrell and his 
 heirs at a stated price. The sum in question was tendered 
 by Sir Edward to the younger Essex, but was refused by the 
 latter, and the matter was allowed to drop. But William 
 Darrell was not a man to treat the subject so lightly. He 
 considered himself the life tenant by succession to an inalien- 
 able birthright, and without otherwise molesting the Essexes' 
 tenant, began to fell timber on the manor. A law-suit at 
 once followed, throughout which Darrell continued to fell 
 timber as before in spite of his counsel's remonstrances. The 
 Essexes supported their tenant, and the case was protracted 
 for some twenty years ; while personal feeling became more 
 and more embittered throughout its progress. 
 
 All the above-mentioned contests were the result of a com- 
 bination of Darrell's tenantry instigated by his personal enemies. 
 Besides this, however, an individual tenant would at times 
 exert himself to the injury or annoyance of the unpopular 
 lord. One such having become indebted for the sum of 
 ;^200, his bond was accepted at six and twelve months, wit'i 
 a forfeit of 400 marks. The first half payment became due, 
 was not tendered, and Darrell pressed the forfeit of his bond. 
 The tenant's story was that he repaired punctually with his 
 money to Littlecote, and there, in the great hall, paid it 
 over and obtained the receipt (produced). But Darrell, in 
 league with the sheriff, distrained on his crops and cattle to
 
 lO Elizabethan Society. 
 
 a value far beyond even the sum of the forfeit ; and not con- 
 tent, therewith imprisoned him "with yrons." The plaintiff's 
 attention being called to the fact that this receipt was dated 
 a year previously, he explained that this error was purposely 
 introduced into the receipt by Darrell himself, profiting by 
 his ignorance, and that it was clearly of a piece with all that 
 person's other wickedness. With regard to the first count, 
 however, we find, upon analysis, that the specified chattels 
 seized by the lord could not possibly have exceeded in value 
 the amount due. Moreover, there is proof that this unjust 
 sheriff was actually putting into force the law, at that very time, 
 in order to recover a debt due to the Crown half a century 
 before by Darrell's great-grandfather, and that the former, 
 disappointed of the sum promised him, was compelled to 
 recover it in the ordinary course. These circumstances, 
 taken in connection with each other for the first time, afford 
 matter for serious reflection. 
 
 William Darrell's rent-roll was no doubt at one time con- 
 siderable. His father died possessed of twenty-five manors 
 in various counties, the gross rental of which could not have 
 been much less than ;!f 2000 by the year. What with aliena- 
 tions, law-suits, and a higher rate of living, his son's average 
 income scarcely exceeded half that amount. At the time of 
 his greatest embarrassments, it was actually between i^/OO 
 and ;!^8oo, apart from contingencies and expedients. About 
 half of this was derived from the nett rents of some half-dozen 
 manors, and the rest was made up of arrears, dues, and the 
 proceeds of the home farms at Littlecote and Axford. 
 Against this must be set the working and incidental expenses 
 of the farms and household ; the discharge of interest and 
 annuities ; and the social and extraordinary expenses such 
 as were entailed by the lord's territorial position or his visit 
 to London referred to below. Darrell, however, was per- 
 petually in difficulties. He owed money to usurers, to 
 tradesmen, and to many of his neighbours. He anticipated 
 his rents, and had pawned much of his plate. These trans- 
 actions brought him into collision with creditors whose 
 importunities and familiarity his proud nature could little
 
 The Landlord. 1 1 
 
 brook ; and so one more element of discord was added to the 
 feudal relations of our hero. There can be small doubt that 
 this continual drain was chiefly owing to law-costs. Indeed, 
 no other possible explanation presents itself. Darrell's house- 
 hold consisted of retainers who had grown old in the service 
 of the family, who were careful of their lord's interests as of 
 their own, and the cost of whose maintenance did not, we 
 know, exceed ;^50 a year. His worship himself was a model 
 of sobriety in his private life. He enjoyed right good cheer 
 without employing the services of a French cook. He drank 
 little without shame, and smoked much without boasting. 
 He did not ride forth with a gay cavalcade to hawk at 
 partridges and wild fowl, or hunt his neighbour's deer like his 
 father. He dressed in grey fustian like a yeoman, netted his 
 game in a business-like manner, and waited to be supplied 
 with venison by his friends. He preserved his trout and 
 cultivated the gentle craft to supply his table. He paid a 
 Dutch gardener and kept him lavishly supplied with seeds 
 and implements. He farmed scientifically and successfully, 
 and presented his sovereign with a sample of wheat for which 
 he could command £^ a quarter of our money, in a year 
 when prices were low. He talked philosophy with his neigh- 
 bours, when he was not at law with them. He read the 
 Ancient Fathers, and cultivated a choice prose style of his 
 own ; and he was better read in the law than most country 
 practitioners of his time. Finally he neither married the 
 richly jointured relict of a near relative, nor " kept a brace of 
 painted madams at his own command," but he devoted the 
 best years of his life to a " Platonic " intercourse with a highly 
 cultivated woman, the neglected wife of his father's youthful 
 friend. 
 
 Darrell's famous amour was the turning-point of his life. 
 It was, indeed, as common for men of his class to debauch 
 their neighbours' wives, as for two yeomen to draw on each 
 other at a county fair, or for a craftsman to be butchered by 
 his fellow in Smithfield. The atonement for bloodshed or 
 dishonour done was trivial if it were not exacted on the spot. 
 The offender could be reached best through his purse ; he
 
 12 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 bribed the law and escaped ; or at the worst he was dis- 
 franchised for a year or two. But Darreli's sia was his 
 enemies' opportunity. Their triumph was insolent in pro- 
 portion as it was unlooked for. A Wiltshire squire to cherish 
 a romantic passion ; to write and receive love-letters, to meet 
 in secret, to fly to London with his paramour, and no acres 
 to be got ! It was as though another lord Say had insulted 
 the intelligence of the commons of England ! One and all, 
 they cried, " Away with him ! " Sir Walter Hungerford 
 abandoned his wife : the law was put in force, spies were 
 employed, and witnesses suborned. For all this the lovers 
 were unshaken in the vow they had plighted. The lady's 
 father stood by her. Leicester espoused her cause, and Lady 
 Sidney and her friends laughed over the little scandal. One 
 of the injured knight's half-brothers took up his quarrel. He 
 drew on Darrell and would have slain him, if the latter had 
 not closed with him. Yet for all that Darrell suffered for 
 his lady's sake, he was amply repaid by the tender love and 
 noble constancy expressed in her letters to him. Then the 
 Essexes and their crew bestirred themselves. They appeared 
 in the justice room of Newbury, where the case of Darrell 
 against Hide was being heard before Commissioners, and 
 with all the impetuosity of malice accused one of the Little- 
 cote servants of a foul murder. The sittings were suspended 
 and the accused sought, but in vain. The justices repaired 
 to Darreli's lodgings for information. He received them 
 courteously, produced the missing servant, and refused to 
 screen him from his accusers. The impression caused by 
 this conduct was excellent. At last the passion of the 
 informers broke loose. With bitter threats and imprecations 
 they denounced Darrell himself as an accomplice in the 
 murder. He replied to the wild charge with a mournful 
 dignity, and the justices were visibly embarrassed. But the 
 accused was a marked man, a sickly sheep, and any consider- 
 ation towards him would have been dangerous. Finally bail 
 was taken for him to meet the charge. This was the crisis 
 of Darreli's fortune, and he sank beneath it. He was over- 
 whelmed with debt, he was formally accused of one murder,
 
 The Landlord. 13 
 
 and suspected of another ; he had to bear the odium of 
 debauchery and fraud, he was at law with nearly all his 
 tenants, and in a state of open warfare with most of his 
 neighbours ; finally he had been thrown into gaol and com- 
 pelled to promise an enormous bribe, ;i^3000 at least of our 
 money, to the Lord-Lieutenant of his county, the needy 
 courtier Pembroke, Sidney's brother-in-law and his own kins- 
 man, in order to -obtain his release. Meanwhile, his bitterest 
 foes were thirsting for his blood. They drew together and 
 attacked all who were known to favour his cause. Even in 
 this extremity Darrell was the same as ever, dignified, 
 imperturbable, and sarcastic. He wrote to his fellow-justices 
 to inform them of the lawless attitude of his enemies, and 
 to warn them that the position could be strained no further 
 without bloodshed. 
 
 All this time, however, he was making good his retreat. 
 He was in close communication with his friends at court, and 
 was preparing to buy the protection which the law could not 
 extend unbought. 
 
 At last the blow fell. It came from Pembroke, who pressed 
 for his promised ransom. The alternative was of course im- 
 prisonment upon a private bond, for the wily statesman only 
 issued his threatening notices through the mouth of his ser- 
 vants ; and Darrell had but his own copy of the corre- 
 spondence to support an improbable tale. All this Darrell 
 knew only too well, but he answered the insolent message 
 with calm disdain : " He was a freeman, and subject to none 
 but the prince, to whom my lord was subject as well as he." 
 To a second communication, still more violent and threaten- 
 ing, he returned word : " that he would pray for his lordship." 
 Soon he was with Popham, concerting measures for his safety. 
 In the ante-room he met a servant of his lordship, who whis- 
 pered that there were " strange courses intended " against 
 him, and bade him " look to it." He answered impatiently, 
 " Is there nothing always but strange courses in hand ?" Then 
 he sacrificed his estates, and with them all hopes of continu- 
 ing his ancient line, and fled to the Court. 
 
 It is generally supposed that in the olden days, and there-
 
 14 Elizabetha7i Society. 
 
 fore especially in those of " good Queen Bess," peace and 
 goodwill prevailed in a country whose sparse population was 
 of necessity united in the common interest of self-preserva- 
 tion. History, however, — or rather that small branch thereof 
 which is not wholly dependent on mere supposition, — teaches 
 us exactly the contrary lesson. With a less population, there 
 will be found a preponderance of private interests ; with a 
 greater, the advantage of the few must be subservient to that 
 of the many. Moreover, in a great body politic, there is no 
 room for local or corporate assertions and jealousies such a^ 
 during the period before us absorbed almost the whole ques- 
 tion of domestic government. The idea of individual interests, 
 by legitimate methods, was remote as compared with that 
 of class or family interests maintained by the traditional 
 weapons of protection and plunder. Rather it was a war of 
 native against alien, of town against country, of those who 
 had not against those who had a prerogative of wealth and 
 power. The English trader complained that the realm was 
 " pestered with fforreyne wares." The artisans " would have 
 corne set out at a lower price and bound to be kept so still ; " 
 while the former again " would none of that." The peasantry 
 "would have al the gentilmen destroyed." The citizens "and 
 those other that lived most on gentilmen," would " but have 
 them reformed." Again, the gentry and " wise men of our 
 county" reported of the towns, "that they be of no good 
 government, and full of light people, as wevers, tuckers, 
 sheremen, glovers, and suche other which livethe losely and 
 without due obedyence." With the gentry themselves 
 matters were even worse. Inter-marriages sowed the seeds 
 of physical and mental corruption. A large proportion had 
 a reversionary interest in their neighbours' possessions, and 
 this they were only too eager to convert into an immediate 
 one. 
 
 The above considerations deeply affect any view that we 
 may take of William Darrell's circumstances or conduct, for 
 their local application at least will be obvious. Sir Philip 
 Sidney wrote his sister's " Arcadia " amidst Wiltshire scenery 
 and society. It was of Wiltshire towns, such as Marlborough
 
 The Landlo7'd. 15 
 
 and Newbury, that the above unfavourable report was re- 
 turned by Darrell's neighbours and friends, while of the latter 
 themselves, he, a childless benefactor among kinsmen who 
 hungered to divide the spoil, could write in the bitterness of 
 his heart, " that day that a man would have my landes or my 
 goodes, that day he would have my life also." 
 
 The great distinction which existed between Darrell and 
 his neighbours, and which made him appear as their foil, was 
 this. He lived for his social and political relations ; they 
 lived by them. With all his love of political chit-chat, and 
 his budget of Court news, Darrell took little active part in 
 local politics or government, then merely the reflection of the 
 central. His name only appears once in the reports touch- 
 ing the usual burning questions of Musters, Recusants, and 
 Justices of the Peace, and he was only once returned to 
 Parliament. Now, to his pushing and ambitious neighbours, 
 the Government, or rather the Court, was the mysterious 
 power that " bringeth all good things." They were for ever 
 dragging themselves prominently into the notice of the 
 Minister by their obsequious zeal for his interests. When 
 the proper time came they looked for their reward — a grant 
 of escheated lands, a dissolved monastery, or some other 
 spoil of blood or sacrilege for which they watched patiently 
 as a dog watches for the tossed bone. Their names may 
 be found in nearly every parliament of the reign — with 
 those of lawyers, monopolists, and usurers, the rising gener- 
 ation of county magnates — and on nearly every local page 
 of the State Papers. 
 
 Thus Darrell's neighbours were prospering greatly after the 
 traditions of their order. They were, like him, of the old 
 race of unjust stewards who had bought the freehold of their 
 stewardship for a song. But unlike him, they were shrewd, 
 hard-headed men, with no care or ambition but to lay up 
 acres. They had no sentiment, for they married money and 
 wrangled over the settlements. They had no taste, for they 
 conversed and wrote like Methodist preachers. Their one 
 enjoyment was to be always gaining ; their one anxiety was 
 to lose nothing that they had gained. Thus their great strength
 
 1 6 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 in those unquiet times was as " promoters " of jealousies and 
 feuds amongst their neighbours or their own restless tenantry, 
 feeling themselves most secure in the weakness of others. 
 
 Knevett had married with Baynton, St. John with Hunger- 
 ford, Hungerford with Long, Long with Danvers. Nearly all 
 had married with Darrell. All fought with one another, but 
 most of all with Darrell. Moreover, this is no piece of local 
 colouring. The family and feudal history of Dacre and 
 Bracebridge in the North, of the Greshams in the East, of 
 Foljambe and Byron in the Midlands, of Corbet and Kyn- 
 aston in the West, of Bray and Shelley in the South, will be 
 found to contain exactly similar incidents differing only, and 
 that not always, in degree. The reign of Elizabeth found the 
 Esquire what the Reformation made him, a knavish syco- 
 phant. The next century found him as he made himself, a 
 blunt, earnest, thoughtful man, heartily weary of Courts, and 
 distrustful of Governments.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE STEWARD. 
 
 Of stewards, other than " Ministers " of the Crown, there 
 were two kinds. There was one who acted as a land-agent, 
 supervising the tenants, presiding at the Courts of the manor, 
 or manors, in which the lord had jurisdiction, and taking 
 custody of the records which commemorated the customs 
 with regard to copyhold lands, common of pasture, and the 
 various easements and profits taken with the licence or by the 
 assignment of the lord through his deputy. The other was 
 rather a house-steward than an agent. He paid the retainers' 
 wages, and regulated the menage (and niemi) of the household. 
 In most cases he also overlooked the farm operations upon 
 the lord's demesne, collected the rents, engaged and paid 
 the labourers, sold the produce, and bought the stock and 
 implements required about the house and farm. He was 
 also the lord's cashier, if not his private secretary, and made 
 all his ordinary disbursements for business or pleasure, ac- 
 counting for the whole sums received by him either from 
 the rents, or as advanced from time to time by his employer. 
 The former description of steward, the lord's agent or officer, 
 was usually a lawyer, or at least with some knowledge of law. 
 The following is an excellent example of the social position 
 of the great majority of the class. 
 
 An old servant in the family of a Dorset magnate took, 
 according to the common practice of the time, a smallholding 
 from his lord, probably at a nominal rent during his life. 
 This favoured retainer had a son, educated and brought up 
 for the law, and a student of Gray's Inn. Through his 
 father's application he eventually got the appointment of 
 steward to the Dorset and Somerset estates of the latter's 
 
 17 C
 
 1 8 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 benefactor. In discharge of his office he was expected to 
 sit on sixteen different court-leets, court-barons, and manor- 
 courts, his remuneration being 2Q)S. a year, and the court 
 fees, which, however, it was alleged, did not, in this case, 
 do more than cover the steward's travelling and incidental 
 expenses. But, as probably in many other cases, this in- 
 troduction led to better things. The steward's father died, 
 and the son begged the reversion of his holding on the same 
 easy terms, namely, without the usual fine, or heriot, amount- 
 ing in this case to twenty marks. This was at first granted 
 him, but eventually he was required to pay half that sum 
 before he could be admitted. It is important to note that 
 the chief qualification of the candidate in the above instance 
 was distinctly referred to as consisting in his local knowledge. 
 The prospect of an appointment on these terms must have 
 led to the legal education and eventual prosperity of many 
 a child of the soil, and have exercised a social influence akin 
 to the ordination of villeins in an earlier age. 
 
 The manorial steward had, however, a good deal to put 
 up with. With an exception always in favour of his lord, he 
 was one of the best abused people in the whole country-side. 
 Fraud, malice, and even actual violence were commonly im- 
 puted to him in the discharge of his functions. Sometimes it 
 is complained that he has received bribes to divert or delay 
 justice; at another he is accused of interested favouritism, 
 as when he has espoused the cause of one copyholder (his 
 own sub-tenant) against another, and " favoureth the said 
 defendant in this mater," being a "grete ruler in the said 
 court." As might have been expected, the steward also 
 plays a considerable part in one of the favourite charges of 
 the day, that of extorting money, etc., by a threat of criminal 
 accusation, or, as it was elegantly expressed, " to charge him 
 falsely and hang him for the same." On one occasion, when 
 Wild Darrell's tenants were at open feud with their lord, 
 and a well-grounded charge of felony had been preferred 
 against some of them, a sensational tale was introduced in 
 Court — how, while the accused lay in gaol, they were visited 
 at midnight by the steward of their manor (his wicked master
 
 The Steward. ig 
 
 remaining without), who, after failing to persuade them to 
 renounce their claims to certain disputed property, departed 
 in a rage, with the comfortable intimation that they should 
 all be hanged for their contumacy. But, on the whole, the 
 chief brunt of these agrarian battles was borne by the lord 
 himself, especially when he happened to have a turn for the 
 study of the law. On the other hand, it is rare to find 
 instances of a disagreement between the lord and his steward. 
 Such, indeed, did occur, as in the case of Sir Thomas 
 Gresham's mother and widow, both of whom had litigation 
 with refractory agents, the former selling up the offender's 
 executor, and the latter gaining her suit. We even find a 
 dishonest bailiff misappropriating his lord's rents, on the 
 strength of the latter's indefinite sojourn in the Fleet for 
 contempt of Court. But it may be believed that, in a vast 
 majority of cases, the Elizabethan land-agent was a plodding 
 and methodical official, eminently deserving of the trust 
 reposed in him. The two following letters will illustrate 
 admirably the more delicate business which fell within this 
 worthy's province. They are both addressed to the influential 
 personage who acted either as land-agent or house-steward 
 to the mighty Earl of Shrewsbury. 
 
 My humble comendacbns promised ; yt may plese you the same to under- 
 stand that in the later end of this last sommer abowte sixe or eight wekes paste 
 my wife lent a blacke curtail nage to one Ales Fletcher, to Worsworthe in the 
 Peike, from whence the nage strayed westward and was taken as a wafe att 
 Belper, or near thareabowte, and is in a giound of my Lo. of Shrewsberj'e's. I 
 beseche you, good ^Ir. Williamson, to do me the favore you can for the recouvry 
 of my curtail. He is an old jade, and as false as he is old ; his eares and tayle 
 cutt, his nose slitt, his mane shome, a lettle white of one of his for-fete, two 
 saddle spottes on the far side, somewhat dale backt, and hath a bare spote of one 
 of his buttockes, as if it were scalded. He hathe bene stifled of bothe his hynder 
 leges, and is white spotted in both the hames with garteringe. WTien he was 
 lent, he was not fully recovered of a stiflinge on his ner hinde lege, but drewe yt 
 somewhat after hym, and was sore in the ham with gartering. He rackes and 
 trottes, and if the cuntry had bene champion (champaign), he wool have comme 
 whome. I pray you, good sir, let thes bearer have yol letter in my beyhalfe to 
 my lordes officer in Belper, and if I may do you the like pleasure wher I dwell, 
 you shall commande me wherein I may. Thus hopinge of yo^ assured frendshipe 
 herein, most humbly I take my leave. 
 
 Yo'' assured to command, 
 
 This xxviij October. Andrewe Nedham.
 
 20 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 It will be observed that the equine portraiture contained in 
 the above letter is nearly as unfavourable as that given in 
 a much-admired passage from Shakespeare of Petruchio's 
 famous steed. The incident also affords proof of the tenacity 
 with which a yeoman of those days could cling to the least 
 valuable items of his worldly gear, the "jade " in question not 
 being worth, at the outside, more than 13J. 4^., and this letter 
 being sent all the distance to London from the Derbyshire 
 highlands. 
 
 The second letter is from a scion of the ancient family of 
 Foljambe, then probably a page in the suite of the Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, during his attendance at court in one of the 
 many troubled periods of his life. 
 
 Mr. Williamsonn, — 
 
 I protest to you by oT L. God, th' occasions I have uppon Saturday 
 w?** I have mentioned in my former letteres be unfayned. I shall forfet xl;^ for 
 want of payment of xx;^ that day, and shall be putt forthe of my lodgeinge to the 
 woorst sort of gis-house, if I doe not that day lickwise pay what I owe in the 
 house, W^? is xx;£^ ^ above, for sins the ten pounds I last received from my lord, 
 I never had pennie but on foure pounds forthe of the contree, w'^^ hathe brought 
 me to this uttermost extremitie. Therefore good Mr. Williamsone help me this 
 day or to-morrow by some meanss ethT of my own or uppon loane till things be 
 ordered : but in anie wise I pray you lett me w'^out delay know yo^ mynde and 
 answere etM by yofself, or by yoT letter, or by some discreet man, Mr. Beamond 
 that was here about Reyner's matter or some oth^ whom ye lieste to sende to 
 have conference w"} me ; if he be a lawier I shall like him betf. And thus most 
 hartely wishing quiet end of these matters, to the honor and comoditie of my I^. 
 and to the reliefif of my miserie here I bid you farewell. 
 
 This xxij* of IMarche. H. FOLJAMEE. 
 
 I were lothe to trouble Mr. Roger Manners ageine in this cause, and 
 yet I woulde take anie course of quiet, though to my disadvantage. 
 To his lovinge frende, 
 
 Mr. Nicholas Willia:msonn. 
 Deliver these. 
 
 The type of steward most commonly met with was no 
 doubt rather a combination of the lawyer-agent and foreman- 
 butler, in the shape of a factotum such as Justice Shallow's 
 man Davy — consulted by his master, now about the dinner, 
 and now about the farm, overlooking both the accommodation 
 of the guests and the conduct of the labourers, and exerting his
 
 The Steward. 21 
 
 influence upon the administration of justice within the manor. 
 The prototype of Davy might easily be found in "Wild" 
 Darrell's steward at Littlecote, as his work is recorded in the 
 accounts transcribed by his master. This steward was John 
 Bordman, probably the successor of the wicked agent before 
 referred to, the latter having risen in the world, and become 
 a " gentleman " on his own account. It would be difficult to 
 turn to a more complete description, by means of those most 
 unerring and fascinating records of social history — figures — of 
 the life and menage of an Elizabethan family, at home in the 
 country or on a visit to town, than is here presented to us. 
 
 In Sir Edward Darrell's time, fifty years before, a con- 
 siderable extent of land in Littlecote and Wanborough was 
 farmed by the lord. Now, however, the Wanborough farm 
 had been abandoned, and a more convenient one taken in 
 hand within the manor of Axford. Amongst Sir Edward's 
 effects, at his death, were included outstanding crops valued 
 at ;^30, live stock, and the usual implements and utensils of 
 farm and dairy. His great strength, like that of most land- 
 owners of his time, was in sheep. Of these he bequeathed by 
 his will 523 to his retainers, in lieu of legacies of 40^". each. 
 420 of the above were valued at only 2s. apiece ; 43 at about 
 2s. C)d. ; and 60 more at 2s. 6d. These low prices are explained 
 by the periodical murrain, then raging amongst the flocks, for 
 at this very time the administratrix was allowed for 160 sheep 
 which had died at Wanborough, and 100 at Littlecote, all 
 within two months. Thus we have 750 sheep accounted for, 
 which would bring the total number, by a moderate estimate, 
 not far short of the limit of 2,000, allowed by the Government 
 to individual owners.^ 
 
 In his son's time this system of farming had given place to 
 a more scientific one. The farms at Littlecote and Axford, 
 under the management of William Darrell's steward, produced 
 a considerable bulk of wheat and barley, both of fine quality 
 and commanding fair prices ; beasts were reared and fattened, 
 and there was every requisite for an extensive dairy. 
 
 For example, in 1589, in the half-year ended at I\Iidsummer, 
 ' 25 H. 8, c. 13.
 
 22 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 64I quarters of wheat were sold from Littlecote at 12s. the 
 quarter ; 4 quarters at 12s., 12s. 8d., and i^s. 4^. ; 5 quarters 
 at 14^-., and i at i6s. From Axford were sold 20 quarters 
 at iss. 4d. ; 6 bushels at 16s. Sd. ; and 14 quarters 6 bushels 
 at lys. 4d. Total, £8^ 4s. (say ;^400 present value). Of 
 barley sold from Littlecote the same spring there were 6^^ 
 quarters at an average of slightly over 9^., and 9 quarters 
 from Axford at los. Total, £^^ it,s. 4^. (say ;^I50 now). 
 Most of the available stock had been disposed of in the 
 preceding autumn, or consumed by the household ; but in 
 early spring 5 calves were sold from Littlecote at an average 
 of gs., some at 9^. 8d., and 4 others at ys. 6ct. 4 bullocks 
 were sold for £^ apiece. Wool to the small amount of 
 £4. gs. 2d. was also sold, together with 15 fells at an average 
 of ghd., and a bull's hide ^s. Straw, probably two loads, was 
 sold for 4s. 8d. 
 
 The total realized by produce was £140 ^s. 6d. ; and 
 supposing this period to have included the larger half of the 
 year's proceeds, the returns for the whole may be estimated 
 at about ;^250, or perhaps £1,200 of present value. 
 
 Against these receipts must be set the steward's disburse- 
 ments for labour and implements. 
 
 There would seem to have been employed at Littlecote and 
 Axford at various times, in farm labour, 25 men, 2 women, 
 and 3 boys ; besides 2 smiths, a rat-catcher, a thatcher, and 
 a gardener. Many of these, however, were only employed on 
 short jobs, or by piece work ; and apparently not more than 
 12 or 15 at most were regular hands. To all these the 
 steward assigned their work, checked it, and paid their wages. 
 
 The price of labour varied as usual greatly, and in some 
 degree unaccountably. The field labourer was paid from id. 
 up to yd. a day. The lowest wage we hear of is, for three 
 weeks' labour of an adult, is. 6d. The usual rate was 2d. or 
 id. a day. 
 
 Plough-men received is. and their boys 8d. a week for long 
 terms, but these of course received their board. So probably 
 did the shepherd who had 6d. a week, and his help 2ld. 
 Hedging was paid at 6d. a day ; threshing at ^d. to yd.,
 
 The Steward. 23 
 
 according to the grain ; stacking, 6<f. ; thatching, 4^. Women 
 earned 2d. a day "yelming." Threshing was generally done 
 by piece-work, i^', a quarter for wheat, and 6d. for barley. 
 Other descriptions of piece-work were, weeding, mowing, 
 malting, hay-making, felling, making hurdles {\o\d. per 
 dozen), sheep washing and shearing, digging ant-hills. 
 
 Skilled labour was more highly paid than might have been 
 expected One smith received £Z "i^s. 6d. for the half-year, 
 and another ^^4 6s. 2,d. Setting a horse-shoe was charged at 
 3^., and 2s. lod. was paid "for dressinge a mangy mare and a 
 colt." Six men were employed at various times during the 
 spring in fishing, and considerable sums were paid to them 
 on that account. Others were less creditably occupied in the 
 manipulation of "fesant netts." The rat-catcher was paid 
 2s. 6d. for the half-year. 
 
 The miscellaneous articles required for the farm must have 
 cost our steward more real labour and anxiety than the most 
 intricate calculation of wages. All these, with their prices, 
 are duly entered, and form a very mixed lot. There were 
 harrows, shovels, prongs, rakes, sieves, sacks, ropes, sheets 
 (for winnowing), harness, milk pans, cheese vats, churn, 
 buckets, hogsheads, nails, thread, salt ; stones for the dovecote, 
 and pitch to mark the sheep. From the amount spent on 
 this last item we can gather that the Littlecote flocks were still 
 pretty numerous. For a single shearing 29lbs, of pitch were 
 bought for T)S. 6d., and a barrel (which can be estimated at 
 I cwt.) for los. Now £^ worth of pitch would go a long way 
 in marking the shearlings of an average county. 
 
 Besides the above outlay, there were the usual tithes and 
 taxes to be discharged, i^s. 6d. only was paid for i-ioth at 
 Axford ; but on several occasions we find the " taskers " at 
 Littlecote taking count of the corn stock, for which service 
 they were paid by the owner at 6d. per day. These were 
 probably the outstanding collections for the two subsidies 
 and four i-i5ths granted (for the first time) by Parliament in 
 the previous year, on the strength of the Spanish invasion. 
 Altogether the expenses connected with the farm amounted 
 to a little o\'QT £$0 during the half-year ended at Midsummer.
 
 24 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 It was also the duty of Darrell's steward to collect the rents 
 at Lady Day and Michaelmas, from half a dozen manors 
 containing not many fewer than a hundred tenants. This 
 money went to swell his schedule of receipts, and was urgently 
 needed to defray the town and country house-keeping and 
 his master's personal expenses. 
 
 At Easter he paid the wages of fourteen servants, and one 
 woman-servant at Littlecote, amounting to £1"] 3^. ; and 
 those of seven others (one a woman) at Axford; in all, ;:^22 55. 
 2d. The steward himself received d^os. The maintenance of 
 such a household as that of Littlecote was no slight responsi- 
 bility. Every week the steward with two menials rode into 
 Newbury or Marlborough, put up at an inn — the Bull, 
 perhaps, at Newbury, or the Beare at Marlborough, the 
 landlord of which was a tenant of the worshipful Mr. St. John ; 
 did his marketing ; dined (himself well and his attendants 
 humbly), and returned with his purchases. These consisted 
 usually of seven to fifteen score of beef at a time, or in Lent 
 several couple of huge dried ling, with a few spices and 
 groceries ; a bonne boncJie, such as a beast's belly or a neat's 
 tongue, and (very rarely) a pound or so of soap or candles. 
 When the family were in London, the whole conduct of the 
 journey, the communications with Littlecote, and the relays 
 of fish, game, and poultry from thence were regulated by this 
 ubiquitous official. He himself was backwards and forwards 
 half his time between the country mansion and the town 
 lodgings, ever watchful, ever omniscient. He neglected nothing 
 the whole time, except ever now and again the weekly trip to 
 market, and then he had laid in double supplies beforehand. 
 That he did not neglect the comfort of either establishment 
 will be evident from the fact that the Littlecote household was 
 supplied with the liberal allowance of 2,500 pounds of meat 
 and about 450 pounds of fish, with all other requisites in 
 keeping, between 25th January and 6th July. 
 
 Certainly the steward was not weighted with any personal 
 attendance on his unfortunate master. The latter was escorted 
 by a semi-legal secretary, a poor relation, and was nearly all his 
 time at Westminster, or closeted with his counsel. His leisure
 
 The Steward. 25 
 
 he spent at Court, or shut up at home with a tobacco-pipe, 
 paper, and ink. He seems to have seen httle of his energetic 
 steward except to advance money for the house-keeping, and 
 even this he sometimes left on the table before going abroad. 
 On July 14th, after a week's visit to Reigate, Darrell made 
 his last journey home to Littlecote. The party supped at 
 Hounslow on that day, dined at Maidenhead the next day, 
 and supped at Reading. On the i6th, they arrived at New- 
 bury, relieved the poor who turned out to welcome them, 
 dined, and rode on to Littlecote. The steward paid all the 
 reckonings by the way, amounting to £1 ys. 
 
 This is the last entry made in the accounts which have sur- 
 vived of this estimable major-domo, all being transcribed with 
 his master's own hand. Almost immediately after his return 
 to the home of his fathers, Darrell fell sick of his last great 
 illness. He died in October following, and Popham's agent 
 seized on all his papers and remained in possession. We do 
 not know whether the household was broken up or no. In 
 great part at least it doubtless was, and the faithful retainers 
 who with their fathers had stood by the last lords of Littlecote 
 in good or evil fame dispersed to other service or to the wars. 
 Be this as it may. Wild Darrell's frugal steward could have 
 felt little joy at the scenes of sumptuous extravagance and 
 riotous splendour which replaced the sober cheerfulness of 
 the old-fashioned Elizabethan household.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE TENANT. 
 
 In olden times, and certainly as late as the reign of Elizabeth, 
 every owner or occupier of the land, low born or gentle, was 
 in some sort or other a tenant, that is to say was one, who on 
 condition of holding himself ready at the lord's behest to 
 attend his person, or to relieve his civil obligations, or to make 
 a casual appearance at his court, or merely by the tie of 
 fealty, held his lands by military service, or at a nominal rent, 
 or at its market value, or in fee simple, as the case might be. 
 All who fell below this chivalrous standard of tenure, we con- 
 veniently class as peasants, villeins, or serfs, according to our 
 political or historical predilections. But any assimilation, any 
 transfusion of tenures, or any amelioration of social conditions, 
 we, like the loyal disciples of the general historian that we 
 are, absolutely refuse to do with. 
 
 Yet the whole history of the i6th century should have 
 initiated us into the great social change, long in preparation, 
 for some time actually in progress, which reached a climax 
 after the final accomplishment of the so-called Reformation 
 of the temporal position of the Church. When we find the 
 land changing hands on all sides, granted by the Crown to 
 needy courtiers, laid out to advantage by able speculators, 
 and cultivated with untiring diligence by the highly-rented 
 tenant farmer or husbandman, we might have given credit to 
 the age for some apparent improvement. As it was, the 
 position of the tenant, of whatever degree, was indeed im- 
 mensely improved by the competition of the age. Land was 
 no longer regarded as a military or labour fee, but as a serious 
 industry and profitable investment. For half a century, a 
 
 26
 
 h,,.v3iM<<il3:x.A*.^U«....Jc-j^^ ^«/«--.w^v.--...'^^v*-^^/^.»^.-/ — ivr^X EAST lanu 
 
 I P ^ i ft^ AUSTINS 
 
 ■i'^L//'^ ^r^r^ AUSTIN'S "^ ^SiJ^Lj^'^i,^ 
 
 } L RUDDOCKS 'vi 'S^ 
 
 ] ~Z SALTEIR S 
 
 ^, *"^ ^CHURCH CRorrl 
 
 . 
 
 [^ 
 
 r 
 
 
 LAV ^NDER's 
 
 S^L-EED'S LANE f tl^ ^ .?k A JJl^, J^,. 
 
 ^.^ ^ i^ mylett's 
 
 ^•^tvsr 
 
 QQQ 
 
 BRADWELL CHURCH 
 
 Plate I. 
 fp- 96-7- 
 
 AN ELIZABETHAN HAMLET. 
 
 (From an Original Plan of tht Manor of Bradwell Essex.)
 
 The Tenant. 27 
 
 violent land-fever raged in town and country. The Crown 
 was a ready seller, and found still more eager buyers. These 
 new men, officials, merchants, lawyers, usurers, jostled the 
 ancient owners, impoverished by mismanagement and ex- 
 travagance, and each other. Both alike joined in an attempt 
 to wrest from the sub-tenant his vested interest 01 fixity of 
 tenure in the land. 
 
 The history of this struggle is well seen in the case of such 
 a manor as that of Conisboro', which had been granted by 
 Letters Patent of Elizabeth, at the beginning of her reign, to 
 Henry Carey, Baron Hunsdon, her own cousin in blood. 
 Amongst other copyholders of that manor was one John 
 Glasdall, described as yeoman, whose father of the same name 
 had died nearly twenty years back seised of forty acres, " as 
 of fee according to the custom of the said manor," all of 
 which " descended and came, as of right it ought to do," to 
 his son and heir. The latter, for his part, was not only 
 admitted as tenant, but ever since "hathe well and truelie 
 paide his rente, done his suite, service, and customes, and by 
 the said custome hath bene quietlie and peaceablie in posses- 
 sion of the premysses." Hunsdon wishing now to dispossess 
 this tenant, and having no case at law, brought a Chancery 
 suit on the pretence that the defendant had got possession of 
 his Letters Patent, and that he was thus entitled to relief in 
 equity ; his real object being to discover evidence from the 
 admissions of the tenant on his oath, so as to raise a new 
 question of title hitherto inadmissible at the Common Law. 
 Therefore, to defeat this object, the tenant denied all know- 
 ledge of any records except his own copy of the Court Rolls, 
 and prayed to be dismissed. In the same way, the lord called 
 upon the copyholders to make answer to complaints that 
 they had concealed evidence such as the original Court-books 
 and rolls of the manor. In another case, Hunsdon brought a 
 suit against certain sub-tenants of the manor to establish his 
 seignorial privileges. The tenant of Cushworth held of the 
 manor of Conisboro' in fee by knight-service, homage, fealty, 
 escuage, suit of court and a yearly rent of tenpence, and 
 shortly before his death demised his holding for a term of
 
 28 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 years to two neighbours. His orphan heir being an infant, 
 the lord claimed his wardship and the custody of his lands, 
 calling upon the lessees to disclose the nature of their lease. 
 It seems more probable, however, that the deceased tenant 
 had commuted his free but uncertain tenure by knight-service, 
 for a fixed tenure by fealty and rent through fine, and sur- 
 render to his lord, and that he had conveyed, not demised, his 
 lands in trust to the present defendants to elude the waste 
 nearly always incurred, in spite of Magna Carta, during a 
 feudal wardship. Hunsdon's application therefore for dis- 
 covery of rent appears in this light as another expedient for 
 gaining evidence with a view to formal litigation. 
 
 This method of procedure was, however, a recognised legal 
 fiction, so far as fiction could exist in equity, and was not 
 exercised only at the expense of humble and unfriended 
 tenants. 
 
 Another aggressive peer of this reign, Lord Huntingdon, 
 took similar proceedings against the heir of Andrew, Lord 
 Windsor, who had been for fifty years a copyhold tenant of 
 the classic manor of Stoke Pogis. It was alleged by the 
 plaintiff that either the present holder or his father, by means 
 of their social position, had got possession of the Court Rolls 
 of the manor under pretext of making a copy therefrom. 
 The defendant of course proved the custom of the manor and 
 produced his own copy, disclaiming all knowledge of the 
 original. 
 
 The great object of the copyholder being to obtain at any 
 cost a freehold in his tenure to the extent at least of an estate 
 of inheritance, and that of his lord to benefit by the greatly 
 enhanced value of the land, while reserving to himself the 
 right of avoiding his engagements by a legal subterfuge, the 
 issue between the parties centred in the interpretation of the 
 immemorial customs of the manor. This interest was not 
 only claimed for the life estate of the widow by the usual 
 custom of free-bench, and for the heirs of the deceased copy- 
 holder, whether lineal or collateral, in perpetuity or for a 
 limited number of lives, but even for his executors and ad- 
 ministrators, for an arbitrary period determined by custom.
 
 TJie Tenant. 29 
 
 In fact, the variations of copyhold tenure were not only as- 
 similated to those of every form of free-service, but actually 
 exceeded the latter in many instances in respect of fixity of 
 tenure. 
 
 Thus we find at the same period two cases of disputed 
 interest, in one of which the obvious rights of a free tenant 
 were successfully opposed by his lessor ; while in the other, 
 the similar right of a base tenant was established by the 
 immemorial custom of the manor. In the former instance. 
 Sir James Foljambe of Derbyshire demised sixty acres of land 
 in Yorkshire to a tenant who paid a fine of ^^5 and the old 
 and accustomed rent and feudal services, the term of the 
 demise being for fifteen years and occupation being to the 
 tenant and his assigns. The tenant died, but by his will 
 appointed his heir as his assign for the residue of the term of 
 lease, which will was proved and the assign admitted. The 
 next lord, Sir Godfrey Foljambe, however, endeavoured to 
 avoid the lease, and in a Chancery suit discovered evidence 
 for an action at the Common Law. In the second case two 
 executors claimed possession of copyhold lands in Southamp- 
 ton under the following special custom of the manor, that 
 from time immemorial the widow of a deceased copyholder 
 should enjoy a life estate in his holding for her free-bench, so 
 long as she remained a widow ; and that after her death the 
 executors, administrators, or assigns, should enjoy the profits 
 of her lands till the Michaelmas following her decease. 
 
 In some cases of complicated or inconvenient customs the 
 lord and his tenants came to an arrangement at a manor-court 
 specially held for the occasion, when the customs and services 
 of the manor were revised and renewed, and a deed executed 
 by the parties for their maintenance. This was done in the case 
 of the manor of Cosonary in Cambridgeshire ; but not long 
 after, the manor came to a new lord, who refused to be bound 
 by the revised customs and ignored the deed executed by his 
 predecessor. In this case, it will be observed, the whole effect 
 of the former settlement was neutralised ; for, by the Common 
 Law, customs to be binding must be of immemorial usage. 
 Thus by destroying the later record, and appealing only to
 
 30 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 the ancient rolls and to evidence in support of tnem, a hungry 
 grantee of the Crown could practically confiscate the tenant- 
 right of his copyholders which they had probably acquired 
 at a great sacrifice. Another point tenaciously adhered to by 
 the tenant against the innovations attempted by the lord was 
 the fixity of fines paid on the admission of his heirs. Thus 
 we have the record of a dispute between Littleton of 
 Worcestershire, Leicester's kinsman, and his copyholders of 
 Hales-Owen manor. These stoutly asserted the immemorial 
 custom of paying for their holdings a money fine and a rea- 
 sonable heriot. In another case, in Derbyshire, the tenant 
 claimed as an immemorial custom that the deceased tenant 
 was succeeded by his widow, and she in turn by the eldest 
 son or daughter (this being an estate for three lives), each 
 paying for admission the best beast as a heriot, and no more. 
 In fact, though universally attempted, rack-renting was 
 scarcely ever successfully practised by Elizabethan landlords. 
 The oppressed tenant (for he held himself to be oppressed in 
 that he was excluded from the benefits of a long-cherished 
 custom) knew where his remedy lay, and was exceedingly apt 
 at discovering the same to his tyrant's confusion. If evidence 
 of the customs to which he appealed existed, it was sure to be 
 forthcoming, and, when produced, it was equally certain to 
 receive due recognition at law. Usually a commission was 
 issued to examine witnesses iji perpetud rei meviorid ; but 
 even this was in most cases unnecessary. Every free tenant 
 had the counterpart of his lease, and every copyholder his 
 copy of the Court Rolls, both sufficient title-deeds against the 
 mere rapacity of their lords. Sometimes, however, no such 
 ordinary course was effectual, owing to the peculiar circum- 
 stances of the case. This might arise from the influence of 
 the lord, or of a rival nominee, as in the following instance. 
 Here "a very simple man and nowe so pore a man that at 
 this present he lyveth on the charyte of good people," ob- 
 tained the reversion of a messuage in Alston Sutton, Somer- 
 setshire, consisting of l cottage, 3 acres of land, 10 acres 
 of arable, i yard-land, and a meadow, then in the occupation 
 of his mother-in-law, the customary interest being for three
 
 The Tenant. 3 1 
 
 lives. When the reversion fell in, he was admitted, and paid 
 the fine, and discharged the customary services for eight or 
 nine years. After that interval, however, he was dispossessed 
 by the lord in favour of a new tenant, contrary to the custom 
 of the manor. It seems, however, that though this tenant 
 imagined himself to be invested in a new interest by virtue 
 of his bargain with the lord, the latter admitted him with the 
 mental reservation that he inherited in right of his wife, the 
 third and last life under the original term. Therefore, when 
 the explanation took place, he would be able to quote Scrip- 
 ture for his purpose out of the " records " of the manor to 
 prove that the interest was extinct with the last heir. The 
 ill-used tenant seems to have recognised this fact, for he 
 complains that if he should proceed in the usual way the lord 
 and his steward " wyll so boulster and beare the matter 
 against him as they have alredie done, and they be men of 
 great power and abylytie, so that he shall never have rem- 
 edie." In another case the injured copyholder stood alone 
 in his assertion of a customary right ; indeed, the lord and 
 steward for once took a neutral part in the dispute. 
 
 One of the Shropshire Corbets died seised in an estate of 
 inheritance of 300 acres, with a tenement by copy of Court 
 Roll from the lord of the manor of Longden. Now the cus- 
 tom of that manor was that the younger son alone inherited ; 
 or, if there were no younger son, then as in the case of 
 Borough-English according to the Common Law. Corbet the 
 elder died leaving an elder son in Shropshire and another 
 son, much younger, in London. The former (his brother's 
 existence being unknown save to himself) presented himself 
 before the steward and demanded to be admitted as his 
 father's heir according to the custom. To this the steward 
 objected that being the only son, he was therefore the eldest, 
 and so inadmissible. But the claimant replied with well- 
 feigned astonishment that if he were the eldest, it might 
 surely have been obvious that he was also the youngest pari 
 passu. This explanation seemed to the steward so plausible 
 that he blushed and held his tongue, at the same time ad- 
 mitting the heir as tenant. Years afterwards the younger
 
 32 Elizabethan Society^ 
 
 son, describing himself as a merchant-taylor of London, 
 turned up and claimed his inheritance under the custom. 
 He established his identity so satisfactorily that the steward, 
 to whom the question no longer stood in the light of an 
 abstract proposition, but as one easily solved by recourse to 
 the "rule of two," could not refuse to admit him in lieu of his 
 brother. The present sub-tenants also, being kinsmen of the 
 family and taking in the altered position of affairs, readily 
 " atturned," and procured favour with the new heir. Upon 
 the latter's return to London, however, his brother sold his 
 reversion as presumptive heir to a powerful clansman, and 
 these two appearing together before the surviving sub-tenant, 
 an old man of above seventy years, threatened him that 
 unless he "avoyded" forthwith, they would "charge and 
 burden hym w' murder or felonye and hange hym for the 
 same." The old peasant, acting perhaps advisedly, "avoided " 
 accordingly, leaving the enemy in possession, to the undoing 
 of the heir, " being a pore apprentyse." The wronged tenant 
 had no hope of redress, because if he went to the Common Law 
 he would be referred to the Court of the manor, being a copy- 
 holder, and there the custom prevailed that all disputes be- 
 tween copyholders should be decided in the Court by the 
 copyhold suitors only. As there were just then but four of 
 these, two of whom were defendants to the case, and the 
 others openly pledged to the same side, he had small chance 
 of obtaining justice. 
 
 This is only one of a multitude of cases in which the 
 absence of the heir, usually a mechanic in some distant town, 
 gave the lord or his accomplices an opportunity for evading 
 the established custom of the manor. The case of this ap- 
 prentice might be matched by that of the heir to a copy- 
 holder's estate of inheritance in half an ox-gang of arable 
 land in Yorkshire. When the lad came south to find work, 
 his grandfather was in possession, the custom being that 
 tenure was vested in the holder and his heirs for ever. This 
 was the beau-ideal of a copyholder's ambition, his position 
 being practically assimilated to that of free-socage, namely, 
 " To have their messuages and tenements to them during
 
 The Tena7iL 33 
 
 their lives, and after their deceases, to the eldest sons of their 
 bodies lawfully begotten, and for the lack of such issue, the 
 remainder thereof to the next persons of the same blood 
 paying the rents accustomed." — Customs of Borrowdale. 
 However, whilst the grandson was working as a blacksmith 
 in London,' the grandfather and father died in quick suc- 
 cession, and the holding was easily appropriated by the lord 
 in the absence of any claimant, a willing tenant offering him- 
 self in the shape of a neighbouring parson, who defied the 
 heir when at last he appeared upon the scene. 
 
 Cases indeed sometimes occurred in which an aggressive 
 lord, driven to extremities, made the whole body of his copy- 
 holders defendants to a suit in order to prejudice the evi- 
 dence of those who must appear as the chief local wit- 
 nesses. In other cases, however, the proceedings were con- 
 fined to a definite issue, the tenants claiming under a specific 
 formula remaining " of record " in the Court Rolls of the 
 manor. This might be concerning a claim to estate of in- 
 heritance by the words, " Sibi et snis" to fell timber, or 
 collect brushwood on their own holdings ; to demise their 
 holdings for term of years without license ; or to alienate the 
 same on payment of a fixed fine per acre. 
 
 On the whole, perhaps, the position of the Elizabethan 
 copyholder, villein, or even serf, as some people would still 
 delight to call him, was an independent and prosperous, if 
 not an honourable one. Of political independence, indeed, 
 he knew nothing, but then neither did two-thirds of the 
 freemen around him. It was the social combination of 
 classes and interests by which he benefited, and by the ficti- 
 tious importance attached to the prosperity of the land 
 interest by both of the rival parties in the State, by the 
 Conservative advocates of an agricultural revival in oppo- 
 sition to the free trade and radical movement in the towns ; 
 and by the mercantile interest itself, athirst for those poli- 
 tical and social distinctions which a connection with the land 
 alone afforded. 
 
 The fashion has, indeed, been revived of late years, in 
 spite of the lucid arguments to the contrary effect of Hargrave 
 
 D
 
 34 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 Rogers and even Hallam, of pointing confidently to the 
 servile condition of a certain class of base-tenants on the 
 authority {inter alici) of certain commissions pro regina 
 amongst the Duchy of Lancaster records as late as the reign 
 of Elizabeth. These commissions are issued by the Crown, 
 in right of its Duchy, to inquire what lands and goods certain 
 persons are seised of; since, the possessors being villeins 
 regardant to manors indicated herein, their real and personal 
 estates ought of right to come into the hands of the Crown. 
 But these authorities overlook the fact that the existence of 
 villeinage regardant at this period, as a legal fiction, has 
 never been denied, only the circumstance that it was ever 
 enforced. The motive of the Crown, indeed, was here very 
 plain. Information has been received by its officers that 
 the base-tenants of certain manors were not only reduced in 
 circumstances, but were even steeping themselves in still 
 greater embarrassments through an attempt to acquire fresh 
 holdings by means of mortgages from unprincipled usurers, 
 and loans from their good-natured neighbours — thus increas- 
 ing local distress in bad seasons by their own reckless im- 
 providence. Therefore these commissions were issued, as the 
 result of which an inventory was made of the exact value of 
 the tenant's lands, goods, and chattels, and of the amount of 
 his good debts and bad debts. In every case where the 
 tenant still held lands, they were found to be of considerable 
 extent, but barely stocked ; while the total of his assets was 
 nearly equalled by that of his outstanding debts. Now the 
 Crown had here a perfect right to demand such inquiry. Its 
 demesnes were extensive, its bailiffs no honester than their 
 contemporaries, and concealment or suspension of rents was, 
 as appears from numberless examples, only too easily prac- 
 tised. Therefore it was above all things necessary that 
 tenants should be solvent. Moreover, in time of need those 
 who had so hopelessly crippled their resources could not be 
 depended on to perform the services in regard of which they 
 held their lands at almost a nominal rent. But to sup- 
 pose that the Crown really looked on these tenants as its 
 serfs, chattels to be forfeited at its need or pleasure, would be
 
 The Tenant 3 5 
 
 the height of absurdity. Many of them were men of good 
 social position in all but the matter of their impending bank- 
 ruptcy. One was a worthy artisan who lived in a house in 
 Norwich assessed at 40^'. yearly, and valued at £a^o at least, 
 with another house of the same value, tenanted by a foreign 
 merchant — both his freehold. This person, living in a highly 
 rated house, which contained, besides the shop, a hall, buttery, 
 parlour, kitchen, and other chambers, substantially furnished 
 throughout, with assets valued at £1 17 i/i-., including all the 
 necessary plant for his handicraft, was a " villein " whose 
 property "ought of right to come into the hands and posses- 
 sion " of the Crown, at the worst, for the neglect of some 
 antiquated service ! The presumption is monstrous on the 
 face of it. It would argue no love of sentiment to affirm that 
 the nation had outlived the day when such a state of things 
 was possible. The copyholder's position had undergone 
 great changes since the statute of Henry VIII. The fact is, 
 that those who argue from the internal evidence only of these 
 commissions, overlook the external evidence disclosed by the 
 returns. In the case of alleged villeinage pleaded as a bar 
 against a plaintiff in this same reign, we are not for a 
 moment to suppose that the aggressor committed a trespass 
 upon his tenant's property because he seriously disbelieved 
 in the latter's right to consider that property his own. The 
 plea was only raised as an after-thought to drive the plaintiff 
 to a compromise. It was a technical objection, curious 
 enough, and worthy of being carefully discussed, but deserving 
 also to be set aside. Such frivolous objections have been only 
 too common in the history of our Common Law. 
 
 The true explanation of the case before us is that, against 
 possible assets of £117 17^., the tenant owed nearly ;!^ioo 
 without any ready means of discharging his obligations. His 
 houses were mortgaged, and the corporation of his city was 
 amongst his principal creditors. This, then, was especially a 
 case which called for the interference of the tenant's responsible 
 lord. But as there was no idea of confiscation, so there was 
 no outrage intended or imagined. Even in the case of base- 
 tenants on the most favourable footing, their houses were
 
 o 
 
 6 Elizabetha7i Society, 
 
 rummaged, and their goods appraised to insure a full dis- 
 charge of the lord's heriot. Now, such proceedings would 
 tend to civil warfare ; then, they were regarded only as the 
 prescriptive right of a superior caste to order the affairs of 
 its dependants in the interests of both. In one case, a 
 " villein " against whom such an inquiry was awarded, was 
 styled "gentleman" in the commission itself. In fact, 
 numbers of well-to-do yeomen who had acquired land which 
 they could not afford to stock, stooped to surrender their 
 freeholdings and receive them again as base-tenures, under 
 the temptation of thus retaining them at a nominal rent. 
 How had the villein acquired even his scanty immunities of 
 old, except in mitigation of obsolete barbarism ? And how 
 should he fail to obtain proportionate concessions in a still 
 later age, and under far more altered conditions of social life .'' 
 So far, therefore, from the position of the base-tenant being 
 sharply marked out, there was no appreciable difference 
 between his condition and that of an average free-tenant by 
 service or rent. The latter was undoubtedly more intelligent, 
 and the prospects of his connection with the land extended 
 beyond the term of his lease. As the great object of the 
 copy-holder was to obtain fixity of tenure, so that of the free- 
 tenant was to acquire the freehold of his farm. Rent had 
 increased in most cases in a far higher ratio than the value 
 of produce. Moreover the agriculturist was not directly 
 benefited by the thriftless expenditure of the dissolute gentry 
 as was the citizen. His, therefore, was the voice that in times 
 of civil tumult clamoured for the landlords to be exterminated, 
 while the worthy citizen was content with a promise of reform. 
 But if rents were excessive, title in land was precarious to the 
 great, and proportionally cheap to the humble speculator who 
 took his opportunities. The contrast, indeed, is striking 
 between the rigorous provisions of an ordinary legal demise 
 such as any of those which survive made between Archbishop 
 Sandys and his son (the lawyer and pupil of Hooker), or the 
 latter and his own sub-tenants, and the easy tenure of 
 what in so many cases may justly be called a customary 
 freehold by copy of court roll, qualified by the immemorial
 
 [D to ^ 
 
 1 
 
 Copyhold House. 
 
 Copyhold Cottage. 
 
 Copyhold House. 
 
 Copyhold Barn. 
 
 Plate H. 
 
 pp. 36-7. 
 
 COPYHOLD TENEMENTS IN THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 (From an Original Survey.)
 
 The Tenant. 2)7 
 
 usage of the locality. But, for all that, the life of even the 
 humblest free-tenant was a distinct advance in social organ- 
 ization. How fully able such a one was to protect his own 
 interests in his tenure, as well as to take instant advantage 
 of the weakness or necessities of his landlord, the following 
 memorandum will prove. It would seem that the writer had 
 taken a lease of one of the numerous capital mansions, dis- 
 used or secondary manor houses, which abounded throughout 
 the country, together with a small quantity of land surround- 
 ing it ; and that subsequently the lessor repented of her 
 contract and wished to buy the tenant out. 
 " To bee allowed me. 
 " Ffyrste to be allowed mee j yeare's rent for the howsse 
 after the ratte I paye for the lands, that is for vij ackers — 
 4.6s. 2)d. ; for the howsse £t^ t^s. 4^. that rent she had of me 
 this yere so I am to be allowed for the howsse j yeares rent — 
 ,^3 3-^- 4<^- AUso I hirred the howse and lands of hir the 14 
 day of JanT and at our lady she had of me for her haulfe 
 yeres rent 55^". and I had no more for it but the pasture 
 aboute the howsse the wiche I offered for Sj-. and the rent of 
 ffrere's howse 6s. the wich is 14J. in all that I had for my 
 haulfe yeres rent that she had of me, and in consiens I am to be 
 alouyd the rest — 4IJ". All hir hay liefe sty 11 in the barne and 
 the barne is not repared acording to hir bargen, so that it 
 hath spyled my corne as you may se to me losse — 20s. Allso 
 if they will have my lesse, let them pay well for it, conseder- 
 ing how ryoutusly by forse they have taken away my pos- 
 sessions to my great trubbell and hinderaunces — ^^"5. Allso 
 for my dung and the carridges of it to my wheate closse, in 
 Ladd's closse — lOi". The whiche wheate I will have at 
 harvest with the proffet of the grounds, untell my wheate be 
 of, as all the teste of the pasture abowte the howsse tell our 
 Lady day. Allso I am to be allowed for the fencing the 
 garden, heggine of the orcharde and hegges abrod on the 
 grounds. Allso if yow do agree then I must have tyme tell 
 our Lady or Mydsomer day to carry away my corne, straw, 
 and hay, and that I have in the barnes, as all other things 
 that be myne on the grounde. Allso she had of me this
 
 38 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 yere £6 ijs. beside I have payed to the pore, to the gayle, 
 and for the fyften — £'^!' 
 
 The state of agriculture did not offer many inducements to 
 the practical tenant-farmer of those days. The cultivation of 
 grain was a necessity with him, as also was the fattening of 
 cattle ; but neither of these branches paid so well as the 
 sheep-runs and dairy farms of the wealthy grazier, whether 
 he were bishop, esquire, or shopkeeper. Prices had risen 
 considerably, but rents had increased in still greater propor- 
 tion. The population of the towns, the chief consumers, were 
 mostly supplied through middle-men; so that here the farmer's 
 profit was curtailed. 
 
 Second in magnitude of consumption was probably the 
 public service defrayed by the Government. From the fre- 
 quent complaints of its contractors, it is probable that the 
 allowances of the Government did not correspond with the 
 increased market value of commodities. We know further 
 that such complaints received but little attention. Therefore 
 as most of these contractors were enriched by their office, the 
 presumption is inevitable that the Crown or its agents were 
 very undesirable customers for the farmer's produce. This is 
 rendered almost certain from the fact that the Government 
 did not, as might have been supposed, buy of middle-men. 
 The grain, oxen, sheep, pigs, and other provisions required 
 for victualling purposes by land or sea were bought up in 
 comparatively small quantities everywhere throughout the 
 country. A single contractor for one trifling expedition 
 would usually despatch his agents through half a dozen 
 counties to drive hard bargains for the patentee of the 
 Crown, where they would have the benefit of the officious 
 zeal " to be aiding and assisting unto them " of all the king's 
 justices, ministers and bailiffs. Shallow, Dogberry and the rest. 
 
 When Latimer, in one of his famous sermons, called to 
 mind the prosperity of an earlier agricultural age in the case 
 of his own father, he was probably sincerely convinced that 
 the present condition of the farmer was a very bad one by 
 comparison. His father occupying a farm at the end of the 
 previous century, was rented at not more than £^. Against
 
 The Tenant, 39 
 
 this he seems to have cultivated enough land to engross the 
 labour of half a dozen journeymen, including pasturage for 
 100 sheep and 30 kine, to which must be added a due pro- 
 portion — at least one-half — of young or fatting beasts, and two 
 teams of oxen or horses, a nag, pigs and poultry, and the 
 usual utensils and fixtures of farm and homestead. Now if 
 this version be true, and it is probably a good deal overstated, 
 it is no wonder that the tenant should have been able to 
 serve his country and the interests of his own family so well. 
 But supposing that under Edward VI. the then tenant paid, 
 according to Latimer, £,\^, instead of £^ ; the gross value of 
 produce had increased by nearly one-half, and the purchasing 
 power of money to the agriculturist had decreased by, say 
 one-fourth. So that, supposing the elder Latimer's profit to 
 have been £2\, that of his successor would be £2"] ; which, 
 less the balance of the rent reduced to contemporary value, 
 would, roughly, make a difference of the original rent 
 between the two. Therefore out of £2\ yearly saved on a 
 precarious tenure this prosperous yeoman furnishes himself 
 with a nag and armour; gives alms to the poor ; finds portions 
 for his daughters, and educates his son ; none of which things 
 his over-rented successor is able to accomplish. But in how 
 many instances was the rent of land quadrupled } With the 
 copyholder the increase might be one-third, with the favoured 
 free-tenant, two-thirds, with all the rest, not more than 
 double. The difficulty of the tenant was not to live from the 
 land, but to obtain land to live on, always with fixity of 
 tenure presupposed. Moreover, the military liabilities of the 
 earlier period were as nothing beside those incurred by the 
 yeoman or free-tenant under the stormy reigns of Henry 
 Vin. and Edward VI. With regard to charity, upon which 
 Latimer lays such stress, it is sufficient to object that it was 
 out of fashion. But that the estate of a later-day tenant was 
 equal to meeting such appeals, we may instance the bequest 
 of one who left effects not much exceeding ;^20, and on the 
 strength of this bequeathed 6qs. and 15 bushels of wheat to 
 the poor.^ A tenant of this standing could not only portion his 
 * Nearly a fourth of the whole estate.
 
 40 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 daughter, but minister to her extravagancies on the occasion 
 of visits to her friends or junketings at home, as the following 
 extract will testify : " For the apparell of Ellyn at Chalms- 
 forde and elsewhere £'i^. Delivered to her at Mr. Danyell's 
 2QS. Sense she was marryed and before in olde golde ;^3 
 3i-. 4^." As for the ability of the later tenant farmer to 
 provide a promising son with a scholastic education, we find 
 numerous cases in which the sons even of husbandmen had 
 their college expenses, including furniture, books, dress, and 
 private coaching, guaranteed to them by their relatives or 
 friends. It is painful to add, however, that in many instances 
 the guarantee was broken ; but the ability to have fulfilled 
 it seems indisputable. Latimer had good cause to reproach 
 his own age with the sins of covetousness, selfishness, and 
 want of faith ; but these after all were rather negative virtues, 
 if we may judge from the worldly prosperity which they 
 brought to those who practised them. 
 
 It was, in truth, a frivolous age in the light of a bygone 
 earnestness and religiousness of life. The gains of industry 
 and science, diminished by no regard for the interests or 
 necessities of others, were spent on their possessor's personal 
 pleasures ; in eating, dress, gambling, and lewdness. The 
 increased expenditure upon the least harmful of these diver- 
 sions alone will speak for itself, as in the case of the following 
 analysis of the goods and chattels of a husbandman of the 
 times when Latimer preached his sermons. He was pro- 
 bably a copyholder, for the rent of his land was only 20s. a 
 year. The value of all his live and dead stock was ;^55. His 
 household effects included 3 bedsteads, 4 mattresses, a flock 
 bed, pillows, coverings, hangings, and 10 pair of sheets. 
 Amongst the ware were pewter dishes, and 3 dozen trenchers. 
 " His wyve's rayment " consisted of " Hur best gowne, \os. 
 Hur olde gowne, 5^. A kyrtell of Russett, 9^-. 2 kyrtells 
 of Fusten, <^s. Hur best peticott, 4^. Hur olde peticott, is. 
 A payer of foresleves and the coffer together, 3^. A silver 
 pynne, \s. 2d. The best hokes, \s. lod. A payr of smale 
 hokes, 6^. 3 rebonds, is. 6d. The best cappe, 2s. ^d. A 
 smoke, Zd. A neckecher, 6d. 5 kerchers, ^s. 3 napkyns,
 
 The Tenant. 4 1 
 
 1 J." The good man's wardrobe was composed of "A gowne, 
 5J. A dublct and jacket, 6s. M. 2 payr hoses, 2s. M. 
 
 2 sherts, \s. 6d. A blake sieved cote, 3^. 6d. A Fryse, is. 
 8d. A canvas dublet, lod. A cappe, 6d." 
 
 Thus was ushered in the state of agriculture under 
 Elizabeth. Now the profits were still larger, and tenure 
 more secure. In the middle of the reign the stock of a con- 
 siderable tenant was valued at over ;^400- But besides this, 
 the remainder of his lease, with four years to run, was also 
 taken into account. The profits of the farm were estimated 
 at £8o a year ; so the sum of £320 was included in the 
 valuation to represent his tenant-right. This one case may 
 be taken as an example of the state of the tenant's affairs in 
 hundreds of others during the r^igO. But if the profits to be 
 derived from the land were large, those of trade were still 
 more enormous. If the farmer could save a fortune, the 
 trader made it, with greater effort indeed, but twice as 
 rapidly. The latter, therefore, was ever on the look-out for a 
 profitable investment in land. At the same time, the country 
 gentleman who lived beyond his means was always entan- 
 gling in difficulties both himself and his tenants. The latter 
 were continually being harassed by mortgagees who had fore- 
 closed or creditors armed with a bond in the nature of a 
 statute staple. The free-tenants fared badly in this respect : 
 the copyholders worse. Both would have experienced the 
 worst but for the protecting arm of the law ever raised to 
 succour them.
 
 PART II. 
 
 IN TOWN.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE BURGESS. 
 
 Thrift, enterprise, and the punctual observance of a code 
 of morality which admits of everything for, and permits of 
 nothing against the worldly interests of its professors, have 
 for more than three centuries enriched this country, and in it 
 none more than the citizens of London. In this aspect, 
 the latter might be considered as the great workers in the 
 commonwealth, those by whose care and diligence the sove- 
 reign state itself has been supported and increased, with the 
 blind instinct, it is true, which urges on an indefinite exten- 
 sion of the population without regard to health-space or food 
 resources, but yet with that conscious instinct which has 
 never yet learnt the lesson of fallibility. However, these 
 London citizens would be workers only. It was enough for 
 them to store up golden honey, the capital which was to 
 feed the growing labour resources of the country : as well 
 as the lazy playmates of royalty, who swarmed about the 
 Court ; for ever consuming, wasting, producing nothing but 
 wars and famine, and rebellions ; with no stake in the 
 country but their own worthless lives, forfeited ten times 
 before the hour of retribution was come. Therefore they 
 would have no wars. War was the support of the needy and 
 discontented ; they were both rich and flourishing through 
 peace. The time had not yet come when merchants found 
 their account in plundering a warlike government willing to 
 be plundered to propitiate such allies. In the beginning of 
 Elizabeth's reign the good citizens shunned all warlike gear. 
 This body prayed that they might be excused even the volun- 
 teer profession of arms, seeing that " the moste parte of them 
 
 45
 
 45 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 are apprentices and handycraftes men, who contynually are 
 kepte at worke ; who also if they should have that libertie to 
 be trayned and drawen from there workes in these matters, 
 wolde thereby fall into such idleness and insolency that 
 many w4 never be reduced agayn into any good order or 
 service." 
 
 Such were the sentiments of those "that lived most on 
 gentlemen." The latter for their part held very similar 
 opinions. " If suche wilfulnes they reported shoulde enter 
 into their heddes as hath bynne sene to often in England 
 then mighte thei sone have th^ th^ were not fitte for them 
 to use." When all England was in mourning for her greatest 
 fighting man, one civic company only, the Grocers', followed 
 his remains to St. Paul's. Three years later, Sidney's uncle 
 (to her cost, England's generalissimo) would have nought to 
 do with the London train-bands, " as knowing what burghers 
 are." So the Londoner pursued the paths of peace which 
 conducted him anon to warehouse palaces, and in his later 
 days to pleasant manor houses, where haply his descendants 
 still reign in his stead, and where his knightly arms are em- 
 blazoned on the panel, as are his virtues on the wall of the 
 adjacent church — false heraldry either record. 
 
 But though they were never weary of listening to com- 
 parisons drawn in their own favour with the ant or the bee, 
 there was one analogy from insect-life the application of 
 which to themselves filled their hearts with anger and dismay.- 
 "What ado was there made in London," says Latimer, "at 
 a certain man because he sayd, and indede at that time on a 
 just cause: 'Burgesses,' quod he, *nay, butterflies!' And 
 yet would God they were no worse than butterflies. Butter- 
 flyes do but theyre nature ; the butterflye is not covetouse, is 
 not gredye of other men's goods, ... is not mercilesse." 
 It seems at first sight difficult to conceive what cause for 
 displeasure the citizens should have had against the author of 
 this trifling epigram. We m.ust remember, however, that the 
 received reading of natural history was then purely alle- 
 gorical. The butterfly was the great type of human frailty, 
 which in spite of all outward show of natural beauty and
 
 The Burgess. 47 
 
 virtue, cannot yet escape corruption, but rather plunges deeper 
 into the slough of filthy lucre ; just as the winged insect, 
 mindful of its ancient nature, descends from the pure sunlight 
 and the fresh flowers to batten on festering carrion within 
 some secret glade of the forest. 
 
 The corruption which had contaminated the Londoner was 
 nothing less in the eyes of the Christian world than the sin 
 of usury — the crying evil of the age. We find allusions to it 
 everywhere, in contemporary literature ; some distorted pic- 
 tures ; others only too faithful delineations. One of the most 
 remarkable of these is given in the " Looking Glasse for 
 London and England," in the scenes between the usurer and 
 his clients : — 
 
 Gentleman. I pray you, Sir, consider that my losse was great by the com- 
 moditie. I tooke up, you knowe, Sir, I borrowed of you fortie pounds, whereof 
 I had ten pounds in money and thirtie pounds in lutestrings, which when I came 
 to sell againe, I could get but five pounds for them, so had I, Sir, but fifteene 
 pounds for my fortie. In consideration of this ill bargaine, I pray you. Sir, give 
 me a month longer. 
 
 Usurer. I answered thee afore not a minute. What have I to do how thy bar- 
 gain proved ? I have thy hand set to my booke, that thou receivest fortie pounds 
 of me in money. 
 
 Gentleman. I, Sir ; it was your device that, to colour the statute ; but your 
 conscience knows what I had. 
 
 The next scene is laid in a Court of Law, where the 
 usurer's victims have appealed for their bonds to be cancelled 
 so as to escape the forfeit. 
 
 Usurer. What, Maister Lawier, what make you heere mine adversary for 
 these Clients? 
 
 Lawyer. So it hath chanced now, Sir. 
 
 Usurer. I know you know the old proverbe, He is not wise that is not wise 
 for himselfe. I would not be disgraced in this action, therefore here is twentie 
 angels. Say nothing in the matter, and what you say, say to no purpose, for the 
 Judge is my friend. 
 
 Lawyer. Let me alone, I'll fit your purpose. 
 
 Then judgment is given — a close parody of many a judg- 
 ment which the authors must themselves have heard ; just 
 as Bunyan may have heard the sentence passed upon Faith- 
 ful — "you have forfeited your recognizance, and he to have 
 the land." We must take into account, however, the relations
 
 48 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 of many contemporary satirists with regard to their subject 
 Shakespeare was the son of an alderman who had sunk 
 below the level through his own supineness and unthrift. 
 Ben Jonson had writhed under the jeers and hootings of a 
 citizen pit ; and, moreover, only adapted Italian vice to 
 English scenery in his imitations of Plautus and Terence. 
 Even Latimer was the victim of a charitable trust, yoked 
 to a dishonest co-trustee, just as Walton, who always railed 
 at the law, was himself its victim. Young Thomas Lodge, 
 the Catholic dramatist, and author of the play above quoted, 
 was the son of another alderman who had prospered without 
 incurring the stain of usury. But under his father's roof he 
 had the opportunity of studying another type of citizen life, a 
 specimen of the true butterfly breed, the actual model (it may 
 be) of his usurer, George Stoddard, the hero of our sketch. 
 
 In the reign of Queen Mary there was in business with 
 Master Thomas Lodge, grocer, of London, an old apprentice, 
 now become his manager or agent, with opportunities of 
 doing a little business on his own account. 
 
 George Stoddard must have begun life in a very humble 
 way. When he was not driving bargains with customers, he 
 was employed in Flanders, Ireland, or even in Russia, upon 
 some financial mission, in the profits of which he generally 
 managed to have a share. All his expenses were recorded 
 by himself very carefully, thus: "I came to Andvvarpe the 
 18 day of June, in the morninge, and my carfe began at 
 the Inglys Hous the sayme day at neyt." " For my charges 
 coming from London to Andwarpe le 18 June, £2 4J. 7.^." 
 " Lost at boules senes my comynge to Andwarpe, ^s. 2d. ; 
 and at dyse at Mr. Robynsones, lo^.," etc. The young 
 agent's whole object was to save money for the investments 
 which his genius pointed out to him. It was with him now 
 the seed-time of his fortune, and he strained every nerve to 
 sow plentifully. He paid his own expenses in his master's 
 service, for he had a verbal agreement with the latter that 
 these should be allowed him — with any per cent, interest — 
 at his convenience. His own stock was not large. He had 
 ;^20 in "olde golde" and "brasletts" in his chest. All the
 
 The BzLTgess. 49 
 
 rest of his property was out at interest, and he could well 
 wait to reap the harvest in due season. Sometimes he was 
 hard pressed for money. He owed £\6 and interest for four 
 quarters to one of the house, and he makes a note for the 
 payment of half the amount by another with the pressing 
 appendix, "My frend doo this in God's name." In his 
 personal expenses Stoddard practised the most rigid economy. 
 In spite of himself, however, he was led into many extrava- 
 gances, for he was obliged to court the society of the well- 
 dressed roisterers on whom he preyed. Thus, while he 
 payed petty sums for repairing "slippers" and "showne," 
 and for mending "doblyt," " houes," and gloves, till their 
 latter state must have been most unpresentable ; to "a person 
 for taking out the lyninge of my cassok and putting in 
 bucram ; " for " 5 newe bands to my olde sherts, w'. making 
 and setting of the ruffes thereto," he incurred also expenses 
 far beyond his position or means. Thus we find the entries, 
 "a payer of gloves parfoumynge, iQs!' "Dressinge my 
 hatte w^ the lyninge, u." "Dressinge my swerde." "For 
 a lyttcl whyte turtall, other wyes a horse, £2'' The same 
 "at grass at I2d. le weke." "A ryding cloke w^ silke and 
 buttons." "Riding houes, 6j." Thus equipped, our citizen 
 was wont to repair to Staines with his spaniel and fowling- 
 piece, where there resorted also, no doubt, kindred spirits in a 
 higher sphere of life, such as needy dissipated courtiers from 
 Windsoi". Amongst these he plied a brisk trade in com- 
 missions and loans, all of which (with the profit therefrom 
 accruing neatly worked out) went to swell the credit side of 
 his private ledger. Therefore, the outlay in horseflesh and 
 appointments once made, he could well afford what was "lost 
 at divers tymes at the dyse playinge when I was at Stanes, 
 lOi'.," or " for fyndinge of Trevye when he was lost turning 
 ought of Stanes, 2i-." A similar motive for dissipation will 
 doubtless explain the entry : " Thl I paid in iij maskes 14^-. 
 4^^." The total of our worthy's yearly expenses at this trying 
 period of his life was about £^0 on an average — his fixed 
 income being only ;!{^20. 
 
 At last the day of reckoning and of triumph for George 
 
 E
 
 50 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 Stoddard arrived. Matters were now ripe for an explanation 
 with his master, a worthy easy-going citizen who had recently 
 been elected to the position of an alderman, and who on 
 account of his extraordinary expenditure for that proud 
 occasion had hitherto deferred the question of his indebted- 
 ness to his talented assistant. The latter, however, who had 
 studied the question in all its possible bearings for nearly 
 seven years, suddenly brought the result of his calculations 
 to the light. He had faithfully set down every possible item 
 for which his master could reasonably be expected to pay ; 
 and while forbearing to press for the debt, had reckoned 
 interest and compound interest thereon till the whole 
 amounted to a sum which must have astonished and alarmed 
 his patron not a little. The chief items were made up as 
 follows : — 
 
 "A note what mone IMr. Thomas Lodge, alderman, doth owe unto me, George 
 Stoddarde. 
 
 ;f 85, which I alouyd for the lose of syllver which my W. made alowans for in 
 K? Edwarde's daye, with the ockapying therof for six yeres, ^i^i 6' 3'^. For 
 ^23 w'^}' I ought for to have for my going and beinge in lorlonde seven munts, 
 promysed be ]\Ir. Lodge after the rate of 40;;^ a yere, w^ woold have gained at 
 lest £\(i 1 1=. e-i. 
 
 For the ockapying of ^^443 6' S^ for 3 yeres and a hayffe, w=^ woolde have 
 gayned in ockapying or other wyes putting forth at Iest;^67o 14s 3<i. 
 
 For paying of £(iO by exchange at 20= S^ at the interest aloueyd the Quynes 
 M? agent in Flanders, w<=!' Mr. Lodge ought to have p'?, be that he had the 
 Dther £(iO at 21= and no interest ^^■,£'h 5«. For a legosy w'=? my Mr. Prat dyd 
 g)'ve me by his wylle w^"? I have not as yyt rec^ , £l 6= 8^. 
 
 Item — my Mr. owes me for a wayger layde w'l? hee upon a boye or a girle, the 
 wych I have wone, so that he owythe me ;^i 10= 3*. 
 
 So the total dew unto me George Stoddard w^h Mr. Lodge owyheth me is 
 ;i^li98 — £']lZ " (less ;^443 63 6^, and more £3 6^ S<i, and other items). 
 
 The ;^443 6s. 6d. here deducted is the subject of another 
 memorandum. 
 
 "A note what mone I have ever reseyvyd of this sum w<=^ I demand of Mr. 
 Thos. Lodge, alderman at this present daye. I have rec? of this sum here 
 agaynst at divers and sundry tymes as aperes by there owne bondes, ;[f443 6« 6^. 
 
 It™. More the doo demande of me, w"^? ye saye was p'? unto me, but I knowe 
 yt not and lycke cas as dyd apere by there owne byll w^"? I tar in peces in presens 
 of them all, and promysyd that I would paye yt when my M"". dyd allowe me my 
 mone -wych he sayth he will doo w'^ the helpe of God. Then of thys mone
 
 The Biirgess. 5 1 
 
 above sayde I have spent in my ordynary charges as was to be provyd, and as the 
 arbitrers did perseyve and know well, in this his servys and trade nothinge thereof 
 alouyd me of my sayde M^ Mr. Lodge, but dyd promys me afor them, w'=^ was 
 T. Stokmede, Fr. Robynson, and H. Hamaike, to alowe me hereafter, for that 
 he was nowe called to be an alderman and colde not then doo yt but herafter and 
 yf God dyd spare him lyf, " etc. 
 
 Of this earlier payment also, more than half was on ac- 
 count of interest upon the principal account which had been 
 manipulated by the agent so entirely to his own advantage 
 that ;^44 6s. 6d. had grown in three years to £170, and the 
 remainder in like proportion. 
 
 Thus with a little capital of something near ;^5,ooo (of our 
 value) in hand, and not much less put out at interest in other 
 quarters, George Stoddarde began business on his own ac- 
 count as a grocer, with the fairest promise of success. He 
 adhered still to his old principle of never neglecting an oppor- 
 tunity of securing a large return for his capital or stock, how- 
 ever wild the bargain might have appeared to more sober 
 traders. He relied in the first place on his own judgment 
 and experience; and, secondly, on the means he could adopt 
 for covering his liability. Sitting quietly at home, he would 
 work out the whole position, and having ascertained that the 
 result would be highly favourable to himself, he would then 
 satisfy himself by good proof that the security left with him 
 was genuine. If he had reason to think that a property was 
 "reyted too highly," a memorandum to that effect was made, 
 and a supplementary bond must be forthcoming from his 
 debtor under threat of immediate proceedings to recover the 
 amount already advanced. The law was cheap and effective 
 for those that knew how to procure its good offices, and our 
 grocer was deeply versed in all its intricacies. Fisher was 
 his attorney, ana he regularly retained some of the most skil- 
 ful counsel of the day, including Manwood, Fanshawe, and 
 George Darrell, first cousin of William Darrell, of Littlecote, 
 mentioned below in his uncle's will. The fees of the above 
 for each term, with their instructions, were entered by him- 
 self, and formed a considerable item in his expenditure. But 
 it was money twice saved. In speculations on Exchange, he
 
 52 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 at this time meddled little ; for he lacked the royal patronaj;e 
 which made men like Gresham and Sharrington wealthy, and 
 such transactions were not uniformly profitable. Thus we 
 find the entry, " For the lose of £60 taken up in London of 
 W*?^ Sherry nton at 22® 2^'^, remytted from Andwarpe, and 
 bougte agayne at 21^ \\^, wherein is lost, making in all 
 £62 i^ More by account w*^!* I doo owe him for that he 
 haythe p^ senes o": last cleryng £'ij 7^" One of his chief 
 debtors about this time was Thomas Starkye, a draper, whom 
 he " backed " to a considerable amount, but with his usual 
 caution in the matter of security, as witness this note : " M4 
 That I, George Stoddard, have been bounde unto Robert 
 Housse, clotheworker w'. Thos. Starkeye for the som of £'\o, 
 for the w?** ye s4 Starkeye must put me in sortes to have 
 me harmeles or the mone goues not oute of my bonds her 
 ageynst." With regard to his business as a grocer, George 
 Stoddard seems to have prided himself on taking as little 
 cash as possible over his counter. In the early part of 
 Elizabeth's reign the spirit of commercial enterprise, so strong 
 in the breasts of her subjects, had little or no scope, and the 
 old traditions of the Catholic religion made usury pure and 
 simple an object of reproach. To avoid both of these dif- 
 ficulties, a compromise was arrived at. The merchant who 
 wished for a larger margin of profit on his wares than was 
 mapped out for him by the economical policy of a paternal 
 government, entered into what Shylock called a " merry 
 bond " with his customers — when he knew them. The nature 
 of these bargains will be best seen from the following in- 
 stances recorded in Stoddard's ledger. 
 
 "J. Klynt to G. S. 4^ 5<', being for my night gowne fonyd, to him sold, to pay 
 at his daye of marreayge, and yf yt pies God I doo deye afor him or his marreage, 
 then he to paye nothinge for it. 
 
 Styven Myllney, MercW Taylof , to G. S. for a payer of gloves, to pay me for 
 them 20s whan J. Howsard, servant at this present w'. Mr. Thos. Lodge, Alder- 
 man of London, doo marry EUyne Sarttinge, servant w^ W'P Stoner. So that 
 yf he doo not marry I must have nothyng. 
 
 F. H., Merchant Taylor, to G. S. 3 sabylls of the very best w^'^ shall com from 
 Russer, wher now he is goinge, and ys for a gowne, other wyse caulyde a doudge, 
 vv^ all things thereto belonging, or to paye me at his return as aforsaid 20^.
 
 The Burgess. 53 
 
 Artur Edwards to G. S. £z\ lo'. He owithe me at liis returne from Russer 
 for a sword gerdyl, 2 marterne skynes ; for a longe gune callyd a foullinge pease, 
 3 sabell skynes of the best, or elles a good fell to mak a clok of ; for a spanyell 
 callyd Tryvey, 4 sabyl skynes ; for 2lb whyt sheuger candy w^^ he promised me 
 M-oolde be solde ther for 30 Rubbylls or more a lb, so that he haytlie promysed 
 8 frenche crownes of yt at the lest or the vayllowe therof. IMore, for a payer of 
 shytts he lyfft to paye at his cuminge from Russer wher the sliipes is nowe gone 
 by no byll of his hand for lacke of tyme ;^I5 13s 4*. 
 
 R. Leds to G. S. for a Ringe callyd a Ryboys £1 13^ 4"*, to paye at my daye 
 of marryage or elles at his ower of Deytlie. 
 
 For a Rayper for 40'', to paye at his daye of marige or elhs not. 
 
 For a Dager, to paye me at his comynge from Venys a nage or gelldin^ w^y^ 
 shalbe worth 40^ at the leste. 
 
 For 6 handkerchers 13^ 4"*, to paye at his first chylde to me or my exsskewters. 
 
 N, Small, clothworker, to G. S. 5^ for a gre gelkling, to be p'? at his next 
 chylde "} £, or at his o\ of daythe 5^. 
 
 By Mary Cotton, gentilwoman, of Hamsher, 28 Desember at nowne, \2£, for 
 two Ryngs, a Dyamaunde and a Rybboi : to be p^ to me or assignes by her or 
 assigns at here daye of marryayge or ower of Daythe whether of them comyth 
 first. At wyche bargaine made ther was present sytting at the tabyll, Mr. Edmond 
 Forde, of Hartinge, Co. Sussex. Thes after named — Sweet, Doctor Setun of 
 Wynchester, Mr. Ed. Forde, squire and jostus, \i\ his wyffe, Mr. Derynge, gentil- 
 man, who marryd here syster, and his wyffe w?*" is her syster, N. Small, cloth- 
 worker of London, John Vyolyt, Fyshmonger, Mr. Forde, of Harting, younn- 
 Thos. Folce her cossen, w'. dyvers other that war ther, w^^ I knew not ther names 
 and as for ane byll by her hand I have none by resson ther is so many witneses to 
 the bargane makinge." 
 
 This last singular entry suggests more problems than could 
 be easily solved or profitably answered. By whom were the 
 rings to be eventually paid for .-' By the bridegroom, the 
 bride's father, or out of the lady's own pin-money or jointure.? 
 Again, what was the meaning of all this aristocratic gathering 
 under the young grocer's roof at the hour of noon .'' Were 
 they clients, or customers, or guests, or gossips .-' Verily this 
 burgess also was a butterfly ! 
 
 From a " merry bond " to colour the statute on the " lute- 
 strings " principle, the transition was easy to an actual advance 
 of hard cash in the form usually of a wager, though neither 
 would this have been found to be " so expressed " in the 
 bond. 
 
 '• Fras. Robynson to G. S. 200^ lent him in form following : 
 that F. R. must gyve me 200;^ for the sayde lO;^ at my 
 coming from Russer, wher one Inglys ship hath byne aired}',
 
 54 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 and yf I marre before I go thcther, then the sayd Fransis 
 must repaye me 20^ agayne, and 1 must give his wyffe a 
 payer of sieves of velvett, but if I deye he must have it. 
 
 Fr. Robynson owes me at my daye of marryayge 20^. 
 
 Francis Bayer to G. S. 4® 2^, and is so much he must %y\Q. 
 me yf I have not young Mrs. Lowson unto my wyffe, the 
 forsaide sum, and yf I doo marry her then he is to paye me 
 nothing, and is for 2? \^ gyven him in money ^ and he to pay me 
 diibbeliy 
 
 As Stoddard did in fact marry soon after this date, he 
 brought off both these bargains, though it would be too much 
 to say that their terms offered a direct inducement to the 
 thrifty citizen to incur the expense of a young wife. In the 
 following instance also he seems to have known his man, 
 though it is not likely that the " byll " in question contained 
 any mention of the dice, which were in as little favour with 
 the law as usury. 
 
 "J. Fabyan to G. S. 8oi^, and is for so much p*^ unto the s** 
 J. F., and is to paye me so much ageyne when I or any other 
 for me do knowe that he doo ever in all his lyffe tyme playe 
 at dyse or tabyll, or put his mone to any youes by eny other 
 man or woman or chylde, wherunto the dyse doo pertayne. 
 And so doinge on his part not being well keypthe shall forfyt 
 as more playn shall apere by his bill." 
 
 Another excellent bargain which our grocer made was 
 with this same gentleman, to whom he lent ;^400 on his bond 
 to pay 20 per cent for it during the lender's life, with a 
 generous permission to retain the principal for ever. In other 
 words, to receive ;^400 and give a bond for £Zo a year, or 
 five years' purchase. Stoddard, we may mention, contrived 
 to live at least another ten years, as was perhaps to be 
 expected under the circumstances. 
 
 Stoddard had a house in " Buttelle Lane," which he kept in 
 very good repair with the assistance of the " tyler," " plomer," 
 and other workmen, whose services were frequently called in. 
 Perhaps we should not wonder so much at the durability of 
 most of our old buildings if we knew the sums that were 
 lavished upon their erection and repair But then domestic
 
 The Burgess. 55 
 
 architecture was under the control of the State, which also 
 was the one great employer and patron of mechanical genius. 
 Our domestic history of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries 
 is nowhere richer than in such statistics ; yet we, who pretend 
 to possess biographies of Inigo Jones and Sir Christopher 
 Wren, know nothing of these things. Be this as it may, the 
 condition of his house and its contents was a constant source 
 of satisfaction to Stoddard, for we find him amusing himself 
 with calculations as to what " I might levy in my house in 
 Bouttelle Lane," viz., " In my wyve's counting-house, in the 
 larder-house," etc. 
 
 During the first decade of Elizabeth's reign, life went very 
 smoothly for George Stoddard. It is true he made bad 
 bargains occasionally, but such events were very rare in his 
 financial history. Thus he accounts for a deficiency "in the 
 waye of monee lente for corne for the city," through the 
 Grocers' Company, which was to be received " whan we can 
 gyt yt." So, too, he lent a considerable sum to a relative, who 
 promised " to paye agayne the next wycke folloinge, w<=^ as 
 yyt I have not rec'^, nor knowe not when I shall." Again, he 
 enters a debt from a friend which *' I lent him longe senes to 
 pay me agayne when I can gyt yt ; " and in the same way 
 alludes to the price of an " old mare " which he had been 
 persuaded to buy for his sister Marjery. But the worst 
 treatment he experienced in this way was when a certain 
 "Nurse Sturnsand " carried off in triumph for 9^. a "rede 
 Spanyshe blankyt" which had cost 19^., to which he adds, 
 by way of explanation, " and she alouyed me no mor." 
 
 Yet his affairs were then most flourishing. In one average 
 year he puts down his liabilities at ^^"1,096 \qs., and his assets 
 at ;^2,i48 IS. 4d, besides the profits of his investments in real 
 property. One of these credits may help to explain the 
 episode of " Mary Cotton, gentilwoman," for we read " G. 
 Newporte, for his wife £64." 
 
 The time had now come for transactions on a larger scale, and 
 more and more in connection with land, the ultimate object of 
 the citizen's cupidity. Stoddard had had for many years on his 
 books the name of a country gentleman who was now largely
 
 56 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 his debtor, and on whom and on his kindred also he had got 
 a firm grasp. On the strength of substantial security he was 
 constantly discounting bills for this gentleman, to the amount 
 of some hundreds of pounds, at about 25 per cent, interest. 
 Then the same had to be renewed, at compound interest 
 always, until the total reached the furthest limit to which the 
 creditor could safely go. At this stage of the business the 
 latter worked out the profit he was to reap, and then sold up 
 his hapless debtor. For instance, when the debt amounted 
 to ;^992, Stoddard ascertained that he was assured for ;^994 ; 
 but having reason to believe that the. security was rated at 
 ;^200 above value, he forced his client to be bound with his 
 brother for the difference. Finally matters stood thus : 
 Stoddard was owed ;^I030, and had security in property and 
 bonds for £^17, plus ;^200, and a supplementary £Zo, for 
 which the debtor's brother was liable. The next entry tells 
 the history of what followed. " What I have rec4 of Francis 
 Ascough : — 
 
 " Sale of his cloth, 145;^. 
 
 " Debts owed to him, 413;^, i2o£, and 57;^. 
 
 " For his londes w'^'^ is sold, 300^^. 
 
 " More he must put in, his brother, H. T. Askow, to paye 
 at 2 yeres, ^o£. 
 
 " So doinge he is all relecyd w'. me from the begynnyng of 
 the world to this daye." 
 
 Elsewhere we find separate calculations as to the result of 
 this execution, by which it would appear that the usurer had 
 sold up his victim even to his bedsteads and cupboards. 
 
 Mr. Alderman Lodge had not been very successful in his 
 investments in land. On one occasion he was " evicted and 
 chased " from a manor of which he was the occupier under a 
 will. But he was one of the old school of citizens, and his 
 former apprentice was one of the new school, which was 
 changing the whole face of the land. Such men were content 
 with small beginnings. They would snap up the interest of 
 needy copyholders in the reversion of their customary free- 
 holds, and having thus gained a footing in the soil, they could 
 administer to the necessities of embarrassed landowners, such
 
 The Burgess. 57 
 
 as William Darrcll, until a whole manor fell within their grasp. 
 Thus Stoddard was a party in a Chancery suit on the following 
 account. A certain copyholder of the manor of Hadley 
 devised his holding, with the approbation of the steward, to 
 his two sons. These being involved in money difficulties sold 
 their interest to another, who for a similar reason sold it to 
 Stoddard. The eldest son, however, of the deceased tenant 
 claimed possession from the incomer as his father's executor. 
 Stoddard, however, adhered to his right, though lamentably 
 vague as to names and dates — a circumstance which gave great 
 occasion for sarcastic allusions, on the part of his opponent, to 
 the "glass windows" {i.e. blanks) in his bill. On another 
 occasion we find the entry by Stoddard himself of 30^-., " P^ 
 to Mr. Tymply, stuard of the copyhold lande callyd Cokrells, 
 when he and his wyffe did knoledge yt for my yowse." 
 
 The last we hear of George Stoddard is in the year 1572, 
 in a case of alleged breach of contract brought by a London 
 merchant against that worthy and other leading merchants 
 on 'Change, with whom he had insured a ship (above its 
 value we may presume), which was supposed to be lost at the 
 time when the policy fell in, but, being afterwards heard of, 
 the underwriters refused to pay the insurance money, to the 
 great vexation of the owner. 
 
 We may suppose that Stoddard, like so many of his con- 
 temporaries, lived to enjoy the fruits of his usurious thrift. 
 Probably his heiress married the son of some Court official, 
 who founded a family with a new prestige, derived from the 
 irreproachable union of place with wealth ; and perhaps his 
 grandchildren fought amongst themselves over the prudent 
 citizen's ill-gotten acres.^ Whether this were so or not, Stod- 
 dard's life was only that of many another, who passed in his 
 own day for a clever and successful knave, and who has since 
 been revered as a citizen-patriarch, one of the good old time. 
 
 1 There are trood reasons for believing that this was actually the case.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE MERCHANT. 
 
 Amongst the financial successes of an age unparalleled for 
 its money-making activity, none was more complete or more 
 instructive than that achieved by the founder of the Royal 
 Exchange. Thomas Gresham, however, was no creature of 
 civic fable, no self-made prodigy like Whittington. We can 
 read the history of his life between the lines of account-roll 
 and despatch, pleadings and decree. Perhaps, even, for 
 their sakes and our own, we know too much of his relatives, 
 patrons, and allies ; but then our knowledge will not have 
 been acquired in vain. The great master of exchange, the 
 useful agent of the Crown, the financial adviser of ministers, 
 the oracle of the city, the merchant prince, patron, and 
 benefactor, becomes also, in his inevitable relations to the 
 age in which he lived, an usurer, the son and nephew of 
 usurers ; a monopolist, the nominee of corrupt courtiers, and 
 the associate of thievish contractors ; and a landlord, the son, 
 nephew, cousin, husband of a name as foul as any in the 
 annals of oppression, eviction, and plunder. Yet if he were 
 of these he was not like unto them ; and higher praise than 
 this can be awarded to no distinguished Englishman of the 
 latter half of the sixteenth century. 
 
 Young Thomas Gresham had the best of introductions into 
 commercial life. His father. Sir Richard, and his uncle. Sir 
 John Gresham, were both city magnates, both employed by 
 the Crown in delicate missions on the Continent, such as the 
 payment of the King's debts, the negotiation of fresh loans, 
 or the provision of metals and stores. It was not, however, 
 till the year 1553, v/hen his age was forty, that Thomas
 
 The Merchant. 59 
 
 Gresham began to serve the Crown permanently in foreign 
 parts. His official engagement was from 1553 ^^ ^557 ^s 
 H.M. agent in Flanders and other foreign parts, for sundry- 
 great and weighty affairs there, with his headquarters of 
 course at Antwerp. In relation to these affairs, we find him 
 writing to Northumberland, how his uncle, Sir John Gresham, 
 stormed " at the fixing of the rate of interest so low." He 
 also did good service to that body by his zealous champion- 
 ship of the privileges of Merchant Adventurers in their 
 rivalry with both the Hanse Traders and the Merchant 
 Staplers. At Antwerp he would be acquainted with younger 
 agents of the party, such as George Stoddard, as well as 
 with rivals of a bye-gone generation like the Johnsons. 
 Another ministerial correspondent was Devonshire, who, in 
 the next reign, gave him a commission to buy plate to the 
 value of ^2,000 or more of our valuation, Mary had suc- 
 ceeded to the English throne a year before ; but Gresham, 
 though attached to the party of progress, kept his post. In 
 fact, he was despatched as a special agent to Spain in 
 September, 1554, and his place was filled during his absence 
 by his uncle and another agent, who continued the serious 
 part of his work ; namely, the settlement of the King's debts. 
 In 1555, by order of Philip II., Thomas Gresham undertook 
 to raise 46,000 florins towards the pay of Almain mercenaries. 
 From March, 1557-8, to the 17th of November, 1558, under 
 a new term of service, he was engaged in similar transactions. 
 Then followed the accession of Elizabeth. This was a 
 fortunate event for Gresham. His term of service was con- 
 tinued from the 24th November, 1558, to the 26th April, 
 1562, during which period he was busied in the settlement of 
 the foreign debt and in the negotiation of a new one, besides 
 extensive commissions for the supply of munitions of war. 
 In 1560 he was again assisted by his uncle. 
 
 Thomas Gresham's position was now assured. He was 
 knighted in 1559, for the value of his services could no 
 longer be concealed. It is true that slight difficulties arose 
 in his dealings with a parsimonious Government, which 
 grumbled at the system of usance, and once returned
 
 6o Elizabethan Society. 
 
 inferior equipments on his hands. Still he could afford 
 to smile at these petty slights, for he had made interest 
 in high places. Cecil, who just then was greatly embar- 
 rassed by an extravagant outlay upon his mansion and 
 grounds, was deeply indebted to him. In addition to this, 
 Sir Thomas kept a sort of financial supervision over his 
 patron's hopeful heir, just then abroad upon a linguistic tour 
 under the jealous tutelage of Master Thomas Windebank. 
 Gresham remitted funds to the latter for the expenses of his 
 charge, and on one eventful occasion received them in his 
 house in Antwerp. This was at a critical period of the trip, 
 just after Master Thomas Cecil, stung by the bitter tirades of 
 his father, and inexpressibly bored by the moral harangues 
 of his governor, had threatened to run away. Windebank, 
 terrified at the prospect of what might happen to the morals 
 of his pupil in this dire event, consented to notice some 
 improvement in the behaviour of Mr. Thomas. Perhaps the 
 lad had been sobered by contact with the grave and kindly 
 merchant. In any case, it was determined, to Windebank's 
 relief, that they should give up their visit to Italy, and so 
 Master Thomas escaped the " inticements to pleasure and 
 wantonness" which that delightful country was supposed to 
 hold out. Cecil, however, was so impressed with the doleful 
 forebodings of Windebank that he resolved to marry his 
 graceless offspring the moment he set foot in England. 
 
 All this was in 1562 ; from that year Gresham was continued 
 in his post uninterruptedly till 1 574. The Newhaven campaign 
 gave abundant employment to the Queen's agent in Flanders, 
 in the way of contracts for armour, weapons, and stores. In 
 1565 Gresham was in England, and one of the commissioners 
 for viewing cavalry horses in the county of Middlesex. In 
 the same year, too, he was finding money for the Government 
 with the treasury empty. In 1566 he was surety for the 
 payment of German miners to be brought over for developing 
 the latest craze of the Court in the search of mineral treasures. 
 Thus he was unconsciously responsible for the reading of one 
 of the darkest pages of our social history. It was from his party 
 in the City that this ridiculous enterprise received its chief
 
 The ]\Ie7'chant. 6i 
 
 support. The Duysterswyvels of that a^e were engaged to 
 transmute all the strata of this island into gold and copper, 
 and their creatures were sent forth to prospect upon the 
 estates of refractory Catholic peers, who were held at bay 
 during the process by the threats and insults of the Queen's 
 favourites. The cautious Cecil alone was not duped ; neither 
 were the English navvies, who beat the outlandish experts 
 into a jelly. The nation perchance paid dearly for its 
 minimum of copper with civil war. Yet, fifteen years later, 
 the City, and Gresham with it, gloated over the flashy quartz 
 brought home by Frobisher ; and the Council listened 
 with greedy ears to a nautical tale of strange lands, whose 
 fountains were filled with pearls, and whose rivers ran over 
 golden beds. 
 
 In 1568 Gresham received the Cardinal Chatillon in his 
 London and country houses. At this time he was making 
 great provision of building material for Cecil, and was 
 acquiring for himself the riverside manors of the attainted 
 Duke of Somerset. He could claim the exercise of patron- 
 age, too, by demanding official posts for members of his 
 family. During 1570 and 157 1 he was especially active. 
 The Royal Exchange was opened, and he was providing stores 
 for the Government, raising loans in Antwerp, Hamburg, 
 and Cologne, and upholding the interests of the IMerchant 
 Adventurers against the Staplers, who, now that the wholesale 
 production of raw wool in England was a thing of the past, 
 naturally desired freedom to export rough cloth like other 
 people. 
 
 In the former year, however, a cloud gathered over his 
 household out of what was intended as a mark of confi- 
 dence by the Government. To his keeping was committed 
 the third sister of the unfortunate Greys, Lady Mary, who had 
 made a stolen marriage with the Queen's Sergeant Porter. 
 No sooner had Gresham received this odious charge, than 
 he desired, to his lasting credit, to be rid of it, and he wrote 
 to that effect to Burghley. Probably Gresham did not greatly 
 relish either the political or worldly condition of his captive 
 guest. All men who valued their interests shrank from a
 
 62 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 contact with the whole race of Greys and Seymours, as 
 though this younger strain of the Blood Royal bore in it 
 the taint of leprosy. That astute peer, Pembroke, had long 
 before allowed himself to be divorced from the second of 
 those charming sisters to marry "Sydney's sister." More- 
 over, in spite of some slight concessions by the Crown, the 
 circumstances of the family were extremely reduced, and 
 probably the Lady Mary came to Gresham House in no 
 better plight than that which was so frankly described by 
 Her Grace of Suffolk. All this must have seemed very 
 shocking to Gresham, after he had with characteristic 
 precision made an exact calculation of his protegee's income. 
 Perhaps he even spoke his mind to her upon the subject, 
 for we find her writing bitterly to Cecil about her dependent 
 position, and even hinting that it would be better if she 
 could earn her own living. Then there was another draw- 
 back. The charms which had seduced the official gravity 
 of the Sergeant Porter were viewed with jealous eyes by 
 Gresham's lady. This latter embarrassment was what no 
 doubt weighed most with our merchant when he renewed 
 his application to the Government at every opportunity. 
 This was at first acceded to, but nothing was really done in 
 the matter. Soon the lady's husband died, and Gresham 
 wrote that she took it very grievously. Thenceforth, at the 
 end of nearly every despatch from him to the Treasury on 
 the usual subject of funds and liquidation, there is the mono- 
 tonous request, " Remember the Lady Mary." It was once 
 proposed that she should go to her father-in-law ; but an- 
 other objection arose, that he was a gay widower. At last he 
 married again, but still she did not go. 
 
 Between 1570 and 1574 Gresham was still actively engaged 
 in raising suinr:. and prolonging debts for the Government. 
 In 1575 this official engagement ceased. He could superin- 
 tend the work of his agents and factors, and go to and fro 
 between his house and the Exchange ; but he was old, as he 
 reminded the Government, and also lame with gout, and 
 nearly blind. Gresham, like his patron Burghley, was a 
 victim to the gout, which he only subdued by the greatest
 
 The ]\Ierchant. 63 
 
 strictness in his diet. In 1577, Wilson, the Flemish political 
 agent, writes to Burghley extolling the efficacy of Rhenish 
 wines for working a cure in this way. He claims for it that 
 it not only comforts the stomach, and relieves humours and 
 rheum, but obviates the unpleasant habit of promiscuous 
 spitting, which seems to have been a symptom of the malady. 
 The great living advertisement of this remedy (for the writer 
 was interested in the German wine trade) is Sir Thomas 
 Gresham, who, if he had drunk only half as much Gascon 
 wine as he has done Rhenish, would not be half so healthy 
 as he is at present — a striking statement certainly, but one 
 scarcely complimentary to Sir Thomas, even in its ambiguity. 
 
 Gresham's last public appearance (so to speak) was in 
 relation to the fund raised by adventurers for Frobisher's 
 voyage. To this, however, he only subscribed £Zo paid up ; 
 the lead in the enterprise being taken by Sir Lionel Ducket, 
 with Dr. Dee and other edifying scoundrels. In 1579 Sir 
 Thomas Gresham died, without surviving issue. 
 
 The question naturally arises, how did Sir Thomas Gresham 
 make a fortune out of his official employment? His actual 
 salary was 20s. a day, and all extra allowances were supposed 
 only to cover his bare working expenses in journeys, labour, 
 and material. His own private fortune, inherited from his 
 father, was no doubt considerable, but this was chiefly 
 invested in land, nor does he seem ever to have drawn upon 
 it. Yet his working capital must have been enormous, for 
 his credit was practically inexhaustible. The rate of broker- 
 age was not high, \ per cent, and the whole of this did not 
 fall to his share. If any further profit was made by him, it 
 would seem impossible that it should have escaped detection. 
 It will be necessary, however, in order to dispose of this 
 assumption, to glance at the complicated system of accounts 
 kept and submitted by him to the Government. 
 
 In an average year, such as that of 1562-3, Gresham's 
 account stood as follows. He was charged with various 
 sums out of different branches of the revenue, received from 
 different officers, and with loans which he had negotiated 
 from numerous merchants, the whole amounting in that year
 
 64 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 to ;<C5 5,288 15^'. \d. The loans were in difterent proportions; 
 but taking one at random, that made by Christopher Prewne, 
 a merchant stranger of Antwerp, it will be found that it 
 amounts to ;^7,ooo sterling. Besides these loans, there were 
 certain sums taken up in Antwerp by exchange ; for it must 
 be remembered that besides the vast political interests of 
 England on the Continent, all of which implied the trans- 
 mission of subsidies, there was a vigorous campaign being 
 carried on in the north of France, which centred in the 
 siege of Newhaven (Havre). Of this latter class of trans- 
 action we may take another sum, ;^ 3,000, negotiated by 
 Gresham. As a set-off, therefore, against the principal of 
 the loan and the credit of the Government above mentioned, 
 Sir Thomas demanded to be allowed for the repayment of 
 the principal (;^ 7,000) plus interest fixed at 12 per cent, 
 amounting altogether to ^T 8,1 So 6s. 8d. This loan was to ex- 
 tend over three months, from August 15th to November 15th ; 
 but, as was usually the case, double usance was required, and 
 the term prolonged to December 15th. As a bonus on this 
 prolongation, Master Prewne received the additional sum of 
 .^81 16^., or I per cent, though in many cases as much as 
 3 per cent was extorted. In the same, way, with regard to 
 the sum exchanged, Sir Thomas was allowed to reckon the 
 20^-. sterling as 22s. 3^., 22s. 2\d., 22s. 2d., 22s. ihd., etc., to 
 recoup himself in the transaction, that increase being then 
 the difference of the exchange. There was also the usual 
 brokerage to be allowed. The security of the Government 
 for the repayment by Gresham of the principal on loans was 
 the return of the bonds to be vacated. When the days of 
 payment fell due, there was a Council of Ways and Means 
 at the Treasury. Some bonds were paid and cancelled ; 
 others were prolonged ; and new ones were issued. When 
 these were ready, the bond was carefully locked up in the 
 Treasury, and the counter-bound posted to the lord mayor, 
 when the city of London was the acceptor. It was one of 
 Gresham's most onerous duties to keep the Treasury up to 
 the mark in the punctual discharge of this routine, red tape 
 being not unknown in 1562. As an example of a transaction
 
 The Merchant. 65- 
 
 on a larger sea e, we may take the warrant of the Govern- 
 ment (addressed to Sir Hugh Pawlet) to negotiate ^20,000 
 by exchange on Antwerp, which was also undertaken- in this 
 same year by Gresham. This was in December, when the 
 Government was making desperate attempts to push ort 
 operations at Newhaven. The actual sum raised (at a day's 
 notice, all but ^2,000) was ^^19,999 9^-. 2d., which was re- 
 ceived in the following denominations of coinage : ;^3,3or- 
 2s. 8d. in silver Spanish rials, valued at 6hd. ; ^^1,195 ^s. in 
 French crowns, at 6s. ; £6oy los. in pistolets, at ^s. lod. ; 
 ;!^44 5^-. in rose nobles, at 15^-.; ;^io in double ducats, at 
 13^-. 4d. ; £11 in imperial rials, at lis. ; and ^14,830 Ss. 6d, 
 in angels and sovereigns. Of this total, £'i8,o8y i$s. 6d. was 
 subscribed in the city of London, and repaid at Antwerp at 
 various rates of exchange, from 235-. to 22^. ^Id. on the 20J-. 
 sterling, the average being nearly 22s. yd., bringing up the 
 sum to be allowed the accountant to ;i^20,372 2s. id. The 
 remainder of the ^^19,999 9^. 2d., namely ;^i,9r2 6s. 8d., was 
 taken up in Antwerp, and the exchange for this portion 
 being at the rate of 21s. lod, gave £2,o8y 8s. id. to be 
 allowed, or a grand total of ;^22,459 lO-^"- 2<^. In addition to 
 this there was the cost of casting 10,000 lbs, of silver into 
 its equivalent value in gold, for convenience of carriage, 
 estimated at id. per lb Gresham was also allowed for many 
 miscellaneous transactions on behalf of the Government, such 
 as remittances to the English ambassador at Paris, and an 
 annual allowance of £2^, for feasting the Queen's creditors in 
 Antwerp; for all matters of State entertainment fell especially 
 within Gresham's province, neither was he slow to benefit 
 thereby. On one occasion, too, he remitted 500 crowns on 
 Cecil's behalf, perhaps to the latter's son, for which the credit 
 was ;^i5o; the crown (the current French and Flemish de- 
 nomination) being here allowed a\ 6s. Against this, however, 
 the exchange was 22s. 8d. on the 20s. sterling, so that Cecil 
 lost nearly g^d. on each crown, or 66^ crowns to the bad ; 
 and Gresham was allowed for ;^i70. 
 
 The idea of Gresham's personal risk in these negotiations 
 must, on the whole, be dismissed. In private transactions 
 
 F
 
 65 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 this understanding might prevail, but in the course of public 
 business it will be observed that the Government paid for all. 
 Thus the accountant claimed, and was allowed for, ;^304 \2s., 
 the loss by exchange on ;^5,ooo, part of a sum subscribed in 
 London but returned from Antwerp as not covered by the 
 advice, the rate being here about 2is. 2\d. 
 
 Gresham's own share in the allowances of his account was 
 considerable. He claimed his own salary at 20s. per diem 
 continuously, and that of four clerks at \s. 4^. ; also a very 
 large sum to defray the expenses of himself and all his 
 agents in travelling, posting, and conveying. His bill for 
 office furniture, paper, etc., was prodigious, and the annual 
 allowance of £'j6 13^-. for the rent of a house in Antwerp 
 must have lodged him very sumptuously during his exile. 
 
 So far matters had gone smoothly enough with our mer- 
 chant. During this first period of his official career, from 
 1558 to 1563, he had been allowed the full amount of his 
 claims, and he had even a surplus to the good of more than 
 /■ 3,000. Eleven years later, however, at the termination of 
 his employment by the Government, he met with a rebuff 
 from the Treasury which caused a crisis in his fortunes. 
 
 For the year 1574 Gresham's private ledger showed a satis- 
 factory balance. He had to account for £6i'j,<^%2 \2s. 8|^., 
 and he was able to show disbursements for the Government 
 of £^^%,Z()2 \^s.o\d.^ or nearly ;!^ 1 1,000 to the good. But 
 previous to this he had presented his official statement up to 
 the 3rd May, 1574, the date at which his engagement ceased. 
 In this the proportions were slightly altered and the balance 
 was reversed, the totals of receipts and allowances being in- 
 creased to;^677,248 4J. Z\d. and ^^659,099 2s. ihd. respectively. 
 Amongst the former were ;^95,484 los. for Flemish and 
 ^55.175 ^o"* English loans. As fast as the Treasury had pro- 
 duced fresh items to swell the charge, Gresham had produced 
 evidence of corresponding disbursements. But in the end, 
 when the totals had reached the respective amounts last 
 stated, Gresham was ;£'i8^i49 ^^- 9h^- to the bad. Against 
 this he was allowed, as was usual, the surplus of his last 
 account, which with other extraordinary allowances reduced
 
 The Merchant. 67 
 
 the debt to £ 12,^6 j. On this again he was allowed the 
 difference of the exchange at 22s. 6d., bringing the amount to 
 ;^io,o83 15^-. 4^., less £110 (a handsome allowance) for the 
 expense of auditing. It did not seem possible that Gresham 
 could reduce the deficit any further ; but he had a last card 
 to play, and he threw it boldly down, claiming to be allowed 
 full interest at 12 per cent, and exchange at 22s. 6d. on the 
 principal of his last surplus, which had already been allowed. 
 This interest and exchange alone was found to reach the 
 enormous sum of £ii,so6 iSs. old., and would have been 
 still more, but that Gresham only calculated it upon ten 
 years, in recognition of the recent generosity of the Govern- 
 ment in lending him ;;{J' 5,000 for his private speculations. 
 Besides, he wanted little more than to clear the account. On 
 his last claim, therefore, Gresham stood with about ;^i,400 
 to the good. The commissioners, however, at once rejected 
 the claim, as they could not well avoid doing, but dropped 
 a hint about the wisdom of an application in other quarters 
 The fact is, that the Treasury had already made startling 
 discoveries in the details of Gresham's last account, and 
 Burghley himself had handled the document very roughly. 
 The statement, for instance, that acquittances had been 
 handed in for large sums, lent by the Adventurers and 
 Staplers, was struck out without comment. So was another 
 claim for the annual expense of feasting the Queen's creditors. 
 Gresham had charged the symmetrical sums of £2,12$ for 
 each of the two items of travelling and posting. The 
 Treasury could not allow more than ;;^i,ooo. His own salary 
 and that of four clerks amounted to ^^5,403 19^. 6d.; it was 
 found that only two clerks were to be allowed for during the 
 v/hole eleven years. Another modest claim for £1,12$ for 
 journeys and boat-hire to and from the Court to the City was 
 reduced to ;^5oo. The office expenditure was put in as 
 ^531 5 J,, which was quickly altered to ;^200. The expense 
 of house rent at Antwerp was laid at £666 I2,s. ^d. in the 
 account, but the Treasury thought ;^300 would meet the 
 expense. To all acquainted with the value of money, labour, 
 and commodities in those days, comment on these figures
 
 68 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 will be needless. The Treasury itself gracefully refrained 
 from comment. 
 
 Gresham was not slow in making up his mind to meet the 
 emergency. Like the great diplomatist that he was, he 
 grasped the whole situation and his proper course of action 
 at a glance. He repaired to the official auditor, who was on 
 the point of going into the country for his summer holiday, 
 and blandly asked him if, as all his (Sir Thomas's) papers and 
 accounts were in his keeping, he would oblige by lending 
 the duplicate of the official account during his own vacation, 
 the authentic account being even then under critical examina- 
 tion by the Commissioners. The official readily complied 
 with this request, and started for his holiday. Immediately 
 Gresham caused the usual concessory foot-note to be added 
 to this imperfect document, setting forth the statement and 
 allowance of his claim for interest and exchange on the 
 surplus, already rejected, and posted off to Kenilworth, where 
 the Queen was now being royally entertained by Leicester. 
 Her Majesty was just then in the granting mood ; the 
 favourite was all-powerful ; Gresham had found means to 
 secure his good offices ; and the account was passed in consider- 
 ation of his former services. Armed with the royal sanction, 
 Gresham obtained the signatures of the Commissioners, who, 
 to judge from their names, were probably in attendance at the 
 Court. These were Burghley, Leicester, Walsingham, Mild- 
 may, and Knolles, and all were well disposed at heart to the 
 royal merchant. Judge then the surprise of the worthy 
 auditor, when he returned from his holiday, to find that the 
 duplicate account, with a foot-note added in an unknown 
 hand, had been already signed instead of the original. He 
 was eventually compelled to fill in the account, which should 
 have sealed Gresham's fate, from the once worthless double 
 which had now become, pending its engrossment, the authori- 
 tative record of the disposition of six millions (present value) 
 of public money. It is not too much to say that Gresham 
 was iJ" 1 0,000 (;^6o,ooo) to the good by the successful issue 
 of his mission. He had received this sum, and had not 
 accounted for it. What further share he secured of the
 
 The Merchant. 69 
 
 plunder we can only estimate by his private wealth. At 
 least we need no longer wonder how official fortunes could be 
 amassed under Elizabeth. 
 
 Sir Thomas Gresham's widow was the executrix, and 
 benefited largely by the disposition of his property. The 
 munificent bequests which were carried out under his will are 
 well known. It is possible, however, that his bereavement by 
 the loss of his heir had much to do with this public generosity. 
 He had little interest in continuing the family name. He 
 was not on the best terms with his lady, or he might have 
 adopted her son by a former marriage — for, like so many of 
 his contemporaries, he had wedded a richly jointured widow. 
 His heir-at-law was his cousin, William Gresham, son of his 
 uncle, Sir John, but he was both amply provided for already, 
 and also of no good repute either in his own family or with 
 the world. Perhaps it was disappointment in the character 
 of this son that led Sir John Gresham also to devote a con- 
 siderable part of his wealth to charitable uses. At any rate, 
 his wishes in this respect were not respected by the former, 
 who, after his father's death, attempted to repudiate Sir John's 
 benefaction to the county with which he was chiefly connected 
 as a landowner. This was the foundation of the Norwich 
 school, under the guardianship of the keepers and commonalty 
 of the Mystery of Fishmongers, for the " solicitous instruction 
 and teaching of children and young men in grammar for ever." 
 William Gresham had not only succeeded to immense estates 
 as his father's heir, but to still greater landed property as the 
 heir-at-law of his cousin Sir Thomas ; for many manors had 
 been strictly entailed by Sir Richard Gresham. 
 
 As a landowner the new head of the family was extremel)' 
 unpopular. He was engaged in scandalous litigation on all 
 sides. Sometimes it was with a religious corporation from 
 whom he had withheld his rent. At another with commoners 
 whose rights he had confiscated by wholesale inclosures. He 
 sold property to one without a sufficient title, and harassed 
 another in the Chancery to be relieved from an inconvenient 
 bond. Moreover, he was at constant feud with his cousin's 
 tenants and mortgagees, asserting his claims under a supposed
 
 70 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 entail by Sir Richard. We can hardly wonder that Sir 
 Thomas Gresham should have preferred the claim of his native 
 city to those of such an heir, especially when he could enjoy 
 the additional satisfaction of reproducing upon a chosen site 
 the familiar Exchange of his beloved Antwerp. It is also 
 not improbable that Sir John Gresham's heir shared the 
 stigma attaching to the name of a successful and not over- 
 scrupulous agent of the Crown. A contemporary satirist 
 indeed wrote the " Epitaph of that base and sordid usurer, 
 Sir John Gresham, knight of the dung-hill, buried in hell." 
 But this was petty malice. 
 
 Sir Thomas Gresham himself did not fare much better in 
 his relations to the land, and his widow was involved in 
 more important lawsuits herein than perhaps any other of 
 her contemporaries. His mother, too, during her widowhood 
 had similar experiences, and collisions occurred even between 
 members of the family. Sir Thomas Gresham found himself 
 disseised of manors to which his title, derived through his 
 father as grantee of the Crown, was disputed by the repre- 
 sentatives of the original owners. This happened chiefly in 
 the case of dissolved monastery lands, and was a penalty which 
 many other owners had to pay for their ill-gotten possessions. 
 
 Upon his death, Gresham's widow was engaged in suits in 
 a dozen different counties with tenants, copyholders, neigh- 
 bours, or claimants. At one time it was a steward whose 
 accounts were not properly adjusted ; at another time a ser- 
 vant of her late husband sued her for wages withheld. She 
 was at law about lands bought by Sir Thomas from Robert, 
 Earl of Leicester, and William Darrell of Littlecote ; whilst 
 she had an action against the former's brother, the Earl of 
 Warwick, for infringing a patent for casting ordnance. 
 Meanwhile, careless of her husband's memory, she allowed 
 the Royal Exchange to fall into grievous decay, and suffered 
 a severe reprimand on this score from the Council, with a 
 threat of the Queen's displeasure ; for she was bound to 
 repair by the terms of the founder's will. The citizens of 
 London, on the other hand, only wished that she might live 
 long enough to appoint a mathematical reader for her hus-
 
 The Merchant. 71 
 
 band's college. After her death her son was engaged in 
 fresh litigation. It was not by her means that the name of 
 Gresham is still associated with pleasant memories. We need 
 not, however, alter our opinion of Sir Thomas Gresham's cha- 
 racter from anything that we may unexpectedly learn to his 
 disadvantage. Those only whose imperfect narration will 
 never be changed for the historic present of modern research 
 need to grieve thereat. To them Whittington will always 
 remain a "marvellous boy," and to them Sir Thomas Gres- 
 ham also will continue the evangelist of exchange and the 
 spontaneous millionaire who (it is urhispered with an uneasy 
 consciousness that the same story has been told elsewhere) 
 dissolved a priceless pearl in the goblet which he drained on 
 a certain great occasion. In sober truth, however, Gresham 
 was neither better nor worse than the age made him. To say 
 that he was honoured and respected by his contemporaries 
 does not necessarily prove that he was a great or a good 
 man ; and the fact of his obtaining great riches does not like- 
 wise convey the assumption that they were honestly got. 
 Most people assume both points, presumably through igno- 
 rance of the manners and morals of any age, not excepting 
 their own. 
 
 There was one requisite to safety and success at the court 
 of Elizabeth, and that was self-control. The possession of 
 this virtue was the secret of the success of men like Burghley, 
 Leicester, Pembroke, Popham, Knevet, and Gresham ; and 
 the absence of it the cause of the splendid failures of Sidney, 
 Hatton, Essex, and Raleigh. The contrast is seen in the 
 case of Popham, the avaricious and impassive, sitting in moral 
 judgment upon Raleigh, the covetous and versatile. Raleigh 
 was reminded by the politic chief justice that he might have 
 lived comfortably on the ;^3,ooo per annum that he had 
 already sucked out of the country, had not greed and ambi- 
 tion driven him to restless intrigue. The Government of Eliza- 
 beth drew the line in official license at indiscreetness and 
 sedition. The discretion of Sir Thomas Gresham was a better 
 part than Raleigh's madcap valour.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE HOST. 
 
 Distance of time, perhaps, it is that lends enchantment to 
 every historical view of the past. In that great realm of 
 fiction all things have befallen (to flatter our pride or to 
 serve our purpose) according to the likeness that they have 
 taken from our fancy. We, or rather our poets for us, have 
 cleansed and shaved a race of filthy savages ; have put armour 
 over their war-paint ; girt them with lance and sword, instead 
 of dart and dirk, and set them on chargers which must have 
 differed greatly from the modern breed of forest pony ; and 
 to their charge have committed the most sacred symbols of 
 Christianity, whose descendants are scarcely yet quit of tlie 
 superstitions of devil-worship. Last of all, we have till yester- 
 day styled them our ancestors. We have reckoned our 
 historical progress by wars and pestilences ; the former 
 always just, the latter always fortuitous. Our princes were 
 the fathers of their people, and our churchmen the good 
 shepherds of their flocks. Our wealth was well-gotten, and 
 the land flowed with wine and oil. Every man ate and drank 
 beneath his own roof-tree ; or if he did prefer other cheer 
 which needed no " bush," he sought it in one of these mystic 
 castles, ruled by a governor as courteous as he was liberal ; 
 where the meats were highly spiced, and the drink was blood- 
 red wine ; where poets divine were his boon companions ; 
 where he assisted at plays and pageants which have since 
 been decked for immortality ; where all was rare and free, 
 and curious — because it is old. How the times are changed. 
 The Quixotic castle has become a gin-palace; the host an 
 abhorred publican. The victuals are barely licensed ; and
 
 The Host. 73 
 
 the grape has given place to the barleycorn. The players 
 have been once more conducted over the frontiers of society ; 
 the bears are monopolized by the furrier, and the fighting 
 cocks are consumed as capons. Only the divine poet re- 
 mains, and we are changing him like the rest. But how was 
 the airy fabric ever raised .'' Why was the old English ale- 
 house thus converted into the temple of the muses, with mine 
 host for its high priest ? Because (it must be answered for 
 us) in a state of what is called civilization, men must have 
 some outlet for their animal natures, if they would shun 
 inward corruption. It was thought better that such as had 
 no family or social ties should confine themselves to recog- 
 nised and suitable localities for the celebration of their orgies. 
 There, if their voices were high, if their speech were lewd, 
 if the liquor ran out of their cheeks, or if they stabbed a 
 comrade in a drunken brawl, what harm was there done .'' 
 Marry, small harm to the individual and less to the State. 
 The youth who ran armed through the streets, flushed with 
 insolence and wine, were not of the tavern breed of revellers. 
 They were political agitators, reactionists, club-men. Assas- 
 sination with them was another incentive to drink. They 
 spurned against the people, and the people swept them away. 
 What the state of the public peace was, even in the reign 
 of Elizabeth, we may easily gather from the indictments of 
 those who had offended against it and expiated all too easily 
 their offences. The English were notoriously a lawless race. 
 The whole aim of early legislation was directed towards the 
 preservation of order by the maintenance of a strict police. 
 The sanctity of the person was above all things regarded, 
 and the security of property was carefully subordinated to 
 this object. A man's stake in the community was the pledge 
 that he respected the safety of his neighbours, or their bodily 
 health in every aspect. When the first tie of society was 
 broken by his own guilt or negligence, he paid the penalty 
 in his purse — and this was found an effectual deterrent. The 
 litigious spirit which set the claims of property above the 
 inviolability of the person was an outcome of Norman thought 
 and manners. There have been romantic periods of society,
 
 74 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 when a man held his life cheaper than his worldly gear. The 
 transition was, however, a momentous one from a period 
 when local self-government busied itself with precautions to 
 satisfy the demands of the individual to consideration in 
 matters of food adulteration, hygiene, locomotion, and the 
 like, to one in which the Crown bore the main weight of this 
 responsibility lightly enough upon its own shoulders — itself 
 the supreme landlord, the jealous guardian of the privileges 
 of property. Let us take a few cases at random under 
 Elizabeth, in which armed violence had a fatal termination. 
 
 Nottingham. — A man, attacked by another with a stick, drew his knife upon 
 him and stabbed him. Dorset. — A traveller, equipped with a piked staff, 
 quarrelled with another, who drew his sword upon him and pursued him till the 
 former was brought to bay by a hedge and impaled his pursuer (inflicting a 
 wound eleven inches deep, as the evidence showed). Monmouth. — A quarrel 
 and fight with staves. Sussex. — A man, pursued by his enemy with a bill, till 
 stopped by a garden wall, stabbed him with a dagger. Norfolk. — A traveller 
 with a piked staff, pursued by one with a black-bill, and stopped by a cart in a 
 narrow lane, turned and slew his pursuer. Kent. — Two sword-and-buckler men 
 fought ; one trying to escape was stopped by a hedge, whereupon he fought it 
 out, and cleft his adversary's skull. Derby.— Five fatal duels with staves. 
 Southampton. — Duel with staves. The party assaulted ran from his adversary 
 till he despaired of his life before he felled him. Cornwall. — One, armed only 
 with a knife, slew his pursuer, armed with a sword, for want of breath to run any 
 further. Sheffield. — Two artisans fought with knives, to the death of one, after 
 the victor had blown himself by running to the top of a hill. Berwick. — A fight 
 with knives, after the insulted party could escape no further for a wall. Essex. — 
 A countryman, employed with a pitchfork, was insulted by another carrying a 
 bill ; but as he fled from his assailant, he was stopped in the field by a tree- 
 to the cost of his pursuer's life. Smithfield.— Affray with swords and daggers, 
 after one party had fled till they despaired of their lives. Fleet Street.— A 
 citizen, who was at feud with a neighbour, waited about his door armed with 
 sword and buckler. When his enemy at length emerged (by a happy chance 
 similarly armed), he found himself violently attacked ; and being impeded in 
 his retreat by a "crowd," faced his enemy and slew him in self-defence. 
 
 It need not be supposed that in any of these cases the 
 crime was premeditated. At any rate, the presumption that 
 a gross provocation had been received by one entitled to the 
 protection of the King's peace, in the absence of implicating 
 evidence, was enough for a central jurisdiction whose guiding 
 maxim was "hang or pardon." In the old days of blood 
 atonement, life was not taken with such impunity.
 
 The Host. 75 
 
 We often, however, meet with cases which seem to show 
 the utter recklessness towards the lives of others which pre- 
 vailed among men of hasty temper, resulting in most terrible 
 catastrophies. 
 
 Northamptonshire. — A girl named Marian, maid-servant to a farmer, was lead- 
 ing a pair of horses with a harrow, wallcing in front of them. Her master, who 
 was ploughing in the next field, observing that the harrow progressed slowly, 
 stole behind the horses and suddenly belaboured them ; with the result that 
 horses and machine passed over the body of the unfortunate girl, inflicting a 
 horrible death. The provocation pleaded was the laziness of the servant, a plea 
 that was held sufficient. Lincolnshire. — A farmer was ploughing, and a lad 
 leading the horses. As he did not urge them on to his master's satisfaction, the 
 latter, taking up his iron-shod plough staff, aimed a tremendous blow at the head 
 of the near-side horse, which, glancing from his frontal, lighted on the servant's 
 head and killed him on the spot. 
 
 Here again the brutal homicide escaped, for in the eyes of 
 the law the horse was to blame rather than the man. In 
 the concluding case it is difficult to see how the presumption 
 of intent was avoided. 
 
 Two men were in a tavern-yard, when (it was admitted) a quaixel, strife, and 
 blow ensued. But without noticing this further, the narrative proceeds to the 
 effect that one of the parties had in his hand a hand-gun, of the value of ds. %d. 
 With this he was amusing himself by taking imaginary aim at the tree-tops, etc., 
 out of all possible danger, and so fired the piece ; which, however, did not go off. 
 Thereupon, believing it to be loaded only with powder and brown paper, and 
 seeing that no "fumus" or "sagittacio" took place, the sportsman lowered his 
 piece and proceeded to pick out the touch-hole, when it suddenly went off, and 
 shot the other in "his left side, which then lay unguarded." 
 
 It is difficult to imagine how the weapon could have been 
 handled in the way described, so as to be pointed at an on- 
 looker's left side. The men must have been facing one another, 
 and the "quarrel, strife, and blow" will explain the rest. 
 
 There can be no doubt what fuel inflamed this lawless 
 heat. In an earlier age the people fed more on the fruits of 
 the earth than on the beasts of the field, and their beverage 
 was mild in proportion. Fish was enormously consumed, 
 and so, too, were white meat and dairy produce. Tillage on 
 a small scale produced cheap cereals and vegetables. Bacon 
 took the place of beef. In fact, bread was cheap and 
 butchers' meat was dear, than which no healthier sign can
 
 76 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 exist of a nation's welfare. The mass of the people drank 
 grain-beer and cyder ; the upper orders and their retainers 
 drank French wines or Rhenish. The change came with the 
 social Renascence of the middle sixteenth century. 
 
 Tillage was changed for pasture-grazing. Grain was dear, 
 and coarse meat was cheap. Bacon and fish went out of use. 
 Game and poultry became luxuries, and vegetables were 
 practically unknown. The people fed on salt-beef, or roast 
 and inferior mutton, with bad meal ; and this monotonous 
 cheer they washed down with potent liquor. The very ale 
 had undergone a change. The Flemish first practised the 
 art of beer-brewing in its perfection. We benefited by this 
 art, and also by the importation of spices from the East. 
 Now the composition of a tankard of strong ale was as ela- 
 borate as that of burnt sack or negus, and it had all the 
 marvellous effects attributed to it by the dramatist. The 
 wines, too, were the strong, luscious, and fiery vintages of 
 Spain or Italy, rather than the French clarets ; for we had 
 no Gascony now to conciliate, but were content to play the 
 game of Spain against our ancient suzerain. In fact, the 
 Crown, in later times, at least, made a handsome profit by 
 this weakness of its subjects. The Plantagenet kings had 
 been content to pay their own expenses out of the custom 
 and toll levied upon imported wines ; that is to say, the 
 supply needed for the royal cellar, or for the expected bounty 
 to Church or Court. In the Tudor period, however, long 
 leases of these customs were granted on terms most advan- 
 tageous to the Crown, and even then the reversion of them 
 was eagerly sought for. The farmers were usually enterpris- 
 ing vintners, who profited by the growing demand for the 
 sweet wines of the Mediterranean. Under Henry VII., the 
 wine trade was not worth more than ;!^2,ooo a year to the 
 Crown ; under Elizabeth, at least £6,qoo, and as much again 
 to her favoured agents. It cannot indeed be said that the 
 Crown gave open encouragement to the retail sale of liquor ; 
 on the contrary, the general tone of its proclamations tended 
 to the suppression of superfluous taverns, while local option 
 was anticipated by carefully limiting their number by statute.
 
 The Host. 'J J 
 
 But, unfortunately, what the Crown did with one hand, 
 it undid as rapidly with the other. Neither central nor 
 local government could endure that prices should be left 
 to the adjustment of demand and supply, and thus, as in 
 the case of all similar interventions, the legislators defeated 
 their own object. When the sale of drink was unrestricted, 
 the demand exceeded the always uncertain supply, and 
 prices rose, prohibiting excessive indulgence ; but when the 
 demand was arbitrarily checked, prices fell of necessity, and 
 the worst class of consumers found the means of gratifying 
 their appetites. The history of Sir Walter Raleigh's wine 
 licenses is a good instance. In his tripartite indenture, 
 with power to license any taverns anywhere above those 
 determined by Act of Parliament, to a convenient number, 
 he grants to A. B., of , to keep one tavern or wine- 
 cellar there, or to sell in his own house, or anywhere in the 
 said town, etc., wholesome wine at his own price, any law, 
 statute, etc., notwithstanding. Provided always that French 
 wines such as Gascon, Guyon, etc., which may be bought for 
 £ii 2i tun, or less, shall not be sold above i^ 4*^ per gallon ; 
 and sweet wines, such as sacks, malmseys, etc., bought at £^ 
 a butt, not to be retailed at more than 2^ per gallon. Mus- 
 catel only to be sold "at his or their moste profite and 
 commoditie," any statute, etc., notwithstanding. Practically, 
 however, this bonus on the sweet and heady wines of Spain, 
 Italy, and Greece, together with extraneous causes, sent up 
 the price of the lighter French wines. When Wild Darrell 
 sent out for a quart of claret from the Bell, 6d. was the 
 lowest price ever charged for it. The enforced demand for 
 the former class of vintage also was the cause of its adultera- 
 tion. Spanish wines, we learn, were "doctored" in Holland, 
 as they may be to this day at Bordeaux. Thus a corre- 
 spondent of John Johnson, the Staple merchant, waiting at the 
 beginning of this reign, commissions him to send over " xv 
 or XX buttes of sackes yf you may have them that drinke not 
 of the Romanye, and that Li not brued in Zeland syns ther 
 comyng over, at v li x^ or so." 
 
 It is, indeed, very easy to trace the political leaning which
 
 7$ Elizabethan Society. 
 
 influenced the commercial transactions of this country with 
 regard to wine, as well as other commodities. When Henry 
 VIII. invaded France, his army was primed with the vintages 
 of his Spanish allies. No trade was more lucrative than that 
 of a Spanish merchant who imported sacks and canarys. 
 We even find Elizabeth's agents in the States puffing the 
 Protestant " Rennish " and also the Spanish sacks, " brued in 
 Zeland since their coming over," at the expense of the wines 
 of France, to whose use they attribute a variety of maladies 
 which their own forefathers certainly never experienced. But 
 then the times had altered ; the vintage that had cooled the 
 heat of the real conquerors of France was not priming strong 
 enough for their descendants, who sat as the models of Bar- 
 dolph and Pistol ; and the flagon emptied at Chaucer's 
 Tabard, appeared but " thin potations " to Mistress Ouickly's 
 guests in Eastcheap. In truth, their canarys was " a mar- 
 vellous searching wine," but its effects were scarcely credit- 
 able either to the Government or the nation. 
 
 In one aspect, as we hinted before, the tavern served a 
 useful purpose. Just as the sanctuary made an admirable 
 penitentiary, and the monastic hospitium anticipated the 
 necessity for a poor-house, so the ancient ale-house, while it 
 pandered to one vice of society, at least covered its naked 
 hideousness. It is a remarkable fact, that though a tavern 
 brawl had rarely a fatal ending, yet when bloodshed did 
 happen, when a wretch broke his fellow's skull with a pewter 
 pot or brass candlestick, he seldom escaped the full penalty 
 of his crime. 
 
 It would probably be impossible now to form a right esti- 
 mate of the number of inns, taverns, ale-houses, or cook-shops 
 in proportion to the requirements of the population. In an 
 earlier age, they were certainly not in excess of the wants of 
 the traveller or consumer ; but the sudden change in the social 
 life of the nation, from the pursuits of agriculture, that is, to 
 the manufacture of the wool which was formerly imported 
 raw, and ihe disappearance of the religious hospice, may have 
 had a greater effect than we know of. Even such a tem- 
 porary influence as the licensing of extra taverns by patentees
 
 The Host, 79 
 
 of the Crown such as Sir Walter Raleigh must have swelled 
 the aggregate enormously. We have some hundreds of 
 Raleigh's licenses, and far more than that number were pro- 
 bably issued, giving a steady annual increase from this one 
 source alone. Contemporary literature and topography, so 
 far at least as they can be trusted, entirely support this 
 hypothesis. The ale-house and its congeners were indeed 
 singularly amenable to the central or local authority. If a 
 man was " wanted," the innkeepers could be made to furnish 
 a description of all suspicious guests. This latter expe- 
 dient, of course, was chiefly resorted to for State motives, to 
 discover the lurking-place of some rash Spanish or Italian 
 immigrant, " suspected to be an horrible Papist." • For or- 
 dinary purposes, it was thought enough to regulate the 
 number of licensed houses and insure the observance of due 
 sobriety. Mine host might not get drunk himself, nor allow 
 any of his guests to assume that abnormal condition ; to 
 facilitate which no " tippling " was permitted except during 
 the recognised dinner-hour. Offences against these provi- 
 sions were punishable by fine and imprisonment in the stocks. 
 Moreover, every innkeeper was ordered to place in his rooms 
 a breviat for the information of his guests in the matter of 
 the better observation of fish-days. " What's a joint of 
 mutton or two in a whole Lent .'' " Mistress Quickly com- 
 plained. The non-observance of these fast-days, however, 
 was no slight matter. Not only did the fisheries suffer in 
 consequence, but the benefits of an occasional variation of 
 the interminable diet of salt-beef and bad beer must have 
 been incalculable. The obligations of the Crown towards 
 one class of its subjects may not have been economically 
 imperative, but a patriarchal Government was bound to con- 
 sult the welfare of each. Yet the fishery question mattered 
 little by the side of that of the sanitary condition of a people 
 who, already decimated by the foulest of diseases, continued 
 blindly to derive their chief subsistence from flesh v/hich did 
 not satisfactorily assimilate salt, less wise herein than their 
 fathers. The people themselves were chiefly entrusted, as 
 usual, with the execution of this edict. In every ward of
 
 8o Elizabetkan Society. 
 
 London, for example, a jury was sworn, and charged by the 
 alderman, for the true inquisition of killing, selling, dressing, 
 or eating of flesh this present Lent, contrary to the laws 
 and statutes of this realm and Her Majesty's proclamation 
 and express commandment. In accordance with this they 
 make diligent search, divers and sundry times, in all Inns, 
 Tabling-houses, Taverns, Cook-houses, and Victualling-houses, 
 within their ward. After such diligent search they either 
 resolve that they have not hitherto found any to offend 
 against these laws, or they present the names of others who 
 have so offended to the ofificer. 
 
 The Innkeeper, however, paid somewhat dearly for this 
 recognition of his social importance. Whenever funds were 
 urgently needed for some work of national importance, 
 besides contributions from the clergy, impositions on ship- 
 ping, licenses for exporting grain, benevolences, loans from 
 city companies, and other noted expedients, a license re- 
 imposed on every tavern or ale-house was sure to be resorted 
 to. Thus, on the occasion of the projected repair of Dover 
 harbour, a work of the first importance and magnitude, when 
 the Government was at its wits' end for money, it acted 
 on a former suggestion of the disinterested citizens of the 
 port in question, and levied a rate upon the licenses of all 
 the ale-houses throughout the kingdom. This was in 1 577. In 
 July 20th of that year the order was made by the Council 
 for the return of an exact account of the number of inns, ale- 
 houses, and taverns throughout England, with a view to levy- 
 ing a tax on them towards the cost of repairing Dover 
 harbour. This tax was rated at 2s. 6d. for every new license 
 granted to such houses of entertainment. It is needless to 
 add that all existing licenses were declared void at a few 
 months' notice. An exaction of this kind was not only profit- 
 able at the time, but was also useful as a precedent for future 
 emergencies. Thus, a few years later, we find the citizens 
 of Canterbury petitioning for a grant out of impositions on 
 ale-houses towards the improvement of their commerce. 
 
 The returns made in obedience to the above order are 
 very instructive. In the large and populous county of
 
 The Host, 81 
 
 Norfolk, for instance, containing the third city of the king- 
 dom, there were 480 houses. In an unevenly populated 
 county such as Stafford, 105. In a thinly populated and 
 barren district like the Scotch borders, the east and middle 
 marches, there were as many as 238. In Middlesex itself 
 there were actually "^T^', namely, 132 inns, 24 taverns, and 
 720 ale-houses. It was the latter, the "tippling houses" of 
 the time, that gave most offence to the sober. The inn or 
 tavern, where it was not used merely as a wine-cellar, was the 
 genuine descendant of the old hospice. 
 
 The Tabard, Tabred, or Talbot, even, as it was sometimes 
 called, was one of the ancient hostelries which flanked the 
 great southern road where it widened up to the foot of 
 London Bridge. This was the house that received, and 
 actually accommodated, Chaucer's Canterbury pilgrims and 
 many another company bound on the same pious mission, 
 though none, we may well believe their host, " so mery." 
 The arrangements of this inn about the middle of Elizabeth's 
 reign would be much the same as those of any other hostel 
 on the same scale. On the ground floor, looking on to the 
 street, was a room called " the darke parlor ; " a hall, and 
 a general reception room, called " the parlor." This was pro- 
 bably the dining-room of the house, as it opened on to the 
 kitchen on the same level. Below the dark parlour was a 
 cellar. On the first floor above the parlour and the hall were 
 three rooms, " the middle chamber," " the corner chamber," 
 and " Maister Hussyes chamber," with garrets or " cook- 
 lofts " over them. Above the great parlour was another room. 
 There were also rooms called " the Entry chamber," and " the 
 Newe chamber," " the Flower de Luce," and " Mr. Russell's 
 chamber," the position of which is not specified. A ware- 
 house, presumably under a separate roof, a coal-hole, and an 
 oven-house, a double stable with an oat-loft over it, and a 
 similar stable with a hay-loft over it. 
 
 The host of such an inn as the Tabard, with his family and 
 guests, was not very sumptuously accommodated in the matter 
 of furniture. But then the requirements of the establishment 
 were easily satisfied. There would be a large assortment of 
 
 G
 
 82 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 brass and copper kettles, pans, pots, and basins. Brass or 
 latten candlesticks, chafing-dish, and mortar. Also tongs, 
 pot-hooks, and irons ; gridiron, frying-pan, dripping-pan, and 
 steamer. In the still more important pantry department we 
 should find a plentiful gradation of pewter pots, from the 
 pottle down to the gill ; glasses, stone galley-pots, and 
 trenchers. The provision of linen, however, would be lavish 
 even according to modern ideas. In a contemporary house 
 we find thirteen pair of sheets ; 15 tablecloths of damask and 
 diapers ; 3 cupboard cloths ; 5 dozen and 2 table napkins ; 
 6 dozen napkins of damask, diaper, holland, cut-work, and 
 lead-work; 22 hand-towels; 11 towels of the same quality 
 as the napkins ; and 7 pillow-cases. With regard to sleeping 
 accommodation, there were joined bedsteads, with feather, 
 flock, standing, or settle beds ; bolsters, pillows, blankets, and 
 coverlets. The remaining furniture included cupboards, side- 
 boards, chests, tables, chairs, stools, and forms. Often, too, 
 there were a io^si pictures and the universal hangings. 
 
 The host himself was no longer the host of Chaucer, the 
 portly and flourishing vintner, the fairest burgess in Chepe. 
 The number of members had far outgrown the limits of that 
 company, and many carried on the trade who were wholly 
 unconnected with the guild. Thus in the year 1584 the 
 freehold of the Tabard was in the hands of Robert Mabbe, 
 citizen and goldbeater of London, who also owned a garden 
 and a messuage " adjacent to the backsyde thereof," called the 
 "Abbot's Lodging." This property had descended to him 
 from his father, John Mabbe, who had at one time encum- 
 bered it ; and in the same manner the son pledged it as part 
 security for ;^iooo which he owed to a gentleman with the 
 attractive name of Aphabelle [Affable] Partridge. Nearly 
 twenty years later an execution for this debt was levied under 
 a writ of Elegit on the Tabard, which thus passed from 
 its old owners. The circumstance is of interest because a 
 modern Shakesperian scholar, Mr. W. Rendle, the well-known 
 historian of Southwark, has evolved from this story a charm- 
 ing souvenir of the Elizabethan drama, in which the buxom 
 hostess of the Tabard, as the wife of John Mabbe, suggests
 
 The Host 8 
 
 o 
 
 to the divine bard of Stratford and Southvvark a delicate fairy 
 image, higiit " Queen Mab," as a feature of a forthcoming 
 play. But this is admittedly a "phantasy," and "Mab," 
 " Puck," with all the rest, have been Keltic folk-lore for a 
 thousand years. 
 
 We find by the returns from the shires in 1577, that the 
 average ale-house keeper formed one of the poorest and most 
 squalid classes of the community. This was especially true 
 of the country sort, as indeed it may be held to be in the 
 present day. In London, perhaps, the taverner was rather 
 objectionable in another aspect. Here the host himself, unless 
 actually a professed vintner or cook, was nominally a member 
 of some other trade guild — a cloth-worker or the like — and 
 left the supervision of the inn business to his good wife. A host 
 of this kind, a sleeping partner in the trade, might too often be 
 ranked as either a parasite or an usurer. He used his sociable 
 position to entrap unwary spendthrifts with expectations. 
 He lodged them or boarded them ; he advanced them money 
 for their dissipations ; he even interested himself in their 
 affairs, and transacted their legal business, or overlooked 
 their property. All this he would patiently perform on the 
 strength merely of a certain security. But when the proper 
 moment arrived, when the heir came to his own, or the bond 
 could be renewed no more with safety, then the rash youth 
 had reason to repent of his confidence. Cases of this kind were 
 very common. Sometimes it was the gentleman's gentleman 
 or courtier's page who had run up a bill at the Rose and 
 Crown while his lord was following the Court, and whose 
 clothes and trinkets were seized and sold at the valuation of 
 his landlord's gossip, to satisfy the debt. Then there were 
 such cases as the following. 
 
 The owner of the " Castell " inn, without Smithfield Bars, 
 held an advantageous lease of some grounds adjacent, called 
 the " Fernefield," from a certain gentleman of position, 
 Thomas Chichely, Esq. The latter, who was advanced in 
 years, was a frequent visitor at his tenant's establishment, 
 where he spent most of his latter days, and where he re- 
 ceived every care and attention His host lent him money
 
 84 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 when he required it, and his hostess made him savour)? 
 meat at the cost of an enormous outlay in spices, and ordered 
 in for him runlets of " Rennish " wine, " and besides did 
 serve his torne and occupye and dispose herself at his pleasure." 
 Master Chichely, however, had not, like Falstafif, " practised 
 upon the easy-yielding spirit of this woman, and made her 
 serve his uses both in purse and in person." The pair after- 
 wards admitted that they had thus humoured the old gentle- 
 man with a view to the renewal of their lease. Moreover, 
 the property itself was a security, the reversion of which they 
 already counted on. Thus matters continued till Thomas 
 Chichely died. Thereupon the same specious attentions were 
 lavished afresh upon his heir. The latter received money to 
 help him bury his father. More money was lent to his wife, 
 who accompanied him to London. The young couple, with 
 their servants and horses, were lodged and entertained. The 
 old family house in St. John's Lane was put in a state of repair ; 
 the roof new-guttered, and the outbuildings re-tiled. An 
 immense stock of wood and coal was laid in, and everything 
 made comfortable, at the expense of the landlord of the 
 Castle. ]\Iore than this, all the legal and personal expenses 
 connected with the administration of the deceased squire's 
 estate were defrayed by his host; and when the latter was 
 disabled by illness, he paid a deputy, " who travailed at his 
 affairs in my stead, being then visited w'. sickness." At last, 
 when the heir had settled down into the enjoyment of his 
 property, his obliging entertainer presented an account for all 
 the disbursements made on his own or his father's behalf. It 
 is sad to relate, however, that the younger Chichely found 
 this reckoning so little to his taste that he called his host 
 an usurer, and flatly refused to pay. We do not know the 
 result of the contest ; but at least we may be sure that mine 
 host had made good his security, and probably the coveted 
 " Fernefield " was annexed to the freehold of that hospitable 
 establishment, the Castle inn, without Smithfield Bars. 
 
 Cases of this kind were not confined to London only. The 
 shires, which had their village usurers, had also their village 
 pandars, though the means of evil were not here so ready to
 
 The Host. 85 
 
 their hands. The following case is nearly a repetition of the 
 one last mentioned. A young profligate was maintained by a 
 Chester tavern-holder, and all his wants and extravagances 
 freely catered for on the understanding of a liberal settlement 
 " when he came to his living." The guest lodged with a 
 mercer, but " tabled," with his wife and servants, at the inn. 
 This mattered little, however, for the host had to find the 
 money for his lodgings, as well as for the bill he inevitably 
 ran up for silks and finery from the worthy mercer's shop. 
 This continued for two years, in which time the young gentle- 
 man spent rather more on his own " table " than his wife and 
 the servants together. Besides this, their host paid for a grey 
 gelding, and the keep and shoeing of this and another horse. 
 Then there was money lent the heir at divers times, notably 
 when he came to Chester Assizes with the squire, his father. 
 At this time he was cast in an action, and the host had to 
 pay the sheriff's costs and the lawyer's fees. Again more 
 money was forthcoming "when he came to Wryme Hill cock 
 fyght w^. his father ; " and more still in order that he might 
 go " to the boules to my coz. Manering." Another important 
 item was ale, both " when he entertained his father and a 
 company," and " at other times." There were also several 
 payments " for a servant to ride into Leycestershire," the 
 object of which seems to have been merely to order and bring 
 home something special in the way of " w^hite hose lined w'. 
 sarsenett." Before, however, the heir came to his living, such 
 as his father, whose example he seems only to have emulated, 
 would have left it to him, matters came to an issue between 
 the host and himself. This circumstance was perhaps unfor- 
 tunate for the former, though no doubt at the worst he 
 recovered his outlay. 
 
 From the above account of Elizabethan inns we may not 
 be able to gather much that can be counted in their favour ; 
 yet once more we should not forget that they were but an 
 expedient of the times. The social habits of the people had 
 been suddenly and violently changed ; and, as a natural 
 result, they became restless, lawless, and thriftless. Their 
 brains were turned by the religious excitement and political
 
 86 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 activity amidst which they hved, followed surely by a terrible 
 reaction. This is why the voice of the nation tolerated 
 taverns, for the same reason that the Chinese tolerate opium 
 dens, and Shakespeare wrote, " Measure for Measure." This 
 also may be why we who are too far advanced to tolerate 
 anything, look back with cunous eyes on those venerable 
 institutions whose like can hardly now be endured among us. 
 But then they are not old.
 
 PART III. 
 
 AT THE COURT,
 
 Henrv VII. 
 
 t F> om a n htitia I l.ttttr iti an InrolUd Accotmt) 
 
 Margaret, Countess of Richmond. 
 
 (Frotn a Contemporary Initial Letter J 
 
 Henry VIII. 
 
 fFrom a Design/or Original Letters Patent in the 20th year, supposed to be by Holbein.) 
 
 o '.'^\iJ 
 
 '^^-1^/ 
 
 James VI. 
 (From a Contemporary Drawing in the State-Paper Offict.) 
 
 Plate IV 
 
 tp 88-g. 
 
 A TUDOR FAMILY GROUP.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE COURTIER. 
 
 Our ideal of a courtier in any, but especially in an Eliza- 
 bethan age, is, in truth, a somewhat impossible one. To 
 readers of memoirs and dispatches (and even of modern 
 periodicals) the statesman is no mere creature of flesh and 
 blood, with worldly cares and social aspirations. His aims 
 may be visionary, and his genius misdirected, but his ambi- 
 tion is never sordid or his actions commonplace in the eyes 
 of his fellow-subjects. He is successful and great, or he is 
 great and unfortunate ; but as a man amongst men, as one 
 who must in all events live himself and raise the worldly 
 fortunes of his house to the level of his own temporal position, 
 as such, we have in all times steadfastly refused to regard 
 him. 
 
 The result has been that our courtier has ceased to belong 
 to himself or to his own ; that his congenital identity is com- 
 pletely effaced, and that his character is only good or bad as 
 it regards his sovereign and his country. The view of a 
 statesman who should neglect his family, oppress his tenants, 
 or plunder his neighbours, is too remote to be entertained. 
 He stands or falls with the result of the statecraft of his party 
 — his country's relations with foreign powers, or its own 
 material prosperity. It would be impossible for any serious 
 historian to depart from this treatment of his subject. A 
 writer who should deliberately represent Leicester as a veri- 
 table Bluebeard, or Cromwell as a grotesque hypocrite in the 
 bosom of his family, would be scouted for a pitiful libeller 
 of the eccentricities of greatness. Such imputations are the 
 legitimate expedients of party warfare, and to this region of 
 literature we say that they should be relegated. 
 
 8g
 
 90 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 None the less, it is undoubtedly of interest to review, after 
 the decent interval of three centuries, any stray facts con- 
 nected with the personal history of a public character when- 
 ever the rare chance presents itself of deriving these from 
 original and authentic sources of information. Otherwise we 
 may paint our hero pretty well any colour we please out of 
 the liberal assortment of ingredients prepared for our use by 
 the professional diarist of successive periods of society. The 
 wisest and the surest method, however, is to treat the person 
 in question as only a representative Englishman of his times, 
 to watch him marry and give in marriage, buy and sell, and 
 (literally) eat and drink with other men ; for to trace the 
 family connections and social position of any individual in 
 the past is the only satisfactory means of ascertaining his 
 actual relations with the age in which he lived. 
 
 There is also another class of courtier, the suitor or depen- 
 dant, the protege or hanger-on of greatness. This is the 
 species which has furnished the types best known to us, all 
 of a more or less degraded character, as though they were 
 designed as foils to their betters. But both classes will come 
 under our notice here in their proper places. 
 
 Sir Francis Walsingham, Elizabeth's Secretary of State, 
 married early, in the reign of that Queen, Ursula, widow 
 of Sir Robert Worsley. By that lady he had a daughter, 
 Frances, as good a match as any at the English Court. Of 
 about the same age with her was Penelope Devereux, 
 daughter of Walter, the poor Earl of Essex. The latter of 
 these maidens married wealth and ugliness in the person of 
 Lord Rich. The former, two years later, was wedded to 
 the poorest and most accomplished gentleman of the age. Sir 
 Philip Sidney. Neither, however, married for love, a motive 
 indeed which was then rarely considered at all in regard to 
 such alliances. The young Sidney was once looked upon as 
 a possible suitor for the hand of Mistress Penelope. There 
 can be little doubt that he entertained a real passion for her. 
 But both were poor, so the lady was contracted by her guar- 
 dian (sold, the sentimentalists say) to a wealthy baron, while 
 the son of the ruined Lord Deputy of Ireland married the
 
 The Cotirtier, 91 
 
 great heiress, Frances Walsingham. The famous sonnets upon 
 Astrophel and Stella were written, we are often reminded, on 
 the eve of the poet's marriage with the fair lady of his choice, 
 and therefore could but have been an exercise in those 
 Platonic doctrines held in such favour by his royal and 
 learned mistress. These apologists, however, have forgotten 
 another circumstance of the case. Sidney had a rival for 
 Frances Walsingham's hand in a youth named Wickerson. 
 This young gentleman was heavily punished for his ambitious 
 love by a sojourn in the Marshalsea, where he addressed a 
 most touching appeal to his mistress's father. This was 
 February, 1583 ; in March, Frances Walsingham was married 
 to Philip Sidney. The lover of Penelope Rich certainly did 
 not find his " heart's desires " in wedlock. He chose to find 
 his high ideal of a woman in his married sister Mary, Countess 
 of Pembroke, and gave his romantic imagination free scope 
 in writing her "Arcadia." When he had been two years 
 married, and just before he became a father, he was burning 
 to visit the ends of the earth with Drake. Then he passed 
 over to the Continent, and perished, the high-souled victim 
 of his own rash enterprise — Argalus, but without a Parthenia. 
 Dame Frances Sidney, strangely enough, married again, 
 Robert, second Earl of Essex, the brother in arms and 
 affection of her late husband. Their son Robert was the 
 famous general of the Parliament, first husband of the aris- 
 tocratic adulteress and murderess, Frances Howard. Less 
 particular in his second choice, the Lord-General married 
 an illegitimate grand-daughter of the Paulets, whose family 
 estates he had assisted in confiscating. There was another 
 curious tie between the families of Sidney and Devereux. 
 Essex had married the daughter-in-law of Sir Henry Sidney. 
 His father's widow married that knight's brother-in-law, 
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, This was Lettice, daughter of Sir 
 Frances Knolles, and she has been even suspected of poison- 
 ing one husband to marry another. Her first husband Wal- 
 ter Devereux, who revived the honours of the Bourchiers, 
 was a good soldier but an unsuccessful courtier. Essex's 
 embarrassments must at one time have been consider-
 
 92 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 able, which his literary attainments probably at no time 
 were ; both of which facts may be gathered from a letter 
 printed in the Appendix to this chapter. 
 
 This nobleman's daughter, Penelope, who had married 
 Sidney's " Rich " rival, agreed worse with her lord than her 
 lover did with his wife. She had a liaison with Sir Chris- 
 topher Blount, which the sentimentalists have agreed to 
 palliate by the excuse of a real passion, though if the amours 
 of a married heroine are equally to be excused on the grounds 
 of their being at one time Platonic, and at another delight- 
 fully romantic, it is difficult to see what room remains for 
 guilt. These relations, however, according to the above, led 
 to a happy marriage between the divorcee and her lover, 
 created (by them) Lord Mountjoy in 160O; Unfortunately, 
 however, the heralds give us another version of the story, in 
 which the lady, after bearing several illegitimate children to 
 Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, marries that nobleman, then 
 created Earl of Devon, in or about the year 1605. If, there- 
 fore, this second marriage actually took place, the first could 
 scarcely have been an edifying one. More curious still is the 
 fact that Sir Christopher, the Arcadian lover of the neglected 
 Penelope, had himself espoused the somewhat disreputable 
 relict of the two Earls of Essex and Leicester. We find Sir 
 Christopher Blount and Dame Lettice, his wife, widow of 
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, engaged in a Chancery suit by bill 
 of revivor with Thomas Dudley and others to recover the 
 capital messuage called Leycester House, with tenement, shops, 
 and houses appertaining thereto, situate in the parish of St. 
 Clement without Temple Bar, formerly the estate of the co- 
 petitioner's late husband. Thus it would appear that the 
 relations between the parties were, according to one version, 
 somewhat mixed. But if the sentimentalists are sincerely 
 convinced that their heroine married her mother's widower 
 (the seducer of his own wife's daughter), they are heartily 
 welcome to their belief 
 
 Sir Henry Sidney married, as his third wife, Mary Dudley, 
 daughter of John, Duke of Northumberland, and sister of the
 
 The Courtier. 93 
 
 future Earl of Leicester. The latter, while still Lord Robert 
 Dudley, with the usual fate of an adventurer, was concerned 
 in a good many discreditable transactions, driven thereto by 
 poverty and ambition. A certain John Littleton (afterwards 
 Sir John, the head of an old Worcester family) happening 
 according to his own account, to be in the city, and being 
 there credibly informed that Lord Robert Dudley intended 
 to sell the site and lands of " his late dissolvent monastery " 
 in payment, as the rumour had it, of his large debts, and 
 going to the court of St. James, met there Lord Robert, and 
 questioned him concerning the truth of the report. There- 
 upon Lord Robert replied that he was " mynded and no lesse 
 than enforced to do so " ; and, indeed, had already ordered 
 the sale. Then John Littleton, being a poor kinsman of his 
 lordship, of his great love and affection for him, begged that 
 he would keep the lands and permit him to advance 200 
 marks for "a year, two, three, or longer, as he myght con- 
 venyently repaye the same " ; and he had little doubt that 
 other devoted friends would do the like, and so subscribe 
 the amount of his debts ; or, in plain words, offered him a 
 mortgage upon the property in question. For this generous 
 offer Lord Robert gave him great thanks, but "his debtes 
 be so grete" that he must sell the whole property without 
 reserve ; and so parted from him. After whose departure, 
 Littleton stood musing long how foolish it was in Lord 
 Robert to reject his offer ; that, too, the monastery in ques- 
 tion was in his own parish, and curiously enough adjoining 
 his own premises, so that it was "very necessary to his 
 housekeepyng, and like to be very noisome if any stranger 
 sh*^ obtayne it." In fine, he sent immediate word to Dudley 
 to crave preferment of purchase if the place must be sold. 
 The result was that two retainers, George Tuckey and 
 another, came down to his house at Frankley, in Worcester- 
 shire, to conclude the purchase. But when he learnt that 
 part of the property was already engaged to be sold or 
 leased in small parcels, this kind-hearted kinsman became 
 " discouraged " in his purpose ; but at length he contrived 
 to secure what he was led to believe was the whole estate,
 
 94 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 and also a great bargain. Eventually, however, he discovered 
 that. a most essential parcel of the property, amounting to a 
 yearly rent-charge of £26 6s. Sd, had already been settled on 
 Dame Anne Dudley, Lord Robert's wife, and that he had 
 in reality concluded a most disadvantageous bargain, having 
 been fairly outwitted by the courtier. The Dame Anne 
 Dudley, here mentioned in a contemporary record, was 
 Leicester's first wife, the unfortunate Amy Robsart, as she 
 is commonly called. It may be noticed, in passing, that the 
 name Amy — presuming that it occurs in contemporary manu- 
 scripts of authority — is an extremely rare one. It is obvious 
 how easily the name Aime might be read for Anne ; and 
 though, of course, there must be colour for the existing 
 spelling, it is undeniable that the lady in question was styled 
 Dame Anne Dudley in a strictly contemporary document. 
 
 After the Earl of Leicester's death, Sir John Littleton and 
 George Tuckey before mentioned contrived to get hold of 
 these jointure lands, which had been demised by the earl to 
 Arthur Robserte, probably a relative of his injured wife. 
 
 Leicester himself divorced his second wife, Douglas Howard, 
 to marry Dame Lettice Devereux, and bastardized his only 
 son Robert, an accomplished gentleman, whose treatment at 
 the hands of the Crown forms one of the greatest scandals 
 of the Court of James I. Sir Henry Sidney's daughter by 
 Leicester's sister became the third wife of Henry, second Earl 
 of Pembroke. William, the first earl, had married Anne, 
 sister of Catherine Parr, and that queen dowager married 
 Lord Thomas Seymour, brother of the Duke of Somerset. 
 Again, the Protector's daughter married John Dudley, after- 
 wards Duke of Northumberland. Pembroke's father-in-law. 
 Sir Henry Sidney, was, we have seen, himself the son-in-law 
 of Northumberland. In addition to this involved relation- 
 ship, there was also a secondary one. Pembroke's first 
 wife was Catherine, daughter of Henry Grey and Frances 
 Brandon, daughter of Mary Tudor. Somerset's son, Edward, 
 married the unhappy Catherine Grey, and their younger son, 
 William Seymour, married Frances Devereux, the sister of 
 Essex. Catherine Parr was Pembroke's aunt and Somerset's
 
 The Courtier. 95 
 
 sister-in-law, whilst the previous queen had been the latter's 
 own sister. The indirect connection of all the families that 
 have been alluded to here with the royal line is very strik- 
 ing, especially when we remember that in Lettice KnoUes 
 Devereux and Dudley married the nearest of kin to a queen 
 who, perhaps, so nearly joined her blood still more directly 
 with their own. 
 
 Sir Francis Knolles had married the niece of Anne Boleyn, 
 Elizabeth's mother. His heir, William (created Earl of Ban- 
 bury), married, as a second wife, Elizabeth Howard, who 
 brought forward a quasi-posthumous heir to the honours of 
 Banbury, of dubious paternity though undoubted legiti- 
 macy. Lettice Knolles, the daughter of Sir Francis, was 
 the grandmother of Robert, second Earl of Essex, who mar- 
 ried Lady Francis Howard, sister of his great-aunt. His own 
 aunt, Penelope Rich, was mother of the illegitimate Mountjoy 
 Blount, whose daughter married, in the next generation, the 
 questionable issue of Lettice's brother by her grandson's 
 wife's sister. Thus, through Lettice Knolles alone, half of 
 the illustrious courtiers of the day — Leicester, Essex, Blount, 
 Walsingham, Sidney, Mountjoy — were related to Elizabeth 
 consanguineously. 
 
 It is not, therefore, to be wondered, seeing that the political 
 significance of these alliances is so obvious, that they should 
 appear in most cases unnatural, or at least devoid of healthy 
 sentiment. 
 
 Sir Francis Walsingham, on the ist July, 1565, covenanted 
 with John Worsley that in consideration of his marriage with 
 Ursula, widow of his brother, Robert Worsley, he would 
 settle lands, to the yearly value of 100 marks, upon the lady, 
 which he did to the entire satisfaction of herself and her 
 friends. Nevertheless, on the occasion of certain family dif- 
 ferences, a Chancery suit was resorted to (1576), in order to 
 establish the equity of the transaction. In 1 592, Dame Ursula 
 Walsingham instituted a Chancery suit to be protected in 
 possession of lands in Chilton Foliat, Wilts, late the estate of 
 William Darrell, Esquire, but purchased from him by her late 
 husband, Sir Francis Walsingham, who settled the same
 
 96 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 upon herself. It is herein stated that Dame Ursula was the 
 widow of Sir Thomas Walsingham, her brother-in-law. 
 
 The William Darrell mentioned here was the lineal de- 
 scendant of Sir George Darrell, whose daughter Elizabeth 
 married Sir John Seymour, and became the grandmother of 
 Jane Seymour, the wife of Henry VIII. William Darrell 
 and Edward VI. were first cousins three times removed, and 
 thus the former shared intimately in the royal connection of 
 the Seymours, Pembrokes, and their allies in blood. Be- 
 sides the above ramifications, there was another common tie 
 between these families. Andrew Rogers, son of Sir Richard 
 Rogers, of Bryanstone, Dorset, married Mary Seymour, 
 daughter of the Protector and sister of Anne, the wife of 
 Northumberland's son, John Dudley. Edward, Lord Beau- 
 champ, son of the Earl of Hertford and Catherine Grey, 
 married Honora, Sir Richard's daughter, and his brother, 
 William Seymour, married Frances Devereux, Penelope's 
 elder sister. Now John Rogers, a younger brother of Sir 
 Richard, was the second husband of William Darrell's 
 mother ; so that, apart from his other influential connec- 
 tions, it would have been difficult to have found an Eliza- 
 bethan gentleman as "greatly kinned " as the last Lord of 
 Littlecote— a scholar, soldier, and lover worthy of the great 
 age in which he lived ; and last of all, against his own will, 
 a courtier also. 
 
 " Wild " Darrell, a proud, reserved, and scrupulous man, 
 was at bitter feud with all his great neighbours and most of 
 his own kindred. He had wearied many with scholarly con- 
 ceits and legal niceties ; he had exchanged words with one 
 and blows with another, and had spoken hard truths of all. 
 He had courted the neglected wife of an old ally with a 
 chivalrous devotion which won her heart, and had atoned for 
 a guilty passion towards her by bowing his haughty spirit to 
 endure for her sake imprisonment and contumely, worse to 
 him than death. At length, however, his affairs had come 
 to such a pass that he was driven to seek protection at the 
 Court. Here Darrell met with the welcome ever accorded to 
 a wealthy suitor. He was indeed reduced to great straits
 
 The Courtier. 97 
 
 for ready money, but still was he the lord of thousands of 
 broad acres upon the famous downlands of three fertile 
 southern counties. He had no heir of his body, nor any 
 prospect of leaving such a one behind him, for the one woman 
 to whom he stood pledged by a solemn vow was wedded to 
 a younger life than his. Moreover, those versed in the 
 scandals of the times knew that more than doubt attached 
 to the legitimacy of his younger brother and presumptive 
 heir, Darrell therefore wrote his mind to two men of leading 
 at the Court, both distantly connected with his own family. 
 To one he would assure a manor "standing in as good sort 
 in every condition " as any in the land, the clear rental of 
 which alone amounted to ;i^300 by the year of the money of 
 that time. To the other he made an offer, slighter in name, 
 but sufficient to arouse the interest of an Elizabethan courtier. 
 The first of these tenders was made to his kinsman, Sir 
 Thomas Bromley, the Lord Chancellor, and was repeated, 
 upon his death soon afterwards, to another relative. Sir John 
 Popham, the Attorney General, who had already rendered 
 him great services in his hopeless maze of litigation. The 
 second was made to Sir Francis Walsingham. 
 
 This resolution once taken, and the sacrifice made, the 
 effect upon the immediate fortunes of the petitioner was elec- 
 trical. The greatest lawyers of the day busied themselves 
 with his affairs, pushed his matters through, and curbed his 
 impatient rashness with calm and often stern advice. The 
 Secretary of State, at the same time, hastened to extend to 
 " his very loving friend " the benefit of his immediate protec- 
 tion. He spoke fair words to the rancorous enemies of his 
 pi'otege, chief amongst whom was Pembroke, but gave them 
 plainly to understand that they must relinquish their pursuit, 
 and stayed all extreme proceedings on either side in the 
 guise of a mediator between the parties. With regard to the 
 considerations in return for which they had achieved these 
 desirable results, both of Darrell's patrons were consistent in 
 their behaviour. They congratulated themselves freely upon 
 their good fortune, and wished that none worse might befall 
 them, without daring to expect the event ; and they gently 
 
 H
 
 98 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 deprecated their client's generosity. For Elizabethan states- 
 men could preserve their outward dignity, at least, under 
 circumstances the most trying to their moral welfare. 
 
 Almost immediately, however, a great opportunity offered 
 itself for removing Darrell from the dangerous surroundings 
 of his own country. The Armada threatened England, and 
 men and horses were pressed into her defence from every 
 shire. Darrell, who was diligently fed with rumours and 
 details, caught the martial fever of the hour, and made gallant 
 offers of personal assistance, beyond his own liabilities, to his 
 new friend the secretary. His zeal was represented favourably 
 to the Queen, and was rewarded with an invitation to present 
 himself in defence of Her Majesty's person, in immediate 
 attendance upon his patron. The latter also, careful of his 
 future interests, required the officers of the Crown for Darrell's 
 own district to dispense with the levies required of that 
 gentleman in consideration of his present services ; for the 
 Lord of Littlecote had agreed to undertake the equipment of 
 the cornet of horse which Walsingham had thought it incum- 
 bent on himself to furnish towards the national defence. 
 
 Thus it was that Wild Darrell became a courtier. When 
 the excitement of the Armada had died away, he found 
 enough to occupy him in London, where henceforward he 
 spent the best part of his time. With something like a dozen 
 different lawsuits on hand, a divorce case, actions for dam- 
 ages, for trespass, or Chancery suits with his tenants, he was 
 constantly closeted with Mr. Attorney, Mr. Secretary, or his 
 ordinary legal advisers. Nearly every day he or his confi- 
 dential servant (a poor relation) took boat to the Temple or 
 to Westminster, and thence to the Court, returning again to 
 the city. At other times his destination was Lambeth or 
 Fulham, from the latter of which points he was ferried over 
 with his horse on his way to interview Mr, Secretary. It 
 would often happen that his patron had withdrawn from 
 Court for a few days on account of bad health, and had to 
 be followed to " Barne Elme." Another favourite pilgrimage 
 was from the Temple to the " Old Swanne," and sometimes 
 as far as Ratcliffe. These frequent journeys ran away with
 
 The CotLvtier. 99 
 
 money^ though " Bote-hier " was comparatively cheap. Our 
 hero's legal experiences, too, were ruinous. There were the 
 fees of some score or more of counsel and attorneys ; fees to 
 clerks, sheriff's fees, the cost of motions, entries, certificates, 
 returns, fines, alienations, conveyances, licenses, pardons, 
 oaths, examinations, subpoenas, copies, drafts and engross- 
 ments, transcripts, and such like. Then there were " tips " 
 to ushers, messengers to the porter at Walsingham House, 
 and to my Lord of Leicester's man, besides £AfO down to my 
 Lord of Leicester's officer. 
 
 And yet Darrell, with all his experience and aptitude for 
 business, had not the legal mind of so many of his contem- 
 poraries. He fought blindly, desperately, for the justice 
 of his cause, risking every point, and saving none, till his 
 difficulties and disappointments weighed him down into the 
 grave. 
 
 When Darrell came to Court as a privileged suitor, he 
 occupied a house in Warwick Lane, a narrow thoroughfare 
 which, jointly with Ave Maria Lane, connects Newgate 
 Street with Ludgate Hill, running across the bottom of 
 Paternoster Row. The position was a very good one, for on 
 the south lay the river by which, as we have seen, he had 
 easy access to Westminster or the Court. On the west side, 
 he was ten minutes' walk (with Holborn Hill to climb) from 
 Gray's Inn and Staple Inn. As near neighbours he had 
 the Lords Cobham, St. John, Dacres, and Buckhurst, with 
 many more of note ; whilst in the Strand was Leicester 
 House, where Lady Leicester, her daughter, Penelope Rich, 
 and her daughter-in-law, Frances Essex, talked and jested 
 upon the romantic love affair of Mr. Secretary's n^w protege. 
 
 Here, then, Darrell took up his abode, living in such style 
 as befitted his condition. Such of his retainers as could find 
 no accommodation in the house were quartered elsewhere, for 
 there were some half-score at least who wore their lord's livery 
 and badge. Bedding and other necessary furniture had been 
 sent up by carrier, and with the addition of a set of long 
 " table-bordes," "formes," and a " countinge table," together 
 with a few dozen trenchers, pewter pots, and other substantial
 
 lOO Elizabethan Society, 
 
 ware, the arrangements might be considered complete for a 
 bachelor establishment, which could well dispense with such 
 embellishments as prints in "small black frames hung all 
 over the rooms." Tapestry and hangings en sjiite covered a 
 multitude of sins {ox vermin), and then the family plate, 
 reduced, alas ! in bulk year by year, set out in the broad cup- 
 boards, or on the oaken presses, would light up the recesses 
 of the great chamber with a golden glory. Darrell, however, 
 added a few artistic touches of his own. He ordered two 
 chairs, " covered with grene," in the true aesthetic style ; 
 curtains of " Wed moll" lace, hung on rods and looped with 
 rings, carpets, and some expensive matting for the reception 
 rooms. 
 
 But if Darrell was humbly lodged, at least he fared sumptu- 
 ously at his table. Littlecote was a long day's ride from 
 London (by easy stages it was three), yet its owner contrived 
 to have nearly all the delicacies of the country conveyed to 
 him from thence. Throughout the summer there were always 
 two at least of the local " talent " engaged in fishing upon the 
 manor, and the results of their skill, in the shape of baskets of 
 fresh-caught " trowtes," the famous trout of Littlecote, coveted 
 prey of the modern angler's day-dreams, were despatched 
 to London by express messengers. Besides these, " fesant 
 netts " were plied, and partridges decoyed, with other fowl, in 
 goodly numbers for the London household. It is sad, indeed, 
 to learn that this "pot hunting" was chiefly perpetrated 
 during the month of May. The capture or consumption of a 
 " fesant " on May 9th was a barbarity unknown to earlier 
 ages, which kept their seasons in principle like our own. The 
 home dove-cote — that lucrative seignorial appanage — fur- 
 nished countless "pigeon pies," twelve of which were delivered 
 to Holborn Bridge on a single occasion ; and venison, rabbits, 
 chickens, " grene gese," and other poultry were forthcoming 
 in equal abundance. Then there were the strawberries which 
 Cornelius, the Dutch gardener, supplied with a niggardly 
 hand (as might be expected from one of his class). The 
 summer of 1589 must have been indeed an early one, for 
 in that year these were ripe in the middle of May (old style).
 
 The Courtier. loi 
 
 Beneath such good cheer as this, supplemented by purchased 
 viands of every description, with light wines and ale, did 
 Darrell's " table-bordes " groan twice a day during his last 
 London season. 
 
 Sometimes we find his worship with a party dining out at 
 the "Bell," close at hand, at the "Oueenes Hed " in Pater- 
 noster Row, at the " Kinges Hed " in New Fish Street, or 
 even at Ratcliff. Once there is an entry for 6d. paid to see a 
 play at " Bowles," and many a one for alms given to the poor. 
 For a new-fledged courtier Darrell was perhaps remarkable 
 for the studied plainness of his dress. There was the inevit- 
 able clean shirt daily, with collars, cuffs, bands, and socks, 
 according to the evidence of the weekly washing bill. For 
 common wear there was a suit of plain " gene " fustian, with 
 silk buttons. But Cornelius, the tailor, had orders for two 
 doublets and cloaks, one of " murry satten " and the other 
 of " black satten," both lined with taffeta of corresponding 
 shades, for State occasions. Darrell no doubt both wrote 
 and read much ; we know that his correspondence was exten- 
 sive, and we find him quoting the Fathers. Certainly he 
 made use of a great quantity of paper and ink. As a solace 
 of his lonely hours he smoked enormously for the times, 
 ordering at one time half a pound of tobacco, which cost 30j-., 
 nearly ;oiO of our money. At the same time he drank but 
 little, usually half a pint of " charnikoe " or claret at his two 
 meals, and perhaps ale as a breakfast, or sack allayed with 
 oranges, sugar, and milk. 
 
 There is something strangely pathetic in perusing these 
 personal details, entered with his own hand, of the daily life 
 of one whom writers in all times have agreed to stamp as one 
 of the blackest characters of his age, at the same time that 
 they have commemorated the edifying lives of his greedy and 
 remorseless kinsfolk and allies, and instinctively we feel a 
 distrust of what we have learnt to believe as to the real 
 character of society near the brilliant Court of Elizabeth. 
 
 On the 14th of July, 1589, William Darrell left London on 
 a visit to Littlecote, and there he sickened and died on the 
 1st of October following. Then the false friends who had
 
 102 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 wrecked his happiness, and the hungry usurers who had 
 devoured his substance, fought over the spoils. Popham, 
 faithful to the last, though wise only for himself, had an 
 agent on the spot, who seized the papers of the deceased 
 and despatched them in chests to London, there to await the 
 arbitration promised between the respective claims of the 
 Attorney-General and the Secretary of State. The titles of 
 humbler claimants were submitted to the lingering processes 
 of the law ; and soon the county ruled by Pembroke, the birth- 
 place of the " Arcadia," was enriched by one new magnate, 
 and the English Queen deigned to visit the lost home of the 
 unfortunate kinsman who had assisted her so gallantly in her 
 hour of need, and who had dragged out the last year of his 
 short life in obscurity at her Court
 
 CHAPTER VIII, 
 
 THE CHURCHMAN. 
 
 " The influence of the Church " would be the first impression 
 left upon our minds after a searching inquiry into the social 
 history of the Middle Ages, though whether such influence 
 were exercised for good or for bad is a remote consideration 
 upon which those of us who are not already committed to an 
 opinion may be trusted to decide for ourselves. But what- 
 ever opinion we may arrive at, we still have encountered 
 certain facts or phenomena (if it so please us to term them) 
 which must remain as we have found them, be they for 
 or against our individual opinion. We shall have recognised 
 in the Church the professional peacemaker between states 
 and factions, as between man and man ; the equitable medi- 
 ator between rulers and their subjects ; the consistent cham- 
 pion of constitutional liberty ; the alleviator of the inequalities 
 of birth ; the disinterested and industrious disseminator of 
 letters ; the refiner of habits and manners ; the well-meaning 
 guardian of the national wealth, health, and intellect ; and 
 the fearless censor of public and private morality. We shall 
 have found too that, though long before the close of the 
 period under our notice, not all of the above agencies are 
 universally and consistently exercised, yet even when the 
 Church felt her fro ward charge slipping from her grasp, when 
 her temporal wealth was confiscated, and her spiritual func- 
 tions interdicted on pain of death, even in that bitter hour 
 she clung fondly, faithfully, to her flock, as though fearful of 
 the moral, and still more of the social reaction to which it 
 would be exposed ; or were it only with the blind attachment 
 of one who has felt that her mission is not yet fully worked 
 out.
 
 I04 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 This transition period of the Church's social influence may 
 be conveniently extended to the final accomplishment of the 
 Reformation. After that event the investigator will search 
 in vain for any influence of a Church at all. The people had 
 become weary of their ecclesiastical leading-reins. A new 
 life had opened out to them. They had felt their strength 
 in conquest, and their aptitude for commercial enterprise. 
 The tree of knowledge had been transplanted into their 
 midst, and flourished marvellously in the air of courts and 
 palaces. Both rich and poor had eaten of its long-forbidden 
 fruit, and found it passing sweet to the taste. An appeal to 
 their private judgment flattered the vanity of many who had 
 endured the mental discipline of a Catholic Church with ill- 
 concealed impatience. Now every man was his own theo- 
 logian, his own ritualist, his own spiritual adviser. He read 
 the Commination Service over his neighbours, and deter- 
 mined their conduct or his own according to his particular 
 version of the Scriptures. So far this mattered little, it was 
 but a debate in which perhaps the new school had the better 
 of the argument. But mark the result ! The Reformers 
 pulled down the " crows' nests " — those venerable Gothic 
 piles, cloister hospitium and sanctuary — and were forced to 
 replace them with the hideous lazar-houses of poverty and 
 crime. Where once on the monastery lands garden-patches 
 of grain and pulse and pot-herbs filled in the landscape, 
 tracts of bare down supported thousands of murrain-wasted 
 sheep. The agricultural population had disappeared in these 
 districts. They had flocked to the towns to become fullers, 
 workers, or dyers of the fleeces grown upon the land where 
 they had before guided the plough. Others had gone to the 
 wars, or to play at a yet more desperate game. Many had 
 perished from want, and more still on the scaflbld. Then a 
 new class of society was formed out of those who had bene- 
 fited by these changes, courtiers who plundered the people, 
 landlords who evicted their tenants, officials who cheated the 
 Government, merchants, usurers, and pandars, who preyed 
 upon the vices of the great, or the woes of the unfortunate. 
 All reserve, all decorum had gone out from the life of the
 
 The Chttrchman. 105 
 
 people. They observed no fast day, neither did they enjoy 
 any hoHday as of old. They gorged themselves with un- 
 wholesome food till they were decimated by loathsome 
 diseases. The towns were flooded with tippling-houses, 
 bowling-alleys, tabling-dens, and each haunt of vicious dissi- 
 pation. Murder, rapine, and every form of lawless violence 
 were practised with comparative impunity. The state of 
 society was the worst that had ever before been in the land. 
 And where, all this time, was the influence of the Church at 
 work .'' There was no pretence even of such an influence. 
 The bishops were mostly starveling pedants, creatures of a 
 court faction, whose fingers itched after filthy lucre ; or else 
 good, plodding, domesticated men, with quiverfuls to provide 
 for ; graziers or land-jobbers who had mistaken their voca- 
 tion. Narrow, harsh, grasping, servile, unjust, they were 
 despised as much by their masters as they were hated by 
 their flocks. The inferior clergy, the typical parson or 
 parish priest, scarcely existed at all. Half the parishes in 
 many dioceses had no proper cure. Many more were provided 
 for with a trembling conformist, or a lewd and insolent bigot. 
 In the best of cases the curate was at the mercy either of the 
 Crown or the amateur tlieologians, his parishioners. 
 
 This, of course, is only the social aspect of the question. 
 An examination of the respective merits of differing creeds 
 does not come within the scope of practical history. These 
 are only the facts of the case as we find them. It may, of 
 course, have been really for the benefit of the nation to ac- 
 quire a pure theology, and the rudiments of a classical educa- 
 tion, to the loss of every art and every fiction which coloured 
 the naked ugliness of humanity. It may have been to the 
 advantage of civilization that trade and enterprise should 
 escape from the trammels by which they had been arbitrarily 
 confined, and that the wealth of the nation should be in- 
 creased by the successful application of usury and fraud and 
 piracy. Or, again, it may be sound economy that the land 
 should be worked productively and labour find its true bent, 
 even though hundreds of hamlets were desolated, thousands 
 of peasant proprietors robbed or evicted, and the producer
 
 io6 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 and consumer live their short, laborious, and unhealthy Hves, 
 leaving behind them a malignant and ineradicable taint of 
 blood. All these things may be just and fit and necessary ; 
 but when centuries have elapsed, and we are still the same 
 children of sentiment, not one jot nearer the sticking point 
 of bearing the responsibility of our own actions, we may find 
 a pitiful moment, when our eyes are not resolutely shut 
 against the light of historical truth, to ask ourselves whether 
 our vaunted Reformation was really the great and holy cause 
 we have learnt to deem it, and to silence for awhile those 
 shameless praters who interpret history only by the results 
 of their own slothful and interested research. 
 
 Impatient of discipline, however, the nation had certainly 
 become, at least, near the beginning of the sixteenth century, 
 and hence the poor laws and the ale-house long before its 
 close. The following story, rightly taken, will best illustrate 
 the point at issue between Church and people, the sore which 
 the clerical shoe pinched. It is told in the sufferer's own 
 words, and a more picturesque and naive relation it would be 
 difficult to find. 
 
 A certain handicraftsman of Pembridge, in the county of 
 Hereford, by name William Waryng, was in the habit of 
 using the laudable pastime of archery with the intent (accord- 
 ing to his own version) of qualifying himself as an efficient 
 citizen rather than with any view to his own profit or pleasure. 
 Nay, he even made it his duty to set aside the Lord's day for 
 the more complete performance of this secular duty, sacrific- 
 ing thereby his own religious convictions to the exigencies of 
 his country's service. Unfortunately, however, for William 
 Waryng, his well-meant endeavours to comply with an Act 
 of Parliament excited the adverse comment of his spiritual 
 pastors, by whom he was rebuked, cited, and censured with 
 such severity that the performance of the penance enjoined 
 upon him deprived him of the ornament of his hair and sub- 
 jected him to all the symptoms of the lues venerea. 
 
 This was in the summer of 1529. But whilst William 
 Waryng lay sick of his phenomenal disease, mighty changes 
 had happened in high places. In October of the same year
 
 The Churchman. 107 
 
 Wolsey had fallen ; Cromwell was rising fast to power ; More 
 was the anti-clerical chancellor ; the King was troubled by 
 the stings of conscience, and still more by those of the flesh ; 
 the exchequer was empty ; the Church was rich and unpopu- 
 lar ; and the Reformation had begun in England. Therefore, 
 when our patient was " somewhat amendyd," he whispered 
 his neighbours that he would go to the King and his council 
 for his remedy. The priest, hearing of this, somewhat un- 
 charitably remarked that he " wold not rest till he shuld have 
 a Dabbe (otherwyse a Stroke) in the hed that he shuld never 
 tell who dyd it " — hinting probably at a second visitation of 
 the same kind as had already worked such havoc with his 
 fractious parishioner's hair. The latter, however, chose to 
 interpret the observation literally as a threat of personal 
 violence ; and being yet " feoble in his body " (and besides in 
 exceeding bad odour with the religiously-disposed of the 
 diocese), he withdrew across the border and found no diffi- 
 culty in causing his chief enemies to be arrested at his suit 
 for trespass in the case. Thereupon, however, the clericals, 
 being "riche and knytte together," betook themselves to their 
 spiritual weapons, and proclaimed him " acurssed in iij 
 parisshe churches therabowte." 
 
 Three more years went by ; the work of demolition con- 
 tinued, and William Waryng's chances improved. The case 
 was heard at length in the Chancery ; the plaintiff stating his 
 grievance, and the defendants making answer thereto. Their 
 answer revealed the following circumstances. Waryng seems 
 to have been a prominent member of that vicious and turbu- 
 lent class which might be chiefly credited with the overthrow 
 of the existing state of society. He was a noisy artisan who 
 delighted in tippling and brawling, and also in " sport ; " such 
 as shooting at marks, not for practice, but for wagers. He led 
 the fashion, too, in far worse dissipation. He had deserted his 
 own wife, and attempted to conceal her existence. Neverthe- 
 less, he shone as a rural rake ; he dressed, he swore, and he 
 kept a mistress. Such a fellow as this was a very plague- 
 spot in the midst of a primitive and sober community ; an 
 apt disciple of the profligate great who were inoculating the
 
 io8 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 nation with Italian vice and French diseases. It was for this 
 that he had been rebuked and put to shame by the ecclesias- 
 tical authorities, as these themselves deposed. At any rate, 
 the fact remains that after a searching inquiry before a most 
 impartial tribunal, the charges against the clericals were ab- 
 solutely dismissed, the petitioner was censured for his false 
 and malicious accusation, and condemned to pay all costs of 
 the suit. This was in 1532 or 1533. Somewhat later we find 
 Waryng bringing the case before the King's council with a 
 good stock of witnesses prepared to swear anything. He had 
 also fortified himself by getting rid of his wife and marrying 
 his mistress. Perhaps also he had grown a new crop of hair. 
 We do not know the result of the appeal, but probably the 
 step was not ill-advised at the crisis of the Reformation. 
 
 But one generation later, and every cause for impatience 
 against a mere spiritual discipline had disappeared. The 
 feeling of the bulk of the clergy in these matters was that 
 of a dignitary among them who made a man do penance 
 for adultery decorated with a baretta, and no doubt fully 
 alive to the joke. This zealous ecclesiastic was Turner, who 
 was appointed to the Deanery of Wells by letters patent 
 in the fifth year of Edward VI. On the accession of Mary, 
 however, his predecessor, Goodman, whom he had ousted, was 
 restored, and kept his seat until his death in the second year 
 of Elizabeth, when Turner was installed, and proceeded to 
 devote himself to raking in bis outstanding revenue and dis- 
 possessing the incumbents nominated by his predecessor. 
 
 Here and there a thorough-going reformer of this kind 
 might be found in high place, egged on by the popular clam- 
 our against idolatry. But to the Government it did not 
 appear desirable that the movement should go beyond a 
 certain length. Boundless liberty in religion could too easily 
 be extended to the civil state. The Tudor monarchy, which 
 rested on the popular favour, pleasured the people in this 
 matter to its future cost. The Reformers carried the royal 
 line of Henry VIII. through every crisis by which it was 
 threatened ; but during the reaction of Elizabeth's reign they 
 gathered head as a political faction, and compelled attention
 
 The Churchnan. 109 
 
 to their demands. As a rule, the new Church was as distaste- 
 ful to the people as the old. There was the same regard to 
 things idolatrous, the same odious exercise of authority to 
 procure conformity, and imperil the peace of mind of the 
 Elect. And all this they were to suffer at the hands of 
 "persecuting Herods" and "anti-Christian mushrooms," set 
 on by their bishops — and what bishops ! 
 
 Amongst the non-conforming prelates who were deprived 
 during Elizabeth's first parliament by virtue of that Queen's 
 Act of Uniformity, was Dr. Thomas Thirlby, the Popish bishop 
 of Ely. His successor was Richard Cox, a good scholar, and 
 a prominent member of that Protestant party which during 
 its exile for religion had, by its feuds and outrages against 
 public decency, cast scandal not merely upon the cause of the 
 Reformation, but upon that of Christianity itself in many 
 cities of the Continent. By the time that this successor to the 
 Apostles had been duly anointed and installed, and the little 
 matter of commission and tribute arranged to her highness' 
 satisfaction, it was discovered that a slight oversight had been 
 committed. It was easy enough to depose the former pre- 
 late, but it was by no means easy to induce him to lend a 
 finishing hand to the work by emptying out his own pockets. 
 This, in fact, was the state of affairs. Cox had learnt that 
 money was to be gotten — that it was indirectly owing to him, 
 and the mere thought cast him into a fever of avarice from 
 which he did not rally for ten years. The bishopric of Ely 
 had received a royal endowment of £'J<:>6 i}^s. 4d. in the 
 reign of Edward III, as a capital fund or "Implement"; 
 and this sum was to be accounted for and handed over by 
 each outgoing bishop to his successor. According to Cox's 
 own account, Henry VIII., of famous memory, bethinking 
 him how that, during " the last 42 years of his reign " (s^'c), 
 the revenues of that see had fallen into decay, owing, as Cox 
 observes, to the fact that its bishop " then was and for a long 
 time had abode in Rome," made a grant by Privy Seal to 
 bring the stock in question up to the old standard ; namely 
 by an increase of 430 cattle, at i^s. ^d. per head, and 41 
 horses for the plough, at 20s. Strict measures were further
 
 I lO Elizabethan Society. 
 
 taken to ensure the future payment of this capital to each 
 incoming bishop, who was to stand in the west porch of his 
 cathedral, before installation, and receive the same from his 
 predecessor. But though we may credit Cox with a readiness 
 to have stood for almost any length of time at the appointed 
 place to receive a far smaller sum than about ;!^5,ooo of our 
 money, it is certain that in the present instance he waited in 
 vain. The new powers that were could depose Thirlby, and 
 hustle him before the Council, and " lay him by the heels " in 
 the Tower, but they could not coin him into money, and 
 nothing less than money would satisfy his successor. The 
 Government therefore seems to have given the matter up as 
 a bad job ; but not so Cox. We find him writing a piteous 
 letter to Cecil. " I am so troubled," he says, " w'. Dr. Thirlby, 
 that I fear I shall be forced to trouble the Queen's Mat', at 
 last. For he is so strong in the Tower that I can get no 
 right at his handys." 
 
 Several years later the new bishop was still in the same 
 plight. He writes once more to Cecil, ostensibly about the 
 translation of the Bible, but really to harp on his old griev- 
 ance. " I am hytherto strangely used by D^ Thyrlby and 
 so lyke to be styll to the great hyndrance of the sea onles her 
 hignes' lett^ may helpe, which I pray you procure in such 
 tenure as ye thinke. I send you my fansye here enclosed 
 touching the lett^ " What manner of epistle the prelate and 
 the statesman would have concocted between them we can 
 only imagine. The actual missive, which was probably the 
 result of these complaints, is thoroughly Elizabethan and 
 secular in its peremptory tone. Her Majesty understands that 
 the sum of ■Q']o6 13^. 4^. was assigned by Edward HI.^ to the 
 see of Ely as a capital to be handed over to each incoming 
 bishop by his predecessor ; that Dr. Thirlby has avoided 
 payment of this sum, and has likewise neglected a decree of 
 Chancery in the matter. Therefore he is now to pay this 
 without further delay. Also she understands that the late 
 bishop received ;^500 for dilapidations from his predecessor, 
 
 I Not by Edward VI., as the Calendar has it.
 
 The CJmrclwmn. 1 1 1 
 
 and thinks it unreasonable that his own successor should 
 receive nothing out of "such a sum," owing to the former's 
 " fawte and fraude." Therefore in this matter also he is to 
 answer " accordynge to equitye and discharge of his con- 
 seyens." Meanwhile the unfortunate ex-prelate was shifted 
 from the Tower to a yet more tedious prison in Lambeth 
 Palace. From there Parker writes to Cecil "concerning the 
 mot"? of the frendes of Mr. D. Thirlebye, who (as hymself de- 
 siereth) wolde wishe in this his grete siknes to be removed 
 fr5 my house to his frendes for better cherishing and in hope 
 of his recoverye. I wolde graunte no furder, but the choyce 
 of thre or four larger chambers w'^in my house, except you 
 can agre thereto, and for this cause this massanger comyth to 
 yo^ honor to knowe ye Qne's pleasure w?"^ understandcd in 
 circustancys as the shal be prescribed so they shall be 
 followed." 
 
 The friends who were thus solicitous for the unfortunate 
 priest's health and comfort were probably his poor relations, 
 Richard Blackwall, citizen of London, and Margaret his wife. 
 To these two the ex-bishop had conveyed in trust the re- 
 mains of his private fortune, which was administered by them 
 for his use. The watchfulness of these humble friends was, 
 however, in vain, for before the end of the same month of 
 August, 1570, Dr. Thirlby died at Lambeth. Staunch to the 
 end, he baffled his harsh creditor by dying intestate. There 
 were thus no executors accountable for the estate of the de- 
 ceased, and to all appearance there was no estate at all. Cox, 
 however, made a last effort, and commenced a Chancery suit 
 against the Elackwalls. These admitted the trust, but showed 
 that the whole amount, small as it was, had been faithfully 
 administered by them to the doctor's own use ; only five marks 
 remaining, that is to say after his funeral, "who in August 
 last past at Lambeth dyed, and none of his other allies or 
 kynsfolk being thereunto requested w4 medle w*. his bodye ; 
 till Margaret Blackwall owte of charitee caused it to be con- 
 veniently laid in the earth at her owne charges." 
 
 This was the earliest of our worthy prelate's troubles, and 
 there were many others in store for him. The bishop was
 
 1 1 2 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 married, if we may believe the popular scandal, to a help- 
 mate worthy of himself. Elizabeth's views respecting the 
 connubial bliss of Churchmen were pretty frequently and 
 strongly expressed. His Grace of Ely, therefore, who had 
 every reason for wishing to stand well at the Court, undertook 
 at an early period of his episcopal career to reason his royal 
 mistress out of this "strange opinion." He wrote to her upon 
 the subject, prefacing his arguments with a flood of nauseous 
 compliments; relating how he " barst out in teares for joy" 
 on the occasion of her happy accession, and likening himself 
 to King Joas' faithful Joiada. At another time also he 
 wrote to Cecil to entreat his mediation in this matter. 
 
 For this matrimonial weakness, however. Cox fully atoned 
 by his zeal in the cause of Uniformity. His hands indeed 
 were pretty full, for, apart from the average cases of Noncon- 
 formity^ Cambridge University was justly reputed as great a 
 hotbed of Calvinism as the sister academy unjustly was of 
 Popery. But the Bishop's /i?;'/^ was as a Bible translator. He 
 had great ideas on this subject. " The diversitee of transla- 
 tions," he would write, " make a foule gerre in churches at this 
 day. Many good men are grieved w'. it and our Satans laugh 
 at it." Unhappily the good Bishop's familiar allusion to the 
 Satans of his day was not without cause. He had consider- 
 able experience of these enemies within his own diocese. 
 There they flourished with a rapid vegetation which was 
 never seared by the blast of calamity ; and they laid snares, 
 and dug pitfalls for his feet, with a deadly precision, while 
 contriving themselves to elude the toils of justice. 
 
 The story of the Bishop of Ely's quarrel with his ally and 
 coadjutor, Lord North, is the saddest but most instructive of 
 the ecclesiastical scandals of that age. The see of Ely was 
 co-extensive with a Palatine Jurisdiction over the Isle so- 
 called, the feudal perquisite arising therefrom forming part 
 of the episcopal temporalities. The value of these emolu- 
 ments was a matter of immense concern to Cox, who had 
 petitioned the Crown on the subject of allowances to be 
 made to him for loss on rated value, for waste, and the lucra- 
 tive keepership of various parks. But in the year 1575, in
 
 The C/mrc/wtan. i r 3 
 
 consequence of a breach with Lord North, the High Steward 
 of the Isle, the whole character of his secular relations was 
 brought under the notice of the Crown in the most unsparing 
 terms by his injured vassals. Having an inkling of the 
 courses intended to be pursued against him, the bishop 
 addressed to North a letter of reproach and remonstrance. 
 The expose, he writes, is most wanton ; for " not to render one 
 good turne for an other is the pointe of an heathenishe and 
 not of a Christian." He next proceeds to enumerate all the 
 good turns done by himself to his friend. He had bestowed 
 on him the "office of the Isle," which he might to more 
 advantage have presented to some Privy Councillor, anticipat- 
 ing the Queen's recommendation of his lordship. He had 
 granted to his family the Park of Somersham, and pasturage 
 of cattle there. He had bid him 200 marks and the lease of 
 an impropriate benefice for the reversion of his office. He 
 had yielded him the lease of a goodly manor, and 30 acres 
 of woodland at a nominal rent. To oblige him, the lease of 
 another manor had been granted to his dear friend — dear 
 perhaps (he uncharitably adds) no longer, since he prosecuted 
 some of his lordship's people for their wicked doings. Then, 
 he continues, " althoughe I hadd ment to appoynt a worthie 
 learned man of lawe to be cheefe justice within the Isle," yet 
 at his lordship's earnest suit, and to avoid the violence of his 
 disappointment, the latter's nominee was admitted. Lastly, 
 the bishop observes he has for his lordship's sake been very 
 tender with another dear friend who would not vouchsafe to 
 come to church. In spite of all these favours, he hears that 
 Lord North is no longer his friend, and he regrets the fact, as 
 he considers it a sign of the basest ingratitute and the pro- 
 foundest want of tact. " I appeale unto yo": conscience," says 
 the bishop with singular frankness, " whether ye woulde be 
 content and take in good parte if any man in Englande 
 should goe aboughte to have a manor of yours by leasse 
 againste your will and good contention, or els to examine yo- 
 life to yo^ utter undoinge." Facts such as these suggested to 
 the divine several of those appropriate Scriptural parallels 
 which he had always at his command. In the above aspect
 
 114 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 his lordship reminded him of Ahab, covetous of Naboth's 
 vineyard. He himself resembled David thanking God for the 
 malice of his enemies, whereby he might be brought to a 
 knowledge of his secret sins. He thinks his correspondent 
 might with advantage consult the precepts inculcated in the 
 Sermon from the Mount; and particularly refers him to the 
 tenth commandment. Thus edified, he thinks his former 
 friend may be brought to a knowledge of his wickedness, and 
 adds the good bishop, I will pray that " w^ all speedie re- 
 pentance ye maye shake it of," 
 
 This letter North was weak enough to answer at length, 
 labouring as he did under the enormous disadvantage of 
 arguing with a pastor who, when the worst had been said, 
 could undertake to pray for his conversion. The result was 
 that he lost his temper, and rudeness to a bishop is at all 
 times a very damaging policy. He is not ill, he retorts, 
 unless it were from indignation at his grace's effrontery. He 
 accepts the latter's reservation of the patronage of his office 
 for what it is worth, in the face of the Queen's recommenda- 
 tion of himself; but this and the other favours enumerated 
 have been exaggerated, or counter-balanced by some return 
 that the bishop had expected for them ; while the justiceship 
 was in his own gift, and not in the bishop's. Then, talking 
 of Christian charity, look at his grace's own official doings. 
 He has bound men to the good abearing, a manifest injustice. 
 For eighteen years he himself has been a poor justice, and 
 yet seldom saw this done ; but the bishop makes it the 
 common bond of the Isle. '' It is ungodly and uncharitable, 
 neither lyke a bishop nor a Christian, to bynde a man to 
 impossible bandes." The writer goes on to speak of " yo^ 
 rigorous dealinge with all yo^ Isle." As to forgiveness, he 
 observes, — "when I hear that the bisshop of Ely hath for- 
 given any man, I will crie Nunc dhnittis." In conclusion, 
 North threatens that if his grace does not satisfy the com- 
 plaints of those whom he has wronged, his villainous practices 
 will be exposed. 
 
 We may presume that Cox, like a brother prelate in a like 
 case, refused to yield, for almost immediately the storm burst
 
 The Churchman. 1 1 5 
 
 over him. Articles were framed, and depositions taken 
 against him, in which his official and private character were 
 made to appear in a most unfavourable light. He was 
 charged generally with engrossing the revenues of his see at 
 the expense of his successors and of the episcopal dignity. 
 It was alleged that he had concealed or withheld rents ; sold 
 his woods, to the value, it was believed, of ;^4,ooo ; depas- 
 tured his parks unlawfully with the most profitable stock ; 
 bought and sold oxen "as a grazier"; leased his gardens 
 and base-courts, in Holborn, "to butchers and others." Then, 
 again, he was accused of having used his office in the Com- 
 mission of Sewers to enrich himself; and, generally, of being 
 his own magistrate in cases concerning his own interests. 
 His relations with his dependants were described as being 
 even more culpable. He had rack-rented and oppressed his 
 tenants; cut their turf; reduced their fields; and sum- 
 marily evicted them. He had inclosed commons; impounded 
 cattle ; concealed leases ; imprisoned debtors ; imposed upon 
 the poor and ignorant ; and persecuted his opponents malici- 
 ously. He was also guilty of sacrilege, for he had allowed 
 the sacrament to be administered in an ale-house, to save his 
 own pocket ; and had misappropriated the alms given for 
 the poor. In support of these charges, many circumstantial 
 cases were alleged. On one occasion the bishop had im- 
 pounded the only steer of a poor maid, and consumed it in 
 his own household, the sufferer being dismissed unheard when 
 she claimed redress. Another time a poor tenant of the 
 bishop had been ordered to row Mistress Cox abroad at a 
 certain hour. He attended, but the lady was not ready ; 
 so, after waiting an unconscionable time, he seems to have 
 adjourned to dinner. Finally she appeared, and finding him 
 unprepared, " revyled him," and called another waterman. 
 Then, to punish his remonstrances, the bishop evicted him 
 from his copyhold, and only restored him by reason of the 
 public indignation ; first, however, making him clean out one 
 of his ponds as an atonement. Again, the bishop had exerted 
 his seignorial rights by sending his servants to drag a pond 
 from which another poor tenant derived his chi^f Subsistence.
 
 1 1 6 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 Similar stories could easily be multiplied. It is true that 
 Cox found no difficulty in explaining most of these charges 
 away ; but still the whole tone of the controversy shows the 
 meanness and avarice of the bishop, and the contempt and 
 hatred of his flock. 
 
 It is probable that at the very least Cox abused his power 
 of patronage, and that many of his difficulties had their 
 origin from this cause. For example, the clerk of the pleas 
 and assize, who was also the proto-nothary and cyrographer 
 of the Isle, in which offices he had been associated with, and 
 succeeded, his father, was deprived by Cox soon after his in- 
 stallation, on the ground of youth and want of qualification, 
 but really as being the nominee of his adversary Thirlby. 
 The deplaced official resisted strenuously, and made a jour- 
 ney to London to interview the bishop, but was at all times 
 refused admission to Ely House. Thence he followed his 
 grace on his return to Ely, and at last was able to speak 
 with him, but received for his pains a stern order to submit. 
 Matters went on smoothly till the assizes came on. Then the 
 discovery was made that there were no indictments or other 
 records to be found. Thereupon the justices sent in haste to 
 the late clerk's lodgings for his assistance in the difficulty; 
 but that astute young person had, of course, "made himself 
 to be absent." The result was that the sessions had to be 
 postponed, and all was in confusion. The bishop was at last 
 driven to bring a Chancery suit against the missing ex-cus- 
 todian, to compel him to disclose evidence on oath. Thus 
 the latter had the opportunity he wanted in order to make 
 his grievance public. The bishop had cancelled his patent, 
 which, in opinion of many lawyers, was an illegal step, and 
 had given out that his age was under twenty, and that he 
 was ignorant of law ; whereas he proved that he was really 
 three years older, and moreover had been six years a student 
 of law. Besides, " yf he might withoute i-eprofife of arogancy 
 tell fhe truthe," he thinketh that the world took him to be 
 quite good enough, perhaps too good, for the post ; and, " yf 
 coparisons were not odiouse," he is certainly a much better 
 man than his successor. Finally, he respectfully insinuates
 
 The Chitrchina7i. 1 1 7 
 
 that it is no concern of his to produce the records, as there 
 is no shadow of proof that he removed them. 
 
 The spectacle of Cox in his later days is not a pleasant 
 one. Old and infirm, he was as watchful as ever of his 
 worldly interests. He writes to the Council to excuse his 
 delay in forwarding a certificate of musters, on account of 
 his age and infirmities ; and takes the occasion to inquire 
 anxiously how he is to rate himself, as a clerk or layman } 
 Then comes the well-worn tale of Elizabeth confiscating Ely 
 House gardens (rescuing them, perhaps, from an unwarrant- 
 able use) for the site of Sir Christopher Hatton's new house. 
 Last of all, the bishop threatens to resign, and is relieved 
 by death. Thenceforth the see of Ely remained vacant for 
 eighteen years. Another prelate like Cox would have bred 
 a revolution in the Isle. 
 
 It is not very unnatural that bishops of this prevailing 
 stamp should have been hated and despised by the bulk of 
 their flock, nearly as much as the spiritual disciplinarians of a 
 former regime. The latter would have cut the people off 
 from all good things within their reach, because the means to 
 be employed for obtaining these were vicious. They lusted 
 after the spoils of war ; and they were told of the blessings 
 of peace. There was an inexhaustible harvest to be gathered 
 off the mortgaged acres of the great ; and usury was de- 
 nounced to them as a deadly siiL The instincts of their race 
 prompted them to eat and drink and be questionably merry 
 in the uncertain intervals of honest toil ; and during half 
 the year they were bidden to fast, while for the other half 
 their tasks and recreations were portioned out to them by a 
 paternal and clerical Government. But, on the other hand, 
 what was their present gain by the triumph of the Reforma- 
 tion } Less than none if they were to be subject to these 
 " bouncing priests," to this body of greedy, meddling prelates 
 and their vicars, blessed with a few shorn remnants of the 
 garb of their order, with the Word of God in their mouths 
 and the lie to it in their lives. That was not what they had 
 looked for when they put their hands to the great work. 
 They had prospered exceedingly under the new state of
 
 1 1 8 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 things, and chose secretly to attribute this prosperity to their 
 spiritual regeneration. To this idea, as to a mighty fetish, 
 they clung with a resolution that could not be daunted by 
 persecution or weakened by success. What had zealots like 
 these to do with the lovers of pomps and ceremonies, or the 
 manipulators of " hieroglyphic State machines " contrived for 
 the suppression of all liberty of conscience. They went on 
 their way rejoicing amidst the persecution of the most worth- 
 less of men ; and they grew and multiplied. Soon a turn 
 of Fortune's wheel brought them uppermost in the State, 
 and they enjoyed fifteen years of power and retribution — 
 fifteen years of liberty, and poverty, and terror. Then Time, 
 which alone is just, worked the vindication of a long dis- 
 honoured system. In 1678 it was enough that men had lived 
 to remember the bonfires of the Restoration.
 
 Plate V. 
 
 pi. it8-9 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 I From Original Letters Palntts of the -t^ndyear of the Rei^n.)
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE OFFICIAL. 
 
 The modern definition of an official in its general accepta- 
 tion may be taken as " a highly paid diplomatic or lowly 
 paid clerical expert who devotes the best years of his life to 
 the service of (in his eyes) an ungrateful country." This 
 ingratitude, however, where it still exists, may be easily ex- 
 plained by the earlier definition of the personage in question. 
 In this sense the official might be described as " the patentee 
 of the Crown, or the nominee of its advisers ; " it being 
 understood that both patronage and emoluments are exer- 
 cised and enjoyed, respectively, to the public detriment. In 
 matters of finance the public has a long memory ; though, in 
 the present instance, a comparatively short one would serve 
 its purpose as well. Be this as it may, it would be better for 
 the sake of our complacent patriotism if we knew nothing of 
 our greatest men of old in their purely official capacity. It 
 jars upon our sensibilities to find our heroes of the field or 
 flood, leaders in the Council or in the camp, lying and plot- 
 ting to outwit each other in the struggle for power and place, 
 snarling and fighting over the fatness of the land. We 
 shudder to think that during the perils of the Armada the 
 finances of the navy were administered by a pack of ravening 
 wolves, according to the testimony of its official chief ; that 
 the armies of Elizabeth abroad were allowed to shiver and 
 starve at the mercy of governors and patentees who em- 
 bezzled the grants which should have clothed and fed them ; 
 that courtiers and wits flourished upon odious monopolies, 
 and that judges grew fat upon extortionate bribes. With 
 good reason we may call the Elizabethan a " golden " age, 
 
 119
 
 I20 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 for gold was the national divinity, and God and Mammon 
 were by both high and lowly served with a zeal for which 
 many of their descendants have cause to be grateful. 
 
 We little think, when we peruse the melancholy tale of 
 disease, starvation, and shame, so needlessly undergone by 
 the heroic champions of England's liberty against the 
 invading might of Spain with her Invincible Armada, from 
 what obscure and insignificant causes the difficulties and 
 hardships of the Island seamen may have chiefly arisen. It is 
 certain, however, that the sight of the Spanish sails in the 
 ofnng spread less dismay amongst the English crews than 
 the appearance of their own empty magazines and lockers ; 
 and that the enemy's shot caused far fewer casualties in their 
 list than the mouldering rations of the Government. It is 
 also certain that, only a year before the last preparations of 
 the executive to meet the threatened danger, the country had 
 lost the services of that very PJixnix amongst Tudor officials, 
 an able and honest Surveyor-General of the Navy victualling 
 department — one who had served the Crown faithfully for 
 almost forty years in this same post, under whose auspices 
 the splendid armaments of Drake, Frobisher, and Raleigh had 
 gone forth to unequal fight, and had returned treasure-laden 
 and richer still in undying fame. 
 
 This man was Edward Baeshe, who having served his 
 official apprenticeship under Henry VIII., held the post of 
 Surveyor-General for victualling the navy throughout the 
 whole of the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, and for thirty 
 years of that of Elizabeth ; his engagement extending from 
 July, 1547, to May, 1587, with one doubtful break between 
 1556 and 1558. 
 
 We know most of Baeshe under Elizabeth. In the 
 January after that Queen's accession, the Lord Admiral 
 delivered to him formally the great book of the provisions 
 for the navy. The former was his official superior, but the 
 Sureyor was in immediate contact with the Naval Treasurer 
 and with the Exchequer. There is evidence that Baeshe was 
 both intelligent and active in the discharge of his duties. In 
 1562, during the operations at Newhaven, he complained
 
 The Official. 121 
 
 strongly to Cecil of the scanty stock of supplies that he was 
 allowed to collect in the royal storehouses, contrasting here- 
 with his own proceedings during the late reign for the victual- 
 ling of Calais. It was through his care, too, that mills were 
 sent with the wheat shipped for the English army at New- 
 haven, Red tape in high places would have suffered the 
 grain to be despatched alone, as though it were as serviceable 
 as biscuit or meal. In 1565 he was assisting to victual 
 Berwick, and in 1567 to provide supplies for Ireland. 
 
 Baeshe had no share in the preparations for quelling the 
 Northern insurrection. This duty fell to the share of his 
 able contemporary, Valentine Brown. From the year 1574 
 to his death, the Surveyor-General took an active part in the 
 re-organization of the Navy, such as it was. He was con- 
 stantly sending in estimates to Cecil for victualling so many 
 ships for one, two, or three months. In 1575 a terrible loss 
 befell him. On the 5th of August he received a letter from 
 his Portsmouth agent, informing him that on the previous day 
 the storehouses there had been destroyed by fire. He wrote 
 at once to Burghley praying that his great losses by this 
 event might be considered ; whereupon the Treasury set it- 
 self to calculate the losses of Her Majesty — and of Mr. Baeshe. 
 In the next year we have a proposal from the Surveyor- 
 General that he should be allowed to repay ^1,500 of the 
 iJ"2,000 which he had lost, by annual instalments of ;^I00. 
 During the next ten years Baeshe was busily employed, and 
 during most of that time he had the advantage of the co- 
 operation of another able official. Sir John Hawkins, who 
 became Treasurer of the Navy in 1577. In 1586, the year 
 before his death, he was again in difficulties. He reports a 
 great scarcity of provisions, owing to a bad season and mur- 
 rain among the flocks. A {qw months later he writes con- 
 fessing the impossibility of carrying out his contract, and 
 praying to be released from his hard bargain. He pleaded 
 also his forty years of service ; and as it was notorious how 
 greatly prices had risen since the last general estimate, he 
 might have looked for some concessions. Nevertheless, both 
 he and his poor widow prayed for any such in vain. The
 
 122 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 last three months of Baeshe's Hfe were busier than any pre- 
 ceding period. At the end of March he wrote, as usual, to 
 hurry on the despatch of business by the Government, and to 
 know the plans for the year. Before the ist of May follow- 
 ing he was dead. 
 
 Baeshe had not grown rich in the service of his country 
 He was, however, necessarily a person of some position. He 
 should have succeeded his cousin in a small ancestral pro- 
 perty, but was defrauded of his rights by the former's half- 
 brothers in his absence. He had also property of his own 
 in Hertfordshire, and was sheriff of the county. In that 
 capacity he was delegated by the Government to personally 
 inspect the orthodoxy of old Lady Poulet of Tittenhanger, 
 grievously suspected of Recusancy. Her ladyship at once 
 reassured him on this point. She not only denied being a 
 recusant, but professed herself most willing to contribute ;!^50 
 towards the expenses of the State. 
 
 The veteran Surveyor-General died at the most critical 
 moment of the maritime fortunes of his country ; yet instead 
 of hastening to supply his place as efficiently as might be, 
 the Government spent the all-important year which followed 
 his death in cutting down the terms proposed by his suc- 
 cessor, and in dealing out supplies more than ever with a 
 niggardly hand. Official virtues have seldom been fully 
 recognised in any age, but under Elizabeth they were posi- 
 tively discouraged. 
 
 Sir William Carey, the head of a typical Devonshire 
 family, lineal descendant of an ancestor Avho had made the 
 fortunes of his house by vanquishing a Portuguese Goliath 
 in the good old days of Whittington and his " cat," was the 
 father of two sons who founded each a distinguished official 
 family. From one, Thomas (a neighbour of Wild Darrell's 
 ancestors at Chilton Foliat), descended the Careys, afterwards 
 Viscounts Falkland, and the Hunsdons, Elizabeth's cousins 
 by marriage with her mother's sister ; from the other son, 
 Robert, descended Sir George Carey, afterwards Treasurer 
 at War, and Lord Deputy of Ireland. This latter branch 
 of the family had also done well for themselves in marriage.
 
 The Official, 123 
 
 They had married with Paget, Carew, and other powerful 
 families ; while Sir George Carey himself had married Let- 
 tice Rich, eldest daughter of Robert, Earl of Warwick. 
 Under Elizabeth, Sir George was successively Governor of 
 the Isle of Wight, Vice-Treasurer of Ireland, and Treasurer 
 at War, and Master of the Exchange in the same country. 
 His brother, Sir Edward, was a gentleman of the Chamber, 
 and one of the four Tellers of the Exchequer. He had, 
 moreover, relatives and allies in almost every department of 
 the State. Finally, in the next reign, he was appointed Lord 
 Deputy of Ireland. 
 
 From 1599 to 1606, Sir George Carey held the important 
 post of Treasurer at War in Ireland. He was, as we have 
 seen, at the same time Master of the Exchange, and had the 
 entire regulation of the currency, both before and after its 
 reform. His official superior was the Governor of Ireland 
 for the time being, whether by the title of Lord Deputy, 
 Lord Lieutenant, or Lord Justice, by whose warrant he was 
 to make all his ordinary payments, rendering his accounts to 
 the same yearly, and receiving his acquittance as a sufficient 
 discharge. Further (and this was a matter of the first im- 
 portance), he was expected to forward these yearly accounts 
 to England for ratification by special commissioners, six in 
 number, with a quorum of four, amongst whom were to be 
 included the Lord Treasurer and Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer. 
 
 The Irish Treasurer received various large sums during his 
 eight years of office from the following sources : from checks 
 on full-pays and clothing allowances, and from defalcations 
 for arms, etc. ; from the Provost Marshals ; from the profits 
 of the Exchange ; from compositions in Ireland ; from over- 
 pays, surplus stores, and from imprests for victualling, cloth- 
 ing and munitions out of the English Exchequer or the Irish 
 revenues, the whole being received in base white Irish money, 
 and base copper, with a certain proportion of sterling value. 
 Against the above he was allowed annually for his own 
 entertainment and expenses, and for his ordinary and extra- 
 ordinary disbursements, as well as for the pay, victualling,
 
 124 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 and clothing of the army. In this wise Sir George Carey 
 delivered five several accounts of the money which had 
 passed through his hands during the 42nd, 43rd, 44th, and 
 45th years of Elizabeth, and the ist, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th years 
 of her successor, the whole amounting to nearly two millions 
 of the money of that time. Each of these accounts was 
 examined and passed by the English Commissioners, chief 
 of whom were the Lords Salisbury, Ellesmere, and Notting- 
 ham, and Sir Julius Csesar. Having passed honourably 
 through this ordeal. Sir George Carey rose to still higher 
 office. He was made Lord Deputy of Ireland, thus advanc- 
 ing the fortunes of his own branch of the family to an equality 
 with the hitherto more favoured Hunsdons and Falklands. 
 In 1616, Sir George died, without issue, and the bulk of his 
 property descended to his nephew and heir, Edward Carey. 
 The late Lord Deputy had made a will of which his nephew 
 Edward, and his widow, Lettice, with Sir John Bingley (a 
 brother official), and another, were the executors. The tes- 
 tator had died possessed of a very large estate. He had 
 seemingly grown rich in office, and had invested large sums 
 in the purchase of real property both in England and Ireland. 
 Much of this descended to his nephew as the heir-at-law, but 
 probably a great deal more was devised for the benefit of 
 other relatives and friends. There was at least nothing osten- 
 tatious in the disposition of his wealth, nothing which could 
 excite envy or suspicion in the minds of his most inveterate 
 enemies. Four years after his death the name of his family 
 stood at its highest for power and fame ; four years later still 
 the Attorney-General, on behalf of the Crown, exhibited a 
 bill against his heirs and executors, and process was awarded 
 by the Court of Exchequer, on an accusation of frauds in the 
 administration of his office of unprecedented magnitude even 
 in the records of official peculation. 
 
 In Trinity Term, 6 Jas. I., a citizen of London, named 
 Beecher, exhibited a bill in the Court of Exchequer against 
 the widow of Ury Babington and Robert Bromley, merchant- 
 taylors of London, to recover his rightful share in the profits 
 of the latter as contractors for clothing the English armies
 
 The Official. 125 
 
 abroad. The case was protracted over Michaelmas Term, 
 and over Easter and Trinity Terms of the following year. In 
 Easter Term of the eighth year, an order was made for an 
 examination of the particulars of Babington's estate. In the 
 ninth year, two leases were awarded to the plaintiff out of 
 that estate as a compensation for his claim. In Trinity Term 
 of the same year an order was made cancelling the contract 
 of the defendants for the Irish service, and a commission was 
 appointed to inquire into the particulars of the estates of 
 both the defendants. In the tenth year we find the widow 
 Babington contumacious with regard to these orders of the 
 Court, and finally committed to the Fleet until satisfaction 
 had been made to her late husband's agent. The details of 
 this petty squabble had so far excited little attention ; but 
 gradually the truth leaked out that a series of gigantic frauds 
 had been practised on the late and present Governments by 
 their contractors for clothing in Ireland, whereby it was esti- 
 mated that at least ;;£" 180,000 (nearly a million present value) 
 of public money had been embezzled. It was also whispered 
 that persons of the most exalted rank were implicated to 
 nearly a like extent. This was in 1616, and in that same 
 year Sir George Carey, who had taken a leading part in the 
 Government of Ireland, and against whom these rumours 
 were not yet directed, died. 
 
 In Trinity Term, 13 Jas. I., His Majesty's Attorney-General, 
 Sir Francis Bacon, exhibited a bill in the Court of Exchequer 
 against the heirs and executors of Ury Babington and his 
 fellow-contractors to recover large sums of which the Crown 
 had been defrauded in the contract service for Ireland, 
 These contracts were made between the late Queen, the pre- 
 sent King, and the defendants, two merchants of London, 
 and their agents, to supply a certain quantity of clothing to 
 the troops serving in Ireland. The first contract dated from 
 159S-9 and lasted till 1602-3, ^vhen on the earnest petition 
 of the captains of the Irish foot-bands the arrangements for 
 that service were placed in their own hands. This scheme, 
 however, was at once pronounced a failure. The unfortunate 
 soldiers had fared badly enough under the previous system.
 
 126 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 but now they shivered through the winter in a half-naked 
 condition. The contracts were therefore restored to the 
 merchants early in the reign of the Queen's successor. The 
 second contract dated from 1603, and was to the following 
 effect. The contractors were to provide with all speed 5,000 
 summer suits for instant use for an army of 5,000 men. The 
 proportion was roughly guessed at ninety-four suits for rank 
 and file and four for officers. The contract was to be at the 
 rates of 53^. \od. for the former, and 62 j. 10^. for the latter 
 quality ; the material and pattern to be of a specified kind, 
 and the orders to be consigned to a particular depot by route 
 of Bristol or Chester, all risks to be taken by the Govern- 
 ment, and carriage also to be allowed. Very ample pre- 
 cautions were taken by the Home Government to ensure the 
 proper execution of this contract. The consignments were 
 to be shipped only at fixed dates, and were to be viewed, 
 measured to pattern, packed, and sealed by proper officials. 
 To facilitate their transit, no custom was chargeable — which 
 also served as a further means of identification. If any 
 clothes should be refused by the responsible consignees, they 
 were to be kept back and passed off in the next year upon 
 some other branch of the service. To make the terms of 
 contract still more advantageous to its agents, the Crown was 
 willing to prepay the present order, estimated as equal to 
 ;^7,5i4 3J. 4^., as well as that for the following winter, on 
 the same scale, amounting to ;^ 12,507 ioj., as at present 
 estimated. Here the responsibility of the English Govern- 
 ment ended. Acquittances were to be received by the con- 
 tractors from the consignees, who were the captains of the 
 Irish foot-bands, for ;£"i62 \\s. for summer, and .^265 \\s. M. 
 for winter suits to every 100 men. These acquittances were 
 to be handed by the contractors to the Treasurer at War for 
 Ireland, and his release was to constitute their legal discharge 
 against the Crown, subject to the scrutiny of the official 
 auditors. With all these precautions taken against fraud or 
 errors, it may seem almost incredible that nearly half of the 
 grants for the clothing service in Ireland should have been 
 embezzled by the contractors or their accomplices. Yet this
 
 Tlie Official. 
 
 127 
 
 was the case for the Crown ; the statistics given by its coun- 
 sel being as under, arranged in a tabular form and in round 
 numbers. 
 
 Year. 
 
 
 Clothmg. 
 
 Troops. 
 
 
 Charge. 
 
 Allowance. 
 
 41 Eliz. 
 
 
 Summer 
 
 12,000 
 
 (7,500 clothed 
 
 .^17,818 
 
 ■^ 
 
 nnd 
 
 
 Winter 
 
 12,000 
 
 
 29,806 
 
 f ^35,761 
 
 42 „ 
 
 ( 
 
 SummcT 
 
 7,000 
 
 
 10,393 
 
 
 42 ,, 
 
 
 Winter 
 
 12,000 
 
 (6,300 „ 
 
 29,806 
 
 15,762 
 
 43 .. 
 
 c 
 
 Summer 
 
 12,000 
 
 (8,030 „ 
 
 J7,8i8 
 
 11,910 
 
 and 
 
 \ 
 
 Winter 
 
 12,000 
 
 (6,850 „ 
 
 29,806 
 
 17,075 
 
 44 ,. 
 
 I 
 
 Summer 
 
 10,000 
 
 (8,500 „ 
 
 14,846 
 
 8,621 
 
 44 „ 
 
 
 W^iiiter 
 
 1 2,000 
 
 (7,500 „ 
 
 30,624 
 
 17,319 
 
 45 Eliz. 
 and 
 I Jas. I. 
 
 { 
 
 Summer 
 
 10,000 
 
 (8,500 „ ] 
 
 *5,33o 
 
 13,895 
 
 I 
 
 Winter 
 
 7,000 
 
 (3.040 „ 
 
 17,804 
 
 7,661 
 
 I ,, 
 
 { 
 
 Summer 
 
 5,000 
 
 (1,460 „ 
 
 7,656 
 
 2,106 
 
 2 ,, 
 
 Winter 
 
 3,000 
 
 (1,500 „ 
 
 ) 7,656 
 
 2,215 
 
 2 „ 
 
 { 
 
 Summer 
 
 3,000 
 
 ( 316 „ 
 
 ► 4,508 
 
 474 
 
 3 „ 
 
 W'inter 
 
 1,370 
 
 ( 250 „ 
 
 3,456 
 ^^237,387 
 
 375 
 
 
 /i33,8o4 
 
 Difference of receipts and expenditure, ;^I04,22I. 
 
 Nevertheless, it is not very difficult to understand how the 
 frauds were successfully carried out. The Government were 
 constantly changing their arrangements in Ireland, and a 
 steady reduction in the numbers of the Irish army took place 
 during the first few years of the reign of James I. Therefore 
 a tone of mystery or assurance on the part of the favoured 
 contractors would prevail easily enough with the supervisors 
 appointed by the Crown. It was well known that these two 
 London merchants were in the confidence of the Govern- 
 ment, and were even at that very time advancing money for 
 the pay of the garrisons of the late Queen's cautionary towns. 
 A hint from them that the full order had been secretly 
 countermanded would have its weight with subordinates well 
 used to such expedients ; or failing this, a judicious bribe 
 would do the work as well. Besides, the home Government 
 was only concerned in finding money for the service, and the 
 real check upon its expenditure rested with the Irish Trea- 
 surer, to say nothing of the obvious fact that the consignees, 
 the captains of Irish foot-bands, had a certain number of 
 men under their command who must be clothed as well as
 
 1 28 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 fed. With whom, then, did the fault He? These Irish cap- 
 tains were nearly all men of note and family, and included 
 amongst their number such names as Sir Arthur Chichester 
 (afterwards Baron of Belfast), Sir Richard Wingfield, Sir 
 Henry Docwra, Sir Fulk Conway, Sir Henry Brouncker, the 
 Earl of Clanricard, Sir Tobias Caulfield, Sir Thomas Philipps, 
 Sir Ralph Constable, Sir Thomas Roper, Lord Cromwell, Sir 
 Charles Wilmot, and Sir Thomas Rotheram, with many more 
 of note. These officers had the rank of colonels, and were 
 also for the most part governors of districts ; yet one and all 
 (according to the case for the Crown, fully made out in the 
 eyes of the Barons of the Exchequer) winked at the dis- 
 honesty of the contractors, and received a large share of the 
 plunder, while they allowed their own unfortunate soldiers to 
 shiver half-naked in their tents, in a worse plight even than 
 the heroes of the Boyne. 
 
 But what of the Irish Treasurer, the cousin of Elizabeth's 
 own cousin, the friend of Pembroke, the trusted Governor of 
 the Isle of Wight, the Armada man, the ancestor of gallant 
 cavaliers ? How had he redeemed the trust confided to him 
 by his Queen and continued by her successor? 
 
 There are good grounds for believing that he proved him- 
 self the boldest and most successful of a whole generation of 
 public robbers. In 1624, Cranfield was impeached for mal- 
 versation. In 162 1, Bacon had been convicted of taking 
 bribes. In 162 1 also, the Attorney-General exhibited in 
 Trinity Term a bill against Sir George Carey's heirs and 
 executors, in the Exchequer, for wholesale frauds upon the 
 Crown in his office of Treasurer at War for Ireland. 
 
 The case of the Crown, founded in a great measure on the 
 discoveries made in the Babington case, was briefly as follows. 
 Sir George Carey, as Treasurer at War for Ireland, d-uring 
 the last four years of the reign of Elizabeth and the first four 
 of James I. had received, and presumably accounted for, 
 about a million and a half of public money. It was now 
 stated for the Crown that more than ;^i 50,000 of this money 
 had never been satisfactorily accounted for by the Treasurer, 
 but had been appropriated for his own use. The sum was
 
 The Official. 129 
 
 made up of the following items. At the end of his fourth 
 account it was stated that the Treasurer was indebted to the 
 Crown for ;^46,746 ijs. 2\d., which had never been trans- 
 mitted by him in any form of currency. This sum was the 
 balance of the Crown's profit by the Exchange of ^^"224,600, 
 of which, according to the proclamation to that effect, one- 
 third, one-fourth, or at least one-fifth had been received in 
 sterling money. This sum, however, the Treasurer repre- 
 sented as existing only in base coinage, thus reducing the 
 balance by about two-thirds. It was indeed commonly 
 allowed that only base coinage was current in Ireland before 
 1602; but the Crown offered proof that at the time when 
 this sum came into the Treasurer's hands, no base money was 
 for the moment available. A second charge was that the 
 Treasurer had defrauded the Crown in the victualling of the 
 army by allowing the English soldiers only 18^. a week to 
 live upon, and the Irish nothing but a modicum of base 
 copper as board-wages. Thirdly, it was alleged that he had 
 held back the base coinage for some time after it should have 
 been proclaimed, whereby its value fell to ten of base for one 
 of sterling value. This opportunity he seized to buy pro- 
 visions with the depreciated money at a forced value, for 
 which he allowed himself in sterling money after the pro- 
 clamation for reforming the currency. It was believed that 
 of ;^26, 592 I Si'. 8f^., which he should have been allowed 
 for as base money, he had pocketed two-thirds by this 
 manoeuvre after the base coinage had at last been publicly 
 decried. A further charge was, that he had bought up base 
 money to the value of ;ir 60,000 sterling at the rate of between 
 ten and twenty to one profit. Part of this specie he had con- 
 trived to smuggle in a consignment of beer to the head- 
 quarters of the army, and thence issued it for their pay at 
 sterling value. The profits he had invested in the purchase 
 of Irish estates for himself or his friends. Lastly, the late 
 Treasurer was accused of having in his official capacity 
 allowed the accounts of Babington and Bromley, the Irish 
 clothing contractors, for goods delivered by them to the 
 army to the value of ;^5 2,5 26 5.;. i\d., which they had received 
 
 K
 
 130 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 in five payments under Elizabeth, these goods never having 
 been dehvered at all. On the whole, it was calculated by 
 the Crown that iJ"i 50,000 at least was owing on the late 
 Treasurer's accounts, and ought to be recovered from his 
 heirs. 
 
 This was in the 21st year of James, and the case dragged 
 on for another five or six years. In Hilary Term, 5 Charles 
 I., progress was made in the case, and it was ruled — i. That 
 Sir George Carey was not responsible for the frauds of 
 clothing contractors, wherein the Crown had already received 
 satisfaction. 2. That it had been proved that his first two 
 accounts were clear of fraud. 3. That his discharge by 
 the Commissioners of Accounts was a binding discharge 
 against the Crown, the questions of fact being referred to the 
 official auditors for examination and report. Meanwhile, it 
 was agreed that unless better proof were forthcoming from 
 the Crown officers, the defendant should be dismissed. 
 
 On the nth February following, the case was finally heard 
 and the report of the auditors taken. This was in substance 
 as follows : — They found, on examining the former Treasurer's 
 accounts — i. That during the period of his first official 
 account he received and disbursed base money only. 2. That 
 he received, at a later date, certain sterling money out of the 
 English Exchequer, and was further charged with a sum of 
 jr6i,445 \os. ()d. on behalf of the clothing service, but that it 
 did not appear that this money had actually passed through 
 his hands. On the contrary, it was probable that the con- 
 tractors had received their remittances directly from the 
 English Exchequer ; and in any case the Treasurer at War 
 was not responsible. 3. That Sir George had received, under 
 his third account, ;^ 249,875 is. ^\d. in base copper, of which 
 he was allowed ;;^ 195,200 14^. j\d. for the expenses of the 
 army ; leaving a balance in his hands, also in base copper, of 
 ;;^ 54,674 6s. gld, which, after certain necessary deductions, 
 was equal to the sterling sum remaining in the Treasurer's 
 hands at the conclusion of that account, amounting in base 
 money to ;^48,520 lOi". i^d. 4. That the date of the procla- 
 mations and of the alleged depreciation made no difterence
 
 The Official. 131 
 
 in the above statement. 5. That the depositions of some of 
 Sir George's official colleagues confirmed these conclusions. 
 
 Upon this report the Court decided to act. It recapitulated 
 its rulings upon the points already decided, and added thereto 
 its opinion that the remaining accounts were equally authentic 
 with the earlier ones. Its decree therefore was that the 
 defendant, Sir Edward Carey, should be clearly dismissed out 
 of the Court — in other words, Sir George Carey's name was 
 cleared from every imputation of fraud or negligence. This 
 judgment was a foregone conclusion. The Crown had prac- 
 tically abandoned the charge, and had acquiesced in the case 
 for the defence. The reason is not hard to find. The Careys 
 had always been favourites with the Crown, and their influ- 
 ence was just then at its highest. It might have been thought 
 that public justice, not then very exacting, had been satisfied 
 by the confiscation of humbler culprits' ill-gotten wealth. Be- 
 sides, if a decree had been awarded for the Crown, there was 
 no knowing where the matter would end. If Carey were 
 guilty of the charges made against him, it was only too 
 evident that he had a host of accomplices, men who had now 
 risen to high place, all useful implements of the Crown, 
 That the latter showed itself herein wise in its own genera- 
 tion is amply proved by the history of later years. Amongst 
 the gallant defenders of a desperate cause none spent blood 
 or treasure more lavishly or less grudgingly than the Careys 
 and their allies. It would not have been very difficult for the 
 Crown to have proved, had it been so disposed, that at least 
 the lowest proportion named in its information had been re- 
 ceived by the Irish Treasurer at War in sterling money ; that 
 a considerable interval did actually take place between the 
 issue of the new coinage and the proclamation decrying the 
 base money; that the troops in Ireland were miserably clothed 
 and fed, and that they were in all probability left to supply 
 their needs with base money raised to a fictitious value ; and 
 that all this went on under the eyes and with the official 
 connivance, at least, of the Treasurer at War, who passed the 
 accounts of his dishonest subordinates, and shielded them, by 
 his signature and oath to their discharges, from the detection
 
 132 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 and punishment of their crimes. All this the Crown or its 
 advisers might have proved, or at least enough for the purpose 
 of discovering the guilty and recovering the plundered sub- 
 sidies of the nation. But instead, it chose to pose in its 
 patriarchal office of director of religion and morality, and to 
 hand down to posterity one more official interpretation of the 
 parable of the unjust steward.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE LAWYER. 
 
 Twice within the period of our known history has the judicial 
 prerogative vested in the sovereign been split up and appor- 
 tioned to centralised tribunals and appropriate officers, to 
 meet the requirements of a litigious nation and to facilitate 
 the workings of justice. On the first occasion, in the reign of 
 Edward I., the Courts of King's Bench, Exchequer and 
 Common Pleas were erected out of the diffused jurisdiction of 
 the Curia Regis. On the second occasion, during the early 
 half of the sixteenth century, the Courts of Star-chamber and 
 Requests, and the Councils of the West and North were sharply 
 defined amongst other developments of the equitable func- 
 tions of the King in his Chancery and the judicial powers of 
 his ordinary Council. 
 
 So far, both Chancery and Council had confined themselves 
 strictly to supplement the action of the Common Law in 
 matters beyond the cognizance of that purposely short-sighted 
 power. The reputation of the latter and of its expounders 
 stood high. It was a national force on the side of property 
 and progress against any inclination towards retrograde 
 despotism. It had the earnest support of the mercantile por- 
 tion of the community, whose whole interest was in peace and 
 order. The landed class, moreover, was effectually protected 
 thereby from the exactions of the Crown, for on the whole 
 the Statute law was framed at its expense. The clergy were 
 little affected either way, for they were able in most cases to 
 evade its obligations and to elude its penalties. We may 
 easily believe that at the commencement of the Tudor period 
 the influence of the Common Law was a paramount force in
 
 134 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 the State — civil force, that is ; for the maxim that brute 
 force is no remedy was never better illustrated than during 
 the civil wars of York and Lancaster, when men of the gown 
 prospered exceedingly, while their neighbours of the sword 
 worked each the other's ruin. It may have been jealousy of 
 the common lawyers and their clients, the radical and free- 
 trading burgesses, who with the turbulent mob of fell-men, 
 tuckers, or weavers, made up the population of the boroughs, 
 the bugbears of the Crown, that caused the extension of the 
 latter's equitable jurisdiction into every county and every 
 court. Historians, however, attribute this move of the 
 Crown to its desire effectually to prevent a repetition of the 
 late scenes of feudal discord, oblivious of the fact that the 
 remedy was here to be sought from the law of the land, and 
 was, in fact, obtained under the Statute of Liveries. What 
 then was the object of the Court of Star-chamber, of the Court 
 of Requests, of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and of the 
 Councils of the West and North .-' To protect the dignity of 
 the Crown, answers the historian, against its refractory or 
 turbulent vassals ; and so by preserving the balance of parties 
 (a process completed by hanging the commons and robbing 
 the Church) to pave the way for the Crown's autocracy. 
 Was ever any theory so ignorant or wrong-headed as this } 
 What had the Crown to gain by humbling, or even hanging 
 its subjects innocent or at least untried, and what did it per- 
 sonally gain by its autocracy ? Let us put the question in 
 another way. What made the people in general, high and 
 low, so turbulent and restless ? The answer is this, that the 
 industrious trader with his cupboards full of hoarded capital, 
 taking in to the full the capabilities of the land under proper 
 treatment, was striving mightily to invest his savings in 
 reversions and mortgages ; that he bid fair to accomplish 
 his object easily enough at the expense of the ignorant and 
 sensual class of owners or their customary tenants ; that an 
 enormous amount of litigation arose between the parties, in 
 which the Common Law, looking only at unalterable facts 
 committed to durable parchment, decided always in favour 
 of the mortgagee — and that in the absence of any higher
 
 The Lawyer. 135 
 
 authority the disputants appealed to their weapons without 
 the sh'ghtest hesitation. 
 
 This same competition for land raised the value of com- 
 modities and enforced economy in labour ; there was no 
 chance of pillage, still less of charity, and thousands clam- 
 oured for bread. Perhaps they coupled with this cry the 
 memory of the old church which had once remitted their 
 rents or fed them on plenteous doles ; perhaps it was the 
 promise of a new future of reform and rapine dawning upon 
 them that excited their outcry ; theirs was, after all, a second- 
 ary question depending upon the economical development of 
 the land, a question soon resolved, as we have said, by hang- 
 ing 20 per cent, of the agitators. 
 
 Was the Crown, then, without an interest in the struggle } 
 It was at least committed to the cause of order as the guar- 
 dian of the public peace now threatened on all sides. The 
 prosperous colonists of the Welsh Marches had for two gene- 
 rations or more ministered to the excesses of their Keltic 
 neighbours, thriftless and luxurious like all half-civilized 
 races. The security of the usurer was his debtor's land, and 
 protecting himself from the penalties of the statute, he 
 claimed the forfeiture of his bond and held the spendthrift 
 at his mercy. The result was a state of actual border warfare 
 ensuing from debt-seizures and reprisals ; the central courts 
 were blocked with processes for executions and bills for re- 
 lief in equity. To avert the horrors of civil war, the Crown 
 acted as it has done since, as it is doing now. It removed 
 these cases for the hearing of a special commission, qualified 
 by its residence to deal with local colouring — with the men- 
 dacity of the Kelt and the rapacity of the Saxon. Hence 
 the Council of the West, the object of the common lawyer's 
 special hatred. In some more favoured districts the respon- 
 sibility of the Crown in the maintenance of order was far 
 lighter. Yet it had other interests, more selfish ones it is true, 
 at stake. Once before it had attempted to check subinfeuda- 
 tion, and had failed, but the process now going on struck at 
 the whole feudal system. Doubtless it mattered nothing to 
 the Crown whether tenure was by precarious knight service
 
 136 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 or by the nominal fealty of free-socage. But it was material 
 whether its old vassals, bred upon their lands, as dull and 
 meek as their own beasts, should be evicted wholesale to make 
 room for an abler class, impatient of tyranny and with little 
 reverence for State-craft. If the servants of the Crown were 
 harassed by imprudent liabilities, or it may be were unable of 
 themselves to get in their suitors' obligations ; or their ten- 
 ants were refractory, or in turn oppressed ; the remedy was 
 ministered in the Court of Requests. 
 
 Another and a more defenceless class of vassals, those under 
 age, were taken care of by the Court of Wards and Liveries. 
 The Chancery at large was open to all subjects, great and 
 small, for relief in equity. The Star-chamber and the Council 
 provided for special cases. Now with regard to all these 
 permanent developments of the Crown's prerogative of 
 justice, the common lawyer was, as it were, in the presence of 
 his sovereign and upon his sworn allegiance. " The king can 
 do no wrong," was the reply which greeted him upon every 
 fresh remonstrance, " therefore unless your client stays pro- 
 ceedings before your hum-drum tribunals, to the Fleet or 
 Marshalsea shall he go for gross and manifest contempt of 
 this honourable Court ! " So the merchant usurer risked his 
 capital ; so the common lawyer lost his clients ; so the Crown 
 found devoted servants ; so Justice was appeased. 
 
 But the policy which grew thus fairly at the outset bore 
 deadly fruit hereafter. The parliamentary opposition which 
 swept the Stuarts from their throne was composed of mer- 
 chant capitalists and the new generation of landowners, 
 marshalled and led by the common lawyers. 
 
 On the whole, however, the Crown acquitted itself of its 
 self-imposed task with tolerable success. If it had allowed 
 the question to be worked to its logical conclusion, the result 
 must have been truly appalling. Even with the acquired 
 wisdom and civilization of another century, the brief reign of 
 the pedants reduced the people to a condition of ungovern- 
 able frenzy. It may be ethically correct that causes shall 
 be followed by their consequences ; but in our own time 
 we have not yet the dimmest prospect of a state of moral
 
 The Lawyer. 137 
 
 order, in which the practice of such a principle could be 
 tolerated without risking an explosion which would dismantle 
 the whole fabric of society. It is notorious that the Chancery 
 and Common Law were thus in conflict during the whole 
 reign of Elizabeth, and that the latter was rather roughly 
 handled by the prerogative. In fact, our historian has re- 
 presented the affair as one of intolerable oppression on the 
 part of the Crown and patient submission on that of its much 
 abused subjects ; whereas in truth the interference of the 
 Crown was but for the purpose of protecting one-half of its 
 subjects from the rapacity of the other half. It would, in fact, 
 be almost impossible to give a tragic turn to any proceedings 
 for contempt of Court. Take the following case, a good 
 enough example of its kind, and attempt to point out some- 
 thing tragic or heroic or martyrical, or indeed anything but 
 what savours of the ludicrous in all its bearings. 
 
 Court of Requests. 18 Nov^^S Anno II. Eliz. Robert 
 Loyd, pit. ; Sir Edward Bray, deft. " Richard Quarles, a 
 messenger, sworne that he served the injunction on the Deft, 
 who at the receipt of the injunction and sight of the decree 
 saide at the first that he would be contented to obey any- 
 thing that the Masters of Requests had done therein ; and 
 forthwith the lady his wife came to him and did stand with 
 him, and immediately he changed his former speaking, and 
 said that hee would pay no money, hee did know the worst, 
 it was but to lie in the Fleete, etc., and thereupon 21 
 Novemb^ an attachment was awarded to the Sherife of the 
 Countie of Surrey to attach the body of the said Sir Edward 
 Bray, kn'i , defendant." 
 
 Now this same knight, who was one of the most improvi- 
 dent spendthrifts of his time, had often in his own necessities 
 appealed to the Equity Courts against the indiscriminate pro- 
 cedure of the Common Law ; so in this case at least the Crown 
 acted with fairness towards both classes of its subjects. In 
 other cases, however, the Crown could at best observe a 
 partial neutrality. It could not shield some of its subjects 
 from the consequences of their own vice or misfortune. 
 The best that could be done was to commit them to the
 
 138 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 tender mercies of its ministers, with whom they were to make 
 the best bar^^ain that circumstances permitted. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge, Esquire, of Bracebridge Hall, Lincoln- 
 shire, and Kingsbury, Warwickshire, the descendant of an 
 old Saxon family, had a son and heir, William, who, with 
 the laudable prudence common to the youth of his genera- 
 tion in such matters, had engaged himself to marry a con- 
 siderable heiress, the daughter of an alderman of Coventry. 
 His father, on this proud occasion, agreed to settle upon 
 his son an annuity of 40 marks a year in land. Almost 
 immediately afterwards, however, the father lost his wife, 
 and consoled himself for that loss by marrying her maid, 
 This second wife played the part of the traditional step- 
 mother, setting father against son, and the whole family 
 generally by the ears. In this she was ably seconded by 
 a neighbour of the family, a certain Sir George Griffith, who 
 seems to have been a professional mischief-maker. As the 
 quarrel waxed hotter, the old gentleman lost all sense of 
 self-respect in his wrath, and disinherited his son, settling part 
 of his property upon two favourite servants. This scandalous 
 proceeding resulted in a Chancery suit, when a compromise 
 was arrived at, the eccentric head of the family being sternly 
 warned by the Lord Chancellor to order his affairs better in 
 the future. This, however, in the presence of his second wife 
 and her children, he was obviously unable to accomplish. 
 Meanwhile the disinherited son, William, had prospered 
 fairly well. He still kept up the feud, for we find him at 
 law with his father ; his stepmother and his three younger 
 brothers being parties to the suit. The whole of this 
 litigation was with regard to the manor of Kingsbury, 
 part of which had been specified in the settlement of 40 
 marks in land made upon the heir's marriage. William 
 Bracebridge left a son, who died young, and two daughters, 
 his co-heirs. One of these, Margery, married Waldyve Will- 
 ington, head of another old Warwickshire family, between 
 which and that of Bracebridge there had been a previous 
 connection. This Waldyve's uncle, his father's elder brother, 
 had died leaving another Margery his heir, who married Sir
 
 The Lawyei'. 139 
 
 Ambrose Cave, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Thus 
 not only did Willington and Cave acquire an interest in the 
 family of Bracebridge, but also an indirect claim to meddle 
 in its affairs ; for Willington claimed, through his wife, the 
 rights of William Bracebridge, the lawful heir, and the children 
 of Sir Ambrose Cave's marriage might eventually inherit this 
 same right in their turn as heirs to Waldyve's precarious 
 issue. 
 
 In the meantime the Bracebridges had not profited by 
 the Chancellor's warning. Thomas, the second son and pre- 
 sumptive heir, had grown up, and he too went to law with 
 his father. It would appear that Bracebridge the elder, being 
 hard pressed for money, and loath to alienate his estates, had 
 fallen back on the entail to secure himself; but his deeds 
 being stolen from him, he was in a sad dilemma. Now it 
 seems pretty certain that Sir Ambrose Cave was working in 
 the matter, making use of the son against the father. How- 
 ever this may be, a compromise was arrived at by which it 
 was agreed that Sir Ambrose Cave, to extricate the owner, 
 should reconvey to him the manor of Kingsbury, and should 
 receive himself a lease, from the latter, of the manor for a 
 term of sixty years, with preferment of purchase and a clause 
 against previous encumbrances. This was accomplished ; 
 and Bracebridge was further bound in ^^500 that his tenant 
 should not be molested in his holding. 
 
 Having now introduced himself into Naboth's vineyard (so 
 to speak), the next step of this unjust ruler was naturally 
 to dispose of Naboth himself; for which purpose Ahab's 
 method was further resorted to. The Chancellor's object 
 was to force on a sale, an extremity imminent by reason 
 of the owner's embarrassments. Ahab therefore suborned 
 Naboth's tenants and servants, and got up the following case 
 against him. An annuitant of the Bracebridge family, in 
 receipt of 535. 4<^. yearly, had not received that sum for some 
 years past. Taking advantage of this person's grievance. 
 Sir Ambrose privately invited him to levy a distress upon 
 his chattels as Bracebridge's lessee and the ostensible occupier 
 of his Warwickshire estate. This done, an action was sur-
 
 140 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 reptitiously entered and damages recovered against Brace- 
 bridge ; and Sir Ambrose Cave likewise claimed the forfeit of 
 his bond for molestation in his holding through his lessor's 
 neglect. The latter, wholly unable to find the money, was 
 thus driven to sell at a sacrifice, his enemy having already 
 the preferment of purchase ; or to seek his remedy at law. 
 Open war being thus declared, Sir Ambrose Cave, making 
 the most of his official position, presented a bill in the Court 
 of Requests against Bracebridge for possession of the land 
 in dispute under his agreement. The latter in turn brought 
 an action at the Common Law against the intruder, probably 
 on the strength of his entail barring alienation, for we know 
 that he was seeking to produce the depositions of witnesses 
 in the place of his lost deeds. As it shortly appeared that 
 he was progressing with this action. Sir Ambrose Cave ob- 
 tained an injunction in the Court of Requests, and Bracebridge 
 suddenly found himself a prisoner in the Fleet, until he was 
 prepared to plead only in the latter court. On this under- 
 standing the case was at length proceeded with, and posses- 
 sion of the lands in question decreed to the plaintiff for 
 want of the defendant's answer. Finding himself thus hardly 
 dealt with, Bracebridge resorted once more to the recognised 
 tribunals, but was again called to order, and the proceedings 
 summarily stayed, a further date being fixed for receiving 
 his answer to the previous bill. 
 
 In this manner the case dragged on, much like the sport 
 of cat with mouse, till the death of Sir Ambrose Cave soon 
 afterwards in 1568. His claims seem to have devolved upon 
 Sir Francis Willoughby, a neighbour and ally, if not in a 
 closer relation with him. At any rate, Cave's grand-daughter 
 married a Willoughby; and Sir Francis himself had great 
 interests in the county. A new generation of Bracebridges 
 was still busily continuing the family traditions. Thomas 
 the younger was now head of his family and was at war 
 with all his brethren, being in turn backed up by Sir Ralph 
 Egerton, the new Chancellor of the Duchy. Next, Sir Francis 
 Willoughby, who had purchased the reversion of Kingsbury 
 from the late owner, joined in the fray, finding his acquisition
 
 The Lawyer, 141 
 
 grievously encumbered. Last of all, the Willingtons de- 
 riving from the elder Thomas' disinherited heir, put in 
 their claim, and the last remains of a property which had 
 been inherited in unbroken line from pre-Norman times were 
 swallowed up. A younger scion of the family, Anticle, by 
 a fortunate marriage restored the fortunes oi his house and 
 perpetuated his line. 
 
 The profession of the law was not, on the outside, a very 
 lucrative one at this period of our history. In most cases 
 the fees received were very small in comparison with the 
 work done. Every man in those days was up to a certain 
 point his own lawyer ; that is, he was well versed in all the 
 technical forms and procedure. Therefore counsel were 
 brought into very close relations with their somewhat ex- 
 acting clients, by whom they might be said to be chiefly 
 instructed, the solicitor or attorney being rather in the posi- 
 tion of an agent for the general conduct of cases. Nearly 
 the whole of contemporary litigation was, in respect of real 
 property, carried on therefore in the Court of Common Pleas, 
 or by anticipation or appeal in the Chancery. There was 
 little scope here for forensic eloquence ; that was reserved, 
 such as it was, such as it can ever be, for the devoted heads 
 of rebels or conspirators. The skill of the lawyer was 
 employed in drawing pleadings, interrogatories, bills and 
 answers ; his literary ambition was confined to collecting pre- 
 cedents and taking down reports. But besides this routine 
 of his profession, the ambitious and successful lawyer had 
 high interests at stake. He was in most cases connected 
 with the land by birth and belongings, and the whole aim of 
 his life was directed towards the acquisition of landed pro- 
 perty and the foundation of a county family. For this he 
 had great advantages, and used them to the full. As a con- 
 fidential agent, as a usurer, as a grantee of the Crown through 
 the influence of its advisers, or even as an enlightened 
 speculator, the lawyer of the sixteenth century was rapidly 
 pushing his way into the ranks of the landed gentry, and, 
 once arrived there, political influence was added to his other 
 resources. One example of such a career is pre-eminent.
 
 142 Elizabethan Society, 
 
 John Popham, the famous lawyer, courtier, country gentle- 
 man, and judge of Elizabeth, was younger son of Alexander 
 Popham of Somerset, descended from an old Norman family. 
 His elder brother Edward succeeded to the family estates, he 
 himself choosing the law as a profession. In this he not only 
 struck out a line for himself, but his own connections and 
 patronage, the only high-road then to wealth and office, were 
 drawn from another county, Wiltshire. There was, in truth, 
 little scope left for his ambition and talents in his own 
 county. Here the local practice was pretty well monopo- 
 lized by his contemporary Hippesly, who was perhaps the 
 most successful country practitioner of his time, and whose 
 interest, though not so long established, was far more widely 
 spread than even that of the Pophams. There were also 
 good reasons for the young lawyer's adherence to the neigh- 
 bour county. His family was related of old to the Darrells 
 of Littlecote. Young George Darrell, William Darrell's 
 cousin and early house-mate, was probably a fellow-student 
 with Popham at the Temple. Besides this, Popham's grand- 
 father had married the sister (co-heiress with her) of the wife 
 of one of the Blounts of Gloucestershire. There had been a 
 lawsuit about the property thus derived from the Pophams' 
 grandmother, the latter family claiming the whole. There 
 was also a mysterious connection between these same Blounts 
 and the Darrells of Littlecote. A Blount was in disputed 
 occupation of some of Sir Edward Darrell's property ; a 
 Blount was settled at Chilton Foliat ; and it was a Blount of 
 whose murder Wild Darrell was afterwards accused. Another 
 Wiltshire ally was the Earl of Pembroke. Popham had 
 interests at Salisbury, and had married a Glamorganshire heir- 
 ess, a county in which Pembroke was paramount and where 
 Darrell also seems to have had some property in mines. 
 
 It is therefore in Wiltshire that we find Popham early 
 exercising his legal abilities. The first display of these was 
 not apparently greatly to his credit, though the account is 
 no doubt chiefly one-sided. The complaint against him was 
 to this effect. Thomas Pyke, a Wiltshire gentleman, had 
 acknowledged a statute staple for £iQOO some years back to
 
 The Lawyer. 143 
 
 certain creditors, and had invoked the assistance of Popham 
 in his difficulties with regard thereto. It seems that one or 
 more of these creditors were not very sound in questions of 
 religion, and Popham, who from his earliest youth was a 
 very Saul amongst the Pharisees in his zeal for uniformity, 
 took advantage of the fact to hint to the mortgagees the ad- 
 visability of coming to terms. According to the latter, indeed, 
 he " manaced them with terrible wordes and othes," that if 
 they did not enter into a bond to himself for ^600, to deliver 
 up the statute in question to be cancelled, they " sholde dye 
 for it." Moreover, Popham was accused of having, with a 
 casuistry savouring but little of his creed, repeated to his 
 client's creditors the opinion of some of their own friends in 
 favour of the surrender, which opinion it transpired had never 
 been expressed. Through the above " deceitful practices in 
 the law," Popham gained his point, and the statute was 
 surrendered, and duly cancelled, but not before the pre- 
 cautionary bond had fallen due and been rigorously executed. 
 The sufferers therefore prayed for relief, as being intellectu- 
 ally unequal to cope with such " subtle and crafty " men as 
 Popham and his client. It may seem strange, considering 
 the lawyer's known attachment to the Darrell family, and his 
 intimate connection at a later date with its last representa- 
 tive, that his name should appear as counsel for the latter's 
 refractory tenants in a suit brought against them by their 
 lord. This was in the case of the Wanborough copyholders, 
 and Popham's well-known signature is certainly appended 
 to the answer of the latter, accusing their lord of unlimited 
 atrocities. Curiously enough, however, this same answer was 
 a supplementary one, made under these circumstances. Dar- 
 rell, foiled in the Court of Requests, and acting under special 
 advice, pushed on this hitherto neglected Chancery suit ; and 
 on the same day (28 October) that the order of the former 
 Court was published, served the defendants with notice to 
 put in a fresh answer in three days, the subpoenas being ante- 
 dated 26th of October, and the answer being due on the 
 29th October, no fresh motion or order having been made in 
 the case, which stood adjourned from Easter. The answer
 
 144 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 could not be produced in time, and the defendants were at 
 the mercy of the Court. Is it possible that Popham was 
 here playing Darrell's game, and had secretly suggested and 
 permitted the ruse ? One thing at least we know, that Pop- 
 ham, from professional, if also interested motives, was capable 
 of carrying through a yet more desperate expedient. A few 
 years later than the above incident, we find an anonymous 
 letter, addressed to one of the judges, presumably, the con- 
 tents being to the following purpose. The writer states that 
 Darrell has given a bond to one of the Essexes for ;i^ioo, 
 half of which has been repaid ; that complications have 
 arisen with regard to the same, and action has been taken 
 by the creditor ; that though the balance has been tendered 
 in open court, the forfeit is persisted in out of malice, and 
 that a Nisi Prius has issued to hear the case at Bristol, the 
 person to whom this is addressed being destined to preside 
 thereon. Therefore, considering the hardship of the case, 
 this person is earnestly requested to find means that the case 
 may stand over in order to gain time, for next term proceed- 
 ings in Chancery will be instituted on the debtor's behalf, 
 and adds the writer, " I shall be ready to gratify you as 
 occasion shall give." Now this significant note is in Pop- 
 ham's most villainous handwriting, and concludes with his 
 favourite phrase, " yof loving friend." The morality of the 
 transaction is not perhaps below the standard of the age, 
 nevertheless it supposes that standard a low one. 
 
 From this time forth indeod, Popham was consulted in 
 almost all Darrell's legal difficulties. The client himself was 
 intimately versed in every detail connected with the law of 
 real property, and he ordinarily employed several first-rate 
 counsel, besides some admirable attorneys, notaries, and 
 agents who were with good reason devoted to his interests. 
 But Popham (the greatest lawyer of the day, after Plowden 
 and before Coke) was the master-mind that directed and 
 revised everything. The draft of a bill, interrogatories, or 
 answer, carefully prepared by the joint wisdom of Darrell and 
 his ordinary advisers, was another document when returned 
 from Popham's perusal.
 
 The Lawyer. 145 
 
 It is only fair to Darrell himself to say that he had 
 managed to connect his name with some of the most intri- 
 cate cases of the day. His matters had come before every 
 permanent Court in the kingdom — in the Chancery, the 
 King's Bench, the Exchequer, the Common Pleas, the Courts 
 of Wards and Liveries, Requests, and Star-chamber, the Spi- 
 ritual Courts, and were even the subject of grave discussion 
 in the Council Chamber and the Presence, He had appeared 
 at the County Assizes, County Court, and Quarter Sessions ; 
 and his own steward or agents, as his representatives in the 
 various IManor-Courts of his estate, always had their hands 
 full. In his business relations with his relative and friend, 
 Popham certainly appeared to advantage. Darrell was 
 fidgety, querulous, and self-willed to the last degree, faults 
 almost redeemed, however, by the gentle constancy and pa- 
 thetic melancholy of all his expressions touching himself 
 and his friends. Popham was the opposite of this. He was 
 confident and peremptory, but ever courteous in tone towards 
 his unfortunate client. These characteristic features are fully 
 seen in the existing correspondence between the two. 
 
 Popham's success in his profession was rapid and com- 
 plete. In 1571 he was called to the "state and degree" of 
 Sergeant-at-law. In 1579 ^^ ^^'^^ Solicitor-General, and 
 in 1581 Attorney-General. In 1592 he succeeded Sir Chris- 
 topher Wray as Lord Chief Justice of England. For ten 
 years previously he had been constantly employed by the 
 Government in delicate matters of State, such as the ex- 
 amination of Seminary Priests, recusants or suspected per- 
 sons. His signature appears as one of the commissioners 
 for certifying the names and conditions of members of the 
 inns of court who were " dowted " of " backwardness in 
 religion" — "much noted and suspected of papistry" — or who 
 were amongst "such as be not known to come to church." 
 Popham, though a moderate man and of liberal views in 
 private life, was a sturdy Protestant, and conscientious sup- 
 porter of the Government in matters concerning the uni- 
 formity and supremacy of Church and State. As Attorney- 
 General he was equally employed in the examinations and 
 
 L
 
 146 Elizabethan Society. 
 
 confessions of conspirators ; and he took a very decided part 
 against Throgmorton and his supposed accomplices of the 
 old Catholic party, as well as in the Babington conspiracy. 
 Besides this professional occupation, Popham was consulted as 
 an authority on affairs of trade and finance, and in every 
 question connected with the tenure of lands or offices. In 
 his highest judicial post, especially when presiding at the 
 State trials of his time, his tone and bearing were in pleasant 
 relief to the displays usual upon such occasions. But pro- 
 bably the pleasantest side of the great lawyer's life must have 
 been seen in his position as a country gentleman. Here his 
 birth and early experiences qualified him to figure to admira- 
 tion. It is said that the Littlecote housekeeping in Popham's 
 time was on a more liberal scale than that of any other 
 country seat in the kingdom. There, the story continues, he 
 once entertained his sovereign, and usually half a dozen fine 
 gentlemen from the Court ; and there too, in his absence, his 
 lady vied with her partner's hospitality by gathering round 
 her the fair great ones of the county in a drunken carouse. 
 If this were true, how great the difference between the later 
 period of ostentation and vulgarity, and the earlier one asso- 
 ciated with the gentle scholar Darrell, and his romantic and 
 ill-starred love. But such stories probably are equally worthy 
 of credit with the rest told of Popham's riotous youth, and 
 his predecessor's tragic end ; admirable specimens of the 
 facility of those ingenious gossips, the romantic biographers 
 of the seventeenth century.
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 NOTES AND REFERENCES TO 
 CHAPTERS I.— X.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Inventorie of the Implements and houshold 
 
 STUFFE, GOODES & CATTELLES, OF S^ HeNRYE PAR- 
 KERS K^7. 1551-1560. 
 
 NORWYCH. 
 
 Tappestrye hanginges of Arrys withe beastes & foules, ix 
 
 peces iiij". 
 
 A pece of Arrys under the Southe wyndowe . . . iij=. 
 Twoo square framed Tables ...... xx'. 
 
 A grene clothe for the same, seven quarters brode . xiij'. iiij'*. 
 Quysshyns of Tappestrye withe redd Roses and the Pome 
 
 Garnett , vj-xv^ 
 
 A longe wyndowe clothe of Tappestrye wock'*. w"". the redd 
 
 Rose and Pome ganett for the Baye wyndowe . vj^ viij"*. 
 A chaier of Blacke velvett embrodeyd w*. twoo tres of 
 
 gould withe A. & G xvj'. 
 
 In the GREAT Chumber there. 
 
 A lytle stoole of Blacke velvett embroderyd withe a cypher 
 of an H. A. R. P. . . . . . iij^ iiij''. 
 
 fformes yoined, foure ....... vj^ 
 
 A ffyer shovell ........ viij**. 
 
 Stooles, yoigner's wocke, xij''*. viij^ 
 
 An olde Cubbod xij"*. 
 
 Twoo great aundyerons of fflemyshe worcke . . vj% viij*^. 
 Tonges one paier ......,, viij''. 
 
 In the chumber by t^e bote house. 
 
 An yerne Tostinge ffoccke ij"*. 
 
 A Candle plate of Latten xx'* 
 
 A carpett for the Cubbord of Tappestrye worcke fygured 
 
 w'^ Conyes & other beastes ..... x^ 
 An olde cubbord standing at the Stayers headd . . viij'', 
 A newe Countepoint of Tappestrye wocjce . . xxvj^ viij''. 
 A Lytle stoole covered withe Nedle worcke checkerid w*''. 
 
 white, blewe & tawnye cruel! ..... xvj**.
 
 1 50 Appendix. 
 
 A long carpett for the Bale wyndowe of Turkye wocke . xl*. 
 
 An olde Cubbord xij"*. 
 
 A Carpett to the same of yelowe '\ tawnie satten embrodeyd xx'. 
 A newe trussinge beddstedd corded .... v^ 
 
 A beddstedd Boorded ij^ 
 
 In the Lader. 
 
 A cubbod withe a lock ^ keye, xij'^. A Sowssing Tubb for 
 brawne, iiij*^. Twoo bryne Tubbes and a verguys tubbe, xij*^. 
 A great Trough, xv]*^. a great choppinge bloock, iiij^. 
 Woodd lyenge in the yarde, worthe, ij^ 
 
 In the Chappell. 
 
 A yoyned table to saie masse on, xij''. A carpett of Tappes- 
 trie withe conyes and fifoules [blank.] A newe cubbord, xij*^. 
 
 In the newe chumber at the great chumber doore. 
 
 A Beddstedd corded — x'. 
 
 A ffetherbedd and a boulster — xP. 
 In the Chappel Chumber. 
 
 A carpett of nedle wo'cke borderyd with Roses, vj^ viij''. 
 
 A Redd chaier embroderid withe Avhite and Redd Satten, 
 xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 A lytle stoole embroderid withe white and Redd Satten, 
 iij^ iiij*^. ffoure curteyns of blewe Saye for the wyndowe, iij^ iiij''. 
 A Quisshyn of white Satten embroderid withe Redd Satten, x^ 
 
 In the galeye. 
 
 Hanginges of grene Saye throughovvt — x^. A Mape fframed 
 withe tymber, xij^ 
 
 In the Chumbr, over the kytchin. 
 
 Oulde tappestrie wo'^cke of Image'y, seven peeces, xx^ 
 A Beddstedd corded '\ an olde matte, xx*^. A new fether- 
 bedd '\ a boulster, xxvj*. viij**. A counterpoint of verders withe 
 conies and ffoules, xviij^ viij^ A Tester or Canapie of Redd 
 Damaske, xxxiij^ iiij"^. and ffoure curteyns of Redd sarcynett 
 [included.] An olde cubbord, vj^ 
 
 A Steynid Cloth over chymney withe Marie and Gabryell, 
 iiij''. A paier of tonges, vj^. A ffyer shovell, vj*^. 
 
 In the Wardroppe. 
 
 A louse beddstedd of waynscott, iij^ iiij''. Twoo great 
 standing chestes with one mayne cheste — vj^ viij''.
 
 Appendix. 1 5 1 
 
 In the Gen'tlemens Chamber. 
 
 A lowe Beddstedd corded, iij^ iiij''. A newe trussing bedd- 
 stedd corded with a matte — vj^ viij^ 
 
 A Tester of blewe and white velvett, panyd ^ embroderid 
 withe cope worcke of gould — xxvj^ viij'^. 
 
 Three Curteyns of sarcenett panyd w"\ white '\ blewe, 
 vj^ viij''. 
 An olde cubberd — vj'^. 
 
 In the Chumber, next the potes lodge callid the stuardes 
 Chumber. 
 
 A Trussing beddstedd kervid '\ corded withe a matt therupon. 
 A Tester '\ valunce of Redd and grene saye panyd. Three 
 Curteyns of the same — xiij^ iiij*^. 
 
 A fetherbedd, a Boulster a Counterpoynt of tappestrye wocke 
 w"'. Beastes and ffoules lyned with Canvas — xxxix'. 
 
 A Chumber within the said Chumbr. 
 
 A lowe beddstedd corded — xij^ 
 
 ffoure stone pottes "^ ij dossen of plate Trenchers, xiij'. ix*'. 
 A Bason and Ewer of pewter, v^ 
 
 Twelve candlestickes, wherof ij Latten x\ iiij "''of Pewter iij^ 
 and ij of Sylver fashion ij^ — xvij^ 
 A Perfumed chafing panne — \f. 
 
 In the Butterye. 
 
 A dosen of fyne Trencho'^. cased — viij"^. 
 
 Six glass^ whereof twoo are goblettes, ij pottes "^ twoo 
 Jugges, whereof one is blewe — ij^ 
 Sixe plate dishes for frute — iij^ 
 
 In the Utensvles for the Chl'mber. 
 
 Twoo pillowes — iij^ iiij'*. A possett Boule of Pewter, xx"^. A 
 Basen of pewter, ij'. Chaumber pottes, iij — v^ 
 
 Sixe quisshyns of Bridges Satten embroderyd widie velvett, 
 xxx^ A paier of playeng tables, vj**. Tables of bone, ca7-et. 
 
 In the Kytchyn. 
 
 Twoo greate yerne cobbenes, xiij^ iiij'', Barre of yerne, vj**. 
 Twoo hyngylls of yerne, ij'. Twoo paier of pott hookes, xij"*. "^ 
 a gredyerne, vj'*. sum xviij**.
 
 152 Appendix. 
 
 Twoo strayners, ij"^. Three great Spyttes and a Cyrd spitt — 
 vj^ viij'^. Twoo Tryvettes, ij'. one fyer forck, iiij''. and an yerne 
 ffleshe hooke, iiij'*. — ij^ viij''. 
 
 A skyllet withe ffeete and steled of yerne, x*^. 
 
 A Bygge Kettle withe an yerne Bayle, xx'^. 
 
 A brasen morter w'^ a pestell — ynf. A Grate for bredd, ij'. 
 Twoo Buckettes hoopid with yerne ffor the well, withe lynkes 
 and Bailes of yerne, iij^ iiij''. 
 
 A Tubb for fethers, j^ A Cowle, xij''. a Kymnell, iiij**. 
 a great munde, iiij''. — xx''. A garnishe of pewter vessell, 
 xxvj^ viij'*. Twoo pewter plates for Tartes, xiiij''. 
 In the Chumber where Master Barington Late. 
 
 A fetherbedd and a Boulster — xxvj'. viij'*. 
 
 A paier of blanckettes "H; a matte, iij^ iiij**. 
 
 A counterpointe, xvj^ 
 In the Crete Flour. 
 
 A turnid beddstedd coded, x^ A new fetherbedd a matt 
 and a Boulster, xP. Twoo fustian blanckettes, xviij^ 
 
 In the Backhouse. 
 
 A boultinge troughe, xvj''. A knedinge troughe, ij^ — iij^ iiij'^. 
 An olde great fate w'!' a cover — xij''. Twoo bottelles, ij pailes 
 of wood, a syve and a baskelt — xij'^. 
 
 In the Brewehouse. 
 
 Three fates w'^ a coyler, xxx^ Sixe kimenelles, iij^ Seven 
 hoggssheddes, iiij^ viij'^. Tenne barrelles, v^ ffyve haulf 
 Barrelles, xx*^. A kymnell to knede manchet, iiij''. An yerne 
 cole-rake iiij^ A Brewing Copper, iiij". An oulde Ledd 
 vj^ viij''. Twoo gret yerne dishes, j''. A mowlding boorde, viij''. 
 A stowke and a ffowke, vj"*. A scloke baskett & a Turiell, 
 viij^ A yete, and twoo shovelles, iiij''. A paile withe an yerne 
 bayle, ij'*. A cover of wodd, j^ A wote troughe, vj'^ A paier 
 of slynges, ij**. A Buckett with an yerne cheyn, xij*". A 
 washinge boule, xV}^. A Bucking Tubb, xij'', A Bucking 
 clothe and a paile, ij'*. 
 
 In the Bardg House. 
 
 A Bote, twoo Ores, with a cheyne and staple, v^ Three 
 beddsteddes boorded. A bedsted in the stable and two 
 hawkeperchies — ij^ 
 
 Sum Total, liiij''. xvj^ iiij''.
 
 Appendix. 153 
 
 Abstract of the Goods of Nicholas Butler, Esq., 
 
 OF Rawcliffe, Yorks, 1577. 
 Stock. 
 
 6 fat oxen ^^15 6. 8. — 12 calves £,\ — 11 ditto ^2 13.— 10 
 " theynters " ^4 — 4 steers ;^6 — 35 kine and bulls ;^48 — 
 
 5 "wheyes" (4 years old) £^() — 28 draught oxen ;^79 6. 8 — ■ 
 100 sheep and 60 lambs ;!^i5— 4 geldings and i stag ;^ 16 3. 4 
 — 16 nags, fillies, and mares £,\'] — swine ^^8. 
 
 Crops. 
 
 Garnered crops— (wheat, barley, malt, oats, rye, hay, pease) — 
 ;^io2 6. 8. Standing crops — 3 acres of rye (20 wyndels per 
 acre) ;£\o — 80 wyndels of barley ;^4o — 30 sieves of oats ^30 
 — 20 quarters of salt ;^I3 6. .8. 
 
 Implements. 
 
 7 ladders 5/ — 4 corn wains 8/ — 3 muck ditto (with wheels) 
 25/ — 3 turf ditto 6/ — 4 marling ditto (with wheels) 21/8 — 23 
 yokes with bows and 12 teams 12/ — 6 harrows (complete) 10/ — 
 8 spades 3/4 — 2 sacks 2/ — 4 ploughs and 6 coulters, &c., 10 — 
 3 axes 16^ — 2 wain-ropes 20^*. 
 
 Household Stuff. 
 
 20 feather-beds £^\o 6. 8. — 22 mattrasses ;^6 6. 8. — 82 
 coverlets ;^2o — 70 blankets p^io — 16 bolsters ^4 — 18 pillows 
 20/ — Bed-coverings £,Ty 6. 8. — Hangings 15/ — 54 pair linen 
 sheets £,\2 14 — pillow-bears 21/ — 4 cupboard cloths 20/ — 10 
 board ditto 10/ — 9 round ditto 18/ — 29 diapers and napkins 20/ 
 — 24 linen ditto 26/8 — 5 towels 10/ — 11 round ditto 6/8— 16 sacks 
 
 6 two window sheets 16/ — 30 cushions 26/8 — 18 "roeheads" 
 ;^4 — 6 hides 33/4 — 16 chandeliers 10/ — 3 casks 3/ — chairs 10/ 
 — stands 14/ — "Turneils" 10/ — glass 26/8— Timber £,Z — Brick 
 40/ — Turf 40/^Lime 10/ — 2 iron wedges & 5 "wynbels" 
 20^* — Iron 53/ — Tallow 20/ — Bedsticks, Cupboards, chests, 
 boards, forms, brewing lead ;^i5 6 — Pans & caldron 46/8 — 
 Brass ^a, — Pewter ;z^5 — i silver goblet (double gilt) ;Q^ — 2 
 salts (ditto) £,\o — i salt (parcel gilt) ^3 6. 8. — 17 spoons 
 £(> — " Chippe" c«: " Nutte " 50/— Chalice with a cover (double 
 gilt) ;^3 6. 8— Silver and gold ^^40 — Money £,'~^ — Nicholas 
 his apparel ;!^2o — My lady his wife's apparel ;^4o — Debt and 
 covenantees and 80 marks— Cash by hands of the bailiff ;je5o. 
 
 Total ^367 2 8. 
 Set also Appendix II.
 
 1 54 Appendix. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. 
 See Appendix II. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. 
 Customs of Borrowdale, Cumberland, 1583. 
 
 1. The customary tenants enjoy the ancient custom called tenant- 
 right ; namely, " To have their messuages and tenements to them 
 during their lives, and after their deceases, to the eldest issues of 
 their bodies lawfully begotten. And for lack of such issue, the 
 remainder thereof to the next persons of the same blood, paying 
 yearly for the same the rents accustomed to the lord or lords of the 
 said manor, at the feast days of St. James the Apostle and St. Wilfred, 
 by even proportions." 
 
 2. The tenants shall be ready at the bidding of the Lord Warden 
 of the West Marches, to serve at their own costs, namely, as horse- 
 men in summer and footmen in winter. 
 
 3. The tenants shall pay on change of the lord 1 god's penny, and 
 at their death or on change or alienation of their holdings i year's 
 rent. 
 
 4. The tenants shall pay a fixed tithe-commution, 
 
 5. They shall have all their fishings at the usual rents. 
 
 6. They shall have all underwood and top or lop (not being 
 timber). 
 
 7. They shall have sufficient timber for the repair of their houses, 
 hedges, and implements by view of the bailiff. 
 
 Duchy of Lanes. Stnveys, 25 Eliz. 
 
 Customs of the Manor of Rodley, 1591. 
 
 A tenant, man or woman, claiming to be admitted by inheritance, 
 shall at the first court offer the steward 2/. At the second court the 
 heir must produce his pedigree. At the third court trial shall be had 
 of the claim by the homagers. 
 
 If the claim be allowed ; and no tenant holding by lease from the 
 late occupier be found, then the claimant shall be admitted, paying
 
 Appendix. 155 
 
 as relief (when the ancestor is living) twice a half-year's rent, or (when 
 the ancestor is deceased) the usual heriot. 
 
 Every tenant of the manor must hold by deed and service, and 
 must not sub-let except by deed executed by himself on surrender to 
 another. 
 
 If a tenant charge another tenant with holding away his free-land 
 as base-land, let him produce the deed of such lease before the third 
 court and one day of grace, or he shall be put out by the homagers. 
 
 If a tenant is wrongfully dispossessed of his holding he shall apply 
 to the steward for his precept to be issued to the Reeve-bailey, who 
 shall collect the homagers and cause the plaintiff to be put in till 
 better proof be found by the defendant. Fee of the Reeve, a groat. 
 
 Every tenant by custom of reeve or tything lands not already 
 charged with a lease, may let the same to another for any term not 
 exceeding 30 years. 
 
 If such lands are already charged with a lease made by a right 
 heir, the incoming tenant shall only receive the sub-tenants rent. 
 
 The above sub-tenant may sub-let within the term of his lease. 
 
 If the right heir die without making surrender, his eldest son or 
 eldest daughter shall come to the court and offer service as tenant. 
 If such children die without issue, the eldest of that blood shall 
 inherit ; but the half-blood shalj. not inherit. 
 
 A new Reeve-bailey shall be appointed every year in turn as the 
 steward's deputy, and shall be sworn in by the steward. 
 
 If any of Her Majesty's customary tenants die, the reeve shall 
 assemble the homagers and take an inventory, and get in the heriot, 
 except upon shipping. 
 
 All actions, as for trespass, &c., shall be tried by the free suitors, 
 half suitors, and all that owe service to the Manor Court. 
 
 Duchy of Lanes. Surveys, 33 Eliz. 
 
 Grazing verstis Tillage, 1590. 
 
 The tenants of the manor of Caborne, Lincoln, imposed a fine on 
 T. Danbye, Gent, at a court holden 26 Apr. 31 Eliz. for keeping more 
 than the usual number of sheep upon certain lands there. 
 
 Depositions of witnesses prove — 
 
 I. That before the Dissolution of the monasteries, the Dean and 
 Chapter of Thornton had (according to one account) no sheep walk
 
 156 Appendix. 
 
 there, but only arable : (according to another account) they had a 
 walk for 25 sheep only. 
 
 2. That after the Dissolution Sir Robert Tyrrwhit made a great 
 sheep walk there, maintaining (according to different accounts) the 
 following numbers — (a) 120 (^) 400 (y) 460 (8) 600 (e) 280 (77) 340. 
 
 3. That 40 years since, Sir Thomas Lammas brought in 280 sheep 
 which were impounded by the tenants. 
 
 4. That nevertheless more than that number has since been 
 maintained there. 
 
 5. That it is notorious that there is only feed on the said lands 
 for 25 sheep after the old r9.te. Duchy of Lanes. 
 
 Surveys 32 Eliz. 
 
 Agriculture and Education. 
 
 A "poor scholar lad " had ;£6' 13* 8 which was raised for his 
 education " at the places of learning " by his " friends." This sum 
 he invested with two neighbours who afterwards denied their trust. 
 
 Temp. Ed. VI. 
 
 Owen Johns, a scholar of Oxford, paid the college expenses at his 
 father's request for one John ap John ap Griffith ap Reece, but 
 the latter relations eventually refused repayment. 
 
 Temp. 1560-70. 
 
 John Foster, fellow of Brasenose, Oxford, and son of John Foster, 
 of Lancashire, yeoman, filed a Bill in Chancery, complaining that 
 John Marcland of Lancashire, husbandman, put his brother Richard 
 to the complainant " to lerninge " at the said college, and as he was 
 " of lyttell acquayntance in the said college, " complainant was 
 engaged to overlook his reading and also " to bye and deliver suche 
 bookes and thinges as Richard Marcland had occasion to occupye 
 and stode in nede of." Whereupon he provided his pupil with the 
 following necessaries, — 
 
 A fetterbedd and bolstor, 33^ 
 
 ij coverletts, 24^ 
 
 j payre flaxen shettes, I0^ 
 
 j blanket, 4^ 
 
 For paynes of reading to the said Richard -j half yere, I0^ 
 
 For thirtie bookes wiche he stode in nede of, ;^3. 
 
 j serples, 6' 
 Richard Marcland died suddenly and his brother refused the 
 above expenses as promised by him — 1567.
 
 Appendix. 1 5 7 
 
 "A TREWE INVENTORY WITH THE JUSTE VALUE OF ALL 
 SUCHE GOODES, CATELLES, HOUSEHOLD STUFFE AND 
 LEASES FOR TERME OF YEARES AS WERE ThOMAS 
 KEMPES, LATE OF SyPENHAM, BUCKS, BY MARGARET 
 HIS WIFE" (his administratrix). 1 5 59 TO I 568. 
 
 Stock — 
 
 22 Milch kine ;£'i,i — 2 Bulls £,2,. 6. 8 — 12 Bullocks, 
 3 years old, ^,^15 — 10 Bullocks, 2 years old, £\o — 7 Bullocks, 
 I yf old, p^5 — 6 mares and geldings for the team j[^\2 — 
 3 hackney mares ;^io — 6 colts ;,^6 — 140 sheep ^^26 — 10 
 draught oxen ;^2 8 — poultry 3o^ 
 Crops — 
 
 Wheat 180 quarters, ;^i6o — Barley 60 quarters, ;^3o — Rye 
 60 quarters, £^10 — Pease, oats and " suche other corne," £a^ — 
 30 loads of hay ;^i5. 
 Furniture, &c. — 
 
 Plate and household stuff ;^8 — ^Cartware;/"5. 
 Profits — 
 
 Lease of the farm of Sypenham Court worth above all charges 
 ;!^8o yearly, on an average of the profits for the last 4 years, 
 namely ^^320. 
 
 Chancery Proceedings, misc : Eliz. 
 
 Inventory of the goods and chattels of J. Holloway 
 OF the parish of Kingsbury in the county of 
 Southampton, circa 1560. 
 Stock — 
 
 8 Kine £\o — Ox 46/8 — Steer (3 y? old) 20/ — 2 weaned 
 calves 13/4 — 3 heifers (2 y'^f old) 40/ — mare 40/ — 30 sheep 
 ;^3. 6. 8 — 7 hogs 25/ — 6 geese and other poultry 2/4. 
 Crops — 
 
 Corn 40/ — 2 loads of hay 40/ — wool of 30 sheep 20/. 
 Furniture, &c. — 
 
 Feather bed and all things to it 40/ — The linen and the 
 woollen 10/ — The brass 20/ — The pewter 10/ — A table 4"^ — 
 Their apparel £2> — ^^^ ^^^ arrows 5/. 
 A scythe 2/ — An edgestone 2/ — A woodknife 2/. 
 
 Chancery Proceedings^ niise: Eliz.
 
 158 Appendix. 
 
 Inventory of the Lands and Goods of Thomas Calke 
 OF Paston, Norfolk, William Calke of the 
 SAME, AND Henry Calke of Bacten, Norfolk, 
 being bond-men or villeins reguardant to her 
 Majesty's Manor of Gimmingham. By virtue of 
 A Commission directed to S' T. Wodehouse, W. 
 Paston and P. Read, Esquires, dated 26 Sep' 
 4 EHz. 
 
 Thomas Calke is seised in his demesne by Copy of Court Roll of 
 one Tenement and 28 Ac', i Rood of H. M. Manor of Gimmingham, 
 paying therefore to the lord of the said Manor in Bond-rent, yearly, 
 10^ in money and 3I days work with the plough and 2 days with the 
 harrow and 3 days in harvest, which said holding is worth by the 
 year 20'. clear. 
 Stock upon the said lands — 
 
 6 Milch neat at 20/ — 10 ewes at 3/4 — 10 lambs at 20'' — 
 2 geldings for the cart value J[^2> — 3 mares value ;^3. 10/ — 6 
 swine value 15/ — 6 pigs value 4/ — 6 geese value 2/ — 20 hens 
 and I cock value 5/. 
 Crops upon the said lands — 
 
 Wheat growing on 4 acres, 50/ — Barley growing upon 6 acres, 
 40/ — Oats growing upon 6 acres, and Pease upon 4 acres, 50/. 
 Goods of the said Thomas Calke — 
 
 A brass pot and a potnet, 6/8 — 2 pewter dishes, 3 pewter 
 platters, 2 saucers, 4 trencher platters, and 6 trencher dishes, 6/ — 
 2 brass kettles, 7/4 — 2 old pans, 20*^ — 2 candlesticks and a 
 chafing-dish 2/8 — 8 bowls of wood, 12 trenchers, 12 trencher- 
 spoons, 2/4 — I old feather bed, i flock bed, i mattress, 16/8 
 — 4 pairs canvas sheets, 10/8 — 3 bedsteads, 2/ — i blandlet, 
 I pair pothooks, 10"^ — tables and stools, 3/4 — i cart, i tumbrell, 
 20/ — 4 horse collars, 4 pair cart-traces, 5/ — i plough, i pair 
 harrows, i pair plough traces, 6/8. 
 Debts of the said Thomas Calke — 
 
 £ £ ^- i- £ £ , 
 
 Sums of 12, 3, 6, 8, 2, 1 — in all j[^\Z .6.8. 
 William Calke is aged one year and has neither lands nor goods. 
 Henry has no lands, but has the following goods — 
 
 I bedstead, i pair sheets, i coverlet, 5/ — i kettle, i brake 
 pot, 2 trencher platters, i brandlet, 2 bowls, 3/ — i milch cow, 
 20/— Total 28/.
 
 Appendix. 159 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 GEORGE STODDARD. 
 
 [The particulars given in the above sketch of the business life 
 of a London grocer have been taken from an ancient account-book, 
 once the vade-meciun of Stoddard himself, whose faded and tattered 
 pages are in some respects a record of the social aspect of the new 
 commercial era which followed the Reformation. 
 
 In addition to these extracts a few more have been set down 
 here as bearing more immediately, and certainly more favourably, 
 upon Stoddard*^ early career. The scattered evidence of these 
 entries proves him to have been a dutiful son and an affectionate, 
 even generous, brother, as well as a hospitable and considerate 
 neighbour.] 
 
 " For smalle aparelle for my mother and sister." 
 (Including boots, shoes, dress, tS:c.) 
 
 " For a kyght wyche I dyd gyve unto my syster." 
 
 " In a gylte spoone to my brother vyolyt's chylde at cersonynge, 
 I4^ 8^" 
 
 "For sertane mete to my brother vyolett to Gessop & Not- 
 tmgham." (On many occasions.) 
 
 "To Mr. Cox grocer w'^*'- I dyd lende him in Towne last month, 
 w'^.*' I thinke never to have ageyn, J[^2>" 
 
 " Avyes Cox for her taffeta gowne, I^ (f^* 
 
 "To Ambos Cox skuUemaster for a quarters skule and borde 
 endeinge ladedaye next coming, £,z. o^ S"*." 
 
 " To the nurse of my godchild vyolett, I^ 4"*." 
 
 " To the mydwyff, I^" 
 
 " At the cersenyng of Geo. Vanderven's chylde, 5^" 
 
 " To M". Massyntor for a dyner made to sertane of this town 
 when she (his sister) was marreyd, 4^ 3'*." 
 
 "Which I gave to a pore mades marryage, f. 4^" 
 
 " To Larck and the other man whan they war sent to pr)'sson, in 
 ther purssys, IO^" 
 
 " To Walker in his purse, whan he went to Maidstone to relese 
 them, £\:'
 
 1 6o Appendix. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V. 
 
 SIR THOMAS GRESHAM. 
 
 References to materials for the official and private life of Sir Thomas 
 Gresham 1554-74, including that of his widow and family 1574-S9. 
 
 Pipe and Audit Office Declared Accounts. 
 
 7 !May 1545 to 15 I\Iar 1547 S^ Richard Gresham , Financial 
 
 & I Agents for the 
 
 S^ John Gresham *\ Crown in 
 V Flanders. 
 I Dec''. 1545 to 31 May 1547 S^ J. Gresham Agent for alum and 
 
 lead. 
 
 1554 to 1560 J. Gresham Financial agent at Ant- 
 
 werp and elsewhere 
 with T. Gresham. 
 
 23 Mar 1554 to 31 Jul 1557 T. Gresham Financial agent for the 
 
 English Crown in 
 
 12 Mar 1558 to 17 Nov'. 15 58 
 
 24 Nov^ 1558 to 22 Ap'. 1562 
 23 Ap'. 1562 to 15 May 1563 
 16 May 1563 to 3 May 1574 
 
 Pipe — Bundles, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10. 
 Audit — Bundle, 5. 
 
 Chancoy Proceedings Eliz. 
 
 VJ. VJ. 57^ 59J 1 > 2 7} 
 
 H -2 2. ]yj _S_ 
 
 R3 . 7 . 8 C 
 
 • T 5 J "8 ^ 6 '^* 
 
 Chancery Proc. ?nisc. Eliz. 
 
 State Papers Domestic, Eliz. 
 
 1552 Sep^ 15. 
 
 1553 May 17. 
 
 1555 Jul- 25. Aug. 3. 
 1558 Mar. 8, June 2, Nov"". 19. 
 
 
 i' landers. 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto 
 
 Ditto
 
 Appendix t ^61 
 
 1561 Mar. 23, Jul. 15, Deer 
 
 1562 Aug. 9, Aug. 17, Novr 16, Nov' 18. 
 
 1563 Jul. 14. 
 
 1565 Jul. 29, Aug. 29, undated. 
 
 1566 Septr 
 
 1568 Septr II, Septr 13. 
 
 1569 DecT II. 
 
 1570 Feb. 20, Aug. I, Aug. 2, Septf 20, Oct. 13, Oct. 22. 
 
 157 1 Jan. 10, Mar. 7, Apr. 28, Jul. 19, Aug. i, Aug. 14, Sep' 4, 
 
 Septr 8, Octr 5, Octr 8, Novr 26, Novf 30. 
 
 1572 Jan. 7, Jan. 31, May 5, Apr. 26, May 
 
 1574 Mar. 
 
 1575 Jul. 4, Novr 3, Deer 15. 
 
 1578 Feb. 18. 
 
 1579 Jan. 13, Mar. 28, Dec' 
 
 1580 Jan. 2. 
 
 1 58 1 Vol. CLi. No. 9. 
 1586 Mar. 
 
 1588 Deer 8. 
 
 1589 May 13. 
 
 Audit Office Declared Accounts. Bundle 10. Rolls 25 & 26. 
 
 The Auditor's note alluded to above is as follows — 
 
 " This book is not signed by the Commissioners forasmuch as at 
 my goinge into the country after Mydsomer Terme, an720 xvij""" 
 domine Elizabethe regine, uppon the makinge upp of this Account 
 w''.'' was shewed unto the Comyssioners and by them not fuUye 
 concluded, Mr Greshame desyred to have the Duplycaraente to 
 remayne w*!" him untill my cominge to London againe, for that 
 I hadd all his warrauntes and acquittaunces, wheruppon I delivered 
 him the Duplycamente of his Accompte. And the Queues Mat'* 
 beinge at Killingworth that somer, Mr Gresham founde that friend- 
 shippe by the Erie of Leyeester to gett this Accompte passed, and 
 gat the Comyssioners handes to his Duplycamente before my 
 cominge upp to London. And the foote of th' Accompte of his 
 Duplicamente written by whom I knowe not. So as I was fayne 
 to borrowe his Duplicamente to fynishe and p'feck th' Accompte ; 
 fi"}" sayde Duplycamente is enrolled before Mr Fanshawe." 
 
 M
 
 1 62 Appe7idix. 
 
 The foot of the Duplicament here mentioned contains the following 
 further information : — 
 
 " And after upon the return to Her Mat'f by the s? commissioners 
 of their whole doing, and of how many somes of money by the said 
 S^ Thomas demaunded to have been allowed to him they have not 
 made to him allowance according to his desier, whereby his debte 
 remayned as above (^10,883 15s. 4d.). Her Mat'? havinge in 
 remembraunce the faithful and paynefull service done to Her Mat'f 
 both in theis services and otherwise hath remitted to the s? Sf 
 Thomas Gresham the s? debt wholly as by a pardon under her 
 great Scale shall appeare — and so he is discharged." 
 
 " Epitaphium crassi illius ac sordidi usurarij Johannis Gresham 
 militis stercorarij, in inferno sepulti." Losely MSS. 
 Plautus has " miles stercorius " as a term of abuse. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE TABARD INN, SOUTHWARK. 
 
 Return of a Jury to a writ of Elegit, 7 May, 43 Eliz., issued in the 
 case of " Partridge v. Mabbe," who find, upon their oath, that the 
 said premises contain as the "true half" : 
 
 " Una camera vocata a darke parlor adjacens ad viam vocatam 
 the streete, una camera super eandem et unum cellarium subter ean- 
 dem, una aula vocata a haulie, unum conclavum vocatum a parlor, 
 una coquina insimul adjacens, una camera super aulam predictam, 
 una alia camera proxime inde adjacens, due alie camere vocate cooke 
 loftes super easdem, una alia camera super conclavum vocatum the 
 parlor, una alia camera vocata the entrye chamber, una alia camera 
 vocata the neive chamber, unum domicilium vocatum a ware howse, 
 una alia camera vocata the flower de Luce, unum domicilium vocatum 
 an oven howse, una camera vocata Mr. RusselVs chamber, unum car- 
 bonarium vocatum a cole howse, una stabula in duas partes diversas, 
 unum garettum vocatum a garret or oat lo/te super predictas (?) 
 cameras vocatas the middle chamber, the corner chamber, and Maister 
 Hussye's chamber, una alia stabula vocata a duble stable, una alia 
 camera vocata a hay lofte super eandem . . . aceciam unum 
 curtelegium vocatum the unpaiyd yarde."
 
 Appendix. 
 
 163 
 
 RETURN OF THE INNS, TAVERNS, AND ALEHOUSES 
 IN ENGLAND, 1574-7. 
 
 
 
 
 Alehouses 
 
 
 County. 
 
 Inns. 
 
 Taverns. 
 
 or Tippling 
 Houses. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Berks 
 
 63 
 
 17 
 
 252 
 
 332 
 
 Bucks 
 
 72 
 
 5 
 
 325 
 
 403 
 
 Cambridge 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 189 
 
 205 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 — 
 
 30 
 
 132 
 
 162 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 623 
 
 656 
 
 Derby 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 216 
 
 239 
 
 Devon 
 
 120 
 
 40 
 
 400 
 
 560 
 
 Dorset 
 
 28 
 
 17 
 
 209 
 
 254 
 
 Essex 
 
 77 
 
 17 
 
 399 
 
 493 
 
 Herts 
 
 125 
 
 14 
 
 000 
 
 472 
 
 Kent 
 
 45 
 
 12 
 
 645 
 
 702 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 54 
 
 ,10 
 
 702 
 
 766 
 
 Leicester 
 
 31 
 
 2 
 
 392 
 
 425 
 
 Midds. 
 
 ^32 
 
 24 
 
 720 
 
 876 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 5 
 
 
 1023 
 
 1028 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 480 
 
 Rutland 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 100 
 
 105 
 
 Surrey 
 
 77 
 
 8 
 
 369 
 
 454 
 
 Stafford 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 105 
 
 105 
 
 Southampton 
 
 67 
 
 14 
 
 324 
 
 405 
 
 Suffolk 
 
 97 
 
 65 
 
 287 
 
 449 
 
 Somerset 
 
 100 
 
 16 
 
 215 
 
 331 
 
 Warwick 
 
 29 
 
 8 
 
 447 
 
 484 
 
 Westmoreland 
 
 92 
 
 I 
 
 280 
 
 373 
 
 Northumberland 
 
 
 — 
 
 . — • 
 
 354 
 
 York 
 
 239 
 
 23 
 
 3679 
 
 3941 
 
 Chester 
 
 24 
 
 9 
 
 390 
 
 423 
 
 Durham 
 
 21 
 
 9 
 
 493 
 
 523 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 1 1 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 37 
 
 Ipswich 
 
 IS 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 21 
 
 Cinque Ports 
 
 28 
 
 18 
 
 123 
 
 169 
 
 Northampton 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 39 
 
 50 
 
 St. Albans 
 
 27 
 
 2 
 
 26 
 
 55 
 
 Boston 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 27 
 
 11
 
 i64 
 
 Appendix. 
 
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 11 II G 
 
 
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 K Vh; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 K-:uy
 
 Append'x. 165 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. 
 
 S? FRANCIS WALSINGHAM'S MARRIAGE. 
 
 By a deed dated i July, 1566, Sir Francis Walsingham, Her 
 Majesty's principal Secretary of State and Privy Councillor, in con- 
 sideration of his marriage with Dame Ursula, late wife of Sir Robert 
 Worsley, settles upon that lady and her issue lands to the yearly 
 value of 100 marks, for which he is bound in 2000 marks. Also for 
 the further advancement of the said Dame Ursula, Sir Francis con- 
 veys to her brother-in-law, John Worsley, the manor and mansion- 
 house of Parkebury, co. Herts, on the 22nd July, 1566, to the like 
 uses, and is bound there-for in 1000 marks ; as well as to give 
 security for p^5oo in plate to be bequeathed by him to his said wife 
 upon whom by a still later deed he settles the manor of Bradford, 
 CO. Wilts, valued at p^ioo by the year. These dispositions were the 
 subject of a Chancery suit between the knight and his wife's trustees 
 in the year 1576. The Worsley s were an old Lancashire family 
 which is represented in the present day. 
 
 PENELOPE DEVEREUX'S "RICH" HUSBAND. 
 See Astrophel and Stella, sonnet 24. 
 
 Rich fools there be whose base and filthy heart," 
 ****** 
 
 " But that rich foole who by bhnd fortune's lot," etc. 
 
 ASTROPHEL AND STELLA. 
 
 At the risk of reverting to a hackneyed subject, it may be of 
 interest to notice, as possibly a personal experience of the poet, the 
 following extracts from an overlooked passage of this poem, the 
 eighth song, which forms a sufficiently curious narrative of an un- 
 happy passion and one which, whether it were an actual experience or 
 not, had taken such a hold on the poet's imagination that he recon- 
 structed the whole scene years afterwards in prose in his " Arcadia." 
 
 " In a grove most rich of shade 
 
 " Where birds wanton musike made . . ."
 
 1 66 Appendix. 
 
 " Astrophel with Stella s^veet 
 
 " Did for mutual comfort meet .• 
 
 "Him great harms had taught much care 
 " Her faire necke ^l Joule yoke bare 
 " But her sight his cares did banish 
 " In his sight her yoke did vanish." 
 
 " Wept they had alas the ivhile 
 
 '• But now teares themselves did smile . 
 
 '• Sigh they did, but iio^u betwixt 
 
 '• Sighes of woes were glad sighes mixt 
 
 " Love did set his lips asunder 
 
 " Thus to speake in love and wonder." 
 
 " Stella sovereigne of my joy . 
 
 " Stella in whose shining eyes . 
 
 " Stella whose voice when it speaks^ .• 
 
 " Stella in whose body is 
 
 •' Graunt, 6 graunt, but speech alas 
 '' Failes me, fearing on to passe . 
 
 " Graunt, (5 deere, on knees I pray,. 
 " (Knees on ground he then did stay)' 
 " That not I, but since I love you 
 " Time and place for me may move you 
 
 " Then she spake ; her speech was such, 
 " As not eares but hart did touch . .■ /
 
 Appendix. 167 
 
 •' Astrophel sayd she, my love 
 
 " Cease in these effects to prove : 
 
 " Now be still, yet still beleeve me 
 
 " Thy griefe more then death would grieve me . . ," 
 
 " If that any thought in me 
 
 " If those eyes you praised be . . ." 
 
 " If to secret of my hart 
 
 " If more may be sayd, I say, 
 "All my blisse in thee I lay 
 
 " Trust me while I thee deny 
 *' In my selfe the smart I try 
 "Tyran honour thus doth use thee 
 " Stella's selfe might not refuse thee 
 
 " There withall away she went, 
 " Leaving him to passion rent 
 
 In the sonnet which follows this song and its sequel (No. 87), 
 the theme is renewed and condensed in the two following stanzas : 
 
 " When I was forst from Stella ever deere, 
 " Stella food of my thoughts, hart of my hart, 
 " Stella whose eyes make all my tempests deere, 
 " By iron laivs of duty to depart : 
 
 " Alas I found, that she with me did smart 
 " I saw that teares did in her eyes appeare ; 
 " I saw that sighes her sweetest lips did part 
 "And her sad words my saddest sense did heare." 
 
 Now apparently this sonnet should precede the song by some 
 two years, the interval which elapsed between Sidney losing his 
 girlish love on her marriage with Lord Rich and finding her once 
 more, shortly before his own marriage, bearing her yoke as the ill- 
 used but ever-virtuous wife of a worthless husband.
 
 i68 Appendix. 
 
 LETTER FROM J. WICKERSON TO SIR FRANCIS 
 WALSINGHAM. 
 
 Pointing out "the great charge of contienc that he hath taken 
 upon him by his rashe contract w'^ M? Frances w""."^ to rehnquish 
 wilbe a perpetual scropple and worme in contienc 6^ hazard of 
 body dr* soule w*^? is more to be regarded than all the goodes in 
 this trancytory wourld. May it therefore please you'' good honor, 
 of you' unspeakable goodness & godly consideration, to weigh & 
 have remorse unto his perilous stat, and vouchsafe ye word at the 
 length to grant you' consent and goodwill for performance of their 
 sayd contract in the holy state of matrimony, that their bodies 
 remayne not in continuall torture & to the losse of the inestimable 
 grace and mercy of God by livinge in adultery & theirby persever 
 a scornfull spactacle & mockinge stoke to the wourld." The peti- 
 tion is grimly endorsed by the lady's father, " Desires to bee enlarged 
 after his long imprisonment and y' I would not any longer continune 
 my dislike of his contract w'!' M? Fraunces." 
 
 Domestic State Papers, Eliz., March 1583. 
 
 WALTER DEVEREUX, iST EARL OF ESSEX. 
 
 This nobleman was 2^ Viscount Hereford, created in 1572 Earl 
 of Essex. He served his sovereign faithfully during the Nor- 
 thern rebellion, and afterwards in Ireland, where like so many 
 more of his countrymen he sacrificed his fortune in vain in that 
 quagmire of anarchy, and incurred besides large debts on account of 
 his Government. Particulars of his indebtedness to the Crown may 
 be found in the State papers for England and Ireland of the year 
 1576. The letter above referred to, and which is apparently ad- 
 dressed to the French ambassador at the Court of St. James, is as 
 follows : — 
 
 " Messure Dozzylle, — W'.'' my hearnest comedacyons untoe youe, and glade toe 
 heare of youre healthe, and doe hope of youre fryndelye offar youe tendeide 
 untoe me askyde for, and oure made costraynethe me toe crave youi-e frynde- 
 schipe ase toe be so musche y^ fryde as toe lende me forteye poundes, and I shal 
 be or wul be bounde untoe youe for ye payement thereof. Good mesure, sende 
 me youre mynde by ye berer heare-of, hoe hyse mye servant James — I desirde 
 as youe knowe whether youe maye doe thys fryndely pleasure or noe. Chuse. 
 Wyscheynge your healthe untoe y* tuyssyone of chryste, I bed youe farewelle, 
 Yo^ humbyyelle to comaii. 
 
 Essex. 
 
 Untoe hyie Excelence Messure Dozzylle, etc."
 
 Appendix. 169 
 
 ROBERT, EARL OF LEICESTER. 
 
 Chaticery Proceedings Eliz — B. b. || Midds : Blunt & Dudley. 
 
 Ibid. Miscellaneous — Nich. Bacon Ibid. R. -^-^ Robserte and 
 Lytleton. 
 
 SIR ROBERT DUDLEY. 
 
 Information was made for the Crown to attach the lands of Sir 
 Robert Dudley of Kenihvorth and Dame Alice his wife for contempt 
 of the King's order, that the said knight should return from foreign 
 parts. In view of such proceedings S^ Robert had already con- 
 veyed his estates in trust to certain relatives and allies amongst 
 whom were Sir Thomas Leigh father, and Sir John Leigh uncle of 
 his wife. Judgment was however given for the Crown. 
 
 6 Jas. I — E. K. R. Decree Book I. fo. 177. 
 
 THE BANBURY PEERAGE. 
 
 The decision of the Committee of Privileges in this case was 
 fraught with the most important consequences to the stability of the 
 entire Peerage of this country. The arbitrary adjudication of a 
 disputed paternity in the case of an heir born in wedlock was 
 perhaps a dangerous precedent. At least it gave dire offence to the 
 heralds and with some cause, for the end is not yet. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 THE ANGLICAN BISHOPS. 
 
 "Who is the most diligent Bishop and prelate in all England that 
 passeth all the rest in doing of his office ? I can tell, for I know 
 him who it is ; I know him well. . • . There is one that passeth 
 all the others and is the most diligent prelate and preacher in all 
 England. And will ye know who it is ? I will tell you. It is the 
 devil. Among all the pack of them that have cure, the devil shall 
 go for my money, for he applieth his business. Therefore ye un- 
 preaching prelates, learn of the devil to be diligent in your office. If 
 ye will not learn of God, for shame learn of the devil." [Latimer : 
 Sermons, p. 70.] See also Spenser and jMartin Marprelate, etc.
 
 1 70 Appendix. 
 
 In fact, there seems to have been a consensus of opinion unfavour- 
 able to the EngUsh bishop. Denounced alike by Catholics, Angli- 
 cans, and Puritans, they existed only by the goodwill of the Crown, 
 or rather by its contemptuous toleration. Even well-meaning bigots 
 like Parker and Whitgift appear in pleasant relief to theologians of 
 the school of Aylmer and Cox^ — except for purposes of religious or 
 political partizanship. There were twenty-four English bishops in 
 1577, enjoying a gross revenue of some ;^23,ooo, and these had the 
 pastoral cure of over 9,000 churches, whose incumbents were still 
 more inadequately rewarded. Can we wonder then if the prelates 
 were tempted to support their temporal dignity at the expense of 
 Christian charity and even of public decency ? Can we, moreover, 
 avoid indignation at the reflection that the ancient revenues of the 
 Church, the oblations of pious benefactors durmg five centuries, had 
 been wantonly squandered by its sovereign head, to the undoing of 
 the souls and bodies alike of the poorer members of the community 
 — disestablishment aggravated by misendowment ? 
 
 THE CASE OF WILLIAM WARYNG. 
 
 Inmost piteouse wise complayning sheweth unto yof honorable Lordship yo' 
 daily orator Willm. Waryng of the town of Pembrugh in the co of Herford, 
 cordwaner, of & upon the wrongful vexacons & trebles to hym cofiiytted and don 
 by one Sir William Higgins parissh prest of Pembruge and by one maister Hum- 
 ffrey Ogle, clerk, Cemensary of the dioces aforesaid and his deputies. That where 
 yor orator which had alwaies delited to use and occupie his bowe, and to encorage 
 other men to do so, on Tuysday in Ester weke in the xxth yere of the Reigne 
 of our nowe sovereigne lord Kyng Henry the eight ; with other his neybours & 
 honest company, for avoydinge of dyce and carde tables and all other unlawful 
 gamys which were then by comandement prohybett, and shotyng to be used and 
 occupied, toke theyr bowes and therewith passed their tyme till matyns, and then 
 come to the church and herde ther dyvyne service, that is to say matyns and 
 masse from the begynning to the ending as may be sufficiently proved. That 
 notwithstanding Sir Wm Higgins therfor syted yor orator and other ij of his 
 neybours to appere before the said Cemensary at Lemster on Tuysday then next 
 ensuying, as they then did and the said Cemensary upon the examinacon of them 
 could fynd no cause of punyshment and so dismyssed and discharged them 
 thereof. 
 
 Albeit the said Sir William Higgins still contynuing his malice and intending 
 to put yor orator to hurte or vexacon, sklander and cost undeserved ; left the 
 medelyng with yor orator 'is neybours and called hym iij tymes in the Churche 
 in oon daye. And so likewise on another day in these words. "Come upp 
 William Waryng and doe the penaunce," where he had no such penaunce to him 
 injoyned. Nevertheless the said Sir William yett of his further malice, on the 
 day of S, Edward ( ? Edmund) then next ensuing suspended yo' orator, who then
 
 . Appendix, 1 7 1 
 
 required a copie of the suspenioa & could not have it. And wheras on the 
 day of the holy apostells Philip & Jacob yo"^ orator come to the Churche to here 
 the dyvine service as belongs every Christen man to doo, the said Sir William 
 vithoute any lawfuU auctoritie or cause resonsble violently putt yo"^ orator out of 
 the Churche, as before had doon, and he desired hym if he had anie suspencon 
 against hym to let hym have a copie thereof, and then sued for his remedy to 
 one John Blackston clerk deputy to the Cemensary ; albeit by the synyster in- 
 veglyng of the said Sir William wold not here yo^ orator till he had hym first 
 sworne to be obedient to the Church & the lawes thereof, and then enjojnied hym 
 without any fault proved against hym that he shold goo about the churche bare- 
 foote & bare-leg in his shirt iij Sundays before the crosse in processon, the first 
 day at the cathedrall churche of Herford, and the other ij days in the f issh 
 church of Pembruge & then yor orator perceyving the cruell sentence of the said 
 Blackston made labor by his friends and offred to gyve him a noble to relese hym 
 of his penaunce whiche he wold m nowise doo unles yo' orator should give hym 
 xxs which was not well in his power to doo ; and whereas he then offred to give 
 hym 40? if he wold respite the matter till the comyng home of the Cemensary which 
 he wold not but that yo"^ orator must doo penaunce or els he wold sue hjnn for 
 f jury. And yo' orator then seeing no remedy brought a token from hym to Sir 
 William Higgins that he was assoyled, and on the morrowe after beyng Ascencion 
 daye delyvered the said token and was suffred to tary in the Churche all matyns ; 
 and at high masse to put hym to rebuke & displeasure was commanded oute of 
 the church before all his neybours which offred to be bounden in C. marcs to save 
 hym harmles. And the nexte Sonday, mynding his othe, he toke hys jorney to 
 Herford being x myles from Pembruge, in a greate storme of wynd rayne and 
 could, there to doo hys penaunce and coming to Herforde aboute the hour of ix 
 of the clock, wete thorovve all his clothes to the skyne, as the prests were redy to 
 goo procession ; and then and there he was compelled to doo off all his clothes to 
 his sliirte, which was wete. 
 
 And so in his sliirte, barefoote, bare-leg and bare hed went aboute before the 
 procession wt a candell in his hande. 
 
 And when the procession vs'as come into the Church yor orator was compelled 
 to knele upon the could stones & on his bare knees while the prestes song an 
 antem w*. the suffragys before the Roode, and lykewise before oure Ladie of pitie 
 duryng another anten with the suffragys there songen. 
 
 And in like wise also before sainct [ ] * Shryne while an anten w? 
 
 the suffragys was there songen and so unto the quere where he offred his candell 
 & knelyd a grete season and toke such coulde after his hys labor with knelying on 
 the bare stones so long that it Rawted in hys body & in his hed. 
 
 And afterward by the helpe of God & phisicions to the greate cost & charges of 
 yo": said orator it ran out as well at his eeres as at his mouthe and all his here fell 
 of his hed and so by the space of di. a yere continued in sekeness w*. as moch 
 payne as any man myglit live w^ 
 
 • The author's knowledge of local archceology does not enable him to supply 
 this hiatus.
 
 1/2 Appendix. 
 
 DT COX, BISHOP OF ELY 
 
 The principal references here consulted are as follows : — 
 
 State Papers Domestic, Elizabeth : 
 
 V. 24. XX. 5. 12. 17. 17I. xxxiv. 2, Ixxiij. 29 cv. 85 to 90. (And 
 occasional notices for the years 1562, 1565, 1568, 1575, 1576, 
 1577, 1580.) 
 Chancery Proc, Misc. Eliz. Nich. Bacon. 
 
 The Palatine Jurisdiction of Ely, it should be observed, was really 
 of the nature of a Royal franchise, the bishop enjoying the Jura 
 regalia under an early grant. 
 
 The "good averring" or "abearing," mentioned at p. 114, was the 
 "bonus gestus," a far more rigorous obligation than "the Peace," 
 and one usually resorted to for political offences. 
 
 The story of Cox's confiscation of the maiden's steer has a re- 
 markable resemblance to the episode which forms the subject of 
 Paul- Louis Courier's famous ironical epistle to a " vieux marquis." 
 
 COxMMlSSION FOR THE APPOINTMENT OF LEARNED 
 PREACHERS AT RIPON. 
 
 The Commissioners find that the said town is a great and 
 populous city and has but six stipendiary ministers, paid by the 
 Crown at ^9. 15. 4 per ann. each, who for the most part are very 
 simple and unlearned. Also six clerks at ,-/^3 per ann. each, and one 
 quire-master at 40/ per ann. 
 
 Wherefore it is reported that one godly learned preacher shall be 
 appointed at ^^30 per ann. with two assistant ministers for preaching 
 of the Word, celebration of divine service, and administration of the 
 sacraments, each ;^i5. Also two others for reading of prayers and 
 catechizing at ;^6, 10. Also two clerks at ^^3. These are to have 
 lodgings assigned them in the Collegiate house of St. Peter and be 
 regularly paid, without being allowed to hold any other preferment. 
 
 Duch, of Lanes. 
 
 Surveys 32 Eliz. 
 
 Memorandum that the pious inhabitants of Bamble-tye Sussex 
 were wont to contribute to support a priest at the Chapel of ease 
 there for convenience of attending divine service. Now the Chapel 
 is fallen into disuse and is used as an outhouse by Andrew Lord 
 Windsor. Ibid.
 
 Appendix. 17; 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 EDWARD BAESHE. 
 
 References to materials for the ofificial career of Edward Eaeshe, 
 Surveyor General of Navy Victuals, 
 
 State Papers Domestic, Elizabeth. 
 
 1558 Aug. 8. 
 
 1559 Jan. 14. 
 
 1562 Aug., Oct. 30, Nov. 
 1565 (undated). 
 1567 Jan. 
 
 1574 Apr. 20, May 24. 
 
 1575 June. 
 
 1576 July 13, July 15, July 17, Aug. 5, Aug. 6, Sep. 28. 
 1576 (undated). 
 
 1578 Feb. 21, Feb. 24, July. 
 
 1579 Aug. 24. 
 
 1580 Jan. 10, Apr. i. 
 
 1585 Mar. 5, Nov. 22, Dec. 31. 
 
 1586 Jan. I, May 6, Jul. 24, Sep. 14, Dec. 11. 
 
 15S7 Jan. 27, Feb. 12, Mar. 12, Mar. 13, Mar. 18, Mar. 19, 
 
 May I, May 10, June i, July 26, Aug. 9, Oct. 13, Nov 
 1588 Jan. 29, July 3, Sept. 
 
 Audit and Pipe Office Declared Accounts. 
 
 I July 1547 to 28 June 1550 Ed. Eaeshe «S; R. Wattes Surveyors 
 
 of the Navy. 
 29 June 1550 to 31 Dec. 1556 Ed. Baeshe, Surveyor General. 
 
 1 Jan 1558 to 31 Dec. 1564 Ed. Baeshe & J. Elliott, Survey"^ 
 
 General. 
 
 2 Jan 1564 to 30 June 15S7 Ed. Baeshe Surveyor General. 
 
 Audit — Bundles, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787, 1788 & 172. 
 Pipe— Bundles, 1389, 1390, 1391, 1392, 1393 & 154.
 
 1 74 Appendix, 
 
 Chancery Proceedings Eliz. 
 
 -"■ '-'• 50> 52* 285 38* 
 
 Chancery Proc. Misc. Eliz. Nich. Bacon. 
 
 From one of these we learn that Edward Baeshe was grandson of 
 Richard Baeshe, his descent being as follows. 
 
 Richard Baeshe 
 
 Richard Thomas 
 
 I I 
 
 Edward Alexander 
 
 Upon Alexander's death, about r567, Edward Baeshe claimed as 
 heir-at-law the former's estates, consisting of lands in the Forest of 
 Deane and the office of Forester therein. A counter-claim was how- 
 ever raised by the half-brothers of the deceased, under a deed, which 
 Edward Baeshe asserted to be forged. 28 June, 1567, 
 
 The pedantry of the age eschewed as far as possible the root 
 "iVaz'." The official equivalent was "for marine causes," with which 
 we may compare " pour les affaires etrangeres," etc. " Marinarius " 
 was likewise preferred to "nauta," and " amiral " to "navarch." 
 The etymology of " Amir" was even then under discussion. (Cott. 
 MSS., Olho E. ix.) 
 
 The office of Surveyor-General of victuals for the Navy was 
 eventually filled by ]\Iarmaduke Darrell (afterwards Sir Marmaduke), 
 with a few breaks, between 1587 and 1622. This knight was a 
 cousin of William Darrell of Littlecote, with whom he corresponded 
 occasionally. One of his letters, reproduced here, gives a most 
 graphic account of the execution of ]Mary Queen of Scots, at 
 Fotheringay Castle, at which he assisted in an official capacity. 
 
 SIR GEORGE CAREY. 
 
 References to materials for the official career of Sr Geo. Carey, 
 Treasurer at War and Lord Deputy in Ireland.
 
 Appendix. 
 
 175 
 
 Pipe and Audit Office Declared Accomits : 
 
 I Mar. isgSJg to 31 Mar. 1600 — S' Geo. Carey, Treasurer at War 
 
 and Master of the Exchange. 
 
 I Apr. 1600 to 31 Mar. 1601 Ditto. 
 
 I Apr.i6oi to 31 Mar. 1602 Ditto. 
 
 I Apr.i6o2 to 30 Sep. 1603 Ditto. 
 
 I Oct. 1603 to 30 June 1606 Ditto. 
 Pipe — Bundles, 244, 251, 1395. 
 Audit — Bundles, 287, 288, 289. 
 
 Ditto. 
 Ditto. 
 Ditto. 
 Ditto. 
 
 E. K. R. Decree Book^ vol. iii., fo? 339, 347, 352. 
 Hil. 28 Jan. 5 Car. I. 
 „ II Feb. „ 
 
 Chancery Proceedings, Eliz: 
 
 C. C. 
 
 O ) ^^' 5 2 > 3a' 
 
 The balance of ;^75,ooo required to make up the sum named \x\. 
 the information against the contractors should be accounted for by 
 the lavish distribution of hush-money to the officers not immediately 
 concerned in the transaction. This indeed was asserted as a fact by 
 the prosecution. 
 
 URIAH BABINGTON AND ROBERT BROMLEY. 
 
 References to materials for history of clothing contract frauds, 
 1603-6. 
 
 Pipe and Audit Office Declared Accoiuits. 
 Pipe — Bundle, 157. 
 Audit — Bundle, 173. 
 E. K. R. Decree Book, vol. I. 
 
 6 James I. Trin. Mich. 
 
 
 7 n 
 
 East. Mich. 
 
 
 8 „ 
 
 East. 
 
 
 9 » 
 
 East. Trin. Mich. Hil. 
 
 
 10 
 
 Trin. Hil. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 II. fo? 50, 59 
 
 , 60. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 III. fo. 187. 
 
 
 Clianc: 
 
 • Proc. Eliz. 
 
 B. b. V-
 
 176 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 The Declared Accounts in the Pipe Office give us the history of 
 another discreditable transaction, in which the names of Uriah 
 Babington and Robert Bromley figure. This was in connection with 
 the contracts for supplying the garrisons of Flushing and Brille, early 
 in the reign of James I. This case was mentioned by the author in 
 a contribution to the Antiquary^ August, 1880. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE BRACEBRIDGE FAMILY. 
 
 Chanc. Troc. William Bracebridge 
 Misc. Eliz. Nic. ^;_ 
 
 Bacon. Thomas Bracebridge. 
 
 Ibid. 
 B. b. 1; 
 
 To restrain the defendant 
 from disinheriting the 
 plaintift in violation of a 
 settlement on marriaaie. 
 
 Ibid 
 
 B. b. 11. 
 
 Eliz., widow of Thos. 
 Bracebridge and Si- 
 mon Bracebridge 
 
 V. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the son. 
 
 Dispute as to a settlement 
 and will made by the late 
 Thos. Bracebridge the 
 elder. 
 
 Thos. Bracebridge 
 and Joyce his wife. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the younger and 
 John and Anthony 
 Bracebridge 
 
 Litigation regarding 
 Manor of Kingsbury. 
 
 the 
 
 Ibid. (Misc.) 
 Eliz. Nic. Ba- 
 
 Wm, Bracebridge. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the elder 
 
 V. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the younger. 
 
 Concerning a settlement 
 made before Sir Ambrose 
 Cave in the Court of Re- 
 quests.
 
 Appendix. 
 
 177 
 
 Chanc. Proc. 
 (Misc.) Eliz. 
 Nic. Bacoa. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 (Single Bills) 
 27 June 1565. 
 
 Ibid. 
 B. b. 
 
 Ibid. 
 B.b. 
 
 Walter Griffith 
 
 V. 
 
 T. Bracebridge and 
 Antykil Bracebridge. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the younger. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 the younger 
 
 V. 
 
 Antykil Bracebridge. 
 
 John, Antliony, Rich- 
 ard and Prudence 
 Bracebridge 
 
 To regain administration of 
 the goods of S' Geo. 
 Griffith dec*? appropriated 
 by the defts. under a bond. 
 
 Bin for discovery of deeds 
 concealed from him relat- 
 ing to the Manor of Kings- 
 bury. 
 
 To dispute a settlement 
 made by Thomas Brace- 
 bridge the elder. 
 
 Litigation regarding 
 Manor of Kingsbury. 
 
 the 
 
 Hid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 W. 
 
 Sr Ralph Egerton and 
 Thomas Brace- 
 bridge. 
 
 S' Francis Willoughby 
 
 V. 
 
 Thomas Bracebridge 
 and others. 
 
 T. Willington and 
 Hugh Willington 
 
 V. 
 
 Thomas and Antykil 
 Bracebridge. 
 
 Suit for protection against 
 previous incumbrances on 
 the Manors of Kingsbury 
 and Hurley. 
 
 To recover lands settled by 
 the late Thos. Bracebridge 
 on plaintiff's grandfather, 
 William Bracebridge. 
 
 N
 
 178 Appendix. 
 
 LEGAL COSTS. 
 
 Testamentary expenses of the administration of S': Edw. Darrell's 
 estate. 
 
 Ingrossing two inventories 
 
 Counsel's advice .... 
 
 Ingrossing a Quietus 
 
 Solicitor's charges in three ridings up 
 and down about the expedition 
 thereof . . * . . 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 8 3 4 
 
 " Charges layde owt agenst Thomas Hunte " (from Geo. Stod- 
 dard's ledger-book). 
 
 " A wryt owt of the Kings' Bench, callyd Alattadary (? latitat), 
 
 " From the shryve of Kent to his baylle, dV 
 
 "For a wryt owt of the Excheker, 15? 10*?" 
 
 " To the Baylle to sarve the wryte from the King's Bench, ;^i." 
 
 " For making of it w'. the selle to the shryve, and the selle to the 
 Baylle, 3=. 6<? " 
 
 "For a wryt from the shryve to his Baylle for 'tachment, and for 
 atachment out of the Excheker to the shryve, 3^ 6"? " 
 
 ** Fysher his fee for Ester terme, 3^. 4'? " 
 
 " Mr. IManwoode for his paynes, to make a Declaration in the 
 King's Bench, 10^ " 
 
 " Mr. Fanshaw's fee for Ester term, 5'. " 
 
 "Mr. Manwood's fee in Maye, 10!" 
 
 " Best his fee for 3 matters, j[,\ 10'." 
 
 " The Secondary of the court for rettoni^ of 2 wrytts, 4V 
 
 "Mr. Manwood for his counsell, 10^. " 
 
 " Mr. Fanshaw for his feye, z\ 61 " 
 
 " For prossys making out, 5^." 
 
 "Serving the same, 10'. "
 
 Appendix. 1 79 
 
 Miscellaneous law expenses (from Geo. Stoddard's ledger). 
 
 " For making a warrant agenst Lanslet Gryffyn, 2! " 
 " For serving it, 2^ " 
 
 " For warning him to appere at the cort, 2'. " 
 " To the offysor for his paynes, 2^" 
 
 '' The master of the Chancery for 'knowledging the Indentcher 
 fore him, 2^ " 
 
 "Three rulings with extras, 15^ " 
 
 " To the skryvner for engrossing, jP^\. 2V 
 
 Legal expenses incurred by the borough of Alborough in the suit 
 Alborough v. Denton, 1598. 
 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Returning a Procurator . 
 
 . 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 Entering appearance 
 
 
 . 
 
 6 
 
 Procurator's fees 
 
 
 . I 
 
 
 
 His horse and dinner 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 6 
 
 His fees two other times . 
 
 
 . 2 
 
 6 
 
 His horse, etc, two other times 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Copy of the libel 
 
 . 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Drawing answer 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Procurator's fees for 5 Courts from 20 Jan 
 
 
 
 to I Aug. . 
 
 . 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 The same for 2 Courts . 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Other charges w''^ he made 
 
 . 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 Drawing interrogatories . 
 
 . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Money paid him in hand 
 
 
 '7 
 
 
 
 A citation 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 His fees from Christmas to 
 
 Easter . 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 More for later courts 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 Other charges w^l' he made 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 9 
 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 

 
 1 80 Appendix. 
 
 The following letter gives an excellent illustration of a correspon- 
 dence between a counsel and his client. It is undated, but probably 
 belongs to the end of Elizabeth's reign. 
 
 "M"; Scarminge — This order you muste give unto Fitch a coppie 
 of yt and keepe the original!, only shewinge it unto him, as you doe 
 knowe well enough this is for one yeares rent before the Bill ex- 
 hibited, and sende for a subpena ad injungendum soe soone as you 
 can, returnable the firste day of the nexte tenne and then if Fitch 
 doth not bringe in the monie, we will move an injunction which I 
 had thought to put it into the motion this term but I thinke it would 
 have hindered him for sowinge. It was good to have the cause 
 harde in Trinitie terme whilst the come is upon the grounde, where- 
 by you may have satisfaction for your rente. Your man did give 
 me 10! for my motion and I have laied out for the order 3' the 
 drawinge and 6"? the enteringe which you may sende to M".^ Coole. 
 The Answere I think is soe cautelous in respect it is above seaven 
 yeares, we cannot by the rules of the courte make him answer 
 directly, therefore we must accepte of it as it is. I have sente you 
 both Fitch his Answeres and the Orders in the Star-chamber for 
 Mandick." 
 
 [Unsigned and undated.] 
 
 SIR JOHN POPHAM AS ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 
 
 1581. Examination of the Gryftyths for complicity with Parsons and 
 
 Campion. 
 „ Certificate respecting exchange and privileges claimed by 
 Huntingdon. 
 
 1582. Acknowledgement taken of correspondence between Re- 
 
 cusants. 
 ,, Sends information respecting seditious pamphlets. 
 „ Commissioner for finding and punishmg pirates. 
 „ Gives his opinion in a clerical dispute. 
 
 1583. Memorandum as to the historical usage in the case of standard 
 
 weights and measures. [Transcribed for the use of the 
 Council on account of S": John's difficult writing.] 
 
 „ Examination of S'. J. Courving as to Somerfield's conspiracy. 
 
 „ Examination of Neve as to Arden's papers and communi- 
 cations.
 
 Appendix. 1 8 1 
 
 1583. Notes upon the projected invasion by Spain. 
 
 „ State of William Darrell's writ of error re West Bedwyn. 
 1 5 84. Statement showing the complicity of certain Catholic nobles 
 in Throgmorton's rebellion. 
 „ Conference as to the commission for conveying away of 
 Jesuits. 
 
 1585. Abstract of drafts of Bills to be passed in the present session : 
 
 (i) For security of Her Majesty's person; (2) Against 
 Jesuits ; (3) Against Libels ; (4) For perfecting assurances ; 
 (5) For shortening Michaelmas term ; (6) For a subsidy 
 and two fifteenths. 
 
 Examination of Edmund Nevylle. 
 
 Report concerning Mr. Wood, suspected of travelling for 
 religion. 
 
 Report upon the Bishop of Sarum's grant, and Lord Luraley's 
 claim as Almoner to the goods of the Earl of Northumber- 
 land, felo de se in the Tower. 
 
 Certificate of forms for the entry of Customs returns. 
 
 Certificate and opinion as to Recusants awaiting trial. 
 
 1586. Certificate as to the particular offences of Babington and his 
 
 accomplices. 
 List of Priests and Recusants lately committed. 
 Acknowledgment by Babington of his cypher with the Scotch 
 
 queen. 
 
 1587. Report upon the prisoners in the Tower. 
 Report upon the trade with Muskovy, Turkey, and Ireland. 
 Examination of Capt. Borough of the " Golden Lion " for 
 
 cowardice. 
 „ Opinion on examinations taken by the Council. 
 
 1588. Communication respecting the Spanish Armada. 
 
 1589. Opinion as to the Pope's Bull of Deposition and the trial of 
 
 Lord Arundel, etc. 
 
 1590. Proceedings relative to the examination and torture of Semin 
 
 ary priests. 
 „ Preparations for S": John Perrot's trial.
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 THE DARRELL PAPERS. 
 
 183
 
 
 
 Plate VI. 
 
 A*. 184-S. 
 
 AUTOGRAPHS OF THE DARRELL FAMILY AND ALLIES.
 
 THE PEDIGREE OF WILLIAM DARRELL OF 
 LITTLECOTE. 
 
 William Darrell of Sesay (Temp. Hen. III.) 
 
 Sir Marmaduke Darrell 
 
 1 
 Sir William Darrell 
 
 I 
 Sir Marmaduke Darrell 
 
 . . I 
 William Darrell 
 
 Marmaduke Darrell Esquire 
 
 Sir William Darrell 
 
 \ 
 
 I I I 
 
 Marmaduke Darrell WiIliam=Eliz. fohn Darrell 
 
 of S essay Esq''*- Darrell 
 
 of Littlecote 
 Esquire 
 
 Calston of Calehill 
 
 (heiress of 
 
 Littlecote) 
 
 Margaret Stourton^Sir George Darrell:=Jane Hautte 
 I of Littlecote I 
 
 Sir John Seymour=Elizabeth Sir Edward Darrell=^rary Crofl 
 
 I I 
 
 Sir J. Seymour Jane Fetypace=John Darrell Esquire 
 
 I I 
 
 Henry VIII.=Jane Eliz. Essex=Sir Edward Darrell 
 
 I 
 Edward VI. 
 
 — Bonham(?)= William Darrell Elynor Darrell Thomas Darrell (?) 
 (from whom he I of Littlecote, 
 was divorced) | Esquire 
 
 Issue of this marriage 
 
 presumably daughters.
 
 1 86 Appendix. 
 
 (I.) THE ANCIENT FAMILY OF THE DARRELLS. 
 
 That Deukalion of the heraldic Genesis, William the Conqueror, 
 did not rank behind him many warriors whose descendants were 
 destined to take deeper root in this country or to bequeath to future 
 times a legendary history more romantic and a recorded history more 
 instructive than that of the " ancient family of Darrell." 
 
 It is impossible to speak with certainty as to the origin of this 
 family upon the Continent, whensoever it may have settled in Eng- 
 land; neither is it to be expected that any mention of its local 
 existence should be found amongst the entries in Domesday for 
 Yorkshire, in which county the oldest known branch of the Darrells 
 was established under Henry III. 
 
 The seventh Darrell of Sessay from the reign of John is believed 
 to have been the father of three sons, of whom the eldest, Marma- 
 duke, succeeded to the Yorkshire estates, while the second son, 
 John, married a Kentish heiress and founded the branch of the 
 Darrells of Calehill. 
 
 The third son, William, married the heiress of Thomas Calston, 
 lord of Littlecote, Wilts, and became the ancestor of the Darrells of 
 Littlecote. 
 
 Elizabeth Calston, the heiress of Littlecote, was baptized in the 
 second year of Henry IV., and in the same year of his successor's 
 reign she proved herself of age at the suit of William Darrell, to 
 whom she was probably then given in marriage. 
 
 The issue of this union was a son George, who only survived his 
 mother ten years, dying in 1474. He was twice married, and was 
 by his first wife great-grandfather of Jane Seymour, mother of 
 Edward VI. 
 
 By his second marriage he had an heir, Edward, who made the 
 fortunes of his family at the Court, and whose official history will 
 enable us readily to comprehend the formation of great landed 
 estates during the early Tudor period. 
 
 The direct line of the Darrells of Sessay had nearly reached its 
 close. Sir George Darrell died 6 Edward IV., and left a son, Mar- 
 maduc, almost of age, his heir; but of him the heralds make no 
 mention. Soon after the family estates went by marriage to the 
 Dawnays.
 
 Appendix. 187 
 
 The Calehill branch was not distinguished by great alliances ; but 
 in the next generation the last of the Sussex Darrells left an heiress 
 who married a younger son of a Darrell of Scotney, from which 
 union proceeded most of the Darrells who figure in Elizabethan 
 times. 
 
 Young Edward Darrell of Littlecote had powerful connections 
 through other members of the family. His uncle Richard married 
 the daughter of the Duke of Somerset, dowager countess of Stafford ; 
 and their daughter, his first cousin, married James Lord Audely. 
 
 Another uncle, Thomas, married a daughter of one of the Rogers 
 of Dorset, of whom we shall hear more presently. A sister, Eliza- 
 beth, was, as has been already noticed, the ancestress of Edward the 
 Sixth's mother. 
 
 In the year before his death Sir George Darrell of Littlecote had, 
 according to the usual practice of those unsettled times, devised his 
 estates in trust to several distinguished friends or partizans, including 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Abbot of Malmesbury, and others. 
 His son Edward was eight years old at his decease. 
 
 During the next three reigns it is difficult to discover any infor- 
 mation worthy of notice respecting this new head of the Littlecote 
 lamily ; but in the third year of Henry VIIL the remission of his 
 liabilities as sheriff for Wilts is recorded in the following excerpt : — 
 
 WiLTES. In Magno Rotulo de anno primo Regis Henrici VIII. in 
 Itinere Wiltes. Edwardus Darell miles Debet xxxv." xv.' i"* de 
 remanente de c.xxxvij." xx.** de plurimis debitis suis. Sed non 
 debet inde summoneri per processum inde habitumT: consilio 
 Baronum annotatum in memorandis ex parte Rememoratoris 
 Thesaurarij de anno tercio Regis Henrici viij. vidilicet : inter 
 
 Recorda de termino sancti Michaelis, rotulo , pretextu 
 
 pardonacionis dicti Regis specialis prefato Edwardo facte inter 
 alia de omnimodis debitis ante xxiij. diem Octobris anno tercio 
 dicti Regis qualitercumque debitis sive perpetratis, 
 
 Et quietus est. 
 
 ■ The Letters of Pardon referred to here are granted in the usual 
 form to Sir Edward Darrell — " Nuper vice-Comiti Wiltes ; nuper de 
 Litilcote " — and absolve him from his possible transgressions and 
 shortcomings in the capacity of sheriff. 
 
 Although Sir Edward was now in his 55th year, it must not be 
 supposed that the allusion to him as " late of Litlecote " necessarily
 
 1 88 Appendix. 
 
 implies his decease, though had this been a financial discharge only 
 (at the instance of the executors), such would possibly have been the 
 case — to the complete subversion of the received genealogy. 
 
 On the contrary he was but now entering on the most active 
 period oi his long life. 
 
 In the 13th year of Henry VIII. Orcheston and four other 
 Wiltshire manors were granted to Sir Edward Darrell by letters 
 patent, which were confirmed in the next year. He was now one of 
 the most considerable landowners in that county, and had added to 
 his local influence by marrying his sister Mary to Sir Thomas Long 
 of Draycott — perhaps one of the most important commoners in 
 England, and with whose family his father, Sir George, had been 
 on good terms. 
 
 Sir Edward Darrell was thus doubly connected with the family of 
 Popham ; whilst he himself married a daughter of Sir Richard Crofte, 
 an official of the Court, and this alliance, like many more in the 
 family, proved of extreme service to his great-grandson. 
 
 There exists a blank warrant, addressed, there is the strongest 
 evidence for believing, to Sir Edward Darrell, to collect the subsidy 
 assessed on the citizens of Salisbury towards the recovery of the 
 King's possessions in France and in other parts, dated 26 April, 17 
 Henry VIH. 
 
 It was in these wars that his eldest son John was slain, at Arde, in 
 Picardy, and that the young Henry Long, the latter's cousin, was 
 knighted for gallantry in a cavalry action. 
 
 It is well known that Sir Edward Darrell was vice-chamberlain to 
 Katherine of Anagon— and in that unfortunate lady he found, as the 
 evidence of her Privy Seals will prove, a generous and indulgent 
 mistress. 
 
 The following is one document of this nature, which is of some 
 local interest. It is addressed " To o' right trusty counsaillo*: Sir 
 Edward Darrell K' oure vicechamberlain and keper of oT pare of 
 Chilton Folyat." 
 
 Katherina the Qvvene. By the Quene. 
 
 We wol and comaunde you to deliver or cause to be delivered 
 thre okes convenable for Tymber, To be takyn of our gift wt. in oure 
 pare of Chilton Folyat as well for the reparacon of the Churche of 
 Chilton Folyat whiche is in grete Ruyne and Decay, as for the re- 
 paracion of oure tukking mill there. And these our Letters etc." At 
 Grenewiche vj Jan. xvj Henry VIII.
 
 Appendix. 189 
 
 Another of this Queen's Privy Seals, dated 25 July, 21 Henry VIII., 
 is addressed to her master Foresters and masters of the game to 
 permit Sir Edward Darrell, being her vice-chamberlain, to hunt and 
 kill one buck in summer and another in winter within any of her 
 forests or chaces. In the same year a warrant was issued for the 
 delivery often oaks in Chilton Park to Sir Edward Darrell. 
 
 The last of the Queen Katherine's grants to her vice-chamberlain 
 was made in favour of his heirs. 
 
 Therein is recited that Sir Edward Darrell, lately deceased, was the 
 Queen's bailiff and Receiver of her rents and profits within the manor 
 and park of Chilton Folyat, and the keeper and farmer of her 
 warrens and pasturage within the parks of Blagdon in Dorset and 
 Fastorne in Wilts, and that he was indebted on those accounts for 
 the sum of ^^219 9^. dd. Nevertheless, in consideration of his many 
 and great services, and at the prayer of Dame Alice his widow and 
 executrix, the whole of that sum is remitted and excused by Her 
 Majesty. This claim was sworn and allowed Michaelmas, 22 Henry 
 VIII. 
 
 Letters Patent were likewise issued about this time to release Sir 
 Edward's executrix from a debt of ;!^i9 15^". owing to the Crown. 
 A grant was also made to Edward Darrell for the wardship and 
 marriage- of John Brugys, infant heir to Sir Egidius Brugys, but as 
 these bear no date, and as the royal signature thereto seems to be 
 in the form of a stamp, it is possible that the concession was made 
 in favour of the younger Sir Edward. 
 
 The latter, the father of our hero, was grandson of the vice- 
 chamberlain, being the son of the Sir John Darrell who was killed in 
 Picardy during his father's life-time. 
 
 It is not likely that the heir of Katherine of Arragon's favoured 
 servant should have received immediate advancement at the Court 
 during the crisis of the Reformation, but none the less he reaped the 
 fruits of his father's services in due season. 
 
 The last Sir Edward Darrell married a daughter of Sir Thomas 
 Essex, or, according to another account, of Sir William Essex — a fact 
 which is the more probable, as the latter was certainly alive under 
 Edward VI. 
 
 One of the few anecdotes respecting the Darrell family that can be 
 considered authentic is derived from the minutes of a council at 
 Hampton Court in 1541, which had under consideration a complaint 
 lodged by the Bishop of Saium that Edward Darrell, gent., son-inlaw
 
 1 90 Appendix. 
 
 of Sir William (or Sir Thomas) Essex, had lately chased the Bishop's 
 deer without license. The Lords, however, thought it sufificient 
 to entrust the reproof due to this offence to the delinquent's father 
 in-law. 
 
 It was in this same year that Sir Edward Darrell was enabled, 
 probably through the influence of his wife's relations, to purchase the 
 manor of Chilton Folyat, which had been for so many years in the 
 stewardship of his grandfather. 
 
 In Domesday, Chilton had a reputed assessment for ten Hides ; 
 and was valued at ;^io instead of;!^i2. Littlecote, on the other 
 hand, was assessed for little more than one Hide, and was valued at 
 ten shillings only. 
 
 Early in the thirty-seventh year of Henry VIII., the manor of 
 Chilton Folyat, then the dowry for life of another Queen Katherine, 
 Katherine Howard, was let to farm to Sir Edward Darrell for a term 
 of twenty years, at an annual rent of ^50 -^s. i\d. 
 
 When in the course of the next year negotiations took place for 
 the sale of this manor to the then occupier, an official valuation was 
 taken, which is recorded in the Particulars for Grants of that year. 
 
 In the first membrane of this document a concise description is 
 given of the manor as at present under occupation. 
 
 In the second membrane, the timber on the estate is valued at the 
 high total of ;!^55, comprising forty oaks at two shillings each, and 
 the rest oaks and ashes at a shilling. 
 
 The fourth membrane contains a detailed description of the manor 
 and its appurtenances — including the " Beere's Inne," in the town of 
 Hungerford, a " waren of conyes " in Chilton, and all the other 
 possessions in the " townes, parishes, and hamletts " of Chilton 
 Folyat, Leverton, and Hungerford, in the counties of Wilts and 
 Berks. These were sold to Sir Edward Darrell at the purchase of 
 the full term of his lease, that is for a sum of j[,\\oi \()s. 9^. To 
 this sum was added the value of the advowson and parsonage of 
 Chilton Folyat, estimated at £,\a^ Zs. S^d., making a total of ;^iii8 
 
 Twenty-two years' purchase may indeed now seem no extraordinary 
 bargain, but it is to be remembered that a long lease of a State 
 emolument was at this time a coveted privilege, and that the 
 purchase of such a lease, on almost any terms, would have been 
 eagerly sought after by the shrewd financiers of the age. 
 
 Sir Edward Darrell died at Littlecote on the 26th August, 1549.
 
 Appendix. i g i 
 
 His personal estate was administered during the next few months by 
 j\Iary Fortescue, who also accounted for his funeral and testamentary 
 expenses. 
 
 The household stuff at Littlecote was valued at ^^322 13^. <^d. by 
 an inventory exhibited in due form, and this, with a further esti- 
 mate of ;^3o for outstanding crops, made up a total of ;^3S2 13X. ()d. 
 
 The details of the administration are very interesting, and in the 
 special light of material for a family history they are still more 
 important. The following are the principal items of the " Funeral 
 and other necessary expences." 
 
 " Inprimis. — For waxe tapers for the wake, xP. 
 Item. — For stafe torches, xxxiiij^. 
 ,, For spice for bawmmge of his corse, xxxvij^ 
 ,, For vj wemem to watche w' the corse iiij nyghts, 
 
 xxxviij^ x4 
 „ Cotton for them, xxxix^. 
 ,, To xij poo' men to carry lyghts w' the corse to 
 
 churche, xxx^ viij*? 
 „ Black cotten for them, xxviij! 
 ,, For service by note, xxxv^ 
 „ For a morninge gown for one Budgett, a mayd servaunt 
 
 of this Accountant, xl^ 
 „ Making the same, xiij^ iiij'? 
 
 ,, A gowne clothe for George Darrell neve we to the Testa- 
 tor, xH 
 „ Ditto for John Knight Gent, xl^ 
 " Item ij cotten clothes '\ the making," for John Whit, Edmund 
 Peirs, John Plott, Thomas Alden, John Curre, John Rogers, 
 Edward Johnson, and eleven other servants of the Testator, 
 each, xxxvij^ 
 " Engrossing ij inventories, xiij^. \\\f. 
 Counsellor's advice in that behalf, xx' 
 Engrossing a quitus in this behalf, xxx' 
 
 The Soliciters charges in iij Ridinges upp and downe aboute 
 th' expedicon therof, v" " 
 Debts owing by the Testator. 
 
 " H.M. Court of wards 1: hveries — by Attachment, xj'i xiij^ y'f. 
 Sir John Thyn, by obligacon, 1" 
 For administration — through Exchequer, vij" " 
 Other Debts, £^0 13^ 4I
 
 1 9 2 Appendix. 
 
 " Legacies by will of Sir Edward Darrell. 
 
 George Darrell '\ John White xl shipe-Val, iiijH 
 [19 other servants 20 sheep or j[^2 each]. 
 Agnes Atkynson, xliij ships, val. v'J iij^ iiiji 
 
 j cowe ^ ij calves, val. xxvj^ nvf. 
 Katheryn Atkynson, Ix ships, val. vij". iij*. 
 j cowe "m; j heeforde, val. xxx^ " 
 Allowances. 
 
 " xvjH ^ xiiij" as of the value of clx "^ c shipen of the si Sir 
 Edward Darrell which died after his decease at Wanbro* 
 and Littlecot. Charges for maintenance of the household 
 for ij monethes after his decease, xxvj'.' xiij^ iiijl" 
 
 Total £i2G 1 6 J. Zd. 
 
 Remaining;^ 2 6 ijj. 5^. 
 
 In his will, dated shortly before his death. Sir Edward Darrell had 
 directed that during the next eleven years his executors should 
 receive and lay by the profits of the manors of Chilton, Winterborne, 
 and Leverton, for the purpose of discharging his debts and pursuing 
 the livery of his heir. 
 
 By the same will he bequeathed to Mary Danyell all his manors 
 or lands of Rygge, Froxfeld, Fyttleton, Combe, Compton, Hackle- 
 ston, Balston, Hanvyles, Helmes, Longprydye and Bagley, to her 
 and her assigns during her natural life. 
 
 To George Darrell, his " cosyn and servaunte," the testator 
 bequeathed an annuity of 20 marks. To his "loving frend " John 
 Knight one of 40'. ; and annuities of 40^ to Edward Johnson, John 
 Curr and Thomas Carter — all of these annuities being payable out 
 of the manor of Winterborne. To his daughter, Elynor, Sir Edward 
 assigned a portion of ;^2oo, and settled on her the manor of 
 Orcheston, an investment equal to twenty years' purchase. 
 
 The Inquisition post mortem taken at Sarum before the Escheator 
 of Wilts, 6 October, 4 Edward VI., further recounts that "diu 
 ante obitum suum virtute cujusdam finis in Curia Domini Regis 
 apud Westmonasterium in crastino Sancte Trinitatis anno 2^? coram 
 Edw. Montague ^ sociis suis justiciariis, etc., inter Thomam Phillips 
 ar. ^ J. Knight gen. querentes "^ dictum Edw. Darrell mil. defor- 
 ciantem levatae, predictus Edwardus recognovit maneria de Fiddle- 
 ton, Combe, ^ Hackleston esse jus ipsius Thome ut ilia que iidem 
 Thomas ^ Johannes habuerunt de dono predicti Edwardi — inper-
 
 Appendix. 19^ 
 
 petuum. Et pro hac recognitione iidem Thomas ^ Johannes 
 concesserunt predicto Edwardo predicta maneria et reddiderunt in 
 curia — totam vitam ipsius Edwardi, et post discessum integre rfr 
 manere Marie Danyell. Et post discessum integre remanere rectis 
 heredibus predicti Edwardi." 
 
 The jurors upon this Inquisition also depose that by a deed dated 
 June, 37 Henry VI 1 1., Sir Edward Darrell, of his goodwill and 
 favour towards Robert Moore of Bewyke-in-Holderness and Eliza- 
 beth his wife, has assured to them an annuity of ^6 13^. 4^'. 
 
 The jurors also declare that Sir Edward Darrell died at Littlecote 
 26th August, 3 Edward VI., and they find that William Darrell is his 
 son and nearest heir and that he is of the age of ten years, two 
 months and three days. 
 
 There is one more ofificial document which must be noticed in 
 relation to Sir Edward Darrell's death. This is the return of Henry 
 Clyfiford, Escheator of Wilts, that on taking the oath of Elizabeth 
 Darrell widow (as by writ directed) that she would not re-marry 
 without the consent of the king, he has assigned to her the reasonable 
 dower of 13 messuages and one meadow, 3 cottages, 2 gardens, 
 510 acres of land, 250 acres of meadow, 203 acres of pasture, 50 
 acres of wood, and common of pasture in Wanborough, Knighton 
 and Ramesbury, valued at ;^36 \os. 3^. in all. 
 
 This arrangement was submitted to Sir J. Brydges, Sir A. Hunger- 
 ford and J. Berwyk, — the nearest friends to William Darrell, the heir 
 of Littlecote, but they refused to become parties thereto. 
 
 Sir Edward Darrell left behind him at least two children by his 
 wife Elizabeth Essex, W^illiam and Elynor. Besides these there was 
 also undoubtedly a third child, a son Thomas, though whether 
 he were born of the same marriage, or even in wedlock, there are 
 probably no satisfactory means of ascertaining. 
 
 His widow Elizabeth survived him for many years ; in fact, not 
 long after his decease she married again, John Rogers, of Berks, son 
 of Sir John Rogers, of Dorset, an ancient connection of the family, 
 
 Elynor Darrell was eventually married to Egremond Radcliffe. 
 
 Sir Edward Dan-ell's sister Elizabeth had, as already noticed, 
 married Robert Moore of Bewick, and they had a son John, who 
 attained to the dignity of sergeant-at-law.
 
 Appendix. 
 
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 1 96 Appendix. 
 
 The xxiiij'^ daie of Aprill in the xiiij yere of the raigne of or Sove- 
 ragne Ladie the Quene Elyzabeth. 
 
 Red by me Henrye Forteskue of Falkborne Esquer of 
 William Darrell Esquere for the rente of the tenementes of Fedleton, 
 Combe, Compton, and Hacklestone in the countie of Wilsher due 
 to me for one half yere at the Annunciation of our Ladie last paste 
 the some of sixten pondes eighten shillinges and five pence. 
 
 Henrie Forteskue. 
 
 Similar receipt for the rent of Balston, Helmes, Rygge, and Frox- 
 field, being ^\i . 4 . 6, at the same date. 
 
 Similar receipts by Henry Fortescue " in the right of Dame Maria 
 my wife" for rents as above dated 9 Apr. & 16 Oct! 1573 ; 10 Apr. 
 Sr 15 Octr. 1574 ; 16 Ap' and 28 Octr. 1575 ; 
 
 Receipts by "Mary ladie Darrell of Faulkborne wydowe " of the 
 sum of 19;;^ for rents of Balston, Helmes, Hanvills, Rygge, and 
 Froxfield, for the half years ended 27 Apr, 1577 j 30 Octr. 1577; 
 26 APM57S; 10 Nov^ 1578; 21 Apr. 1579; 2 Nov^ i579 ; 3° 
 April 1583. 
 
 Receipts by Mary Darrell of ;^34 for rents of Balston, Helmes, 
 Hanvills, Rygge, Froxfield & Inkpen for the half years ended i May 
 1582 ; 4 Novr. 1582 ; i May 1583 ; 2 Novr 1583 & 28 Apr 1584. 
 
 [Note hereon by William Darrell] "Mary Forteskew alias Danyell 
 hath received this iiij yeares past more rent than was agreed upon by 
 xxviij'i viij' contrarye to a bond."* 
 
 Lease from Nicholas Carter of Fyfield, Wilts, husbandman, to 
 WilUam Darrell Esq""? as his undertenant of and in one messuage & 
 yard-land and one othere messuage and yard-land in Combe, now- 
 demised to the said Nicholas for term of his life by copy of Court 
 Roll according to tlie custom of the manor of Combe by Henry 
 Fortescue Esqr: and Mary his wife, in consideration of the sum of 
 5^ by the said William Darrell in hand paid. 20 Sepf 1577.
 
 Appendix. 
 
 197 
 
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 198 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Rents Received by John Bordman at the Feast of 
 THE Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, 1589. 
 
 Chilton Rents, from 
 various Tenants : 
 
 Total 
 Axford Rents : 
 
 Total 
 Balston Rents : 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 - 3 4 
 
 - 5 
 
 - 6 
 
 - 6 
 
 - 10 
 2 - 
 2 6 
 
 2 15 
 
 3 13 
 
 4 - 
 
 - I 
 
 - 5 
 
 - 8 
 
 4 - 
 6 13 
 
 19 5 3 
 
 II 7 4 
 
 - 10 - 
 
 5 
 
 17 10 2 
 
 30 - - 
 
 Total: S3 o 2 
 
 Wanborough Rents, 3 16 8 
 
 Copyhold Tenants : 6 - - 
 
 12 - - 
 
 16 7 li 
 
 Hopgrass Rents : 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 - 6 8 
 
 - 3 6 
 
 7 10 - 
 
 8 4 - 
 16 13 4 
 
 - 10 - 
 
 Total: 33 7 6 
 
 Ramsbury Rents 
 
 - II 
 
 I 13 
 
 4 - 
 
 18 9 
 
 Tenants' rents 2 8 
 
 27 III 
 
 Various : 
 
 Daniel White for 
 
 wood-money . 16 
 
 Two others for ) 10 
 
 the same . . J 4 
 
 John Curre for San- 
 den fee . . 40 
 
 Total: 70 - - 
 
 Total : 38 3 9i Grand Total : £2c^z 5 10^
 
 Appendix. 
 
 199 
 
 Money Received by John Bordman from the Sale 
 
 OF Corn and Stock, etc., at Littlecote and 
 
 elsewhere, 1589. 
 
 Wool 
 
 £ 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 d. 1 
 8 
 
 II sheep-skins . 
 4 ditto 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 A Bull's hide . 
 
 . - 
 
 3 
 
 
 Straw 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 Ditto 
 
 . - 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 Various 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 - 
 
 5 Calves sold at Little 
 
 
 
 
 cote 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 2 ditto 
 
 - 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 4 ditto 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 - 
 
 Tota 
 
 I 9 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 Wheat sold at Littlecc 
 at Marlborough, N 
 bury, and to priv 
 buyers : 
 
 )te, 
 
 2W- 
 
 ate 
 
 
 
 28 quarters at 16^ 
 32 ditto at 12^ . 
 
 22 
 19 
 
 8 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 4 bus. at iS'^ . 
 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 4 quarters at 12^ 
 
 5 >, »i2^8^ 
 4 » >. 12! 
 Various sales 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 2 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 Total : 
 
 52 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 Wheat sold at Axford 
 
 
 
 
 3 quarters at 14? 61 
 J4qrs. 6 bs. at 15= 4''. 
 6 „ 6 „ at 17^ 4<! 
 6 bs. at 2? I'? . 
 
 2 
 II 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 12 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 qrs. 4bs. at 17^. 4"^ 
 Various sales 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 6 
 
 Barley sold at Littlecote : 
 
 34 quarters at 9? .156- 
 
 23 quarters at various 
 
 price . . .974 
 
 Total: 24 13 4 
 
 Delivered to John Hayes 
 
 tor a debt of ;!^2i : 
 4 bullocks at jQt, .12 - - 
 9 qrs. of barley from 
 
 Littlecot . . 4 10 - 
 9 ditto from Axford . 4 10 - 
 
 Grand Total : i ^S o o 
 
 Money raised at Little- 
 cote by two loans of 
 £S° and £is 
 
 6k - - 
 
 31 
 
 Total Receipts from 
 
 Littlecote, &c., from 
 
 all sources . ;^455 5 ^°l
 
 200 Appendix. 
 
 Payments at Littlecote, 15S9. 
 
 Wages of Servants at Littlecote, Easter, 1589. 
 
 N. Richards, 50'. J. Bordman, 40! G. Richards, 26^ 81 J. 
 Curre, 20^ Ehzabeth Popgey, 13^ 4*^ 
 
 Other Servants, 26^ 8'?; 23^. 4^; 13'. 4-^ (3); 5=, 3% &c. 
 
 Total ;^i7 3- 
 
 Wages at Axford. 
 
 J. Pocock, 20^ John, 16= 8<» Edith GefTrey, 13' 4" 
 Other Servants, 16= 8^ (2) ; 11^. 4^^ ; 7^ 11'^, &:c. 
 
 Total, ^5 2- 21 
 
 Household Expenses, &c., at Eittlecote, from 25 JanT to 
 12 July, 1589. 
 
 25 Jan': — 7 score 12"^^ of beef, 15^ lo*^ 2 cheeses, 3^ 
 Charges at Marlboro', 4I Soap, 4I 2^"?' oatmeal, 5= Si 
 30 Jan^: — Charges at Newbury, 10I 
 I Feb': — 7 score 7'^ of beef, 17^ 
 6 Feb': — Charges at Newbury, 10I 
 8 Feb': — Charges at Marlboro', 4I 6 score 10'^.^ of beef, 
 
 15- 2I 
 
 13 Feb': — Charges at Newbury, 9'* 32 couple of ling, 45'; 
 2":*^ of cheese, 34^ 2 bus. of pease, 4! 2I 
 
 20 FeW — Charges at Newbury, 10I 7 bus. of salt, 15^ 
 
 27 FeW — Charges at Newbury, 10I i^'¥ pepper, 6'.; 
 cloves, 4I 
 
 8 Mar. — Charges at Marlboro', 61 
 
 27 Mar.— Charges at Newbur)^, id 
 
 3 Apr. — Charges at Newbury, id 8 score 5"?' beef, 20^ 
 A beast's belly, 14I A quarter of mutton, 2d 
 
 10 Apr. — Charges at Newbury, id A neck of mutton, 61 
 
 24 Apr.— Charges at Newbury, id 
 
 I May. — Charges at Newbury, id 
 
 8 May. — Charges at Newbury, i' 61 
 
 10 May. — 5 score 12'^^ beef, 14' 
 
 17 May. — Charges at Marlboro', 6. 6 score of beef, 15*. 
 
 29 May. — Charges at Newbury, 12I A quarter of veal and 
 a shoulder of mutton, 2^ 4I
 
 Appendix. 201 
 
 31 May. — Charges at Malboro', 4"^ 6 score 12'^' of beef and 
 2 neats tongues, 17^ 
 
 5 June. — Charges at Newbury, lo"^ A neck of mutton, 4"^ 
 
 7 June. — Charges at Marlboro', 6^^ 6 score i6'V' of beef, 17! 
 
 12 June. — Charges at Newbur}', 10'^ 
 
 14 June. — Charges at iMarlboro,' 6*^ 7 score of beef, f7^6l 
 A beast's belly and tongue, 16'! 
 
 24 June. — Charges at Newbury, 10*^ 
 
 26 June. — Charges at Marlboro', 6^! 
 
 28 June. — 8 score of beef, 16! S'! Belly and tongue, \(>^. 
 
 3 July. — Charges at Newbury, 10I A quarter of veal, 20"? 
 
 5 July. — Charges at Marlboro', 6"^ 8 score of beef, 16^ S*? 
 Belly and tongue, \(y^. 3 bus salt, 6*? A quarter of veal, 20*^ 
 A pound of sugar, 20I 6'^^ of hops, 3! 
 
 12 July. — 9 score 12'^^ of beef, 22! 4"? Belly and tongue, 
 1 61 3 joints of veal and a leg of mutton 3! 
 
 Charges at Marlborough, 6*^ Vinegar, 3"*. Mustard, z^ 
 Soap, 4^? Vinegar, 4*^ &c. 
 
 Total £\^ .9.5 
 
 Household Expenses at Axford. 
 
 15 Jan.— Beef, 4= 8"^ Two cheeses, 2^ 8^^ 
 I Feb.— Beef, 4^ 81 
 
 8 Feb. — Beef, 3^ 61 16 couple of ling, 22^ 61 i cheese, 
 2^ 2^ loS'^i" cheese, 18^ 
 
 Total ;^£"2 . 18 . 2 
 
 Farm Implements and Utensils at Littlecote. 
 
 Thread and mending a kettle, 61 Well-bucket, 12I Tar, 
 61 3 sieves, 12I A sheet for good-wife Batt, 3^ 4I 6 sacks 
 and a winnow-ing sheet, 17^. 61 Three pair of harness and 6 
 halters, 2^ 61 Cart pannel, 12I Cheese-vat, 7I i'!* pack- 
 thread, 10I 6 milking pans, 2! 61 Hedging bill, 12I 2 
 cheese-vats, 81 29"?^ pitch for marking the sheep, 3^ 61 2 
 salt-stones for the pigeon-house, 3^ A cover, 4^ *Hedging- 
 bill, 12I *7 milking pans, 2^ 10I *2 cheese- vats 81 *2 
 sieves, 61 *A cowl, a *cover, and a *powdering tub, 5^ 81 
 *2 buckets, 1 1I *A butter-churn 3'. *2 cheese-cloths, 9 *2 
 
 • For Axford.
 
 202 Appendix. 
 
 cream pots, 61 *3 barrells to put beer in, 7^ 4*! *i hogs- 
 head, 3'. \^ *6 rakes, 9I 3 buckets, 18'! 3 hogsheads, 10*. 
 2 cheese-cloths, 10*^ Tar 6*^ Mending kettle, 4"^ 4 harrows, 
 3*. 4I Barrel of pitch, 10^ 2 bassen ropes, 10I 7 glasses, 
 19I *Shovel, 10I 2 prongs, 16"". Nails, 3"^ 6 rakes, 11^ 
 Nails, 12"? Shovel, 10*! 
 
 Total ^5-4.9 
 
 Miscellaneous. 
 
 Garden seeds 3! 3I and 4^ 7"^ Rosemary seeds, 10I 
 Rosemary, 61 Strawberries, 9I *Brand-iron, 20I 2 bottles 
 of vinegar, 81 Pair of hose and shoes for Anthony Swayte, 
 2^ 4I Strawberries 5I, 61, 81, and 12I Two pheasant-nets, 
 
 15^ 
 
 Total ;,^o . 18 . 9 
 
 Travelling Expenses and Carriage. 
 
 Charges to London for three, 5^ 4I Charges there in dress- 
 ing trouts 2^ 81 Boat to Barne Elmes and back, 2! 81 
 Charges from London, for two, 2! 81 Mending a saddle at 
 London, 4I Rob' Taylor's charges to London with trouts, 
 7^. 4I Charges for one to London and back, 5^ Mending a 
 saddle and setting a shoe, 61 Carriage of garden-tools from 
 London, 2^ A box to carry badges from London, 61 Evan's 
 charges to London, 5^ Lazenby's (10 July) 15' Jennen's 
 2! 61 James Melyns at his going away, 10^ Thomas Williams 
 on the same occasion, 13! 4I Jenens, at his going to London, 
 2? 61 Alden, at his going to London, 10^ Emery's charges 
 to London and for wine there, 51 Mending a saddle at Marl- 
 boro, 61 Charges to London and home of this accountant, 
 4! 4I J. Horseman and Percy at their going to London, 11! 
 A messenger for Mr. Webb to go to London, 61 Hatton and 
 another at their going to London with the geldings, 12^ 
 Charges home from London, 4! Horse-dressing and malt, 12I 
 J. Horseman when he sought Mr. Stubbs' mare, 4! J. Curre, 
 for the same, 61 Our charges at Wallingford when we did 
 fetch the mare i8l Our horsemeat there, 12I Mr. Molyns 
 for keeping the mare and colt, 1 3^ 4I R. Phillips seeking for 
 * For Ax ford.
 
 Appendix, 203 
 
 the mare, 15*? T. Lazenby to London and home, 9^ 4^? 
 Anthonye's charges and James with trowtes, 6^ Dressing the 
 trouts there, 9"? Charges of things home by waggons, 3! 3^! 
 Mending a saddle, 6*! 
 
 Total ;^8 . 7 . I 
 
 Wages of Farm Labourers at Littlecote. 
 
 Heywood, for making malt 10! and 12^ Osmond 2 days 
 work, (i% and 4 days work 16^ Gregory, felling and cleaving 
 wood, 9^ 81 Walter Eyres digging want-hills, 8' Edney, 20 
 days work 3^ 4I Good-wife Batt's wages 6^ 8"^ Edney's 
 work, 3^ 4*^ Osmond, for hedging and felling the coppice, 38? 
 Walter Eyres, Parker and Edney for helping with the Rick, 9I 
 Osmond, 8 days work 2! 81 Weeding wheat 26^ 61 Edwards, 
 3 weeks work, 18I A Thatcher for 5 days work, 2! A woman 
 "yelming" 14 days, 1^ 9I Whitchurch, 28 days work, 13' 61 
 Pluramer for thatching 10 days, 4^ A woman "yelming" 10 
 days, 20I Making hay, 17^ 61 ISIowing the Wearmead, 
 17^. 61 Sandes, 3 days threshing, 9I 
 
 Total ;^7 . 2 . II 
 
 Wages of Farm Labourers at Axford. 
 
 Lovell going to plough 10 weeks, 10! Sandes, i month 
 keeping sheep, 2^ Earle, helping the shepherd, 9I Biggs and 
 Tymbcrland, hedging 3 days, 3! Harris and Stephen New 
 hedging 12I and helping with the rick i day, 12I Two boys 
 going to plough 5 weeks, 6? Biggs and Tymberland threshing 
 5 days, 5^ 10I Boy to help the shepherd 4 weeks, 2? Biggs 
 and Tymberland, threshing, 45=; 19^ TuU and Colman 
 threshing 12 quarters, 12^.; 7 quarters, 7'. 7I; 10 days thresh- 
 ing 11^ 10I; 7 days threshing oats, 4^.; threshing 4 quarters of 
 barley, 2^; threshing oats 6 days 3^ 61 Biggs and Tymber- 
 land, I day's work, 14IJ i week's work, 7^. Long, 2 days 
 work, 14I Tymberland 3 days work, \\ 9I Mowing at 
 Axford (part payment) 8'. Weeding the wheat, 14! Sandes, 
 for making the barn close, 8'. 61 
 
 Total ^8 . 18 . I
 
 204 Appendix. 
 
 Wages of Skilled Labourers at Littlecote. 
 
 John Bristowe the Smith, J^^d^ .6.3. Heywood the Smith, 
 ^Z .3.6. Lionel Pearce, for making 15 dozen hurdles, 
 12! b^. The Taskers at Littlecote, for 4 days work, 2I ; for 
 [threshing] 50 quarters of wheat, 16^ S'?; for threshing 37 
 quarters, 18^ 6*^ Washing and shearing sheep, 53^ 5*^ Dress- 
 ing a mangy mare and a colt, 2^ 10^ Setting 3 horse-shoes, 
 9^? Cornelius the gardiner, 15! The rat-catcher, 2' 61 J. 
 Mitchell and Harry Cook for fishing, 16*^ Gregory Story and 
 Walter Gilmore, for the same, 5^ 10I Harry Cook for the 
 same, 81 Gregory and Edney, for the same, 2! Story and 
 Parker, for the same, 12I Story and Parker, for the same, 18"^ 
 Edney and Parker, for the same, 3^ 
 
 Total ^19 .9.3 
 
 Various Payments. 
 
 The Vicar of Froxfield 26^ 81 His Worship in London, 
 ;Q/^. For 5 bushels of wheat for the Queen, 10^ Nicholas 
 Pvichards 20'. Acquittance at Marlborough for paying the 
 rent, 61 Tenths and Fifteenths at Axford, 13^ 61 His Wor 
 ship in London 3^ 4I William Hill on account of his bill, 31 
 Mr. Moore, 40^ 
 
 Total ;^ii.5.o 
 
 Cash Advanced. 
 
 His Worship in London, ;^ioo. Mr. Robert Cheney, £,'i.^^ 
 and £Z. Mr. Walrond, ^10. William Edwards, £(i. Rent 
 of the Prebend of Axford, ;^2, &c. 
 
 Total ^315 9. 8
 
 Appendix. 
 
 205 
 
 Money Received in London from Various Sources, 
 From April i6th to July 14TH, 1589. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 tivtu. \ji 1113 »* uiauip, rvpin lu . 
 
 „ of Stephen Hyde . 
 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 _ 
 
 _ 
 
 „ of the money from Ballett'i 
 
 1 a 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 >5 M >} 
 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 i) » » 
 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of Mr. Scryven 
 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of J. Potter . 
 
 
 I 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ May Io'^ 
 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 th 
 
 5> }> i A • • • • 
 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 12"* 
 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 — 
 
 16* 
 
 
 4 
 
 - 
 
 — 
 
 „ „ 1 / . 
 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 — 
 
 20"* 
 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of Bordman's advance (;^4o) 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 „ of his Worship, which he 
 
 lef 
 
 
 
 
 on the Table-board . 
 
 
 - 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 May25'^ 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 - 
 
 „ 26'!' . . . 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 - 
 
 » 2 7'? . . 
 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 June 1=.' ... 
 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 - 
 
 ,rd 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 - 
 
 >» >» 3 • • • • 
 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 cth 
 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of £100 from Thompson 
 
 
 17 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ June I5'^ 
 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 - 
 
 „ of the remainder of ^^30 
 
 ron 
 
 
 
 
 Mr. Stubbs 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 „ of Mr. Stubbs 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 - 
 
 July 3 •' . 
 
 
 30 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of his Worship, ,, 1 2'^ 
 
 
 24 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ of the remainder after 
 
 Mr 
 
 
 
 
 Forrest was paid 
 
 
 6 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 „ at this Accountant's comino 
 
 
 
 
 down 
 
 
 • 54 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 Total 
 
 ^52 1 
 
 6 
 
 9
 
 2o6 Appendix, 
 
 Payments in London, 1589. 
 Boat Hire. 
 
 To the Court and back, 81 
 
 From the Court to Westminster, 4^ ; and from Westminster 
 home, 4^^ 
 
 From the Temple to the Court and back, 6*? To the Court, 
 4I From the Court, 4I To the Court, 4I From the Court, 
 4*? Mr. More to the Court, 4I Same, May ii'^ \^ From 
 the Court, 4"^ For Percy, 61 To the Old Swan, 4I To 
 Lambeth and to the Court and back, 61 For Alden, 12I 
 From the Court, 4I To Barn Elms and back, 4! For Mr. 
 More, 3^ The same, 81 To Westminster and back, 81 For 
 Evans, 61 Mr. More to Westminster and back, 81 To the 
 Old Swan, 4I For Mr. More, 81 From Fulham to Barn 
 Elms and back, 81 To Ratcliffe and back, 2' For his Wor- 
 ship to Ratcliffe, June 29'^ 10I Two boats from the Old 
 Swan to the Temple, 81 Ferrying over the horse at Fulham 
 and back, 5I The same going to the Court, 2I Mr. More to 
 Lambeth and back (twice), i6l To the Court, 4I To the 
 Court and back, 81 
 
 Total ;^i . 4 . 5 
 
 Carriage, Horse Hire, and Travelling Expenses. 
 
 Carriage of twelve pigeon-pies, i6l To the Porter for bring- 
 ing them from Holborn Bridge 2I The same, to help carry 
 the hampers to Holborn Bridge, 2I To the Carmen for bring- 
 ing the stuff and beds to Warwick-lane, . A Porter for bring- 
 ing a pasty, 4I Percy, for the same, 3I Horse-hire to Harrow- 
 on-the-Hill, 2^ 61 Horse-hire for one horse to the Court, 2^ 
 The same for six days, 7'. James to bring him down, i6l Mr. 
 More when he went to Barn Elms, 5'. James, when he went 
 to Ratcliffe, 12I Mr. Wm. More when he went down, 30^ 
 Parrock's charges up and down, 4^ J. Cook's charges for the 
 same, 4'. Anthony at his going down, 4^ James to bring him 
 down, 1 81 
 
 Total £z.A.']
 
 Appendix, 
 
 207 
 
 Charges of coming down, viz. : 
 Supper at Houndslow, July 14' 
 Horsemeat there 
 Dyner at Maydenhedd, July 15 
 Horsemeat there 
 Supper at Reading . 
 Horsemeat there 
 Dyner at Newbury, July I6'^ 
 Horsemeat there 
 Poor people at Newbury . 
 A poor man at Spene 
 
 Total 
 
 10^ 
 
 4^? 
 
 7^ 
 
 
 15- 
 
 61 
 
 4- 
 
 81 
 
 13- 
 
 
 6! 
 
 81 
 
 8! 
 
 i-^ 
 
 3^ 
 
 81 
 
 
 3*^ 
 
 
 2I 
 
 3 7 
 
 4-^ 
 
 Entertainment. 
 
 Paid at the Bell which was owing for Robt. Taylor, and 
 supper for Anthony and James when they brought trouts, 3^ 4** 
 Setting up the foot-cloth, 2I 
 
 Mr. More's dyner and wine at the Court, 14I Horsemeat 
 and standing of the horse, 9I Bread for two horses before his 
 Worship went to the Court, 4I Horsemeat and standing of the 
 horse at Court, 4I James horsekeeper, which he paid for set- 
 
 ing up the foot-cloth, 4I 
 Alden for his lodging, 9^. 
 
 Horsemeat and shoeing, £,\d^ n! 4'' 
 Total, p^i5 . 6. 9 
 
 Gifts. 
 
 Mr. Brouncker's man, 12I Mr. Brown's man at the wood- 
 yard at Court, 61 Wm. Hall which was given him at my lord 
 Chancellor's, 61 Hatton, which he gave a poor body, 2I 
 Given a poor body at the Temple, 1I A poor woman, 1I Mr. 
 Stubbes' man Richards, 61 One that brought a chine of beef 
 and venison from Mr. Croft, i8l The porter at Walsyngham- 
 house by James More, 61 A poor man, 1I The keeper's 
 wife at Reigate Park, 2^ A poor man, 2I Percy which Taylor's 
 daughter had, 5^. Mr. Briskett's man, 12I Mr. Brouncker's 
 man, 12I 
 
 Total, ^o . 14 . I
 
 2o8 Appe7idix, 
 
 Law Expenses, Fees and Costs. 
 
 Mr. Gybbes, 20'. His man for drawing the answer v. Stukely, 
 6! Mr. Owen, 20! Mr. Bigges, 11^ 8"? and 4*^ Copie of 
 the Order for the tenants of Cliilton, 2'. Mr. Rotheram his fee 
 V. Stanerton, 3' 4"? Mr. Osborne his fee v. Puttenam in the 
 Exchequer, 3^. a^. Entering appearance, 6^ Warrant of At- 
 torney, S'? Mr. Glanvile for a Motion v. tenants of Chilton, 
 20*. Mr. Cook, the Messenger, 20^. Copy of Stukely's Re- 
 phcation, 10^. Copy of Puttenam's Declaration, i8l Entering 
 day of hearing with Stukely by consent, 12'! An Usher in the 
 Court of Wards, 3^^ Ingrossing Interrogatories, 4*^ Cook the 
 Messenger, 20^. Subpoena for the Defendants v. Cheney, Reade 
 and Keene, 3^ Cook the Messenger, 10^. j\Ir. Andrew Read's 
 charges to be examined, 2'. 6*^ Ingrossing answers to Stukely's 
 Articles exhibited to Mr. Secretary, 12^. 6"! Paid at my Lord 
 of Leicester's ofifice, j[,Ao. Mr, Sly, £,'i.'^. Search and copy 
 of Scire Facias v. Oxenbridge, 3^ 8"? Mr. Pickerell's fee in the 
 Court of Wards v. Stukely, 3^ 4*^ Entering his Worship's ap- 
 pearance there, 2^. 4^^ Notes of two Deeds inroUed, 12'? Copy 
 of Stukely's Bill, 8'. Mr. Geo. Vernon, 30^ Cook the Messen- 
 ger, 2\ 6*^ Mr. Glanvile's fee, \ol John Straker, for Thorley, 
 ;^3 6^ S'? Mr. Churchill his fees of the Livery, ^^8. Drawing 
 ye pardon of Kintbury, 5^ To Percy which he paid for his 
 Worship's oath, b^. Thorley, 30'. Entering two Orders in the 
 Court of Wards, 2'. Mr. D. Carewe for Horsall's oath and 
 Parrock's, 8"? Examining of them two, 4^. For Cook's oath 
 and examining, 2! 6^ Florsewell, iS'l Drawing two pardons 
 of Alienation, 20^. Entering the same and one more drawn 
 before, 5^ D. Stanhope's hand to the five Pardons, 10! Re- 
 ceiver's man for entering in his book, 2^ 61 The fine of a 
 Pardon of the third part of Kintbury, ;^4 9? Drawing the 
 Pardon thereof, 5^ Entering it, 12I Receiver's man, 61 
 Stanhope's hand thereto, 2! Mr. Rotheram's fee v. Stanerton, 
 3'. 4I Mr. Hext his fee per Jennens. The same for his fee v. 
 Hungerford, 3^ 4I Mr. Collier for Mich, and Hil. Terms, 
 28^ 2I Mr. Cook the Messenger, 6.^ 7I and 6= 9I Mr. Dewe, 
 Mr. Standen's man, for a copie of the office and two transcripts, 
 40^. Mr. Collyer for the fine for Hunt's suit v. Cawley, 16! 81 
 Mr. Scryven, 61 Mr. Dunche his man for returning the com- 
 mission and a copy, 15? Mr. Dannett, in part, for the License
 
 Appendix. 209 
 
 of Woodhey and Kintbury, 40^ Mr. Collier upon his bill of 
 the two last Terms, ^4 17^ 7I Mr. Slye, ^^5. Mr. Dicken- 
 son, 40' Docket for a license, iS"? Entering thereof, \2^ 
 Stanhope's hand thereto, 2^ Receiver's man, 61 Mr. Gerard, 
 40'. More (in gold), 10^ More, 5'. Mr. Dickenson, 10! Mr. 
 Standen for the Copy of the Office containing 105 sheets and 
 the two transcripts, ^d. Copy of the Scire Facias in the 
 Exchequer for the Alienation from Cheyney to Slatter of Wood- 
 hey, 3^ 4"^ Mr. Dickenson, f. Sheriff of Wilts, 2'. 6'^ 
 Sheriff of Wilts for returning the attachment v. Cowley and 
 Hunt, 12I 
 
 Total, ^124 . 9 . I 
 
 Washing (3 IMonths). 
 
 5 shirts, handkerchiefs, nightkerchiefs, and socks, iS'^ An- 
 thony's clothes, 12'^ 6 shirts, 18 handkerchiefs, and a waist- 
 coat, 2! 6 shirts, handkerchiefs, nightkerchiefs, socks, and 
 collars, 20^^ 5 shirts, 8 handkerchiefs, a nightkerchief, a collar 
 and socks, 20*^ 
 
 Anthony's cloths, lo*^ 4 shirts, 12I 
 
 4 shirts, 6 handkerchiefs, socks, and nightkerchiefs, 14I 
 
 3 shirts, 4 handkerchiefs, and socks, lo'l 
 
 3 shirts, 5 handkerchiefs, lo'^ 
 
 2 shirts, 4 handkerchiefs, i pair socks, and 5 sheets, 13"! 
 
 6 shirts, 6 handkerchiefs, and i pair socks, 19I 
 
 4 shirts, 5 handkerchiefs, and i pair socks, 13*^ 
 I Table-cloth, and 14 napkins, 14"^ 
 
 Total, £0 . 17 . 5 
 
 Dress. 
 
 Mending Anthony's shoes, 6*^ Pair of shoes for him and 
 mending his hose, 20^! Mr. More for a pair of gloves when he 
 went to Ratcliff, i8l Twelve Badges (besides 16^ w''^ his 
 Worship paid), 20^ Pair of shoes for his Worship, 2^ 9*^ 4 
 shirts, 6 bands, 6 pair cuffs (besides 6^ which his Worship paid), 
 
 6| yds. murry satin, at 12^ £\ i^. (whereof CorneUus the 
 tailor paid 41I namely of ]Mrs. Biggs, 20'. and this accountant. 
 20^.) 
 
 F
 
 2 1 o Appendix. 
 
 Cornelius the tailor which he had laid out 41". 4^ ells 
 Murry taffeta sarsnet to line a doublet and canions, 15^ (i\ 
 yards gene fustian, 4^. 8*^ Three dozen of buttons, 12I 
 Silk to make button holes, 6*! A canopy embroidered with a 
 train of changeable taffeta, J[^%. Cornelius the tailor on his 
 bill, 30^ His man Humphrey, 12'? 3^ yards black satin at 
 12! 61 i^ ells black taffeta sarsnet 12! 3I yards white gene 
 fustian 2^ 8*? Pair of shoes 2^. 61 Raising a pair of shoes, 
 i1 Three badges, 9^ 4I Three dozen of silk points 3^ 
 Mending a pair of shoes, 5I 
 
 Total, ^4-3.1 
 
 Furniture and Household Stuff and Wages. 
 
 His worship when he bought table-boards, jT^a^. Two glass 
 bottles, 2! Two chairs covered with grene, 22^ The carpenter 
 to buy stuff to make settles for bear, i8l Carpenter's work, 
 10I Three dozen of trenchers, 15I Long table cloths 5^. 
 Percy which he paid for cloth for a pair of sheets ; two diaper 
 cloths ; 3 table napkins, &c. 40/^". Three brooms 2I Sope 3I 
 Nails for the carpenter, 4I Taps, 1I Making and washing a 
 pair of sheets and hemming cupboard clothes i8l Seven yards 
 of carpet stuff at 20I The joiner for a counting table, 8' 
 More to his man, 61 Hazelden for curtains of Wedmoll lace, 
 rings, curtain rods, and making, t8! i lb. of candles 4I * A 
 dozen of Pewter trencher-plates 5^ 6 spoons, 5I An earthern 
 salt-pot, 2I Salt, 3I Sand to scour the pewter 1I Hazelden 
 for mats and matting the great chamber and middle chamber, 
 4^ 61 Looking-glass 5? The carpenter for sawing the end of 
 a form 2I 
 
 The smith for drenching and shoeing the horses upon his 
 bill 13^ 61 The same for bolts 2^41 Waying the plate i2lj 
 and for a basket to put it in, i6l Two Court tables, 24* 
 Setting horse-shoes, 3I 
 
 Total, ;Q\2 .11.7 
 
 • For entries of candles bought, see weekly accounts of diet from April to June.
 
 Appendix. 2 1 1 
 
 Sundries. 
 
 \ oz. of tobacco lo*? Leaden standish 3''. An ounce of 
 tobacco 5^. Four tobacco pipes 2\ Ink and a glass 2**. The 
 Apothecary upon his bill 8^. Gardening stuffe for Cornelius 
 the gardener 23! 3^1 Quire of Paper 2^. \ lb. of Tobacco 30! 
 Sweetmeats at Mistress West's, 21^ 2J oz. dates, 5*^ 2 oz. 
 dates 3I 2 oz. dates 3I Quire of Paper, \^. Mr. James 
 More which he paid at a play at Paul's, 6*^ Curb for a briddle, 
 2*? Percy which he paid for a book, d^. Quire of paper, 4** 
 Paper and parchment 81 A Basket, 2^. 61 Quire of Paper 4I 
 
 Total, jP^if . 16 . I 
 
 Cash Advances. 
 
 Cornelius, 2^ His Worship 20^ (of which Cornelius had 
 10^.). Still 11^61 His worship 10! 81 Mr. Wm. More 10! 
 Cornelius the Dutchman 12I Jas. More, 12I Evans 2\ His 
 worship ;^5o. The same, 5^. Still, 11! 61 His worship 20^. 
 The same in gold, 10^ The same, 10^. 81 Mr. More for 
 your worship at Mr. Balletts, 4I T. Laxenbury 6'. 
 
 Total, ^57-1-6
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Wild Darrell's Diet at Warwick Lane from i6 
 April to 14 July 1589. 
 
 At my cominge upp. 
 Wednesday dyner April 16 (1589) 
 
 A pece of bief .... 
 A legg of mutton . . . 
 ij chickens '\ bacon . . 
 ij chickens ^ ij pigions 
 
 rost 
 
 For dressinge all . . . 
 For parsly, cloves, ^ 
 
 sauce for the mutton 
 Bread ^ beare .... 
 
 xvnij" 
 
 xvnj' 
 vij<^ 
 
 vj'i 
 xvj'' 
 
 0.8.9 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . xx^ 
 
 iij pigions viij"^ 
 
 For roastinge the mutton, 
 pigions, ij chickens '^ ij 
 
 rabbettes xj'^ 
 
 For sawse, soppes, "T; 
 
 parsly v^ 
 
 Bread 'T: beare .... xiiij'^ 
 
 o . 4 . 10 
 
 Thursday dytier April 17. 
 
 A pece of bief .... 
 
 iij pigions, j chicken ^ 
 bacon 
 
 For dressinge the pigions, 
 chicken, S; bacon and 
 rcstinge iij rabbettes . 
 
 Bread '\ beare . . . 
 
 vj^ 
 
 xvij' 
 
 Shipper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 For rostinge thereof '\ of 
 iij rabbettes, and frienge 
 of iij rabbettes . . 
 
 For parsly .... 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . 
 
 A pound of candles . 
 
 Bread "T: beare . . 
 
 For Glassenburies break- 
 fast eodem .... 
 
 xviij'' 
 
 iiij' 
 xvj' 
 
 vj^ 
 
 Friday dyner April 18. 
 
 For dressinge of fishe and 
 
 butter xxij'' 
 
 For cheese iiij'^ 
 
 0.4. II 
 
 0.2.2 
 Supper eodem .... nil. 
 
 Saturday dyfier April 1 9. 
 
 ij peces of bief . . . . ij^viij'^ 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xviij'^ 
 
 iij chickens xviij'^ 
 
 Bacon vj** 
 
 For rostinge ^ boylinge . vj'' 
 For parsly, cloves, '\ 
 sawse, for ye legg of 
 
 mutton vj'' 
 
 Butter ^ egges .... iiij"* 
 
 0.7.6
 
 Appendix. 
 
 21 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Monday dyner April 2 1 . 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xviij 
 
 ij chickens xij"* 
 
 Salte fishe buttered "T; 
 
 playse ij^ 
 
 Conger xviij'' 
 
 For rostinge the mutton 
 ^ chickens and sorell 
 
 soppes for ye chickens . x** 
 
 Butter ij"* 
 
 A pound of candles . . iiij** 
 
 ^ A legs: of mutton 
 
 0.7.4 
 
 Sunday dyner April 20. 
 
 of 
 
 A pece of bief . . 
 For rostinge a side 
 
 venison '^ sawse . . . 
 
 ij chickens 'T; bacon . . 
 
 A quart of claret . . . 
 For boylinge ye chickens 
 
 ^ bacon S; for parsly . 
 
 wy 
 
 vj° 
 
 lUj'^ 
 
 XVJ^ 
 
 ij chickens xvj'' 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij"^ 
 For dressinge ye chickens, 
 
 bacon, leg of mutton 'T; 
 
 for sawce xj"^ 
 
 Bacon xiiij'^ 
 
 6.3 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . xviij** 
 
 ij chickens xij'^ 
 
 Cold bief 'T: vinager . . viij'' 
 For rostinge the mutton '^ 
 chickens and sawce for 
 
 the chickens .... x^ 
 
 Tuesday dyner April 22. 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 For rostinge thereof ^ 
 buttering ij cold 
 chickens 
 
 For bread *T: beare since 
 Thursday night . 
 
 A pece of bief .... xvnj* 
 A leg of mutton. . . . xviij'' 
 
 xviij** iij chickens xxj"^ 
 
 A pynt of Rhenishe wyne v*^ 
 For dressing ye leg of 
 v** mutton and chickens 
 
 and bacon '\ for cloves 
 viij'. vj'* and sawce .... xij' 
 
 o . 10 
 
 6. 2
 
 214 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Cold boyled bief '\ vinager x^ 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xxij'' 
 
 ij chickens xvj*^ 
 
 For rostinge and sawce for 
 
 ye chickens .... x** 
 For bread "it beare for ij 
 
 dayes v^ viij'' 
 
 Wednesday dytier April 23. 
 A legg of mutton . xviij*^ 
 
 xiiij** 
 
 A neck of veale 
 rec. of Bacon .... xiiij'' 
 
 i"y f ' Bief xviij<* 
 
 For dressinge ^ 
 sawce ^ grene 
 sawce .... xii*^ 
 
 0.6.6 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For dressinge . , . 
 
 XX" 
 
 iij^ 
 
 Thursday dyncr April 
 
 A neck of veale , . . 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . 
 
 Bief 
 
 For rostinge ij peces of ij 
 neckes of veale . . . 
 
 For dressinge veale ^ 
 bacon ^ rostinge the 
 leg of mutton "^ sawce 
 
 For grene sawce . . . 
 
 24. 
 
 xiiij"^ 
 xviij"^ 
 xviij^ 
 
 uij^ 
 
 xj'^ 
 iij'* 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A brest of mutton ^ 
 
 radishe xix^ 
 
 ij chickens xvj** 
 
 For dressinge ^ sawse . x** 
 
 0.3.9 
 
 Fry day dytier April 25. 
 A pece of linge .... viij"* 
 
 Butter . 
 Mackrell 
 
 vj^ 
 
 0.1.4 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Fishe, butter S; cheese . xiiij"* 
 
 0.1.2 
 
 Safer day dyner April 26. 
 
 A legg of mutton . ij' ij'' 
 
 ij grene geese . . ij' viij'^ 
 
 A pece of bief . . xviij'^ 
 
 Pearcy For salt fishe but- 
 
 V^' tered ^ makerell viii'* 
 
 of my J 
 
 m'iiijs. A dishe of butter . ij"* 
 For dressinge ye 
 
 meat "T; sawse. 
 White wyne . . 
 
 XV 
 
 Vj^' 
 
 8. II 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 For supper for sixe in 
 
 London iij' 
 
 For horsebread that night 
 1; settinge upp the foot- 
 
 cloth 
 
 vij"
 
 Appendix. 
 
 21 
 
 Sunday dyner April 27. 
 
 A pece of bief . . . 
 A brest of veale. . . 
 
 xvj" 
 
 0.3.6 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xxj'' 
 Bred 'T: beare since Tues- 
 day, viz., for V. dayes . xij^ vj'* 
 ij lb. of candles . . . . viij** 
 
 O . 14 . II 
 
 Munday dyner April 28. 
 
 A pece of bief . . 
 A leg of mutton. . 
 
 Bacon 
 
 A neck of veale . . 
 iij chickens . . . 
 For rostinge the leg of 
 
 mutton '\ chickens 'T; 
 
 sawce for bothe . , . 
 For boylinge veale and 
 
 bacon "^ grene sawce . 
 Bred and beare .... 
 
 xnij' 
 
 xij 
 
 xvj 
 
 xviij 
 
 xvj** 
 
 xiiij"* 
 
 iiij<* 
 
 xvij^ 
 
 0.9.7 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Bred and beare . . . 
 A neck of mutton . . 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 A pullett xvj"^ 
 
 For stuffe for brothe . . vj"" 
 For boyUnge and rostinge ix'^ 
 
 xiiij'' 
 xx"^ 
 
 Tuesday dy7ier April 29. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xx'' 
 
 A capon xxij** 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij'* 
 
 Bred and beare .... xvij"* 
 
 For dressinge '\ sawce . xj'* 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 Butter to butter ye cold 
 
 capon 
 
 Candles 
 
 For dressinge the mutton 
 Bred and beare . . . . 
 
 7 • 4 
 
 XVI ij^ 
 
 iij'' 
 xiij'' 
 
 o- 3 • 4 
 
 Wednesday dyner April 30. 
 
 A legg of mutton 
 A neck of veale. 
 
 xvnj' 
 xviij' 
 
 XVJ' 
 
 A capon ij= 
 
 Bief 
 
 For boylinge ye legg of 
 mutton "T; rostinge ye 
 veale 'T: capon '\ sawce 
 for the veale .... xviij 
 
 o . 8 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 ij chickens .... 
 For dressinge '\ f sly . 
 
 XIX" 
 
 xvj"* 
 vij" 
 
 7-S 
 
 0.3.6
 
 2l6 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Thursday dyner Maij i°. 
 
 x\ neck of veale . . . . xviij"* 
 
 A henn xvj** 
 
 Apeceofbief .... xyj"* 
 For rostinge halfe the 
 necke of veale '\ sawce 
 ^ farcinge herbes . . viij'' 
 For boylinge veale '\ 
 bacon '\ rostinge ye 
 henn v"* 
 
 xviij** 
 
 Saterday dyner Maij 3. 
 
 For lambe which Hall had 
 
 at brekefast .... 
 
 Bief at dyner .... 
 
 A legg of mutton rost '\ 
 
 sawce ij' 'j'^ 
 
 A goose xx'' 
 
 A pynt of white wyne . . iij'' 
 
 Suger ij*^ 
 
 For rostinge ye goose "T: 
 
 sawce vj'' 
 
 Slipper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xx** 
 
 iij chickens xviij'' 
 
 For dressinge "T: sawce . x'' 
 
 A quart of clarett . . . vj"* 
 
 o. 7 
 
 0.4.6 
 
 Fry day dyner Maij 2. 
 
 A side of habdyn *^ 
 another of grene fishe 
 
 Foure playses 
 
 ij whitinges . 
 
 Conger . . 
 
 Butter . . . 
 
 Lettise for sallet 
 
 A pynt of white wyne 
 another of clarett 
 
 Suger ..... 
 
 A pound of butter . 
 
 For dressinge the fishe 
 
 Oyle ^ suger for sallett 
 
 More for butter . . . 
 
 A pounde of candles . 
 
 xnij° 
 xij"^ 
 viij'' 
 viij"* 
 iiij"^ 
 
 vf 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 o- 7- 3 
 
 Supper eodem, nihil. 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Colde bief 
 Cheese 
 
 Sunday dytier Maij 4. 
 
 A pece of bief .... 
 A loyne of veale . . . 
 A forequarter of lambe 
 
 colde 
 
 For dressincre of the veale 
 
 vnj° 
 
 iiij"^ 
 
 xvj" 
 
 vj^ 
 
 0.6.6 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 xviij"^ 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 
 ij chickens xij"* 
 
 For rostinge '\ sawce "T; 
 
 soppes x** 
 
 A pound of candles . . iiij'* 
 
 0.3.8
 
 Appendix. 
 
 217 
 
 Mumiay dyjier Maij 5. 
 
 A pece of bief .... 
 A legg of mutton . . . 
 A loyne of veale . . . 
 
 Orenges 
 
 For dressinge the mutton 
 •^ veale 
 
 xviij'* 
 xxij** 
 
 5- 7 
 
 
 Supper 
 
 eodem. 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 brest "H: a 
 
 loyne 
 
 of 
 
 
 
 
 mutton . . . 
 
 . 
 
 
 iij' 
 
 Mj" 
 
 iij 
 
 Rabbettes . 
 
 • . 
 
 , 
 
 
 ij'' 
 
 Sallett . . . . 
 
 
 
 
 iij^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wednesday dyner Maij 7. 
 
 Bief xviij"* 
 
 A loyne of veale ... ij' 
 
 2 rabbettes xiiij'* 
 
 A quarter of lambe . . 
 A pynte of white wyne . 
 
 A leman 
 
 Suger 
 
 For dressinge "vl farcinge 
 
 ye loyne of veale 
 For dressinge 2 rabbettes 
 
 ^ a quarter of lambe . 
 
 5 • 5 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Butter ^ cheese . . 
 A pound of candles . 
 
 xvnj" 
 iij"^ 
 
 xij"* 
 viij' 
 
 0.8.4 
 
 VI ij" 
 iiij<^ 
 
 Tuesday dyner Maij 6. 
 
 ij peces of bief . . . . ij^ vj' 
 For dressinge a pullet '\ 
 
 7 pigions 
 Ale . . . 
 
 VllJ^ 
 
 ^- I' Z 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Colde bief viij"* 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xviij'' 
 For rostinge ye mutton ^ 
 
 6 pigions vij*^ 
 
 TJiursday dyner Maij 8. 
 
 Bief 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . 
 
 For rostinge ye mutton 
 
 "^ cloves ^ sawce . . 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For rostinge '\ sallett , 
 Candles 
 
 xvuj'^ 
 xvj** 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 4.2 
 
 xvnj° 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 o . 2 
 
 2 . 4 
 
 Sic.
 
 2i8 Appendix. 
 
 Fry day dyner Maij 9. Sunday dyner Maij 11. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xviij^ 
 A loyne of veale . . . ij' iiij'' 
 
 Orenges ij 
 
 For dressinge ye mutton 
 
 veale ^ a phesant . . xij^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Butter "^ cheese ... vj'^ 
 
 0.5.6 
 
 Saterday dyner Maij 10. 
 
 A pigg xviij'' 
 
 2 chickens xiiij'' 
 
 A pece of bief .... xvj"* 
 For rostinge ye pigg T: 
 
 savvce viij** 
 
 For dressinge 2 chickens 
 
 ^ sawce 
 
 Vlj' 
 
 0.5.6 
 
 Supper. 
 
 For slist bief vj** 
 
 For meat at supper for ij 
 at Brightes .... xx"" 
 
 Sum tot of this sheete 12 13 8 
 
 Unde Pearcy rec. of my M' 6* 
 So rest. 12 7 8 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij' 
 
 A loyne of veale ... ij 
 
 2 chickens xiiij' 
 
 Orenges ij 
 
 For dressinge ye veale '\ 
 
 chickens '\ sawce . . xij 
 
 o . 5 . 10 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xvj** 
 
 2 Rabbettes x<* 
 
 For dressinge ye mutton, 
 rabbettes "T; a pigges 
 
 pettie toes viij** 
 
 Coldebief viij'' 
 
 Cheese 
 
 ^t 
 
 o. 3 
 
 Munday dyner Maij 1 2. 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij'' 
 For dressinge a loyne of 
 
 veale ^ a pullette . . ix'' 
 
 A shoulder of lambe . . ix*' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xviij 
 
 2 chickens xiiij^ 
 
 A pound of candles . . iiij'' 
 For rostinge ye mutton *il 
 
 chickens "^ sauce . . x"*
 
 Appendix. 219 
 
 Tuesday dyner Maij 13, For bread T; beare for 15 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij-^ ^'^^yes last xlviij' 
 
 A loyne of veale . . . xx** 
 
 Ap^^^ett xvj'' Thursday dyncr Maij 1^. 
 
 A quarter of lambe . . xviij'' 
 
 For rostinge ye veale ^ ^ pece of bief .... xvj"* 
 
 puUett ix*^ Halfe a loyne of veale . xij** 
 
 Butter for Brekefast . . ij^ Orenges ij^^ 
 
 Orenges ij^ Bred T: beare .... xij"^ 
 
 Butter ij** 
 
 0.7.1 
 
 Supper eodem. Shipper eodem. 
 
 ^^^^^^ '^j'' A shoulder of mutton . . xviij'' 
 
 7 A neates ton2;e cold . . xviii'* 
 
 0.0.6 , . , ^ ...■;. 
 
 2 chickens xnij" 
 
 Wednesday dyner AfaiJ 14. For rostinge ye mutton 'T: 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij<^ chickens xf 
 
 2 playses xij<^ ^""^^^ "^ beare .... x^f 
 
 Conger viij'' 
 
 Cockles iiij"* 0.6.1 
 
 Mackerell viij*^ 
 
 A pound of butter . . iiij'' Frydaie dyner Maij xd. 
 
 A pynt of white wyne . , r , .-s 
 
 ^\ o -H A loyne of veale ... 11 
 
 m; lemon ^t sugar . . vi"* , . , .^ 
 
 ... ° -H 2 chickens xvj" 
 
 2 chickens xvj'' -d ui ..^ d 
 
 .^ . ... '2 Rabbettes x'' 
 
 For rostinge ye chickens . . r 1 ,.,. 
 
 _ , . ■' ^ , ... A quart of clarett ... vi 
 
 ^ dressing ye nshe . . xij'' .^^ . in. 
 
 ° ■' '_ For rostmge ye veale H 
 
 Q - ^ . rabbettes ^ chickens 1; 
 
 soppes '\ sawce . . . xviij'* 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Colde bief xiiij*^ 0.7.5 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xviij'' 
 
 2 chickens xiiij^^ ^,,^^^,. ^^^^^^ 
 
 Butter ij"* 
 
 For dressinge ye mutton B^"er ^ cheese ... vj'^ 
 
 ^ chickens ^ sops and Bread ^ bear-? . . . xj^ 
 
 g^^^g xjd A pound of candles . iiij"* 
 
 o . 4 . II 0.1.9
 
 220 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Saterday dyner Maij 17. 
 
 Butter at brekefast ... ij"^ 
 
 A loyne of veale ... ij' 
 
 2 chickens xvj*^ 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij*^ 
 For dressinge ye veale "^ 
 
 chickens '\ savvce . . x"* 
 
 Orenges ij"^ 
 
 Bred '\ beare .... xiiij"* 
 
 Slipper eodem. 
 
 Butter ^ cheese . . 
 Ered "^l beare . . . 
 
 vnj" 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 loyne of mutton . " . . 
 ed '\ beare .... 
 
 xxj** 
 
 xij** 
 
 Tuesday dyner Maij 20. 
 
 For Aldans dyner T: An- 
 thonyes 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 Bread "^l beare . . . 
 
 xxj** 
 xij"^ 
 
 3 • 7 
 
 Whitsonday dyner, 
 
 For dyner for v at Rat 
 
 cliffe 
 
 For ye footeclothe there 
 To a poore body . . 
 For Alden's dyner . . 
 
 iiij'^ 
 iiij<^ 
 
 
 
 4. 9 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 xxj"* 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... 
 
 xij"^ 
 
 0.2.9 
 
 Munday dyner Maij 1 9. 
 
 For dyner at the Queenes 
 Hed in Pater Noster 
 Rowe v^ j*^ 
 
 For Aldens dyner "T; An- 
 
 thonyes y^ 
 
 Wednesday dyner Maij 21. 
 
 Butter '\ sage ^ bred 1: 
 
 beare at brekefast . . vij** 
 For dyner in London . . ij^ viij** 
 For Aldens dyner '\ 
 
 Pearcies xij* 
 
 .0.4.3 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xxj^ 
 
 Cold bief viij"* 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... xiij** 
 
 0.3.6 
 
 Thursday dyner Maij 22. 
 
 For dyner at the Kinges 
 Hed in Newe Fishe 
 Street xvj' 
 
 For Alden's dyner . . . iiij** 
 
 o . 5 . II 
 
 16 . 4
 
 Appendix. 
 
 221 
 
 Supper eodem 
 
 Colde bief .... 
 A shoulder of mutton 
 Bred 'T; beare . . . 
 
 xxj'^ 
 
 0.3.9 
 
 Fry day dyfier Maij 23, 
 
 Butter '\ sage . . 
 A loyne of veale 
 A pece of bief . . 
 Orenges .... 
 A quart of clarett . 
 
 Suger 
 
 A pynt of strawberies 
 For rostinge ye veale 
 
 pigions .... 
 Bred et beare . . 
 
 ^8 
 
 if 
 
 xviij*^ 
 
 7.\f 
 
 o- 7 • 5 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Bred '\ beare .... x' 
 
 Saturday dyner Maij 24. 
 
 Butter '\ sage .... iij*^ 
 
 Bief xviij*^ 
 
 For rostinge a capon "^ v 
 
 pigions . . 
 Bred "T; beare . 
 
 vij'^ 
 xij"^ 
 
 Sunday dyner Maij 25. 
 
 Bief 
 
 For rostinge a phesant T; 
 
 4 pigions 
 
 Lemans 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . . 
 Bred '\ beare .... 
 
 xij° 
 
 3- 7 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xx*' 
 
 A chick viij*^ 
 
 Bred % beare .... xij"^ 
 
 3- 4 
 
 Munday dyner Maij 26, 
 
 Butter iiij'* 
 
 Bief xviij'' 
 
 A chick viij"* 
 
 For rostinge 2 chickens '\ 
 
 sawce vij'' 
 
 Bred '\ beare .... xij'^ 
 
 0.4.1 
 
 
 0.4.2 
 
 Supper eode?n. 
 
 
 Supper eodein. 
 
 
 A shoulder of mutton 
 
 xviij'' 
 
 A brest of mutton . . 
 
 . xvij'' 
 
 For rostinge thereof . 
 
 iij"^ 
 
 For rostinge vj pigions 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 Bred 'T; beare . . . . 
 
 ix-* 
 
 Bred "il beare . . . 
 
 xij 
 
 Raddishes .... 
 
 ij'^
 
 222 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Tuesday dyner Maij 27. 
 
 Butter S; sage . . . 
 
 . iij'' 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 
 XX** 
 
 2 chickens .... 
 
 . xviij<* 
 
 For rostinge S; sawce . 
 
 . vij*^ 
 
 A pound of candles . 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 Bred ^ beare . . . 
 
 x** 
 
 o. 5 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Bred beare '\ cheese . 
 
 o . o . 10 
 
 Wednesday dyner Maij 28. 
 
 Bief 
 
 A loyne of veale . . . 
 
 Butter 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... 
 For rostinge ye loyne of 
 
 veale 
 
 Orenges 
 
 xvj*^ 
 xxij"^ 
 
 vj^ 
 
 o . 4 
 
 Thursday dyfier Maij 29. 
 
 Butter at brekefast ^ 
 
 dyner v 
 
 A pece of bief .... xvj 
 
 2 chickens xij 
 
 For fryinge 'T: parsly ^ 
 
 butter V 
 
 Strawberies 3 pyntes . 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . . iij'^ 
 
 Suger iij*^ 
 
 Bred "^ beare .... xj' 
 
 xij'' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 Bred '\ beare . . . 
 
 0.5-7 
 
 XX" 
 
 X*" 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xxij° 
 
 Strawberies 3 pyntes . . xij'' 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . . iij'* 
 
 Suger iij*^ 
 
 For butter to butter a cold 
 
 chick ij'^ 
 
 Bred "T; beare .... x** Suger 
 
 Frydaie dyner Maij 30. 
 
 A loyne of veale ... ij^ 
 
 2 chickens xiiij** 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . . iij** 
 
 Orenges j** 
 
 For rostinge the veale 'T; 
 chickens and parsly '\ 
 
 sawce xiiij** 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... xj** 
 
 o- 5 • 7 
 
 Supper eodetn. 
 
 Bred ^ beare . . . 
 A pynt of clarett . . 
 
 vnj" 
 iij** 
 
 4. 4
 
 Appendix. 
 
 22 
 
 Saturday dyner MatJ 31. 
 
 For my dyner .... xj*^ 
 James dyner "T; his horse- 
 meat viij*^ 
 
 ]Mr. More 'T: Alden's dyner ix' 
 
 A pound of candles . . iiij' 
 
 Slipper eodeyn. 
 
 A quart of strawberies 
 A pynt of clarett . . 
 For supper for v . , 
 
 \\\y 
 xviij"^ 
 
 2 • 5 
 
 XI j" 
 
 xx"^ 
 
 Monday dyner funij 2. 
 
 3 chickens 'T; bacon . . ij' 
 For rostinge a chyne of 
 
 bief 
 
 For a loyne of veale . . 
 For baking thereof. . . 
 
 For a Capon ij^ vj'^ 
 
 For 2 Rabbettes . . . xx*^ 
 For boyhnge ye chickens 
 
 ^ bacon ^ rostinge ye 
 
 Capon 'T: Rabbettes 
 For i''' of suger . . 
 3 quartes of white wyne 
 Orenges '\ lemans . . 
 Bred "^ beare . . . 
 
 xuij" 
 xvij** 
 xviij'* 
 iiij** 
 xiiij"^ 
 
 17 
 
 Sunday dyjier /iinij ]°. 
 
 A pece of bief .... xviij"* 
 
 A loyne of veale ... ij^ 
 
 2 chickens xviij** 
 
 A quart of clarett ... vj** 
 
 Suger iiij'' 
 
 A lemon i** 
 
 For rostinge ye veale "^ 
 
 chickens 'i sawce . . xiiij"* 
 
 A quart of strawberies . viij'' 
 
 Bred "^ beare .... xiiij** 
 
 0.8.7 
 
 Slipper eodein. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For rostinge thereof . 
 Bred '^ beare . . . 
 
 XV) " 
 
 iij'* 
 xij*^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A quart of Strawberies 
 di. pynt of clarett . . 
 Bred ^ beare . . . 
 
 VI IJ" 
 
 xij<^ 
 
 Tuesday dyner Ju7iij 3. 
 
 For a legg of mutton farst 
 
 ^ ready drest . . . 
 
 A loyne of veale rost . . 
 
 Bred '\ beare .... 
 
 xiij"* 
 
 0-5 
 
 Supper eodtm. 
 
 A pynt of sack 
 Bred *^ beare 
 
 nij'
 
 224 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Wednesday dyner Junij 4. 
 
 For Mr. Moores dyner '\ 
 wyne, Pearcies James 
 ^ Aldens ij^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 For supper . . . 
 
 o 
 13 . 2 . 2°** 
 
 Unde Pearcy rec. of my 
 M' 2^ 
 
 So rest. . 13 . o . 2°'' 
 Total of 2 last 
 sheets . . . 25 . ; 
 
 vj 
 
 4. 2 
 
 io| 
 
 Thursday dyner Junij 5. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 A Rabbett .... 
 Orenges and Ale . . 
 A quart of Strawberies 
 A pynt of Clarett . . 
 For rosting ye rabbett. 
 Bred ^ beare . . . 
 
 Stipper eodem. 
 
 For my supper ^ Percies 
 
 and James and Alden . 
 
 For settinge up the horse 
 
 XXI j" 
 
 x'^ 
 
 'f 
 
 iij'* 
 iij^ 
 xij'' 
 
 .7.6 
 
 Fry date dyner Jzinij 6. 
 
 For dressinge a legg of 
 mutton, a loyne of 
 veale, 3 Rabbettes, '\ 
 a dishe of Crefishe . . 
 
 For a quart of Clarett 
 
 For Orenges 
 
 Bred *^ beare .... 
 
 vj° 
 xj^ 
 
 Supper eodevi. 
 Bred "^ beare .... 
 
 Safer day dyner Junij 7. 
 
 V1J° 
 
 xvnj" 
 
 ij^ vj'* 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 Vjd 
 
 vjd 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 A Rabbett .... 
 A quart of Clarett . . 
 A quart of Strawberies 
 
 Orenges ij** 
 
 Bred '\ beare .... xiij'* 
 For dressinge ye mutton veale 
 
 ■^ rabbett xiij'*. A playse ^ 
 
 butter "T; egges vij**. 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Bred beare '^l cheese . . x'' 
 
 Sunday dyner Junij 8. 
 
 A brest of veale . . . xxij'' 
 
 A pece of bief .... xij^ 
 
 A Rabbett viij"* 
 
 2 chickens xiiij** 
 
 For rostinge the veale 
 
 chickens '\ Rabbetts . xvij** 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... xiij''
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Supper eodem 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... xj*^ 
 
 O.S.I 
 
 Munday dyiier Junij 9. 
 
 Egges at Brekefast . . , j' 
 
 2 peces bief ij^ ij' 
 
 A loyne of veale . . . xxij*^ 
 
 A Rabbett viij"^ 
 
 A quart of Strawberies . vj'^ 
 
 A quart of Clarett ... vj*^ 
 For rostinge ye veale 1; 
 
 Rabbett .... \x^ 
 
 Bred 1; beare .... xiii^ 
 
 7.8 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A brest of mutton . . . xiiij"^ 
 
 A Rabbett ..... viij<i 
 
 For rostinge the Rabbett iij"^ 
 
 Bred 'i beare .... x'' 
 
 O . 2 . II 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 Egges 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 
 Cheese 
 
 Bred 1; beare . . . 
 
 Candles 
 
 Pepper 
 
 225 
 
 xviij'' 
 
 xij^ 
 iiij'' 
 
 0.3.4 
 
 Wednesday dyner Junij 11. 
 
 Bred 1; beare . . . 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 
 2 chickens .... 
 
 A quart of Strawberies 
 
 A quart of Clarett . . 
 
 For dressinge ye mutton 
 veale chickens and 
 sawce 
 
 Xllj' 
 
 xviij'' 
 
 xviij ' 
 
 xvj ' 
 
 vj' 
 
 vj" 
 
 XUIJ 
 
 0.7.7 
 
 Tuesday dyner Junij 10. 
 
 2 peces of bief . . . 
 A loyne of veale , . 
 A Rabbett .... 
 A pynt of Clarett . . 
 For rostinge ye Rabbett 
 
 Orenges 
 
 Bred '\ beare . . . 
 
 vnj' 
 
 xiij^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 Bred T; beare . . . 
 Stone pytche . . . 
 
 xx'^ 
 
 xi'
 
 226 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Thursday dyner Juuij 1 2. 
 
 A pece of bief . 
 A loyne of veale 
 A legg of mutton 
 2 chickens . . 
 2 Rabbettes . , 
 For dressinge ye mutton, 
 
 veale, chickens, "T; 
 
 Rabbettes xviij'' 
 
 A quart of wyne ... vj'^ 
 
 Orenges iij'^ 
 
 Bred ^ beare .... xvi"* 
 
 x\\\y 
 
 xvj^ 
 
 XV j*^ 
 
 xiiij'^ 
 
 . 
 
 10.5 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 xviij"^ 
 
 Bred 'T: beare .... 
 
 x^ 
 
 
 
 .2.4 
 
 Fry-day dy?ier Junij i ; 
 
 5- 
 
 For dressinge of fishe for 
 
 
 buyinge whereof Percy 
 
 
 had 5^ of my W. . . 
 
 vj^ 
 
 Sallett "^ egges .... 
 
 iij^ 
 
 Butter 
 
 x'' 
 
 Egges 
 
 ly 
 
 Bred "^ beare .... 
 
 XV j" 
 
 
 
 •3-1 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 
 A brest of mutton . . . 
 
 xvj** 
 
 Strawberies 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 A quart of creame . . . 
 
 vj^ 
 
 A pynt of charnikoe . . 
 
 vi 
 
 Suger . 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 Saterday dyner Juuij 14. 
 
 A pece of bief . 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 2 Rabbettes .... 
 Strawberies .... 
 Di. pynt of charnikoe . 
 A quartern of suger . 
 For dressinge the mutton 
 veale '\ Rabbettes . . 
 
 XIJ"" 
 
 xvj'' 
 XX ij** 
 xvj'' 
 
 VJd 
 
 XVJ'^ 
 
 Supper eodom. 
 
 For supper for 8 of yor 
 menn xvij 
 
 Sunday dyner Junij 15. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 
 A Rabbett .... 
 
 A quart of Clarett . . . vj*^ 
 
 For dressinge the mutton, 
 
 xvnj'' 
 
 xx** 
 
 viij*^ 
 
 veale and Rabbett . . 
 
 xiij"* 
 
 
 
 5 • 5 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 xx** 
 
 A Rabbett 
 
 ix"' 
 
 A quart of Strawberies . 
 
 vj^ 
 
 A quartern of Suger . . 
 
 vd 
 
 A pynt of charnikoe . . 
 
 ijo 
 
 For rostinge the Rabbett. 
 
 iij** 
 
 0.2.11 
 
 0.3.9
 
 Appendix. 
 
 227 
 
 Munday dyiier Jwiij x6. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 
 . xviij'^ 
 
 Two Rabbettes . . . 
 
 , xviij*^ 
 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 
 ij^ 
 
 A quart of clarett . . 
 
 ^f 
 
 Strawberies 
 
 yf 
 
 For dressinge the mutton 
 
 
 veale, '■X Rabbettes 
 
 XYJ"* 
 
 0.7.4 
 
 Supper eodeni. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xx** 
 
 A Rabbett viij'* 
 
 Strawberies vj** 
 
 A pynt of charnikoe . . ij** 
 
 A quartern of suger . . v** 
 
 For dressinge the Rabbett iij** 
 
 Tuesday dyner Junij 1 7. 
 
 A legg of mutton 
 A loyne of veale 
 2 Rabbettes . . 
 Orenges . . . 
 A pynt of Clarett 
 Di. pynte of charnikoe 
 Strawberies .... 
 For dressinge the veale 
 mutton and Rabbettes . 
 
 xvj° 
 xvj'' 
 
 wf 
 
 VJ" 
 
 xvj"^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 
 7. I 
 
 xviij** 
 
 Wednesday dyner Ju7iij 18. 
 
 For boylinge a legge of 
 mutton ^ rostinge a 
 brest of veale ^ a 
 
 Rabbett xiij'' 
 
 Strawberies ^ Charnikoe. vij*^ 
 Butterd Pease .... vj^ 
 
 3.8 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 
 Thursday dyner Junij 19. 
 
 For bred, beare, '\ butter 
 for W? Whites man 
 when he brought the 
 Buck iiij** 
 
 For dressinge a legg of 
 mutton, a loyne of 
 veale *T; a Rabbett . 
 
 For a quart of Clarett. 
 
 Di : a pynt of Charnikoe 
 
 Strawberies .... 
 
 Suger 
 
 For ye Rabbett . . 
 
 xnj 
 vj^ 
 
 _vf 
 iiij"^ 
 viij'^ 
 
 o- 3 • 7 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xviij*^ 
 For Bred '\ beare for 7 
 
 dayes xv' 
 
 o . 16 . 6
 
 22ii 
 
 Friday dyner Junij 20. 
 
 Butter 
 
 A pece of bief . . . 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 
 2 peckes of Pescodes . 
 
 3 Rabbettes .... 
 A quart of creame . . 
 3 quarts of Strawberies 
 2 li. of cheries . . . 
 Di : H. of muske confectes 
 Di : li. of violett confectes 
 
 Orenges 
 
 2 Lemans 
 
 Bred 
 
 Beare 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 xiiij** 
 
 xviij'* 
 
 XX ij*^ 
 
 viij^ 
 
 xvj'* 
 
 XX<^ 
 
 xj^ 
 iij'' 
 
 viij*^ 
 
 O . 14 . II 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 Bred, beare 'T; candles x 
 
 For settinge upp the 
 
 horse cloth .... ii'^ 
 
 I . o 
 
 Saturday dyncr Jur.ij 21. 
 A legge of mutton . . 
 A loyne of veale . . 
 For dressinge . . . 
 
 xvj° 
 
 xxij*^ 
 
 ix<^ 
 
 2 quartes of Clarett 
 Bred '\ beare . . . 
 
 
 
 xiiij'' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 
 For dressinge thereof 
 
 of the venison bones 
 
 Beare "^ bred . . . 
 
 6 . I 
 
 xvj"^ 
 
 vij^ 
 ix'' 
 
 Sunday dyner Junij 22. 
 
 For dyner for Cornelius 
 ■^ his wyfe Alden 
 Jenens myselfe and 
 
 Percy 
 
 nr )j' 
 
 Slipper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 A Rabbett rost . . . 
 
 Bread 
 
 Beare 
 
 xnj° 
 
 vj^ 
 
 viij*^ 
 
 Total of 3 last sheets ? diet, — 
 34 . o. li. 
 
 Monday dyner Jiuiij 23. 
 
 A legg of mutton and a 
 
 loyne of veale. . . iij^ 
 
 Twoo Rabbettes . . . xiiij'' 
 
 A pynt of clarett ... iij"^ 
 
 For dressinge the meat . xij"^ 
 
 Beare viij'' 
 
 Bred vj"^ 
 
 0.2.8 
 
 0.6.7 
 
 Supper eodevi. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xvj'' 
 
 A Rabbett viij'' 
 
 Dressinge vj"* 
 
 Beare viij*^ 
 
 Bred iij"* 
 
 o- 3- 5
 
 Appendix. 
 
 229 
 
 Tuesday dyner Junij 24. 
 
 Bred .... 
 Beare .... 
 A legg of mutton 
 A loyne of veale 
 2 Rabbettes . . 
 A pynt of wyne . 
 For dressinge . 
 
 viij'* 
 
 xxij** 
 
 xiiij'^ 
 
 iij'* 
 
 xij<^ 
 
 Thursday dyner Junij 26. 
 
 A legg of mutton . . 
 A shoulder of veale . 
 
 Pease 
 
 Wyne 
 
 For dressinge . . . 
 Bred *^ beare . . . 
 
 xvj° 
 xv]"* 
 
 ix<» 
 xij'' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For dressinge . . . 
 Bred T: beare . . . 
 
 xvj° 
 iij'' 
 xij"^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 Strawberies .... 
 A quartern of suger . 
 For rostinge the mutton 
 Bred '^l beare . . . 
 
 xvur 
 v<^ 
 
 0.3-4 
 
 Wednesday dyuer Junij 25. 
 
 A legg of mutton 
 A loyne of veale 
 Pescods . . . 
 For dressinge . 
 Bred '^l beare . 
 
 Supper eodetn. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For dressinge . . . 
 Beare 
 
 xvj'^ 
 
 xx*' 
 
 x<^ 
 xij"^ 
 
 o- 5 
 
 XVj'' 
 
 iij"^ 
 
 Fry day dyner Jimij 27. 
 
 White wyne j** 
 
 A side of grene fishe '\ 
 
 another of habdyn . . xiiij'^ 
 
 A playse xij'^ 
 
 Butter viij'* 
 
 Egges liij"^ 
 
 For dressinge dyner '\ 
 
 makinge brothe . . . xij'' 
 
 Pease ij'* 
 
 Clarett wyne iij'* 
 
 Bred "^ beare .... xij"^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 \\\f Bred ^ beare 
 
 i\f 
 
 o . I . II 
 
 o. 3
 
 230 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Saturday dyner Jiinij 28. 
 
 A legg of mutton . = . xviij** 
 A shoulder of veale , . xx*^ 
 2 Rabbettes .... xyj** 
 
 A chick viij^ 
 
 For dressinge the meate 
 *^ venison-sawce for 
 the veale, '\ 2 disshes 
 butter and for dressinge 
 
 of fishe xx'' 
 
 Pease ij^ 
 
 Bread vj'^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7.6 
 
 
 Supper 
 
 eodem. 
 
 
 
 Blote hearinge . 
 Wyne . - - - 
 
 ' • 
 
 • 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 For V stone ij li. di. of 
 bief at 16'^ the stone 
 and a shoulder of 
 mutton, v^ vj** ; whereof 
 Pearcy had of my Mr. 
 v^ and the rest of me . 
 
 A Barrell of Beare . . . 
 
 vj" 
 iiij^ 
 
 Sujiday dyner Julij 29. 
 
 White Wyne j^ 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xvj*^ 
 
 A Rabbett y'f 
 
 A pye vj** 
 
 A pynt of wyne .... iij*^ 
 For dressinge the mutton 
 
 ^ Rabbett vj'^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 For rostinge a shoulder of 
 mutton, a capon, "^ a 
 
 Rabbett ix'' 
 
 For the capon .... xviij*^ 
 
 For the Rabbett ... vj^ 
 Butter to butter a cold 
 
 Rabbett ij"* 
 
 A pynt of clarett . . . iij"* 
 
 Beare iij"* 
 
 o- 3- 5 
 
 Munday dyner Junij 30. 
 For 2 chickens to boyle 
 
 iS'' (sic) 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 6^ 
 
 for brothe . 
 
 A yonge capon 
 
 A Rabbett . 
 
 2 maribones . 
 
 A quart of creame 6*^ 
 
 Frute for brothe lo** 
 
 P? all by Pearcy wt money 
 had of my Mr besides 4? . 
 
 A quart of clarett . . . 
 
 For dressinge the meat 
 and makinge brothe 
 and rostinge a pece of 
 bief 
 
 Beare 
 
 
 XVJ° 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For rostinge thereof . 
 
 XIJ"^ 
 
 iij*^ 
 
 0.7.8 
 
 0.1.3
 
 Appendix. 
 
 IW 
 
 Tuesday dyner Julij f 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . 
 For boylinge thereof . 
 Cheese 
 
 
 Slipper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . xvj'* 
 
 A pullett xvj^ 
 
 ARabbett viij'^ 
 
 For dressin^e .... ix'' 
 
 Wednesday dyner Julij 2. 
 
 White wyne j'' 
 
 A Caponett xvj'' 
 
 A Rabbett viij^ 
 
 Bief for o^ dyner ... vj'^ 
 For boylinge a pece of 
 bief, 'T; rostinge the 
 Capon T; Rabbett ^ 
 butteringe a cold Rab- 
 bett ix'' 
 
 For a quart of clarett . . vj*^ 
 Ale j"* 
 
 Thursday dyner Julij 3. 
 
 White wyne j** 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xvj"^ 
 
 A caponett xvj'' 
 
 A Rabbett viij'' 
 
 For boylinge T: rostinge . ix"* 
 
 Stronge beare .... ij** 
 
 4. 4 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . . 
 
 A pullett 
 
 Pease 
 
 For dressinge the meat 
 and butteringe ye pease 
 
 xvuj 
 x'' 
 
 vij 
 
 0.3.1 
 
 Frydaie dyner Julij 4. 
 
 A side of habdyn "T; a side 
 
 of grenefishe .... xiiij'' 
 
 2 plaisses vj"^ 
 
 7 Roches vj' 
 
 4 sowles viij'^ 
 
 Pease iij" 
 
 Butter vij'' 
 
 More 2 dishes butter . . iiij'' 
 For dressinge the fishe "T: 
 
 makinge brothe ... x'' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For rostinge .... 
 
 3 • II 
 
 yywy 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 For bred since Saterday 
 
 last iiij' vj'' 
 
 For butteringe a Rabbett ij** 
 
 A pynt of wyne .... iij'' 
 For salt to salt the bief . V 
 
 0.1.9 
 
 5 -4
 
 232 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Saterday dyner Julij 5. 
 
 For dressinge of fishe . . 
 
 Egges 
 
 Butter 
 
 Strong beare for Corne- 
 lius 
 
 vj'= 
 
 Supper eodein. 
 
 Egges 
 Butter, 
 
 vj^ 
 
 o . o . II 
 Sixe stone j li bief at 16'* 
 
 — viij' ij*^ 
 A dozen and a halfe of 
 
 bread xviij'' 
 
 o. 9 
 
 Sunday dyncr Julij 6. 
 
 A pullet XYJ"^ 
 
 A Rabbett viij** 
 
 For dressinge "T; rostinge 
 a pece of bief ^ boyl- 
 
 inge another . 
 
 xvj' 
 
 0.3.4 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 
 A shoulder of mutton . 
 For rostinge .... 
 
 xvnj' 
 iij^ 
 
 Mu7iday dyner Julij 7. 
 
 Bred iij** 
 
 A legg of mutton . . . xvj'' 
 
 A Rabbett viij'* 
 
 For dressinge the meat '\ 
 
 a pece of bief ... ix** 
 
 A pound ot Cheries . . iij'' 
 
 Wyne vj'' 
 
 Supper eodem. 
 For wyne '\ butteringe a 
 Rabbett 
 
 3 • 9 
 
 Tuesday dyner Julij 8. 
 
 A legg and a neck of 
 
 mutton .... ij^ iiij'' 
 
 2 chickens xx"^ 
 
 A capon xx** 
 
 2 Rabbettes 
 
 Frute for brothe . . . 
 
 Hearbes 
 
 Strawberies 
 
 For dressinge the meat '\ 
 a pece of bief . . . 
 
 Bred 
 
 Wyne 
 
 xvj'^ 
 xij'' 
 
 xxj*^ 
 xviij"^ 
 
 Payd to Pearcy at my 
 cominge back from 
 Rigatt w''.*' he layd out 
 and had of James 
 Moore from Tuesday 
 dyner untill Sunday 
 night Julij 13 for meat 
 besides 6! 9*? w'^!' 
 Percy had of my M'. as 
 appeareth upon his bill xvij* x* 
 
 Mor payd for bred by the 
 
 same tyme .... v* 
 
 For dressinge meat by all 
 
 0.1.9 
 
 the foresaid tyme 
 
 vij" vj"
 
 Appendix. 233 
 
 Munday dyner Jidij 14. Payd w'=^ was behind for 
 
 A ,.o^^^^f(- •••>! stronge beare . . iiT iij'* 
 
 A caponett xviij" c i •d 
 
 For 2 Rabbettes . . . xij"^ ^^^^ 'J 
 
 Wyne xij'^ Sm. tot. of this sheete 8.6.9. 
 
 For dressinge dyner . . xiiij'^ 
 
 So is the whole some of these 4 
 
 0.4.8 shetes — f diet . ^£"42 . 6^ . \o^ 
 
 (III.) WILD DARRELL'S LAW-CASES. 
 
 Indenture of Lease dated 18 Sept. 6 Ed. vi. of lands in the manor 
 of Hyde in the parish of Wanborough, namely "Over-hydes, Myd- 
 del-hydes, The Pitts, Coketrills, Pikotts, Amorous pasture, Amor- 
 ous leynes & Maydew mead " from Dame Eliz : Darrell to Anthony 
 Dysney for the sum of ;!^io 13^. 4^. 
 
 Indenture of lease dated NovT 3 & 4 Phil. & Mary of 50 acres 
 of wood & underwood in Knighton & Ramsbury, from John 
 Rogers & Dame Eliz ; his wife to Thomas Walron Esq""* & now 
 in the occupation of John Plot and John Pyers, at a peppercorn 
 rent. Also of lands in Knighton and Ramsbury to the same at 
 certain rents. 
 
 Indenture of lease and release dated 24 Nov' 4 Eliz : of certain 
 lands in Wilts, Berks, and Dorset, being the jointure of Dame Eliz : 
 widow of Sir Ed. Darrell from John Rogers and Dame Eliz. his wife 
 to William Darrell Esqre. for the sura of ;^400. Saving existing 
 leases to certain sub tenants. 
 
 Litigation between William Darrell & Mary Fortescue concerning 
 the manors of Littlecote, etc. Circa 1561. 
 
 Bill of Thomas Essex Esqr. in Chancery to compel evidence 
 respecting a lease from Dame Elizabeth Rogers and William Darrell 
 to Anthony Dysney of whom the plaintiff holds certain lands from 
 which he has been evicted by the Defendants in confederacy with his 
 lessor. 
 
 Bill of Roger Collye to the same intent. 
 
 Several Answers of Dame Eliz : Rogers and William Darrell to the 
 above Bills, denying the premises to be true. Circa 1562.
 
 234 Appendix. 
 
 Suit in the Court of Wards of certain customary tenants of the 
 manor of Chilton Folyat to recover ^^\ paid to William Darrell 
 who wrongfully claimed the same after he was disseised of those 
 lands by the Earl of Rutland. Circa 1563. 
 
 Bill of John Lake yeoman of Bishopstowe for relief against a bond 
 obtained by fraud from him by William Darrell who has levied exe- 
 cution thereon upon his goods beyond the amount specified in the 
 bond. Circa 1565. 
 
 Bill and Replication in the Court of Requests of W. Stowte and 
 other customary tenants of the manor of Wanborough for protection 
 agamst the malice of William Darrell their lord. 
 
 Answer and Rejoinder of William Darrell to the above. Circa 
 1564-1568. 
 
 Bill of William Darrell Esqr. in Chancery for protection against 
 the secret titles made by W. Stowte & other customary tenants of 
 Wanborough. 
 
 Joint Answers of the Defendants to the above. Circa 1568. 
 
 Joint Bill of William and Elynor Darrell in the Court of Requests 
 against the violent practices of William Hyde and others who have 
 disseised the plaintiffs of the farm of Uffington Berks. 
 
 Interrogatories to be administered to the Defendants in the above 
 case on the part of the Plaintiffs. Circa 1574. 
 
 Case of Darrell v Stukeley, concerning the manor of Axford in 
 the Courts of Chancery and Requests. 1560-89. 
 
 Writ of error and other litigation respecting the manors of Winter- 
 bourne and Orcheston. 1581. 
 
 Actions versus Stanerton, Puttenham, Oxenbridge, Hungerford, 
 Cawley, Hunt, etc., etc. 
 
 Twenty-two suits by William Darrell against upwards of 50 defen- 
 dants in the Court of Starchamber in the years, i, 6, 14, 14, 15, 15, 
 16, 17, 17, 17, 20, 20, 21, 22, 22, 24, 24, 27, 29, and 30 Elizabeth. 
 
 Inter Hyde et Dorrell xx"" Novembris a° xvj 
 Regine Elizebethe. 
 
 First it is ordered and commanded that Hyde shall have conveyed
 
 Appendix. 235 
 
 from Dorrell the lease and farme of Uffyngton in the county of 
 Berks, together with the whole stocke ; for the which Hyde is an- 
 swerable to Staffbrde for suche value as he is bounden to answere to 
 StafForde for the same. 
 
 Item. The saide lease to be discharged or saved harmeles of all 
 incumbrances made or suffred by Dorrell himself or anye claymynge 
 by or from him. 
 
 Item. That Dorrell release and surrender suche estate lease and 
 interest as he hathe in the maunor of Drynchworthe in the saide 
 countye, likewise discharged or saved harmeles ut supra. 
 
 Item. Dorrell to deschardge Hyde of a bonde of three hundreth 
 poundes for the payment of twoe hundreth poundes to Dorrells suster. 
 
 Item. Dorrell to deliver the generall acquitaunces which he hadd 
 of Hyde to be cancelled. And thereupon a generall acquitaunce to 
 be made of eche partie to th'other as shal be respectablye devised 
 by their counsellors with the advise of the arbitrors. 
 
 Item. Dorrell to deliver to Hyde all suche evidences and writ- 
 inges as he hath, concernynge the lands and possessions of the said 
 Hyde. Except the evidences "T; writinges concerninge Kyngburye 
 Egle. 
 
 , Walter Myldmay. James Dyer. 
 
 In consideration whereof yt is ordered y' Dorrell shall quietlye 
 enjoye and reteyne the landes in Kingsburye Egle in the county [of 
 Berks] accordinge to his estate graunted by Hyde. 
 
 Item. Hyde to discharge Dorrell of cc marks due to Stafford for 
 two yeres rent. 
 
 Item. Dorrell to enjoy the proffittes of Uffington for three yere 
 past at Mich, last w^ut anye accompt or any thinge paying to the 
 saide Hyde his executors or assignes. 
 
 Item. Hyde to release to Dorrell the anuytie of xl" graunted to 
 him by Dorrell in consideration of cccc" paide by Hyde for Dorrell 
 with all the arrerage of the saide annuytie. 
 
 Walter Myldmaie. James Dyer. 
 
 The Erle of Hertfordes remembrance for Mr. 
 Secretary Walsingham, to deal w™ hir Majesty 
 
 CONCERNING [DARRELL'S FAT*] FAT WiLLIAM DaRRELL. 
 
 My father bought land of S'. Edward Darrell ^ gave him other 
 landes w*^? descended to fat William his sonne, now living. 
 
 * Struck out.
 
 236 Appendix. 
 
 My fathers landes so bought came to King Edward hir Majesty's 
 brother '\ weare after assigned to me in such sort as I am to have 
 other landes of hir Ma''" if I lose those. 
 
 This sayd William Dorrell now by a quible in law (as for lack of a 
 letter of Attorney) would overthrow the conveyance made from his 
 owne father 'T: so recover these from me and yet keape the landes 
 that his father had for recompense & himself at this houre enjoy eth. 
 
 I for bounden dewtys sake ^ for the late favor I receaved do 
 think it my part rather to acquaint her M. w*"" the cause before 
 recouvery had by Dorrell to th'end that under her M. name and coun- 
 tenance his unconscionable and greedy dealing may be prevented, 
 then to stay till it weare lost '\ take my remedy by vertu of the stat. 
 of A° 5° Ed. 6'.' And therefore I humbly pray hir M. I may en- 
 fourme you more particularly of the cause, that yow may set downe 
 the same in letter as hir Hignesse pleasure to her Attorney Generall 
 "T: referre me and my councell to devise w"* him aswell for her M. 
 safety as my quiet in the premisses — Circa 1579. 
 
 " The State of William Darrell's Writt of Error 
 
 CONCERNINGE THE EARL OF HeRTF. MaNNORS OF 
 
 Wexcombe ATS. Westbedwyn, and Burbage 
 Savage; how the Same Standeth in Lawe '^ 
 Equitie." 
 
 King Henry 8, 6 Mar. a° 13, gave to the late S": Ed. Darrell 
 the manors aforesaid with the manor of Orcheston to hold to him 
 and his heirs male at a rent of 31;^ per ann. 
 
 After, 15 Octr, a° 36, he gave the reversion thereof to the 
 late Duke of Somerset then Earl of Hert! to hold to him & his 
 heirs. 
 
 And by indenture, 4 May, a° 37, it was agreed that Darrell 
 should assure to the said Duke & his heirs the said manors being 
 worth ;^33 . 8 clear. In return for which the Duke should reassure 
 Orcheston to Sr Ed. Darrell with the two other manors aforesaid 
 worth in all £,'^\ which assurance was accordingly made. 
 
 Whereupon it was decided that the Duke by name should recover 
 from Darrell the manor. Afterwards the recovery passed in the
 
 Appendix. 237 
 
 names of S' John Thynne and John Berwicke in trust for the same 
 Duke. 
 
 By force of which assurance Darrell entered and possessed the 
 manors of Winterborne and Orcheston and so seised died and the 
 same descended to William Darrell. And by force hereof the said 
 Duke for his part likewise entered and enjoyed the manors of 
 Wexcombe and Burbage Savage all his life and so seised died and 
 the Earl of Herts his son now living received assignment of the 
 same from the Court of Wards. 
 
 But now William Darrell brings his Writ of Error against ST 
 John Thynne who having died he hath renewed his suit against 
 Mr. Thynne the heir, alledging the want of warrants of Attorney to 
 make the said Recovery 3 7 Hen. 8 good in law, whereas the making 
 of those warrants being a mere formality was overlooked at that 
 time, and so the Deft, has no remedy against the greed of the said 
 William Darrell who both enjoys the manors formerly given in 
 exchange for the lands which he now covets and would resume 
 against the act of his own father and all right and equity. 
 
 Moreover the success of the said suit will be prejudicial to her 
 Highness who is bound to make good to the heirs of the late Duke 
 any of those lands from which they shall be evicted, by force of 
 the Stat, s & 6 Ed. VI. 
 
 In consideration whereof the Deft, prays that the Lord Chief 
 Justice & other justices be commanded to stay the Pff's. proceed- 
 ings till her Majesty's pleasure be known in the matter. 
 
 To THE Right Honorable the Lords and others of 
 
 THE QUEENES Mat'":^ MOST HONORABLE PrYVYE 
 COUNSELL. 
 
 Right honorable. Wheras yoT humble suppliant William Darrell 
 hath bene most maliciouslye prosecuted by men of smalle credit and 
 lesse honestie, bye sundrye complaintes to yoT bono''.* w''^ have 
 objected divers odious matters, but have made no colo' of purpose 
 therein after theire sundrye attemptes and subornations made in that 
 behalf; for aunsweringe wherof yoT suppl' hath longe attendid in 
 whis towne to the greate impayringe of his helthe and almost the 
 utter deprivinge therof for ever. May it please yo' hono? to waye 
 the cause of this accusation to proceed e of mailice as also the 
 accusers and what they are and how after longe tyme drawinge one
 
 238 Appendix. 
 
 accusation from another, not restinge on anie certayntie, they seeke 
 to calle in question my lyfe, and fame, w^.** I esteme more then 
 my life, and to retaine me here to my greate expence and charge to 
 the daunger of my Hfe. And where it plcsed yo' hono" to refer 
 the heringe and orderinge of this cause to the right honorable the 
 Lord Buckhurst and Mr. Secretary e Woley, whoe proceded in 
 heringe of parte of the accusations longe sithens and have siihens 
 by what occasion yoT suppU knovveth not sursesed theire further 
 proceedinges therein, by means wherof yo' suppl' to his importable 
 charge and troble is still deteyned heere to aunswere theis faulce 
 acusacions. He therfore bemge now unable by meanes of sicknes 
 to attende yoT honors accordinge to his bounden dutie, most humblie 
 by this his petition besechethe yoT hono" spedelie to here and 
 determine the saide cause or els to permit yo' suppl' to departe to 
 his home, and he will allwaies be forthcominge redye to aunswere 
 whatsoever shalbe objected against him. 
 
 [Endorsed] The Humble Petition of William Darrell, Esquier. 
 23 Marche where divers petitions have ben exhibited against him 
 [1585] of mattyre in despeuthe, having to his great chardg 
 attended a long tyme, that his cause may be hard or 
 that he may be dismissed. 
 
 The complaintes againste him are by y^'*" LL. order 
 referred to Mr. Attorney's consideration and reporte. 
 
 "The Case inter Darrell et Stukeley." 
 
 Sr Edward Darrell, tenante in Taile of the manor of Axforde 
 conteyninge amongest other thinges a messuage Barne and close, and 
 twooe thousand acres of lande, "Tic, lyeinge in severall closes and 
 parcelles aboute the said howse demyseth the premyses to Jefferay 
 Gunter for xl^' yeres. The leasee entereth ^ ys in possession, And 
 after the said S' Edward Darrell maketh a deede to ST Willyam 
 Esser purportinge a feofment w'.** warranty of the premyses and 
 therein conteyneth a letter of Attorney to delyver seisyne. The 
 said Attorney commeth to the howse to the intent to execute the 
 said deede of feofment and there fyndeth the servant of the Leasee 
 and commaundeth him to come owte of the howse ; for the purpose 
 aforesaid. The servant cometh owte of the howse whoe beinge 
 present uppon the premyses owte of the howse and the said leassee 
 beinge absent the sayd attorney entered into the howse and tooke
 
 Appendix. 239 
 
 possession of the premyses accordingly, and came ovvte agayne 
 presently shiittinge the doore. And thereuppon forthwith by the 
 ringe of the said doare in the viewe and presence of the said servant 
 beinge there as ys aforesaid delyvered possession thereof in the 
 name of all the premyses. To the use of S^ Willyam Essex ac- 
 cordinge to the said deede. And lykewyse presently in lyke presence 
 of the said servant delyvered lyke possession in a parcel of the saide 
 grownde adjoyninge to the said howse by a turffe cutt there. And 
 ymmediately after the said lyverye the said leassee being absent 
 duringe the tyme aforesaid came hoame to the said howse to whome 
 the said Attorney sayed That he must change his Lorde ; whoe then 
 agreed thereto, savinge his said lease. And after the said S' 
 William Essex, havinge or clayminge the premyses in forme afore- 
 said, by his last will in wrytinge dat. xxvij° die Januarij anno primo 
 Ed. vj" dyd devyse the premyses unto Edward Essex for terme of 
 his lyfe with dyverse remainders over to others for lyfe. And with 
 a remainder over, after, to the said Edward Essex and the heires of 
 his body with dyverse remainders over in taile. And lastley with a 
 remainder over to the righte heires of the said S!" William Essex 
 ■T: further willeth as foUoweth, viz. And I will that yf Sr Edward 
 Darrell content and paye to my sonne Thomas Essex the elder and 
 John Pollard beinge lyvinge and one of my executors or to eyther 
 of them within three monethes nexte after my decease the some of 
 sixe hundred powndes ; then I will that the said Sl^ Edward Darrell 
 shall have the premyses to him for terme of his lyfe and after his 
 decease to Willyam Darrell his sonne and heire apparant and to 
 the heires males of his body with dyverse remainders over, etc. 
 And for default of suche yssue, to remayne to the right heires of 
 the said Sr Edward Darrell S"; Willyam Essex dyeth and after S' 
 Edward Darrell w*''in three monethes next after the death of the 
 said Sr William Essex maketh suche a supposed tender and offer 
 of money to Thomas Essex the elder beinge sonne and heire of the 
 said S' William and one of his executors ; and in suche maner and 
 w'."* suche refusall thereof by the said Thomas Essex as in the 
 deposicions of bothe partes ys conteyned and shalbe allowed by the 
 L. Keeper or Court of Chauncery. And after the said S' Edward 
 Darrell dyed, after whose death a° iij'°- Eliz : Edward Essex levyed 
 a fyne of the premyses to Hughe Stukeley deforciant; the said 
 leassee then and allwayes contyinuing his possession and lease 
 aforesaid.
 
 240 Appendix. 
 
 The Questions. 
 
 1) First whether any the circumstances aforesaid make any dis- 
 contynuance of the premyses of any parte thereof, to take awaye the 
 entry of the yssue in Tayle aforesaid, or not ? 
 
 2) Item : yf the same supposed tender be allowed by the said L, 
 Keeper to be a sufficient tender in lawe accordinge to the sayd will ; 
 then whether the said devyse condycionall be a good devyse in lawe 
 to convey the premyses to the sayd Edward Darrell, &c., according 
 to the said will, or not ? 
 
 [Endorsed] Case between Darell & Stukeley. 
 
 The Hungerford-Darrell Divorce Case, 1568-70. 
 
 WiLLiM Jones proveth ; Mr. Darrell and my ladye to sett ij or iij 
 hours together divers times in the dyning chamber at ffarley w'^ a 
 pair [of] tables between them, never playing, but leaning over the 
 table and talking togethers until some person chaunce to come into 
 the chamber and then they shuffell the men and cast the dyce as 
 the had byn playing : he sometimes standing uppon the stairs and 
 having that order and sometime in the closet adjoyning to the 
 dyning chamber. 
 
 He proveth the drincking of wine at meales betwene my lady and 
 Mr. Darell in a secret pott of wine, 
 
 2. John Golif proveth ; that seven night at the lest after twelve- 
 tide last, on a certaine night he came downe into the parlour fynding 
 Alice Gedsale & Elizabeth Buppell folding clothes and asking them 
 when they wold go to bedd in the mean time comes M" Essex and 
 asking him, " Sir boy, what make you here," ledd him by the ear into 
 King E. tower and in the mean time he hearde some one russhing 
 by into my Lady Hung'ford's chamber. 
 
 That night when all were abedd he went into Mr. Darrell's 
 chamber and ther founde his hose and dublet and sawe that he had 
 byn in bedd and was gone. 
 
 Than he went to my ladies chambre dore and there barkening 
 hard Mr. Darrell and my Lady in bedd together. Wheruppon he called 
 Alice Cleck, in the nurcery chamber going to bedd, who came forth 
 unto him and they two went togetheres to my Ladies chamber and 
 secretUe conveyed themselves into the chamber behind the portal
 
 Appendix. 241 
 
 and the hangings of the chamber when they hard and sawe the saide 
 Darrell and Lady in bedd together. 
 
 And he saith further that the said Xtemas time he sawe on a 
 sertaine day, having before sent Godsall away who was working and 
 mending a frese coat of S^ Walters in the jlor to set his * the 
 
 said JoUf standing w' in the wardrop dore sawe Darrell becking with 
 his finger the said lady " cum wench I warrant the," and theruppon 
 the Lady stepped furth being redd coloured and came up by the 
 wardrobe dore and passed into the letill hal and forward into the 
 kitchen, and aforward the said Darrell and she mett and giving 
 salutacons to the other as though one had not seen another that daie. 
 
 He saithe he was appointed to wait uppon Mr. Darrell in his 
 chamber at Xtemas, and saith that on a night he laye on a Pallet when 
 as ]Mr. Darrell rose in the night and was absent iij or iiij houres. 
 
 He saith that in Easter term 1565 when as Mr. Hungerford was 
 sick in London Mr. Darrell was at Ffarley v or vj dales, during w';*' 
 time on a certain night he found Mr. Darrell out of his chamber and 
 bedd, and afterwards going to my ladies chamber and bedd hard 
 him in bedd with her. 
 
 And then coming down next w* John Ward and told him what 
 he had seen that night and then afterwardes Ward and he together 
 wente againe as well into Darrell's chamber as my ladies and saw 
 the premisses. 
 
 He proveth the drinking the wine betwene !Mr. Darrell and my 
 Lady and also dissembhng plaing at tables. Alice Jones aggreeth 
 w* the said Jolif the first two being as proof as of seeing my Lady 
 and Mr. Darrell in bedd together [w'^-'* she might well peceive and 
 decern being a fier in the chamber the mone shining bright and the 
 windowes open f]- She saith that the same Xmas time Jane Ward 
 and she making my ladle's bed the said Alice founde a playster 
 betwene the sheetes of her bed [of the said ladie's beddj.f 
 
 She saith that when Mr. Hungerford the same Xmas time hath 
 byn absent a hawking she hath come into my ladie's chamber and 
 i\Ir. Darrell lyeing on the bedd by my Lady dalieng with her and 
 embrasing, kissing and toying. 
 
 And when S^ Walter hatli come in he hath slipt away to his own 
 chamber at a back paier of stayres towards the nurcery and then 
 by and by has fayned to cum up the other staires and call to S- 
 
 * Illegible, f Inserted by counsel.
 
 242 Appendix. 
 
 Walter asking him if he wer up as though he had not known him 
 to be abrode. 
 
 She saith that in a morning in the weke after xij-tide she met 
 early in the morning Darrell cumming from his ladie's chamber in a 
 night gown and slippers, bar legged, in the white chamber, Mr. Hun- 
 gerford being gon to London. 
 
 John Ward aggreeth w* Jolif for seing my ladie and Darrell in 
 bed together in Easter term and also missing Darrell out of his 
 chamber saying he might see them together in bedd for that it was 
 a mone shyninge bright and ij great glasse windowes open, 
 
 Hugh Richards proveth the gift on New yeres day being a table 
 cloth and a handkercher, and in the hankercher a handfuU of 
 owchers w"^ a messuage that my lady prayed to God that he might 
 prosper well and his seede that he should sowe that yere. 
 
 He saith also that M^ Darrell walking into the fke y' Xmas time 
 to see c''tain f sons that had stolen M- Hungerford's deer, the said 
 Darrell going in slippers was watched and at his coming in founde 
 my Lady by the fier and said he must shift his hose and a shirt. 
 
 Then my lady willed him to goe into her chamber for taking of 
 cold for ther was a good fier. 
 
 Hugh afterwards cuming with a shirt and his hose through the 
 said great chamber my lady went before him into her chamber 
 where M- Darrell was and there receivid the shirt and hose at the 
 dore, the said Hugh returning back leving them there in the 
 chamber. 
 
 The said Hugh saithe that during the time that the said S- Walter 
 was at home, all the said Xmas time, he laie upon a pallet in 
 M- Darrells chamber. In w'^-^ time after he had brought his master 
 to bedd he was willed to go forth of the chamber for a while every 
 night, and afterwards meaninge to cum to bedd he hath seen M" 
 Essex talking w*'' his IM- until xj of the clock, sometimes xij, y^ one 
 or twoo in the morning, the said Hugh in the mean time by the fire 
 in the hall. 
 
 He saith that as soone as IsV- Hungerforde was gone to London, 
 this desponentes pallet was removed into a chamber over the hall 
 doore being by a space of a weeke after M- Hungerforde was gone. 
 
 He saithe that every night during the sevenight William Darrell 
 never went to his owne bedd, for he waited in his chamber and 
 puUid of his hose, and then wold lie down on his bedde in his night 
 gowne and will the said Hugh to goe to bedd.
 
 Appendix. 243 
 
 He saithe that every morning whenes he had come into the 
 chamber y' weke to make his M^ a fier, he ahvaies found the curtains 
 of the bedd close joyned and no json in bedd nor the sheetes warm 
 or ruffled, whereby it might be proved that no f son had lien there 
 by night, also that M""? Essex did every night bring M^ Darrell a 
 cawdell and a cupp of methglen. My Lady and M^ Darrell came 
 arm in arm to the stable together the evening before M^ Darrell's 
 denture, at that time and on the morning at his denture, brought him 
 to horse and kissed him. 
 
 He saith that a monith before midsomer was xij monithe, one 
 Miler, a servant of M^ Darrell, came to Ethropp to speake with 
 my Lady, and after he had byn there ij houres he returned back w*'' 
 a U® from my Lady to M' Darrell, and within ij daies after M' 
 Darrell came himself to Ethropp and tarried there three daies. 
 
 He saithe that the morning that the said Darrell def ted, he, this 
 deponent, came up with wood in his arm to make a fier in my ladies 
 Chamber, and as sone as he came into the chamber, immediately 
 followed M^ Darrell and bad my lady good morrow. . . . My 
 lady bidding him good morrow rose up in her bedd turning herself 
 towards him pulling up the bedd stufes that were on that side, and 
 willed him to sit down on the beddes side and then comanded the 
 said Hugh to go forth the chamber. 
 
 Within half an houre after M" Essex willed the said Hugh to go 
 to M'? Ralegh and will her to send the said lady a couple of the 
 best chickens, w'^'' chickens were afterwards rosted in my ladies 
 chamber and my lady the said Darrell and M^' Essex brak their 
 fast togethers in my ladies chamber. Afterward my lady brought 
 M- Darrell to horse and willed this deponent to bring him on the 
 way. 
 
 The said Hugh brought him to Aytesbury Caussey where M- 
 Darrell lighted and wrote a P? under a bush to ray Ladie w'^'' after he 
 had sealed he delivered to this deponent and then the said Darrell 
 took from about his neck a tablet of gold . . . and put it within 
 a piece of paper and as he rode back againe he opened the tablet 
 w'''in the w*^"^ was a hart in a redd stone. 
 
 He saithe that between Michelmas and hallowtide was . . . 
 monith M^ Hungerford came to my lady to . . . my lady faynid 
 her self sicke, being well enough before his coming, and then my 
 ladie refused to lie with him. 
 
 M' Hungerford when he went away willed my lady if she lackid
 
 244 Appendix. 
 
 anything to send Godsale to him to London for it and so the said 
 S' Walter dented and within ij or three dales after my lady came 
 up to London. 
 
 Abstract of Sir Walter Hungerford's Case. 
 
 In del nomine Amen Coram nobis venerabilibus etc. Pars domini 
 Waheris Hungerford se allegat in his scriptis prout sequitur. 
 
 1. Imprimis — That in the months Mar. Apl. May, June, July, 
 Aug., Sepr, Octob":, Nov^,Dec^, Jan^, Feb^, Mar. 1564, 5-6-7-8 
 " quidam Willelmus Darrell arm." in the house of Sir Walter Hunger- 
 ford at Farley (Bath and Wells Diocese) consorted familiarly with 
 Dame Anne Hungerford and slept there. 
 
 2. Item — That William Darrell was wont to enter the bed 
 chamber of Dame Anne in the absence of S- Walter Hungerford 
 and lie down with her "solus cum sola familiariter jocando, ridendo, 
 osculando, palpando, et amplectando " as seen and separated in the 
 acts. 
 
 3. Item — That in Easter term 1565 S"^ Walter Hungerford was 
 sick in London having gone thither about urgent business. 
 
 4. Item — That during his sickness William Darrell frequented 
 his house at Farley and sojourned there by the space of 4, 3, 2 or i 
 week "bibendo, ridendo, jocando, &c." with Dame Anne careless of 
 his sickness, &c. 
 
 5. Item. — That during the sickness of S- Walter Hungerford 
 the same William Darrell & Dame Anne were divers times sleeping 
 in bed "solus cum sola, &c." besides "bibendo &c. ut supra," 
 
 6. Item — That at Farley " una tibiarum memorati Willelmi Dar- 
 rell percussa, se in saltern aliqua ex parte putrefacta & corrupta fuit, 
 et in eadem pharmatica pro ejusdem sanitate habebate et usus est de 
 scientia noticia vel credulitate dicte Anne." 
 
 7. Item — That the said plaster was found in Dame Anne's bed 
 " inter litheamina." 
 
 8. Item — That in the years and months above, but e.g. in 1567-8 
 "pendente lite" brought by Dame Anne against S- Walter Hunger- 
 ford " licet nuUiter instituit " — " The sayde Darrell hath dyverses & 
 sundry tymes resorted to the company of the said Dame Anne 
 soigiorning here in London. And hath used to cum to her w'^'in her 
 lodgings the some tyme in one sort of apparell and some time in an
 
 Appendix. 245 
 
 other such as he used not comonly to were abrode ye same tyme in 
 pore man's apparell because he would not be knowen in as secret 
 sort and maner as possible he could because they would have no 
 evell suspicion conceyved of their lewd cumunyng or resorting to- 
 gether. 
 
 9. Item — That Darrell has given to Dame Anne money and 
 other things and she to him as will be proved hereafter in this case. 
 
 10. Item — That Darrell has comitted adultery with Dame Anne 
 both at Farley and in London many times and places. 
 
 11. Whereby both at Farley and " in vicinis locis " there is a great 
 belief & suspicion of the adultery aforesaid and that it is in common 
 report thereabouts. 
 
 12. "Item — Quod dictus Willelimus Darrell ut liberius frueretur 
 consuetudine dicte Anne uxorem sua ppria a cohabitatione sua reiecit 
 et in camera divortij in jus vocavit ac in judicio ab ea sefari extendit, 
 que lis adhuc pendet ad petitionem dicti Willelmi Darrell." 
 
 13. Item — That Dame Anne has abstracted "bona&c." to the 
 value 2.% per schedule &c. 
 
 14. That all the premisses are true. 
 
 Sir Frances Englefield to Dorothy Essex. 
 
 "You have hearde (I doubte not) how my La. Hungerfardes 
 greate sewte ys at lengthe endyd by sentens to her suffycyent 
 purgation and honor, thoughe neyther suff)'cyent for her recompens 
 nor for hys punysshement. . . . Her letters to me were bothe of 
 one effecte, to say, to procure what I may that by her fryndes som 
 ordre may be taken to bryng her out of debte, and to furnyshe her 
 to lyve in suche an estate as they her fryndes thynke mete that she 
 doo susteyne. I am not ignoraunt that the charges wilbe greater 
 than any one of them (that may) will willingly beare and I know 
 that some of them that may best, will doe least. Yet see I none 
 other way untyll God send that the justyce of her cause may be 
 better hearde, and that greate beaste my cosen compellyd bothe to 
 recompens the injuryes doone her, and to furnyse her wythe yerely 
 lyvyng accordyng to the portion that she brought hym. 
 
 LouvAiNE, April 19th, 1570.
 
 246 Appendix, 
 
 Lady Anna Hungerford to the Same. 
 
 My dear Essex, I have reseved diveres lettres from you and 
 allso from her grasse. ... I have byn in that nesessete y' I 
 have solde all my wering clothes and my tabell clothe and suche 
 linens as you knowe I hade — and all to helpe me to maintane my sute 
 in lavve in clering me of myn innoseence. And now I have sentence 
 of my side, but Master Hungerforde will not pay my charges nor 
 yet geve me living whiche ye lawe geves me, but the rather will li 
 in the flete, rather then to parte w' any peny of living w' me. O 
 my deare Doll what endelles messeres do I live in ! O what frendes 
 had I that this most \vrechedly hathe utterly caste me and all mine 
 away. I am not abell to write ye one quarter of my trobeles whiche I 
 have indured. Sur Water Hungerfo, and his brother hathe touched 
 me in iij thinges, but I wolde in no case have ye douches to knowe 
 them for geving hur grefe. The furste was, sence you wente, 
 advortery. Ye seckond w' morder. Ye iij that I wolde a' poyssoned 
 him vj yeares agone ; but all thes has fallen out to his shame ; but 
 I shall never recover it whilest I live, the greves hathe bin and is 
 suche to me, and mine necessetys so, that I fear I shall never be as 
 I have byn. ... I have nobody to travell for me for Gardener 
 is gone from my father, and I have not to geve him anything to 
 sarve me so y* I knowe not what to doo ; and my horesses ar bothe 
 dede so y* I have nothinge to helpe myselfe w' all. ... I am 
 forssed to put all my fokes away at medsomer for y* I have not to 
 kepe them and nothing trobles me so muche as that I have not to 
 do for Godsoll for he has loste muche by his sarving of me. My 
 cheldrene I have not harde of this xj mountes and more. Y? ar 
 loste for wante of good plassing ; Susane is as I hear clen spoilled, 
 she has forgotten to rede and hur complexsione clen gone w' an 
 yeche, and she hathe skante to shefte her w' all. Jane is \\\ a 
 semster in Malboro very evel to [do]. Surly I wer happy if God 
 wolde take them out of this Hfe. 
 
 The Savoy, March 25th, 1570. 
 
 Same to the Duchess of Feria. 
 
 I wryt unto your grase . . . how sentence hathe passed w' 
 me ye laste tearme . . . also how Mr. Hungerforde is in ye 
 Flete & ther will remaine becaues he will nether geve me any 
 living nor yet pay me never a peny of my charges whiche is two
 
 Appi7idix. 247 
 
 hundred poundes and fifte that he is alredy condemned in. So y- I 
 am hoples of any thing to be gotten at his handes. . . . Touching 
 my children ... I am as a stranger unto them . . . which 
 I must suffer praing God to bles them & make them all his 
 servantes for other good then by prayer can I not do them. I hear 
 y? are very evell youssed and no bringer up y? have. Well God 
 comforte and helpe them. 
 
 EvEROPE, 20th March, 1570. 
 
 The Littlecote Legend.* 
 
 Sir Dayrell of Littlecote, in Co. Wilts, having gott his lady's 
 
 waiting-woman with child, when her travell came, sent a servant 
 with a horse for a midwife whom he was to bring hood-winked. 
 She was brought, and layd the woman, but as soon as the child 
 was born, she sawe the knight take the child and murther it, and 
 burn it in the fire chamber. She having done her businesse was 
 extraordinary rewarded for her paines and sent blind-folded away. 
 This horrid action did much run in her mind, and she had a desire 
 to discover it, but knew not where t'was. She considered with her- 
 self the time that she was riding, and how many miles she might 
 have rode at that rate in that time, and that it must be some great 
 person's house, for the roome was 12 foot high : and she would 
 knowe the chamber if she sawe it. She went to a Justice of Peace, 
 and search was made. The very chamber found. The knight was 
 brought to his tryall ; and to be short, this judge (Popham) had 
 this noble house, parke, and mannor, and (I thinke) more, for a bribe 
 to save his life. Note. — Sir John Popham gave sentence according 
 to lawe, but being a great person, and a favourite, he procured a noli 
 prosequi. 
 
 Anthony Bridges to William Darrell. 
 
 My good Cosen, 
 
 I commende me hartily unto you, being very 
 
 sory that my happ was not to be at home when you were laste at 
 
 my house, for I am w'^ childe to speake w'^ you as well for myne 
 
 * Aubrey, "Lives of Eminent Men," vol. ii. p. 493. See alio Sir Walter 
 Scott's "Rokeby," c.v. st. 27, and Note 3 G, where this tradition is expanded pre- 
 sumably on the authority of Lord Webb Seymour. In Sir Bernard Burke's " Ro- 
 mance of the Aristocracy," i. 174, a still iurther expansion is given, incorporating 
 local traditions with admitted embellishments. A recently discovered duplicate 
 of this confession is noticed at p. below, and is important as fixing the date 
 
 of the supposed crime some twelve years earlier, or about the period of Darrell's 
 intrigue with Lady Plungerford and his divorce from his own wife.
 
 248 Appendix. 
 
 owne matter of twentye poundes as also for other matters w''.'' you 
 wyll wonder to heare, and yet I suppose they concerne youre selfe. 
 I have byn of late amongeste craftye crowders whoe walked w*^ me 
 on parables a longe tyme, and cowlered theyre doinges w'^ suttell 
 sophistrye, still gropinge and undermininge me in matters of greate 
 importance, yea, as great as may be to those partyes to whome they 
 dyd apperteyne, but I at the firste perceaved theyre inglynge, and 
 gave theyre doinges in the beginnige suche a dashe, that they seemed 
 therew'.'' alle utterly discomfited, being as they said, a commissioner 
 chose for them. The matter feare you not yf it be no worse then I 
 knowe, ther was a partye named whome the said matter dyd concerne, 
 othorvvyse then a gentleman dwellinge within three myles of my 
 house, but I perceaved theyre fetche was not to have me a com- 
 missioner, but a deponente yf they coukle have gotten any thinge 
 from me that mighte have made for theyre purpose, I wyll tell you 
 alle the substance of the matter (as I conjecture) at oure nexte 
 meetinge, but the partyes I may not name. 
 
 I am nowe rydinge towardes Hampshyre in earneste busines, and 
 doe mynde, God willinge, to be at Ludgarshalle this nighte at bed, 
 where my busines is suche that I must remayne thies three dayes as 
 I suppose, and in my retorne I wyll God wyllinge see you at Lyttle- 
 cote. My wyfe is already rydden towardes Ludgershall. This I 
 committ yow to Almighty God from Shefforde, the xxiiij^'' of Jalye 
 1578. 
 
 Youre lovinge Cosen, 
 and assured frende to commende, 
 [Endorsed] Anthonye Bridges. 
 
 To the Righte worshipfuUe, 
 my very lovinge cosen Wylliam Darrell, Esquier, geve this at Lyttle- 
 cote w'? speede. 
 
 Deposition of Mother Barnes the Midwife. 
 
 Thes are to testefye my knowlege touchinge certeyne speche w''.'* 
 Mother Barnes of Shefforde uttered not longe before her deathe in the 
 presence of me and others videlt. That there came unto her house 
 at Shefforde, two men in maner leeke servinge men in blacke fryse 
 cotes, rydinge upon very good geldinges or horses w''.'' declared unto 
 her that theyre mystres (as they then called her) nameing M"-
 
 Appendix. 249 
 
 Knevett, w^.'' is nowe the wyfe of ST Henry Knevett, Knighte of 
 Wiltesh. had sente by them comendacions unto her prayenge her of 
 all loves to come unto her forthw* accordinge to her promise ; shee 
 beinge as they said, at that time neare her tyme of traveyle of childe 
 whoe presently prepared her selfe redy to ryde, and beinge somwhat 
 late in the eveninge, shee departed from her said house in the com- 
 pany of the two before recited persons, whoe rode w* her the moste 
 parte of alle that nighte. And towardes daye, they broughte her 
 unto a fayre house and alighted her neere a doore of the said house 
 at the ■w''^ doore one of those that broughte her made some Httle 
 noyse, eyther by knockinge or rynginge of some belle, wheruppon 
 there came to the said doore a tall slender gentleman, having uppon 
 hym a longe goune of blacke velvett, and bringinge a lighte w* him, 
 whoe so soone as shee was entred into the said doore, made faste the 
 same, and shutt out those that broughte her, and presently broughte 
 her upp a stayres into a fayre and a large greate chambre, beinge 
 hanged all aboute w*? arras in the w'^ chambre there was a chymney, 
 and therein was a great fyre and from thence through the said chambre 
 shee was conveyed unto an other chambre leeke proporcion, and 
 hanged in leeke sorte as the fyrste was, in the wl** chambre was also 
 a chymney and a greate fyre, and passinge through the said seconde 
 chambre, shee was broughte into a thyrde chambre, hanged also 
 rychlye w* arras, in the \\^^ chambre there was a bed rychlye and 
 gorgeouslye furnished the curteynes of the said bed beinge alle close 
 drawen about the said bed. And so soone as shee was entered in at 
 the doore of the laste resited chambre, the said partye in the longe 
 velvet goune ronned softly in her eare sayinge ; loe, in yonder bed 
 lyethe the gentle woman that you are sente for to come unto, go 
 unto her and see that yow doe youre uttermost endevoyre towardes 
 her, and yf shee be safely delivered, you shall not fayle of greate 
 rewarde, but if shee myscarry in her traveyle, yow shall dye. Wher- 
 uppon, as one amased, she departed from the said gentleman to the 
 beddes syde, fyndinge there a gentlewoman in traveyle, lyenge in 
 greate estate, as by the furniture uppon her and aboute her it dyd 
 appeare, this gendewoman's face beinge couered eyther w* a viser 
 or a cell, but w'^ w".** I doe not remembre. And shortly after her 
 cominge she was delivered of a man childe, whoe for lacke of other 
 clothes was fayne to be wrayped in the myd-wyfes apron, and so 
 was carried by the said midwyfe into one of the two fyrste chambres 
 that shee passed throughe at the fyrste w'^ the gentleman, fynding
 
 250 Appendix. 
 
 the said gentleman there at her coming thither, whoe demaunded of 
 her whether the partye that shee came from was deUvered of childe 
 or no, whoe aunswered that shee was safely deUvered of a man childe 
 w'^.'* shee there presently shewed him, requiringe him that some pro- 
 vision of clothes might be had to wrapp it w'^ alle, who incontinently 
 broughte her to the fyre syde, into the w''.'' fyre he commaunded her 
 to caste the childe, wheruppon shee kneeled doune unto him, de- 
 syringe him that he would not seeke to destroy it, but rather geve it 
 unto her, promisinge him to keep it as her owne, and to be sworne 
 never to disclose it, the w".'' thinge the gentleman woulde not yelde 
 unto, but forthw'^ the childe was caste into the fyre, but whether by 
 the mydwyfe her selfe, or by him, or by them both I doe not per- 
 fectly remembre. And so soon as this horrible facte was done, shee 
 was commaunded to goe backe agayne to the gentlewoman, where 
 she remayned all that day and by nighte was broughte backe agayne 
 by those two men that broughte her thither, whoe sett her some 
 myles distante from her house, but whether two myles or more I doe 
 not remembre. And I demaundinge of her w'^.'' way shee wente in 
 rydinge thither, shee aunswered that as shee supposed shee wente 
 faste by Dunington Parke, leavinge the said parke on her righte 
 hande, and demaundinge of her by what houses she traveyled by, 
 shee aunswered that shee traveyled by dyuers houses w^.'^ shee knewe 
 not, and demaundinge ouner or throughe what waters shee passed, 
 she aunswered shee passed over a greate and a longe bridge w''.'' as 
 shee tryly supposed was a bridge over the Thames, as by the water 
 w'^.'' passed throughe the said bridge beinge very greate shee dyd 
 
 imagme. 
 
 By me Anthonye Bridges. 
 
 Sir Henry Knyvett to Sir John Thynne. 
 
 Syr, I besetch you lett me crave so much favor of you as to procure 
 your servant Mr. Bonham, moste effectually to examin his sister, 
 tochinge her usage att Will"' Dorrell's, the berth of her children, howe 
 many they were, and what becam of them. She shall have no cawse 
 off feare trulie to confess the uttermost, for I will defend her from all 
 perill howe so ever the case fall owte. The brute of the murder of
 
 Appendix, 251 
 
 one of them increaseth fowlely, and theare falleth owte such other 
 heyghnous matter against him as will toch him to the quick. 
 
 From Charlton this ij"* of January 1578. 
 
 Your loving friend 
 H. Knyvett. 
 
 " To the right worshipful 
 and my very lovinge friend, 
 S": John Thynne Knyght 
 Geve this. 
 
 Criminal Charge against Wild Darrell at Newbury. 
 
 Right honorable in most humble wise my comendations promised. 
 Understanding by Thomas Hewse servaunte to William Darrell 
 Esquier, that youer pleasure is to be advertised of the dealinges 
 that happined at Nubery the twentithe of December, against the 
 saide William Darrell and John Whithed his servaunte, by one 
 George Essex gentleman and M- Cater towching a murther that 
 sholde be doon abowt three yeares past by the saide John Whithed, 
 nowe servaunte to thafore named William Darrell and at the time 
 of the murther doon servaunte to one George Darrell gentleman, 
 dwelling in Kentte. May it please yo^ honor, the sixtinthe of De- 
 cember by vertue of comition owt of the right honorable and highe 
 courte of Stareke Chamber, directed to Sir Henry Nevett M- Antony 
 Bridgis, M'. Roger Younge and my selfe for the examinations of 
 carsisse in controversie beetwene the aforesaide William Darrell of 
 the one ftie, and Mr. Hide of Denchwoorth on the other Jte uppon 
 Interogatorisse and witnicisse of bothe Jtes produced. After the 
 most f te of those caucisse hardde, and the comitionerse in good 
 hope the varience sholde be appeased beetweene the f tise greeved, 
 yet whilse we were sitting in examination M- Essex and M- Cater 
 aforsaide desired to speake w'J' the comitionerse whereuppon verry 
 earnestly they did shewe unto us that thafore named John Whithed 
 had comitted a murther, and did disier that he might bee appre- 
 hended and putte to his answeare. So hit was thought good by Sir 
 Henry Nevett, and the rest of the Justices that the saide Whithed 
 sholde be attached, and brought beefore us, to answere to that lawe
 
 252 Appendix. 
 
 required by the bailye of the towne. Who after he had doon his 
 best to searche the ftie to be chardged, signified that he colde not 
 finde him. Whereuppon for the dischardge of the dewtise of the 
 Justices aforsaide, hit was thought good that M^ Younge and my 
 selfe sholde gooe to a house in the towne where Mr. Darrell laye, to 
 see what we might dooe for thapprehenmenth of the ?tie accused 
 And after ower cominge thether imparting to M' Darrell the cause 
 of ower comminge, presently he used suche diligence as by his good 
 meandes the f tie accused was brought beefore us, and putte under 
 arest, at whiche time and place th'afore named George Essex and 
 one Mr. Edmunde Essex his brother did verry muche misuse in 
 woordes M- Darrell, who with greate patience endured the same, 
 and in thend Mr. Edmunde Essex served him with a writte called a 
 supina, and so for that time we departed, and signified to Sir Henry 
 Nevett ower dooinges, and theruppon hit was thought good that Mr. 
 Essex and M."". Cater sholde chardge the prisoner in what they 
 colde saye in the princisse behalfe, and therfore M.''. Younge, M- 
 Bridgisse my selfe with many others wentte backe again to M"". Dar- 
 relles lodginge and called the prisoner before M."". Essex and M."". 
 Cater, both which gentlemen did arest thafore named Whithed of 
 the murtheringe of one Blontte, wherwithall M-' Cater stepping 
 forth, verily to my remembraunce and if I sholde be deposed I 
 thincke saffly with my consience I may afferme, saiinge these 
 woordes. I arrest M- Darrell his M- as accessarie to the same. 
 Wheruppon hit was thought good that he sholde come where M.' 
 Darrell was to charge his Json at whiche time he used the verry 
 speache and woordes as by this bill heere enclosed yo"- honor maye 
 fceve. So M^ Darrell thincking him selfe verry hardly and ma- 
 liciously dealte withall by Mr. Cater brake owt with sume woordes, 
 the woorst wherof to my remembraunce was he called M- Cater 
 Promowter wherunto M^ Cater replied and saide, he was as honest 
 as himselfe, a gentleeman, and his fellowe in any place in Englande. 
 Further the saide George Essex did moste often and verry earnestly 
 require the good aberinge against M.": Darrell and all his servauntes, 
 and truly in my consience by that I colde gather by the reportte the 
 saide M"' Essex withowt any greate cause deserved of Mr. Darrell. 
 Wherefore hit was thought verry hard to graunte the good abering 
 uppon such causisse as were alledged, beeing no greater. Never- 
 thelesse the peace was graunted against him, the coppye wherof is 
 also heere enclosed. Thusse humbly I take my leve of yo' honor
 
 Appendix. 253 
 
 and beeseche God to send you niuche encrease of the same, ffrom 
 my house at Aldermaston the xxvj"' [157S] 
 
 [Endorsed] 
 
 your honers holy to comand 
 
 WiLLM. FORSTER. 
 
 To the right honorable Sir 
 
 James Croft Knight 
 
 controler of the Queen's Mat" 
 
 housholde and one of her 
 
 most honorable privy counsaile 
 
 these be Delivered. 
 
 Wild Darrell in Judgment on his Neighbours. 
 
 Inquisition taken at Littlecote, Wilts, 2nd Oct^ 29 Eliz. before 
 William Darrell Esq^ and 3 other commissioners by the oath of 
 the jurors who present as follows. 
 
 i) That T. Goddard gent, and Anthony & John Hynton gents, 
 are the farmers of H.M. farm of Alborne. Henry Marty n has one 
 farm there by lease. George Walrond is the Ranger & Keeper of 
 Alborne Chace, and is in prison in the Fleet for religion. 
 
 2) That only 120 deer are left there. Hilwood coppice, 42 acres, 
 has been sold by Edward Gilbert at ;^3 .6.8 per acre, besides 
 200 trees sold at 374"* each. The same Gilbert, ten years ago, felled 
 another coppice there, 65 acres worth ^5 per acre, selling 444 oaks 
 at 4/8 and 36 ashes at 4/- Also, three years ago, Mr. Richard 
 Inkpen sold a coppice of 40 acres at £^\ per acre besides 120 trees 
 at 4/- Also, seven years ago, he sold 26 acres at p/^5 .6.8 besides 
 120 trees at 4/- on pretence that these were required for palings to 
 the Park. One John Williams has felled and sold secretly 24 ashes 
 at 3/4 and 208 trees at 5/- on pretence of fuel for the beacons for 
 which 30 only were used. The said Williams may do as he pleases 
 being Mr. Sadler's man ; and during the last ten years he has also 
 sold for timber 108 trees at 3/4 ; 75 at 5/- and 130 at 6/- 
 
 3) That J. Dixon paid Mr. Inkpen ^10 for the copy of a yard- 
 land. After the death of Alice Sexten, Thomas her son asked to be 
 admitted but M- Gilbert gave the copy to one of M": Sadler's men 
 who paid jQ^ only to the Queen. And afterwards one T. Smith agreed
 
 2 54 Appendix. 
 
 with M' Gilbert for the same giving him ;^6o and to the Queen 
 only ;^9. That after the death of T. Coleman, J. Bright received 
 a barn land paying 3/4 to the Queen and to M- Gilbert ^^4. That 
 Jane Dawntrey against the Custom surrendered her widows estate 
 and took it again for her children paying to the Queen ^^4 and to 
 M^ Gilbert ^Qd . 13.4, and that four other tenants have done the 
 like. That in 15S4 J. Burche of East Garston with 19 years lease 
 to run, having received hard words of M^ Attorney in open court, 
 M^ Inkpen made him a new lease of 31 years taking 300 marks for 
 the same. That T. Goddard having a lease given him of 4 or 5 
 acres INI- Inkpen as surveyor gave him 40 acres. That many ten- 
 ants have sold trees by the connivance of M^ Inkpen and M^ Sadler 
 namely 1097 at great piices. Also a woodland has been sold by 
 the same at ;^io, and ten acres, 9 years ago, at 43/- per acre. 
 Dame Elizabeth's coppice has been twice sold in the last 12 years 
 by M- Inkpen & M- Sadler at 40/- and 23/4 per acre respectively. 
 
 4) That the conies and deer are left to spoil the woods in Alborne 
 Chace, and colts and calves are put in the copses by M^ Sadler and 
 M- Inkpen and her Majesty's woods destroyed and her Majesty's 
 tenants undone. M^ G. Walrond encroaches on Alborne wastes to 
 the extent of ten acres. 
 
 5) That in Helms Heath in Berks, in the last 19 years, 1200 
 trees have been felled as may be seen by the roots, besides many 
 more which have been uprooted, making a waste to the extent o 
 ;^6oo. Also diverse other wastes have been made there which 
 skilled woodmen have estimated at ;2^iooo on their oath. That 
 100 trees have been felled in Sanden-down at 5/- and that R. Stafile- 
 ton has inclosed 2 acres of Helm's Heath. 
 
 6) In Hungerford Park 3 copses have been sold, one of io| 
 acres, at 40/- per acre; and other two 8 and 15 acres respectively. 
 There are only 66 deer left there ; 3 years ago there were 300. In 
 the last 12 years 230 oaks and ashes have been felled at 6/8. M- 
 Sadler has made a Hop-yard in the Park and grubbed up the tre«s 
 and also has made a pond for his cattle and a new gate for his 
 carriages towards Everley and Helm's Heath. 
 
 7) That before the new house was built in the Park, there was a 
 lodge convenient for the Keeper who was M- Cheyney a good 
 gentleman and of good worship. But now the new house had been 
 built away from the lodge having many handsome rooms in it and 
 on the North a Base-court walled about and a gate-house in front
 
 Appendix. 255 
 
 of the house. The building of this new house has straitened the 
 Park it being but little. 
 
 8) Here W. Curteys has Chantry-lands in lease, for one of which 
 he pays M"^ Sadler 40 marks for his favour. At Northstanden 60 
 trees are felled by W. Edmund Hungerford worth 5/- each, and 60 
 more worth the same. Also he has cut up a hedge, and felled a 
 copse of 5 acres, at 40/- per acre and another of 8 acres at 26/8, 12 
 years ago and 1 2 years respectively. Also M- Hungerford has en- 
 grossed the above spoils and 60 more trees at 4/- by connivance of 
 INI' Inkpen, who sold him the woodwardship of that manor for 33/4 
 as is confessed by M- John Hungerford. Also the same John 
 Hungerford has felled one tree worth 3/4 which he gave to his 
 nurse. Further that M^ Ed. Hungerford has felled two ashes worth 
 5/- each and 2 oaks worth 3/4 each. But what other wastes have been 
 committed here the jurors cannot tell since the Queens Majesty's 
 ground has become so commingled with M- Hungerford's that they 
 have looked for no further spoil. [Signed by William Darrell and 
 the other Commissioners.] 
 
 Criminal Action for Libel against William 
 Darrell. 
 
 Hilary term, 1579, in the Court of Queen's Bench at Westminster, 
 S' Henry Knyvett, against William Darrell for a criminal libel pub- 
 lished by the defendant, to the effect that the petition presented by 
 one Brinde of Wanborough, to the Privy Council for justice to be 
 done in the trial of parties of the name of Brown and others for 
 the murder of the said Brinde's brother, and who were alleged to be 
 protected by S' Henry Knyvet, was a true statement of the facts, 
 and that he the said defendant would undertake to prove the truth 
 of every word thereof. The further hearing of the case adjourned 
 from term to term for two years and finally the<proceedings dropped.
 
 256 Appendix. 
 
 Criminal Information against William Darrell at 
 
 THE MaRBOROUGH ASSIZES.* 
 Court of Queen's Bench, Mich T. 29 Ehz. 
 
 Wilts, 
 
 To wit, Tuesday, the 3''.*^ day of October in the 29'^ year of 
 the reign of our Lady EHzabeth by the grace of God, &c., at the 
 general Sessions of the Peace holden at Marlborough in the county 
 aforesaid before Ed. Baynton Kn!, & Jo. Penruddoke Esq''.^ and 
 the other justices of our said Lady the Queen appointed for preser- 
 vation of the Peace in the county aforesaid, and for hearing and 
 judging felonies transgressions and other offences committed within 
 the county aforesaid, by the oath of 12 Jurors it is presented if 
 William Darrell of Littlecote in the county aforesaid esquire on 
 the 2o'^ day of January in the 29*!" year of the reign of our Lady 
 Elizabeth, &c. at Chilton and other places in the county aforesaid 
 was and yet is the disturber of the Peace of our said Lady the 
 Queen and the oppressor of his neighbours and other the lieges of 
 our said lady the Queen in the county aforesaid and privy to 
 offences, slanders, suits and discords amongst his neighbours afore- 
 said to the great cost, grievance and disturbance of his neighbours 
 aforesaid and other the faithful lieges of our said lady the Queen, in 
 the county aforesaid contrary to the ordinances, laws, and statutes in 
 that case made and provided and against the Peace of our said 
 Lady the Queen, her Crown &c. The which Indictments our Lady 
 the Queen now at length for certain causes has caused to be brought 
 before her to be decided. Whereby it was enjoined to the Sheriff 
 that he should not fail, (Sec. to cause him to appear to answer, &c. 
 And now, to wit, on the IMonday next before the octaves of St. 
 Michael of the same term before our lady the Queen at Westminster 
 comes the aforesaid William Darrell in his proper person and after 
 hearing the Indictments aforesaid he says that the said Indictment 
 is insufficient in the law to which he is not called on nor bound 
 by the law of the land to plead, and that no process against him the 
 said William Darrell on the Indictment aforesaid by the law of the 
 land ought to be awarded for that, to wit, that it does not appear 
 by the Indictment aforesaid that the said William Darrell on the 
 
 * This is the long-sought trial, alluded to at p. 274, and supposed to contain 
 the famous charge of child-murder according to the legend. It will be seen, 
 however, that this is not the case.
 
 Appendix. 257 
 
 aforesaid 2o'^ day of January or any time thereafter was the dis- 
 turber and oppressor of his neighbours but only that it was presented 
 if William Darrell was the disturber and oppressor of his neighbours, 
 and it does not appear by the Indictment aforesaid that the afore- 
 said William Darrell was privy to Barratries as by the law of the 
 land should have been done and for the insufficiency thereof he 
 seeks judgment ; and that he may himself upon the premises be 
 admitted &c. by the Court. W^hereupon this being made known 
 to the Sheriff and the Court from all singular the premisses; because 
 it seems to the Court here that the Indictment aforesaid is insufficient 
 in the law, as the aforesaid William Darrell in his pleading above 
 has alleged ; it is permitted that the said William Darrell be dis- 
 missed, &c. 
 
 Wild Darrell's Imprisonment and Flight. 
 
 My Lord of Pembroocke sent Steven Appleferd to me the x'l' 
 Januarij for Lx'' And for vc" more to be paied w'^'in a monneth for 
 my releasement of prisun. And the answere I made appereth by 
 the coppie of Steven Applefeird's writen therupon to Stransham as 
 followeth. 
 
 Steven Mr. Stransham accordinge to my L comaundment I 
 
 Applefei-d's have bin w'^ M-- Darrell and told him that my L. hadd 
 
 ^"^'^* sent me for Lx" w"*" he ought his Lordship. And seeing 
 
 ,, he hath broken Pmise w"* my L. my Lord liked to have 
 
 the mannor . •' ■' 
 
 of Axforde. '■'^^ owne. His answere was, that it was good reason my 
 Lord should have his owne, but for the Lx" he would 
 accompt w'^ my Lorde for it. I told him likewise that 
 my Lord willed him to Jvide vc''more w'^'in this monneth 
 for my Lord for his deliverie out of prison ; he said that 
 it was for my Lorde cause that he was ther. Moreover 
 he said he was a freeman and subjecte to none but to the 
 prince to whome my L was subjecte as well as he him- 
 self. And that the lawes should determine the matters 
 betwyne them. This was his answer to me but I recevid 
 not any money of him. 
 
 So w"* my com. etc.
 
 258 Appendix. 
 
 Steven Appleford I have imfted the contentes of yo*" 
 letters to my Lord his Lordshippe's pleasure is you 
 should agayne goo to M- Darrell, And tell him that his 
 Lordship knoweth noo reason of any accompt that is to 
 be made betwyne his Lordship "^ him, And therefore if 
 his Lx" be not p''sently sent it shalbe litell for Dar- 
 rell's ease '\ lesse for his honestie. 
 
 Tovvchinge the vc" you must saye That he was 
 in prison for his owne knaverie & not for his lord- 
 shipp's sake, And that in Deniall of the Jformaunce of 
 his f mise, his Lordshipp saieth that there is nether truth 
 in his wourdes nor honestie in his deades, And because 
 he doth play the knave, his Lordship will not onely blase 
 him for a knave, but baffle him lik a knave. And so I 
 bidd you farewell. 
 
 Writton this xv"" of Januarij 
 
 yo' fellow & assured frind, 
 
 Arthure Massinger. 
 [Endorsed] 
 
 To my loving frind and fellowe Steven Appleforde 
 at Remsburie. 
 
 My answere to thes letters that were shewed me by 
 Steven w'^ licence to coppie them was. That I would 
 praye for his lordship, And that I merveled where he 
 learned such langwage, And that I loked for such sithence 
 som of my neybourghes "T: they that were noblye borne 
 heth not longe agoo recevid almost the like. I will flye 
 him and Jvid as I may by order for my saffetee. 
 
 Wiseman my Lordes man* meatinge me in Mr. Attur- 
 neyes chamber said to me that ther were straynge courses 
 intended agaynst me & bade me loke to it. 
 
 My answer was to that ; Is ther nothing allwayes but 
 straynge courses in hande, now the Lorde defende me 
 And amende the wordell. 
 
 * The Earl of Essexes servant.
 
 Appendix. 259 
 
 County Gossips upon Darrell's Flight to Court. 
 
 Righte honorable, 
 
 Whereas informacon (as yt is said) hathe bene 
 geven yo" by M"". Moodie, that S^ Henrie Knyvet at his owne table 
 in o' heringe this laste soomer. should be vearie inquisitive what 
 somes of money he the same M": Moodie had geven yo''. ho to thende 
 to bolster him ovvte of his Shriefwick, wherein it seemeth that S": 
 Henrie Knyvet taketh him sealf greately wronged and seeketh by all 
 good meanes to acquite him self thereof. And havinge for that 
 intent ernestlie entreated us to call to mynde '\ testifie what wee 
 can remember in thet behalf: wee have thought good to troble yo"" 
 ho : w'^ these fewe lines, hereby to signifie "T; uppon o^ credittes to 
 assure (w'^.'' uppon o^ othes wee can be content to confirme if occasion 
 shall soe require) that at that tyme of o."" beinge w'^ Sr Henry Knyvet 
 this laste soomer or at anie other time or place to oT knowledges or 
 remembrance, there was neither question asked or one woorde 
 uttered by him or anie other in the companie that might in anie 
 wise tende to that effecte or in anie other sorte to yo"". dishonor 
 Howbeit of others thus muche wee all doe well remember that 
 M' Moodie himself at that time offered speache of M": Attorney 
 generall & M"! Dorrell affirminge that the one of them (viz. M^ At- 
 torney) had used him very roughlie in speches as to call him knave 
 w'.** other hard termes, and that Mf Dorrell had cosoned him of 'vj" 
 or to that effecte, but that anie mencon was made of oughte that 
 might concerne yo' sealf or the bono"", of yol place, wee are all veary 
 suer there was none suche. And doe verely beleve that aswell 
 S"". Henry Knyvett as the rest of the companie there assembled were 
 ^ still are very free from thought of anie suche matter. The w''.'' 
 were leave to yo": ho : consideraCon. And even soe doe wishe you 
 all happy encrease of bono' From Saperton this xviij'.'' of Feb- 
 ruary, 1588. 
 
 Yo' ho. very assured at coiiiandeiu', 
 
 Henry Poole, Anne Poole, 
 
 Caru Rawleigh. 
 To the righte honorable, George Wkoughton, 
 
 S"". Francis Walsingham Knight, Ja. Wroughton. 
 
 Cheif Secretarie to her Ma''^ 
 
 & one of her Hignes moste honorable 
 
 Privie Councell.
 
 (IV.) THE DARRELL CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 r. News-Letters, Love Letters & Letters 
 OF Complement. 
 
 Lady Hutigerjord to William Darrell, 
 
 I have sente to you my dear Will a messenger off great truste by 
 whom you shall se the coppe of the essaminyng off thowes Varletes, 
 as you may well perseve by ther tales the have bene well tawte ther 
 lesson es. But I dout not but that God will defende me from all 
 the vill & abomynabell practiscis, and shamefoU rewarde shall the 
 have for ther great paines and specially thowes at whos handes I 
 have not desarved it, but sithe it is my fortune to be thus plaged 
 for your sake, I muste & will be contented w! all, praing you to 
 ploke up yower wittes and memory to defende this my unfortunate 
 cawes & youres ; for my parte I am both ignoraund & witles to 
 dele in those matres, yet have I good Will to doo therein to the 
 uttermost, whiche mythinkes I kolde muche better do iff I myght 
 talke wythe you whiche cannot be till ye tearme, be no meanes, & 
 that is to me no small greff; at whiche time you shall know how & 
 wher to talke w' me. In the mene season it shalbe requysite for 
 you & me bothe to sherche and seeke oute what possabell may be 
 to deface and disprove thos varlettes that soo vily hathe yoused us. 
 Talke you I pray you effecteously w' this barer who hathe noted 
 certaine thinges to be considered off ; & especially for the times, 
 and what witnesses be beste to be had or sought fore. It trubles 
 me muche & feares me more, & nobody have I to take and say 
 my minde unto, but only you who I cannot have. God send me 
 reste & quietnes in heven, for hear I have none in this worlde. I 
 have muche more to wryte then ether helthe will soffer me or you 
 to rede w' oute being wery, wher fore I leve off this matter till we 
 mete, trusting my tounge and wittes will better com to me and 
 sarve me then at our Last meting the did, for the site off you then 
 was suche to me as I kolde not otere that whiche faine I wolde have 
 sayde. Now as touching your lettres whiche you sent me by your 
 man whom at that time founde me in suche sounding fitts and wekenys 
 as yet I ame not any longe time voyde thereoff, so that I kolde not
 
 Appendix. 261 
 
 then write as I wolde, nor at this present cane soo well as I kolde 
 wische ; and for you writing to my frendis, I holde well w' all soo it 
 be done advisedly & but to my father only as I have geven this 
 barer instructions. My Lorde off Lester, writ a very friendly letter to 
 my father in my behalfe, declaring I shall not lacke all the frendship 
 he may do for me. And wher you put me in remembarance to yowes 
 you well and all soo charging me w! my othe, to the furste I say I 
 have not at any time missused you, nor never will to the deathe, and 
 then I truste no othe is or cane be brokin. But how you have and 
 will yowes me it hathe & dothe reste only in you, I charge you not. 
 and when you will me to commande you and all you have, full 
 well you knowe my dear dorrell I never wayed your goodes or Landes 
 but only you and your faithefuU good Will, as God be my Judge & 
 your selfe, iff ether I myght or kolde by any possobell meanes have 
 incressede your worshep, or welthe, ther never wanted good Will in 
 me at any time ; but how long or littell a time soo ever I live, I 
 loke not to be voyde off greves off olde time growen ; & in what 
 case I am or shall be in I knowe not. Then way you who hathe moste 
 cause not only to saye consider — but alsoo to consider. To your furrst 
 letter I answer laste, thinkmg not you have loste any frendes but 
 rather plesereth you in that the have shewed ther dissembling frend- 
 shep, but I dot not, as I have afore saide butt that God will provide 
 for us many frends. Luker & gaine makes many dissembling and 
 hollow hartes, and whar as you say you will kepe ye burde in your 
 breste saiffe and othe that you have sworne never to revelle nor 
 breake, one thinge assur yourselfe off, cawes justly you shall have 
 none to breke & in tim I shall well find & parseve your furste 
 menyng and constancey. This my dear Will I leve forder to wryte, to 
 you till we may mete, whiche I truste shall be shortely ; praing 
 Allrayte Gode to presarve and kepe the bothe body and sole. 
 
 During liffe ever one. 
 
 A. HUNGERFORDE. 
 
 The barrer hear off semes to be very carfuU of my bisnis and 
 painfull I have founde him, and a good sotell hede anoweff to dele 
 in mattres. Ones again a 1000 times fare well ti[ll] mor at large. 
 may I talke w' Him. 
 
 A. H. 
 To the right worshepfull 
 my cossane Master Darrell 
 
 Gave these at [Littlecote]
 
 262 Appendix. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 My good dorrell I hear y\ you mett w! Lewes Ty at Colbrok, 
 and ther stayed him in soo muche that Edward Hungerford was 
 faine to make great sute to my Lord off Londane to have him dis- 
 charged wher he standethe bounde for his apparence at the next 
 Court day and allso that he shall appere at all times afterwardes, 
 from time to time. He alsoo made great complante that ether you did 
 or elles you wolde have sene the Letteres that he brought from Sir 
 Walter, as yfif you have not I wolde to God you hade s. and y. 
 touchin the other s. Letter d. you wot off, I wolde faine it were mendid 
 for myne Aunte hathe & dothe show it to diveres as to my Lorde of 
 Lester, my Lady Sidney, and otheres and makethe suche bragges 
 off it as you never saw, all soo bedle the regester tolde me that he 
 harde Lowes Die shuld be offred a living worth xx markes by the 
 year, to forsake his master but how or be home I know not For 
 the Love off God my good Will be carfuU for me this matter and 
 thinke how muche it standethe me uppone, and in any wyse seke I 
 pray you to bringe in as meny witnyssis for the profe off your being 
 at Londane all the Ester terme as by any possebell menes you caiie 
 get/ GodsoU was very straytly exsamenned apon ye intergatoryes 
 there was xl of them layed in againste him and amoungaste whiche 
 ther was one to knowe whether you came to my loging during 
 the time you wer at London, and whether we dede mete or 
 see one annother or not As for any sartain nues, we have none 
 as it [yet], but dayly the poste ar loked for. Young Roper is 
 comyted to prysin w! divres other from the Star chamber for religi- 
 one matter, but it is thought greter parsones shall follough. And 
 this wisshing you as well as your one [own] harte can desire, to ye 
 Almytey I leve you. From London. The xx off Feberyary. 
 
 Ever one during life, 
 
 In any case A. Hungerforde. 
 
 lowes not ye s. letter, d. 
 
 Small thinges can doo no harem. 
 
 &iy. frendship x. we shall not lake. 
 To my very frend 
 
 Master Dorrell geve [thes] — 
 
 Same io Same. 
 My dear Dorrell W! my faythefuU comendacyones this barer 
 makethe suche haste that I have no time to write as I wolde, but for
 
 AppeJidix. 263 
 
 ye passiane off Gode thinke what you have to doo & let me not 
 be undone, for this barer telleth me that my counsell is marvellouesly 
 astoned for y' the cannot goo forwarde acording to ther furste 
 instructiones so y' now y* know not what to saye or what to lay in for 
 answer. Y^ have sent to me to knowe what I kolde say consarnying 
 your being to me at Ester terem was iij year, whiche to geve my 
 remembrance you were not at that tim ther but off sartaine I cannot 
 tell I rather thinke you wer ther at trynytie terme, but full well I doo 
 & ever shall remember you wer ther at Ester. Thus putting my only 
 tuste in you I comyt you to ye allmyte who send you as well in 
 thinge as your selfe wolde wishe. In haste at midnyte. 
 
 A. H. 
 To Y^ Right WorshepfuU Master DorrelL rede & bren. 
 
 g[eve] theis. 
 
 Same io Same. 
 Myster Dorrell, 
 
 I by the othe that I have sworne upone the holy 
 Angleste do acknowledge that if Sir Water Hungerfer my husband 
 now liveng do departe oute of thys lyfe^* that I here by the othe 
 that I have swarne, and wytnes of thys my hande that I wyll take 
 you to my husbande. Wytnes therof thys my hand sufliesyth. 
 
 Anna Hungerford. 
 [Endorsed by William Darrell.] 
 
 To his well beloved wife, the lady Hungerford,. at the Castell of 
 Frogges be thys delivered. 
 
 Williafn Hide to William Darrell. 
 
 Yor curtesy used towardes me, good uncle, requireth a greater 
 [recompense] then I am able to make you ; but therunto assuer 
 yo'^selfe [of my] good Will never to be wantinge in any thinge 
 wherin [I maye] plesure you ; neither any thinge I have but to make 
 [accompte] of as of a frendes as you should fynd where [ye have] 
 power accordinge to my hartes desyer towardes you, off whom I dout 
 not the like. As nowe at this [present] tyme. For so yt is that 
 uppon Thursdaye next ye charge [is that I] am to be at Farrington in 
 a redynes with a geldinge. . . . furnished w*^ a demilance, 
 and nowe am destit[ute so] I am to require you to send back agayne 
 
 * Originally written — "if Sir Watre Hungerfer my husband were not levyng.^'
 
 264 ~ Appendix. 
 
 one of my geldinges by my man who can showe unto you my . . . 
 from the justices. At whose handes I am dryven to crave frendship 
 for want of furnyture. Wherewith I commyt you to God who 
 [preserve] you with health to yo^ owne desyr. Wrytten in hast this 
 Satterday at night from Lanston Lasby 1569. 
 
 Yo"^* duryng lyfe, 
 To the right worshipful! Wyllyam Hyde. 
 
 and my lovynge uncle 
 Mr. William Darrell 
 Esquire. 
 
 (?) Henry Saryl to savie. 
 Yr L'* was verye welcome to me, but and, it had pleasid you to have 
 taken the payne to come hyther, ye shuld have been muche more 
 welcome, to me and your frindes. To answer your X'? in all pointes 
 I will forbeare to do at this tyme, the rather because I meane (God 
 willing) shortly to see you at Lyttlecott, and than wether my interest 
 be suche in yo" as by humble sute I may intreate yo" take some 
 poyne to travell into the m''ches of Wales. Sir John Smythe (being 
 long lokid for is nowe aryvid in Courte, with what or wherof I 
 cannot as yeat learne). In Frawnce as also in the lowe countray 
 th' occurences come very slowe, but that they stand in the same 
 teamies they long have don. I pray nowe onse agayne in steade of 
 the man ye wote of, comend me to the ambelyng mare. And 
 lastly to youselfe a thowsand comendacons. From Richemond the 
 laste of July. Yf man hath robbid hym selfe as he saythe of xx^ 
 
 Yr loving cosin 
 [Endorsed] and sure frind. 
 
 To the r* worshipp" (.?) Henry Savyl. 
 
 W? Darrell, Esquire 
 at Lyttlecott 
 
 E. D. to same. 
 My dearist Cossin 
 
 I am no les glad too hear of your healthe 
 then I wishe suche menes of well doing as appertan withe [me] to 
 suche a frend as I have found of you for myn opinyon never stands 
 you in dowght therof ; nor of eny thing tov/ching a mynit of . . . 
 lok in eny mater of yours that I can further, God fayll me when I
 
 Appen dix. 2 6 1^ 
 
 fayll yow loke strangly I make your bysynis urgent to the world. 
 I thank you for your gentyll leter whiche I mak myself debyte to 
 answer you shall have agen hers tomoro. This I rest remayning as 
 for forthe at your commandement as eny servant you have or as any 
 in the world. God send you my dearist Cossin a long and happi 
 lyf, yor hartes desyr shortly to come to pas Ameny tymes. Far you 
 well from adventeris. 
 
 Yours whill I lyve 
 
 Herrik hath veri E. D. 
 
 muche misusid my 
 
 Lady in breking promis. 
 
 [Endorsed] Too the Ryght worshipful 
 her veri good cossin 
 
 'W. Dorell srave this. 
 
 Regtiold Scrivefi to same. 
 
 sr 
 
 I can not tell what to saye, nor am not able in anye sorte to 
 deserve yo^ greate curtesie. I assure you I accompte myselfe rather 
 beholdinge unto you then you anie waies unto me ; and therfore am 
 ashamed you shulde be at suche great charge. Howe be it, since it is 
 yo' pleasure, I must take it in suche thankfuU maner as I must of 
 necessitie confesse that I knowe not howe to make requytall therof, 
 but will kepe it, make accompte of yt for yo!" sake while I lyve, 
 and acknowledge my selfe soe farre further beheldinge to you as I 
 doe rest & remayne your poore Kinsman to commaunde while 1 lyve, 
 as I trust you doe accompte of me & ever shall fynde me. And 
 thus w'^ my verie hartie commendacions, I commyt you to God. 
 This xxiij'^ of June, 1583. 
 
 Yor poore kinsman assured "^ 
 [Endorsed] most faythfuU 
 
 To the right worshipfull, Reg. Screven. 
 
 my verie good cosen, 
 
 Mr. William Dorrell EsqT 
 
 Marmaduke Darell to same. 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 The conveniencye of this messenger w'.'' the newes w'^^ this 
 place dothe presentlye yelde ; occasionethe me to trouble yo" w'? theis
 
 266 Appendix. 
 
 few lynes, I doubte not but ^v'^ yo", as well as in the contrie here- 
 aboutes; there hathe bene of late sondrye straunge rumors bruted 
 concerninge the Sco : Queene prisoner here ; w''.'' all, as they have 
 bene hitherto untrewe; so now yt is most true, that she hathe 
 endured that fatall stroke this daie, that will excuse her from beinge 
 accessarye to any like maters that may happen henceforthe." 
 
 " Betwene x and xj of the clocke this present Thursdaie, she was 
 beheaded in the hall of this castle ; there being present at yt as 
 Comissionrs, onely the Earle of Shewsburye and the Earle of Kente ; 
 fowre other Earles were joyned w'^ them in the Comission, but 
 came not. The sherive of this shere, S' Rich : Knightlye, Sr 
 Edwarde Mountague, w*."* divrs other gentlemen of good accompte, 
 wer also here at the execucon. Touchinge the manner of yt, all due 
 order was most carefully observed in yt ; she her selfe endured yt (as 
 wee must all truely sale that were eye wittnesses) w* great courage, 
 and shewe of magnanimitye, albeit in some other respectes she ended 
 not so well as ys to be wished. The order for her funerall, ys not 
 yet determined uppon ; but wilbe very shortlye ; as also for her 
 people, who (wee thinke) shalbe safelye conducted to their native 
 contries. Thus have yo" brieflie, that w""."" wilbe no doubte very 
 shortlie reported unto you more at large. In the meane tyme I 
 beseche yo" accepte in good Jte this small shewe of my duetifuU 
 remembraunce of yoT And so w'.'' my humble comendacons I leave 
 yo" to the mercifuU ftection of the Almightie. 
 fifrom ffotheringaie castle this 
 
 viij* of ffebruarye 1586." 
 
 *' Yot poore kinsman to comaunde 
 
 Mar: Darell." 
 [Endorsed] 
 
 " To the right woorshipp" Mr Witlm. Darell Esquire at his house 
 at Littlecott,"
 
 THE DARRELL CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 2, Business and Law-Letters. 
 Edmund Peye to William Darrell. 
 
 Sir, — l\Iy rnoste hartye commendacions with lyke thantes. I 
 receyved yo!" letter and so mutche as I can answere I will and the 
 residew I shall God willynge by the nexte. I have putt in a plea 
 by Mr. Fetyplace, counsell for Curre which in the ende wilbe non oye 
 but non ailp, wherein he can ayde hymselfe by no means but by yoli 
 tytle. nore coulde he yf he had pleded his copye as our counsylle 
 sayth for his admyttance was given under my lorde of Rutlandes tytle. 
 Mr. Fetyplace receyved a fee ^ yett doubtes whether he shalbee 
 att the assisses. Yf you would not have yo' tytle come in questyon 
 in Curres matter it weare good some ende weare therein taken. 
 Johan Povey have answered Reyson but I meane not to replye tyll 
 nexte terme. Stoute hathe an order in the Requestes that you must 
 answere upon yo^ alledgeance ; notwithstanding that Mr. Perram and 
 Mr. Penruddock, unknowynge to us, weare there readye and spake 
 verye earnestlye therein for onlye Mr. Sackforde then sat. And to- 
 morrowe the processes go oute agaynst you returnable immediate, 
 but we meane then to cause Mr. Solicitor to move for staye, for 
 meaner menn I perceave will not serve and before that tyme we 
 could not gett 
 
 We have no answere yet for Stoute thoughe we have called for the 
 same xx*?' tymes but tornorrow I think we shall. You had neede to 
 sende one upp to be here Thursdaye or Friday at the furthest "^l to 
 bring some ... for by reason of this blynde matter in the 
 Requestes I shall suerly lack what may be done theren. And by 
 that tyme your byll in the Dutchye shalbe in. And I will by hym 
 sende you woorde of all thynges in certayne, God wyllynge, ^ howe 
 yof moneye is bestowed. I woulde have yoT man here as I have 
 written because I wolde dispatche hym this weke or the begynyng 
 
 267
 
 268 Appendix. 
 
 of the nexte I must go downe my selfe. No answere is yett had in 
 my 1. of Northumberlandes matter but by the nexte you shall under- 
 stand all. And towchyng yof ... we will doo all we maye. I 
 doubte how anye of us can possible be att yoT assisses for my brothers 
 case is to be tryed in Kent and one of myne owne. Wherfore yf 
 it be possible, I wolde you could dispens w' us for this tyme. The 
 Courte is yet at Greenwich and as yett I have not learned when yo' 
 assisses be. The matter you wrote of is passed w*)' Mr. Tremoyn 
 whereof Gregory can tell you. And thus in haste I commytt you to 
 God, who alwayes preserve you and yours. 
 
 Greys Inne 
 
 This firste of Julye, 
 
 Yor loving cosyn redye at 
 Yof commandmente 
 
 Edmund Peye. 
 
 [Postscript] My brother woulde have wrytte to you nowe but he 
 meanes to stay tyll the next tyme because he will wryte touchyng the 
 bayle. You maye see howe I spende oute yor moneye and yet yo'. 
 matters worke lyke iron. But God sende me more favourable aspectes. 
 I look by Godes grace that my wyfe shalbe brought a bedd w'^ in 
 ij weekes. I pray you wryte to me whether yo' busynesse be sutche 
 that I maye not be bolde to trouble you. Yf it be, I woulde be lothe 
 for so tryfflyng a matter, yf not I wolde w'^ all in haste. 
 
 E. P. 
 To the right worshypful 
 
 Mr. Darell at Littlecote 
 
 Esquyer his loving cosyn 
 
 w'? spede. 
 
 Anthony Skritt to same. 
 Mr. Darrill, After mayte hartie commendations unto you ; under- 
 standyng by your letter that ye thynke I doe you gret wrong in 
 felyng of my coppises, whereat I marvel much bycaus it is not 
 grantyd upon the leas that you hould by, nor never demanded befor 
 by anie of the farmares which I thinck woUd ye mad som chaleng for 
 it yf this had byn nevar so small a caus. Wharfor I trust you will 
 not offer me wrong in makyng chaleng therunto ; notwithstandyng yf 
 my wod wold dou you plesur or ane fiend of yours, I wold be glad 
 to plesur you afor ane other. And wher as you crave to have the 
 mattar stayed tyll our metyng I could be vere glad butt I shall lack
 
 Appendix, 269 
 
 monne for I am bying of a leas of a farme that I dou now dwel 
 in ; wher for thes ar to desyar you not to hyndar me of that is myne. 
 In the which you shall find find me rede to plesur you in ane thyng 
 I maye. Thes I leve at thys tym commetyng you to the AUmight 
 who kyp you and me for evar. 
 
 Your loving frynd to command 
 [Endorsed] Anthony Skritt. 
 
 To the worshipful! 
 Mr Witim Darell 
 at Littlecott geve thes. 
 
 Sir Joh?i Fopham to same. 
 After my heartie commendacions unto you. Wheras the matter 
 between e Mr. Stukeley "^ you is by the consent of you bothe referred 
 to Order, I pray you to forbeare to cutt downe any more woode or 
 trees in Axford during suche tyme as the matter dependeth in com- 
 prymys. I was moved herein by Mr. Stewkeley after your departure 
 from me and as the case standeth, I thinke hit verie resonable you 
 yeld unto yt. I mene if God please to be at Salisburie the wekes 
 daie at night before Easterdaie ; where for divers respectes I would 
 gladlie speake w'.*" you. And thus I bidd you farewell. From 
 Cloford, this iij*^* daie of Marche 1582. 
 
 Yor assured good frend 
 
 Jo. POPHAM, 
 
 To the woT 
 
 My very lovyng frend 
 
 M"; Wylliam Darrell Esqyer 
 
 Geve these at Lytlecott. 
 
 SirJoJui Danvers to same. 
 I founde Mr. Attorney after his departure from Sarum at Wylton ; 
 where yt pleasid my L. of Pembroke to have some communicacion 
 towchinge you, chardging you with very unthanckfull dealing towardes 
 him. His L. was answerid by us boathe in the best manner we 
 coulde, for your creadytte ; upon the which Mr. Attorney common- 
 ing with me privatlie, willed me to advise you from him (as your 
 frynde) to remaine of a former good mynde towardes my L : and so 
 not to deale with any other touching Axford untill he may agein 
 speake with you. And so would I wysshe you for divers cawses which 
 you shall knowe at my nexte speaking w'^ you. And for my bargaine 
 from Whytewaye, I see the lykelyhed so ill for me to make a savinge
 
 270 Appendix. 
 
 bargaine, as I will not treble you any further in ytt. And so with 
 my verie hartie commendacions, I bidd you farewell. From Daunte- 
 sey the v*.'' of Marche 1582. 
 
 Yo' loving frend ^ kynnesman, 
 
 Jo: Danvers. 
 To the worshipfuU his lovinge 
 kynnesmann Mr. William Darrell 
 Esquier — Deliver theis. 
 
 William Darrell to Sir John Popham. 
 I receved yo' letters dated at Cloforde the iij'^ of Marche by the 
 handes of a Shepherde cominge from the downes by some distaunce 
 from me the vj'!* day after, but how they came to him nether of 
 himself nor otherwise unto this daye could I well learn, but that 
 of a man unknown they wer receved. Yo^ letters in matter rested 
 on too poyntes. The one that sithence the cause betwyne Study 
 and me is reffered to speach yo" do pray me to forbeare cuttinge 
 downe woudes & trees in Axforde, and was moued therin by Stucley, 
 and do thinck it very resonable I should yelde unto it. Wherat 
 I have and do marvell me much, and am in the same sorely per- 
 plexed, sithence I was not easily drawen to have speach in it, no 
 not althoughe I love yo". and doo reste upon yo" before any other. 
 For I was not then ignoraunt who would stirr, and what would be 
 enterponed. And therefore I receved yoT promise not only in this 
 matter, but also in a thing of a seconde degree 3 the which I knowe 
 is well w'^ yo" in good remembraunce, nether was I contented to 
 have it talked of, in that of my libertie I would be abridged nor 
 through forbearinge to have my cause slaundered or by such a 
 surceasinge to give occation of doubtful speach to common people 
 wherby oppinion of the same may be lost. The which is the only 
 thing that in few yeares sute as it I have gayned. Mr. Atturney 
 yo" could not thinck this convenyent. But talkinge of late w*^ 
 Sr John Danvers, o' my God ; he telling me somewhat, I knew 
 therby much, wherof I will expresse nothinge in letters. But what 
 be men, and what minds be in them in thes dayes. Wher is be- 
 come the integrete, clearnes of consciens and vertu that somtyme 
 have bin. I have learned one rule in books from the auncyent 
 fathers, and have found it in experience among'st men ; that that 
 day that a man would have another's landes or his goodes, that day 
 he would have his life also if he could. I pray yo" pray for me, for
 
 Appendix. 271 
 
 I am at this present in sory case. The rest of yoT letters was that 
 I should meat yo" the Wensday at night before Easter at Sarum : the 
 w''!* I woulde willingly doo but the yll affection of my health at this 
 present doth inforce me to pray yo". to hold me excused. And at 
 London shortely or when yo" will yo" shall have [me] to attende 
 yo", and, with reason, to leade me 1 cary whether yo" will I 
 found by Sir John Danvers that I was beholding to you also of 
 late. Amyddest the wilfuUnes of other men's speaches I have bynn 
 alwayes beholding to yo". I am indebted to yo", and as I do 
 acknowledge it so am ready to satisffie for it. And as I have 
 receaved the one, so am ready to acquitt my selfe in the other. 
 And so w'^ my harty comendations I bidd yo". fare-well. At my 
 pour hous at lytellcot the 27'^ of marche 1583. 
 
 Yo^ loving and assured frind 
 
 W. Darelu 
 
 To the right worshipful 
 
 my loving frind M^ Popham, 
 
 Atturney General geve thes. 
 
 Sir John Popha7n to Willta?n Darrell. 
 
 Mr. Darrell, wheras you wryte to me that (as I talc hyt) you 
 marveled I shold be off opinion hyt were convenyent you shold for- 
 beare the fellyng of woodes dependyng the comprymyse ; trewly I 
 was and am of that opynyon and so wold you be also yf the case 
 were tried that the possessyon were off the othersyd. And the 
 rather I am so induced, for that yf hys counsell hadd well loked 
 unto hyt, I thynke they myght have restreyned you therof by the 
 lawe. And wheras I gather by yo' letter yo" wryte that you dydd 
 not thus conceave of me, when you comytted hit unto me. I assure 
 you that neyther yoT selfF nor any man else shall justly charg me 
 w*^ any abuse off any thyng comytted to me. And yet in thys and 
 in all other [I] may and wyll move that w".'' shalbe [hereto] con- 
 venyent and resonable. And touchyng yoT beyng here, hyt was 
 but to have conferred w'^ you in a poynt that concernyd the whole 
 success of yo' cause to have been armed for hyt w'^.'' beyng sent by 
 me (I protest before God) for yo' most good, I cannot gather by the 
 doubtfulnes of yo!; letter what plesyr you had conceaved off hyt. 
 I never yet deserted any and I wyl not now begyn w'^ you. I 
 thinke you have hadd better profT [of] me. And so w'^ my herty
 
 272 Appe7idix. 
 
 comendacyons do comytt you to God. At Sarum, the xxviij'^ of 
 marche 1583. 
 
 Y? loving frend 
 
 Jo. POPHAM. 
 
 To the w°/ Mr. Wyll? Darrell Esq'? 
 geve these. 
 
 Thomas Sdatfer to same. 
 
 Right worshipful), my bounden dewtie most humbly remembred. 
 I have disposed of the money you sent accordinge to your letters. 
 Mf Maunsell and RH Legatt send you harty thankes for their 
 bacon, and Mistris Maunsell for her Angell, \v''^ shee was very lothe 
 to have receyued, but would rather have delivered yt back againe, 
 as not willinge to charge you so fur in any thinge. Mr. Legatt is 
 a sorowfuU man for that his wyfe is extreme sick. Mr. Bridges 
 sendes you harty commendacions, and Mr. Churchyard likewyse, 
 who came hither yesterday from my Lordes. Touchinge the matter 
 w'!' Barnard there hath not hitherto nor yet can be any thinge done 
 therein. The man is not yet come home nor by any meanes to be 
 found or heard of althoughe the matter hath byn handled by diverse 
 of his very frindes and suche as deale for hym. The cc4 was 
 brought to Mr. Attorneys hovvse the same day you dented in 
 thafternone But he would not take the charge or kepinge thereof. 
 So Mr. Bridges was fayne tb bringe yt back where yt was before 
 and where yt nowe remayneth. Yt is certeyne that Mr. Attorney 
 hath sithence talked w'^ my lord Anderson in the matter, who is 
 ready to do any thinge he lawfully may therein. Mr. Reynoldes 
 thinketh there wilbe a write of Error had and thereupon a super- 
 sedeas de non molestando, the cc^i beigne lefte in safe kepinge 
 where my Lord shall appoint whereupon there is an Attorney 
 reteyned to procead tor gettinge out of the same writes w^.'' I think 
 had byn done before this tyme but that Mr. Bridges wanted money. 
 And whether he hath yet sufficient to go throughe w* yt I stand 
 doubtful!, the charge thereof amountinge to about xll Mr. Spen- 
 cer's man was here on Fryday last sayinge that his Mr had sent 
 hym to be a meane to Barnard for thendmge of Mr. Bridges matter. 
 And goinge to the howse and not fyndinge Barnard at home rode 
 back to his ]\lr and appointed to be here againe as yesterday, at w"".** 
 tyme Preston tolde hym he thought Barnard would be at home. 
 But neither thone nor thother is yet returned that wee heare of.
 
 Appendix. 273 
 
 Yt is verely thought that the matter resteth as yt doth for that Mr. 
 Spencer hath not compounded for his parte Mr. Bridges willeth 
 to stay ^v'^ hym yet twoo or three dayes, to see what wilbe yet 
 done either in compoundinge for the matter or suinge fourthe these 
 writtes for stay of thexecucion At w^.** tyme he sayeth he will come 
 downe hymselfe. I have delyvered to Mr. Scryven the writinge 
 you lefte for hym and have receyved a bond touchinge the same. 
 And have likewyse receyved of hym twoo subpenas against Reves. 
 Mr. Harris telleth me that he had dealt in a matter w'^ my lord of 
 Shrewsbury and appointed to be w'? you about the same on the 
 morrovve after yoT departure. Of certayne newes I heare none ; but 
 yt is sayed that my L. of Buckhurst goeth over the seas, whether 
 into the Lowe countres or as embassador into Fraunce yt is uncertayn. 
 Yt is also reported that Mr. Gary my L. Hunsdon's sonne beinge 
 sent embassador into Scotland, can have no audience nor safe con- 
 ducte there. Some say that S' Fraunces Drake goeth to the seas 
 w'^ an army of thirty thousand ; and that there goeth into the northe 
 partes the like army, the like into Ireland and the like into the 
 lowe countries w''.'* will amount in the whole to sixescore thousand 
 men. Others also affirme that my L. of Leicester shortly returneth 
 into the Lowe countries. I have also heard that there wer sixe or 
 seven of the lower house of Parliament about sevennight sithence 
 committed to the tower. The Parliament yt is thought will end 
 about fryday next. I shall receyve letters from Mr. Scryven at my 
 comminge downe, I will not fayle to be at home on Saterday or 
 Sunday at the farthest or soner yf conveniently I may. And will 
 in the meane tyme do the uttermost I may in Barnardes matter 
 (God willinge). I have also receyved of Mr. Scryven the lease of 
 Balsdon graunted to hym w'^.'' I will bringe downe w* me, and th 
 other thinges I receyved from Mr. Maunsell and Mr. Legatt, Thus 
 humbly I take my leave. London, this xiiij'^ of Marche 15S6. 
 
 Y"."" wo^ most bounden 
 
 and faithfull servant 
 
 Thom.^^s Sclatter. 
 [Endorsed] To the. right worshipfull 
 
 his assured good J\P ]\ir 
 
 William Darell Esquier 
 
 at his house 
 
 Littlecott
 
 2 74 Appendix. 
 
 Antho7iy Hinton to same. 
 Worshipful! 
 
 Understanding you have displeasure against me as y* hath 
 well appered in sundrye attemptes you have of late made to have 
 displesured me, grounding yoT quarell upon certen wordes ^v''^ Mf 
 Cawlye as you sayd spake unto you reportyng me to be the occa- 
 sion you weare indited at Marleborrough at Michaelmas well twelve 
 moneth w''.'' he doth utterly denye that ever he spake those or the 
 like wordes unto you S; offer himselfe to be sworne that he ys greatly 
 abused ^ wronged by you in that as ys may appere unto you by his 
 note made therof w".** I have sent you whereto he hath putte his 
 hande ; but whether he abused or no I am suer I am abused in -f. '\ 
 as gyltlesse of y' as the furthest man in the wordle ys gyltlesse of yt 
 ^ knew no more that you shold be indited ther then I knew or 
 thought myselfe to be indited there. I litle loked for suche harde 
 deahnges at y'' handes as of late hath ben offered ; yf ever I dyd, 
 you any plesure in lonyng you mony or borowing for you when I 
 lied yt not myselfe "^ payd yt agayne when you have broken day of 
 myne owne purse to kepe my credit (w^.** I love as my lyfe) I am 
 very evell requited \ yf I have traveled in any cause of yo''.^ '\ done 
 yt honestly '\ faythfully I am evell repayd w'^ those yoT hard offers of 
 dealing towardes me in wl** yt may plese you to procede at yoT liking. 
 I am gyltlesse of these accusacions. 
 
 YoT poore neghbour 
 [Endorsed] Anthony Hinton 
 
 To the right worshipful 
 M' William Darell at Litelcote 
 geve these 
 
 [Receyved this letter the xvj*^ of January 1588] 
 
 [Inclosure] 
 
 Whereas W. William Darell reporteth that I Michaell Cawley 
 have sayed unto him that my Cosen Anthony Hinton was the onlye 
 occasion of the bill of inditement preferred againste him at the 
 Sessions at Marleboroughe, holden there in October laste was twelve 
 moneth, I utterlie denye that I ever spake those or the like wordes 
 unto him or that he was any doer against him in the matter at the 
 same sessions— And I do protest that I am unjustlie accused there- 
 of w'.'' I wel be redie to averre at all tymes And do thincke my sell 
 greatlie wronged therein — 
 
 ?kIiCHAELL Cawley.
 
 Appendix. ii^ 
 
 William Darrell to A7ithony Ilijiton. 
 
 YdT letters make mencion that you understand I beare you dis- 
 pleasure, and thatyt hath appeared by sundry attemptes of myne of 
 late, groundinge my quarell upon wordes of Cawley who doth utterly 
 deny yt. Verily I have heard by a longe tyme you have not byn well, 
 but so farr to be distempered, as by y°.'' letter appeareth I knewe not. 
 That you were the author of all ill attempts and seciett workinges of 
 all which I knewe nothinge before the receipt of those letteres. Yf 
 you had expressed those attempts, the matter would appear the 
 playner — for sure I am you have uttered as foolishe as that — That 
 you had byn run into any suche distemperature and unseasonable- 
 ness I would not have thought yt, had not your owne letters ex- 
 pressed yt. That maketh me also to knowe that Cawley's advertise- 
 mentes were not altogether wi'l'out matter & truthe; that shewed me 
 that you were one that envied me, and other [ever] watchinge to do 
 harme when occasion should rise. That you were the setter on of 
 the tenants of Chilton in all their pretended villanies. This can 
 foure persons witnes, honester men then he. But in the latter 
 parte of yof letters — very excellent in yt selfe — you say — very 
 magnifically — that you did little looke for suche hard dealinge at my 
 handes. I pray where dwell you or what parents came you from, or 
 howe comyth yt about that there is nothinge but hard dealinge in 
 yor mouthe. Yf you have lent me money at any tyme — as yof letters 
 mention, which hath not byn past twise, once xx'.' and another 
 x'J another tyme I rember you would ; and in faith I never sent to 
 you for yt nor neded yt not, which lone of yours was allvvayes upon 
 good pawne of plate, and not above three monethes or sixe. But 
 nowe you have upbrayded me w! yt I trust you have your peni- 
 worthes and are satisfied. Yf not send me somuche plate, and I will 
 lend you somuche money as ever you lent me and twise, as longe : 
 and then are you double aunswered upon that point. In that you say 
 I brake day w*? you, I cannot forbeare you, for playnly ^ truly you 
 do lye in yt, and lyinge in a miser is a miserable thinge. But yt is 
 allways proper to base condicions. And further in your letters you 
 say that yf you have honestly '\ faithfully travelled in my causes, 
 you are ill repayed w'^ hard dealynge. What cause of myne that 
 you should be so traveled in, and so mightie in remembraunce 
 w* you, I cannot gesse. But sure I am that I have in many thinges 
 borne w'."" you, and suffred harmes "^ losses by you, and used you 
 allwayes better then belonged to your condicion. But I will mend
 
 276 Appendix. 
 
 j't and procead in truth as I think good ; gevinge you withall to 
 understand that I am not he tliat is in error or hathe not what to 
 ollowe. 
 And this for aunswere to your letters written for some devise. 
 
 He that for all yof secreat envy and 
 private malice must lyve by you. 
 [Draft] W. D. 
 
 Same to the Justices of the Division. 
 Right Worshipful! after my hartie commendacions, thes may be to 
 advertise yo", that the xiiijth daie of September last (being Sondaie) 
 ther came to my house a man of the retynew of Mr VVroughton 
 (they call him Powell), who desiring to speake w'. me, gave great 
 causes of quarrell, And (shewing in himself a malicious hart towardes 
 me) although his mydemeaner was not tollerable, yet was he suffered 
 quietlie to depart. Over & beside the forsaid Mr Wroughton hath 
 gotten together other of the like faction, and he and his complices 
 hath done actes of great force, to the great dysquieting of the 
 Queues mat" peace, & to the lewde & fvers example of other in 
 chasing now thes, now thos, not suffring men peceablie to passe on 
 the Quenes highe waie, NO, not to be in their houses w'out assaulting 
 and hurting. Yf thes Cattelyn parttes (right worshipful & indifferent 
 frindes) be suffered, so put up, and go unpunysshed \ to what end 
 they will come, neither cann I gesse, nor yo" very well tell. Ye may 
 thinke that either Envy or tymerousnes, causeth me to writ, but 
 therin may ye err for not Envy, ne tymerousnes, but sorow to have 
 other so handled, & quietnes for myne owne parte, being doubtful 
 of thende hath caused me to writ, f haps ye will sey I may have the 
 peace, if any thing I doubt surelie that may not I safelie do, no, nor 
 will not ; but if yoT aucthoritie «Sc willing peceable myndes will no 
 farther stretch towardes the reprehending of this mannes unshame- 
 fast demeaner, one onlie thing have I for myself, that I have written 
 to yo", let thend be such as fortune then hath willed I protest to 
 yo". here by my hes that neither I, nor any of myne will or meane, 
 to have any thing to do w' the said Mr. Wroughton, or any his com- 
 plices. Ye[t] if swelling pride, envy, or dysdayne sholde cause them 
 to follow their accustomed demeaner, so that we must of force be 
 dryven to defend oT selves; we wold be also hartelie sory therefore 
 too. And herof I shall desire you all be witnes, what tumults, what 
 byckeringes this man w' the other fensors of his sect hath of late
 
 Appeiidix. 277 
 
 stired & caused, & dailie goeth about to stire. I nede not to writ, 
 for ye cannot be of this countie & straungers in thes causes. 
 Should I writ the cause why this man w' the rest of his evill disposed 
 fellowes hang on Mr. Wroughton. No, I may not ! They are of yo! 
 famelie (M^ Barwick) & you know not thes thinges ! Yt may be 
 you know them & cannot redres them ; & perhaps they bring sorrow 
 to your hart therfore. I certainlie know yof meaning to be good by 
 olde proofe therof. I onhe wish thes people to be reformed. And 
 he that saw Powelles behavior to me, I have sent him w! my letteres 
 to make report therof, and if n-^de be to be sworen theron. And 
 this fare ye well. From Lyttlecot, the second of October [158S]. 
 
 your lovinge frind 
 
 W, Darrell, 
 
 To the right worshipfull & his loving frindes John Seynt John, 
 John Ernly, John Barwick, & Richard Kyngesmyll Esquiers, 
 geve thes. 
 
 Same to Regnold Scrivai. 
 
 Cosin Scriven. My helth not so well serving me as it hath downe, 
 wherby I cannot visyte frindes nor foUowe my bussynes as heareto- 
 fore, I am dryven oftner to letters to acquitte me in the one and to 
 expresse and serve me in th'other then willingly I would. My cosin 
 this the lyffe we have in this worldell is shorte and to the happyest 
 somwhat of troublus. But to the afflycted what it is of infelycitiCj 
 none but th'afflycted only can therin justly speake. To ease the lifFe 
 of man hear, though nothinge cann mak it justly pleasant, I finde 
 that fiyndes do wourk much therin ; and frinds or gotten, bound, 
 and kepte by bloudd or desert, deserte I tak not too for the least. 
 Myselfe a man much of infortunyte though to many that as right goos 
 neare in bloudd ; and to som have also not deserved amisse ; and 
 could not have lyved too but to som have byne right good. Yeat 
 have I not receaved that in clearnes at any tyme of any one that 
 myght justly bynde me. But whether destinye, chaunce that is that 
 they call fortune, or my debylytie, neglygences, or yll deservinge 
 lieth cause ; unto this day as a man troubled and therby of noo good 
 judgement, I would not deserve. I will thefore at this tyme call 
 to memory the good things I have receved and not requitted, 
 and after I will offer my selfe as one that contynely had ever 
 a mynde to requitt all thinges to mak satisfaction for the same.
 
 278 Appendix. 
 
 and so farr therin to fceade that it may serve to nearafter for in- 
 different frindshipp in thinges well compounded, and for reasonable 
 favour in reasonable causes that maye be. My Lord whom yoV under- 
 stand I love, and have doun before all others nor any was more 
 glader not the nearest in bloudd to him of his advauncement then I 
 was ; when he was solyciter he certeynly was, and I may yet seye it, 
 my good frind and I stoude a barren lover only for it. I receaved 
 many benifits of him. I hadd many tyme counsel and paid nothing 
 I hadd secreatly advice of him w'^?' was ... I hadd many 
 favours as his letters 1: requestes tendinge to myprofytt &that I 
 myght not even heare sey too that he hadd binn my good Lord. 
 . . . But for that I may not be ungrateful for things passed 
 And to have him my good and Indyfferent Lorde if it may be, 
 I pray yo" move, and as yo" may, lett fall in substaunce this. I 
 have a maner standinge in good sorte w*^ one of the Realme of 
 ;j^3oo by the yeare in every condition wel to be liked. This will I 
 convey to my Lorde And mr. Harry Bromley that hath maryed my 
 kinswoman & to his eyers in such sorte as I now have it of that 
 valewe if I dy w*^out heyer male of my body begotten. And that 
 this I will do I do not sett it downe only in letter but I will also 
 enter into covenant or be bound in statute of V^i" for the doinge of 
 it, w'^ this conditen added to it more ; that if I fortune to have eyer 
 of my body Then shall my Lord have on M merkes payd him or his 
 w*Hn thre yeares after or ells shall he or his have so muche payde 
 after my death w'Mn one year as from a frind ; this in choyse. To 
 this what is said and how it is taken I would gladly knowe, my 
 health not being good I myght know him for my frind to my Com- 
 fort, And as you ar my Cosyn so do I take a portion in you and do 
 mak bold if you fynd it, that in me and myne shall alwayes be a 
 parte for you. 
 
 With my commendations I do also pray you that as you may, I 
 may hear from you. At my lodginge, the xvij* of June 1583. 
 
 Yo"" loving cosin 
 & frind. 
 
 W. Darell. 
 
 To my lovinge cosin & assured 
 
 frind Mr. Reynold Scriven 
 
 geve thes.
 
 Appendix. 279 
 
 Jo. Amyas to William Darrell. 
 Sr I have largelie disco'sed w".' Mr Secretary of the matters that 
 have passed betweene yo" and me : he is willinge and desirous to 
 conferr \v'? yo" therin w'^ what speade yo" may, and after suche con- 
 ferrence will direct of a co'se to be holden therin and put in execution 
 betweene this and Michelmas for some good proportion of these 
 parties. His honof nowe beinge at Barne Elmes, in some phisicke or 
 other observacons for his healthe, contynueth there till thursdaie be 
 past Yf yo" can (w'^ any convenience) be heare on Thursdaie or 
 before, I shall staie so longe, and on Fryday morninge I will goe w*? 
 yo" to Barne Elmes, wheare a determynacon shalbe sett downe. If 
 this yo" cannot f forme, then at yof best oportunytie w'!" what speade 
 ye may, yo" shall doe well to {?forme this jo''ney, and thoughe I be 
 absent, yet (if any co''se be agreed upon wherin my service shalbe 
 holden neadefuU) I will upon a fortnightes warninge repaire into any 
 those parties to doe ought that by comission, or private vewe and 
 inquisition shalbe thought requisyte (in this I will expect yor answ^ 
 by Thursdaye night, and for the good acceptacon of that yo" shall 
 doe herin yo" shall neither doubt of his honorable favoT and coun- 
 tenace neither of thankfull gratifitication to y".' full contentm' Even so 
 w* hartie salutacons and thankes &c I recomende yo" to the grace 
 of God. ffrom Mydle Temple the xvij"" of Julye. 
 
 Y"."" assured frend to use 
 
 Jo: Amyas. 
 [Endorsed] To the right wo''ship'.' 
 
 Mr Willm Dorrell 
 Esquire w* speade.. 
 
 Sir Francis Wahingham to same. 
 S' I comend me verie heartely unto yo", and calling to mynd yo' 
 gentlman like offer made to me of late to serve her ma'f in case of 
 necessitie w'^ 20"? men furnished, besides those otherwise charged 
 uppon yo". in the shire I have at this fsent thought meete to wishe 
 yo" yor self to com upp hither to me, and I will mak her mat'5 
 aqainted w'^ that yo^ comendable and voluntarie offer, wherby yo" 
 shall boath have accesse, & receave suche thankes as af teyneth at 
 her mat" hand. Yo" shall not neede to stay at yoF coming at all. In 
 the mean tyme I have sent yo" suche newes of the Spanishe fleete as 
 is newly com to the Court. And even soe wishing yo" to be in readines
 
 2 So Appendix, 
 
 w* that 3'oV are hahle to doe. I bidd yo" heartely farewell. Fro the 
 Court this 23"^ July 15SS. 
 
 Yor assured loving frend 
 [Endorsed] Fra : Walsyngham. 
 
 To mv verie loving frend 
 Willm Darrell Esq^ 
 
 Same to same. 
 
 After my hartie edmendations. I have receaved yoT Ire of the 
 xxvj* of this fat for whiche I doe thancke you, '\ for answeare you 
 may understand that trewe it is that Mr. Knevitt was sent to his 
 brother Sir Henrie with such Ires from som of my lis here (the rest 
 beying then absent) as the copie of Sr Henries Ire to the Justices of 
 yoT Shire (w'^'' you sent mee) dothe import. And the trust reposed 
 in Sr Henrie Knevitt by their Its sayd Ires groweth partly of some 
 special] recoiriendation of his to hir Mat'.^ by the Erie of Pembrooke 
 of late for his sufficiencie ^ forwardnesse in the marshall services 
 of yor countie. My advise therfore unto you is, that for the 3000 
 footemen required oute of yof whole shyre you have in a readinesse 
 at the place and tyme appoynted by Sf Henrie Knevits Ires to the 
 justices, so manie as shall appertayne to yof circuite as a justice of 
 that countie. 
 
 And towching suche horsse w'? men "^ their furniture as you are 
 able to sett forthe, I doe wishe you made them fatly readie and that 
 you send them hither yf possibly you can by Thursday next to attend 
 here neere the court on hir Mat!^.^ f son what tyme I will not fayle to 
 lett hir Mati^ understand both what nomber of horsemen '\ howe 
 well furnished you have sent to wayte on hir. 
 
 As for myself yf you only send mee one serviceable horsse, I shall 
 accept the same in good part at yo^ hands. And thus I comitt you 
 to God. ffrom the Court the xxvj"* of Julye 1588. 
 
 Yor assured loving frend 
 
 Fra : Walsyngham. 
 [Endorsed] 
 
 To the right worshipful! 
 
 my loving frend 
 
 Mr Wiim Darell Esq*
 
 Appendix. 281 
 
 W. Wtlm Dorcll Esquire 
 
 After my hartie comendations. I doe hartely thanck you for the 
 care "T; goodwill you have to helpe furnishe my Cornett. I have 
 written to such effect as you may see to the Deputie Lieutenants of 
 yoT shire to bee content only w"' twoe horsemen furnished by you 
 that the rest may with yor selfe mak yof repaire presently unto me 
 who mynd to receave you into my j?tection ^ service. And so 
 comitt you to God. From the Court the xxix"' of July 1588. 
 
 Yor loving frend, 
 [Endorsed] Fra : Walsingham. 
 
 To my loving frend 
 
 Mr Wiitm Darell EsqT 
 
 \_Inclosui'e^ 
 After my hartie coinendations. Beeyng as this Jnt tyme requireth 
 verie desyrouse to erect a cornett of horsses to attend uppon hir 
 Mat!^ at and neere the Court '\ beeyng upon this sodayne occasion 
 not so well furnished of men ^ horsse for this purpose as I wyshe, 
 amongst other gentlemen '^l persons to furnishe my cornett I have 
 made choyce of Mr Wiltm Darrell of yo!" countie to serve mee per- 
 sonally w'** as manie horsses as he conveniently maye, wherof I thought 
 good not only to gyve you notice, but also verie earnestly in this 
 respect to pray you besydes such footemen as he is appoynted to 
 furnish in that shyre you would accept "T; tak only twoe horsse w"" 
 their men furnished because my selfe have "T; shall use bothe him 
 '\ the rest of his horsses for my sayd cornett. Herein I trust you 
 will make no difficultie consideryng that whatsoever he furnishe in 
 horsse or man there in the contrie or here above w* ^ under mee 
 is for hir mat'i^.^ service, 1 that he doth under mee so much the more 
 necessarie because it serveth for the defence of hir ma'l^.^ fson more 
 neerly. And thus I coinend you hartely to God. From the Court 
 
 the xxix"* of July 15 88. 
 
 Yor loving frend 
 Fr. W. 
 
 The Deputie 
 
 Lieutenants of Wiltshire 
 
 Same to same. 
 ST Since dinner I receaved yoT tre written yesterday for w''.'' and 
 for the horsses you have prepared to serve hir ma".* in my band I doe 
 thincke my selfe more behoulding to you than I will expresse, and
 
 282 Appendix, 
 
 assure yoT selfe as occasion may bee offred mee I will not only lett hir 
 Ma''.^ for yo' good and comfort understand the readinesse and furni- 
 ture you weare nowe in for hir service : but also at all tyraes to the 
 best of my power in anie yor cawses studie howe to requitt this good- 
 will of yo"? towards mee so effectually nowe declared. 
 
 Towching yof desyre to knowe where '\ howe yo^ horsses shall bee 
 disposed, you may understand that since I receaved yof ire order 
 is given to the counties abroade from my lis here for the staye of the 
 forces nowe comyng owt of the same hitherwards, becawse (God bee 
 thancked) the successe of hir Ma*? service at the sea is suche that 
 wee are in good hope to stand in no need of land service. Howbeit 
 the stay of theise forces is such that they may bee in readinesse 
 uppon anie sodayne or short warnyng againe to bee given them. 
 And therfore I pray you not to fceed further hitherwards but to 
 returne home w"* yof horses and there so to dispose of them w'^ best 
 charges to yo^ selfe, as yf wee have anie newe alarme given us here, 
 I may uppon newe warnyng given you have them readie. And thus 
 I comend you hartely to God. From the Court the thyrd of August 
 1588. 
 
 Yor assured loving frend, 
 Mr Wiltm Darell. Fra. Walsyngham. 
 
 [Endorsed] To my verie loving 
 frend Mf Wittm 
 Darell Esq^.^ 
 
 Same to same. 
 
 Sr, I have by this bearer yor servant receaved yo' present of 
 partridg and other ffowle, and by my servant Fraunces Mylles tres 
 from you understand yo^ goodwill in wishing Greenes Norton unto 
 mee : for w'''' I yeald you thanckes, but see no greet hope of so good 
 a matter to fall uppon mee. In yor particular affaires I hope as 
 occasion shalbe offred you will not spare mee, wherein I shall allwayes 
 be glad to doe you the best pleasure I can. And so comitt you to 
 God. From the Savoy the xj"' of Sept 1588. 
 
 Yof assured loving frend, 
 [Endorsed] Fra : Walsingham. 
 
 To my verie loving frend 
 Mr Willm Darell Esqr
 
 Appe7tdix. 283 
 
 Same to safne. 
 Sr I thanke you for your kynd and lyberall offer. I woold fyrst be 
 glad to deserve, befor the yelding to accept any thing from you. 
 I do assure you the pyttye I have of your oppressyons movethe me 
 to doe for you what I may and not any regard of benefit as you shall 
 herafter more at large understand by my servant Stubbs. And so in 
 the mean tyme I comyt you to the protectyon of the Almyghtye. 
 At Barnes the x"" of Maye 1589. 
 
 Yr assured frend, 
 
 Fra : Walsingham, 
 
 I can not but advyce you to staye all proceadinges ageyst Sir 
 Tho : Wrowghton's men for that I am in hope to end all contrevarsyis 
 between you. I wyll use your letter w' all secreacye. 
 
 [Endorsed] To my verie loving frend 
 Mr William Darrell. 
 
 »Sr H. Knevette letter {copy). 
 
 So yt is that upon Tuesday night last very late her Ma".^ and my 
 lords of ye privie Councell sent my brother Thomas Knevett unto 
 me at my house in St James ^ke in Westm. straytly comaundinge me 
 w"* all possible speed to hast me into the cuntry w'^ all possible speed 
 where I should meet w'^ Ires from them w'^^ should throughly directe 
 me in their will and pleasure. And because I understood from them 
 by worde of mouthe that yt was principally to bringe upp twoo 
 thowsand footemen armed out of or shire w*^ all hast that might be 
 to attend her ma" fson I thought yt good to lett you understand 
 thereof in any wayes, In her ma'? name hearnestly requiringe you 
 to see forthw'^ all souldiers w'^in yor division in p''sent readines to 
 attend their captaynes thorowly furnisshed in manner followinge 
 at Marlebroughe upon Sunday at afternone at the furthest yf they 
 here no word to the contrary by the said captaynes, for that I think 
 the fittest place of meetinge Itm. that they may be clenely armed 
 w* their weapons fully furnisshed Itm. that there be levyed for the 
 conducte of ev''y souldier vi^ viij*^ the same to be brought to Ma''le- 
 broughe aforesaid by the constables of the hundred of ev''y division 
 at the tyme assigned. For cote money I can say little to yt Itm. that 
 there be f vided for evry calyver shott iij poundes of powder at the
 
 284 Appe7idix. 
 
 least or so niuche money as will byy the same after xiij'' the pound 
 w'^? I like better because they shall not spoile yt by the way. And 
 three score buUettes at the least. And for ev'y muskett iiij" of 
 powder or money for the same and fiftie bullettes. And for the more 
 expedicon of this s''vice I pray you fayle not to send this ire fourth 
 w* you kepinge the double thereof to Mr Brunker, Sr James Marvyn, 
 and Mf Penruddock, and the rest of the Justices of that parte of the 
 shire, whereby I do in like manner require them to see the contentes 
 of the same furnished on their behalfes. The tenor thereof I hope 
 they will accept, my hast considered. The rest of the Justices from 
 Sr Edw. Baynton, Northvvardes, I will hereof advertise upon my 
 comminge home. And so in haste I hartely betake you to God, and 
 salute you all. At Newbery, this xxv"" of July [158SJ at twoo of the 
 clock after midnight. 
 
 Yo" assured in all power, 
 
 H. Knevett. 
 
 William Rede to Miles Sandys. 
 
 ST, So it is that at Mr Attornies last beinge in Wilteshire, at a place 
 called Littlecot, sometyme belonginge to Mr Wilim Darrell Esquier 
 deceased, but nowe to Mf Attorney, my happe was in the absence of 
 Mr Attornie upon the deth of Mr Darrell together all suche evidences 
 as was in the house of Littlecote into my possession to Mf Attornies 
 use. And since that tyme it dothe appeare that ST Fraunces Wal- 
 singham dothe pretend title to some or other of the landes of the said 
 Mr Darrell wherof no parte dothe appertaine to Mr Attornie. And 
 that the evydences aswell concerninge that which Mr Attornie 
 is to have in righte 1; dothe enjoye, as also these landes that S"" 
 Frances Walsingham dothe pretend title unto, did remaine in the 
 house of Littlecott at the tyme of W. Darrell's decease which 
 evidences are conveyed to London, already in greate chestes. But 
 the keys of these chestes were lefte withe me, aswell by Mf Atornie, 
 as by one Mr Stubbes gent, that was appointed in the behaulfe of 
 Sf Fraunces Walsingham safiflie T; indifferentlie to be kepte tyl the 
 tyme should be appointed, by W. Secretarye that the chestes should 
 be opened ^ the evidences perused, aswell for Mr Secretorye as for 
 Mf Attornie. Since which tyme I have receaved letters from 
 Mr Attornie, that Mr Secretoryes pleasure is with the assent of 
 MT Attornie, to have the evidences perused with all spede. And for 
 as much as I shall not have occasion to be at London these sixe or
 
 Appendix. 285 
 
 seaven daies, Mr Attorney hath craved me to send the said keyes 
 forthwith enclosed in my letters to some gentleman of the benche of 
 the Middle Temple whereby they maye be hadd with some spede to 
 perfourme Mr Secretoryes expectacion. Amongest the which I have 
 made choyse of you for that you are MrAttornies frend "T; mynealso 
 Desiringe you to acquaint ]Mr Attornie therewith ^ that then the 
 same maye be safflie delyvered, according to the trust to me comitted 
 — And so with my hartie comendacions, your helth wished, I com- 
 mitt you to the government of the Almightie. From Chisburie the 
 xxj"' of October 1589. 
 
 Xo\ frynd assuryd, 
 [Endorsed] William Rede, 
 
 To the Ryght worshipful! 
 Myles Sandys Esquyar 
 at his chambers in the 
 Middell Temple yn London 
 Geve thes * 
 
 * This letter and some others which appear here were printed in the Wilts 
 " ArchfEologia," in 1859, by the late Chas. Long, Esq., to whom they were 
 communicated by the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records.
 
 THE DARRELL CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 3. (Supplementary) Letters from the Fleet Prison 
 
 1579- 
 
 To [the Lord Chancellor]. — Complains of his prolonged litigation 
 with Stukeley as to the Manor of Axford. Also that his "lordship" 
 moved him to prosecute Brinde's murderers, whence his present per- 
 secution by Sir Henry Knevett. 31 Jan. 1578/9. 
 
 To Sir/as. Croft. — None of the persecutions that he has hitherto 
 suffered has equalled this conspiracy of his enemies. Wishes especi- 
 ally to regain Her Highness's favour and prove his loyalty. Pro- 
 tests his innocence of the alleged slander against the Court and 
 Council. 6 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 To Mr. Secretary Walsitigham. — Describes the false accusations of 
 his enemies, which have involved him in the displeasure of the 
 Queen. Prays his assistance. 6 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 To Sir Christopher Hatton. — Relates the malicious charges and 
 persecution of his enemies. The history of Brinde's case. Sir Henry 
 Knevett's action for libel. Mrs. Fortescuc has taken a man of his 
 by force, and imprisoned him, to induce him to sign papers to his 
 disadvantage. Desires Her Higness's favour to be restored, without 
 which he cannot live. 7 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 Meniorandutn. — That on Candlemass day one Pyper, copyholder 
 of Fyddelton, was served with a writ by a stranger, who clapped him 
 on the shoulder, saying, " I arrest thee," and conveyed him to the 
 sheriff's prison, where he lay till Wednesday at 8 a.m., when he was 
 carried to London on pretence of a remand before Sir H. Knevett 
 at Basingstoke. That he arrived in London, Friday, i p.m., and 
 was at once conducted to Mrs. Fortescue's lodgings at the sign of 
 
 286
 
 Appe7tdix. 287 
 
 the " Three Legs," in Fleet Street, where one Vernon, her servant, 
 told him he should be released if he signed a paper staying his 
 action for possession of a copyhold tenement. Then Mrs. Fortescue 
 came to him and used him ill in words, as to call him " beastly," and 
 to threaten him with Newgate, saying that she knew well his con- 
 spiracy with William Darrell to vex her with actions at law. 
 
 To Sir Fra7icis Walsitigham. — Relates all the conspiracy and 
 persecution of his enemies. 7 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 To the Earl of Leicester. — Story of his prosecution of Brinde's 
 murderers, whereby he has incurred actions for ;,^io,ooo damages. 
 Perjury and subornation employed against him, also false accusation 
 before the Queen of seditious libel. 7 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 To Lord Chief Justice Dyer. — Repeats his version of Brinde's case 
 and his own wrongful imprisonment. Sir Henry Knevett is sheriff 
 of Wilts, and the coroners, &c., are his partizans, therefore prays 
 change of the vejiue "before you," with a special jury, as in Stukeley's 
 case. " There is I truste one thinge for all men. God is above ; 
 indifferent, all mens God." 12 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 Memorandum. — There came people a great number this day, 
 arrayed with staves, swords, forest bills, &c. to the town of Wan- 
 borough and to a house of Mr. Darrell's called " Clarks," where 
 finding no resistance they broke in at the windows and carried away 
 the furniture therein ; of which house William Darrell has been 
 quietly in possession the last three years, but now his enemies have 
 taken advantage of his imprisonment to spoil him of his property. 
 
 15 Feb. 1578/9. "By me, Thomas Aldwyn." 
 
 To Sir James Croft. — In former letters he explained his wretched 
 state. His houses are entered and his property taken by force. His 
 people molested, and one of them lately kidnapped, and he is 
 harassed with trumped-up actions, which he is unable to defend, 
 being in prison. " I beseech you even for the justice of the lordes 
 sake " that these practices may be stopped and a fair trial awarded. 
 20 Feb. 1578/9.
 
 288 Appendix. 
 
 To Sir Christopher Haitoti. — Farther account of his persecutions 
 and evil fortune. Demands justice, especially for recovery of the 
 Queen's favour, and his temporary release to conduct his private 
 affairs. 20 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 To Sir James Croft. — His cousin Brydges goes to Court by whom 
 he shall have Lord Hertford's dealings, which shall be fully repaid. 
 Protests his innocence of these charges. 27 Feb. 1578/9. 
 
 Metnorafidiim. — " Upon the troble and ymprisonment of William 
 Darrell, the Erie of Herforde did send for me Anthonye Bridges and 
 often tymes I came to him, his speche beinge altogedther of Wm. 
 Darell esquier, and what I coulde saie to be a meane to accuse the 
 said William. And at the last he prayed me to tell what Mother 
 Barnes a mydewief dwellinge in Shifforde had heretofore said to 
 him touching the delivery of a childe. And I declared him the 
 speche as I nowe remembre." 
 
 [Narrative of mother Barnes as printed suprd, p. 248 : — ] 
 " And after this, the seid Erie required of me to knowe whether 
 I had att any tyme heretofore made relacon thereof before Wm. 
 Darell, and I answered that I had. The seid Erie demanded then 
 howe the said William did loke, and what he said. Whereupon 
 finding him maliciouslie bent ageinst the said William Darell, I 
 shortlie after declared the same to the said William, and did sett 
 downe the speche of the said Mother Barnes in suche manner as I 
 did deliver it unto the said Erie under my hand writinge as above 
 said." 
 
 To his cousin . "The ancient Romans in times past did set 
 
 forth sorrow with colour pale, handes clenched, and eyes heavy fixed 
 to the groundward, but malice they figured with colour wan, sim- 
 pering with countenance, for ire rolling locks, the flesh trembling 
 always for impatiency, deadly to see to, with many odd movings 
 expressing the unquietness of the mind." Cicero sheweth that malice 
 declareth abjectness of mind, &c. The type of such is Sir Henry 
 Knevett as shown in his dealings with me. " Behold your sheriff in 
 this session sitting before you. The man of the world ! A fleet and 
 ruff now ! The cloak that should have been for the service of the 
 marshal of Berwick may now give countenance to the sheriff of
 
 Appendix. 289 
 
 Wilts. Methinks I hear him, how rising and mending his nightcap 
 he cackleth Uke a goose. If he may have leave he will never make 
 an end." 9 Mar. 1578^9. 
 
 To his right honourable friend . Giving a full description 
 
 of his present unhappy condition. 10 Mar. 1578/9. 
 
 To the Earl of Leicester. — Denies the slanderous reports of his 
 enemies. His grief at Her Higness's displeasure. Prays for his 
 assistance against the malice of his enemies to spoil his property. 
 
 II March, 1578/9. 
 
 To Sir Francis Walsingharn. — Thanks for his infinite goodness, 
 for which he will bear a life-long gratitude. Prays for his mediation 
 with the Queen and his release from prison, wherein his debts are 
 great and his credit gone. 18 Mar. 1578/9. 
 
 Edward [Croft] to William Darrell. — Did not come to sea him 
 because Mr. Walsingham wrote for him to see Mr. Vicechamberlain. 
 Has attempted to do this, but the audience is postponed. 
 
 At Court, 20 Mar. 1578/9. 
 
 Richard Reves to same. — Hears that the three witnesses against 
 Darrell, being his fellow servants, have alleged him for testimony of 
 the reported slander. Denies any knowledge of the supposed speech, 
 and refuses to approve of their evidence. 
 
 William Darrell to his good father . Thanks for all his 
 
 gentleness. How unfortunate is he when learned men arguing on 
 all sides do lay him clear, adding further that malice and wickedness 
 in it do lively appear, and for all that he is in prison and his enemies 
 at large and triumphant. Could bear anything better than Her 
 Highness's displeasure, which ends his credit and is like to leave 
 him destitute. Prays the loan of lO;^ for 12 days. Has been 
 helped by Mr. Vicechamberkin. As soon as he is free will look to 
 Mrs. Fortescue's rent. 21 Mar. 1578 9. 
 
 To . This is the worst persecution of any yet, and onl\' 
 
 relieved by his Lord of Leicester's kindness. Cares not if he can 
 but regain Her Highness's favour, yet wishes himself out of this 
 place. 21 Mar. 1578/9. 
 
 U
 
 290 Appe7idix, 
 
 To Sir Williafn Cordell, Master of the Rolls. — In the matter of 
 Goddard v. Darrell, for a debt of 500^ with interest, he cannot 
 comply with " your honour's " last order, because of his imprisonment, 
 and therefore prays some respite. 26 Mar. 1579. 
 
 To his good father . Expresses gratitude for favours and 
 
 excuses his boldness in asking. Will seek an occasion for returning 
 these. Everything has been taken from him, even for his ordinary 
 use. Will have patience in his innocency, but he must find f[^^oo to 
 pay on the i6th, and desires his liberty in order to raise it; yet 
 " between my liberty hitherto had and imprisonment, is small differ- 
 ence save for following my ordinary causes." 30 Mar. 1579. 
 
 To . Thanks them both for all their goodness. Asks 
 
 leave to depart into the country to raise a sum which is presently 
 due with help of his friends, i April, 1579. 
 
 Merttorandum. — On Saturday, April 11, certain men came to a 
 sheep-fold of William Darrell at Wanboro' and told the shepherd 
 that they had bought 100 of the best which they required to take 
 away. This being refused they took by force 292 and drove them 
 away towards Sir Henry Knevett's house. When overtaken they 
 declared themselves sheriff's officers executing a writ in the case of 
 AUeyn v Bourchier for the latter of whom Darrell had consented to 
 be surety. Whereupon proof being given that the said debt was 
 paid six weeks before they refused to deliver back the sheep saying 
 it was too late for they were sold already, the buyer of them prov- 
 ing to be one of Knevett's people who had gone with them for that 
 purpose and the price lO;^ a hundred, the said sheep being worth 
 at the least 30;;^ or 40;^ a hundred.* 
 
 Memorandum of an attack made upon a servant of William Dar- 
 rell by the servants of the Earl of Hertford who lay in wait as he 
 passed through the park gate. 
 
 To the Right Hon. [the Earl of Leicester]. — Will be always grateful 
 for his favours, of which he desires a continuance. Prays for his 
 interest with her Majesty, and liberty to collect witnesses. 14 April, 
 
 1579- 
 
 * The average price was then 6/8 each.
 
 Appendix. 291 
 
 To [Sir Francis Walsingham]. — " You have heretofore stood my 
 honorable friend in middle of stormes." Prays for intercession with 
 her Majesty. "How unfortunate am I that am set in prison, while 
 the confessors of nau2;htie deeds are at libertie/' 
 
 To Mr. Athey. — Desires liberty, not for its own sake, but to 
 transact his pressing business, especially in the case of the manor of 
 Axford. My lord Leicester has shown himself a good friend, but 
 departed to Buxton last midsummer, and since then nothing has 
 been done through the present trouble. Prays him to move his 
 lordship to procure his release for the purpose of collecting evidence. 
 20 April, 1579. 
 
 To [Sir Thomas Bromley]. — Has remained prisoner here since 
 the 6th February, ignorant of his offence but not of the malice of his 
 enemies. Is surprised at this treatment, as he was often sent for to 
 Greenwich and pressed to prosecute Brinde's murderers, then suing 
 for pardon. Was he not also promised immunity from the malice 
 of these "mallaparte people," and in the end was persuaded to 
 prosecute to his present cost, being slandered and cast into prison. 
 Marvels at this, especially considering my Lord of Pembroke's con- 
 cern in this matter. Nevertheless, he is possessed of patience and a 
 constant mind. Yet it should be considered this punishment is not 
 for his own cause, but another's; however, if he is but now released, 
 he will be quits with those who should have assisted him, and 
 moreover grateful into the bargain. 21 April, 1579. 
 
 To \the Earl of Leicester\. — Thanks for his gracious intercession. 
 Understands thereby that her Majesty is now well disposed towards 
 him, and therefore anticipates his liberty. Is glad of this even for 
 his enemies' sakes. 22 April, 1579. 
 
 To Sir Francis Walsingham. — Acknowledges past obligations and 
 those further ones of which Mr. Comptroller has spoken to him. 
 " God requite you, and I will do my best." Prays his further help 
 to obtain his release in order to pursue his suits which are pending. 
 22 April, 1579.
 
 292 Appendix. 
 
 To . Has been in prison now nearly three months through 
 
 the malice of his enemies, and the perjury of self-convicted criminals. 
 Brinde's murder, done 23 September, 1577, is not yet punished. 23 
 April, 1579. 
 
 To the Earl of Leicester. — Describes the plot of his enemies 
 against him, and prays her Majesty's goodwill. The false accusation 
 upon which he was imprisoned. Malice of Knevett and attacks on 
 his property. Thus he " is spoiled on all sides and in displeasure 
 and in prison." Incloses a supplication to the Queen. 26 April, 1579. 
 
 To [the Lord Chancellor^* — Congratulates him on his promotion. 
 Wishes he were able to deliver this in person. 5 May, 1579. 
 
 To the Earl of Leicester. — His adversaries push him hard, and act 
 unscrupulously, having license in all respects. Prays his intercession 
 with the Lord Chancellor in the matter of Axford. Would like to 
 have his liberty to resist the attempts of his enemies. 15 May, 1579. 
 
 To the Earl of Pembroke. — Is sorry to hear from Sir Ed. Herbert 
 that his letters gave offence. Marvels hereat, considering his lord- 
 ship's interest in his case. Defends his zeal in prosecuting Brindes' 
 murderers. Would be glad to hear privately from him as to the 
 purchase of interest in Axford. Has already spent p^ 1,7 00 pounds 
 in his suit. Prays him to assist in obtaining his release, whereby his 
 gratitude will be assured. 19 May, 1579. 
 
 Thomas Bunce to William Darrell. — Trusts his good worship is in 
 health. Grieves he is detained so long in London, and prays for the 
 ending of his troubles. Desires his assistance, according to promise, 
 to reconcile him with Gurney, and to find security for his rent, f r 
 which he will be always grateful. Ledcome Regis, 21 May, 1579. 
 
 To the Earl of Pembroke. — State of his suit in re manor of Ax- 
 ford. Prays his help to borrow loo;^ for a year. 14 June, 1579. 
 
 • Sir Thomas Bromley, created LorH Chancellor 26 April, i57(}.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Albome, Farm of, 253. 
 „ Chace, 253, 254. 
 ,, Wastes, 254. 
 
 Alborough, Boro' of, 179. 
 
 Aldermaston, 253. 
 
 Aldwyn, Thos., 287. 
 
 Alehouses (see Taverns), 80, S5. 
 „ Table of, 163. 
 
 Almain Mercenaries, 59. 
 
 Alston Sutton, Hard Case of the Ten- 
 ant of, 30, 31. 
 
 Amorous Leynes, 233. 
 ,, Pasture, 233, 
 
 Amyas, Jo., 279. 
 
 Anderson, Lord Chief Justice, 272. 
 
 Antwerp, 48, 52, 59, 60, 61, 64, 65, 66, 
 67, 76, 160. 
 
 Appleford, Stephen, 252, 257. 
 
 Arde, 188. 
 
 Arden, Mr., iSo. 
 
 Armada, 98, 279. 
 
 Arundel, Lord, 181. 
 
 Ascough, Francis, 56. 
 
 Askow, Henry, 56. 
 
 Astrophel and Stella, Sonnet, 91. 
 
 ,, Allusions to, 165, 
 
 t66, 167. 
 
 Athey, Mr., 291. 
 
 Atkynson, Agnes, 192. 
 ,, Katheryn, 192. 
 
 Attorney General (see Popham, Sir 
 John). 
 
 Audely, James, Lord, 187. 
 
 Ave Maria Lane, 99. 
 
 Axford, Manor of, 9, 10, 21,22, 23, 24, 
 194, 197, 198, 199. 200, 201, 203, 
 234, 238, 257, 258, 269, 270, 286, 
 291, 292. 
 
 Axford, Manor of. Account of Produce, 
 22. 
 
 Axford, Manor of, Employment and 
 Price of Labour, 22, 23. 
 
 Axford Manor, Tithes and Taxes on, 23. 
 
 Aylmer, Dr., Bishop of London, 170. 
 
 Babington, Anthony, Conspiracy of, 
 
 146. 
 Babington, Uriah, 124, 125, 128, 129, 
 
 175, 176, 181. 
 Babington, Uriah, Widow of, 124, 125. 
 Bacon, Sir Francis, 124, 125, 128. 
 „ Sir Nicholas, 169, 172, 174, 
 176. 
 Bacten, 158. 
 Baeshe, Alexander, 122, 174. 
 
 ,, Edward, 120, 121, 122, 173, 
 174. 
 Baeshe, Edward, Widow of, 121. 
 
 ,, Materials for the Offi- 
 
 cial Life of, 1 73, 1 74. 
 Baeshe, Richard, 174. 
 ,, Thomas, 174. 
 Bagley, Manor of, 192, 194, 195. 
 Balletts, Mr., 205, 211. 
 Balston, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 196, 
 
 198, 273. 
 Banbury, William, ist Earl of, 95. 
 „ Peerage of, 169.
 
 294 
 
 Index. 
 
 Barnards, 272, 273. 
 
 Barn Elms, 98, 202, 206, 279, 283. 
 
 Barnes, Mother, 248, 2S8. 
 
 Barwick, John, 193, 237, 271. 
 
 Bath and Wells, Diocese of, 244. 
 
 Bayer, Francis, 54. 
 
 Baynton, Sir Edward, 256, 284. 
 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 Beamond, Mr., 20. 
 Beauchamp, Edward, Lord, 94, 96, 
 
 164. 
 Beecher, Case of, against Babington, 
 
 124. 
 Beere's Inn, 190. 
 Belfast, Arthur Chichester, Baron of, 
 
 128. 
 Bell Inn, 77, loi, 207. 
 Belper, 19. 
 Berkshire, 9, 163, 190, 194, 195, 197, 
 
 233, 234, 235, 254. 
 Berwick, 74. 
 
 Bewdley, Manor of, 194, 195. 
 Bewyke-in-Holderness, 193. 
 Bigges, Mr., 208. 
 
 ,, Mistress, 209. 
 Bingley, Sir John, 124. 
 Bishops, Latimer's opinion of, 169, 
 
 170. 
 Bishopstowe, 233, 
 Blackston, John, 171. 
 Blackwall, Margaret, iii. 
 „ Richard, III. 
 
 Blagdon, 189. 
 Blount, Sir Christopher, 92, 95. 
 
 „ „ and Dame Let- 
 
 tice, 92, 196. 
 Blount, Family of, 142. 
 Blunt, Chas., Lord, Mountjoy, 95. 
 
 „ „ Earl of Devon, 95. 
 
 Boleyn, Anne, 95, 164. 
 „ Mary, 164. 
 „ Sir Thos , 164. 
 Bonham, Mr., 250. 
 „ Mrs., 185. 
 Bordeaux, 77. 
 Bordman, John, 21, 25, 198, 199, 200, 
 
 204, 205. 
 Borough, Capt., 181. 
 
 Borrowdale, Customs of, 33, 154. 
 Boston, 163. 
 Boyne, 128, 
 
 Bracebridge, Anticle, 141, 177. 
 ,, Anthony, 176, 177, 
 
 ,, Elizabeth, 176. 
 
 ,, John, 176, 177. 
 
 ,, Joyce, 176. 
 
 „ Margery, 138. 
 
 ,, Prudence, 177. 
 
 ,, Richard, 177, 
 
 „ Simon, 176. 
 
 „ Thomas, 138, 139, 140, 
 
 141, 176, 177. 
 Biacebridge, Thomas, the Younger, 
 
 138, 140, 141, 176, 177. 
 Bracebridge, William, 138, 139, 176. 
 „ Family of, 16, 138, 139, 
 
 140, 176. 
 Bracebridge Hall, 138. 
 
 ,, Table of Family Litiga- 
 
 tion, 176, 177. 
 Bramble-tye, 172. 
 Brandon, Mary, 94. 
 Bray, Sir Edward, 137. 
 
 „ Family of, 16. 
 Bridges, Mr., 272, 273. 
 
 ,, Mr. Anthony e, 247, 248, 250, 
 251, 252. 
 Bright, J., 254. 
 Brille, 176. 
 Brinde, 255. 
 
 „ Murder of, 286, 291. 
 Briskett, Mr., 207. 
 Bristol, 126, 144. 
 Brist owe,. John, 204. 
 Bromley, Harry, 278. 
 
 „ Robert, 124, 129, 175, 176. 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 97. 
 Brouncker, Sir Henry, 128. 
 
 ,, Mr., 207, 284. 
 
 Brown, 255. 
 ,, Mr., 207. 
 ,, Valentine, 121. 
 ijrugys (Brydges), Sir Egidius, 189. 
 
 ,, John, 189. 
 Bryanstone, 96. 
 Brydges, Sir J., 193.
 
 Index. 
 
 ^-95 
 
 Brydges, Anthony, 288. 
 Buckhurst, Lord, 99, 238, 273. 
 Bucks, 157, 163. 
 Bunce, T., 292. 
 Buppell, Elizabeth, 240. 
 Burbage, Savage, 236, 237. 
 Eurche, J., 253. 
 
 Burghley, William Cecil, Lord, 60, 61, 
 62, 63, 65, 68, 71, no. III, 112, 
 
 121. 
 
 Butler, Nicholas, Esq., 153, 
 Butolf Lane, 54, 55. 
 Byron, Family of, 16. 
 
 Caborne, Manor of, 156. 
 Cresar, Sir Julius, 124. 
 Calehill, Darrells of, 187. 
 
 „ Manor of, 185, iSo, 1S7. 
 Caike, Henry, 158. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 158. 
 
 ,, William, 158. 
 Calston, Elizabeth, 186. 
 ,, Thomas, 186. 
 ,, Manor of, 185, i85. 
 Cambridge, 60. 
 Cambridgeshire, 29. 
 Cambridge University, 112. 
 Canterbury, 80, 81, 163. 
 
 ,, Archbishop of, 1S7. 
 
 Carewe, Mr., Family of, 123. 
 Carey, Edward, 124, 128. 
 ,, Sir Edward, 123, 131, 
 
 ,, Sir George, 122, 123, 124, 125, 
 
 128, 129, 130, 131, 174, 175. 
 Carey, Sir George, Materials for the 
 
 Official Life of, 174, 175. 
 Carey, lieniy. Baron Hunsdon, 27, 28, 
 
 273- 
 Carey, Katherine, 164. 
 
 ,, Lady Lettice, 123, 124. 
 
 „ Mr,, 266. 
 
 ,, Robert, 122. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 122. 
 
 ,, Sir William, 122. 
 
 ,, William, 164. 
 
 „ Family of, 122, 124, 131. 
 Carter, Nicholas, 196. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 192. 
 
 Castell Inn, 83, 84. 
 
 Cater, Mr,, 251, 252. 
 
 Catherine Howard, Queen of England, 
 
 190. 
 Catholic Peers, Estates of, Prospected 
 
 on, 71. 
 Caulfield, Sir Tobias, 128. 
 Cave, Mistress Margery, 139. 
 
 „ Sir Ambrose, 139, 140, 176. 
 Cawley, Michael, 208, 209, 234, 274, 
 
 275- 
 Cecil, Master Thomas, 60. 
 Chancery, Influence of the, 133, 134. 
 Chapels of Ease, Use and Abuse of, 
 
 172. 
 Charlton, 251. 
 
 Chattels, Inventory of {.see Inventories). 
 Chatillon, Cardinal, 61, 
 Chelmsford, 40. 
 Cheney, Anne, 194. 
 ,, Mr., 254. 
 ,, Robert, 204. 
 Chepe, 82. 
 
 Chester, 85, 123, 126, 163. 
 Chichely, Thomas, S3, 84. 
 
 „ Thomas, the Younger, 84. 
 Chichester, Sir Arthur, 128. 
 Chilton Folyat, 5, 94, 122, 142, 188, 
 
 186, 190, 192, 194, 198, 20S, 234, 
 
 275- 
 Chilton Park, 5, 189. 
 Chisburie, 285. 
 Churchill, Mr., 208. 
 Churchyard, Mr., 272. 
 Cinque Ports, 163. 
 Clanricarde, Earl of, 123. 
 Cleek, Alice, 240. 
 Cloford, 269, 270. 
 Clyfford, Henry, 103. 
 Cobham, Lord, 99. 
 Coketrills, 233. 
 Cokrells, 57. 
 Colbrok, 262. 
 Coleman, T., 254. 
 Collier, Mr., 208, 209. 
 Collye, Roger, 233. 
 Combe, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 196. 
 Common Law, Influence of, 133.
 
 296 
 
 Index. 
 
 Common Pleas, Court of, 133, 141. 
 Compton, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 196. 
 Conisboro', Manor of, 27. 
 Constable, Sir Ralph, 128. 
 Conway, Sir Fulk, 128. 
 Cook, Harry, 204, 208. 
 
 „ J-. 206, 208. 
 Coole, Messrs., 180. 
 Corbet Family, 16. 
 Cordell, Sir Wm., 290. 
 Cornelius the Gardiner, 11, 204, 21 1. 
 
 „ the Tailor, loi, 209, 210. 
 Cornwall, 74, 163. 
 Cosonary, Manor of, 29. 
 Cotton, Mary, 53. 
 
 Councils of the West and North, 133. 
 Court Rolls, Disputed Possession of, 
 
 28. 
 Court Rolls, Records of Tenants' 
 
 Claims, 33. 
 Courts of the Manor, 1 7. 
 Courv'ing, Sir John, 180. 
 Coventry, 138. 
 Cox, Ambrose, 159. 
 
 „ Avyes, 159. 
 
 „ Mr., 157. 
 
 „ Mistress, 112, 115. 
 
 ,, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ely, 108, 
 
 109, no, III, 112, 113, 114, 115, 
 
 116, 117. 
 Cox, Dr., References to Materials for 
 
 Life of, 172. 
 Cranfiekl, Lionel, Earl of Midds., Im- 
 peachment of, 128. 
 Croft, Mary, 188. 
 
 ,, Sir Richard, 188. 
 
 „ Mr., 207. 
 Crofts, Sir James, 194, 251, 253, 2S6, 
 
 287. 
 Cromwell, Lord, 128, 
 
 „ Thomas, 107. 
 Cumberland, 154, 163. 
 Curis Regis, Jurisdiction of the, 
 Curre, John, 191, 192, 198, 202, 267. 
 Curteys, W., 255. 
 Cushworth, Manor of, 27, 28. 
 
 Dacre, Lord, 99. 
 
 Dacre, Family of, 16. 
 
 Dan by, T., 159. 
 
 Dannett, Mr., 208. 
 
 Danvers, Sir John, 269, 270, 271, 
 
 „ Family of, 16. 
 Danyell, Mary {see Darrell, Mary). 
 
 Mr., 40. 
 Darrell, Dame Alice, 189. 
 
 ,, Sir Edward, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 
 21, 142, 164, 178, 186, 187, 188, 189, 
 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 233, 235, 
 
 236, 238, 239. 
 
 Darrell, Dame Elizabeth, 3, 6,96, 164, 
 
 187, 192, 193, 194, 233, 234, 254. 
 Darrell, Elynor, 185, 234. 
 
 „ alias Danyell, Mary, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
 
 188, 192, 195, 196. 
 
 Darrell, George, 51, 142, 192, 251. 
 
 „ Sir George, 96, 164, 186, 187, 
 188, 191. 
 Darrell, Sir J., 164, 186, 188. 
 
 „ Marmaduke, 186, 265. 
 
 ,, Marmaduke, Sir, 174. 
 
 „ Richard, 187. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 4, 187, 193. 
 
 „ William, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 
 II, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 24, 25, 51, 
 
 57, 70, 77, 95. 96, 97. 98, 99, 100, 
 
 loi, 102, 122, 142, 143, 144, 145, 
 
 146, 164, 174, 181, 186, 193, 194, 
 
 195, 196, 212, 233, 234, 235, 236, 
 
 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 
 244, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 
 252, 253, 254, 25s, 256, 257, 258, 
 
 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 
 
 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 
 
 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 
 
 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 2S6-292. 
 Darrell, William, Correspondence of, 
 
 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 
 
 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 
 
 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 
 
 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286-292. 
 Darrell, William, Household of, 10, 11, 
 
 99, 100, 200, 201, 206-233. 
 Darrell, William, Income and Ex- 
 penditure of, 10, II, 21, 22, 23, 24, 
 25. 194-233-
 
 Index. 
 
 297 
 
 Darrell, William, Lawsuits of, 4, 5, 6, 
 7, 8, 9, 10, II, 12, 13, 98, 99, 208, 
 209, 233. 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 
 239, 240, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 
 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 
 254, 25s, 256, 257, 258, 259, 287. 
 
 Darrell, Family of, 16, 142, 143, 186. 
 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193. 
 
 Dauntesey, 270. 
 
 Dawnay, Family of, 186. 
 
 Dawntrey, Jane, 254. 
 
 Deane, Forest of, 174. 
 
 Denchwoorth, 251. 
 
 Denton, 179. 
 
 Derby, 74, 163. 
 
 Derbyshire, 20, 29, 30. 
 
 Derynge, Mr., 53. 
 
 Devereux, Frances, 94, 96, 164. 
 „ Lettice, 92, 94, 164. 
 ,, Penelope, 90, 96, 164, 165. 
 ,, Walter, ist Earl of Essex, 
 168. 
 
 Devereux, Family of, 91. 
 
 Devon, Charles Blunt, Earl of, 92, 164. 
 
 Devonshire, 59, 122, 163. 
 
 Dewe, Mr., 208. 
 
 Dickenson, Mr., 209. 
 
 Diet, Changes in, during i6th Century, 
 76. 
 
 Dixon, J., 253. 
 
 Docwra, Sir Henry, 128. 
 
 Donington Park, 250. 
 
 Dorset, 17, 74, 96, 163, 187, 189, 193, 
 
 194. 19s, 233. 
 Dover, 80. 
 
 Dozzylle Messure, 168. 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 91, 120, 273. 
 Draycott, Manor of, 188. 
 Ducket, Sir Lionel, 63. 
 Dudley, Dame Alice, 169. 
 
 Dame Anne, 94. 
 
 Guildford, 164. 
 
 John, 94, 96, 164. 
 
 Lady Mary, 92. 
 
 Lord Robert {.see Leicester, 
 Earl of). 
 ,, Mary, 164. 
 Dudley, Sir Robert, 169. 
 
 Dudley, Thomas, 92. 
 Durham, 163. 
 Dyer, Sir James, 235, 2S7. 
 Dysney, Anthony, 233. 
 
 East Garston, 254. 
 Edward L, 133. 
 
 „ IIL, 109, no. 
 „ VI., 39, 96, 108, 120, 186, 
 187, 192, 193, 233, 236, 237, 238, 
 240. 
 Edwards, Artur, 53. 
 
 ,, William, 204. 
 
 Egerton, Sir Ralph, 140, 177. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 16, 26, 27, 34, 41, 
 
 45. 52, 55. 59. 65, 67, 68, 69, 7c, 
 
 71, 73. 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 90, 91, 
 
 95, 98, loi, 102, 108, 109, no, III, 
 
 112, 113, 114, 117, 119, 120, 121, 
 
 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130, 
 
 137. 142, 156, 157. 161, 162, 168, 
 
 169, 172, 173, 174, 175, 180, 181, 
 
 196, 234, 237, 239, 253, 254, 255, 
 
 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292. 
 Ellesmere, Lord, 124. 
 Elliott, J., 173. 
 Ely, 109, no, 112, 114, 116, 117, 172. 
 
 ,, Bishop of {.see Cox, Dr. Richard). 
 
 ,, Isle and See of, 109, ii2, 116, 
 
 117. 
 Ely House, 116, 117. 
 England, 12, 46, 60, 80, 124, 168, iSS. 
 Englefield, Sir Francis, 245. 
 Equity, Courts of, 137. 
 Ernly, John, 277. 
 Essex, 6, 9, 12, 74, 163, 
 
 ,, Countess of, 91. 
 
 ,, Dorothy, 245, 246. 
 
 ,, Edward, 239. 
 
 ,, Elizabeth, i, 189, 193. 
 
 ,, Francis, 99. 
 
 ,, George, 251, 252. 
 
 ,, Mr. Edmund, 252. 
 
 ,, Mrs., 240, 242, 243. 
 
 ,, Robert, Earl of, 71, 91,92. 
 
 ,, „ 2nd Earl of, 91, 94, 95, 
 
 164. 
 Essex, Sir Thomas, 1S9, 190.
 
 298 
 
 Index. 
 
 Essex, Sir William, 9, 189, 190, 23S, 
 
 239. 
 Essex, Thomas, 9, 10, 233, 239. 
 
 ,, Walter, Earl of, 90, 91, 92. 
 
 ,, Walter Devereux, Earl of, 164. 
 
 ,, Family of, 144. 
 Everley, 254. 
 Everope, 243, 247. 
 Exchange, Speculations on, 52. 
 Exchequer, Court of, 124, 133. 
 
 Fabyan, J., 54. 
 
 Falkland, Viscount of, 122, 124. 
 
 Fanshawe, Mr. 51, 161, 178. 
 
 Farley, 240, 241, 243, 244, Z+S- 
 
 Farrington, 263. 
 
 Fastorne, 189. 
 
 Faulkborne, 196. 
 
 Feria, Duchess of, 246. 
 
 Fernfield, 83, 84. 
 
 Fetyplace, Mr., 267. 
 
 Fiddleton, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 
 
 196, 286. 
 Fish, Large Consumption of, 75. 
 Fisher, Mr., 51. 
 Flanders, 48, 50, 59, 60, 160. 
 Fleet Street, 74. 
 
 „ Prison of, 136, 137, 246. 
 Fletcher, Ales, 19. 
 Flushing, 176. 
 Folce, Thos., 53. 
 Foljambe, Sir Godfrey, 29. 
 H., 20. 
 ,, Sir James, 29, 
 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 
 Forde, Edmund, 53. 
 Forrest, Mr., 205. 
 Forster, W^illm., 253. 
 Fortescue, Mary, 191, 196, 233, 2S6, 
 
 287, 289. 
 Fortescue, Henry, 196. 
 Fotheringay Castle, 174, 256. 
 France, 78, 254, 273. 
 Frankley, 93. 
 French Wines, 76. 
 Frobisher, Martin, 61, 63, 120. 
 Frogges Castle, 256. 
 Froxfield, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 196. 
 
 Froxfield, Vicar of, 204. 
 Fulham, 98, 206. 
 Fy field, 196. 
 
 Gascon Wines, 77. 
 Gedsale, Alice, 240. 
 Gerard, Mr., 209. 
 German Miners, 60, 63. 
 Gessop, 159. 
 Gilbert, Edward, 253. 
 „ ^ Mr., 253, 254. 
 Gimmingham, Manor of, 158. 
 Glamorganshire, 142. 
 Glanvile, Mr., 208. 
 Glasdale, John, 27. 
 Gloucestershire, 142. 
 Goddard, T., 253, 254. 
 Godsall, 241, 244, 246, 262. 
 "Golden Lion," The, 181. 
 Golif, John, 240, 241, 242. 
 Goodman, Dean, roS. 
 Gray's Inn, 17, 99, 26S- 
 Grazing, Licreased Value of, 156. 
 Greece, Wines of, 77. 
 Greenes Norton, 282. 
 Greenwich, 268. 
 Gregory, 268. 
 Grenewiche, 188. 
 Gresham, Lady, 62, 69, 70, 71. 
 
 ,, Sir John, 58, 59, 69, 70, 160. 
 „ Sir Richard, 58, 60, 69, 70, 
 
 i6o. 
 Gresham, Sir Thomas, 19, 52, 58, 59, 
 
 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 
 
 69, 70, 71. 
 Gresham, Sir Thomas, Materials for the 
 
 Life of, 160, 161. 
 Gresham, William, 69. 
 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 Greshame, Mr., l6l. 
 Grey, Henry, 94, 
 
 ,, Lady Catherine, 94, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, Lady Francis, 164. 
 
 ,, Lady Jane, 164. 
 
 ,, Lady Mary, 61, 62. 
 Grey, Family of, 61, 62, 94. 
 Griffith, Sir George, 177. 
 Griffith, Walter, 177.
 
 Index. 
 
 299 
 
 Gryflfyn, Lanslet, 179. 
 Grocers' Company, 46, 55. 
 Gunter, J., 194, 238. 
 Gybbes, Mr., 208. 
 
 Hackleston, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 
 196. 
 
 Hadley, Manor of, 57. 
 
 Hales-Owen, Manor of, 30. 
 
 Hamaike, H., 51. 
 
 Hamburgh, 61, 
 
 Hampshire, 53, 248. 
 
 Hampton Court, 189. 
 
 Hanse Traders, Rivahy of, with Mer- 
 chant Adventurers, 59. 
 
 Hanvyles, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 
 196. 
 
 Harriss, Mr., 273. 
 
 Harrow-on-the-Hill, 206. 
 
 Hatton, Sir Christopher, 117, 286, 
 283. 
 
 Hawkins, Sir John, 121. 
 
 JIaydenhedd, 207. 
 
 Hayes, John, 199. 
 
 Hehnes, Manor of, 195, 196. 
 
 Helms Heath, 254. 
 
 Henry HI., 186. 
 „ IV., 186. 
 „ VH., 76, 164. 
 „ VIH., 35, 39, 78, 96, 108, 109, 
 120, 164, 170, 187, 1S8, 189, 190, 
 193. 236. 
 
 ilerbert. Sir Ed., 292. 
 
 Hereford, Earl of, 96. 
 ,, Viscount, 168. 
 
 Herrik, 265. 
 
 Hertfordshire, Sheriff of, 122. 
 
 Herts, 163, 165, 170, 171. 
 
 „ Edwd., E. of, 194, 235, 236, 237, 
 288, 290. 
 
 Hext, Mr. 208. 
 
 Hide, William, 12, 194, 234, 235, 251, 
 263, 264, 
 
 Higgins, Sir William, 170, 171, 
 
 Hill, William, 204. 
 
 Hilwood Coppice, 253. 
 
 Hippesly, Mr., 142. 
 
 Holborn, 1 15. 
 
 Holborn Bridge, loo, 206. 
 
 „ Hill, 99. 
 Holland, 77. 
 Holloway, J., 157. 
 Horseman, J., 202. 
 Houndslow, 25,207. 
 Housse, Robert, 52. 
 Howard, Douglas, 94. 
 ,, Elizabeth, 95. 
 ,, Lady Frances, 91, 95. 
 How^ard, J. , 52. 
 Hughes, Thos., 251. 
 Hungerford, Lady Anna, 11, 12, 240, 
 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 
 260, 261, 262, 263. 
 Hungerford, Sir A., 193. 
 
 ,, Mr. Edmund, 255. 
 
 ,, Edward, 262. 
 
 ,, Mr. John, 255 
 
 ,, Sir Walter, 12, 241, 242, 
 
 243, 244, 246, 262, 263. 
 Hungerford, 208, 234. 
 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 
 ,, Manor of, 194, 195, 208. 
 
 Park, 254. 
 Ilunsdon, Baron (see Carey, Henry). 
 Ilunsdons, Family of, 122, 124. 
 Ilunte, Thomas, 178. 
 Huntingdon, Lord, 28. 
 Hurley, Manor of, 177. 
 Hyde, Stephen, 205. 
 
 ,, Manor of, 233. 
 Ilynton, Anthony, 253, 274, 275. 
 ,, John, 253. 
 
 Inglys Hous at Antwerp, 48. 
 Inkpen, Mr. Richard, 242, 253, 254. 
 
 ,, Manor of, 194, 195, 196. 
 Inns, Table of, 163. 
 ,, (see Taverns). 
 Inventory of Goods, 149, 153, 156, 15S. 
 ,, of Household Stuff, 149, 153, 
 
 157. 191- 
 Inventory of Implements, 149, 153, 157. 
 ,, of Land, 158. 
 ,, of Leases, 157. 
 
 of Stock, 153, 157. 
 Ipswich, 153.
 
 ;oo 
 
 Index. 
 
 Ireland, 48, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 
 
 127, 128, 168, 174, 181, 273. 
 Ireland, Contracts for Clothing the 
 
 Army in, 120, 125, 128. 
 Ireland, Lord-Deputy of, 122, 
 
 „ Master of the Exchange for, 
 
 123. 
 Ireland, Vice-Treasurer of, 123. 
 Irish Foot Bands, Captains of the, 
 
 125. 
 Isle of Wight, Governor of the, 123. 
 Italy, 60, 76, 77. 
 
 James I., 94, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 
 
 13O' 133. 176, 195- 
 Johnson, John, 77. 
 
 ,, Edward, 191, 192. 
 Jones, Alice, 241. 
 
 ,, William, 240. 
 
 Kempet, Margaret, 157. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 157. 
 Kenil worth, 68, 161, 169. 
 Kent, 74, 178, 268. 
 „ Earl of, 266. 
 Keyses, Martin, 61, 62, 
 Kinges Hed, lor, 220. 
 King's Bench, Court of, 133. 
 Kingsbury Eagle, 235. 
 
 ,, Manor of, 138, 139, 140, 
 176. 177- 
 Kingsbury, Parish of, 157. 
 Kintbury, Manor of, 194, 195, 20S. 
 
 209, 235. 
 Klynt,J., 52. 
 
 Knevitt, Sir Henry, 249, 250, 251, 
 252, 255, 259, 280, 283, 284, 286, 
 288, 290, 292. 
 Knevitt, Thomas, 283. 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 71. 
 „ Mr,, 280. 
 ,, Mrs., 249. 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 Knight, John, 191, 192. 
 Knightlye, Sir Rich., 266. 
 Knighton, Manor of, 193, 194, 195, 
 
 233- 
 Knolles, Sir Francis, 91, 95, 164. 
 
 Knolles, Lettice, 91, 95. 
 
 ,, William, Earl of Banbury, 95. 
 Kynaston, Family of, 16. 
 Kyngesmyll, Richard, 277. 
 
 Lake, John, 234. 
 
 Lambeth, 98, III. 
 
 Lammas, Sir Thomas, 156. 
 
 Lancashire, 165. 
 
 Lancaster, Duchy of, 34, 139, 140, 155, 
 156, 172. 
 
 Lanston Lasby, 264. 
 
 Latimer, Hugh, 28, 39, 40, 46, 48, 169. 
 
 Leds, R., 53. 
 
 Legatt, Mr., 272, 173. 
 
 Leicester, House, 92, 99, 163. 
 „ Lady, 99. 
 
 ,, Robert, Earl of, 12, 30, 46, 
 68, 70, 71, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 
 99, 161, 164, 169, 208, 261, 262, 273, 
 287, 289, 291,292. 
 
 Leicestershire, 85. 
 
 Leigh, John, 169. 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 169. 
 
 Lemster, 170. 
 
 Leverton, 190, 192, 194, 195. 
 
 Lincoln, 163, 156. 
 
 Lincolnshire, 75, 138. 
 
 Littlecote, 3, 5, 9, 10, 21, 22, 23, 
 24, 25, 51, 70, 96, 98, 100, loi, 142, 
 146, 174, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 
 192, 193, 194, 19s, 197, 199, 200, 
 201, 203, 204, 233, 248, 253, 254, 
 257, 259, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268, 
 269, 271, 273, 277, 284. 
 
 Littlecote, Legend of, 247. 
 
 ,, Balance-sheet of Receipts 
 and Expenditure at, 197. 
 
 Littlecote, Rxpenditure at, 194, 195, 
 196. 
 
 Littlecote, Farm Labourat,2i, 203, 204. 
 ,, Flocks and Farming Im- 
 plements at, 23. 
 
 Littlecote, Household, 24. 
 
 ,, Provisions, Vegetables, Fruit, 
 sent to Warwick Lane from, 100. 
 
 Littlecote, Rent Roll of, 194, 195, 196. 
 „ Rents of, 198.
 
 Index. 
 
 301 
 
 Littlecote, Sale of Com and Stock at, 
 199. 
 
 Littlecote, Servants and Labourers at, 
 191, 200, 202, 203, 204. 
 
 Littlecote taken Possession of by 
 Popham, 252, 277. 
 
 Littlecote, Tithes and Taxes on, 23. 
 ,, visited by Elizabeth after 
 Darrell's Death, 102. 
 
 Littlecote, Wages and Household Ex- 
 penses at, 200, 201. 
 
 Littlecote, Wm. Darrell's last Visit to, 
 
 lOI. 
 
 Littleton, Sir John, 30, 93, 94, 169. 
 Lodge, Alderman Thos., 48, 50, 51, 
 
 52, 56. 
 
 Lodge, the Younger, 48. 
 
 London, 10, 12, 20, 24, 31, 32, 33, 45, 
 46, 48, 52, 53, 57, 61, 64, 65, 66, 
 80, 82, 83, 84, 100, loi, 102, III, 
 116, 124, 125, 127, 161, 197, 202, 
 203, 204, 205, 214, 244, 245, 271, 
 273, 277, 284. 
 
 London, Citizens of, 45. 
 ,, Train -bands of, 46. 
 ,, Bridge, 81. 
 
 Long, Henry, 188. 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 188. 
 ,, Family of, 16. 
 
 Low Countries, 273. 
 
 Ludgershall, 248. 
 
 Mabbe, Isabel, 82. 
 
 „ John, 82. 
 
 ,, Robert, 82, 162. 
 Maidenhead, 25. 
 Maidstone, 159. 
 Malmesbury, Abbot of, 187. 
 Manners, Roger, 20. 
 Manorial Customs, 155. 
 Manwood, Roger, 51, 178. 
 Marlborough, 14, 24, 194, 195, 199, 
 
 200, 201, 202, 204, 256, 274, 283. 
 Marlborough, Beare Inn at, 24. 
 Marshalsea, 91, 136. 
 Martyn, Henry, 253. 
 Mary, Queen of England, 48, 59, 61, 
 108, 120. 
 
 Mary, Queen of Scots, 1 74, 266. 
 Marvyn, Sir James, 284. 
 Massinger, Arthur, 258. 
 Massyntor, Mrs., 159. 
 Maunsell, Mr., 272, 273. 
 ,, Mistress, 272. 
 Maydew Mead, 233. 
 Merchants Adventurers, 59, 61. 
 
 ,, Staplers, 59, 61. 
 Middlesex, 60, 81, 163. 
 Middle Temple, 279, 285. 
 Miler, 243. 
 
 Molyns, Mr., 202. ' 
 
 Monmouth, 74. 
 Montague, Sir Edward, 266. 
 Moody, Mr., 259. 
 Moore, Elizabeth, 193. 
 „ John, 193. 
 ,, Robert, 193. 
 More, James, 204, 206, 207, 209, 210, 
 
 211, 223, 224, 232. 
 More, Sir Thomas, 107. 
 
 ,, William, 206, 211. 
 Mountjoy, Lord (see Blunt, Charles). 
 Muskovy Company, 181. 
 Myddel-hydes, 233. 
 Myldmay, Sir Walter, 68, 235. 
 Mylles, Fraunces, 275. 
 Myllney, Styven, 52. 
 
 Navy, Surveyor-General of Victuals 
 
 for the, 120, 121, 122, 174. 
 \edham, Andrew, 19. 
 Nevylle, Edmund, 181. 
 New, Stephen, 203. 
 Newbury, 12, 15,24,25, 199, 200, 201, 
 
 207, 251, 284. 
 Newbury, Bull Inn at, 24. 
 New Fish Street, loi, 220. 
 Newgate Street, 99. 
 Newhaven, 60, 64, 65. 
 Newporte, 9, 55- 
 Norfolk, 74, 81, 158, 163. 
 North, Lord, 112, 113, 114. 
 Northampton, 163. 
 Northamptonshire, 75. 
 Northstanden, 255. 
 Northumberland, 163.
 
 302 
 
 Index. 
 
 Northumberland, Earl of, 1 68, i8i. 
 
 ,, John, Duke of, 92, 
 
 94, 96. 
 Norwich, 35, 69, 149. 
 Nottingham, 74, 159, 163. 
 ,, Earl of, 124. 
 
 Ogle, Humffrey, 170. 
 
 Old Swanne Inn, 98, 206. 
 
 Orcheston, Manor of, 188, 192, 194, 
 
 195, 234, 236, 237. 
 Osborne, Mr., 20S. 
 Osmond, 203. 
 Over-hydes, 233. 
 Oxenbridge, R., 194, 234. 
 
 Paget, Family of, 123. 
 
 Parkebury, Manor of, 165. 
 
 Parker, Dr., Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, III, 170. 
 
 Parkers, Sir Henry, Knt., 149. 
 
 Parr, Anne, 164. 
 
 „ Catherine, 94, 164. 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 164. 
 
 Parsons, Dorothy, 194. 
 
 Partridge, Aphabelle, 82. 
 
 Paston, W., 158. 
 
 Paternoster Row, 99, loi. 
 
 Paulet, Family of, 91. 
 
 Pawlet, Sir Hugh, 65. 
 
 Peirs, Edmund, 191. 
 
 Pembroke, 106, 170, 171. 
 
 ,, Anne, Countess of, 94. 
 ,, Mary, Countess of, 14, 91. 
 ,, Henry, 2nd Earl of, 13, 62, 
 71, 94, 97, 102, 128, 142, 164, 257, 
 269, 280, 292. 
 
 Pembroke, William, 1st Earl of, 94. 
 
 Penniddock, Mr., 256, 267, 284. 
 
 Perram, Mr., 267. 
 
 Perrot, Sir John, 181. 
 
 Peye, Edmund, 267. 
 
 Picardy, 188, 189. 
 
 Pickerell, Mr. , 208. 
 
 Pitts, The, 233. 
 
 Phillips, Sir Thomas, 128. 
 „ R., 202. 
 
 Plott, John, 191, 233. 
 
 Pocock, J., 200. 
 Pollard, John, 239. 
 Poole, Anne, 259. 
 „ Henry, 259. 
 Popham, Alexander, 142. 
 
 ,, Edward, 142. 
 
 „ Sir John, 13,25, 71, 977, 102, 
 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 180, iSi, 
 194, 247, 269, 270, 271. 
 Popham, Family of, 142, iSS. 
 Portsmouth, 121. 
 Poulet, Lady, 122. 
 Povey, Johan, 267. 
 Powell, Mr., 276, 277. 
 Peat, Mr. , 50. 
 Preston, 272. 
 Prewne, Christopher, 64. 
 Puttenam, Mr., 208, 234. 
 Pyers, John, 233. 
 Pyke, Thomas, 142. 
 
 Quarles, Richard, 137. 
 Queen's Hed Inn, loi. 
 
 Radcliffe, Egremonde, 193. 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 71, 77, 79, 120. 
 
 ,, Mistress, 243. 
 Ramesbury, 193, 194, 195, 19S, 233, 
 
 258. 
 Ratcliffe, 98, 206, 209, 220. 
 Rawcliffe, 153. 
 Rawleigh, Carew, 259. 
 Read, Andrew, 208. 
 
 „ P., 158. 
 Reading, 25. 
 Rede, William, 284. 
 Reigate, 25, 232. 
 
 ,, Park, 207. 
 Requests, Court of, 8, 133, 134, 136, 
 
 137, 140, 143, 144, 145, 176. 
 Reves, Ric, 273, 289. 
 Reynoldes, Mr., 272. 
 Rhenish Wines, 76. 
 Rich, Lettice, 123. 
 
 „ Lord, 90, 92, 164, 165, 167. 
 
 „ Penelope, 91, 92, 95, 96. 
 Richards, G., 200. 
 
 „ Hugh, 242, 243.
 
 Index. 
 
 ;o3 
 
 Richards, N., 200, 204, 207. 
 Richmond, 264. 
 Ripon, 172. 
 Robsart, Amy, 94. 
 
 ,, Arthur, 94, 169. 
 Robynson, Fr., 51, 53, 54. 
 Rodley, Manor of, 155. 
 Rogers, Andrew, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, Dame EHzabeth, 7, 233. 
 
 ,, Ilonora, 96, 164. 
 
 „ John, 6, 191, 193, 233. 
 
 ,, Sir John, 164, 193. 
 
 ,, Sir Richard, 96, 164. 
 Rome, 109. 
 Roper, Mr., 262. 
 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 128. 
 Rose and Crown Inn, 83. 
 Rotheram, Mr., 208. 
 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 12S. 
 
 Royal Exchange, 58, 61. 
 Russell, Mr., 8r. 
 Russia, 48, 52, 53. 
 Rutland, 163. 
 
 ,, Henry, Earl of, 5, 194, 234, 
 267. 
 Rygge, Manor of, 192, 194, 195, 196. 
 
 Sackforde, Mr., 267. 
 Sadler, Mr., 253, 254, 255. 
 St. Albans, 163. 
 St. Clements, Parish of, 92. 
 St. James, Court of, 93, i6S. 
 
 ,, Park of, 283. 
 St. John, Lord, 99. 
 
 Mr., 24, 277. 
 St. John's Lane, 84. 
 St. Paul's, 46. 
 St. Peter's Collegiate House at Ripon, 
 
 172. 
 Salisbury, 142, 188, 192, 269, 271, 
 
 272. 
 Salisbury, Bishop of, 189, 190. 
 
 ,, Lord, 124. 
 Sanden-down, 254. 
 Sandys, Edward, 36. 
 ,, Myles, 284. 
 
 „ Dr., Archbishop of York, 36. 
 Saperton, 259. 
 
 Sarttinge, Ellyne, 53. 
 
 Savoy, Palace of, 246, 282. 
 
 Savyl, Henry, 264. 
 
 Scarminge, Mr., 180. 
 
 Sclatter, Thos., 272, 273. 
 
 Scotland, 273. 
 
 Scotney, 187. 
 
 Scryven, Regnold, 205, 208, 265, 272, 
 
 277, 278. 
 Sessay, 185, 186. 
 Setun, Dr., 53. 
 Sexton, Alice, 253. 
 
 ,, Thomas, 253. 
 Seymour, Anne, 94, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, Jane, 96, 164, 186, 1S7. 
 
 ,, Lord Thomas, 94. 
 
 ,, Mary, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, Sir John, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, William, 94, 96, 164. 
 
 ,, Family of, 61, 96. 
 Shakespeare, William, 20, 48, 83, 86. 
 Sharrington, William, 52. 
 Sheffield, 74. 
 Shefiford, 248. 
 Shelley Family, 16. 
 Shrewsbury, Earl of, 19, 20, 266, 273. 
 Shropshire, 31. 
 Skritt, Anthony, 268. 
 Slatter, T., 194, 209, 265. 
 Sly, Mr. 208, 209. 
 Small, N., 53. 
 Smith, T., 253. 
 Smithfield, 11. 
 
 „ Bars, 83, 84. 
 
 Smythe, Sir John, 264. 
 Somerfield, 180. 
 Somerset, Edward, Duke of, 71, 1 64, 
 
 187, 19s, 236, 237. 
 Somerset, Henry, Duke of, 61, 94, 95, 
 
 96. 
 Somersetshire, 17, 30, 142, 163. 
 Somersham, Park of, 113. 
 Southampton, 29, 74, 157, 163. 
 Southwark, ^l, 162. 
 Spain, 59, 76, 77, 120, l8r. 
 Spanish Armada, 23,98, 119, 279, 273, 
 
 274, 275, 276. 
 Spencer, Mr., 272, 273.
 
 304 
 
 Index. 
 
 Spene, 207. 
 
 Staffleton, R., 254. 
 
 Staffordshire, 81, 163. 
 
 Staines, 49. 
 
 Standen, Mr., 209. 
 
 Stanerton, Mr., 208, 234. 
 
 Stanhope, D., 208, 209. 
 
 Staple Inn, 99. 
 
 Star-Chamber, Court of, 133, 134, 180. 
 
 Starkye, Thomas, 52. 
 
 Stoddard, George, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 
 
 54, 55. 56, 57, 59, i59, 178. 
 Stoddard, Marjery, 55. 
 Strakes, John, 208. 
 Strand, 99. 
 Stransham, Mr., 257. 
 Stratforde, %z. 
 Stokenede, T., 51. 
 Stoke Pogis, Manor of, 28. 
 Stoner, Wm., 52. 
 Stowte, W., 234, 267. 
 Stubbs, Mr., 202, 205, 207, 283, 284. 
 Stukely, H., 194, 208, 234, 238, 239. 
 
 240, 269, 270. 
 Sturnsand, Nurse, 55. 
 Sudely, Thos., Lord, 164. 
 Suffolk, 163. 
 
 ,, Duchess of, 62. 
 Surrey, 137. 
 
 Surveyor-General of the Navy, 120. 
 Sussex, 53, 74, 172. 
 Sydney, Dame Francis, 12, 91, 92. 
 
 ,, Lady, 262. 
 
 ,, Lady Mary, 62, 94, 164. 
 
 „ Sir Henry, 91, 92, 94, 164. 
 
 ,, Sir Philip, 13, 14, 46, 62, 90, 
 91, 92, 95, 167. 
 Sydney, Family of, 91. 
 Sydenham, Court of, 157. 
 
 Tabard Inn, 162. 
 
 Taverns licensed by SirW. Raleigh, 77. 
 ,, Fatal brawls in, 75, 78. 
 ,, Regulation of, by the Govern- 
 ment, 79. 
 Taverns, Inquisitions for keeping Fast- 
 days by, 80. 
 Taverns, Table of, 163. 
 
 Taverns, Taxation of, 80. 
 Temple, 98, 142, 206, 207. 
 
 „ Bar, 92. 
 Tenant-right, Custom of, 154, 155. 
 Thames, The, 250. 
 Thirlby, Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Ely, 
 
 109, no. III, 116. 
 Thorton, Dean and Chapter of, 156. 
 " Three Legs," The, 286. 
 Throgmorton, Nicholas, 146, 181. 
 Thynne, Mr., 237. 
 
 „ Sir John, 191, 237, 250. 
 Tillage, Depression of, 156. 
 Tittenhanger, 122. 
 Tippling Houses {see Taverns), 80, 81, 
 
 82, 83, 84, 85. 
 Tower of London, 1 10. 
 
 Treasurer of Ireland, 122, 123. 
 Tremoyne, Mr., 268. 
 Tuckey, George, 93, 94. 
 Turner, Dr., Dean of Wells, 108. 
 
 Try, Lewis, 262. 
 Turkey, 181. 
 
 Tyrrwhit, Sir Robert, 156. 
 
 Uffington, M*ior of, 8, 9, 194, 234, 
 235- 
 
 Vanderven, Geo., 159. 
 Vernon, Mr., 208. 
 Vyolyt, John, 53. 
 
 Wales, 264. 
 Wallingford, 202. 
 Walron, Thomas, Esq., 233. 
 Walrond, George, 253, 254. 
 
 ,, Mr., 204. 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis, 68, 90, 97, 
 98, 102, 164, 165, 168, 194, 235, 259, 
 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 
 287, 2S9, 291. 
 Walsingham, Francis, 90, 91, 95, 164. 
 ,, Dam* Ursula, 95, 96, 165. 
 
 ,, Sir Thomas, 96. 
 
 ,, House, 99, 207. 
 
 Wanborough, 7, 21, 192, 193, 194, 295, 
 
 19S, 233, 234, 254. 
 Wanborough, Copy Holders of, 8, 143.
 
 Index. 
 
 505 
 
 Ward, Jane, 241, 248. 
 ,, John, 241, 242. 
 Wards and Liveries, Court of, 134, 136, 
 
 145- 
 
 Warwick, Ambrose, Earl of, 70. 
 ,, Robert, Earl of, 123. 
 „ Lane, 99, 197, 206, 212. 
 
 Warwickshire, 138, 139, 163. 
 
 Warying, William, Case of, 106, 107. 
 108, 170, 171. 
 
 Wattes, R., 173. 
 
 Wells, Deanery of, 108. 
 
 Welsh Marches, 135. 
 
 West Bedwyn, 181, 197, 236. 
 
 West Marches, 154. 
 
 Westhoodhey, 194, 195. 
 
 Westminster, 24, 98, 99, 206, 283. 
 
 Westmoreland, 163. 
 
 Wexcombe, Manor of, 236, 237. 
 
 White, Daniel, 198. 
 „ John, 191, 192. 
 
 Whitegift, Dr., Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 170. 
 
 Whithed, John, 251, 252. 
 
 Whytewaye, 269. 
 
 Wickerson, J., 91, 168. 
 
 Wight, Isle of, 123, 128. 
 
 Williams, John, 253. 
 ,, Thomas, 202. 
 
 Williamson, Nicholas, 19, 20. 
 
 Willington, Hugh, 177, 
 
 T.,^77. 
 
 „ Waldyve, 138, 139. 
 
 ,, Family of, 141. 
 
 Willoughby, Sir Francis, 140, 177. 
 Wilmot, Sir Charles, 128. 
 Wilson, Thomas, 63. 
 Wilton, 262. 
 
 Wilts, 165, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 
 193. 194, 195. 196, 197, 209, 233, 
 253, 281, 284. 
 
 Wiltshire, 3, 12, 14, 94, 142, 281. 
 
 Winchester, 53. 
 
 Windebanke, Master Thomas, 60. 
 
 Windsor, 49. 
 
 ,, Andrew, Lord 28, 172. 
 
 Wines, Prices of. Wholesale and Retail, 
 
 77- 
 Wingfield, Sir Richard, 128. 
 Winterborne, Manor of, 192. 
 Winterbourne-Monkton, Manorof, 194, 
 
 195, 234, 237. 
 Wirksworth, 19. 
 Wiseman, 258. 
 Withall, Manor of, 194, 195. 
 Wodehouse, Sir T., 158. 
 Wood, Mr., 181. 
 Woodhey, 209. 
 Worcestershire, 30, 93. 
 Worsley, John, 95, 165. 
 
 „ Sir Robert, 90, 95, 165. 
 
 ,, Dame Ursula, 90, 95, 164. 
 
 ,, Family of, 165. 
 Wray, Sir Christopher, 145. 
 Wroughton, Sir Thos., 283. 
 Wroughton, Geo., 259, 276, 277. 
 
 Ja., 259. 
 Wryme Hill, 85. 
 Wylton, 269. 
 
 Yorkshire, 29, 32, 33, 153, 163, 186. 
 Younge, Mr., 252. 
 
 ,, Mr. Roger, 251. 
 
 Zeland, 77, 78. 
 
 BuUer & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and Loniloc
 
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