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 Class 
 
 

 A STUDY 
 
 Case Construction of Words of Time 
 
 y^-^^ 
 
 JUJJ^ f t. LE STER DORMAN BROWN, Ph.D. 
 
 A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR 
 
 NEW HAVEN, CONN. 
 1904 
 
A STUDY 
 
 Case Construction of Words of Time 
 
 BY 
 
 LESTER DORMAN BROWN, Ph.D. 
 
 A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 ^ Of T t-. . 
 
 UNIv 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR 
 
 NEW HAVEN, CONN. 
 1904 
 

 THH TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE * TAYLOR COMPANY 
 
Pa 3» 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The texts used in the compilation of the material for this 
 thesis were the Ameis-Hentze editions of the Iliad^ ( 1894-96) 
 and the Odyssey (1880-90), the Herodotus of Dietsch 
 revised by Kallenberg (1894-99), the Thucydides of Hude 
 (1901), the Anabasis of Gemoll (1899), and the Hellenica 
 of Keller (1901). 
 
 The writer wishes to express his gratitude for the valuable 
 criticism and suggestions of Prof. E. P. Morris, Prof. 
 T. D. Goodell, and Prof. E. Washburn Hopkins. Grateful 
 acknowledgment is also due Prof. Goodell for reading the 
 proof. 
 
 L. D. B. 
 
 New Haven, Conn. 
 April, 1904. 
 
I 
 
 t^'N?VeRsiTY I 
 
 I. 
 
 Words whose primary meaning is that of time make up 
 a small percentage of the whole number of words contained 
 in any language. Of this class the nouns are still fewer in 
 number and may easily be enumerated, day, night, month, 
 etc. The aim of the writer is to study this small range of 
 common though important words as they are found in Greek 
 for the purpose of discovering as far as possible the factors 
 that determine the meaning of their case construction. The 
 term, case construction, as used here will exclude the subject 
 nominative, the subject and object accusative, the dative 
 with a comparative, the genitive of measure,* a simple limit- 
 ing genitive and the like ; that is, the topics under considera- 
 tion will be the so-called temporal constructions in the geni- 
 tive, dative and accusative. The material for this work, 
 amounting to some 3100 cases, of which about 600 have been 
 discarded as not serving the end in view, has been gathered 
 from the Iliad and the Odyssey, Herodotus, Xenophon's 
 Anabasis and Hellenica, and Thucydides. The collections 
 from the Iliad and the Odyssey, Herodotus, the Anabasis 
 and the Hellenica are, it is hoped, complete, as they were 
 made from a personal reading of the text ; that from Thucy- 
 dides has been taken from M. H. N. von Essen's Index 
 Thucydideus (Berlin, 1887). 
 
 The following is a list of the nouns of a temporal signifi- 
 cation found in the above mentioned sources: '^fiepa (5fiap), 
 vvi {ev<l>p6vrf}, ixrjv, €to^, cnavros, AvKctySas, €ap, Oepo^, oTrwpa, fiero- 
 TTcopov, <f>6Lv6ir<jipov, x^'/^t^v, opdpos, TrepCopBpo^, Iws, /Mea-rjfi^puij SetXiy, 
 
 ka-iripa, <^pa, xpovos. This list does not exhaust the words to 
 be discussed in dealing with this subject, but contains all 
 those nouns whose predominate element is that of time, 
 and in which the investigation will center. All other words 
 
 *In its original form this thesis contained an appendix dealing 
 with the dative with a comparative and the genitive of measure. 
 
2. 
 
 and expressions which must necessarily be examined will 
 be given in their proper place. 
 
 These nouns of time do not differ from any other class 
 of nouns in the manner of expressing their relation to 
 other words, but employ the same means ; those ' that are 
 most concerned in the present investigation are inflectional 
 endings and single words, of which prepositions and adverbs, 
 especially the former, are most important for the work in 
 hand. Hence we may say that the relations of such substan- 
 tives to other words in a sentence are indicated with or with- 
 out the aid of a preposition or adverb. This in fact is the 
 first characteristic that will be noticed in reviewing any 
 mixed collection of material of this particular sort. And 
 so it is that such a mass of data naturally falls into these 
 two divisions, one of which contains all instances of relation 
 expressed by means of inflectional endings, the other, those 
 that employ a preposition or adverb for that purpose.* It 
 will readily be granted that these two sections must be 
 examined separately, thus forming two distinct parts to this 
 study. Yet the examination must not stop here. These 
 divisions must be carefully compared with the purpose of 
 learning what it is that demands a preposition for the expres- 
 sion of the relation, and what distinction, if any, there is 
 between the forms of expression of which a preposition is 
 the relating element and those that apparently rely upon an 
 inflectional ending to perform that service. 
 
 The section to be considered will be the one marked by 
 the absence of preposition and adverb, the mass of cases 
 which do not employ a word to make clear their relation to 
 other words in the sentence. 
 
 In the examination of such a quantity of material the first 
 question that confronts one is the manner of classification. 
 
 * This thesis as originally submitted contained a chapter dealing 
 with this second division, which by reason of its length has been 
 omitted in the published form with the exception of a brief state- 
 ment of the method employed and of the observations made on 
 concluding the study. (See Appendix.) 
 
— 3— 
 
 Shall it be according to function or according to form? 
 Though the latter method has been chosen unreservedly 
 in preference to the former, there is no good reason in this 
 case for recounting the respective merits and defects of 
 each and showing how immeasurably superior for scientific 
 investigation is that based on a formal distinction. In 
 applying this general method of classification to the present 
 material a number of different groupings may be made, 
 grounded on more or less minute distinctions. Divisions 
 may be made on the basis of the presence or absence of 
 adjectival modifiers, on the basis of the meaning of the sub- 
 stantive, of the meaning of the modifier, according to the 
 inflectional ending, according to the number of the substan- 
 tive, the meaning of the verb upon which the temporal 
 expression depends. From a marking off into separate 
 classes according to any one of these formal characteristics 
 some result of more or less importance is obtained. Though 
 only two or three of these differences in form will be made 
 the basis of a primary classification, yet the others will be 
 utilized in forming subordinate ones. 
 
 The first primary classification to be made has for its mark 
 of differentiation the presence or absence of adjectival modi- 
 fiers. This has been chosen as the first because of its sim- 
 plicity, though apparently at first sight productive of no 
 result. 
 
 Used without modifiers : rjfiipa, vvi, evaxvrds, Oipo^, oirutpa, 
 ;(a/A(ov, ^(09, ficcrrjfiftpia, SctAiy, ecnrepa, opOpo<s, wpa, ;(povos. 
 
 Used with modifiers : ^ficpa, vvi, fjirjv, Itos, cvulvtos, AvKaySas, 
 
 la/0, 6€po<s, X'^ifxwv, ^(os, fxea-Yjfi/SpLa, SecXyj, eo-Trepa, 6p6po<s, utpa, xpovos. 
 
 As the lists stand at present the inference on the one 
 hand would be that ^rog, XvKdpas, prjv and tap were not used 
 without a modifying word. This is doubtless true for 
 €Tos, since whenever the thought was to be expressed by a 
 word for year in the singular number unmodified, mavro? 
 was always used. In the case of the second word, though 
 used but twice in Homer, Od. 14 161, 19 306, the situa- 
 
— 4— 
 
 tion seems to have been the same as with cviavro? (cf. Ap. 
 Rh. I 198 /Aei/o)i/ XvKafiavra). The same may probably be 
 said of fiTJy (cf. Od. 14 244). And likewise for tap there is 
 nothing to prevent its being used alone, as it belongs to 
 the same class as the words for summer and winter, which 
 were often so used (cf. Hes. Op. 462). On the other hand 
 oTTutpa does not appear to be used with a modifier. But 
 one is not justified in coming to such a conclusion, because 
 of the very small number of cases found and because it is 
 a word denoting one of the seasons, which very frequently 
 appear in the modified form. Thus far nothing is gained 
 from this classification. But a closer examination of the 
 words used without modifiers reveals a marked difference 
 in the case of some of them. 
 
 In every instance of ivMvro? and xp°^^ so used the num- 
 ber of the noun and the context show there is an implied 
 modifier, with the first the cardinal numeral, one,* with 
 the second some word of measure more or less definite 
 according to the context. These are as explicitly under- 
 stood as though actually written. This is illustrated in 
 the following e;»;amples. oXAA ^wv cuKia-OeU eviavrov. An. II 
 6 29. ovTro) 8* iviavTov ovtos iv ry ^crtXeLo. * A.yyfrLXAav. Hell. Ill 
 
 3 4. cf. Od. I 288, Thuc. I 109 4, 137 4, IV 118 10, 118 12, 
 VII 28 3, Hell. VI 4 34. 
 
 iv IIi/X^ -^adij}, a-i/ 8i fie xP^vov ivddS'' ip^Keit. — Od. 4 598-9. 
 liriAjyiav "^fpovov €5 ayoprjs kov fuxXurra TrXiy^w/oiyv irpocroSov iiroUero. 
 
 Hdt. VII 223. cf. I 175, VI 129, IX 49, Thuc. IV 73 4. 
 
 Another word possessing this same peculiarity is ^/xcpa. 
 But it differs from those above in that it has two meanings, 
 "daytime," the period of light, and "day," equivalent to 
 twenty-four hours. Whenever it has the latter significa- 
 tion and is unmodified, the number and the context give 
 abundant evidence that the meaning is "one day." In 
 the following passages the two meanings of the word may 
 * The same statement would be true of fi-^v. cf. Od. 14 244. 
 
be distinguished, and it may also be seen that when signi- 
 fying: *' day " the meaning is always the same as />ttav -^fiipav. 
 
 ok Sik airai yp^aro, tppu avnZ vvKxa re koI ynxipav to alfjux, kol wavra 
 irotovvTCS ovK iSvvavTO cr^elv to pcvfw. irplv Iknroxpvxrjcrt. Hell. V 
 4 58. <Ji(TTe ovToi y ix6vT(ji)v ovk olSa 6 tl av tl<s xpiycratTO avrots etre 
 WKTb<: Scot €LT€ KOL Tjfxipa';, An. Ill I 40. Kat ^/xipa^ fxkv dSvvaTa 
 iSoKti etvat Aa^€tv Trpoa-cXOovras re kol dva/Savras. Thuc. VII 43 2. 
 Sto €fJL€Lvav rjfxipav iv tw TrcSto). An. I 2 21. ot 8c €kXu\1/€lv pkv ovk 
 €<f>a(rav, cnr^CcracrOaL Sc <j<f>L(rLV CKeXcvov rjp.€pav TOv<i v€Kpov<s dvcXiaOaL. 
 6 Sk eo-TTCto-aTO 8vo. Thuc. IV II4 2. cf. VIII IO3 2, V 59 I. 
 
 An examination of the above justifies one in concluding 
 that the words for "day," "year," "time," and in all proba- 
 bility "month" when unmodified are always equivalent to 
 "one day," "one year," etc. In fact one cannot conceive 
 of these words employed without a modifier in one of the 
 temporal constructions without having this additional ele- 
 ment implied. That the words for "night time," "summer," 
 "winter," afternoon," etc., are regularly used without such 
 an implied modifier is too well known to call for any illus- 
 trations. 
 
 With this fresh light a new classification may be made 
 which is more satisfactory. Thus in one class will be placed 
 the words which may be used absolutely without any modi- 
 fiers, and in the other those that are used with modifiers 
 expressed or implied. 
 
 Words used absolutely without a modifier: -^fiepa, "day- 
 time," vvi, tap (see p. 4), O€po<s, OTrwpa, ^ufxtav, 170)5, p^ea^fi^puij 
 0€L\rf, iairepa, opOpo'S, w/oa. 
 
 Words used with a modifier expressed or implied: w^pa-y 
 * day "or ' daytime," vvi, mv, tTo<s, ivuxvros, AvKa^Sas, tap, 
 depos, OTTfapa (see p. 4), xeiixfiiv, y<as, fxeorrjfi^pta, BclXt}, eairepa, 
 6p0pos, w/Dtt, ;YP0^05. 
 
 Thus finally we find ourselves in a better position to 
 answer the question touching the result of the classification 
 according to the presence or absence of modifiers. In the 
 first place, it is seen that all those words which are found 
 to be used absolutely without modifiers may be used with 
 
them, and what is more important, they all have the meaning 
 either of a time of day or a time of year, a season ; thus they 
 practically belong to one class, at most to two, the members 
 of which bear a like relation to the wholes of which they 
 are the respective parts. In the second place, there are 
 found on the side of those words which are used with modi- 
 fiers either expressed or implied some that are quite excluded 
 from the other class. They have the meaning of "day" 
 equivalent to twenty-four hours, "month," "year" and 
 "time." That this is the case is due to the meanings of the 
 various words. Daytime, night time, summer, winter, etc., 
 without any defining word may in a loose way give the time 
 of an action or even under certain conditions may give the 
 time of duration. But day, month, year cannot give the 
 time of an action without some word to tell what day or 
 month, nor can they indicate how long an action continued 
 without some word of measure expressed or implied, or 
 some particularizing word. 
 
 A question following naturally upon the above is whether 
 this classification shows any other peculiarity in addition to 
 the one given. It would be supposed that where there is 
 such a well defined line of cleavage in meaning, on the one 
 hand the words for the time of day and season of the year, 
 on the other those for day, month, year and time, there 
 should also be found some other difference as distinct. The 
 existence of such a difference may be sought for in the con- 
 struction as it is exhibited in the number and case employed. 
 
 A table made with this end in view allows the following 
 inferences to be drawn. With the exception of rjf^P and vv$ 
 in Homer the use of the words without modifiers — meaning 
 the time of day, the time of year — is in the singular num- 
 ber only, a peculiarity which is readily explained by the 
 meanings of the words. Daytime, night time, summer, win- 
 ter, etc., when unmodified have no need of a plural in order 
 to give the time of an action or even that of its duration, 
 the use of that number to express that relation being peculiar 
 to Homer, and a question to be discussed later in connection 
 
—7— 
 
 with the examination of the accusative case. On the other 
 hand the words modified are employed in both numbers 
 aHke, and though for some of them no examples of the 
 plural are found in the sources used, yet certainly there is 
 nothing in the words themselves to prevent their use in that 
 number. Secondly, the words without modifiers are em- 
 ployed almost exclusively in the genitive and accusative. 
 The exceptions to this are wktl, Od. 15 34, Hdt. VII 12, 
 
 0€p€lj II. 22 151, X^f-l^^^h 11. 21 283, wp77, II. 2 468, Od. 951. 
 
 These exceptions in which the dative is found are limited 
 to four words of which the six examples are taken from 
 Homer and Herodotus^ both of whom in more than one 
 particular do not follow the general rules for nouns of time 
 based on Attic prose. Passing to the words on the other 
 side of the line, we find them used in all three cases in the 
 singular, genitive, dative and accusative, but only in the 
 genitive and accusative in the plural. At least these state- 
 ments apply to those words that are confined to this class, 
 day, month, and year, while the others for which the sources 
 used do not furnish examples illustrating all three cases, do 
 not contain any element which excludes them from any one 
 of them. 
 
 In concluding it may be safely said, I think, that those 
 nouns denoting time which may be used without modifiers, 
 are, when employed under such circumstances, as a general 
 rule limited to the genitive and accusative singular. On the 
 other hand, it may be affirmed that those nouns of time that 
 always have some modifying word expressed or implied are 
 not limited in their construction as to number and case, mak- 
 ing an exception however of the dative plural ; or limiting 
 the statement to one case, it may be said that with the dative 
 singular there is regularly coupled some modifying word 
 and that the dative plural is not used. Thus it is clear that 
 the line drawn between the modified temporal words and 
 the unmodified marks a distinction in number and case con- 
 struction as well as in meaning. 
 
— 8— 
 
 Thus far we have been deaUng with the two divisions of 
 the classification as wholes, endeavoring to discover what 
 differences exist between them. Now since that has been 
 accomplished, a step further may be taken by grouping the 
 words which are modified according to the meaning of those 
 modifiers and the case employed. These modifying words, 
 as might be expected in prose, are not mere descriptive 
 epithets, but are necessary for a clear understanding of the 
 thought as it was in the mind of the speaker or writer. Such 
 a classification is a proper preliminary to the investigation 
 of the question, whether these adjectival modifiers, seeing 
 that they are such necessary adjuncts, have any influence on 
 the case construction, that is, whether this or that modifying 
 word is coupled with the use of a certain case or cases.* 
 
 In the first place, the table showing this classification 
 makes it plain that the demonstrative pronouns, avros, 
 "same," and cttwov, ** following" exert no particular influ- 
 ence on the case of the nouns which they modify, though 
 doubtless in a wider range of literature the number of in- 
 stances of the demonstrative pronoun with the dative case 
 would be found to outnumber by far those with the genitive. 
 To the words just mentioned there might be added iinyiyvo- 
 fi€vos so common with Thucydides, even though no case of 
 the accusative can be cited. Secondly, the table shows that 
 va-repaios and the ordinal numerals are almost invariably 
 connected with the dative. The genitive is wholly absent in 
 the case of the former, and but one instance of it with the 
 
 * In the classification according to the modifying words those 
 that are unusual and appear only sporadically were omitted because 
 there was with them no basis of numbers from which to draw 
 any conclusion. This was also done in the case of descriptive 
 epithets because of their great scarcity and their evident lack of 
 influence on the case construction by reason of their meaning. In 
 regard to the inferences drawn it should be said that in some cases 
 the conclusions may be considered pretty certain because of an 
 abundance of material, in others because of a lack of it they are 
 only tentative, to be verified or modified by more extended inves- 
 tigation in other authors. 
 
latter is found, Hdt. IV i8o; and the accusative appears 
 only at rare intervals. In fact in the whole of the Anabasis 
 and the Hellenica and all Thucydides and Herodotus there 
 is found but one case of ttjv va-repawiv (An. Ill 5 13) over 
 against one hundred and nineteen cases of the dative, and 
 but six instances — of which two are with xpovos — of an 
 ordinal with a noun in the accusative over against one hun- 
 dred and thirteen instances, exclusive of Homer, of the 
 same combination in the dative. In this class one is inclined 
 to place also Trporepatos, which in formation and meaning 
 is closely related to vo-Tcpaio?, also SXkos '' next," and perhaps 
 varepos and Trporepo's. A third observation is that ttoXtjs, oXtyos, 
 0X09, Toa-ovTo^ and the cardinal numerals are regularly accom- 
 panied by the genitive or accusative case. The three excep- 
 tions are /ufj yfiiprj, Hdt. II 42, V 9217, fua vuktl, Thuc. VI 27 
 I. There should here be added the article, which does not 
 seem definite enough for use in the dative case, though one 
 instance is found, rfj fx€(rafi/3pi7j, Hdt. Ill 104. As for some 
 of the other modifying words, there is no justification for 
 saying that oa-o^j ttSs and its compounds, TrXctW, ^Xcio-tos, 
 5XXOS '' rest," and the indefinite pronoun, equivalent to a 
 weak word of measure, were limited to the accusative case, 
 because no instance with the genitive can be cited from the 
 sources. But rather they too should be classed with iroXvs, 
 etc., because of the similarity in meaning between oo-os and 
 ToarovTos, ttSs and 6X0^, irXuoiv, ttXcio-tos and TToXv*;^ the indefinite 
 pronoun and the whole class. Last of all it is noticed that 
 €Ka<TTo<s apparently favors the genitive, which is found 
 twenty-three times with but one instance each for the dative 
 and accusative. Since in every one of the above groups 
 some exception or other may be cited, because there are 
 other strong influences at work which neutralize the force 
 of the modifying word, the inferences which have been 
 drawn must be taken not as rules invariably followed but 
 as indicating tendencies pointing strongly in this or that 
 direction. 
 
— 10 — 
 
 With this in mind we may sum the matter up by dividing 
 the list of modifiers into three classes. First, those that 
 accompany the three oblique cases, including the demonstra- 
 tive pronouns, avros, cttkov and cTriytyvo/xevos (?). Second, 
 those that are joined with the dative and accusative, with 
 sporadic instances of the genitive, comprising the ordinal 
 numerals, vo-rc/oatos and perhaps Tr/oorepaTos, irporepos, vaT€po<s, 
 and aXXos "next." A third class are those usually found 
 in connection with the genitive and accusative with only a 
 rare instance of the dative ; these consist of cardinal numer- 
 als, 7roXv9, oktyos, oAos, TrXctiwv, ttAcioto?, too-ovtos, o(ros, ttSs and 
 its compounds, cKao-ros, aXXos '*rest," the indefinite pronoun 
 and the article. Or in other words, the first two classes, 
 which are really two divisions of a larger class, consist 
 of words of a demonstrative nature with a preference 
 for the dative case; the third is made up of words denot- 
 ing measure, the article and the distributive adjective, 
 which are employed almost exclusively in the genitive and 
 accusative. The predominance of the former group in the 
 dative and the latter in the genitive and accusative, especially 
 the latter, quadrates with the general meanings assigned to 
 the respective case constructions of words of time. 
 
 Finally, a summary of all the results of the first primary 
 classification according to the presence of definitive adjec- 
 tival modifiers, expressed or implied, or their absence, may 
 be given as follows. First, it shows a distinct line of 
 demarcation in meaning between words of time used with- 
 out such modifiers and those used with. Comprising the 
 former class are the nouns meaning a time of day and a 
 season of the year. In the latter are the words denoting 
 "time," "day," "month" and "year," which are excluded 
 from the other class, though all the members of the first class 
 may be used with modifiers. Secondly, it has been learned 
 that the division along the given lines marked a distinction 
 in case construction. Used without modifiers the words are 
 confined to the genitive and accusative with the exceptions 
 noted ; used with modifiers the three oblique cases are com- 
 
— II — 
 
 mon. Thirdly, further examination showed a limitation of 
 case construction in the presence of certain modifiers; in 
 general those nouns modified by a word of demonstrative 
 nature are employed in all cases, with a predominance of 
 the dative singular, those modified by a word expressive 
 of measure or by the article are regularly found in the 
 genitive and accusative. 
 
 The second primary classification has as its basis of divi- 
 sion the meaning of the word of time subdivided according 
 to the case, for the purpose of learning whether any of the 
 words are employed in one case to the exclusion of another, 
 or more often in one case than in another. With this aim 
 in view it has been deemed sufficient that the totals for 
 each case be given. And since the question at issue has to 
 do with the singular, because the dative plural without a 
 preposition is not found in the sources used expressing a 
 temporal relation, the statistics for the plural have been 
 omitted. It also has not been thought necessary to give 
 the data for the accusative singular, since it is evident 
 enough that any noun denoting time may under proper con- 
 ditions be employed in that case to denote the period through 
 which an action continues. 
 
 Gen. Gen. Dat. Dat. 
 
 unmod. mod. unmod. mod. 
 
 ^A*^pa* "daytime " lo 6 
 
 ijfi^pa "day" 19 .. 288 
 
 »'«J^ 66 60 I II 
 
 MiJ" 4 . . 10 
 
 ^Tos 14 . . 67 
 
 iviavrds . . 2 . . 7 
 
 «ap 2 
 
 O^pos 6 47 I 2 
 
 X«Mt6»' 6 38 I 
 
 dirdpa I 
 
 ^<6s 2 .. .. I 
 
 fiea-rifiPpia I . . . . j 
 
 delXri I 2 . . ... 
 
 eavipa 2 . . . . i 
 
 6pdpos I I 
 
 &pa . . . . 2 
 
 XP^i'os 7 . . 9 
 
 * There seems to be no instance of vfi^pa with the meaning of 
 the period of daylight in the dative. There certainly is no case 
 
12 — 
 
 A glance at the above table is enough to show a varia- 
 tion in the use of the genitive and dative with the various 
 words. With some the genitive is the predominating con- 
 struction, with others the dative. This is abundantly proved 
 if one includes in the count of the genitives the unmodified 
 instances and those with the article only, and if in the count 
 of the datives those expressions are included which were 
 ascertained to be coupled usually with the dative case, as 
 wTc/aaios and the ordinal numerals. If this is done there 
 is a division of the following sort. 
 
 I. Nouns with which the genitive is the prevailing case 
 are yfiepa 'May time," vvi, tap,6ipo^, oTrutpa, x^'-f^^^f V^'*} y^^^^iJ^- 
 Ppia, SetAiy, €(nr€paj 6p6po<s. 
 
 II. Nouns with which the dative is the prevailing case are 
 
 •ffjiipa day," /iiyv, tro'iy cviavTos, •)(p6vo<i, wpa. 
 
 wpa seems to be out of place as it belongs rather to the 
 words for season. Yet too much stress need not be laid on 
 this word as it is rare, being found but three times, all of 
 which are in Homer, two of them in a repetition of the same 
 clause. But the above division is scarcely fair as it is 
 
 similar to the accusative in such expressions as Trp&irav ^fiap is -^iXiov 
 Karad^vra, II. i 6oi, and rainjv jxkv odv tt)v rj/xipav Kal vijKra €/x€ivav iv 
 troWy diroplg, 6pt€s. An. IV 3 8. There is nothing in the context to 
 show that in the phrases, raihri ry yjiiipq.^ etc., the thought was analyzed 
 far enough to say that a particular period of daylight was meant, 
 but simply day without any idea of a division into daytime and 
 night time. The only thing that leads one to think that daytime 
 may be the meaning is that many of the actions are such as are 
 usually performed during that period. But that does not appear to 
 be a sufficient reason for taking it so, when merely to date is the 
 purpose. In the sentence, The sun shone brightly the first of 
 December, the mind does not trouble itself to carry the analysis 
 of the thought to the point of "the first daylight period of Decem- 
 ber." Of all the many examples of the dative of ijixlpa there is 
 but one that comes near being equivalent to daytime, namely, r^ 
 vffrepali^, Hell. I 2 4, followed in the next sentence but one by ttjs 
 iTrioiai)i vvKTb%. But here there is a separation, and also the dating 
 purpose is so manifest that one is not called to make a further 
 analysis. 
 
—13— 
 
 known that the dative is very seldom found without some 
 modifier, and that the genitive is by no means usual with 
 such adjectives as vaTcpaio^ and ordinal numerals. But per- 
 haps too much weight must not be thrown on the modifier 
 as the determining factor in deciding the case. The noun 
 itself may possess those elements that induce its use in one 
 case rather than another. Hence the division may not be 
 far wrong. A better way, however, is to take as a basis 
 only those examples that contain the modifying words which 
 appeared to have no influence either way on the case, thus 
 eliminating as far as possible the disturbing factors. By 
 limiting the material in this way we are hampered, as some 
 words must necessarily be omitted because no examples can 
 be cited with any of those modifying words, or if inserted 
 they will be only conjectural ; and in addition the numbers 
 are in many cases so small that the result will have to be 
 taken as an indication of a tendency in one direction or the 
 other. Thus forming a new list having for a basis the 
 examples that have as one of their constituent parts a 
 demonstrative pronoun, avros "same," cTrtwv or €7rtytyvo/w€vos, 
 we have: 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 7}fi4pa * * day " 7 40 
 
 »"J| 8 S 
 
 ^TOS I 5 
 
 iviavrds , . 5 
 
 ^ap I 
 
 d^pos 40 I 
 
 X^i-ff-f^v 31 I 
 
 XP&vos 2 I 
 
 This new table gives the following. 
 
 I. The nouns with which the genitive is the prevailing 
 case are vv$, tap, Oipos, x^'-l^^^i xP^vos (?). 
 
 II. The nouns with which the dative is the prevailing case 
 are ly/Aepa day," eros, eviavros. 
 
 Comparing these two classes with the first two, which 
 made no distinction between the modified and unmodified 
 forms, they coincide with the exception of xp^vo^- But the 
 two instances of it in the genitive are tov airov xpovov from 
 
—14— 
 
 Hdt. II 47, V 36, whose case construction for this word 
 and that for "day" does not correspond with that of Thucy- 
 dides and Xenophon, as will hereafter be seen ; and it might 
 also be added that the other five of the seven cases in which 
 it is found in the genitive modified according to the first 
 table are with a word of measure, while the nine in the 
 dative modified are all with a word of demonstrative charac- 
 ter. Since these last two classes formed under less favora- 
 ble circumstances agree so closely with the first two formed 
 under the most favorable, we might be justified in supposing 
 that the additional words of the first two, omitted in the 
 second two on account of a lack of material, belong in the 
 same classes in the second grouping. But taking simply 
 those of the second and placing them alongside the result 
 of the first primary classification according to the presence 
 or absence of modifiers, it will be observed that they too 
 essentially coincide, if we except XP^^^ which differs in its 
 constructions from the concrete words of time. That is, the 
 words of time that may be used unmodified incline toward 
 the use of the genitive rather than the dative, whether a 
 modifying word be present or not; but those that call for 
 some definitive modifier seem to prefer the dative to the 
 genitive case. The explanation of this tendency toward the 
 genitive in words denoting the time of day and season of 
 the year can be made more satisfactorily in a study of the 
 genitive temporal construction. But as for the fact that 
 words for day (twenty- four hours), month and year are 
 employed more often in the dative there need be no wonder, 
 as they are the words most often used in giving a precise 
 date and so would naturally fall in that case which had 
 been adapted to that purpose. 
 
 The first two primary classifications, of which the results 
 have been given, are to be taken as only introductory to 
 the main problem, that of discovering the factors that deter- 
 mine the meaning of the case construction of the words 
 denoting time. They form a more or less satisfactory basis 
 varying with the words that are being dealt with, an^ must 
 
—15— 
 
 themselves be used as secondary classifications subordinate 
 to the third primary classification. This is also of a formal 
 nature and takes for its peculiar characteristic of division 
 what might be hit upon first, namely, the inflectional ending. 
 Indeed it could be used as the first and only one and all that 
 has been gained so far could be drawn from it with the help 
 of its subdivisions, though this would have made it some- 
 what more complicated. And seeing that classifications are 
 simply a means to an end, it was simpler and easier to make 
 several than to make one, from which everything would have 
 to be deduced by various combinations. The end of this 
 classification is to determine the answer of the main ques- 
 tion, to localize as far as possible the deciding factors of the 
 meaning of the case construction of the nouns of time. 
 In addition it will serve as an index of the various words 
 and phrases. This classification must gather together all 
 instances of each of the three oblique cases, which must 
 severally be arranged according to the meanings of the 
 words ; and then in turn according to the presence or 
 absence of modifiers. Those with modifiers will fall into 
 groups marked by the meaning of the dififerent modifiers, 
 which in their turn, as the discussion proceeds, will form 
 the basis of further classification. 
 
 Genitive. 
 
 Singular 
 -^/xipas, Hdt. II 133, V 23, VII i6ft VIII 71; Thuc. V 
 59 I, VII 43 2; An. II 6 7, III I 40, VI I 18, Hell. 
 VII 5 19. 
 
 * It has not been thought necessary to preserve in this index or 
 classification the distinction between ijfiipa " day" and "daytime," 
 because the only conditions under which the latter meaning has an 
 influence on the meaning of the case construction are when it is 
 used in the genitive singular unmodified or with the article, which 
 fact may be easily kept in mind. — And also both in the case of this 
 word and the following words if they are found in both the Attic 
 form and Ionic or epic, the former is given, if in the latter only, then 
 that particular form is given. 
 
— 16— 
 
 T^s W^pa<i, Hdt. II 95, VII 12, VIII 78; Thuc. IV 23 2, 
 
 VII 73 3; An. Ill 3 II, VII 4 14. 
 TTjs ^/x€/oas ravri/s, Hdt. VIII 7, Thuc. VII 40 2. 
 T^s avT^s i7/M€p77s, Hdt. VII 166, IX 90, lOI. 
 TTJs avT^s ravTiy? -^fieprj'S, Hdt. V 77. 
 T^s €iriov(rr]^ "^fxeprj^, Hdt. Ill 85. 
 kKacTTT}^ rip.ipyj%, Hdt. I 192, II 37, III 90, IV 98, V 17, 
 
 VII 120; An. VI 6 I, Hell. I i 30, VII 2 23. 
 Plural 
 
 Cardinal numeral ij/u^paii/, Hdt. II 115, VI 58; Thuc. 
 
 II 97 2, IV 105 2, VII 3 i; An. I 7 18, IV 7 20. 
 oA/ycov ^/Acpwv, Thuc. IV 26 4, Hell. VII 5 18. 
 
 Singular 
 
 vv/cTos, Od. 13 278; Hdt. II i2ia, 133, 141, 150, 171, 
 IV 86, 140, 146, 158, 201, V 23, 121, VI 10, 16, 45, 
 103, VII 43, 219, VIII 27, 71, IX 10; Thuc. I 48 I, 
 
 II ^3 3» 93 4, III 30 3, 106 3, IV 26 6, 31 i, 42 4, 70 
 2, no I, 120 2, 131 3, 135 I, V 115 4, VII 4 2, VIII 
 41 3; An. Ill I 40, 3 5, 4 35, 4 2>^, 4 37, IV 4 15, 6 
 13, VI I 18, 3 I, 4 27, VII 2 22, 3 34, 3 37; Hell. I 
 I 10, I II, 2 14, 3 20, II 2 3, IV I 27, V I 25, 4 3, 
 VI 2 II, 5 15, VII 2 18, 4 17, 4 27, 5 19. 
 
 T^s 1/VKT09, Hdt. VIII 76, 107; Thuc. I 54 i, II 5 i, 5 2, 
 
 III 81 I, IV 23 2, 32 I, 67 3, 133 3, V 58 2, VII 72 
 2, 73 i> 73 3, 80 i» 81 2, 83 4, 85 2; An. II 2 i, 4 16, 
 4 17, III 4 34, IV 2 14, 4 8, 6 3, 7 27, V 7 14, VI I 
 I, 3 6, 3 25, VII 2 17, 4 6, 8 9; Hell. I 6 28, II 4 3, 
 4 5, 4 10, IV 5 3, 8 30, 8 35, V I 10, I 19, 4 21, VI 
 4 25, 5 17, VII 2 5, 2 23, 4 13, 4 32. 
 
 Tavriys t?? wktos, Thuc. [VI 97 i]. An. Ill 3 20. 
 
 CK£inys T^s ia;KT09, Hell. II 2 3. 
 
 T^5 avrqs ravrrjs wkto^j Thuc. VIII 102 I. 
 
 T^s i-TTLovaifj^ wkt6<s, Thuc. IV 130 I, Hell. I i 13, 2 4. 
 
 T^s Trapoixofxevrj^ wktos, Hdt. Ill 86, VI 1 07. 
 
 CKCtCTTTTS WKTOS, Hdt. II 37. 
 
 TToAA^s vuKTos, Thuc. VIII loi 3. 
 
—17— 
 
 Singular 
 
 fjirjvos Tov avTOv, Hdt. IX lOl. 
 
 rpLTOv firjvo'S, Hdt. IV i8o. 
 
 TOV (f)9tvovTO^ firjvo^, Od. 14 162, 19 307. 
 
 TOV l(TrafX€voLO (iJLYjv6<s)j Od. 14 162, 19 307. 
 
 fx-qvos eKaaTov, Hdt. II 77. 
 Plural 
 
 Cardinal numeral firp^Siv, Thuc. VI 212. 
 
 €TOS 
 
 Singular 
 
 rovTov TOV €Teo<s, Hdt. VI 42. 
 TOV TrpoTepov €Teo<i, Hdt. II 93. 
 TOV iiTLovTO's ercos, Hell. I 3 i. 
 TOV i^Ofxivov Itcos, Thuc. VI 3 2. 
 
 cKao-Tov Itcos, Hdt. I 67, 183, II 177, III 84, IV 62, 105, 
 V 82, VI 46; An. V 3 13. 
 
 TOV €T€0S €KaO-TOV, Hdt. I 1 96. 
 
 Plural 
 
 Cardinal numeral ctcov, Hdt. IV 151, IX 26; Hell. V 
 4 56. 
 
 oXiytuv cTtov, Thuc. V 14 3. 
 
 tS>v 7rpoT€p<av €T€(i)v, II. II 691. 
 evtavTos 
 
 TOV cviavTov, Hdt. II 59, IX no. 
 
 TOV eviavTOv exao-TOv, Hdt. IV 66, 
 XvKdPas 
 
 Tov^ avTOv XvKaySavTOS, Od. 14 161, 19 306. 
 lap 
 
 TOV 17/oos, Thuc. VII 501. 
 
 TOV avTOv rjpos, Thuc. VI 95 i. 
 Oepo<s 
 
 OipovsjOd. 7 118; Hdt. IV 28 (2), 184; Thuc. Ill 88 i, 
 VII 28 2. 
 
 TOV Oipeosy Hdt. II 25 (2), III 117, IV 31, 50 (2). 
 
 TOV OipOVS TOVTOVf ThuC. V 49 I. 
 
 TOV avTov Oipovij Thuc. II 28 i, 58 i, 66 i, 79 i, 80 i, 
 III 90 I, 91 I, 94 I, 100 I, IV 42 I, 58 I, 66 I, 75 I, 
 
— 18— 
 
 133 2, V 33 I, 34 I, 35 I, 52 2, 53 I, VI 96 I, VIII 
 22 I, 24 I, 87 I. 
 
 TOW €7r60VTOS BipOV^j Hcll. Ill 2 3O. 
 
 Tov Itnyiyvoiievov Oepov^y Thuc. II 71 i, III i i, 26 i, 89 i, 
 IV I I, 52 I, 117 I, V I I, 40 I, 82 I, 84 I, VI 8 I, 
 94 I, VIII 7 I, 61 I. 
 
 OTTCOpa 
 
 oirfaprj^j II. 22 27. 
 
 XCt/AttTos, Od. 7 118. 
 
 Xct/ixSvos, Hdt. IV 28 (2), 184; Thuc. I 30 4, VII 28 2. 
 
 Tor x«/t*<^vos, Hdt. IV 31, 50 (3); Thuc. VII 19 5, 31 3; 
 
 Hell. I 2 17. 
 Tov avTov x«/^t!>»'os, Thuc. II 70 I, 102 I, III 20 I, 88 i, 
 
 104 I, 105 I, 115 I, IV 51 I, 102 I, 109 I, 135 I, V 
 
 83 4, VI I I, 7 I, VIII 30 I, 35 I. 
 Tov imyLyvoixevov x^t/^iwvos, Thuc. II 33 i, 69 i, III 87 i, 
 
 103 I, IV 50 I, V 13 I, 36 I, 51 I, 56 I, 83 I, 116 I, 
 
 VI 63 I, VII 10 I, VIII 2 I, 29 I. 
 
 ^ovs, II. 8 470, 525. 
 fieayjfJLppia 
 
 fieaafiPpCrjs, Hdt. Ill 104. 
 
 SetAi/s, An. Ill 3 11. 
 
 T^s SctXiys, An. VII 2 16, 3 10. 
 eairipa 
 
 k<nripa%, Hell. I 6 i, IV i 6. 
 Iip0p<y% 
 
 SpOpav, Hell. IV 5 18. 
 
 TOV SpOpovj Hell. V 4 28. 
 Xpovos 
 
 TOV avTov xpovoVf Hdt. II 47, V 36. 
 
 iroAAov )^6vov, Thuc. I 3 2, An. I 9 25. 
 - oXtyov xpovoVf Hdt. Ill 134. 
 
 TOV XotTTov xpovovy Thuc. VIII 29 I. 
 
 Xpoiw; Tocovrov, Hdt. II 128. 
 
—19— 
 Dative. 
 
 ravTYi rrjriiiipay Thuc. IV 78 5, 106 3, 129 5, VII 52 I, 
 78 4; An. I 7 14, 7 17, ni 4 18, VI 4 25, VII 8 6; 
 Hell. Ill I 19, 5 21, V 3 I. 
 
 TjlJuiTL T<SSe, II. II 444, 15 252, 21 584, Od. 20 116. 
 
 TySe Trj 17/Aepa, Thuc. V 9 9, An. Ill 231, Hell. V 2 26. 
 
 ^fmTLT<o, II. 2 351, 743, 3 189, 5 210, 6 345, 8 475, 9 
 253, 439, II 766, 13 335, 14 250, 15 76, 17 401, 18 
 85, 19 60, 89, 98, 21 77, 22 359, 471, 23 87; Od. 5 
 309, 20 19, 23 252. 
 
 TJfmTL KCtViO, II. 2 37, 482, 4 543, 18 324, 21 517. 
 
 CKeivri ttJ ^/x€/oa, Thuc. I 20 2, VIII 69 2; An. IV 7 8 ; 
 HelL IV 8 36, VII 430, 5 21. 
 
 tJjjmti t<S avTw, Od. 7 326. 
 
 rrj avTYJ ■^fiepa, Thuc. I 29 5, 100 I, VII 3 5, 82 3, VIII 
 23 2; An. I 5 12; Hell. I 6 27, IV 4 19. 
 
 (rrj) ordinal numeral rjfj-ipa (17/xaTt), II. i 54, 425, 9 363,' 
 II 707, 21 46, 24 612, 665, 666, 667; Od. 5 34, 263, 
 6 170, 9 83, 10 29, 81, 14 252, 19 202, 24 65; Hdt. I 
 I, 30, 47, 82, III 14, 42, 52, 129, 157, IV 75, V 72, 
 
 VI loi, 106, VII 31, 168, 191, 192 (2), 210, VIII 15, 
 54, 55, IX 33, 84, ^6, 87; Thuc. Ill 96 2 (3), 107 3, 
 IV 25 8, 119 I, V 19 I, VI 23 2, VII 42 3, I 60 3, 
 108 2, II 19 I, III 76 I, IV 90 3, loi I, VI 8 3, VII 
 75 I, VIII 24 I, 107 i; An. I 7 18, 7 20, II 3 25, III 
 4 31, 4 37 (2), IV 7 21, 8 I, 8 21, VI 2 12, VII I 40; 
 Hell. I 2 7, 6 20, III I 17 (2), 4 21, IV I 20, 5 3, 6 
 6, VI I 17, 5 15, 5 20, 5 30. 
 
 rSSDOiy ('^fi€pa.), An. II i 3, III 4 i, VI i 15 ; Hell. I i 
 
 13. 
 Ty vcrrepaiaj Hdt. I 77, 126, 133, II 141, IV I13, VII 54, 
 119, 212, VIII 22, 25, IX 8, 15, 92; An. I 2 21, 7 19, 
 II 2 18 (2), 5 27, III 4 18, 4 37, IV 2 24, 5 I, 5 19, 
 8 21, V 2 28, 4 II, 4 22, 6 I, VI I 14, 2 I, 4 10, 4 20, 
 
 VII I 37, I 40, 2 13, 4 I, 4 21, 6 7, 7 55, 8 5, 8 20; 
 
 ^ OK THE ^ 
 
 UNiVERSlTY J 
 
 IE- J 
 
vv$ 
 
 — 20 — 
 
 Hell. I I 14, I 18, 2 4, 6 15, II I 15, 2 4, 2 22, 4 3, 
 4 9, 4 2Sj 4 31, III I 17, 2 19, 4 15, 5 21, 5 22, IV 3 
 9, 4 9» 5 8» 5 10, 6 8, 7 5, V 4 18, 4 29, 4 49, 4 54, 
 VI I 17, 2 31, 3 19, 4 16, 5 15, 5 16, 5 18, 5 27, VII 
 I 20, 4 32, 4 39; Thuc. I 52 I, II 22 2, 82 I, III 36 
 4, 73 I, 109 I, 113 I, IV 13 3, 25 8, 31 1, 38 4, 45 2, 
 69 3, 96 9, 115 2, 130 I, V 66 I, VI 7 2, 50 3, 67 I, 
 71 I, 97 5, 99 I, loi I, VII 3 4, 35 2, 38 2, 39 I, 45 
 I, 52 I, 78 4, 78 6, 79 5, 83 I, VIII II 2, 23 2, 28 I, 
 
 35 4, 79 5, 93 i- 
 T17 Tikevrairj, Hdt. II 87. 
 
 TTJ TTporepata {rjfiipa), Hdt. I 84, 126, II 63, VII 212, IX 
 ' 9; Thuc. V 75 4; An. II I 3, V 4 23; Hell. I i 15. 
 rfj va-raTr], Hdt. II 151- 
 Trj Trporepa, Od. 16 50; Thuc. VII 51 2. 
 Trj iTTLOvarj rfp^ipa. An. IV 5 30. 
 
 T7) iTTLyLyvofxevrj rjfJi^pa y Thuc. Ill 75 I, IV 130 2, VI 97 I. 
 TY) avpiov, An. VI 4 15. 
 rrj irpoaOev rip-^pa-y An. II 3 I. 
 TTJ CTTt TavrrjiTL (^fiepy), Hdt. VI 12. 
 ^^/xepo. rj, Hell. I 4 12. 
 y '^fiepa.y Hell. II I 30. 
 
 TjfjMTL x'^'-I^P^^ (oTrcuptva)), II. 12 279, 16 385. 
 iw rjfULTi, II. 6 422. 
 f"5 Vf^^PVy H^t. II 42, V 921;. 
 
 WKTl, Hdt. VII 12. 
 
 TwoTy ry WKTt, Hell. IV 5 4. 
 
 TySe wKTt, Od. 20 88. 
 
 iK€ivrj rrj wkti, Thuc. IV 103 4. 
 
 Ordinal numeral wKxt, Od. 7 253, 12 447, 14, 314; Hdt. 
 
 IV 172. 
 Ty ivLOwry wkti, Thuc. VII 6 4, Hell. II I 2 2. 
 fufwKTij Thuc. VI 27 I. 
 tv<l>p6vq 
 
 rpiry fv^povy, Hdt. IX 37. 
 
— 21 — 
 
 Ordinal numeral ft>yvt, Hdt. Ill 6^, 153, V 115; Thuc. 
 I 117 3, II 2 I, VIII 64 3: Hell. I 4 21, II 2 17, III 
 • 3 2, V I 5. 
 
 Itos 
 
 TOVTO) TO) €TCt, Hcll. V 2 2. 
 
 c/cetVo) TO) crct, Hell. IV 5 2. 
 
 (tw) ordinal numeral cret, II. 2 329; Od. 3 306, 4 82, 5 
 107, 14 241, 16 206, 19 484, 21 208, 23 102, 170, 24 
 322; Hdt. I 19, 74, 108, II III, 133, III 59, 131 (4), 
 IV 14, 42, 95, 158, V 42, 89, VI 18, 31, 40 (2), 46, 
 VII I, 7, 20, 80; Thuc. I 12 3 (2), 18 2, loi 3, 103 
 I, 115 2, II 2 I, III 68 5, 116 2, IV 102 3, V 16 3, 
 VI 3 3, 4 3, 59 4, VII 28 3, VIII 58 i, 68 4; Hell. 
 ^11 3 9. 
 
 Tw oAAo) Irct, Hell. I 2 I. 
 
 tS €7n6vTL ira, Hell. I61, IIlIO, 31. 
 
 rw v(TT€pio €TeL, Hdt. VII 4, Hell. VII i i, 2 10. 
 
 Tw irpoaOfv €TCt, Hell. V 2 4. 
 
 T<0 irpOT€/0<j) €TCt, Hdt. Ill 47, VI 95 (2). 
 €ViaVTOS 
 
 Tovro) Tw €vtavT<p, Hell. [II I 8], 
 
 Ordinal numeral cj/iavrw, II. 12 15; Od. 2 175, 3 391, 
 16 18, 17 327. 
 
 TrepLtovTL Tw ivuLVTWj Hell. 2 25. 
 dipos 
 
 OipeC, II. 22 151. 
 
 T<o avTw ^€/3a TOVTO), Thuc. II 27 I. 
 
 irepuovTL T<p OepUf Thuc. I 30 3. 
 
 X^i-p^VL, II. 21 283. 
 
 ^0)S 
 
 riOL Ttj irporipriy II. 13 794. 
 kcnripa 
 
 ry irpwrrj ia-TrepUj Hell. IV 7 4. 
 (iJ/)a 
 
 oVy, 11. 2 468, Od. 5 485, 951. 
 
— 22 — 
 Xf)W05 
 
 T^ avTta xpo^<P> Hell. I 2 l8. 
 Tw irptaTto XP^vo), Hell. H 3 1 5. 
 
 v<TT€pio xpovio, Hdt. I 130, HI 149, IV 166, V 32, VI 66\ 
 
 Hell. II 4 43. 
 ^ixura xpoviOy An. I 8 22. 
 
 Accusative. 
 
 rjfiipa 
 
 Singular 
 
 5/ia/t), II. 5 490, 22 432, 24 73, Od. 2 345, 10 28, 80. 
 W^pav, An. VI I 14, VII 6 9, Hell. V 4 58; Thuc. I 
 
 137 2, IV 114 2, VII 77 6; An. I 2 21. 
 rrivriiiipav, Thuc. II 81 8, III 88 3, VII 28 2; An. V 8 
 
 24, Hell. I 6 20, VII 4 13. 
 Tttvnyv T^v ^^epav, Hdt. Ill 55, 79, V 112, VII 54, 55, 
 
 181, VIII 25, 86, 107, IX 92; Thuc. Ill 91 5, IV 
 
 13 I, 38 4, 90 3, V 54 3, 65 5, VII 73 2, VIII 103 I ; 
 
 An. II I 3, III 4 I, 4 26, IV I 14, 3 I, 3 8, V 4 22, 
 
 VI 4 I, 4 13. 
 iKuvrjv Trjv rjfxipav, Hdt. VIII 9, An. II i 6. 
 (t^v) ordinal numeral -^fitpaVf Thuc. IV 90 3 ; An. IV 5 
 
 24, Hell. II 4 13. 
 T^ vporiprp/ -^fieprjVf Hdt. I 126. 
 Triv iTTLOvcrav "^fxipav, Thuc. VII 74 I, An. Ill 4 18, Hell. 
 
 ly 6 6, V 4 3- 
 T^ varcpaiav, An. Ill 5 13. 
 TTjv Trapeovcrav (^/xeprp^), Hdt. I 1 26. 
 T^v Trj/xepov ^fiepav, An. IV 6 9. 
 T^v iirl TQ wktX — Tifxipav, Hell. IV 4 9. 
 It/av rip.ipavj Hdt. I 164, Thuc. IV 31 I, II5 I, VI 7 2, 
 
 VIII 28 i; An. VI 6 38, Hell. V i 14. 
 Ttjiv aXk-qv 7ip.ipaVy Hell. IV 3 22. 
 irpoirav rjpjOLpy II. I 601, 19 162, 24 713, Od. 9 161, 556, 
 
 10 183, 476, 12 29, 19 424, 24 41. 
 vav^fmpy II. I 592, 18 453. 
 T^v -^fiipav airaxrav, Thuc. IV 130 I. 
 
—23— 
 
 Ktivrjv r^v ij/i-epiyv iracraVf Hdt. IX 52. 
 T^v €T€p7}V {"^fiiprjv) TToicrav, Hdt. I 94. 
 iracrav ■^fxepr}Vj Hdt. I III, VH 203. 
 o\r}v T^v ^/xcpav, Thuc. VH 38 3, An. IV 1 10, Hell. VI 4 
 
 36- 
 
 ravTrjv t^v ^fxipav oXfjVy Thuc. IV 69 2. 
 
 T^v €7riov(rav -^fxepav oXrjv, An. IV 5 7. 
 Plural 
 
 ^/xara, II. 18 340, 23 186, 24 745, Od. 5 156, 10 li, 16 
 365, 19 513, 20 84. 
 
 T^is 'fjfiipas, Hdt. Ill 18, IX 37, 93; An. V 8 24, VII 2 
 21. 
 
 Tavras ras rjiiipa^, Hdt. VI 58. 
 
 ras avrois ravras iJ/Mcpas, Hdt. VIII 15. 
 
 Cardinal numeral (^/xara) i/fic/oas, II. 6 217, 21 45; Od. 
 4 360, 5 278, 388, 7 267, 9 74, 10 142, 17 515, 19 199, 
 24 63; Hdt. I 86, II 29, 77, 88, IV 73, 89, 133, V 8, 
 72, VI 135, VII 191, VIII 66, IX 40; Thuc. II 57 2, 
 75 3, III 81 4, 107 3, IV 6 2, 54 4, 124 4, VII 50 5, 
 87 3, VIII 31 4, 44 4, 99 I, 103 2; An. I 2 6, 2 9, 2 
 10, 2 II, 2 14, 2 19, 2 20, 3 I, 4 I, 4 6, 4 II, 4 19, 5 
 4, n 3 17, 5 I, III 4 31, IV 3 2, 7 18, 8 22, V 3 3, 5 
 3, 5 5, VI I 17, 2 I, 6 38; Hell. I I 20, 2 2, 6 6, II i 
 24, III 4 21, V I 14, VI 5 20, 5 32. 
 
 Tas oAAa? (^fiepas), Thuc. IV 39 2. 
 
 iroAAas ^/Acpas, Thuc. II 47 3, Hell. VII i 22. 
 
 ^fxipw: (Tv^asj Hdt. VII 131. 
 
 6\Cyas Vf^€pas, Hdt. IV 105, V 65, VI 102, VII 173, VIII 
 113; Thuc. VIII 71 3, Hell. I 4 23. 
 
 rjfmra Trdvra, II. 8 539, 12 133, 13 826, 14 235, 269, 276, 
 16 499, 19 226, 23 594, 24 491 ; Od. 2 55, 205, 4 209, 
 592, 5 136, 210, 219, 6 46, 281, 7 94, 257, 8 431, 468, 
 9 123, 10 467, 15 54, 17 534, 21 156, 23 6, 336, 24 25. 
 
 TToo-as (i7/u,€/oas), An. IV 3 2. 
 
 rptaKovra rots irao-as ly/Acpas, Thuc. II 1 01 6. 
 
 ocaaTTcp (^fiipas), An. IV 3 2. 
 
 ■^fiipas oo-cu, Thuc. VII 51 2. 
 
 i^/Acpas irXeCovsj An. II 4 i. 
 
—24— 
 
 Ttvas ■^fiipa'Sj Thuc. Ill 523, Hell. VI 5 49. 
 
 Tjixipas iv aUj Thuc. II 73 I. 
 
 ras irpoKeLfievas "^fiipa^, Hdt. II 87, IV 133. 
 
 TOtS TTpO TOV '^fl€pa<Sj Hdt. VII 1 6)8. 
 
 Singular 
 
 vvKTa, II. lo i88, 312, 399, 18 274; Od. 3 151, 490, 5 
 
 466, 16 367, 22 195 ; Hdt. I 181, VII 42, 119, IX 15 ; 
 
 Thuc. I 137 2, VII 77 6; An. VI i 14, VII 6 9, Hell. 
 
 V458. 
 T^v vvKTa, II. 10 497 ; Hdt. II 95 ; Thuc. Ill 74 3, 88 3, 
 
 IV 45 I, 68 5, 103 I, VII 28 2, 29 3, 74 i; An. IV 
 
 2 I, 2 6, 5 5, V 8 24, VI 3 21, 5 I, Hell. VII 2 19. 
 ravrrfv t^v vvKra^ An. I 10 19, III i 3, IV i 11, 3 8, 5 29, 
 
 Hell. IV 5 3. 
 
 €K€LV7p/ TtJV VVKTtt, Hcll. V 4 3. 
 
 T^v iTTLova-av vvKra, Thuc. IV 38 4. 
 T^v irpocrOev vvKra, An. IV 37. 
 fuav vvKTa, An. VI 6 38, Thuc. VI 61 2. 
 vacrav rrjv vvKra, Hdt. VII 217. 
 vvKTa e/cacTTiyv, Hdt. II 130. 
 Plural 
 
 vvKxas, II. 5 490, 9 470, 18 340, 22 432, 23 186, 24 73, 
 
 745; Od. 2 105, 345, 5 154, 10 II, 28, 80, 15 476, 19 
 
 150, 340, 20 85, 24 140. 
 Tasw'KTas, Hdt. I 182, 186 (2), II 44, III 18, IV 128, 
 
 VII 125, IX 37, 93; Thuc. Ill 21 4; An. V 8 24, 
 
 VII 2 21. 
 Cardinal numeral i/vKxas, Od. 5 388, 9 74, 10 142, 17 
 
 515, 2463; Thuc. II 75 3. 
 
 TToXXaS VVKTttS, II. 9 325, Od. 19 341. 
 
 €v<f>p6vrj 
 
 ravrrpf rrjv ev<f>p6vtjVy Hdt. VII 188. 
 
 Singular 
 
 ft^va, Od. 14 244. 
 
 <tva pUjvaj II. 2 292. 
 
 liSjva iravray Od. 10 14, 12 325. 
 
—25— 
 
 Plural 
 
 Cardinal numeral fxrjva^j II. 5 387, Od. 17 408; Hdt. I 
 192 (2), II 68, 149 (2), III 14, 67, IV 28 (3), V 34; 
 Thuc. I 109 4, II 2 I, 65 6, V 60 I ; Hell. I 5 21, II 
 2 16. 
 Itos 
 Plural 
 
 Cardinal numeral It?/, Hdt. I 7, 14, 16, 18 (3), 25, 29 
 (2), 86, 91, 102 (2), 119, 163, 214, II 13, 30, HI, 
 127 (2), 133, 139, 140, 157, 159, III 10, 50, IV I, 157, 
 158, 159, V 89 (2), VII 148, 154, 155; Thuc. I HO 
 I, II 2 I (2), 65 6, 65 12, III 87 2, 114 3, V 18 3, 23 
 
 1, 26 4, 26 5, 41 2, 47 I, 47 3, 79 I, 112 2, VI 2 5, 4 
 
 2, 59 4; Hell. II 4 21. 
 
 Ttt iravra cardinal numeral Irca, Hdt. I 163, III 66^ VII 4. 
 
 ravra to. ScKa €Tr}, Thuc. V 24 2. 
 
 TO. ScW €Trj, Thuc. I II I. 
 
 TToXXa €Trff Thuc. I 24 4, Hell. VII i 6, i 10. 
 
 oXiya €Tca, III 22. 
 
 Too-avra €Tyjj II. 2 328, Hdt. Ill 22, Thuc. VI 10 5. 
 
 ivULVTOS 
 
 Singular 
 
 ivvavTov, Od. I 288, 2 219; Hdt. II 168, III 24, V 116, 
 VI 128, IX 93; Thuc. I 109 4, 137 4, IV 118 10, 118 
 12, VII 28 3, 48 5; An. II 6 29, Hell. Ill 3 4, VI 4 
 34. 
 
 rov ivuxvToVf Thuc. IV 118 14. 
 
 rdvTov rov eviavrov, Hdt. I 67. 
 
 TOV V(TT€pOV (ivUlVTOv), ThuC. I 3I I. 
 
 Tov CTTLovra ivuLVTOv, Hell. Ill 2 6. 
 Tov cvta-UTov Travra, Thuc. I 3 1 I . 
 ivuLVTov aTravra, Od. 15 455. 
 ivvaxrrov riva, Thuc. Ill 68 3. 
 Plural 
 
 ircj/TC TrepLTrXofievovs cvtavrovs, II. 23 833. 
 $€po^ 
 
 TO Oipo^j Hdt. II 25, IV 23, 28, 50, 172; Hell. V 2 43. 
 TO depos TovTo, Thuc. I 30 4, V 35 8. 
 
—26— 
 
 TO depos TOVTO iravj Thuc. V 35 2. 
 
 TO iiTLov 6epo<Sj Thuc. VIII 2 2. 
 
 TO Aowrov Oiposj Hell. Ill 2 30, V 4 58. 
 
 Tov x^f-fj^ya, Hdt. II 25, III 117, IV 23; Thuc. VI 88 5; 
 
 Hell. I 4 I, IV 8 7. 
 Tov Seivov )(€iiJL(ova, An. VII 6 9. 
 Tov xuixma tovtov, Thuc. V 17 2, 56 4. 
 Tov iTTLOvra ^eLfxtavay Hell. Ill 2 30. 
 TOV xctfttiiiva anavra, Hdt. II 19. 
 
 ^w, Od. 2 434. 
 opOpoi 
 
 TOV opOpovj Hdt. IV 181. 
 (Spa 
 
 (opiyv KoAA/o-Tiyv, Hdt. VII 50. 
 T^v x«/AC/oti^v <2/)7yv, Hdt. II 24. 
 Xpovos 
 
 Singular 
 
 Xpovov, Od. 4 599; Hdt. I 175, VI 129, VII 223, IX 49. 
 Toi/ xpoVov TovTov, Hdt. I I, 29, 59, 65, 6S, 73, 75, 77, 79, 
 191, II 25, 52, 128, III 57, 104, 148, IV 135, 144, 
 152, 162, 163, V 30, 44, 58, Ss, VI 51, 86a, 89, 127 
 (2), 137, VII 59, 208, VIII 65, IX 7, 37; Thuc. VIII 
 76 I. 
 
 Tov )(p6vOV CKCIVOV, Hdt. I 1 83. 
 
 TOV aVTOV TOVTOV X/^OVOV, Hdt. IV 145, 147, VI 22, 27, 
 
 VII 151. 
 TOV TrpwTov )(p6vov, Thuc. VIII 97 2. 
 TOV irapiXOovra ^ovovy Hell. VI 3 17. 
 TOV irporepov xpovoVf Hdt. V 41. 
 TOV TTpoaOev xpovoVf Hell. V. i i, VII 4 30. 
 TOV ifiTTpoaOev ■)(p6vov, An. VI i 18. 
 TOV vvv xpovov, An. VI 613. 
 TOV €7rara )(p6vov, Thuc. IV 45 2. 
 
 TOV OTTO TOVTOV )(p6v0Vy Hdt. V 86. 
 
 TOV dpr/fievov )(p6vov, Hdt. II 125. 
 
 TOV 5Uov xpovov, Thuc. Ill 68 i, VII 27, 4; Hell. Ill 4 
 12. 
 
—27— 
 
 TTOXWXPOVOV, II. 2343,3 157, 129; Od. 2 115, 4543, 594, 
 
 675> 5 319, II 161, 15 68, 545, 16 267, 21 70, 24 218; 
 Hdt. I 199, III 57, 124, IV I, 201, V 16, 48, 28, 106, 
 VIII 68)8, 114, 142; Thuc. I 86 4, II 19 2, IV 35 4, 
 44 I, Vir34 4, 78 7; An. I 3 2, II 5 42; Hell. I i 
 35, 3 6, 6 33, V 2 4. 
 
 <ro^v6v )(p6vovj Hdt. IX 102, An. V 8 14. 
 
 irAeom x/oovov, Hdt. Ill 124, IV 114, 152, IX in; Thuc. 
 
 V 47 6, VII 28 3. 
 
 (as, oTt) TrXetaTov xpovov, Hdt. IV 9; Thuc. II 57 2, IV 
 6s I, 744; Hell. n3 24, VI 3 7, VH i 2. 
 
 okiyov xpovov, II. 19 157, 23 418; Hdt. I 132, II 125, VIII 
 4; Thuc. I 18 3, II 85 6, 92 I, 102 6, IV 34 I, 54 2, 
 
 VI 4 I, VIII 95 5 ; Hell. II 3 41, IV 5 8, V i 8. 
 Brjpbv )(p6vov, II. 14 206, 305. 
 
 TravTtt Tov xpww? Thuc. V 54 3, An. V 2 11. 
 
 ToviraivTa xpovov, Hdt. I 85, II 173, III 75, VI 52, 123, 
 
 VIII 100, l40a/3, IX 106. 
 TOV TToivTa xpovov rbv iirtkonrov, Hdt. II 13. 
 Toa-ovTov xpovovj Thuc. VII 12 3, An. I 9 11, II 4 26, VII 
 
 4 19, Hell. IV 6 13. 
 6(Tovxpovov, II. 24 670, Od. 19 169; Hdt. I 21, III 48, 
 
 133, IV 119, 123, 201, V 84, VI 128, VII 73, 94, 
 
 VIII 29, IX 63; Thuc. I 137 4, II 49 6, 57 i, 65 5, 
 
 VII 70 5, VIII 53; An. II 4 26, V I 12, VII 4 19, 
 Hell. IV 4 15. 
 
 oTToarov xpovovy Hdt. Ill 22, Thuc. IV 21 3. 
 
 Toaa-ov xpovov, II. 24 670, Od. 19 169, 221. 
 
 TOV SnrXdaLOv — )(p6voVf Hell. V 3 21. 
 
 ov8eva xp^vovf Hdt. II 147, VII 13, 56, VIII 71; Thuc. 
 
 II 84 2, III 87 I. 
 X/ooVovTtva, Thuc. I 13 6, III 104 2, V 5 I, VI 7 i, VII 
 
 40 4; An. Ill 4 36, Hell. V 2 5. 
 Xpovov 6(Tov, Thuc. II 23 3. 
 ypovov ov, Thuc. Ill I 2. 
 ov xp^vovy Thuc. Ill 39 8. 
 Xpovov CIS o K€, Od. 6 295, 9 138. 
 Plural 
 
 Tovs TrpwTov^ XP^^^^'^J Thuc. VII 87 I. 
 
—28— 
 
 It is a natural supposition that accompanying such a gen- 
 eral classification according to case there should be a well de- 
 fined and well maintained distinction in function, something 
 to which we have become accustomed in our grammars ; and 
 this is in great part true. But any attempt to draw a hard 
 and fast distinction between the meanings of the cases and 
 to make a general statement with regard to any one of them, 
 which will invariably hold true, involves one in difficulties, 
 because not infrequently there will appear a use of a case 
 that does not harmonize with the general rule; a strict 
 line of demarcation does not exist. Especially does this 
 crossing of the case meaning appear in the use of the 
 genitive and dative, which at times seem to have the same 
 signification. The genitive and accusative here and there 
 give a hint that they too may be employed the one for the 
 other. And also the function of the accusative and that of 
 the dative are not always maintained distinct from one 
 another. In the endeavor to demonstrate these points the 
 aim will be to cite examples which present as far as possi- 
 ble the same conditions. That is, the cases to be compared 
 will be of the same noun, will have the same or similar 
 modifiers, and will depend upon verbs of the same or simi- 
 lar meaning — in a word, the trend of the thought of the 
 two or more sentences will be alike as far as possible. Such 
 conditions cannot always be complied with; and seldom 
 will all of them be observed together, since some attributives 
 are not used with certain cases and with certain nouns, and 
 so on. 
 
 The first topic is the crossing of the genitive and dative. 
 We read in the school grammars that the genitive expresses 
 the time within which an action takes place, and the dative, 
 the time when, or something to that effect. Do we find 
 such a definite distinction in the following? 
 
 Compare 
 
 aOpoou Sk yevofuvtu at i^c? airacrai iv IXapio) ii koI oySonrJKOvra t^s 
 itrijovcrrp vuktos avrjydyovTOj koI rrj aXXy rifiipa nepl apL<TTOV <opav rjKOv 
 
—29— 
 
 ei<s TlpoKovrja-a-ov. Hell. I i 13. Ty ^ ixTTepaLo. ol /xev *A6r]va'LOL 
 'jrepLTrXeva-avre^ is to tt/oos ^klwvtjs to re irpodaTCLOv elXov kol ttjv ^/>te- 
 pav airacrav iSrjovv tyjv yrjv ovSevos €7r€^tovTOs . . . , ol Bk TpuaKOcnoi 
 Ttuv '^KLdivaiOiv T-^s iTTLOvarjs wktos ajre^oiprifTav ctt' oXkov. koX ttJ 
 iinyLyvofjiivr) ^fiepa NtKtas fikv rw -^fiLcreL tov (TTpaTOv irpoioiv a/xa €s to. 
 fieOopta T(x>v ^Ktcovaicov rqv yrjv iSyov, NtKoo-rpaTos 8c . . . irpocr^KaOrjTO 
 T17 TToAet. Thuc. IV 130 1—2. Kat TTJs iTTLOva-rjs wktos ive/3aXov 
 
 els T^V AvSuLV OKfld^OVTOS TOV (TLTOV. Hcll. I24. €t TOIVVV TL 
 
 roiovTO ex^LS (r6cf>Lcrfjux, ^p-q ixrjXO-vaLdOan Kat piq ava^dXXea-OaL, <os r^s 
 iTTLOvarjs 'qp^eprjs 6 dyoiv ripXv iaTi. Hdt. Ill 85. toutl Se ftap^a- 
 poLCTL KaT-qyUTO 'iTnrtrjs 6 HeioricrTpaTov is tov MapaOiova, Trjs 7rapoi;j(o- 
 ficvrjs WKTos oij/Lv lSo)v TotiyvSc. Hdt. VI 107 (cf. Hdt. Ill 86.) 
 
 with 
 
 Kat Trj iTTLOvarj wktl €(J>6a(rav irapoLKoSopirja-avTes kol TrapeXOovTcs 
 Tr)v Tw ^AOrjvacoyv olKoSop^iav. Thuc. VII 6 4. AvaavSpos Sk Trj 
 iTTLOva-Yi WKTL, i-TTU opBpos Tjv, ia-qfxr}V€v cts Ttts vavs dpiaTOTroLrjcra- 
 fievovs €io-/3atVctv. Hell. II i 22. Trj 8* imovayj 'qP'^pa Sevo^wv 
 Aa)8a)v TOV KOip.dpxr)V rrpos ^€.LpL(TO<j>ov iiropevero. An. IV 5 30- o 
 <ov 8^ 'Ypoid^s ovTOS o MdpSos lSo)v Trj TrpoTepaiy twv Ttva AvSwv 
 Kara tovto Tqs dKpoiroXios KaraySavra eTrt Kweqv av<o6ev KaTanvXiadur 
 crav ktX. Hdt. I 84. Kat jLtera tov KaTdirXovv TerapTo) />tiyvt dvrjxP'O 
 iir* "AvSpov dffiedTrjKviav twv ^ AOrjvaiOiv. Hell. I 4 21. ivi/SaXov 
 §€ Kat Tw varcpo) crct cis tov ^Xciowra ot re *Apy€iOL kol ot 'ApKdSes 
 ttTravTCs. Hell. VII 2 10. 
 
 What better parallels can be found than those in Hell. I 
 I 13 and Thuc. IV 130 1-2, in which are Ty aXXy -qfiepa 
 
 and Trj €inyLyvop.€VY] fip.ipa respectively followingf rqs iTriovarjs 
 wKTos almost immediately, in both cases separated by but 
 a very few words? Are we to suppose that in using the 
 genitive the writer analyzed the thought to the point of 
 thinking "in the course of, during, some time within," but 
 when using the dative did not go through this process but 
 allowed it to stop with the concept, "when, at which" ? This 
 does not seem rational inasmuch as there is nothing to 
 indicate that his purpose is not the same in both instances, 
 namely to date the action. In Thuc. VII 6 4 and Hell. II i 
 
—30— 
 
 22 the same phrase is in the dative which was genitive in 
 the two references just mentioned and Hell. I 2 4 ; and while 
 in the case of Hell. II i 22 it may be objected that the 
 cTTct clause so chang-es the conditions that its exactness in 
 defining the time produces a desire for the definite dating 
 case in the noun, which is probably true, yet certainly the 
 Thucydidean example is free from this objection, and a 
 comparison shows that one case is as precise in dating as 
 the other, because the attributives are the same. That 
 Herodotus in III 85 writes t^s imova-rj^: ^/^eprys instead of 
 the dative, as Xenophon or Thucydides most probably 
 would have done, is not surprising, since he is accustomed 
 to use this word and others of the same class in the geni- 
 tive; instances of this will be cited in the following pages. 
 His meaning seems to be "our trial is to-morrow," which 
 is like that of An. IV 5 30, with which it may be com- 
 pared. Of the other examples given there are none corre- 
 sponding so closely as those that have been mentioned, but 
 a similarity in the verb if not in the phrase may be found 
 as an/yayovro Hell. I I 13 and avrJxOri Hell. I 4 21, ivefiaXov 
 Hell. I 2 4 and VII 2 10, t'8«v Hdt. VI 107 and I 84. 
 
 Compare 
 
 KOL Tavn/s T^s WKTos cr^ei/Sov^Tttt fikv eh StaKoatovs iyevovro, tTTTrot 
 Sc KOL tTTTreis iSoKifiaaOrjaav ry varepaia ei<s TrevrrJKovra. An. Ill 3 
 20. Kol r^s avrrj^ ravrrfs wktos o>9 el)(OV Ta;(Ovs VTrofj^iiavres rrj 
 Xepcroviya-o) TrapcTrXeov lir 'EAaiovrros. Thuc. VIII 102 i. uxrr 
 CKeCvrji TTJs WKTo^ ovScis eKOLfirjOr}. Hell. II 2 3. 
 
 with 
 
 KOI Tore Sc^a/Acvoi avrov rg ttoXci km OTroo-TavTcs twi/ *A$rivcu(av 
 CKCtvjy rrj wkti KareaTrjarav rbv a-rparov irpo lo) ctti rrjv y€<f>vpav rov 
 TrorafJLOV. Thuc. IV 103 4. <f}avep6^ Sk iyevero Koi 6 vcws tov 
 riocctSoivos ravrrj rrj wktX Kaofievo^. Hell. IV 5 4" ScKotTO) /xrjvl 
 eyevav. Hell. Ill 3 2. aior^o/tcvo? 8k otl 6 (rtTos iv ry iroket ttoXus 
 ivcCrj, eviTrjpuL': yevojxevr)^ tw irpoaSev tru. Hell. V 2 4. ^irjXov Si 
 TOVTO Ty varepcLU^ eycvcro. An. II 2 18, 
 
—31— 
 
 A second time there are present in the same sentence a 
 genitive phrase of which wkto^ is the noun and a dative 
 phrase in which it is w^P^ understood, An. Ill 3 20. 
 In this passage there seems to have been in the mind of the 
 writer with respect to the two ideas expressed no feeling of 
 difference which would influence one to take the genitive 
 and the other the dative — a-ffyevBovrJTai kyivovTo is virtually the 
 same as iTnroL Se kox tTTTTcis i8oKiixai<r6r](Tav. ravry rfj wktl might 
 just as well have been used and with the same significa- 
 tion. The explanation of the genitive is probably the force 
 of attraction exerted by the word, vv^j which was so com- 
 monly employed in the form, wktos and t^s wktos. The 
 Ikuvtj {ravrrj) rfj wktl of Thuc. IV 103 4 and Hell. IV 5 4 
 may fairly be compared with the preceding and the t?? 
 avTTJ^ TavT7]s WKTOS of Thuc. VIII I02 I. The next three 
 containing the dative, Hell. Ill 3 2, V 2 4, An. II. 2 18, 
 illustrate the use of ytyvofjuaL with that case, which in An. 
 Ill 3 20 is accompanied by the genitive. 
 
 Compare 
 
 Trpos 8c Kttt TttSe Xeyova-L, m (rvvi^rj rrj^ avrrjs ij/xc/orys ev re rrj 
 StKcAtr; TeXcova kol &rjpoiva vlkuv 'AfiikKav rbv K.apxrj86vLOv kol iv 
 ^Xa/xtvt Tovs "EAAiyvas rov Hepa-rjV. Hdt. VII 166. r^s Sk avTrj<: 
 ^fxiprj^ T^s irep iv ILXarairja-i to rpSifJui eyeveroj (rvveKvprjcre yeviaOai 
 Kol iv M.vKaXrj tyj<s Iwvtrys. Hdt. IX 90. on 8c Trj<s avrrjs rjixip-q^: 
 crvvifiaLve yivecrOaA. fJLrjv6<s re tov avTOv, XP^^V ®^ ttoAAw (T<f>(, varrepov 
 S^Att dvafJLav6dvov(TL cytVcTO. Hdt. IX loi. ttjs 8c avr^s TavTiys 
 rm.ipyj'i 01 'AOrjvaioL 8taj8avTCS cs rrjv EvjSouav (rvfxfidWova-i Kat rduri 
 XaAj<t8ci)o-t. Hdt. V 77. TttVTtt jSovXcvo-aftcvot dTrcTrc/ATrov twi/ vcwv 
 TOM Ta)($€i(ra<;, avTol ovk iv voo) €;j(Oi/tcs Tavnys t^s -^ixiprjs ToXcn "EAAiyo't 
 iinOrjcreaOaL. Hdt. VIII 7. 
 
 with 
 
 rrj ^ avrrj rjp-^pa- avTOi<s iwifir] kol ttjv 'E7rt8a/u,vov tovs TroXtopKOvv- 
 Tas irapaa-TTJa-aa-Oai byioXoyta wcttc ktX. Thuc. I 29 5. iyevero 8c 
 fxtra ravra kox ^ €7r' Evpv/M€8ovTt iroTafJuS Trc^o/xaxwc kol vav/xa;(ta A^i;- 
 
—32— 
 
 vaiicDV Ktti T<uv ^vfifJLd)(<j}v Trpos Mi^Sovs, /cat iviKwv ry avrrj "^[Jiepa. ayi^o- 
 T€pa 'AdrjvoLOL. Thuc. I lOO I. Kol Tpirjprjs rrj avrrj yjfJi^po- oAur- 
 KCTttt Twv 'AOrivaiwv vtto twv iSvpaKOcrtwv i<}>opfJLOvaa tw Xip^evL. Thuc. 
 VII 3 5. NtKias 8c Acat ot fxer' avrov d<f)LKvovvrai rrj avrrj rffxipa 
 IttX rov irorapJov tov *Eptveov. Thuc. VII 82 3. Trj ^ avrrj riixipa 
 trvy^ov KoX ol *A6r)vaiOL BcLTrvoTroLOvfievoL iv rats 'Apyivovcrais. Hell. 
 I 6 27. ware So^av Trapeix^ tois 7roA.€/x,tbts /w,^ TroLrja-eadaL pjd)(rjv iKeivr) 
 ry 7ip.ipa. Hell. VII 5 21. 
 
 It has doubtless been noticed that all the examples of the 
 genitive just given are from Herodotus. It is a peculiarity 
 of his that in every instance of this kind but one, as far 
 as I can find, in which he uses a demonstrative or avros, 
 the phrase is genitive. This is all the more surprising since 
 rip.ipa is the noun which is so generally in the dative with 
 such words in the other sources. A comparison of the 
 above genitive and dative phrases does not seem to show 
 that Herodotus had a shade of meaning in his use of the 
 genitive not found in the dative phrases of Thucydides and 
 Xenophon, especially as some of the passages correspond so 
 closely in meaning; but rather he illustrates a freer use of 
 the cases, perhaps due to a dialectic difference in idiom, or 
 a personal preference for a phrase which for him had 
 become almost stereotyped through his habitual employment 
 of it. 
 
 In full accord with Herodotus' use of t^s avr^s W^PV^ are 
 the two instances of fov avrov xpovov, where the dative is 
 expected, and in fact in one the time is more definitely de- 
 fined by a dative phrase. The change of case may be due to 
 the fact that f^py was understood, a word apparently em- 
 ployed in the dative rather than in the genitive. These cases 
 are : rota-i fiev vw aWoLO-L Oedtat Ovctv vs ov SiKaicvcrt AiyvTrrioLj ScXiywy 
 8c KOI Atoi/v(ra) /xovvouri rov avrov ^ovov, ry avrrj TravacXyvw, vs Ovaav- 
 Tcs waTcovrai rtav k/ocwv. Hdt. II 47* lo-rtatos p-ev vw ravra Svavocv- 
 fACVo^ dTrcTTC/ATTC TOV ttyycAov, *ApL(TTay6py 8c oruvcTrtirrc tov avrov ^(povotv 
 TTovra ravra (rvveXBovra. Hdt. V 36. 
 
 Instances of this noun without a preposition are so rare 
 that it is difficult to find a parallel. The only one that may 
 
—33— 
 
 be compared with the above is taken from Xenophon. T<f 
 8' avTw XP^^^ '^^^ °' AaKcBaLfJLovLOL rovs cts to Kopv^aaiov rwv ElXo)- 
 
 T<UV tt^CO-TCUTaS €K MaActtS VTTOO-TTOvSovS d^^KttV. Hell. I 2 1 8. 
 
 Compare 
 
 [tov 8* CTTtovTos €T0V9 6 €v ^wKattt vcws T^s 'A^iyvtts eve7rp>;(r^iy.] 
 Hell. I 3 I. ^vpaKova-aq Be tov ixo/Mcvov Itovs 'A/oxtas T<av *H/»a- 
 KAetSwv €K KopivOov wKto-e. Thuc. VI 3 2. 
 
 with 
 
 T<p S' iinovTL trei . . . ot AaKcSat/xovioi . . . eTrefiif/av ctti rots vavs 
 KaAAiK/aartSav. Hell. I 6 i. tw 8' iinom crct . . . cSo^e tw 8^/w.ft 
 TpLOLKOVTa av8pa<s kXiaOai. Hell. II 3 I. r<^ 8* kinovTi Irct . . . 
 A.vcravBpo<i d^tKO/Acvos cis "TE^caov jxereiripxl/aTO *Etcovikov €k Xtov ovv 
 Tats vavo-i, Kat tois oAAas Trdo-as (rvvrjOpoLcrev kt\. Hell. II i 10. 
 
 It is not fair to base any inference on the use of the 
 first genitive phrase quoted, Hell. I 3 i, because of the 
 probable spuriousness of the sentence in which it stands, 
 though the following datives appear to express the same rela- 
 tion. The second one, Thuc. VI 3 2, is followed in the next 
 sentence but one by ©ovkA^s Be koL ol XaXKiBrj^ ck Nd^ov opfirjOev- 
 
 T€S €T€t TTC/XTTTO) fXeTCL '^VpaKOvaaS OLKLCrOeLa-aS AeOVTtVOVS T€j TToXe/xto 
 
 Tovq ^iKcAovs iieXdaravres, olkl^ovctl kol /xer avrov<s KaTcivryv, in which 
 €Tct TrefXTTTo) expresses a thought like that of tov exofxevov €tov^. 
 It is unaccountable that these two word combinations in 
 consecutive sentences with the same verb were conceived 
 in the mind of the writer and understood by that of the 
 reader in two different meanings. With the latter is an 
 ordinal numeral which in a dating phrase usage demanded 
 should be with a noun in the dative; with the former is a 
 word rather unusual with temporal phrases, and one with 
 which neither case had probably associated itself, so that 
 the writer had a larger freedom in choosing his construction. 
 It is just this kind of juxtaposition, of which other examples 
 have been cited, that has been one of the factors in pre- 
 venting one meaning from crystallizing about a case. 
 
—34— 
 Compare the following: examples with those of t<5 ivLovri 
 
 era quoted above, tov S* cttiovto? Oipovs Tri/Mf/as ®pacrv8ato^ cts 
 AaxeSaLfwva (rwexutprjae <l>eas t€ to t€i)(os TrcpteXeiv ktX. Hell. Ill 
 2 30. TOV 8* iTTiyiyvofxevov Oipov? ol HeXoTrovvrjcnoL koI ot ^fifxaxoL 
 es /w.€v T^v *Attik^v ovk ecrc^oXov, ia-Tpdreva-av Sk €7n nXarotav. 
 Thuc. II 71 I. TOV Se eTTLytyvofxevov Oepov^ at piv iviavcrioi (tttovScu 
 
 StcA.cA.WTO /AC^t Ilv^tWV. Thuc. V I I . TOV 8* CTTtytyVO/ACl/OV $€pov% 
 
 At^s TC ot €v *A^a) airia-T-qcrav *A$r)vaL<i)v rrpos XoAxtSeas Kat AxiKcSat- 
 fAOVLOL ra iv *A;(atta ovk CTrtTiySctcos irporcpov c^orra KaBicrravTO. Thuc. 
 
 V 82 I. TOV 8* €7rtytyvo/x,o/ov •)(€LpMivo<i ff v6a-o<i to Scvrcpov c7rc7rco"c 
 TOts *A6rjvaL0L'S' Thuc. Ill 87 i. tov 8* €7nyiyvop.€vov ^(ct/xclivos 
 'HpaKAcwTats ToTs cv Tpa^ivt /txa;(i7 cyci/cTo Trpos Atvtavas ktX. Thuc. 
 
 V 5 1 I . TOV 8* iiriyLyvopevov xct/*<«>^os AaKc8ai/u,ovtot Aa^drrc? *A^ 
 vatov5 fjypovpovs tc rpiaKoo-LOVS kuI *Ayrf<n7nrL8av ap^ovra Kara OdXaacrav 
 cs "ETTtSavpov €cr€7rep.if/av. Thuc. V 56 i. rov 8' iinyi.yvop.evov 
 ■)(€Lp.<ji>vo^ AaKc8aiftovtot ok yaOovTO reLXi^ovTwv, iarpdreva'av es to 
 
 Apyos. Thuc. V 83 I. 
 
 To the above may be added some illustrations of the 
 other dating: phrase so common in Thucydides. ot Sk Aaxc- 
 
 8atfiovtot KOI ot $vp.pja)(0L tov avTOv Oepovs icrrpdrcvaav vavaiv CKaTov 
 cs ZaKvvdov TTjV vrjaov. Thuc. II 66 i. Kat 6 vcws t^s "Hpas tov 
 avTov Oipovs iv "Apyei KareKavOrj. Thuc. IV 133 2. Kat tov avTov 
 $€pov^ . . . ot AaKc8at/Aovioi hjfrj^LO-avro tovs pkv /tcTa "Rpaa-ihov EtAcoTas 
 pxi)(€.<Tap.kvov<i cAcv^cpovs civat Kat otKCiv ottov av /SovAwvTat. Thuc. 
 
 V 34 I. TOV 8* avTOv )(eLpMivo9 Kot ArjXov eKdOrjpav ^AOrjvaioi Kara. 
 ')(P'q(Tp.ov hrj riva. Thuc. Ill 104 l. rov 8' avTOv ^eLp.(ovoi Kat Xtbt 
 
 TO TCt)(OS TTCptCtAoV TO KOIVOV KcAcVO-aVT(i)V * A$YJVaLiOV KtA. ThuC. IV 
 
 51 I . 'OAv/ATTta 8* iyevero rov Oipovs rovrov, ols ^AvBpoa-Oevrj^: *ApKas 
 irayKpdriov rb TrptoTov cvtW. Thuc. V 49 i. 
 
 It will be remembered that the words for the seasons are 
 regularly found in the genitive case and that but two out 
 of the whole number are in the dative. Hence it is impos- 
 sible to give a number of parallels in the dative containing 
 the same words, and we are obliged to be content with a 
 correspondence in the modifying word or a similarity in the 
 general trend of the thought. For phrases in the dative 
 with the same modifying word there may be compared the 
 examples of T^ avT^ 17/Acpoi (p. 31), and ry €inyLyvop.€vri fip.ip(i. 
 
—35— 
 
 found below, and for those containing an attributive of a 
 meaning- like cTriytyvo/tcvos there are the illustrations of T<p 
 iirtmni tru mentioned above. Others that may be given 
 
 are : dvia-Trja-av Sk Kol AiyLvrJTa^s tw avrw Oipei rovro) e^ Alyivrjs 'A6rj- 
 vaioL. Thuc. II 27 I. Kol TOVS TWV KopivdiiDv ivfifid\ovs CTTtTrXcOV- 
 Tcs €<f>0eipovj fJi'^xpi' ov 'KopivOioL Trtpuovri tw Oipu Tripxl/avrei vavs koX 
 
 CTpaTldVy CTTCt (T<f>ijiV ol ^VIXpjCL)(OL CTTOVOW, CCTTpaTOTreScvOVTO Itu *Aktl(o 
 
 ktX. Thuc. I 30 3. iXeyovTO Sk kol ai o-7rov8at iieXrjXvdevai tois 
 MavTtvcOo-t Tovro) r<p cret ktX. Hell. V 2 2. nS 8* v<TTip(o trti 
 AcuceScufiovLtov Kal t5>v arvp.p.dywv irpicrfia^ ^XOov avroKpdTopi<s AOrjva^e. 
 Hell. VII I I. €ve/3aXov §€ Ktti tw varipto (Lt€l cts rov ^XtiovvTa ol 
 re 'ApyeioL kol 01 'A/axaScs aTravres. Hell. VII 2 10. aXXa yap 
 fiera ravrd re kcll AlyvTrrov aTrwrraa-Lv t<S va-ripta eru Trapaa-Kcva^o- 
 pxvov crwrivtiKf. avrov Aapuov . . . diroOaveiv. Hdt. VII 4. rrj Bk 
 iTnyiyvofJievr] ly/xcpa NtKOCTTpaTOs . . . TrapayiyveraL ^orfdCiv Ik NavTraKTOV 
 ktX. Thuc. Ill 75 I. Kcu rrj eTnyLyvofievrj ij/w-epa NiKtas ftcv t<o 
 rjfU(r€L Tov o-TpaTOv Trpotcjv a/Aa €s to. fieOopva twv 2>ctwvato)V n^v yiyv 
 «8»fov. Thuc. IV 130 2. 
 
 When it is considered that Thucydides uses a phrase con- 
 taining a word denoting season in a temporal construction 
 seventy-four times, all of which are genitive but two, it 
 can scarcely be assumed that in all of the seventy-two 
 instances he intended to convey the idea of "during, some 
 time within," and but once conceived the period as a point 
 in time. He was writing a history and was dating the 
 events by summers and winters, and his customary phrases, 
 all of which have avros or eTrtytyvd/Acvos with the exception 
 of one, Thuc. V 49 i (p. 34), were stereotyped and through 
 constant use were never analyzed further than the stage of 
 thinking that they dated a given event at the time of a 
 certain season. Homer and Herodotus do not use such 
 phrases at all ; but Xenophon in the only instance in which 
 he uses a season in this fashion in the Hellenica or Anabasis 
 uses the genitive, rov cirtovros Oepov^ (p. 34), though in the 
 preceding two books of the Hellenica he had employed 
 Tw iinovri trei three times. A comparison with the dative 
 phrases of like character reveals so close a resemblance that 
 
-36- 
 
 it must be admitted that the two cases in these instances do 
 not have their general distinction, but express the same rela- 
 tion, unless the view is held that the case can express one 
 relation and one only, which is not warranted by the facts 
 already brought forward and those that are to follow. It 
 cannot be said with certainty that they have lost this dis- 
 tinction, for the number of instances of seasons in the geni- 
 tive tends rather to prove that these words never possessed 
 it, and this supposition is supported by the few Homeric 
 examples in which the word for a season is unmodified, but 
 nevertheless both genitive and dative are found, and without 
 a distinction in meaning. 
 These are 
 
 Tao)v ov TTore Kaprros ottoWvtcu ov6 aTroXeiTTCt 
 
 ;)(ctfuxTOS ovSc ^epevs, CTTCTiyortos. — Od. 7 117— 8. 
 
 Tov 8* 6 yipoiv Hpuiixo<s Trpturos iSev oKfiOaXfJiOiatv 
 
 '7rafx<f>aLvov6* ws t' airrip lireadvp^evov TreBioLOf 
 
 OS pd T OTTUtprjs ela-LV. — II. 22 25—7. 
 
 rj 8* €T€pr} Oepei irpopiu Ilkvui )(aXoi^rj. — II. 2 2 15 !• 
 
 €(TTav 8' iv Xet/xtovt ^KafJuivSpLio avOefioevri 
 
 fivpCoij ocraa re ^vAAa kol avOea ytyvcroi (oprj. — 11. 2 467—8. 
 
 Of a character similar to the above datives are the follow- 
 ing two examples of wktl, which do not seem to differ from 
 the ordinary use of the genitive of the same word. In the 
 Homeric passage the adverb ofim gives the same meaning 
 as KOI rjfiepas kol wkt6<s> 
 
 oAAa €Ka<s vqa-tnv d7rej(av ivepyea vrja 
 wktI 8* o/AWs 7rAc6ctv. — Od. 15 33-4. 
 
 fxera §€ exxfypovYj re cytvero koI Uip^rjv cKvt^c 1) 'Apra^dvov yvwfirf • 
 WKTL §€ ^ovXrjv SlSovs TTtty^^v €vpLaK€ ot ov TrprjypjOL CLvat crrpaTtvicruat. 
 iTrlrrjv'EWdSa. Hdt. VII 12. 
 Compare these with 
 
 'qyya-avTO ovv, el eva ekoLVTO aip)(OVTa, /xoAAov av ^ TroXvapxui^ ov(rrjs 
 Bvvaa-OaL tov eva ■)(prj(r6(u tw crrpaTevfJUxTL kcu wktos koI rjfiepaS' An. 
 
 VI I 18. iXOovra^ 8c ctti to. jSacnXi^ux wkto^ kcu tov XlOov irrl rep 
 OLKoSop.-qpxLTL dvevpovTa^ prjLSL(i)<: p.eTa)(eLpta-a(T6cu ktX. Hdt. II 1 21a. 
 ravra Sk trovqa-ap.evoKTL wkto<: <f>6j3os es to arparoTreSov eveirea-e. Hdt. 
 
 VII 43- 
 
—37— 
 
 Up to this point all that has been given shows the geni- 
 tive stepping over into the territory supposed to belong to 
 the dative; but sometimes the dative encroaches on the 
 domain of the genitive, a fact to be inferred from the pas- 
 sages quoted below. 
 
 Compare 
 
 vofjii^ovre^ ovto) koI iv do-^aA-CcrTaTw etvat, rjv rj -^ Icr^vs avrwv €Ka- 
 T€po}$€v, Kol €L TL TTapayyeiXoL -^^prjtfluv, i^iu(T€L av "XfiOVio al(r6oiv€(r6cu to 
 
 cTpaLTevfjuL. An. I 8 22. This is supplemented by two others 
 taken from an outside source, cos Sk KariSwv iKeivo^ iiaviarrj 
 
 Kol iJL€T opy^s ^7r€L\r)(T€V oXtyo) xpovo) Tov<s avSpas kTrihcC^tiv ovk cts rrjv 
 avTov vavv ifi^e^XrjKOTas, oAA' eh rots iSuis uaT/otSas, ckcAcvov ktA. 
 Plut. Aristid. 23. KifKov 8' wcnrep dO\r}rr]<s Savbs rj^iepa fxia Svo 
 KaOrjprjKm d*yo>vtcr/xaTa, kol to ftcv iv SoAa/Atvt 7re^o/wa;(ta, to 8* iv HXa- 
 Tttiais vavfiaxca TrapeXrjXvOuis TpoiratoVf iTrrjywviaaTO rats vwcats ktX. — 
 Plut. Kim. 13. 
 
 with 
 
 Kat ravTa oXiyov )^6vov iCTTcu TeAcvftcva. Hdt. Ill 134. a$v- 
 fuav T€ irXeLO-Trjv 6 xpovo^ 7rap€t;(C Tra/Do, Xoyov iTnyiyvofxevos, ov s ^ovto 
 rffieptjiv oXtywv iK7ro\iopKiq<J€LVy iv vi^au) re ipTfjfJir) koX v&xti dX/xvpiS 
 ■)(p(i)lx€vovs- Thuc. IV 26 4. 6 8' av *E7ra/i,€iv<ovSas, ivOvixovpLeva 
 on oXCyoiv pxv -^fiepiov dvdyKrj tdovro dinevaL 8ia to iirJKeLV rrj (TTpaTeCq. 
 rov xpovov. Hell. VII 5 18. iXOtav 8' ckcivos Xiyei ori, d^u 
 ovTOvs Trerrc -^fxeptav eis x^P^^^ oOev oif/ovTcu OdXarraV' An. IV 7 20. 
 
 Note in both cases the character of the attributives. They 
 are words of measure, and adjectives of such meaning can- 
 not denote the time at which an event occurs ; but both 
 genitive and dative modified as they are give the limits 
 of the time within which the action of the verb takes place. 
 This is particularly clear in the sentence with 17/Acpa jowa, of 
 which the interpretation is that it was something extra- 
 ordinary for a general to win two such victories as those at 
 the Eurymedon within the given time. 
 
 It has been hinted that the genitive and accusative some- 
 times come in conflict, or better, the resultant when the 
 genitive is used is in the end the same as when the accusa- 
 
-38- 
 
 tive is the case. Such instances are naturally rare. Yet 
 the two stereotyped, semi-adverbial expressions, rov Xonroii 
 and TO XoiTTov, which certainly had their origin in the g^eni- 
 tive and accusative cases, clearly have an equivalent mean- 
 ing under certain conditions. The distinction generally 
 made is that the former equals "in the future (at any 
 time)", the latter, *'for the future (for all future time)," 
 and this holds good in very many instances, as for example : 
 
 Kttt Soyfia iiroiyaavTO, idv tls tov Xolttov fivrjcrOrj 8t;(a to a-TpdrevfJo. Troictv, 
 6avdT<a avTov ^rjfMOva-OaL. An. VI 4 11. C7rot7;cre Sc kol ^wfJLov Koi 
 vaov OLTTO TOV Upov dpyvptov, kol to Xolttov Sk del BeKaTev<j)v tol Ik tov 
 dypov wpaui dv(Tiav cTrota ttj dtto. An. V 3 9- Yet when the 
 verb was negatived it seemed to make little or no difference 
 which was used. For doubtless the conception was that 
 "not — at any time" was essentially the same as "not — for 
 all future time or throughout the future." This is illus- 
 trated in the following. 
 
 <f>€peT€, TOV Xolttov /xr/ Trct^w/xe^a avTOv. Hdt. VI 12. orr tc tov 
 Xolttov Xoyovs e^mv TOLOvaSe /jltj €TTL<f>aLveo *A6r}vaLOL(TL. Hdt. VIII 
 143. <os 8* €K€T eyevcTO, TTvdofxevoL ol ^onoTapxoL otl Bvol, Trep-tj/avrts 
 
 tTTTTCaS TOV T€ XoLTTOV fXTTOV pit] OvCLV. Hcll. Ill 4 4, TOO^aVTa TOV 
 
 KtjpvKos ctTTOVTO? ol ^AOrjvoLOi TTipLif/avTe^ TTapa Tovs BoiwTOv? iavrStv 
 KrqpvKa tov pkv tcpov ovtc dSi/c^crat €<f>a<Tav ovSkv ovtc tov Xoittov €k6v- 
 T€s pXd4f€Lv. Thuc. IV 98 I. of. Hdt. I ii, An. V 7 34, 
 Hell. II 3 29, V 3 12. 
 With the above compare the following. UiXcvov to c? 
 
 TLaXXrjvrfV Tct;(os KaStXuv kol 6p.7Jpov^ Sovvai, Toik Te eTTLSrjpuovpymfi 
 €Kir€/bwr€tv KOL TO XoLTTov p.r] he^caOaL ov<i KaTo. tros CKacTTov Kopivdioi 
 Ittc/xttov. Thuc. I 56 2. ivpipAxovs Sk ovBcttotc to Xolttov eTToio- 
 p.€$a ovSk SiaAAaKTcis. Thuc. IV 64 4. kol to Xolttov ivp-p^xov^ 
 p.rj TTOLCLaOaL, cSo-Trep el(o6ap,€v. Thuc. VI 1 3 2. koi to Xolttov 
 
 TTpOeLTTOV P'T^Te €VaTToOvy(TK€LV €V Tjj VqcriJi p.Tfr€ ivTLKTCLVf dAA* €S TtJV 
 
 'FrfveCav BLaKop.L^ecr6aL. Thuc. Ill 104 2. of. Ill 71 i, V32 5, 
 VII 60 2. 
 
 It is this interchange of the two forms of expression when 
 the negative is present that may account for the geni- 
 tive in the following two instances, in which, though the 
 
—39— 
 
 negative is absent, the meaning of the words is "for the 
 future", not "at any or some time in the future." This is 
 effected by the word, Aocttos *' rest, remainder," a word of 
 measure, and the context. The passages are these: €v6a tov 
 XoiTTOv SuuTaro l;(a)v ovSkv /Suxlov. Hdt. Ill 15- '''^ ^^ Xonrov y(p6- 
 vov €/8ovXcTO rpnii^oXov SiSdmt, 1(05 av jSaa-iXm iTrep-qrai. Thuc. 
 
 VIII 29 I. In Hdt. Ill 15 the verb, Statrao/xat 'Mive," con- 
 taining so strong an element of duration, Hmits to extent of 
 time a temporal expression of which a word of measure is 
 a part. The second example, though somewhat different in 
 that xpovov is expressed, should be classed here because of 
 the close likeness in meaning. But, though the noun is 
 expressed and the case is genitive, the attributive and the 
 €0)5 clause seem to indicate clearly that the meaning is " for 
 the future until." 
 
 Thus it is seen that the crossing of the genitive and accu- 
 sative cases, if such it may be called, is quite limited in its 
 extent. Examples of other words which have a hint of it, 
 yet are by no means certain, are here omitted and will be 
 examined as they are met with in the separate discussion 
 of the cases. 
 
 It is also apparent that the line between the dative and 
 accusative is not always strictly drawn. For this is seen 
 not only in such petrified accusative forms as avrrj/mp, a-^fii- 
 pov and the like, but also in the Herodotean phrases of 
 which the prominent elements are a demonstrative and arros 
 depending on XP^^^^- Iii these it is difficult to perceive a 
 distinction, since the use of the accusative resembles so 
 closely the dating function of the dative. The most strik- 
 ing examples of this are the following: 
 
 TovTo p.€v cr<l>L iripApacTL i<s AeA^ovs x^P^^ verjvUwv CKarov Bvo fiovvoi 
 rovTOiv a/rrevocTTrja-av, tovs Be oktw re kol ivevrJKOvra avrwv Aot/xos vtto- 
 Xay8o)v aTrrjvcLKe ' tovto Sk iv rrj ttoXl tov avrov tovtov xpovov, oXiyov 
 7rp6 T^s vavfxax^r]^, Traiol ypap^puara. hSaarKOfievoun iviireae 17 a-riyrj, 
 (MTTC air* CKarov kol ukocti TratScuv ets /otowos aTrc^vye. Hdt. VI 27. 
 ZayXaioi yap ol oltto StxcAtTys tov avrov ^ovov tovtov irefjiTrovTe's is ttjv 
 'I<ovir)v dyyiXovs CTreKaXiovTO tovs ''Icovas €s KaX^v d/cri/v. Hdt. VI 
 
— 40— 
 
 2 2. rv)(av €V Sovo-otcri Totcn Me/avoviotcri iovras kripov irprjyfiaTO^ 
 eivcxa dyyeXovs ^KO-qvaCmv, . . . 'Apyciovs 8c tov avrov tovtov xpovov 
 TTCfu/^avras Kat tovtovs t? Sovo-a dyyeXov? cipcorav *ApTO$ip$rjv kt\. 
 
 Hdt. VII 151. TOV 8c aVTOV TOVTOV XPOl'Ot' ®1^paS . . . lo-TcAAc CS OLTTOl- 
 
 Ki-qv €K AaKc8ai/iU)vo9. Hdt. IV I47- o yap 'lo-Ttaib? Tvpawos 17V 
 MtXi/Tov Koi CTvyxave tovtov tov ^(pdvov cwv cv Sovo-otcrt, ore ol Na^ioi 
 lyX^ov, ^civot Trptv covtcs tw lo-Tuxto). Hdt. V 30. 
 
 The factors that produce the impression that extent of 
 time is not the relation expressed are first, the modifying 
 words which are so usual in phrases that date, because they 
 are by their meaning so well adapted for that purpose, and 
 second, the verbs upon which the phrases depend. In the 
 first passage, Hdt. VI 27, it is impossible to conceive that 
 the roof was falling on the children at home throughout the 
 time that the youths at Delphi were being carried off by 
 the plague. Just as c/xTrtTrra) does not express continuance, 
 so the same is true of ttc/aitw and o-tc\Ao> of the next three, 
 VI 22, VII 151, VI 147. The last example does not illus- 
 trate the point in question so well as the others, because 
 the verbal expression may be just another way of saying 
 **he was staying or living etc."; yet the following otc 
 clause apparently indicates that the time of duration was 
 not in the mind of the writer but a desire to date. Here 
 again as in the case of the same author's use of the geni- 
 tive of '^fiepa (see p. 32) there may be a dialectic difference 
 in idiom or a preference for a phrase that had become 
 stereotyped through his own employment of it. 
 
 It is difficult to parallel these expressions with a dative 
 of the same because Herodotus does not employ that case 
 with these phrases, nor do the other authors drawn from 
 in this study. The only two resembling them that can be 
 cited are t<S avTw xpovo), Hell. I 2 18 (see p. 33), and the fol- 
 lowing. Hell. II 3 15, T<f> f-ev ovv irpwTO) "xpovn^ 6 KpiTtas t^ 
 ^hjpafievu o/Aoyvci/xwv tc koI <^tXos ^v • cttci 8c avTos /acv irpoTrcT^s ^ 
 inl TO iroAAovs aTroKTcivctv kt\. But this is not SO good as the 
 former. For we should almost expect an accusative when 
 we compare it with An. VI i 18, tov 8' HfiirpoaOtv xpovov ck rrj^ 
 
—41— 
 
 viKwa-rj? hrpaTTOv Travra ot a-Tparrjyoi. But if the notion of dura- 
 tion was in the thought of the writer, it was crowded out by 
 the contrasted idea already in mind, with which he begins 
 the following sentence and which is used to date. Accord- 
 ingly he substitutes the case that dates in order to get a 
 more perfect balance. 
 
 From the various indications it can hardly be doubted that 
 a classification according to the inflectional ending does not 
 result in a functional classification of which each part is 
 entirely exclusive of the other two. The greatest overlapping 
 is with the genitive and dative, with the former having the 
 meaning of the latter more often than the latter that of 
 the former. That they overlap in this way is not surpris- 
 ing considering the comparatively small diflference in mean- 
 ing that exists between them. The relation of the genitive 
 to the accusative in this particular is of a different sort; 
 for the cases of a genitive expressing extent of time are 
 certainly rare, but, if it is fair to draw any inference from 
 the use of rov \oiirov and t6 Xoittov, it is possible at least 
 that the presence of a negatived verb upon which the geni- 
 tive depends did not under most circumstances call forth 
 in the mind an interpretation essentially different from that 
 which an accusative in the same place would have done. 
 And finally, though in the great majority of cases there is 
 a well marked distinction between the dative and accusative 
 temporal constructions, in Herodotus there are some pretty 
 definite instances of the accusative construction — limited to 
 be sure to one or two phrases — which in their meaning do 
 not appear to differ from the signification usually assigned 
 to the dative. So it is all along the line, a crossing more 
 or less in case meaning, a fact which makes us hesitate to 
 depend entirely on the case ending for the meaning of the 
 construction. And yet, what is the explanation of these 
 irregularities and these various facts that have been gleaned 
 from the different classifications? The answer to this as 
 well as the greater question, which contains it, the one with 
 regard to the factors that determine the meaning of the case 
 
—42— 
 
 construction of words of time, seems to lie in the meaning 
 of the word itself, the context,* and the inflectional ending. 
 A satisfactory answer to this larger question demands a 
 separate study of each case, and since the point has now 
 been reached at which that may be entered upon, we shall 
 begin with the accusative because its problems are perhaps 
 the simplest and most readily solved. 
 
 * The term context is meant to apply not only to the words of the 
 particular sentence to which the temporal expression belongs, but 
 also the sentences which precede and follow, with special attention 
 to the meaning of the modifiers of the temporal noun, the meaning 
 of the verb, and any other expression of time in the same sentence 
 or those contiguous to it. 
 
II. THE ACCUSATIVE. 
 
 It will be admitted that the usual meaning of the accusa- 
 tive of nouns of a temporal connotation is extent of time. 
 The question is, Does this meaning reside wholly in the case? 
 
 The first point to be observed and one which is of primary 
 importance in determining the meaning of the construction 
 is, that all words to be dealt with in the accusative express- 
 ing a temporal relation without the aid of a preposition 
 primarily denote time. This fact must be continually 
 kept in mind, not only here, but also in dealing with the 
 same words in the other cases, as it has not been deemed 
 necessary to mention it in each particular instance discussed. 
 Thus at the very beginning we come upon an important 
 factor, and that it gives material aid in determining the 
 meaning of the construction goes without saying, since it is 
 easy to see that a word denoting instrument or quality or 
 agent could not possibly express any of the relations of 
 time. 
 
 It has been stated before that the accusative is found 
 with and without modifying words, but the great number 
 of instances are with some modifier or other. These two 
 classes will be considered separately. Looking first at the 
 class which has the modifiers and so contains an element 
 which may assist in ascertaining the meaning, we may sub- 
 divide these modifying words according as they do or do 
 not aid in expressing the idea of extent. 
 
 The modifiers that aid in expressing extent are ttoXvj, 
 
 (Tvx^^^} oXiyo5, Brjpos, oko<i, Tras, Trpoiras, aTras, roaovTo^, oaos oiroaosy 
 ToaoSf TrXaW, TrAcicrros, 8t7rXao-tos, oAAos " rest," Aoittos, ovSets, Tts. 
 The modifiers that do not aid in expressing extent are 
 an ordinal numeral, ovtos, ckcivos, avrog, aXXoq "next," vo-tc- 
 patos, vcTTcpos, TrpoTcpos, Trapwv, eTrtwv, TrapeXOwv, irpoKct/xcvos, ctpi/- 
 /Acvos, cKao-Tos, O'-q-TO, rrjfxepov, rrpofrdev, tfnrpoaOev, vvv, «7r€ira, tt/oo 
 Tov, OTTO rovrov. 
 
—44— 
 
 The result is that all the words expressing measure are 
 in one list and all those that do not are in the other. Since 
 in these words of measure there is a second factor aiding 
 in expressing the idea of extent of time, it is to this class 
 of phrases that consideration will be given first. But help- 
 ful as such words are they do not exclude other meanings ; 
 for words of measure are employed where plainly extent 
 of time is not intended, as in the genitive. Therefore, we 
 must look to that which after the modifying word is next 
 in degree of relationship, namely, the verb. There are 
 found, of course, verbs of a great variety of meanings, but 
 the great majority of them have an element in common, 
 that of time necessary for the performance of the act or 
 realization of the state ; or in other words, there is in them 
 the idea of continuance in varying degrees of distinctness. 
 A smaller number consists of those of a colorless charac- 
 ter, which, though neither excluding nor including the 
 above idea, are furnished by the context with abundant indi- 
 cation of the idea of continuance. At any rate, none belong 
 to the class of verbs which express instantaneous action, 
 such as to arrive, to hit, etc. By reason of the varying 
 character of these verbs they will be divided into three 
 classes. 
 
 I. Verbs which clearly contain the element of continuance 
 and need no explanation. 
 
 accra, Od. 19 342. 
 
 arj/u, imp. Od. 12 325. 
 
 aXaofjuu, pres. Od. 11 160. 
 
 &vT€x<Oy pres. Hdt. VIII 68/i, 1400; imp. Thuc. II 65 12, 
 IV 35 4, 44 I, VII 34 4; aor. VIII 95 5. 
 
 /8io<u, aor. Hdt. IX 10. 
 
 yr)pd<TKo)j pres. Od. 4 210. 
 
 SauvvfJUUf imp. II. I 602, Od. 19 425. 
 
 SaKpwaj imp. An. I 3 2. 
 
 St/oo), imp. Thuc. IV 54 4, 130 i. 
 
 SuuToofmij aor. Thuc. VII 87 3. 
 
 BMXtyofuuj aor. An. II 5 42. 
 
V 
 
 —45— 
 
 SuifjLevio, pres. Hell. VI 3 7. 
 
 Sunropevofjuu, imp. Hell. HI 412. 
 
 SaxTcAco), (with suppl. part.) pres. Hdt. H 19, IV 28; aor. 
 Thuc. VII 38 3, An. IV 3 2. 
 
 iekSofj/iL, pres. II. 14 269, 276, Od. 5 210, 219, 23 6. 
 
 ififi€v<i>, aor. Thuc. II 2 i, 19 2, 23 3, 57 2, VIII 314. 
 
 €voLK€0), pres. Thuc. Ill 68 3. 
 
 €7rt/8toa>, imp. Thuc. II 65 6. 
 
 ipydlofjtxu, imp. Thuc. IV 69 3. 
 
 iadio), pres. Hdt. II 68. 
 
 ^ao), pres. Hdt. Ill 22 (3), An. I 9 11. 
 
 ^fuu, imp. Od. 9 162, 557, 10 184, 468, 477, 12 30, 
 
 ^o-vxa^W) pres. Thuc. Ill 68 i ; imp. Thuc. Ill 107 3, VIII 
 44 4; fut. Thuc. II 84 2. 
 
 lava), imp. II. 9 325. 
 
 KarafjLevoi, aor. Hell. IV 6 13, VI 5 20. 
 
 kXulo), pres. Od. 4 544; imp. Od. 24 64. 
 
 fidpvafjiMj imp. II. 18 453, Od. 24 41. 
 
 fiaxofmi, pres. II. 19 163, An. VII 8 19; imp. Thuc. VII 
 78 7, Hell. I 3 6. 
 
 /Ac/o), pres. II. 2 292, Od. 15 455, Hdt. IV 201, An. V i 
 12; imp. Od. 19 199; aor. Od. 6 295, 9 138, Hdt. VII 173, 
 Thuc. II loi 6, IV 6 2, VII 50 5, VIII 28 i, 71 3, 99 i, 
 An. I 2 6, 2 9, 2 10, 2 II, 2 14, 2 19, 2 20, 3 I, 4 2, 4 7, 4 
 II, 4 19, 5 4, n 3 17, 5 I, III 4 31, IV 7 18, 8 22, V 3 3, 5 
 5, VI I 17, 6 38, Hell. I I 20, 2 2, 4 23, VII I 22. 
 
 fiLlxvwj ipres. II. 12 133, Od. 15 545. 
 
 vav/xa^eo), aor. Hell. I 6 33. 
 
 oSvpofmt, imp. II. 24 714. 
 
 oi/cco), pres. Hdt. IV 157, Thuc. V 112 2; imp. Hdt. II 
 140, IV 158, VII 94; aor. Thuc. VI 4 2. 
 
 oiKo8o/x€oj, pres. Hdt, I 21; imp. Hdt. II 125. 
 
 Trapafxevo), pres. Hdt. Ill 57; aor. Thuc. Ill 87 2. 
 
 irepLfxivo), imp. An. II 4 i. 
 
 TrXavdofJuat, imp. Thuc. II 102 6. 
 
 ttXcco, imp. Od. 5 278, 7 267, An. VI 2 i ; fut. Hdt. II 29. 
 
 iroXefiio), pres. Hdt. VIII 140/8, Hell. II 4 21, VII i 10; 
 imp. Hdt. I 18 (2). 
 
-46- 
 
 TToXiopKco), imp. Hdt. V 34, 72, Thuc. VI 7 2; aor. Hdt. I 
 86, V 65, VI 135. 
 irop^vofuu, pres. An.Vs 3, Hell. Ill 4 21; imp. Hdt. VII 217. 
 
 iroTiScy/Mcvos, Od. 2 205, 21 156. 
 
 vpoa-fieviOy pres. Hdt. I 199; aor. Hdt. VIII 4. 
 
 TTToXcfU^iOf fut. II. 2 328. 
 
 TTcoXco/Mu, pres. Od. 2 55, 17 534. 
 
 peo), pres. Hdt. II 149. 
 
 (TiTeo/ouu, pres. Hdt. I 94. 
 
 a-TpaTOTTiBevofuu, aor. Hdt. IV 89. 
 
 <rvfiix€v(iij fut. Hell. VII i 2; aor. Thuc. I 18 3, IV 74 4. 
 
 Tpe<t><Oj pres. Hdt. I 192; imp. Thuc. Ill 52 3;'' perf. Hell. 
 II 3 24. 
 
 viro/AO'<u, aor. Hell. V i 8, Thuc. II 92 i. 
 
 <f>povp€(o, pres. Hdt. IX 106, aor. Hdt. II 30, IV 133. 
 
 2. The second group is made up of verbs each of which 
 possesses several meanings. Since not all of these mean- 
 ings have to an equal degree the idea of duration, there is 
 given with the instances cited the particular meaning em- 
 ployed, which contains as strong an element of continuance 
 as those of the verbs in the preceding group. 
 
 oyo) (kol «^€/t)<i)), imp. Hell. Ill 2 30. 
 
 oKpofioXClofmL, to skirmish, aor. Thuc. IV 34 i. 
 
 avaTTCLpduofiaLj to drill, to practice (intr.) imp. Thuc. VII 512. 
 
 dpvd^iOj to plunder, imp. Hell. IV 322. 
 
 SuipK€<Oy to hold out, to endure, aor. Hell. V 3 21. 
 
 tt/u, to go, to march, imp. Hdt. IV 123. 
 
 l\iro/Aai, to hope, pres. II. 24 491. 
 
 iirexoif to wait, to delay, aor. Hdt. I 132, V 16, 89 (2), 
 VI 102, VIII 113, Thuc. IV 31 I, 124 4, An. Ill 4 36, Hell. 
 I 6 6. 
 
 imTpexo, to run after, to hasten after, aor. II. 23 418. 
 
 ipvKia, to detain (a guest), pres. Od. 4 594; fut. Od. 15 
 68; aor. II. 6 217, Od. 17 515. 
 
 Ix«, to detain (a guest), imp. Od. 4 360, 17 515; to have 
 as wife, fut. Od. 6 281 ; to occupy (to have in possession), 
 pres. Thuc. VI 2 5 ; imp. Hell. IV 4 15. 
 
—47— 
 
 KaOe^ofuu, to sit, pres. An. V 8 14. 
 KaTaSapOdvwj to sleep, aor. Thuc. VI 61 2. 
 KarexiOj to detain, imp. Hdt. V 106, VI 128; to wait, aor. 
 Hdt. VIII 114. 
 Kcifuxt, to lie, to remain, imp. Od. 9 75, 10 143. 
 fufiinrjaKOfMij to remember, pres. Od. 15 54; perf. Od. 4 
 
 592, 8 431- 
 
 TTcu^o), to play (a game), pres. Hdt. I 94. 
 
 vapa<TK€vd^ofmiy to make preparation, imp. Thuc. I 31 i, 
 VIII 103 2. 
 
 TTcptayo), to carry about, pres. Hdt. IV 73. 
 
 irtpUiiUy to survive, to remain alive, imp. Hdt. IX 63. 
 
 frXdlofuu, to be driven hither and thither, imp. Od. 6 389. 
 
 TTpoaKaOi^ofuUf to besiege, pres. Hell. I 5 21. 
 
 7rpo<T<f)€poiJuiL, to bear down upon (of a ship), pres. Thuc. 
 VII 70 5. 
 
 oTvotKco), to live with (a wife), fut. Hdt. IX iii. 
 
 rapLX^vo), to pickle, pres. Hdt. II 86, 88. 
 
 ^ipopm, to be borne along, imp. II. i 592. 
 
 c^tXco), to entertain (a guest), imp. Od. 10 14. 
 
 X€t/Aa^€i, it is storming, imp. Hdt. VII 191. 
 
 ^cw, to throw up a mound, imp. Thuc. II 75 3. 
 
 Xpdopxiij to make use of, pres. Thuc. V 47 6. 
 
 A few examples from the above groups will suffice to 
 show that there is little left for the case ending to do, when 
 added to a noun of time modified by a word of measure and 
 dependent on a verb expressing duration. 
 
 ov yap oloL T€ ttoAAov )(p6vov eiat rot dvr^civ 01 "^XXrjves. 
 
 Hdt. VIII 68^. TToXkov excludes the thought of a point in 
 time, and the meaning of the verb that of a limit within 
 which the action of the verb may occur. 
 
 (5s TOT€ fi€v irpornav ^fJMp €<s ^cXtov KaraSwra 
 SatVin/T* ktX. — II. I 601—2. 
 
 vporrav with its meaning of extent, because of its dependence 
 on ^fmpf is reenforced by the meaning and the tense of the 
 verb, and also by the prepositional phrase. All taken 
 
-48- 
 
 together make absolutely certain the idea of extent of time. — 
 iSyovv T7)V yrjv ^/xcpas /xoAtcrTa CTrra. Thuc. IV 54 4. The car- 
 dinal numeral expresses the measure or number of the days* 
 during which the action continues, not the time within which 
 it takes place and is completed, an idea which cannot be 
 expressed by this form of the verb. — ivravOa ^[fieivev rjjxipa^ 
 kirrd. An. I 2 6. Is it possible to find better examples 
 than these with /acj/w, a verb which under all conditions must 
 express duration? No other meaning can be conceived for 
 the temporal construction accompanying it than that of 
 extent. — Ivravda 8€ 'Ayao-tas 6 Srv/A^aXtos Xo;(ayos TLTpuxTKercUy rbv 
 Trdvra ypovov /LUx;j(o/Aevos tt/oos tovs 7roXe/u,tovs. An. VII 8 19. *AOrj- 
 voLoyv §€ ol XotTTOi TO. avTa <f>povqcravT€s liroXiopKtov avrovs Tifxipa^ hvo. 
 Hdt. V 72. Kcu TTjv fi€v aXXrjv ^/xepav ol arpaTLwraL kol CTKevrj e/c 
 
 TWV KiOflSiV Kcd OLTOV TJpTTO^OV. Hcll. IV 5 22. 
 
 dAA* rj TOi K€Lv6^ ye creOeu ^(oovro? aKovoyv 
 
 yaipu T €v Ov/x<S €7rt t eXTrerax rj/iara iravra 
 
 oxj/taOaL <^l\ov vlov diro TpourjOev iovra. — II. 24 490—2. 
 
 X&'poxrdfJievoL Sc rrjv 'Eperptav kcu CTrwr^dvres oXiyas ^/xipas tirXeov e? 
 
 TTfV 'AtTIK^V. Hdt. VI 102. KOI TO fX€V AoiTTOV $epO<S KOL TOV 
 
 irTLOvra ^eifjiiova vrro tov Ava-LTnrov koI riov rrepl avrbv €<f)€p€TO kol rjyero 
 17 Tiov *HX€tW x^po-' Hell. Ill 2 30. yv Sk irXiova (SovXoivraL xpo- 
 vov Trj (TTpaTia xpW^^h V ""oXts -^ fxeraTrefxif/afiewrj SlSoto) (tItov ktX. 
 Thuc. V 47 6. KCU is rrfv vavpuayuo^ irevre ^fX€pa<s 7rap€<TK€vd^ovTO. 
 Thuc. VIII 103 2. Kara raikrjv Br] rrjv drpa-nov kcu ovto) l^ovcrav 
 ol Ilepa-cu TOV *Ao-(07rov hvafidyres kiropevovro Tracrav rrjv vvKra. Hdt. 
 VII 217. ovro) fi€v Sy) tovs okto) prfvas SuxTcAeet x/^liimv iwv. Hdt. 
 IV 28. /MCTOi ravTa ov ttoXXov rtva xpovov jSiovs ajrWave. Hdt. 
 IX 10. Tots ovv vavs lirXiqpovv Kcix dveireipoivro "^/xepas ocrai avrois 
 
 eSoKow iKavai that. Thuc. VII 512. The oo-at of the relative 
 clause takes the place of a word of measure modifying the 
 noun directly. 
 
 3. The third group consists of verbs which, though more 
 or less vague in expressing the idea of duration, are abund- 
 antly assisted by the context, which leaves no doubt that 
 continuance is a prominent element. 
 
—49— 
 
 d/Awo/Mttt, pres. Hdt. IX 102; imp. Thuc. I 137 4. 
 
 dvaTravo), SLOT. Hell. IV 5 8. 
 
 dnaw, fut. Od. 2 115. 
 
 dvSdvo), imp. Hdt. VIII 29. 
 
 avrepetSio, imp. Hell. V 2 5. 
 
 avTuroiiofiaL) imp. An. V 2 11. 
 
 aTTCi/xi, pres. Od. 19 169. 
 
 dTTtxo/xai, pres. II. 14 206, 305, Hdt. VII 13 ; aor. Thuc. 
 VII 40 4. 
 
 dTToSrjfjiio), pres. Hdt. IV 152. 
 
 aTTOLxofJuiL, pres. Od. 21 70. 
 
 diroXavd), pres. Thuc. VII 27 4. 
 
 dTTOKpovofmL, aor. Thuc. IV 115 i. 
 
 appoiareo), imp. Hell. V 4 58. 
 
 dpxoi, pres. Thuc. II 2 i ; imp. Hdt. I 18; aor. Hdt. I 7, 
 86, 102, II 159, IV I, 159, V 48. 
 
 d<f>LaTr)fii, 2 perf. Thuc. VI 10 5. 
 
 )8aortA,£tjo), aor. Hdt. I 14, 16, 25, 102, 106, 214, II 127 (2), 
 139, 157, III 10, 14, 66, 67, VII 4. 
 
 ^orjOio), imp. An. VII 4 19. 
 
 povXevo/jMi, pres. Thuc. I 86 4; aor. Hdt. I 164. 
 
 ytyvo/xat: d</> opryros ytverat, Hdt. IV 28; Avko? ycVerat Hdt. IV 
 105 ; yiyvcadai rrjv iTTLO-Taa-LV, An. II 4 26; Sxtitos yev^adaL, Hell. 
 V I 14 ; ^v rrj yrj rrj 'AttlkyJ iyevovro, Thuc. II 57 2 ; on Scot yeve- 
 arOai avrov {rov TroXefiov), Thuc. V 26 4; iyevero Mcaa-rjvr) AoKpGtVj 
 Thuc. V 5 I ; 6 TrpwTo? TroXcfio's y€v6/jL€vo<s, Thuc. V 24 2 ; 17 dvd- 
 j8ao-ts iyevero kol Kard/Saa-LS, An. IV i 10; yeyovuxs, Hdt. I 119, 
 
 III 50. 
 
 Siio, plup. II. 5 387. 
 
 ctjLtt: eo-rat <fiv\o7ns, II. 19 157; €v8ov ovras, Hell. VI 4 36; 
 ivddS^ iovres, H. 2 343; tfxirehov ^cv, II. 12 9; rjcv dirva-Tos /xvOiov, 
 Od. 4 675; d/x<^is ea-ecrOov c^vAottiSos, Od. 16 267; d/u,<^is cwra, 
 Od. 19 221, 24 218; d^avdrovs Acat dyiypwg ctmt, II. 8 539, Od. 
 7 94; Trdts elrjv, II. 13 826; KaracfyeLr] kol ovclSos tcrdOfmij II. 16 
 498; (^lXov efifxevai, Od. 24 25 ; ev tiJ" 'AttikjJ ovtwv, Thuc. II 47 
 3 ; rjaav iv rrj yfj, Thuc. II 57 I ; rjv rrepl AcKcAetav, Thuc. VIII 
 5 3; elvai Ttts o-TTOvSds, Thuc. V 18 3; ivfjL[jua)(OL eaovrai (eivat), 
 
— 50— 
 
 Thuc. V 23 I, 47 3, 79 I ; avYjp SoKifio^ iu>v, Hdt. Ill 75; Bva- 
 <f>6pov<s etvoL, Hdt. VI 52; 5v Tavra, Hdt. VIII 100; ^v tXatraov 
 (to <f>v/jui), Hdt. Ill 133; avvoLKoi eoKTCs, Hdt. VII 73; TV<f>X6v 
 ctmt, Hdt. II III; ilrvx^a- ^ctti,, Hdt. IV 28; iTrifia^uu rja-avj 
 Thuc. V 35 2. 
 
 eipyo), pres. Hell. I i 35. 
 
 cKXctVw, aor. Thuc. Ill 87 i. 
 
 cXtvv'o), imp. Hdt. VIII 71; aor. Hdt. VII 56. 
 
 evTctVo), perf. pass. Hdt. II 173. 
 
 iTravaftdXXofJUiL, aor. Hdt. I 9 1. 
 
 ipvKWj pres. Od. 17 408. 
 
 tpxopjojL, aor. An. VI 6 38. 
 
 i<f)L(TTr)iJUf aor. An. II 4 26. 
 
 evxerdofmL, pres. Od. 8 467. 
 
 €;(eiv TToXe/xov, fut. II. 24 670. 
 
 ^oAxio-o-cvw, pres. Thuc. VII 123. 
 
 iepoo), perf. Thuc. II 2 i. 
 
 LKereva), imp. Hdt. Ill 48. 
 
 t<rj(v<i>, aor. Thuc. Ill 104 2. 
 
 KpareiOj aor. Thuc. I 13 6, 117 i. 
 
 KpvTTTo), aor. Hdt. II 86. 
 
 oLKo<f>Oop€(i), aor. Hdt. VIII 142. 
 
 TrapOevevo/xaL, Hdt. Ill 124 (2). 
 
 Trdcrxoi, pres. II. 3 157; fut. Hdt. II 13. 
 
 ttU^u), aor. Hell. II 3 41. 
 
 TrtTTTo), pres. II. 19 227. 
 
 TTotcd), imp. Hell. II i 24. 
 
 o-TTOj/Sas TToteTor^at, aor. Thuc. Ill 114 3, IV 21 3, V 41 2, 
 
 47 I- 
 
 TrpoLa-rrjfjiL, 2 aor. Thuc. II 65 5. 
 
 TTpoa-fSdXXoi, imp. Hell. VI 5 32. 
 
 TTpoTiOrjfXLj pres. Hdt. V 8. 
 
 oTTrei/So/Mat, pres. Thuc. V 60 i ; aor. Hdt. VII 148, Thuc. 
 n73 I, IV 63 I, VI 7 I. 
 
 oTtto-ia^o), aor. Thuc. I 24 4. 
 
 (Tv/xTToAxTcvo), aor. Thuc. VI 4 i. 
 
 (TvviLfu, pres. Hdt. IV 9. 
 
—51— 
 
 avpfjuu^io, pres. Hdt. II 77. 
 TepTrofmL, pres. Od. 6 46; imp. II. 21 45. 
 Tvpawev(ay imp. Hdt. I 163; aor. Hdt. VII 154, 155, Thuc. 
 VI 59 4- 
 
 Vcf)L(TT7JIJLL, aOF. ThuC. IV 54 2. 
 
 tfievyo), to be an exile, pres. Thuc. V 26 5 ; to shun, imp. 
 Hdt. VI 123. 
 
 (f>ovevu)) imp. Thuc. Ill 81 4. 
 
 tl><i)v€<i)f imp. Hdt. I 85. 
 
 X>7p€va), pres. Od. 9 124. 
 
 V7r6^pv)(a 6rJK€, Od. 5 319. 
 
 iK Ovfxov irecriuvy II. 23 595. 
 
 TiOevaL aBavarov /cat dyrjpaov, fut. Od. 5 136, 7 257, 23 336. 
 
 ;)(aptv iSio), II. 14 235. 
 
 Some illustrations will make this class clearer. 
 dAA* ovSkv yap fxiya ajr avTOv oAAo tpyov iyevero (Saa-iXewravTos 
 Svwv 8€ovTa Tetro-cpa/covTa erea. Hdt. I I4. To be (a) king"" 
 
 is rather colorless. But add to it a temporal phrase with a 
 word of measure in it, and at once the idea of continuance 
 
 comes forward. — iTrel 8e ovSevl ivirv-^ov TTopevofJievoL rrjv opOrjv 686vj 
 uxTTe €)(OVTi<s TL CIS TTjv (fnXcav iXdtLV, eSo^ev avrots TOVfnraXLV viroa^Tpi- 
 \j/avTa<i iXOeiv puav -^fxipav kol vvKra. An. VI 6 38. ^Xduv may 
 often be devoid of any notion of duration, as the first one in 
 the sentence seems to be ; but the second takes on from the 
 context an entirely different meaning. We have a prepara- 
 tion for it in the setting. The army has been moving 
 straight ahead, but has met with neither booty nor forage; 
 so they determined to turn sharp around and go back one 
 day and night. The participle, vTroa-rpeiJ/avra^j and the ad- 
 verb, TovfiTraXtv, coupled with the situation described in the 
 first clause leave no doubt that iXOeiv is equivalent to Tropeve- 
 aOoL and means ' to march." — oo-ov /u,cv yap XP^^°^ et^ov ra dyoA,- 
 fuira €V rfj X^PV^ iTrireXieiv ra avvWevro. Hdt. V 84. The iv rrj 
 
 X^^PXi gives a more specialized meaning to the verb than is 
 connoted by the English "to have," and coupled with the 
 temporal phrase containing a word of measure and the 
 
—52— 
 
 imperfect tense, duration is quite certain. — ravra Sc voLya-avrts 
 rapLXivova-L XtV/ao), Kpv^avT€<: yfxepas i^SojJLrJKovra. Hdt. II 86. 
 KpviJ/avTes must be interpreted in the ligfht of the context. 
 Herodotus is describing the process of embalming as em- 
 ployed by the Egyptians. One part of it was the pickling of 
 the body in Xirpov. Kpvif/avres with the accompanying tem- 
 poral phrase then means concealing or keeping the body in 
 this solution for seventy days, thus compelling but one inter- 
 pretation, extent of time. — i^v yap avroi^, el rovrov y iBiovro, 
 KOL fxrjBiva Xvjtuv oXiyov tri )(p6vov tw XifitS Trtecravras. Hell. II 3 
 41. That TTteo-avTas denotes continuance is apparent from 
 the presence of en with oXlyov xpwov. — a-vpfjuu^ova-L T/3CIS T7)U€pa9 
 CTTC^s fXTjVos €Kd(TTOV, ifieTOLCTL OrjpwfJievoL rrjv vyuLTjv /cat KXv(TfXa.<TL 
 
 ktX. Hdt. II 77. The adverb immediately following the 
 temporal expression gives abundant evidence that the action 
 of the verb is a repeated one and continues for three days at 
 
 a time. — ^o-av yap ot Xo)(ayo\ TrXrjaiov aXXi^Xwv ot irdivTa rbv xpovov 
 dXX^Xois irepl avSpayadui'i dvrcTrotowTO. An. V 2 II. The Trarra 
 
 in the temporal phrase and the imperfect tense of the verb 
 decide unmistakably for the existence of continuance in the 
 verb and the meaning of extent of time for the construction. 
 
 — uKTTe XPV o'/^O'Tetv nva avra kol pJrj fJLCT€<ap(o rrj ttoXcc o^lovv klvSv- 
 V€V€LV KoX apX^'S aXXrjs opiyecrBat irpXv rjv c;(0/u,ev ^e^aioxjwfxeOa, el XoA- 
 KtS^S ye ol €7rt ®paKrj<s, err) Toa-avra d(j>e(TTS)Te<: rjfxoiVy en dx^ipiiiTOi 
 elcTL Kol aXXoL TLve<s Kara Ta<s yTretpovs evBoux<TT<^<s dKpowvTai. Thuc. 
 
 VI 10 5. The second perfect with the force of a present, 
 " being in a state of revolt," together with roa-avra errj gives 
 with distinctness the notion of duration. — Xiyovrai yap {mb 
 "^KvBewv Kal *EXXrjv<i)V twv iv rrj ^kvOlkyJ KaroLKrjixh/oiv ws eTeo<i eKaa- 
 Tov diraJ^ Ttuv Ncvpwv cKacrTOs XvKO<i yCveTox ^p.€pa<s oXtyas Kal avrts 
 OTTtcrci) cs TwvTo KaTtcTTaTat. Hdt. IV 105 • yiveraL not only 
 
 means "to become," but also has the additional notion of 
 *'to be," which modified by oAtyas -^fjiepas indicates duration. 
 — 8ta yap to arevrjv eTvai rrjv oSbv oXyv Tr)v yp.epav 17 dvd/3a(ri<s avrots 
 
 iyevero Kot Kard/Sacn^. An. IV I ID. The verbal idea is not 
 so much in the verb as it is in the subject; and the same 
 
—53— 
 
 thoug^ht migfht have been expressed by avip-qa-av koI Kariprf 
 <rav. The verbal idea in the nouns, ''going: up, gfoing- 
 down," which is plainly the meaning from the context, 
 implies the duration which is definitely expressed in the tem- 
 poral phrase with the word of measure. — oa-ov 8c xpwov 06 re 
 UeXoTTOVvrja-LOL rjcrav iv rfj yfj rrj *AOrjvaL(i)v kol ot 'AOrjVOLOL Ifrrpdrevov 
 €7rl Twi/ ve(ov, rj i/ocros €.v re rrj arpaTia tovs 'A6r)vaL0v<s €cf>6eLpe ktX. 
 
 Thuc. II 57 I. The predicate, iv rfj yfj, and oa-ov xpovov give. 
 
 to rjaav the force of efxeivav. 
 
 el yap iyiov ovrw ye Atos Trtus alyioxoLO 
 eirjv Tjfjuira Trdvra. — II. 13825—6. 
 
 Nothing: could be more colorless than Trats — eirjv, yet the 
 meaning: of the combination when joined with yjfmra Trdvra 
 "forever," contains the element of duration. — SeW fiev ^ 
 erea eivai /jllv rvcfiXov, evSeKdrto 8e erei ktA. Hdt. II III. This IS 
 another something: like the preceding:. rv<^Xov ctvat is here 
 a state of being and in itself denotes the continuance limited 
 in the Se/ca In;. — o 8' eirei rovro rjKOVO'e, OeaOai KeXevcras ra orrXa kol 
 oXCyov ')(p6vov dvaTTttvcras, aTrrjye ttoXlv to arpdrevfux iirl ro "Upaiov. 
 Hell. IV 5 8. dvaTravo-as in this passage means "to cause 
 to halt." The temporal phrase is not dependent on the idea 
 of causation but upon its result, the being in a state of rest, 
 which of itself expresses duration, and if in addition it is 
 taken with oXtyov xp^^^^j i^ is still more evident. — Kat 6 'Ayts 
 Seidfievos rovs X6yov<s avr6<s, Kal ov fiera twv irXeiovoiv ovhe avros 
 /^ovXevcrdfxevos aXX ^ evl dvSpl KOLViacras r<av iv reXei ivarparevo/xevtovj 
 cnr€v8eraL rea-a-apas fJLrjvas. Thuc. V 60 I. cnrevSopML is SOmewhat 
 like the verb, dvaTrauw, Hell. IV 5 8, in that the temporal 
 phrase does not depend upon the idea of making in "to make 
 a truce," but upon that of the truce, as if it were "he makes 
 a truce lasting four months." Yet it is quite probable that 
 the case of the temporal phrase under such circumstances is 
 of more importance than in the other instances cited, because 
 if the genitive of the same phrase were used we should doubt- 
 less be forced to consider it as depending on the causative 
 part of the verb. 
 
—54— 
 
 In the same manner the rest might be explained. The 
 notion of duration is plain enough, when the context and 
 the meaning of the verb do not exclude it, and there is 
 added a temporal phrase denoting measure. The whole 
 setting tends to give the verbal idea this or that turn, and 
 in all the examples studied, though many of the component 
 parts of the sentence may be neutral, there are none that 
 are not consonant with the idea of extent. 
 
 Given then a noun whose primary meaning is that of 
 time, a modifier expressing measure, a verb denoting con- 
 tinuance, which may or may not be in a tense of the same 
 character, with here and there the addition of another ele- 
 ment indicative of duration, we are limited to but one inter- 
 pretation of the whole, namely, that of extent of time, and 
 that without resorting to the inflectional ending. But this 
 is not saying that the case ending has no weight at all. 
 It naturally does aid, inasmuch as the accusative case is 
 regularly accompanied by the notion of extent. The attrib- 
 utive word of measure excludes all possibility of considering 
 the period of time designated as a point in time. And such 
 an attributive, though not in itself debarring the idea of a 
 period of time within the limits of which an action takes 
 place, yet in connection with a verb denoting continuance 
 does away with all likelihood of causing this notion to arise 
 in the mind. For to anticipate a later discussion, the geni- 
 tive of a temporal noun modified by a word of measure, 
 when expressing the limits of the time within which an 
 action is performed, depends upon verbs of momentary or 
 completed action, or if upon one that denotes continuance, it 
 is evident from the general context that continuance or repe- 
 tition is not thought of. 
 
 Turning now to the second division of the "modified nouns 
 of time in the accusative, namely, to those that are modified 
 by words that do not indicate measure, we see that the modi- 
 fying words (see p. 43) are all of a more or less demonstra- 
 tive character, pointing out a particular period. These cases 
 must be examined more closely than the preceding, as an 
 
—55— 
 
 important element in determining the meaning of the con- 
 struction is not present. For in the former class it was 
 found that the word of measure gave very material aid, but 
 in this the modifying word is neutral. The aids upon which 
 we have to rely in the present instance are the word itself, 
 its number, and the context, in which the verb in general 
 is most important. Since then by reason of the nature of 
 the modifying word nothing may be gained from a further 
 subdivision on that basis, a classification will be made 
 according to the meaning of the verb along the same lines 
 as before, but with some necessary additional sub-classes. 
 
 I. The first main class consists of verbs all of which 
 plainly contain the element of duration. But since no assist- 
 ance is forthcoming from the neutral modifier of the tem- 
 poral noun, they cannot all limit the meaning of the phrase 
 to extent of time. As a result they must be divided into 
 sub-classes, one of which will contain those verbs capable 
 in themselves of determining the meaning, another those 
 which with the aid of the context are able to do so, and 
 still a third, those verbs which, being neither aided by the 
 context nor strong enough of themselves to limit the mean- 
 ing, compel us to call upon the case ending to decide it. 
 
 i. The first subdivision is of verbs whose element of dura- 
 tion is so strong that when accompanied by a temporal 
 phrase they exclude every meaning but that of extent of 
 time. 
 
 Staytyvojoiai, aor. An. I lo 19, IV 5 5. 
 
 BuLWKTepevij), aor. Hell. V 4 3. 
 
 StareAeo), pres. (with suppl. part.) Hdt. V 86. 
 
 8iax«fta^o>, imp. Thuc. VI 88 5. 
 
 Sirjixepevo), aor. Hdt. V 4 3. 
 
 ifxfievo), aor. Thuc. Ill i 2; fut. Thuc. IV 118 14. 
 
 fievo), pres. Hell. Ill 2 6; aor. Hdt. VIII 9, Thuc. V 65 
 5, An. Ill 4 I, 4 18, IV 3 8, V 4 22, Hell. I i 14, IV 6 6. 
 
 otKco), imp. Hdt. VI 86a. 
 
 TrepLfxevoy, pres. An. II i 3; aor. Thuc. VII 74 i. 
 
 TreptotKeo), imp. Hdt. V 58. 
 
 vTTOfjievo), pres. Hdt. VI 51. 
 
-5^ 
 
 BieyevovTo Sc rrjv vuKTa irvp Kaiovr€<s. An. IV 5 5 • ^rrct 8c cto^X- 
 $ov CIS T^v ttoXlVj StcwKTcpevo-av /xcv iKuvrp/ rrjv vvkto. Trapa X.dpwvC 
 TLVL, KoX T7]V CTTtoOcrav Sc ^/Acpttv hvqjxipevcrav. Hell. V 4 3. These 
 
 verbs tog^ether with wktc/ocvo) and Siaxct/Ao^w are evidently 
 followed by a double construction, since the noun that fol- 
 lows them is expressed in the verb and denotes the time spent 
 as well. They are used alone with the same meaning, (cf. 
 Thuc. VI 74 2, An. IV 4 11, 5 11, Hell. V 4 4.) ififieivavTc^ 
 
 8c ^ovov ov ct;(ov tol (Tltui ave-)(<sip'q<Tav koX SieXvOrjcrav Kara ttoXcis. 
 
 Thuc. Ill I 2. The relative clause takes the place of a 
 
 modifying" word. — koI Xcyct on ravrr^v pkv rrjv Tifiipav 7rc/)t/xei/ot€V 
 avrovs. An. II I 3. 
 
 2. The second sub-class is made up of verbs which denot- 
 ing continuance themselves are aided by the plural number 
 of the temporal phrase. With one exception, Tr^vOiovm Hdt. 
 
 VI 58, they express repeated action indicated by the tense 
 and the number of the noun of time. These factors taken 
 together limit the meaning to extent of time. (cf. Hdt. I 
 186, p. 61.) 
 
 /36<rKOfmi, pres. Hdt. IX 93. 
 
 Saiwfjuu, pres. Hdt. Ill 18. 
 
 KaTac^otreco, pres. Hdt. VII 125. 
 
 irevOiiOj pres. Hdt. VI 58. 
 
 TTopevofx/iL, pres, Hdt. IX 37. 
 
 <l>vXa.TTO}, imp. An. VII 2 21. 
 
 ^tXoo), imp. An. VII 221. 
 
 Xet/xwv ccTTt cv T<S irpoaareLW cttiVAcos Kpeiov €cf}6(ji>v iravroiv tcuv 
 TCT/oaTToScoi/, cs Tov Tas pkv vvKTa<i eTnrrjBivovTas riOevai ra Kp&i tov^ 
 iv reXei c/cacrrovs covras riov aariov, ras 8c rjfxcpas haiwaOai TrpoatovTa 
 TOV l3ov\6iM€VOV. Hdt. Ill 18. KaTa<f>OLT€ovTes yap 01 AcovTcs ras 
 vvKTttS Kttt XctVovTcs Ttt CTc^cTcpa rjOca aXXov fxkv ovSevos aiTTOVTO ovt€ 
 VTTO^vyLOv ovTC dvOptaTTOV, ol Sk Ta<s KafxijXov<: iKcpai^ov /xowas. Hdt. 
 
 VII 125. cTTcav Sk OdAf/QXTL, dyoprj ScKa ^fxepewv ovk LaraTai cr<f>L ovo 
 dpxoupccTLrj avvL^u, dAAa irtvOiova-t ravras ras ^ftcpas. Hdt. VI 58. 
 
 This verb denoting continued not repeated action and the 
 plural of the temporal phrase are almost conclusive evidence 
 that the meaning is extent of time ; but they do not altogether 
 
—57— 
 
 exclude the meaning of the genitive, though it is probably 
 true that the genitive plural of a word of time with a demon- 
 strative pronoun is not used. But since the demonstrative 
 pronoun stands for the numeral in the first of the sentence, 
 this does not differ materially from the class of phrases with 
 a word of measure. 
 
 3. The third sub-class consists of verbs which, though 
 denoting continuance in themselves and with two exceptions 
 being reenforced by the tense, are not strong enough to 
 exclude the meanings of other constructions, and are not 
 aided by anything in the context. Consequently we must 
 fall back upon the case as the final deciding factor. 
 
 dyTLKaOi^ofiaL, pres. Thuc. I 30 4. 
 
 dvTL&TpaTOTreSevofxxu, perf. Hell. VII 4 13. 
 
 ^6o), imp. Thuc. Ill 915. 
 
 €7ravax(op€(o, imp. An. Ill 5 13. 
 
 iaOio), imp. An. II i 6. 
 
 ri(Tvxoi^(t>, imp. Thuc. II 81 8. 
 
 KaOevSu), imp. An. VI 3 21. 
 
 oiKoSo/Aco), imp. Hdt. II 125. 
 
 opTOL^o), imp. Hdt. IX 7. 
 
 TToAe/xco), pres. Thuc. V 56 4. 
 
 TToXiopKioi, aor. Thuc. VIII 103 i. 
 
 TTopevofmi, pres. Hdt. VII 50, Thuc. IV 68 5 ; aor. An. IV 
 I 14. 
 
 pi(o, pres. Hdt. II 25. 
 
 vei, Hdt. Ill 117, IV 28, 50. 
 
 ifivXaTTo), pres. An. IV 2 i, Thuc. VII 28 2. 
 
 Xopevo), pres. Hdt. I 191. 
 
 ;(w/3e<o, imp. Thuc. IV 103 i. 
 
 For example, the inflectional ending is necessary in deter- 
 mining the difference in the meaning of the following. 
 
 Kol SeLTTvoTroLr^adficvos ixt^p^i- Tr)v vvKTa. Thuc. IV 103 I. ovroi 
 8e 8ia Twv cftvXoLKwv ^tacra/xevot ix<J^povv rrj^s vvktos: fj iSvvaro. Thuc. 
 VII 83 4. — KOL yap ol (XTTo T^s 'EAevcrti/os Kara to ^vyKcifJievov rerpa- 
 KL(rxt\LOL ottXitol twv *Adr]vaLO)v koI itttt^? iiaKOCTLOL rrjv vvKra iropevo- 
 fievoL iraprjcrav. Thuc. IV 68 5. €7ret 8' dirriyyiXdr} ort ctrja-av at 
 
-58- 
 
 (rrrovSai, irapiq-yyctXav ol iroXi/jjapxoi SeLirvqcravra's <TvvecrKevd(rOaL irdv- 
 TttS, eos T^s WKTos Trop€V(To/x€vovs, OTTO)? tt/xa Trj ^/Acpa Trpos TOV Ki^cu- 
 pStva dva^aivoieu. Hell. VI 4 25. — koI crTpaTOTreSevcra/Aevot ravriyv 
 T^v rjiiipav h Trj Tavdypa iSyovv kol IvqvXidavro. Thuc. Ill 91 5. 
 o/x.a>9 €KeLvy rfj rijxipa twi/ pkv (Jvp.pA)(oiV ws oA-Kt/xwraTOt ovtcs ^yoOvro. 
 Hell. VII 4 30. — ois Tratri ^w/xevot Kpea hf/ovT€^ rjaOiov iKeivrjv t^v 
 
 '^fiipav. An. II I 6. For all practical purposes either one 
 of the other oblique cases would have expressed the idea in 
 the writer's mind. But the accusative was chosen because 
 by reason of its close connection with the notion of extent 
 it best expressed the writer's point of view, namely, that at 
 the meals during: that day meat was the food. — rov Se Oipeos 
 
 17 ^twv 17 iv Tip )(eLfjiMVL Trecrovara, iovcra dp,<fiLXacf)rj<;, Tr]KOfi€vq Trdvrodev 
 €kBl8ol is TOV *Io-rpov. avrrj re 8r} -^ XLUiv CK8i8ovcra i<s avrov avfXTrXri- 
 
 6v€L KCU OjX^pOL TToWoL T€ KOL Xd^pOL <TVV aVTTj ' VCL yap By] TO BipOS' 
 
 Hdt. IV 50. 
 
 II. The second class contains those verbs each of which 
 has two or more meanings. Of these meanings the particu- 
 lar one employed expresses duration. These verbs will be 
 subdivided like those of the preceding class. 
 
 I. The first subdivision includes those verbs in which the 
 element of continuance is so strong in the particular mean- 
 ing used that any temporal noun, though modified by a 
 demonstrative pronoun, must denote extent of time. 
 
 dvexyiy to hold out, imp. Hell. I 6 20. 
 
 avXi^ofmi, to bivouac, to pass the night, pres. Hdt. IX 37 ; 
 imp. Thuc. VII 29 3, An. VI 4 i ; aor. Thuc. IV 45 i, 
 An. IV I II, 3 I. 
 
 Siayct), to continue (with part.) imp. Hell. IV 8 7. 
 
 cTTc^w, to wait, to delay, aor. Hdt. IX 92, Thuc. VII 74 i. 
 
 KaTOLKio), perf. Hdt. IV 23. 
 
 TrepLyLyvopuxL, to hold out, aor. Thuc. VIII 2 2. 
 
 TTjv p.€v ovv rjfxepav oivTUis dvti^ov, €is 8c r^v iairepav, cttci aKoroi €117, 
 €^efii/3a^cvj ws fxrj KaTaSr/Xovs civat rots TroXe/XLOLS ravra Trotovvras. 
 Hell. I 6 20. KOL TOV fi€v xeifxtava iv tolovtols ovt€<s Svrjyov. Hell. 
 IV 8 7. ol 8k "EAAt/vcs €7ricr;(o»/T€S TavTrjv t^v rip^ip-qv Trj vcTTepaLrj 
 iKoXXLepeovTO. Hdt. IX 92. vtto SevSpcw 8* CKaorTos KaTOLKrjTai 
 
—59— 
 
 Tov fJi€v )(eLfi(xtva eTreav to BevSpeov Tr^pLKaXxnpri ttiXo) o"Tcyva) XevKw, to 
 Sc ^cpos avcv TTtXov. Hdt. IV 23. Perhaps the verb here is not 
 quite strong enough; but since the two seasons are given 
 thus embracing the whole year, there seems to be no doubt 
 that the meaning may be ascertained without calhng upon 
 the case. 
 
 2. The second division of this class is made up of a few 
 verbs, which, though the contained notion of duration and 
 the tense are not strong enough of themselves to limit the 
 meaning of the case construction to extent of time, yet taken 
 together with some word or words of the context do so limit 
 the meaning. 
 
 ayw, to lead, pres. Thuc. V 54 3. 
 
 ava<Trp€<f>ofmi, to dwell, pres. Hell. VI 3 17. 
 
 Xr]<TT€vo), to plunder, imp. Thuc. IV 45 2. 
 
 KOLixdofmi, to sleep (Siao-KryvrycravTCs) , aor. An. IV 5 29. 
 
 Trapaa-Kevd^ofjiai,, to make preparation, imp. Thuc. I 31 i. 
 
 <f>epo) Koi ayoi, imp. Hell. Ill 2 30. 
 
 *ApyeLOL 8' ava^wprjadvTOiv avTwv, rov irpo tov Kapvciov firjvbs iieX- 
 Oovres TCTpaSt <f>6LV0VT0<i koI dyovT€<s rrjv yfxcpav ravr-qv TravTa rov 
 ypovovj ia-€/3aXov is rrjv 'E7rt8av/otav koi cSrJow. Thuc. V 54 3- 
 In this passage in addition to the present tense of the par- 
 ticiple and the element of duration in the verb there is the 
 phrase, iravTa rov xpo^ov, supplementing rrjv rjp-ipav ravrrp/j 
 which quite debars any meaning but that of extent. — koI to 
 /mev XoLTTov Oipos kcu rov kmovra ;(€i/>io>va vtto tov AvaLTTTrov Kal rStv 
 irepl avrov icf>€p€ro /cat -^^yeTO 17 tcov 'HXctW ^(apa. Hell. Ill 2 30. 
 
 Here too besides the tense of continuance and the element 
 of duration in the verb is the presence of to Xonrbv Oipos con- 
 nected by Kttt with rov kiriovra xet/xoim. It has already been 
 shown that such a combination as the first phrase and the 
 verb gives extent of time. Hence the second member joined 
 as it is must have the same force. Thuc. I 31 i may be 
 explained in the same way. — koX t^povptov Karaa-rrja-dfievoL iXy- 
 <rr€VOv rov tirura xpovov ryjv re Tpo^rjvcav yrjv koI 'AXidSa. koI 'ETrtSav- 
 piav. Thuc. IV 45 2. The verb in this sentence contains 
 the same elements as the above and is so reenforced by the 
 
character of the temporal phrase as to leave little doubt that 
 extent of time is the meaning. The peculiar character of 
 the phrase consists first, in the word xpovos "time," which 
 by reason of its indefiniteness and the difficulty of conceiv- 
 ing it as a unit like day or month implies a period of more 
 or less extension. In the second ' place, the attributive, 
 €7rctra *' following, future," and the article do not alter this 
 conception but rather favor it, so that all taken together 
 the phrase seems pretty clearly to denote duration. For a 
 similar expression compare Hell. VI 3 17, tov irapeXOovra 
 )(p6vov. 
 
 3. The third subdivision has in it two verbs denoting 
 duration, which are insufficient in themselves to determine 
 the meaning and receive no assistance from the context. As 
 a result the case is the deciding factor. 
 
 v€fi<a, to tend flocks, imp. Hdt. II 128. 
 
 a-TpaTevofjML, to campaign, aor. Hell. V. 2 43. 
 
 Koi TOVTO fx€v (TTpaTevcrdixevos ro Oipo^ huqKe kox to MaKcSovtKov 
 aTpdrev/jja kol to tov AepSa. Hell. V 2 43. 
 
 III. The third main class comprises verbs that have in 
 them a more or less vague notion of duration. These are 
 subdivided (i) into those that are aided by one thing or 
 another in the context — both together restricting the mean- 
 ing to extent of time; and (2) into those that are not 
 thus assisted. 
 
 I. avUvai viov, pres. Hdt. IV 28. 
 
 (XTractp eeo-Kov, Hdt. I 186. 
 
 aTroXuTrcDj imp. Thuc. Ill 21 4. 
 
 apX<^} pres. An. VI 6 13, Hell. Ill 2 6. 
 
 d(f>Lr]fu, pres. An. V 8 24. 
 
 ^L^fiL, pres. An. V 8 24. 
 
 cTmt aroKos, pres. Hdt. V 41. 
 
 cAivvo), pres. Hdt. I 67. 
 
 ix^Lv iv <l>vXaKrj, imp. Thuc. IV 38 4. 
 
 €x^iv eavTov kut oTkov, pres. Hdt. Ill 79. 
 
 KaTaBvvo), pres. Hdt. IX 37. 
 
 KaTa<f}pove<i)j pres. Hell. VII 4 30. 
 
— 6i— 
 
 icXeTTTO), pres. Hdt. I i86. 
 
 XdfXTTO), pres. Hdt. II 44. 
 
 iravoiJuiL, (with part.) perf. An. VII 6 9; pluperf. Thuc. 
 IV 13 I. 
 
 irapaKaio}, pres. Hdt. II 1 30. 
 
 TTpoa/SoXas TTOteLa-Oai, imp. Hdt. IV 128. 
 
 TTpaTTO), imp. An. VI i 18. 
 
 o-vyKaTaKXrjLO), pres. Hdt. I 1 82. 
 
 TLOrjfu, pres. Hdt. Ill 18. 
 
 XpdofjLai, pres. Hell. V i i. 
 Some illustrations of the principle applied in these cases 
 will be in point. 
 
 TO ^€ Oipos v(i)v ovK dvtet. Hdt. IV 28. The verb sig^nifies 
 "cease" and has with it the supplementary participle. The 
 neg-ative makes it equivalent to Siayw with a participle (cf. 
 Hell. IV 8 7). The idea of duration so explicit in the verbs 
 is all that is needed to give to to Oipos the force of " through- 
 out the summer." Like this are tovtov rbv ivuivrbv . . . 8ta7rc/x- 
 
 iroixevov: firj iXivveiv, Hdt. I 67, and rbv Seivov X'^'-f^^^^ (TTparcvo- 
 fievoL . . . ov TreTTavfxcOa, An. VII 6 9. 
 
 ras §€ vvKTa? ra ivXa ravra diraupho-KOV rovSe ctve/ca, tva firj 8ta- 
 <f>0LT€0VTC<s ra5 vvKTa<s KXiirroiev Trap' oAA^A-cdv. Hdt. I 186. This 
 sentence presents a verb in the imperfect tense denoting 
 repeated action with a temporal phrase in the plural number 
 assisting in expressing the repeated action. This does not 
 differ materially from Hell. II i 24, ravra 8' liroUt rirrapaq 
 rip.ipa's, in which ravra refers to the reconnaissance under 
 Lysander's orders by certain triremes previous to the battle 
 of Aegospotami. This reconnaissance was not made through- 
 out the whole of the four days, nor was the taking up of 
 the planks of the bridge throughout the whole of a day. 
 Yet in the one with a definite number of days there is no 
 hesitation in deciding that extent of time is the meaning; 
 why need there be when the number is indefinite? The 
 deciding factors are the repeated action of the verb and the 
 number of the noun. Other instances of the same general 
 
—62— 
 nature are: ras vvKras KaraSwwv, Hdt. IX 37; Sta^otrcbvTfis Ta$ 
 
 VVACTttS KXcTTTOtCV, Hdt, I 1 86; Xa/XTTOVTOS TttS VV/CTttS, Hdt. H 44; 
 
 iiroiiovro . . . ras vvKxa? TrpocTjSoAas, Hdt. IV128 ; (TvyKaTaKX-qUrai tom 
 vvKTas, Hdt. I 182; ras vwras eTrtTiySevovras riBevai, Hdt. HI 18; 
 TO,? vvKTtts d7re\ci7rov, Thuc. HI 21 4; ras /xcv y/xepa^ BlS&ktl, ra<s Sk 
 vvKTas a^Lam, An. V 8 24. 
 
 Kttt ravTiyv /A€v rrfv Tjixipav Kat r^v CTriovcrav vvKTa iv <f>vXaKy el^ov 
 avTovs 01 ^AOrfvoLOL. Thuc. IV 38 4. (ix^v with its adjunct, iv 
 <f>vXaKYJ *'to have or to keep under guard," gfives a convinc- 
 ing indication of duration. But when followed not by one 
 temporal phrase but by two connected by Kat, the two 
 periods being consecutive, extent of time is the only rational 
 interpretation. — ravrrjv rrjv rjixipriv Oepa7revov(TL TLipa-ai KOLvfj pLoXicrra 
 TWi/ 7iix€.pi(x>v Kat Iv avrrj oprrjv fji,eydXr)V dvdyovcTL, rj KeKXrjTat vtto Hep- 
 aio)v /xayo^dvta, iv rfj /xdyov ov8eva eiea-TL (jmvrjvai i<s to (f>(os, dXXJa 
 KaT oiKOvs ccovTovs ol fmyoL t)(ov<n rrjv rjfiiprjv ravr-qv. Hdt. IH 79. 
 
 As the verbal idea is like that of the above example, Thuc. 
 IV 38 4, and the clause, iv rfj ktX., is repeated in the one 
 beginning aXKa kt\.j it is quite clear that the whole of the 
 day is meant. 
 
 OvfurjiMXTa Sk Trap* avrrj Travrdia Karayu^ovcrL dva Trdcrav "^fxfprjv, 
 vvKra §€ €Kd(rrr)V Trdwvxo? Av^vos TrapaKaUrai. Hdt. II 130. This 
 is peculiar in that it is the only example of a noun of time 
 modified by cKaa-ros in the accusative case — all others being 
 in the genitive, with one in the dative. The writer, as if 
 the sense were not altogether clear considering the regular 
 use of cKao-Tos, has added Trdvwxos, which takes all weight from 
 
 the case of iKdcrrrjv vvKra. 
 
 The following may be explained as was tov iTretra xpovov 
 iXrjoTevov, Thuc. IV 45 2 (see p. 59) : rov irporepov ^(povov 
 droKos iovcra, Hdt. V 41 ; apxcvcrt rov vvv ;(poi/ov, An. VI 613. 
 rbv irpocrdev ypovov Kara<f>povovfJLevoL, Hell. VH 4 30; rov irpoirdev 
 ■)(p6vov iirparrov, An. VI i 18; CTrt/Act^ta )(p(oix€V(ov rov irpoaOcv 
 )(p6vov, Hell. V I I. 
 
 2. Verbs not assisted by the context. 
 dypvTTvio), aor. Hell. VII 2 19. 
 dK/Mo^o), imp. Hdt. HI 57, VI 127. 
 
-63- 
 
 dfcovco, imp. Hdt. V 83. 
 
 dvOevu), aor. Hdt. VI 127. 
 
 avOLo-TrjfUy pres. Thuc. Ill 39 8. 
 
 aTreXavvo), pres. Hdt. II 24. 
 
 a(f>LrifUj fut. An. V 8 24. 
 
 yiyvoyuaLj pres. Hdt. IV i8i, VIII 15; imp. Hdt. VIII 107. 
 
 Sew, fut. An. V 8 24. 
 
 €i/u,i: iovarj^ C7n/xt^«ysj Hdt. I 68 ; ov etvai tols yecfivpa<s ravras, 
 Hdt. I 75 ; "^v iOvos ovSkv iv rrj *A(TLr}, Hdt. I 79 5 V^ dv8pid<s, Hdt. 
 I 183; rjv ^■qcTT'qpLOV, Hdt. II 52; ei/ Xoyotcrt €(6v, Hdt. Ill 148; 
 rjv OLKT^parov, Hdt. IV 152; iiov iv Sa/AO), Hdt. IV 163; rjaav 
 <l)t\oL, Hdt. VI 89; etvat (T<^L(TL oiK€Ta5, Hdt. VI 137; €owav 
 dpOjMLTjv, Hdt. IX 37; €1/ <f>vXjaKfj ^(Tav, Thuc. Ill 74 3; ij(rv;(ia 
 ^v, Thuc. V 35 8; axprjaroi rjaav, An. Ill 4 26; ^crav inl rov 
 opovs, An. IV 3 7 ; iv TopSuw ovtcs, Hell. I 4 i. 
 
 I^etv /oi€Ta x"/>a5j imp. Hdt. VII 16)8. 
 
 tej/ai €s Aoyovs, imp. Thuc. V 17 2. 
 
 iirLKparidi, imp. Hdt. IV 162. 
 
 €pxofMLL, aor. An. Ill i 3. 
 
 KadicTT-qfu, 2 pluperf. Thuc. VIII 76 i. 
 
 Ka«o, pres. Hdt. Ill 104. 
 
 Karexo), pres. Hdt. I 65. 
 
 KaroA-etTTft), Hdt. IV 172. 
 
 fieraxcipt^o), aor. Thuc. VII 87 i. 
 
 Travo/jxu, aor. An. VI 413. 
 
 TTie^to, pres. Hdt. II 25. 
 
 dpiOfjiov TToiudOai, imp. Hdt. VII 59. 
 
 TTpoixo), imp. Hdt. I I. 
 
 pvofuu, pres. Hdt. IV 135. 
 
 Trpos 6ir}V Tp€7re(r6ai, aor. Hdt. VIII 25. 
 
 Tvyxdvo), (with pres. part.) imp. Hdt. I 29, IV 144, V 30; 
 aor. Thuc. VII 73 2; (with perf. part.) aor. Hdt. VII 208. 
 
 Tvpawevo), pres. Hdt. I 59; imp. Hdt. I 73, 77. 
 
 <f>aLvofjMLj pres. (with pres. part.) Thuc. Ill 8S 3; (with 
 aor. part.) Thuc. VIII 97 2. 
 
 XpdofjuiL, pres. Hdt. II 95. 
 
 i<i>6e ttolUlvj Hdt. II 25. 
 
-64- 
 
 The accusative temporal phrases with these verbs need 
 the inflectional ending as the deciding factor in determin- 
 ing the meaning of the case construction. For example 
 compare the following with one another. 
 
 €7n 8c TOL orrXa iroXXol ovk rjXOov ravryjv Tqv vvKTa. An. Ill i 3. 
 
 cSo-T* €K€LV1^S TTJS VVKTOS OvScU iKOLfXTJOr}. Hcll. II 2 3. TttVTT/ /X€V 
 
 ovv Ty rffiipa ovk i/Juax^o^aTO ^acriXevs. An. I 7 17. These are SO 
 
 much alike that either one of the other cases might have been 
 used in the first instance and still the sense would have been 
 virtually the same. The reason that seems to have induced 
 Xenophon to use the accusative was the fact it was a 
 stronger form of expression because of its close connection 
 with the idea of extent of time. — 6 Sc NctXo?, iwv avo/x/3po9, 
 cAko/xcvos 8c vtto tov "^Xiov, fjiovvo's TTorajntov tovtov tov ;;(/)dvov 
 ot/coTws avTos iiovTov peet ttoWw VTroSeearrepo^ ^ tov 6€peo<s ' rore 
 fjXv yap TravTwv twv vSaroiv taov iXKerai, rov Sk x'^i/xiava puovvo^i 
 Trte^erat. Hdt. II 25. Here again the difference is so slight, 
 that Herodotus seems to use whatever case comes first to 
 hand, not only here but throughout this section. — vofiL^ova-t 
 8e ol iK€Lvrj avOpoyiroi iv rrj *Icpa tos 6 "H^attrTOs xaXKCveL, ort ttjv 
 vvKTa KjxLiveraL Trvp avaBiSova-a ttoXv koI ttjv -^fxipav Kairvov. Thuc. 
 Ill 88 3. 'A6r]vaLOL pJkv hvolv vcolv IvavrCaiv aiei r-qv vrjaov TrepnrXcov- 
 T€S T^s Tjfxipafi (t^s 8c vvKTo'i Kttt a7ra(rais TrepKapiMovv, rrXyv ra Trpos 
 TO ireXayos, ottotc avcfios etrj. Thuc. IV 23 2. — o~uv€7rt7rTC Sk cSctc 
 ras avras ravras 17/Aepas ras re vav/ia;(tas yCvecrdai ravras koI ras ire^o- 
 fmxM's raq iv @epfio7rvXy(Ti. Hdt. VIII 1 5. It is a question 
 whether this might not be classed with the preceding group, 
 since continuance is expressed in the meaning of the subjects 
 of the infinitive and the temporal phrase is plural. Yet it 
 is probably better as it is, since there is no notion of repeti- 
 tion, and without falling back upon the case there might 
 be a confusion with the meaning of the genitive plural, not- 
 withstanding the probability that the genitive plural of such 
 phrases was not used. Another example of the same kind 
 though with a stronger element of duration in the verb 
 is : ^fiets Sk ras Trpo tov ^p.epa9 ravrrjv rrjv aTpaTrjXaarirjv kox to Kaipra 
 €txofi€y p.erk x"pas. Hdt. VII 16/8. cf. Thuc. VII 87 i.— 
 
-^5- 
 
 ravrrjv fiev ovv rr]v -^/xepav iiravo-avro. An. VI 4 1 3. In this 
 sentence it is the case of the temporal phrase that gives 
 the meaning, "they rested from marching the whole of 
 that day ;" for otherwise it would not be distinguished from 
 "they stopped marching on that day." 
 
 IV. There are still remaining (i) a few verbs employed 
 by Herodotus with the accusative that do not express dura- 
 tion, and (2) some others which, though they possibly may 
 do so, yet by reason of the setting do not convince one that 
 the writer had extent of time in mind when using with 
 them an accusative temporal phrase, but a desire to date. 
 
 1. ifXTTLTTTQ), aor. Hdt. VI 27. 
 
 TrefXTTO), to send, pres. Hdt. VI 22; aor. Hdt. VII 151. 
 a-reXXiOj imp. Hdt. IV 147. 
 For the sentences containing these verbs see p. 39. 
 
 2. OTJTOS /xei/ wv ravra iTrprjcrae, rov avrov Se tovtov ^ovov iyivero 
 iirl Ai/ivrjv oAAos orTpart^? /xeyas aroXcyi. Hdt. IV 145. el fxev 
 vw oi TrapcdvTcs AaKeScu/xonW ofiOLOL iyevovro ravrrjv rrjv -^fxiprjv 
 'Apx^y TC Koi AvK<x>7rr), alpWrj av ^dptxys. Hdt. Ill 55. vrjvcrX fiev 
 vvv "Iwves oKpoL yevofxevoL ravrrjv rrjv rjjiiprjv vrrcpe/SaXovro rov<s <^olvi- 
 Ktts, Ktti TOVTWV "^dfuoL rjpLcrrevcrav. Hdt. V 112. ly 8c Alyivairj 
 (rpLrjprjs), rrjs irpLrjpdpxee 'AcroiVLSrjs, Kai rivd (t<^i Oopvftov rrapeax^. 
 Hvdeoi rov 'Icrxevoou i7n/3arevovro<s, dvSpos dpicrrov yevofievov ravrrjv 
 rrjv rjjjiiprjv. Hdt. VII l8r. I^t^ Se At/caios 6 ©coKuSeos dvrjp 
 'AOrjvaLO^, <f>vyd? re Kal vapa Miy8ot(rt Xoyt/xos yevo/xevos tovtov tov 
 ^ovov, CTretTC kKttpero rj ArriKrj X^PV ^^ '''^^ ttc^ov crrparov rov 
 Uepieo). Hdt. VIII 65. rov xpovov Be rovrov, (o<s Xeyovm ^vjSapl- 
 Tttt, cr<f>eas re avrovs kol TrjXvv rov eoyvrSiv y8ao-tA,ea eirl Kporwva /xeX- 
 Xeiv (rrparevecrOai. Hdt. V 44. 
 
 In Hdt. Ill 55 no ambiguity would have arisen had the 
 dative been used. There is nothing besides the case in this 
 passage nor in the two following, V 112, VII 181, to show 
 that the contests lasted throughout the day. Hdt. VIII 
 65 is very similar in meaning. Such passages as the above 
 open up the question of Herodotus' use of the phrase rovrov 
 Tov xp^vov. Did he in every instance intend to express 
 extent of time? It may be a purely subjective feeling on 
 
 5 
 
—66— 
 
 the part of the writer, but it scarcely seems possible that 
 he did, especially when it is considered that the dative of 
 this phrase is not used either by him or by any of the 
 other authors drawn from in this study. Hence it appears 
 that the phrase is stereotyped with Herodotus, a catch-all 
 for anything like "during, throughout, or at this time." 
 The classification as given above is most conservative, and 
 where there was a hint that it might have the meaning of 
 extent of time it has been classed accordingly. This much 
 may be said in support of the view that it expresses duration, 
 namely, that the verbs are all in tenses of continuance or 
 are copulative. The following will show some of the 
 peculiarities. 
 
 6 Sk NeiXos, €0)v avo/x^/t)09, eAKo/xevos 8k vtto tov t^Aiov, /aovvo? irora- 
 fjAav rovTOv tov xpovov oIk6t<d<s avros cojvtov piet ttoXXS vTroBeecTTepos 
 
 y TOV Oipeos. Hdt. II 25. Note that tovtov tov xpovov corre- 
 sponds to TOV 0€p€O<S. tovtov Sk TOV )(p6vOV (6 7JXlO<s) KuUl TToAAw 
 
 fmWov Tj Trj fji€a-aiJi(3pLrj ttjv 'EXXdSa. Hdt. Ill 104. Here the 
 accusative and dative are together, with a genitive, fteo-a/x- 
 Pptrj^, in the sentence preceding. -ycvo/Acvos yap iv Bv^arrto) 
 iirvOeTO kirTaKaihtKa ereo-t irpoTcpov KaX;(>;8ovtovs KTtVavTas T7}V X^P'?^ 
 Bv^avTtwi/, TTV^o/x-ei/os 8e c^i; KaXx'/^oi/tovs tovtov tov xpovov Tvyxdvav 
 covras Tv<f)\ovq. Hdt. IV 144. tovtov tov ■)(p6vov evidently 
 refers to the time when they settled there, cf. Hdt. V 30 
 (see p. 40). 
 
 There are some that clearly may express extent of time, as : 
 ocrot Tqv AaKeBcufwva tovtov tov xpovov oik€ov. Hdt. VI 86a. iv 
 Sk Trj "^TrdpTr) t6vtov tov xpovov VTrojXfVinv /^7}fidprp-o<s 6 *ApurT<t)vo<: 
 hUpaXXe TOV KXeojjievea. Hdt. VI 51. TrepLoUeov Se o-^eas to. 
 TToWa t5>v \(ap<x)v TOVTOV TOV )(p6vov 'EAAi/vwv "loives- Hdt. V 58. 
 cro^wTTai, OL tovtov tov xpovov cTvy^avov covrcs. Hdt. I 29. 
 
 Some may lean both ways, yv Sk tovtov tov xpo^®^ ^^^^ 
 
 ovSkv iv Trj *A(TLrj ovtc avSprjioTcpov ovt€ aXKLfJi(aT€pov tov AvBtov. 
 Hdt. I 79- ^ AeycTttt — Tovs to fxia-ov olK€ovTa<s . . . xopcveiv tc tovtov 
 TOV )(p6vov Koi iv evTraOeLYja-i, i<: o Srj kox to KapTo. irrvBovTO. Hdt. I 
 191. TO yap 8r] [JuavTrjiov tovto vevofua-Tai apxaLOTarov twv iv "EAAi/O't 
 XpriCTrjpCiav civat, koi rjv tov xpovov tovtov fiovvov. Hdt. II 52. 
 
-67- 
 
 Ttt 8e Tiov St^vtW irprjyfXjara TjKfxxx^e tovtov rbv ypovov. Hdt. Ill 57 
 (VI 127). 6 8e * ApKe(TL\€.(o^ TOVTOV Tov )(p6vov iv ^d/xio (Tvin^yeipe 
 TravTa avhpa C7rt y^s dvaSa(TfJL(S. Hdt. IV 163. 6 Sk iv t<u AopLO-Kio 
 TOVTOV TOV xpovov T)}? (TTpaTLrj<s apiOjxov i7roL€€TO. Hdt. VII 59. 
 
 In this connection there must also be taken the examples 
 of TOV avTov TOVTOV xpovovy which plainly do not present the 
 idea of extent. (See p. 39.) 
 
 Before leaving this division of the study of the accusative, 
 which deals with the words that are modified, there is a 
 small section which must be looked at separately, namely, 
 those expressions in the singular with an ordinal numeral, 
 that are usually translated by "so many days or years ago." 
 Because of the exceedingly small number of cases found in 
 the sources used, additional instances have been supplied 
 from Demosthenes. 
 
 Since the accusative case was felt to be connected so inti- 
 mately with the relation of extent of time, it is natural to 
 suppose that this particular relation grew out of it. If this 
 is true, it must have come from an accusative of a noun of 
 time limited by an ordinal which clearly indicated extent 
 of time. Accordingly a comparison of the two must be 
 made to discover what differences exist, and how they may 
 have brought about the given idiom. 
 
 I . The instances of extent of time are : 17 /xev yap iTnTpoTnj 
 
 TovTO) 7rpb<s TOV UapfjievovTa TpiTov cros ycyove kol yj yvwo-ts tov ^ApLcr- 
 tok\€ov<5. Dem. ^^ 23. OVT09 yap iTreidT] acfyLKCTO ets ®daov rjSr] 
 fxov TcrapTov /xrjva iinTpLripapxovvTO^ kt\. Dem. 5029, «;(« Sev- 
 Tepov €To<s TO, yp.€Tepa kol )(p^TaL Toi? 'xp'^pncTL. Dem. 56 16 (56 
 45). 17 pkv ovv aTTOvBrj Trepl twv iv X.eppovi^a^(o TrpayfjuxTOiv ia-TU Kal t^s 
 CTTpaTeuLS, 17V ivSeKaTov /xrjva tovtovl ^I'AtTTTros iv ®paKr) TrotctTai. 
 Dem. 8 2. dAAa SevTcpov Itos tovtI KapTrovfievo^ to. Tj/xeVe/xx. Dem. 
 56 4 (56 34). CTretS^ yap ov KaOea-TrjKOTOs x'^P'Tf^^ '^V HavStovtSt 
 <^v\rj TpLTOv ero^ tovtl ktX. Dem. 21 13. KaToXa/AjSavct iravTas 
 €vBov Tovs K(i}fJirJTa<; . . . kol ttjv OvyaTcpa tov Kinfxap^ov ivaTrjv yfixipav 
 ycyap.r]fxivr]v. An. IV 5 24. This last example may be called 
 doubtful. For if Xenophon in writing thought merely of 
 the completion of the act, it would mean, "having been 
 
—68— 
 
 married eight days ago" ; but if he had in mind the con- 
 tinuance of the state after the act of completion it should 
 be classed as it is, with the meaning, "having been married 
 for eight days." The same may be said of Thuc. VIII 23 i, 
 
 icat rpLTTjv ffixipav avrov i^kovtos at 'ArrtKat v^es irevrt koX €lko<ti IttAcov 
 €s AeVySov. If the participle contains the concept of comple- 
 tion only, the meaning is "two days ago" ; but if it is equiva- 
 lent to "having come and now remaining," then it is plainly 
 extent. 
 
 2. The phrases of this class that do not express extent of 
 time are : ol fxkv to Seiiov €XOVTCs ov<s v/^ct? vj^iipav Trefnrrrjv rp&pd- 
 /X€VOL eSiw^are. Hell. II 4 13. /xifJivrja-O* to aiv8pe<s 'AOrjvaiOL, or 
 aTrrjyyiXOrj ^iXnnro^ v/juv iv @paKr) rpirov rj rirapTov tro^ tovtX 
 'Hpatbv rdxo'i TroXiopKwv. Dem. 3 4. iX'^^'^^ ^^ H-^^ ovrcu? tos 
 Aeyo), KarcTrAevcrav Sevpo rpirov Itos ovr6<s re kol iroXirrj^ avrov Uap- 
 fi€v<aV' Dem. 335. i^XOov €ro<s rovrl rpcrov €l<; HdvaKrov <f>povpa<s 
 "^fuv 7rpoypa<f>eL(ri^<s. Dem. 54 3. 
 
 A comparison of the two groups shows an exact formal 
 likeness in the temporal phrase but a marked difference in 
 the verb. In the first all the verbs do or may denote con- 
 tinuance, indicated by the tense if not by the meaning ; 
 and since the thought of the writer was extent of time, 
 instead of employing a cardinal numeral and the plural, he 
 employs the common inclusive method of counting and uses 
 an ordinal with the singular. In the second group the verbs 
 denote occurrence only, which is evident from the fact that 
 the notion of continuance is not in harmony with the setting. 
 But this does not explain how it came about that in the 
 latter cases the counting began with the time of the state- 
 ment and went backward, just the opposite of the instances 
 of extent of time, in which the counting began with the be- 
 ginning of the action and came up to the time of the state- 
 ment. May not the explanation or connecting link lie in 
 those perfects or expressions of completion (such as An. 
 IV 5 24 and Thuc. VIII 23 i) which, if the meaning of 
 the verb allows, may denote a state of continuance after the 
 completion? It was this latter condition of affairs that 
 
— 69 — 
 
 connected them with the instances of such phrases clearly 
 expressing extent. But an analysis of the thought also 
 shows that the completion of the act occurred the given num- 
 ber of days or years (counting inclusively) previous to the 
 time of the statement. Out of this there seems to have 
 grown the use with verbs expressive of occurrence only, by 
 reason of which duration was out of the question ; but 
 because of the analogy to the above connecting link the 
 occurrence was conceived as happening this or that many 
 days, months or years ago. It is needless to say that the 
 inflectional ending is necessary in determining the meaning 
 of such instances. 
 
 The second main division in the study of the accusative 
 is that of the words that are unmodified. The first, it will 
 be remembered, included the modified words, which were 
 subdivided into two classes according as the modifying word 
 aided in expressing extent or not. 
 
 The first point that is observed in any collection of 
 material of this sort is that some instances imply a modi- 
 fier. For instance, xpwos is too general a word to allow 
 itself to be used in such a manner as -^fxipa and vvi in the 
 phrase, koI •^fxipav koI vwra, '*both day and night"; but 
 whenever used alone there is implied an indefinite word of 
 measure, such as nva. For example, ovtol rStv irepi KapCr^v 
 avSpS>v fjiovvot re avT€ary(ov )(p6vov 'ApTrayo) ktX. Hdt. I 175* (cf. 
 IX 49.) Od. 4 598-9 implies a little stronger word than nva. 
 
 dAA* 7]Br} fJiOL avid^ova-LV iroLpoL 
 iv TIvAo) yyaOerj, av Si /xc ^povov iv6d^ ipvKU^. 
 
 Of the other words -^fiepa and vvi, as sometimes used by 
 Xenophon and Thucydides, and cvtavro?, wherever it is 
 found, indicate by their number assisted by the general 
 context of the sentences, that they are the same as when the 
 accusative of cts is expressed. This characteristic excludes 
 the notion of "time when," and it will be found that the 
 nature of the verb or context will in every case shut out the 
 meaning generally attributed to the genitive. With regard 
 
 ^^*"^,^_^^>v 
 
— 70— 
 
 to the instances of vvKza in Homer and Herodotus it is a 
 little hard to decide whether they are the same as the ordinary 
 rrjv vvKTa or /Atai/ vvKra. But since the evidence with some is 
 against understanding the numeral and with others not 
 convincing, they have all been classed as if the article were 
 expressed. The article, it seems, must be understood to 
 be implied in the noun, because the concept, night time, is 
 too vague and indefinite to give the time of duration. 
 The Attic evidently having this feeling never used, as far as 
 I can learn, vvKra or -^/xepav alone to express this relation, 
 but always with the article, though it did if the two nouns 
 were used together connected by ''both — and," a question 
 treated later. So it is that the material falls into two parts, 
 one with the modifier understood, the other wholly free. 
 
 Let us look first at the former, which will be subdivided 
 according as (I) a word of measure is understood, or (H) 
 the article. 
 
 I. The first deals with the phrase yjiiipav koX vvktu, and the 
 single words, -^fiipaVf vwra, firjva, ivuLVTOv, and ;(/oovov. The 
 similarity in meaning existing between these and the nouns 
 modified by an expressed word of measure leads to the same 
 method of classification. The implied word of measure, 
 while a strong factor in determining the meaning, is not 
 enough, and we are forced as in the other case to turn to the 
 verb. The verbs found with the above expressions may be 
 classified as follows. 
 
 I. The verbs that plainly express duration. 
 
 avrcxo), aor. Hdt. I 175. 
 
 aTToaaXevo), aor, Thuc. I 137 2. 
 
 ^ao), pres. An. H 6 29. 
 
 /jLevo), aor. Od. 14 244, An. I 2 21. 
 
 ttXco), imp. An VI i 14. 
 
 TToXtopKeo), imp. Thuc. I 109 4. 
 
 <l)v\d(T(T(jD, pres. Hdt. IX 93. 
 
 These verbs have so strong an element of duration that 
 when joined with a noun whose number together with the 
 meaning of the verbs determines that some word of measure 
 
—71— 
 
 is understood with it, there is nothing left for the noun 
 of time to denote but extent. 
 
 6 8c vavKXrjpo's Trotet re ravra kol aTrocraXevcra^ yjiiipav koX vwra 
 \nr\p rov a-TparoTriSov va-repov d^iKvetrat i<s '^<f>€(Tov. Thuc. I 1 37 
 2. This cannot mean ''day and night," else Kat—Kat would 
 probably have been used, and a little more than va-repov 
 would have been called for. — IttXcov rjfxipav koI vvKTa TrvcvfuiTL 
 KttAw iv api(TT€pa i)(ovrei rrjv Ila^Aayoi/tav. rfj 8' aWtj a<f>iKvovvTaL 
 CIS StvwTnyv. An VI I 14. This example is interesting- in 
 that the following sentence beginning rfj aX\r} ktX., proves 
 conclusively that one day and night is meant. — kol liroXiopKu 
 (avTovs) cv avrrj ivuivrbv /cat e^ /xrjvas. Thuc. I 109 4. 810 efiet- 
 vav Yjp.ipav iv rw ttcSio). An. I 2 21. 
 
 2. The second group of these verbs consists of those that 
 have several meanings, of which the one used expresses 
 duration as strongly as those of the preceding class. 
 
 P6<rK(i>, to maintain, pres. Thuc. VII 48 5. 
 
 i-Trexo), to delay, aor. Hdt. VI 129, VII 223, IX 49, Thuc. 
 
 I 137 4. 
 
 ipvKo), to detain (a guest), Od. 4 599. 
 
 Karexw, to detain, pres. Hdt. VI 128. 
 
 7repLcf>ep<ji, to hold out, fut. Thuc. VII 28 3. 
 
 rXao), to endure, aor. Od. i 288, 2 219, 
 
 No examples need be given, as these do not differ from 
 those of the preceding group. 
 
 3. The third division of these verbs comprises those which, 
 expressing duration in a more or less vague way, are aided 
 by the context. 
 
 apxo), aor. Hell, VI 4 34. 
 
 yLyvofjuiL, aor. Hdt. V 116. 
 
 8opv<f}opi<i), imp. Hdt. II 168. 
 
 ct/xt: 6vTo<s iv /Saa-iXeta, Hell. Ill 3 4; rrjv CKCxctptav etvai, 
 Thuc. IV 118 12; at a-TTOvSal ccrovrat, Thuc. IV 118 10. 
 
 cxw, pres. Hdt. Ill 24. 
 
 a-irevSofjiaL, aor. Thuc. IV 114 2. 
 
 6 8 av UoXvffypoiv rjpie fxkv ivuivrov, KaTea-KevdaaTO 8e tyjv rayeuiv 
 TvpawLhi bfxoiav. Hell. VI 4 34. The general setting of the 
 
—72— 
 
 sentence shows that ^p^€ is not "became governor" but 
 ^'governed," which easily Hmits the meaning to extent of 
 time. — KaXa(TipL(ov xlXloi /cat ^IStpfiorv^Coiv iBopv<f>6peov ivvavrbv CKac- 
 
 Toi Tov ^criXea. Hdt. II 1 68. iviavrov dependent on the verb 
 meaning ''to attend upon, to keep watch over" with its 
 notion of duration cannot mean ''within a year." — ovttq) 8' 
 
 evuivTov ovTO^ cv Trj paarikeia ^AyrjaiXaov ktX. Hell. Ill 3 4. The 
 
 prepositional phrase and ovtto) are the principal aids in 
 this sentence. 
 
 II. Coming now to the unmodified nouns that are equiva- 
 lent to the same nouns with the article in Attic Greek, 
 there is not the additional aid of an implied modifying word 
 of measure. As a result it may be necessary to fall back 
 upon the case to determine the meaning. There have been 
 included in this group all the Homeric examples of yj/mra 
 and vvKTasj when used separately, because of their similarity 
 to those instances already treated of ra? -qfiipa^ and ras vv/cras. 
 For examples compare the following with Hdt. I 186 (see 
 p. 61) and III 18 (see p. 56). 
 
 oAA* y TOL vvAcras /xcv lavco-Kcv koI dvdyKy 
 
 iv (TTrecnn yXa<f>vpoun Trap' ovk iOiXwv iOeXovcrrj • 
 
 rjfjixiTa 8' ap, irirpyja-i Kca yioveaaL Ka6iZ,<iiv 
 
 \hdKpv<TL /cat (TTOva)(fj(n Koi aXyeai Ovfiov ip€)(j9o}v,] 
 
 TTOVTOv kir arpvyerov 8epK€(rK€TO haKpva Aci)8o)v. — Od. 5 154—8. 
 
 KVLOTJev Si T€ 8u>pxi 7rcptOTCva^ti^€Tat avXrj 
 
 "ijp/iTa • vvKTa<s 8* avre Trap* alSoiys aX6)(Oi(nv 
 
 evSovcT €v T€ rdTrrja-L Kal iv TprjTOLCTL Aej(co-o-tv. — Od. 10 10— 12. 
 
 The classification of the verbs must continue to follow 
 the same lines as before. 
 
 I. The verbs that distinctly denote duration. 
 
 aco-a, Od. 3 151, 490, 15 40, 188, 16 367. 
 
 dm/u,€va), aor. Hdt. VII 42. 
 
 cvavAt^o/ioi, pres. Hdt. I 181; aor. Hdt. IX 15. 
 
 cvSo), pres. Od. 10 12. 
 
 lavo), imp. II. 9 470. 
 
 iav€<TKOV, Od. 5 154. 
 
—n— 
 
 r<^ft>, imp. Od. 1 6 365. 
 
 KXatiw, pres. Od. 20 84. 
 
 <f>vXjii(r(To}, pres. II. lo 312, 399; fut. Od. 22 195. 
 
 In the sentences containing- the last verb, t^vAao-o-w, the 
 case of vvKTa seems necessary in determining: the meaning:. 
 Though it must be said that in II. 10 312, 399 the general 
 trend of the thought points out pretty plainly that all night 
 is meant — especially ov^* iOikovcnv and KaiiAxia aSi^Kores. 
 
 vqwv wKVTTopiav <T)(e86v iXOifxey €K rt TrvOicrOaif 
 •^k <l>v\da-(TOVTaL VYJe<s Goal m to Tra/oos ttc/o, 
 
 <]>viLV ^ovXevova-L ftera (T<j>L(nv ov^ iOiXovauv 
 
 vvKTa <fivXaaa€fji€vai, Kafmrw dSrjKore'i alvw. — II. 10 308—12. 
 
 In the instances which contain decra, ivavXt^eaOai, dva/JLevuv 
 the meaning is sufficiently determined by these words, as 
 
 dfJLa 8' ycXiio KaraSvvTL 
 ov TTOT kir rjTTupov vvKT ao-tt/xcv. — Od. 16 366—7. 
 
 ovSc vvKTa ovSets cvavXtl^erat dvOpwirtov otl fjurj yvvrj fiovvrj rtuv cttiyw- 
 ptW, T^v dv 6 Ocos tkiyrai e/c Traaetov. Hdt. I 18 1. kcu irpdra fxeif 
 oi VTTO rfj "iSy vwra dva/ncLvavTi jSpovraL re /cat 7rprj(rT7Jpe<s iTrecnriTT- 
 Tova-L. Hdt. VII 42. 
 
 With the others there is not only a verb expressing con- 
 tinuance, but also a plural of the noun of time, which 
 together with the tense mark the action as repeated. These 
 may be explained in the same way as ras ly/xe/oas and ras 
 vvKTtts (see p. 61; cf. Od. 5 154 p. 72). 
 
 2. A second group contains verbs which in the given 
 cases have meanings that clearly denote duration. 
 
 KaOi^o), to sit, pres. Od. 5 156. 
 
 <l>aiv(j), to shine, pres. Od. 7 102. 
 
 TTctpo), to cleave a way through the waves, imp. Od. 2 434. 
 
 The first two are the same as the last examples men- 
 tioned in the preceding group. Od. 2 434 is different, 
 
 iravw^^yq fiev p rj yc kcu. yoi Trevpe KeXevOov. 
 
—74— 
 
 Since the verbal idea is the same as evXa and the noun of 
 time is so closely connected with the adjective expressing 
 extent of time, the temporal noun must also do the same. 
 
 3. A third group is made up of verbs that are more or 
 less vague in denoting duration but receive some aid from 
 the context. 
 
 dAAvco-Kcv, Od. 2 105, 19 150, 24 140. 
 
 €xw, pres. Od. 20 85; fut. II. 18 274. 
 
 Trepujrevax^o/Mii, pres. Od. 10 10. 
 
 repTTo/juii, pres. Od. 19 513. 
 
 el 8' av c/xoig iireeacn TnOwfieOa K'qhofXfvoi vep 
 vvKTa fjikv elv ayopfj crOivo^ e^ofiev. — II. 18 273—4. 
 
 The idea of continuance inherent in aOivo^ l^op^ev is not capa- 
 ble of determining the meaning without calling upon the 
 case of the noun. With the rest there is the combination 
 of the plural noun and the verb denoting repeated action. 
 
 tvOa Kol y/JMLTLY} pkv vcf>aiv€(rKev fxiyav to-rov, 
 
 KUKTa? S' oXXmaKev, irreL 8at8a<s irapaOdro. — Od. 2 104—5. 
 
 This is a good example of the rather large number of 
 instances of ripxira and vvKxas. Of course it cannot be said 
 that Penelope spent the whole of each night in unraveling 
 the web, but that it was something she did night after night. 
 The plural number with the repeated action in the verb 
 gives all but as definite an idea of duration as there would 
 be if €KaTov were added to vwra?. 
 
 The second division of the unmodified words in the accu- 
 sative has to do with those instances in which the word has 
 no implied modifier. And here it is that the words rip^ipa 
 and vv^ so used have the meaning of "daytime" and 
 "night time." It can readily be seen that such words are 
 altogether too vague to be used alone to denote extent, 
 but must be used together. The three examples found in 
 the prose authors studied are connected by KaC^KaC and tc 
 Kttt, and are in the singular; those from the Iliad and 
 
—75— 
 
 Odyssey are joined by re KaC or Kal and are in the plural 
 with the exception of 5/mp in the instances of the phrase 
 vv/cTtts re koL rump, always found at the close of the line and 
 not to be disting-uished in meaning from the ^fvKTm re koI 
 
 TJjMlTa. 
 
 Taking up the latter first and dividing them according as 
 the verb expresses duration or not, we have : 
 
 1. aficfn Se ak Tpcoat koI Aa/a&xvtSes ftaOvKoXTroi 
 
 KXavaovTaL vvKTa<s re koI rj/juara SaKpv )^€OV<TaL. — 11. i8 339—40. 
 ovSe TL fWL ctTTCs irvKivov Ittos, ov ri K€V aiet 
 fjLejjivrjfJLrjv vvKras re kol rjfxaTa SaKpv ^eovcra. — II. 24 744—5. 
 iwrjjxap pky 6/xws ttXco/acv vvKxas tc kox rj/jxip. — Od. 10 28. 
 
 Also Od. 10 80, 15 476. 
 
 In all of these there is the verb expressing duration and 
 the plural of the noun, sufficient in themselves to render the 
 idea of extent. But in II. 24 744-5 there is in addition the 
 adverb, aUi, which leads one to believe that the phrase is 
 the poet's way of saying Travra xpoVov ; and in Od. 10 28, 80, 
 15 476 there is the introductory adverb, ivvrjfMp {i^fmp), 
 which certainly defines the time through which the action 
 of the verb is extended, only to be further expanded into the 
 phrase, vvKxas re Kal -^fjuip. 
 
 2. The second group, containing verbal ideas that take 
 their element of duration from their connection with the 
 temporal phrase and the rest of the sentence, is made up of 
 the following: 
 
 <rol Sk ^rj rdSe Travra fxiXuv vvKxas t€ kox rnuap. — II. 5 490* 
 
 O IXOl VVKTaS T€ Koi Tjpxip 
 
 ev^ioXr] Kara aarv TreXicrKeo. — II. 22 432—3. 
 dXXa Kwas fjikv aXaXK€ Ato5 Ovydrrjp 'A^poStViy 
 yjfJUiTa KOI vvKTttS. — H. 23 185—6. 
 
 7] yap ot ai€t 
 P'T^rrjp TrapfxefjL^XdiKeu o/xws vvKTa<s re kol rjfjLap. — II. 24 72-3. 
 
 iv Se ywrj rafxtrj vvKTa<s re kol ^fJuip 
 *^X ' V ^ttvr' i(f>vXa(T(r€ voov TroXviSpurjariv. — Od. 2 345—6. 
 
-76- 
 
 In II. 24 72-3 there is agfain present the adverb, aiet, 
 which clearly gives the notion of duration and is explained 
 in the following line by the vvKtas re kqI rnxap. The others 
 do not essentially differ from the preceding except in the 
 above mentioned particular of the verb. The lack of a 
 distinct idea of continuance in the verb is not felt, seeing 
 that it is so adequately supplied by the close connection of 
 the two nouns and the fact that the plural is present in 
 every phrase ; though even where the second noun is singu- 
 lar there is no difference in meaning from the phrases in 
 which both are plural — the change to the singular apparently 
 being made because of the position in the verse. 
 
 The three examples from the prose authors are the fol- 
 lowing. tvOa 8r) ^/x€ts fxkv rbv Suvbv xeijxtiiva aTparevofievoi kol 
 vvKTa Kou ^fxipav ovScv TreiravfxeOa. An. VII 6 9. cusSc airai Tjpiaro, 
 ippCL avT<S vvKTa re kol ■fjp.ipav ro alfxay kol Trdvra ttoiovvtcs ovk cSv- 
 vavTO a-)(civ to pevpxi irpXv €\nro\j/v)(rja€. Hell. V4 5^* (nrovhrj 
 Sk 6fxoL(os Kttt vvKxa KOL ■fip.ipav icrrai t^s bhov. Thuc. VII 77 6. 
 
 The explanation for An. VII 6 9 on p. 61 will also serve 
 here. In Hell. V 4 58 the ws aTro^ yjpiaro prepares us for the 
 idea of continuance in ippei and vvKra re kol rip.ipav, and no 
 matter what the case might be, it would be understood that 
 the blood kept flowing all the time. But this is not all, for 
 the thought of continuance is further reenforced by the 
 second clause. — Thuc. VII yy 6 comes nearest to being like 
 the phrase /cat ^/xepas kol wkt6^ ; but comparing it with the 
 two following passages a difference is at once apparent. 
 TToXcfttKos 8c av ravrrj cSoKct ctvat on <f>i\oKvvSvv6s re rjv kol 7}ixipa<i 
 Kol ruKTos aytav im rovs TroXe/xiovs koi iv rots Sctvots <f)p6vLp.oi. An. 
 II 6 7- rjyrjcravTO ovv, ct tva tkoLvro ap')(OVTa, pJaXXov av tj iroXvap- 
 ^tas ovcrrj<i 8vva(rOai rbv €va yprfcrOai. tw a-rparevpxiTL kol WKrbs koI 
 
 ijftcpas. An. VI I 18. The Thucydidean passage refers to 
 a particular case with the verbal idea mostly in the subject, 
 the two just quoted are of the nature of general statements. 
 The settings are entirely different. Thucydides puts into 
 the mouth of Nicias, in his speech to the soldiers before 
 Syracuse, that haste in the retreat will be both day and night 
 
—17— 
 
 alike, all the time. But in An. II 6 7 the phrase koX yfiipag 
 Kol wKTos ayov kt\., is in explanation of <f>LXoKivBwo<s, which 
 surely does not consist in going against the enemy all the 
 time, but by night as well as by day. And so it is with the 
 second passage from the Anabasis. In both of them the 
 connective, KaC—Kat, has a different force, being almost a 
 disjunctive, while in Thucydides it is purely copulative. In 
 short it is the whole general trend of the thought which 
 finally differentiates the two. 
 
 This brings us to the end of our investigation of the accu- 
 sative case. It is hoped that most if not all the factors that 
 aid in determining the meaning of its construction have 
 been discovered. Without going into detail, the results may 
 be summed up in some such way as this. First of all as an 
 essential fundamental factor was the meaning of the nouns, 
 all of which primarily signified time. A second important 
 influence at work was the modifying word when indica- 
 ting measure. Next in order was the verb, which, if not 
 distinctly expressing a continued act or state, was abun- 
 dantly able to do so under the favorable conditions created 
 by the rest of the sentence. Close upon the verb came the 
 number of the noun when plural, and after that the various 
 elements present in the context, of which other temporal 
 expressions gave most assistance. And the last to be men- 
 tioned, though one cannot say it was the least important 
 because it was a variable factor, is the inflectional ending, 
 whose influence was by no means slight because of its con- 
 stant association with the relation of extent of time, though 
 the burden it carried changed greatly with the circum- 
 stances. When the noun was limited by a word of measure 
 expressed or implied and dependent on a verb denoting con- 
 tinuance, it was practically nil. When the modifying word 
 was neutral the importance of the case became a variable 
 quantity; at one extreme it was of little weight or none 
 at all because of the strong durative element in the verb, 
 or the frequentative character of the verb and the number 
 of the noun ; at the other it was the deciding factor because 
 
-78- 
 
 of the colorless character of the verb and context. Yet 
 at times with these phrases it even got beyond these two 
 extremes and was not able to exert any influence as regards 
 the relation of extent of time, being held in check by the 
 meaning of the verb, which demanded some other relation. 
 And finally, with the unmodified words also the need of 
 the case ending varied according to the number of the noun 
 and the nature of the verb. 
 
III. THE GENITIVE. 
 
 The second case to be studied is the genitive. Like the 
 nouns in the accusative, the words of time in this case are 
 used with and without modifiers; and consequently the 
 investigation will divide in the same way, into that of the 
 instances without modifying words and of those with them. 
 But unlike the discussion just ended, this one will begin with 
 the unmodified cases, which seem to be the simpler. 
 
 It will be remembered that in the earlier part of this study 
 it was shown that only words denoting a time of day or a 
 season of the year were used in this case without a modi- 
 fier. The factors then besides the case ending to which we 
 may go in determining the meaning of the construction are 
 the meaning of the word itself, its number, and the con- 
 text. But is there any need of considering the context or 
 any particular word or words in it, except in so far as a 
 context is necessary for the setting of the word? May it 
 not be said that the meaning of the word and the number 
 determine the meaning of the construction in nearly every 
 instance? The exceptions that will be considered later are 
 the few cases of koI ■^fxipa<s koX wktos and kol 6ipov<s koX ;;(€t/i.<ovos, 
 which might be confused with the accusative of the same ex- 
 pressions, and in addition one instance of wkt6^ equivalent 
 
 to /W-taS WKTOS. 
 
 Leaving out of consideration for the present the cases just 
 mentioned, the words, -^/xipas, wktos, Oipot^, etc., by their num- 
 ber, always singular, and their indefiniteness, are adapted 
 for the expression of the time to which the verbal idea be- 
 longs and for that alone. They do not and cannot express 
 extent of time. For in the first place, in the great majority 
 of the instances of the use of these words they are either 
 unaccompanied by any other noun of time or, if so, the two 
 are joined by a disjunctive. Since it is evident that such 
 words by reason of their vagueness and indefiniteness must 
 
—8a- 
 
 be used in connection with one another, as koI fjfiipav koX 
 vvKTa, in order to express extent of time, it will readily be 
 granted that this relation cannot be expressed by them when 
 in the singular used alone or joined by a disjunctive. 
 wKTo^ "night time," ^/xepas ** daytime," SctAiys ''after- 
 noon," Bipov^ "summer (time)" cannot possibly express 
 extent, unless from the nature of the verb and the rest of the 
 context some form of cTs be understood with them, which 
 could never happen without a verbal idea like that of /u.o'q>, 
 ^aw, etc., and the presence of such verbs with the genitive of 
 the given nouns is apparently never the case. Again, such 
 genitive forms do not and cannot date an act with exactness, 
 because their indefiniteness and lack of any modifying word 
 to mark off a particular day time or night time excludes that 
 possibility. Thus it is that the very characteristic by which 
 these words are adapted for telling a time of day or year 
 within which an action takes place precludes the possibility 
 of their denoting the time of duration of an action or dating 
 with precision. They can give in a loose sort of way the 
 time of an act or state but cannot date. The exact day or 
 exact night, if the verb refers to a particular act, must be 
 learned from some other source, often not given or, if so, not 
 in the same sentence. A number of examples are given 
 below in illustration of the above. It will be noted that 
 the verbs are of varying character. They express con- 
 tinued action, instantaneous action, a general statement, etc. 
 The only class that is excluded is of those whose element 
 of duration is so strong that it forces any accompanying 
 temporal expression into the meaning of extent. And so 
 far we may say perhaps that the verb assists in determining 
 the meaning in that its aid is of a negative character. 
 
 cS<rTC ovTO) y €)(6vr(iiv ovk otSa o rt av Tts xpija-aLTO avrois eirc vok- 
 To? Scot €iTc Kol rjiiipas. An. Ill I 40. Though here there are 
 both vuKTos and '^/jL€pa<s, the disjunctive, ctrc — ctrc, so separates 
 them that continuance is out of the question. koI '^fxipa^ /xcv 
 dSiWra cSoKCt cTrnt XaOeiv Trpoo-cA^ovras tc kcu dvafiavraS' Thuc. 
 
— 8i— 
 
 VII 43 2. TreTrXjavrja-Oai avrai fXAxXLcrra iwOacn at oif/cK twv 6v€ipd- 
 TCtfv, TO. Tts '^fJL€prj<s <f>povTt^eL. Hdt. VII 1 6)8. Kttt cXivvov ovBeva 
 Xpovov ol fio7]0ya-avT€s ipya^ofxevoL, ovre WKT6<i ovre rip.ip-q'i. Hdt. 
 
 VIII 71. In this passage, if any, the accusative with extent 
 of time would be expected in ovt€ ktX., as just before there 
 is ovheva xpovov clearly denoting that relation. It is prob- 
 ably true that had /cat — Kai been used, with the verb refer- 
 ring to a particular act, as it does, the second temporal phrase 
 would have denoted extent and would naturally have been 
 in the accusative. But here again the disjunctive is so 
 strong that it does not allow the notion of extent ; it is just 
 as though one or the other, rip^ip-q^ or vuktos, were not pre- 
 sent. Kcu. ^x^"^^ aTTiiav wktos crvv dvOpwirois <us ciKoat. An. Ill 3 5. 
 TTOvrjpov yap wkto^ iari a-Tpdrev/jja Uepa-LKOV. An. Ill 4 35. 
 ivrevOev €7refiif/av w/ctos ArnJMKpdrrjv TrjixvCrrjv dv8pa<s Sovtcs eTrt to. 
 op-q. An. IV 4 15. <TK&paL roLWVf UTrep wktos TropevaofieOa, el 6 
 'EAAiyvtKos vo/xo^ koWlov Ix«. An. VII 3 37. iv Sk rais *A6yv(us 
 rrjs UapaXov d<f)LKop,€vrj<s wktos ikeyero -7 (rvfJi<j>opd. Hell. II 2 3. 
 el ovv Trpocnrea-OLfJiev d<j>v(j) re koI wktos, ktX. Thuc. Ill 30 3. 
 eXoxrjo-av Tr]v Iv IlTySacra) 68ov, €s Tr}V ep^Trea-ovres ol Ueparai wktos 
 Ste<f>$dprj(Tav. Hdt. V 121. KeWev Se TrXayxBevre<s lKdvop.ev ivOdSc 
 vvkt6<s. Od. 13278. TwS' eTTtovrt erei [w rj re aeXrjvrj e^eXnrev 
 ecnrepas ktXJ^. Hell. I 6 I. 
 
 rdtov ov TTore Kap7r6<s aTroAAvrat ov^ dTroActVet 
 ;(ct/>taTos ovSe Oepevs, cttcti/o-ios. — Od. 7 1 1 7— 8. 
 
 ws T da-rep' eTrecrcrvp,evov TreStOLO, 
 OS pd T oTTutprjs eT(TLV. — II. 22 26—7. 
 
 Bepovs yap 8l dwSpuiv dBvvara §v eTrtcrpaTcvetv. Thuc. Ill S8 i. 
 oAAa TO Oepirs tovto dvTLKa6e^6p.evoL xet/^wj/o? rjSrj dvexiJ^prjaav iir* oikov 
 cKdrepoL. Thuc. I 30 4. The adverb rj^ does not hinder 
 but rather aids the interpretation ; for otherwise tov x«/>ta>vo9 
 might be expected, that is, the particular winter following 
 TOVTO TO Oepos. But the writer leaves that to be understood 
 and simply says, "they retreated homeward winter time 
 already," that is when they had already entered upon the 
 winter season, the time during which active campaigning 
 6 
 
—82— 
 
 ceased. Both yjSrj and In are used in this way, thougfh in 
 other examples the conditions are simpler, ol 8e 'Apycibt 
 yvovTCS l^OTjOovv rfixipa<i TJSrj ck rrjs Nc/w,ca?. Thuc. V 59 I. (cf. 
 
 ThuC. Ill 106 3.) Kttt d<f>LK6lJi€V0<S WKTOS €TL Kol TTCpt OpdpOV TO) 
 (TTpaTW €Ka^€^€TO TrpOS TO AwKTKO/DCtOV. ThuC. IV IIO I. ^pOVTaC 
 
 T€ rifios Trj aXXr) yLVOvrai, r-qviKavTa pxv ov yivovraL, $€p€o<i 8€ d/A^tXa- 
 <^€cs * rjv §€ ^ei/xwvos /8/oovt^ ycnyrai, (05 T€pa<; Ooifxd^erat • o>s Sc xat 
 ^v o-ctcr/xos yevrjraL, rjv re Oepeos rjv re ;j(€t/>tu>vos, €v tt; '^KvOiKy rcpas 
 V€v6fj.i(rrcu. Hdt. IV 28, OepfMoraros 8e cort 6 17X105 tovtolcl rdUri 
 
 dvdpWTTOKTL TO €0)^4 VOV, OV KttTa TTCp TOtO'l aA.AoiO"t lJL€(Tafl^pirj<i. Hdt. 
 
 Ill 104. Trapa Se Mai/T6vctav €^ 'Op;j(0/u,cvov opOpov dvao-Ta? Iti cko- 
 Tttibs Trap^A^cv. Hell. IV 5 18. dAAa SetXiys a<f)LK0VT0 eU Tcts 
 Kw/Aas. An, III 311. 
 
 :70vs 8^ Kttt fiiaXXov {mepfievia Kpovtwva 
 
 oif/eai, at k' iOiXrjaOa, ySowTris TTOTVta "Hp?;, 
 
 oAAvvt' 'ApyetW ttovA-vv (TTparov al^^ixrjrdwv. — II. 8 470—2. 
 
 fivOos 8*, OS /x€v vvv vytiys, elprjfxivos iorrio, 
 
 Tov 8' -^oOs Tpweaa-t p.cff lTnroSd/xoL<s dyopevo-o). — II. 8 524—5. 
 
 These two examples of yovs are somewhat unlike the other 
 instances of this genitive in that they plainly refer to the 
 following morning, and might have been expressed with the 
 article. t6v (fivOov) — dyopeva-o) does not have in it the notion 
 of duration throughout a period designated by ^ovs, which 
 fact taken together with the meaning of the word leads to 
 the idea "in the morning." But because it is so well defined 
 by the context, the genitive dates as exactly as any dative 
 limited by a demonstrative. In the other, wj/eai is colorless 
 with regard to duration, yet perhaps a little more depends 
 upon the inflectional ending. 
 
 As was said above, the instances of kol ^/xcpas koI wkt6^ and 
 KOL Oipov^ Kol x"fia>vos must be examined closely to see 
 whether there is anything by which to distinguish them 
 from the accusative of the same phrases. They are: 
 
 (K irpoa-TaTeo) (avrov) iTnXaftofxevoL TroirjaovaL rovro to av kcivos i^rjyeq- 
 rat Kttt ■fjp.ipTfi KoX WKTo^. Hdt. V 23. Kttt -^fxepas koI wktos, 
 An. II 6 7 (see p. 76). koX wkto^ kol ^/icpas, An. VI i 18 
 
-83- 
 
 (see p. 76). TT/oos yap rfj kiraXiu rrjv (xkv "^fxipav Kara SLaSo)(r)v ot 
 'AOrjvoLOL ^vAao-o-ovre?, ttjv 8k vvkto. kol iv/XTravres TrXrjv rwv iTnriwv, 
 ol fiev €<^' oTrAots TrotovfievoL, oi 8 €7rt tov ret^ovs, koI 6ipov<s kol ^€l- 
 lxu>vo<s iToXaiTToypovvTO. Thuc. VII 28 2. 
 
 Though no absolutely sure conclusion may be obtained 
 because of the few examples in each instance, yet comparing 
 them with the accusative phrases (see p. 76) it is seen that 
 the main difference lies in the kind of statement made. 
 Those with the genitive are general, those with the accusa- 
 tive are particular. Secondly, the connectives seem to have 
 a different force determined by the subject matter. With 
 the accusative they are the pure "both — and," but with 
 the genitive they shade into "not only — but also," "both — 
 as well as," giving to the words a separateness that is some- 
 what akin to the force of the disjunctive. These facts 
 seem to necessitate the same meaning as when the words 
 are used alone. 
 
 A notable exception in meaning to all the above citations 
 
 is found in Hdt. IV 86, vr]v<s liruKav ixjoXia-rd KT) KaravveL iv fjtxi- 
 Kprffiepiy opyutas €7rTaKL(Tfxvpia<Sj vvkto? Sk i^aKLafivpuis. The subject 
 
 matter, the distance a ship can travel in a given period, and 
 the use of iv fmKprjfiepLrj in the first clause give to wktos the 
 force of "a night," that is, "one night." The verb denoting 
 completed action and the meaning of the temporal noun 
 limit the meaning of the construction to the time which is 
 necessary for the performance of the action. Other cases 
 of the same nature will be noted in considering the nouns 
 in the genitive modified by words of measure. 
 
 The second large division in the discussion of the geni- 
 tive comprises all instances in which a modifying word is 
 present. These various modifiers will be classified in the 
 same way as in the case of the accusative, that we may study 
 separately the instances in which there is a limiting word 
 signifying measure, and those in which there is a word of 
 more or less demonstrative character. 
 
 Considering first the smaller and simpler class, namely, 
 that characterized by the presence of a word of measure, 
 
-84- 
 
 it is observed that the number of such words of measure 
 as compared with those found in the accusative is Hmited 
 by the quantity of material that can be obtained from the 
 sources used in this investigation. Yet at any rate they are 
 enough to show that any one of the larger number might 
 be used, if the conditions demanded them. They are ttoAvs, 
 oXtyos, TrXeio-Tos, to(tovto^, Aoittos, oA.os, and a cardinal numeral. 
 The question to be answered is the same as has been put 
 before. Is there anything by which this construction is 
 differentiated from those of the dative and accusative cases 
 other than by the inflectional ending? 
 
 This much is sure, that a noun of time limited by a 
 word of measure signifies a period of time in extension, 
 excluding the thought of "time when" or mere dating, the 
 main function of the dative case. In this the phrase runs 
 parallel with what is found in the accusative. Hence in the 
 endeavor to discover how it differs from the construction in 
 that case, we must look elsewhere for some mark of dif- 
 ferentiation, and as with the accusative the attention is 
 turned to the word next in the order of relationship, the 
 verb. Now the verb which accompanied the notion of 
 extent of time always denoted duration either in itself or 
 with the assistance of the context. Accordingly if it can 
 be shown that the verbs which are followed by the genitive 
 phrase do not express duration or, if they may do so, that 
 that element is by reason of the setting latent, a distinct 
 mark of differentiation will have been discovered. The 
 verbs that were found to be used with such phrases may 
 be classified as follows. 
 
 I. Verbs that denote completion or accomplishment either 
 in themselves or with the aid of the context. 
 
 Ttt fjikv Trpos OdXacra-av rocravrrj ^v, cs yjTreipov Se airo Bv^avriov cs 
 Aauuov? Kol iirl tov Srpv/xdva (ravrrj yap Slol ttXclcttov oltto 6aXa.(T(Typ 
 avo) lyCyvtTo) 'q/xepiov dvSpl cv^wvo) rpitov koX ScKa avvcraL. Thuc. II 
 97 2. This is a good illustration showing that a verb like 
 avwToi, which means "to accomplish" and by its meaning 
 excludes the idea of extent, followed by a temporal phrase 
 
-85- 
 
 containing a word of measure limits the meaning of the 
 temporal phrase to the time which is necessary for the per- 
 formance of the act. — ov iievroi {to ovofm "EXXrjve's) voXXov ye 
 Xpovov iSvvaro koI airacriv iKVUojaau Thuc. I 3 2. The verb, 
 iKVLK^a-at, takes on from the preceding context not the mean- 
 ing of the continuance of a state, but the accomplishment 
 only implied in "to prevail, to get the upper hand, to come 
 into vogue" ; so that this like the preceding excludes from 
 the temporal phrase the relation of extent of time. — aOvixuiv 
 
 T€ irXttCTT-qv b yji6vo<s irapd)(€. irapa \6yov e7rtytyvo/>t€vos, ovs wovro 
 rj/xepS>v oAtywv iKTrokiopKrja-eiv, iv vrjo-to re iprjfirj koi v&xti aXfJivp<S 
 Xpofxevovs. Thuc. IV 26 4. There is no thought of continu- 
 ance in the verb, ''to take by siege." oXtywv ctwv KaOaip-qcrcLVf 
 Thuc. V 14 3. Kttt ravTa oXtyov ^(povov ecrrcu TcXev/xeva. Hdt. 
 Ill 134. i\6iov B* iKeLvo<i Xeyei otl o^et airrovs irivre ^fieptav eis 
 X<opLov o6ev oif/ovTai ddXaTrav. An. IV 7 20. The verb in itself 
 does not denote completion, but with the prepositional 
 phrase it does, meaning "he will lead them, bring them 
 to a place, get them there." 
 
 These citations seem to point out conclusively that verbs 
 denoting completion or accomplishment only, and not a state, 
 do not harmonize with extent of time, but with a period 
 considered as the limits within which the act is accom- 
 plished. 
 
 2. A verb of momentary or instantaneous action. 
 
 XeycDV OTL ovTTOi Sri ttoAAov )(p6vov tovtov ySiovL OLV(o iiriTvxoi' An. 
 I 9 25. c7rtTvy;(ava) '*to happen Upon" differs perceptibly 
 from verbs like "to march" and "to accomplish" in that 
 the time occupied is unappreciable. Accordingly if it is 
 limited by a temporal phrase containing a word of measure, 
 by its own meaning it gives to the phrase the force of "time 
 within which," excluding duration and the time necessary 
 for the accomplishment of an act. 
 
 3. A third class contains those verbs which may be fol- 
 lowed by a phrase indicative of the length of duration, (a) 
 whose general setting keeps the element of continuance 
 
latent, or (b) to which an accompanying negative gives 
 the force of non-occurrence. 
 
 (a) 6 8 av E7ra/A€tv(ov8as, ivOv/xovfxevo^ on oXtycov /xkv rjfiepwv 
 avdyKrj IcrotTO aTnivcu. Sta to iirjKeiv rfj crrpaTeia tov )(p6vov. Hell. 
 VII 5 i8. While it is conceivable that dinevai, could have 
 the meaning that ikdetv takes in An. VI 6 38 (see p. 51), 
 yet it is out of the question for it to mean that here. The 
 setting is entirely different. "To return, to retire, to with- 
 draw, to start back" in this context is wholly colorless and 
 cannot put forward the idea of duration. That this is so is 
 further supported by the following 8id to c^tJkciv ktX. — 6 8c 
 Sijxtvo^ ra ottA/x cyyv? KrjpvKa 7rpoo-7re/x7r€i avrots Xiyovra, el ^ovKovtol 
 i^itvaL €K Trj<s SiKcXtas ttcvtc "^fiepiov Xafi6vTe<s to. cr<fi€Tepa avrSiVy eroX- 
 /Aos ctmi (TTrevSea-OaL. Thuc. VII 3 I. This is of the same 
 character as the preceding, iiievai U -nj^ SiKeXtas, as is evi- 
 dent from the situation described by the writer, is equivalent 
 to "to go out," not "to keep going out of Sicily." The 
 notion of continued marching is wholly foreign to the general 
 setting, and the verb is as colorless as the verb "to leave," 
 by which it might be translated. The other elements in the 
 context, which can scarcely be described otherwise than by 
 the general trend of the thought, do not allow the indefinite- 
 ness of the verb with regard to the kind of action to develop 
 into the definiteness of duration in the presence of a tem- 
 poral phrase of measure, as was the case with the colorless 
 verbs with expressions of extent of time. So it is, if the verb 
 cannot under the circumstances express duration or repeated 
 action and is limited by a temporal phrase denoting a more or 
 less extended period of time, this period must necessarily be 
 the time within which that action takes place. The indefi- 
 niteness of the verb leaves the question open whether the 
 whole or only a part of the time is occupied. 
 
 Others like the above are : airbv 8c ae koI tovs o-ovs <n;/x7rXo- 
 
 ov? T/9t<ov -^/xepiiov Trpoaayopevo) ck t^s c/a^s yrjs is aXXtfv riva fierop- 
 
 IXL^eaOcu, €1 8c /xiy, aTC TroXefuovs 7rtpL&J/e<r$(U. Hdt. II 1 15- p-rfvOiv 
 Teaadpwvj Thuc. VI 21 2. 
 
 (b) The passages in which the genitive depends on a 
 
-87- 
 
 neg"atived verb are : etTrev airS on jSacnXeus ov fjuoL)(€,raL SeKtt iJ/MC- 
 ptov, Kvpo? 8' ctTTCv • OvK ttptt €Tt /xaxetTttt, et €1/ rai^rats ov /Aaxeirai 
 rats ^/Ac/oats. An. I 7 i8. Note that the prepositional phrase 
 of the second part is a repetition of the genitive phrase of 
 the first. CTTTttKatSeKa yap araOfXihv Ttuv iyyvrdno ovSk Sevpo tovrcs 
 €K 7-7S ;)(a)pas ovScr cixo/^ev Xafx/Sdvetv. An. II 2 li. ravra l| tc 
 Kttt Cfcarov Aoyi^ovrat €Tea, ev roto-i AXyvTrrLOicri re irafrav ctvat KaKorrjra 
 Kal TO. Ipa xpovov to<tovtov KaraKk-qicrOivTa ovk dvoLxOrjvcu. Hdt. II 
 128. eTTTOL Sk irioiv fiera ravra OVK ve rrjv ®yprjv. Hdt. IV 151. 
 CTreav Sc 6di}/o)(TL, dyoprj 8eKa -^fxepioyv ovk la-Tarai a-<f>L ovS* dp)(cup€a-trj 
 ouvL^eL, oAAa irevdiovcn ravras ra? rjixepa's. Hdt. VI 58. c/carov tc 
 Irioiv fJLT) ^rjrrjcrai KaroSov i<s JleXoTrowrjaov. Hdt. IX 26. 8ta to 
 Svolv Irdiv pLT) eiXyjcfievaL Kapirov €k t^? y^s- Hell. V456. 
 
 In all of these the particle negatives the verb only and 
 brings it about that the meaning is that of simple non-occur- 
 rence; so that when a temporal phrase including a word 
 of measure follows, the relation is not one of extent, since 
 that is not consonant with non-occurrence, but is the time 
 in which that non-occurrence falls ; for non-occurrence does 
 not differ essentially from momentary action. There can be 
 no confusion with the accusative construction; for there 
 is a distinct mark of differentiation between the given 
 phrases in the genitive limiting a negatived verb and the 
 same phrases in the accusative with a negative present in 
 the sentence. In sentences containing the latter the parti- 
 cle negatives the whole though more especially the word of 
 measure modifying the noun of time. This is fully illus- 
 trated by comparing the following with the above. 
 
 /w.€tvavT€S ov TToAAas -^/i-epas. — Hell. VII I 2 2. 
 
 TO Kttt ov Tt iroXvV xpovov tfXTTcSoV ^CV. II. 12 9. 
 
 firfKeri, 'Arpeos vU, ttoXvv )(p6vov da-Kekks ovtws 
 
 KXai'.— Od. 4 543-4. 
 
 *Arp€iBr}, fJirj 8i; p,e iroXvv ypovov ivOdS* epvKC. 
 
 — Od. 4 594. of. 15 68. 
 ov8* dpa TlrjveXoTreux. ttoXvv xpovov ^ev a7rvo"TOS 
 fxvBuyv. — Od. 4 675-6. 
 
—88— 
 
 ov fiev TOL KCLVOi yc iroXvv ■)(p6vov d/>t<^ts taccrOov 
 <f>vX67nSo<s Kparep^s. — Od. i6 267—8. 
 
 CTTCt ovK oXiyov )(p6vov iarai 
 
 (fjvXoTTLS. II. 19 157-8. 
 
 ov yap avTjp irponrav riptip i<s ^eXtov KaraSwra 
 
 oKfirjvos crCroLO ^wqcrerai avra pA^ecrOai. — II. 19 162—3. 
 
 Kot ovTwv avrSiv ov TroAAas 'ttu) rip.ipas iv rrj 'AttlkyJ. Thuc. II 47 3. 
 OVK oXlyov )(p6vov €7rXavaro. Thuc. II 102 6. ov yap rtva ttoXXov 
 Xpovov rjpie 6 KAco/>tenys. Hdt. V 48. vvv wv fxrjKCTL TrXevva )(p6vov 
 tfOvfv TovqvSe €x<x)fiev. Hdt. IV 114. ovre yap av rot hovqv dvyaripa 
 T^v i/xrjv yrjfxuL, ovre iKeivrf TrAevva ;j(/oovov (rvvoLKrj(reL<s. Hdt. IX III. 
 
 KOL Motpt OVKO) TjV CTCtt flvaKOVUL TCTcAcVTI^KOTt. Hdt. II 1 3. ftCTOl 
 
 ravra ov iroAAov riva xpovov ^tovs airidave. Hdt. IX lo. 
 
 There are no exceptions to this rule among all the cases 
 gathered, and it even holds good in the instances of the 
 demonstrative accusative phrases with one exception, An. Ill 
 I 3 (see p. 64), in which the desire of the writer to make 
 the idea of "throughout the night" emphatic was so strong 
 that the accusative was employed. Note that in every case 
 with the genitive the negative directly precedes the verb, 
 while in not a single instance is this true when the accusa- 
 tive is used. By reason of this precise use of the negative 
 particle the possibility of confusing the meaning of the two 
 constructions is eliminated. 
 
 4. A fourth class is miscellaneous in character. 
 
 cvTcv^ev 8c €Tt TToAA'^s WKTos 7rapa7rA,€v(ravTcs Kat ai^iKOficvoL rrj<i 
 yireipov is * Xpfxarovvra KaravriKpv MrjOvfivqs- Thuc. VIII loi 3. 
 This contains a phrase that does not differ from the regular 
 use of wKTos in that when modified by ttoXA^s it equals 
 "much darkness," or with In, "while it was still very 
 dark." The meaning of wktos modified by such a word as 
 iroXXrjq forbids both extent of time and exact dating, and 
 limits the meaning of the construction to the time within 
 
 which the action falls. — rov Sk Xonrov )^6vov i/SovXero rpLutfioXov 
 
 StSovot, IcDs &v /SoxtiXgi liriprfTOL. Thuc. VIII 29 I. This is quite 
 unlike any of the other cases dealt with. The Im ov clause 
 
—89— 
 
 g^ives the limit of rov Xolttov xpovov expressing" measure, and 
 both togfether seem to compel the phrase to be interpreted 
 as extent of time, (see p. 39.) 
 
 In summing up with regard to the genitive temporal 
 phrases characterized by a word of measure, it may be said, 
 that when the verb, either by itself or with the help of the 
 context, expresses completion or accomplishment, when it 
 expresses momentary action, or in case the verb, though 
 able to denote continuance when modified by such a phrase 
 as the above, is prevented from doing so by the general trend 
 of the thought or a negative, the case ending need not be 
 called upon to decide the meaning, but these elements coupled 
 with the meaning of the word itself and the modifying word 
 are sufficient. And lastly in exceptional cases there may be 
 found an instance such as Thuc. VIII 29 i, in which there 
 are strong indications of extent of time. 
 
 A second part of the study of the modified nouns of time 
 in the genitive deals with those limited by words not indic- 
 ative of measure. Most of these except iKao-ros are of a more 
 or less demonstrative character, that is, they mark off a par- 
 ticular period of time. It will perhaps be simpler, and more 
 satisfactory results will be gained, if a slight subdivision 
 be made based on the degree of the demonstrative nature in 
 the modifying word. Accordingly we shall first consider 
 those instances which have the article only ; these comprise 
 a large part of the material and come near in many cases 
 to the use of the same words without the article. But even 
 among the examples with the article there will be noticed a 
 difference, which brings about a further division. In 
 most cases the article has its customary meaning, but in 
 some it has a distributive force.* 
 
 Taking up the former first, we have as our problem to 
 answer the question whether there is anything besides the 
 
 * In connection with the separation along this line is the interesting 
 fact that the words used with the article in its ordinary meaning 
 are all used in the genitive without any modifier, but those with the 
 distributive article are not so used. 
 
case ending by which to differentiate the meaning of the 
 genitive of a noun and article from the meanings of the 
 constructions of the other two obHque cases, or in other 
 words, how much depends upon the case ending. As factors 
 exerting an influence upon the meaning of the case there 
 are the meaning of the word itself, the article, and the verb 
 with the general context. The nouns, seven in all, with the 
 meaning of ''daytime," "night-time," "early morning," 
 "afternoon," "spring," "summer," and "winter," are too 
 indefinite when modified simply by the article to give the 
 exact time of an action. Such phrases as r^s wktos, tov Oip- 
 ovs, etc., lie midway between those that contain a demon- 
 strative word and the use of the same nouns when employed 
 by themselves. At one time, by reason of the definite nature 
 of the context they are all but equivalent to the demonstra- 
 tive expressions, but this through no particular virtue of 
 their own ; at another because of the general character of 
 the statement in which they stand, they are like the same 
 words used alone; but in most instances they are neither 
 the one nor the other, neither so indefinite as when employed 
 without the article nor so definite as those with the addi- 
 tional element of the demonstrative. For even though a 
 particular daytime or night-time is indicated by the context, 
 yet the article is not strong enough to present its noun as 
 a unit, considered, so to speak, as a point in time, but pre- 
 sents it as a period more or less extended, as t^s wktos, ' the 
 night-time." The temporal relation that exists between a 
 phrase of this sort and the rest of the sentence is a vague 
 one. As will presently be shown, it does not indicate extent ; 
 because of lack of definiteness, the inability of the article to 
 give to the phrase the connotation possessed by the demon- 
 strative phrase, it has not the power to designate the point 
 of time at which an act takes place, but can simply tell the 
 time in which an action falls, leaving to the context to point 
 out or not what night, summer, etc., is meant. It is the 
 meaning of the word itself, which is always one that may 
 be used alone in the genitive, together with the modifying 
 
—91— 
 
 word that differentiates this from the dative construction. 
 To distinguish it from the accusative, as the same words are 
 found in that case, some mark of distinction must be discov- 
 ered in the verb. For a better examination of the verbs 
 they will be classified according to the kind of action signi- 
 fied. 
 
 1. The first class is of verbs denoting completion or 
 accomplishment, in meaning or in tense. 
 
 8Up)(Ofjuii, aor. An. Ill 311. 
 
 rJKO), pres. An. II 2 i, VII 2 16; fut. An. VI 3 25. 
 KaTaXja/x^dvo), to capture, aor. pass. An. IV 2 14. 
 \v(i), to destroy, aor. An. II 4 17. 
 oLxofmi, imp. An. IV 6 3, VII 217. 
 Trapipxofuu, perf. Hell. IV 5 3. 
 
 Such verbs as these by their meaning exclude the notion 
 of extent of time. 
 
 dAA €t ftovX.€(r6€ (Twaynevaij rJKeiv tjStj /ccAcvct t^s WKr6<s. el Sc fxrjf 
 
 avpiov TTpw dTTtevoL cfyrjaLv. An. II 2 I. The following avpLOV 
 
 allows the rather indefinite phrase, 1^9 wktos, to be em- 
 
 ^ ployed, although it is equivalent to the definite expression, 
 
 to-night. Kol irapa rrjv yi<f>vpav rov Tiyprjro<s Trora/xov irifjAf/ai 
 
 KcXevovai KfyvXaKiijv, (05 Stavoctrat avrrjv XvaaL TL(T(Ta<ji€pvr]S Trj<s wktos. 
 
 An. II 4 17. €K Se TOVTOV CKCIVOS T^S VVKTO^ dTToSpCLS ^X^"^^ KaTO- 
 
 AiTTWV rov vlov. An. IV 6 3. ala-Oofxevo^ Se 6 'Ayrja-CXaos rrjs wk- 
 T05 7rap€Xri\v66Ta<s avrovs, vTrocrrpopa^s apa rfj rfp^epa ets to Ilet/oatov 
 §yc. Hell. IV 5 3. There is absolutely nothing in the con- 
 text to show that any continued action was thought of in 
 the perfect tense, which simply expresses the fact that the 
 detachment of troops had got by. 
 
 2. The second class comprises verbs which for want of 
 a better term have been called verbs of instantaneous or 
 momentary action, which either may signify the beginning 
 or end of an act, or do not contain an appreciable temporal 
 element. Such verbs cannot be followed by a temporal 
 expression indicating the relation of extent, unless they 
 express repeated action, which is not the case in any of the 
 instances; but by reason of the character of the temporal 
 
—92— 
 
 phrase the relation is limited to the time within which the 
 action falls. It will be seen, if not in the following list, at 
 least in later ones, that a clear-cut division cannot always 
 be maintained between this class and the preceding, and 
 some may appear to belong to both : 
 
 avLaTrjfUj 2 aor. An. VII 4 6, Hell. V 4 28; i aor. Thuc. 
 V582. 
 
 oLTTOTTifjiTrwy SLOT. pRSS. Thuc. VII 3 1 3. 
 
 airoa-TiWo}, aor. pass. Thuc. VII 50 i. 
 
 a<^tKV€Ofiai, pres. Hell. II 4 10; aor. An. VII 3 10, Hell. 
 VII 2 23. 
 
 iTTLiriTrTu), aor. Hell. IV 8 30. 
 
 iTTLTLde/juUf to attack, aor. An. II 4 16. 
 
 KcAevo), aor. Hdt. VIII 107. 
 
 irapayLyvofjim, to arrive, aor. Thuc. II 5 i. 
 
 Tov S opOpov di/aorras ifpvXarre ix-q \dOoL avrov 6 Trarrjp i^eXOatv. 
 Hell. V 4 28. d^iKvetrot t^s vvktos ets tov Ilctpata. Hell. II 
 410. opyurBevTVi 01 * Kairevhioi t^s wktos CTriTreo-ovrcs KaraKo^Tovcnv 
 iv rrj crKr)vy avrov. Hell. IV 8 30. oSe VvXnriro'i aXkrjv re arpa- 
 Ttav TToXXrjv e^wv ^\6ev airo rrjs ^tKcXtas kol tovs €k t^s TLeXoTromrrjaov 
 TOV ^pos iv Tats oXkolo-lv OTrXtVas aTroo-ToA-ei/Tas. Thuc. VII 50 I. 
 TavTT^v pikv TTjv i]fxipriv i<s toctovto kyivero, t^s Sc vuktos KcAevo-avTos 
 ^SaoriXcos Tots veas ol aTpaTrjyol Ik tov ^oXrjpov airqyov oTrwro) cs tov 
 *EAAi}o-7rovTov. Hdt. VIII 107. 
 
 3. The third class contains verbs that may denote continu- 
 ance. In some cases this element is prominent, in others it 
 plays no part whatever. 
 
 dypevo), pres. Hdt. II 95. 
 
 ava/3aLv<t}, pres. Hell. VII 4 13. 
 
 avairavofMLj aor. Hell. VII 4 32. 
 
 avax<iip€<Dj pres. Thuc. VII 72 2. 
 
 dTrdyo), pres. Thuc. VII 73 3. 
 
 aTTofiaLvu), aor. Hell. V i 10. 
 
 dTrox<o/)€w, pres. Thuc. VII 73 i ; 73 3. 
 
 Pav\€vofmi, aor. Hdt. VII 12. 
 
 ytyvopMj pres. An. IV 4 8; aor. Thuc. I 54 i, II 5 2, An. 
 VII 4 14. 
 
Sax/3atva), aor. Hell. IV 8 35. 
 
 Sieiepxoixai, aor. Thuc. VII 85 2, Hell. VI 5 17. 
 
 cifiiy Hdt. IV 50 (2). 
 
 iiriyLyvofiaL, pres. Hell. II 4 3. 
 
 iTTikcLTTw, pres. Hdt. II 25. 
 
 ^pxofJuiL, pres. An. V 7 14; aor. An. VII 8 9. 
 
 Kara/Sacvd), pres. Hell. II 4 5. 
 
 KaraKOfu^o), pres. Thuc. IV 67 3. 
 
 KOfitlofmL, imp. Thuc. Ill 81 i. 
 
 VL<l>€Taij Hdt. IV 31. 
 
 6p6xo, imp. Hdt. VIII 78; aor. Hell. I 6 28. 
 
 7rapapT€0fJucUj imp. Hdt. VIII 76. 
 
 Treipdo/JxiL (KaKOV/oyeiv), imp. An. VI I I. 
 
 ir€pLopfji€(aj imp. Thuc. IV 23 2. 
 
 TreptTrAeo), pres. Thuc. IV 23 2. 
 
 ttAco), pres. Thuc. IV 32 i ; imp. Hell. V i 19. 
 
 TrXrjpoo), aor. Thuc. VII 19 5. 
 
 TToptvofjuu, fut. Hell. VI 4 25. 
 
 peo), pres. Hdt. II 25. 
 
 arvXXiyofKu, imp. An. VI 3 6. 
 
 Ti/Ko), pres. Hdt. IV 50. 
 
 rcrai, Hdt. IV 50. 
 
 <fi€vyo), to flee, pres. Hell. V 4 21, Thuc. IV 133 3. 
 
 Xpyj^o-KOfML, pres. Hdt. Ill 117. 
 
 X^p^^i imp. Thuc. VII 83 4, 
 
 Though all these verbs may denote continuance under 
 favorable circumstances, and though some of them do in 
 the references cited, yet none of them possesses an element 
 of duration so strong as to give to the temporal phrase the 
 meaning of extent of time. Hence it is that when such 
 a verb is modified by a temporal phrase not indicating 
 measure, consisting merely of one of the seven given nouns 
 and the article, the meaning that naturally follows is that 
 of the time during or in which the action takes place. For 
 "time when" is excluded by the weak demonstrative nature 
 of the article, and there is nothing to lead toward extent 
 of time except the notion of continuance more or less in 
 
—94— 
 
 the background. The seemingly weak point in this argu- 
 ment is that the accusative of the same expression is used 
 with some of the same verbs. But in the case of the accusa- 
 tive the inflectional ending had to be called in to decide the 
 meaning. If that had not been done, the result would have 
 been exactly the same as in the cases of the genitive. The 
 one needs the case ending to make the chain complete, 
 because we know that the accusative case regularly denotes 
 extent of time, and because we see that such a meaning is 
 consonant with the context. In the other, knowing in the 
 same way the general meaning of the genitive, we may obtain 
 it without calling upon the additional factor. If this asser- 
 tion seems too bold, it will at any rate be granted that the 
 dependence on the inflectional ending in the case of the 
 genitive is far less than with the accusative, that is, it is not 
 necessary for obtaining the meaning, but only to show, as it 
 were, that it is not accusative. 
 
 Some illustrations of this class are the following. iKeXevov 
 
 <f>pd^eiv NiKta firf dTrdyeiv Trj<s wkto? to crTpdreviJui, ok Sv/oaKoo-oov ras 
 680VS <j>vXa(T(T6vT0iv, aXXa KaO* ^av^Cav rrjs ly/Mcpas 7rapa<TKCva(ra/xcvov 
 aTTO^wpeLv. Thuc. VII 73 3. — ot fJLCVTOL "ApKttScs Kttt ol fi€T ovrStv 
 ouTws i7re<f>6(3r]VTO ttjv iinova-av ^fiipav ware ovS* dveirav<ravTO ttjs 
 wkt6<s €KK07rT0VT€s Tct SunreTTOVTjfxeva CTKiqv^pjara koL diroa-TavpovvTe^. 
 
 Hell. VII 4 32. If the negatived verb with the participles 
 in this sentence means "they did not cease cutting down 
 etc.," then we have a good example of a genitive used where 
 there might have been an accusative, (cf. An. VII 6 9 
 p. 61 ; also see p. 41.) The reason for the use of the 
 genitive rather than the accusative would be that the writer 
 was drawn to the former because of the prevalence of the 
 phrase t^s wktos and the fact that the negative with the 
 verb did away with all ambiguity, since "they did not cease 
 during the night" is equivalent to "they continued through- 
 out the night." But if the verb means "to take rest," which 
 to me seems more likely, and the participles are exegetical 
 of this thought, then the genitive is the more natural, as it 
 limits the leading verb only, and not the combination of the 
 
—95— 
 
 verb and supplementary participles as in the former case. — 
 oAA* wo-TTcp T7J<s 7jiiip7j<i i^ovXevcTao TToUeiv, TavTrjv Wl twv oSdv. Hdt. 
 VII 12, TO, KaTxnrepdc TavT7]<s rrjs X^PV'^ ^^" vt<^eTat, iXdcraovL 8e 
 Tov Oepov<s rj tov ;)(€t/u,a>vos, (Mnrep kol oIk6<s. Hdt. IV 31. oSe 
 ©paavfiovXos, rj^ avveiXeyfievoiv €ts ttjv ^Xtjv rrept CTTTafCOO-tovs, Xafiiov 
 avTov? KaTa(3aivei Trj<; vvktos. Hell. II 4 5. — *A.6rjvaXoi plv hvdiv 
 vcoLV ivavTiaLV aUl Tr]V vrjcrov Tre/otTrXeovTC? r^s i/fie/aas (r^s Se wktos 
 Kal oLTrda-aLS irepLiapfiovv, ttXtjv to. 7rp6<s to TreXayo^, arroTe ave/Aos etTy). 
 Thuc. IV 23 2. Here agfain the accusative mig-ht well be 
 expected ; but the aut takes its place and the nouns are 
 attracted to the more usual genitive construction — ^not only 
 that with the article exerting an influence, but also that 
 without, which in this instance could have been used. — 
 TOV 8c Oepeo^ y ;(ta)v . . • TT^KOfievrj, Hdt. IV 50 (see p. 58), rtav 8* 
 ivTvxovTOiv Tti/€5 TTjs WKTos <l>ivyovTe<s CIS TO oxTTv ttTn^yyeAAov rois 
 * AOrjvatOLS OTL o-TpaTev/xa TrdfXTToXv 7rpo(TLOL. Hell. V 4 21. kol to 
 v8(op TO yevofievov t^s wkt6<s iTroLrjae jipahvTtpov avrovs IXOew. Thuc. 
 II 5 2. TOV pkv p(€t/xa)vos ccrrt (o^Io-rpos) oaos irep eaTt, oXiyoi re 
 fi€L^<i}V T7J<s io)VTov <f>v(nos yLVCTOL. Hdt. IV 50. €inyCyv€Tai t^s 
 WKTo<i Xiliv TrafXTrXTjOrfs kol ttj vcrTepaia. Hell. II 4 3. This last 
 
 is a good example of the effect of usage. Here are a dative 
 and an accusative connected by KaC, dependent on the same 
 idea and virtually expressing the same relation, r^s wktos, 
 because it is followed by ttj va-Tcpaia, dates as precisely as 
 the dative, which, had some demonstrative been inserted, 
 might have been used ; but the force of usage was too strong 
 to allow either to change its case. 
 
 Passing to the instances of the genitive modified by the 
 distributive article, it will be seen that they may be divided 
 into two groups. 
 
 I . In the first belong : fxera tovto iTropevOrjarav cttto, (TTaOfxov^ 
 ava TTCi/TC Trapacrdyya^ Trj<; i^/xepas. An. IV 6 4. ov Trpoyjei rrXeov 
 T)}? ^fiipas rj Se/ca rj 8<u8e/ca o-raSiW. Hell. IV 6 5. S6vto<s /8a(7i- 
 Xews avTw Mayvrjauiv fikv dpTov, rj 7rpoa-€<f)epe TrevTi^KOVTa ToAavra tov 
 ivMVTOv. Thuc. I 138 5. 
 
 In each of these the temporal phrase signifies the time 
 necessary for the action of the verb. To these should be 
 
added two instances from Herodotus whose verbs are dif- 
 ferent from the preceding, but in which the numeral adverb 
 makes it evident that ''time within which" is the relation. 
 
 vavrjyvpL^ova-L Sk AlyrhrrLOL ovk aira^ rov ivuiVTov, Tranyyv/oias 8c cruvvas. 
 
 Hdt. II 59. TOVTO 8c TO SctTTVOV TTafKLCT K€vd^i.Tai aTTO^ TOV CJ/taVTOV. 
 
 Hdt. IX no. 
 
 2. To the second g:roup belong : oh apyvpvov Aearfiioi, ro^a- 
 fxevoL Tov K-X-qpov €Kd(TTOV TOt) iviaxTTOv 8vo fxvas <f>€p€iv avTol elpyd^ovTO 
 rrjv yrjv. Thuc. Ill 50 2. rov pkv SrjfKXTLOv Spaxfirjv r^s rjixipa^ 
 Tw vavTY) CKacTTto StSovros. Thuc. VI 31 3. Bpa)(^fjLrjv yap riji 
 ripiipa<i CKacTOS cXa/M^Save. Thuc. VII 27 2 (III 17 3). d Si Tts 
 
 TtUV TTOA-CWV e/cXtTTOt TTjV OTpaTCtttV, clctVat AaKe8cU/XOVLOL<S iTTL^rjfXLOVV 
 
 araTrjpL Kara rov avBpa Trjs ^fX€pa<s. Hell. V 2 22. wwrj^vov/xat 
 8c vfuv, av CKTrXcTyrc, oLTro vovp.rjvux'i fxiaBot^opav irapi^uv kv^lkt^vov 
 €Kd(rT(a Tov firjvos. An. V 6 23. icat Acyet ore SapeiKos kKaa-na 
 lorrat ixlctOos tov firjvos. An. VII 6 I. Kai BapuKov c/caaTOS oiorct 
 TOV fnyvos v/tAWV. An. VII 6 7. TOV fxrjvo^, An. I 3 21, Hell. I 
 5 5; Thuc. VIII 29 2. 
 
 Let us take as a typical example Thuc. VI 31 3. The 
 temporal phrase, t^s ^/>i€pas, can scarcely be connected with 
 such as fuaOov reTTapoiv fxrjviav An. I 2 12, as an analysis 
 shows a marked difference. In the latter we have a word 
 denoting indefinite pecuniary value, which is measured by 
 the temporal unit or units in the genitive phrase, and this 
 must depend upon the noun. In the former there is always 
 present a definite unit of pecuniary value, while the tem- 
 poral phrase indicates the temporal unit, the equivalent of 
 the pecuniary unit. In other words, it is the temporal unit 
 according to which the pay is given. It hardly seems possi- 
 ble that the Greeks thought of this phrase as intimately con- 
 nected with the verb, but rather with the noun, just as in 
 English we say, I shall give you a dollar a day. Yet we 
 cannot get rid of the fact that this distributive phrase was 
 intimately connected with the verb (compare the first three 
 examples in group i). With this fact these instances must 
 be connected in some way or other. It is apparently quite 
 evident that in the instances under discussion the phrase is 
 
—97— 
 
 altogether formulaic, and the speaker never stopped to think 
 of its relation. In the historical period he certainly did 
 not think of the phrase as denoting the time in which the 
 action falls, to which category some grammars refer it 
 (Kuehner, Gramm. d. Griech. Spr. 3 ed. p. 387, Hadley- 
 AUen § 759). Since it cannot logically depend upon the 
 noun, we are thrown back upon the verb. But as it can 
 scarcely be supposed that the pay was given and received 
 some time during each day, may it not be thought that the 
 phrase goes back to a period when such was the case? 
 (cf. Lev. XIX 13, Deut. XXIV 15.) This general phrase 
 could have been used then when its relation by reason of 
 the facts was perfectly clear ; but in the course of time the 
 conditions changed, yet the phrase remained. While of 
 course this explanation is not proved, yet it is one that best 
 correlates these cases with those first given and those with 
 Ixao-Tos to follow. 
 
 This class of genitive temporal phrases just mentioned, 
 namely those with l/cao-ros, must be dealt with separately. 
 An interest attaches itself to them because out of twenty- 
 five instances found in the sources for this study only two of 
 them are not in the genitive case, one being in the accusative 
 and one in the dative. Since these phrases are so generally 
 used in the genitive case, it is natural to suppose that there 
 must be something in the modifying word itself or in the 
 context to differentiate ,them from the customary uses of 
 the accusative and dative. Let us see whether anything 
 in this line may be discovered. 
 
 It may fairly be said that there is nothing in the meaning 
 of the distributive itself to exclude extent of time. For 
 instance, the following sentence would be called good Greek, 
 €v T<f (TTpaTOTreSio iKaa-Trjv vvKra €fx€vov. But the difference 
 between this sentence and the examples collected is that the 
 verbs, though able in some cases to express duration, yet 
 are not strong enough like fievm to limit the meaning to 
 
extent of time. In some instances it is expressly stated that 
 the action does not continue throughout the whole period, 
 as Hell. I I 30 (see below) ; and in others it is impossible 
 to conceive it as continuing throughout the period, as Hdt. 
 
 IV 98 (see below). That Herodotus felt this difficulty 
 seems implied in II 130 (see p. 62), in which Travwxos is 
 added to the accusative case. Hence it may be granted that 
 the verbs in the examples cited below cannot give to the 
 phrase the significance of extent of time. 
 
 The answer to the second question, how such phrases are 
 differentiated from the dative, is twofold. In the first place, 
 every dative with exceedingly rare exceptions — of which but 
 one is in point here and will be noted presently — designates 
 a particular day, month, year, etc., something which a dis- 
 tributive cannot do. In the second place, the verbs in the 
 sentences with the €Ka(rTos phrases denote customary action, 
 either by their meaning, ivofuae Hdt. VII 120, or by their 
 tense, the present or imperfect, or by both, as i<f>0LTa Hdt. 
 
 V 17. This is of course demanded by the meaning of the 
 distributive. But out of all the great number of instances 
 of the dative there is but one in which this is so, and that, 
 strange to say — and yet it is not strange — is one contain- 
 ing tKacrros, Hdt. Ill 57 o^^of- ^ tol ytvofxeva rw iviavT(S CKacrra 
 ■XprjiMTa BicvifiovTo. This dative is the more strange because 
 out of the twenty instances in which the author uses a simi- 
 lar phrase, eighteen are in the genitive. The explanation 
 for this deviation may be that \^ath Herodotus the niceties of 
 case usage are not so marked as in a precise author like 
 Thucydides, and that he was prone to break away from what 
 was customary, or the force of analogy may have attracted 
 the phrase into the dative case. An example of the former 
 has been seen in his use of tovtov rov xpovov and will later be 
 further illustrated in his use of '^fiepa and xp^^^^ ^^ the 
 genitive case. 
 
 Given then a noun of time limited by the distributive 
 adjective, 2*cao-Tos, and a verb denoting customary action. 
 
the conditions do not permit a precise dating, but can give 
 only in a general way the time to which the action belongs. 
 Some examples of these phrases are the following, iiiov- 
 Tcs 8' €Kd(rTY}s; "^fiipas (tvv rots VTro^vytots Kal tol<s avSpayroSoLS i<f>€povTo 
 dSews TTvpovs kt\. An. VI 6 1. Kttt coxnrep ireixL^ero to reixo'S, 
 €KdaTr)<s -^fxepas TrapaTrofnrcu lyiyvovTO. Hell. VII 2 23. Tpirav- 
 TaLx/^Yj T<p 'Apra/So^ov e/c ySacrtXcos Ixovn rov vopxiv tovtov dpyvpCov 
 pkv rrpoai^Le iKdarrrj'S ^fxeprj'S dprd/Sr} jxe<TTi^. Hdt. I 192. C'Trcav 
 c/A€ tSrjTC Ta;(ta-Ta TropevofJievov iirl "^KvOas, oltto tovtov dp$dfj,€VOL tov 
 Xfiovov Averc a/i/xa tv eKdarTrjs ly/xc/aiys. Hdt. IV 98. Trpwra /xkv 
 yap (Lx^Tai Trj<s XifivrjS to fxcToXXov i$ ov vaTepov tovtwv ToXavTOv 
 dpyvpLOV *AXcidv8p(o "^fjiiprjs €Kd(rTr]<s i<f)OLTa. Hdt. V 17. lepos a 
 
 XWpOS T^S 'ApT€/Al8oS. TOV t^OVTO. Kol KapTTOVflCVOV TTjV /A€V ScKCtTiyV 
 KaTa6v€LV CKaOTTOV ItOVS. An. V 3 13. €7rt Sc TOV jJLei^OVOS ^(OflOV 
 
 Kcu KaTayL^ov(TL XijSavoyrov x^^f^ ToXavTa €Teo<s kKoxTTOv ot XoXSatoi. 
 Hdt. I 183. eTcos Se CKtto-Tov dpLoJ^ws irevnqKovTa. kcll Ikcxtov iinve- 
 ovcri <f>pvydv<i)v. Hdt. IV 62. eKda-TrfS "^fieprfs, Hdt. II 37, III 
 
 90, T$S ^/A€/OaS €Kd<TTr)^j ThuC. V 47 6. €T€0S CKCUTTOV, Hdt. I 
 
 67, II 177, III 84, V 82, VI 46. — In the following the pres- 
 ence of a multiplicative adverb, etc., aids in excluding the 
 idea of extent of time, oti ^ao-tXcvs Hcp^iys ov 8U iKda-Trj9 -^fjiiprjs 
 cvofua-e avrov alpUa-Bax. Hdt. VII I20. AowTot 8c 8ts Trjs yfi4pr)<s 
 €Kda-Tr)<i «/^XP^ '^^^ ^^5 CKcto-Ti/s vuktos- Hdt. II 37. crvpfMu^ova-L 
 Tpels "^fiepas i7r€^<; fXYjvos CKdxTTOv. Hdt. II 77- KaTo, KWfm^ €KdxT- 
 Tas dvai tov Itcos ckuo-tov liroUero TdSe. Hdt. I 196. <Sv yap 
 iytyvoiO-Ke tovs i7n€LKe(TTdTov<s kcu Tpirjpdpx'^v 1^°^ KvPepvrp-Siv kol 
 iiTLfSaTUiVj €Kao-T>;s ^/xepas Tr/aw xat Trpos k<nripav (TvvaXi^m/ irpos ttjv 
 <TKr]vr)v T^v eavTov dveKOtvovTO o tl l/xeAAev ^ Aeyetv ^ TrpctTTCtv. Hell. 
 
 I I 30. €T€OS kKOXTTOV aTTO^, Hdt. IV IO5. ttTTO^ TOV IvUlVTOV 
 kKOCTTOVy Hdt. IV 66. 
 
 We now pass to the consideration of those genitive phrases 
 that are modified by a word of stronger demonstrative char- 
 acter than the article. The question to be answered is the 
 same as has been proposed before, namely. Is there anything 
 to diflferentiate the use of these expressions from that of 
 the same in the accusative and dative? Let us first com- 
 pare them with the accusative. 
 
— lOO — 
 
 In the first place, there is nothing in the nature of the 
 modifying word to debar the meaning of extent of time, 
 providing the conditions be favorable ; and there is nothing 
 in the nature of the word to influence the meaning of the 
 construction in that direction. Consequently since no mark 
 of differentiation can be found in the modifying word, as a 
 second resort the verb, the element next in importance, must 
 be examined to see whether there is any difference in it. 
 This may best be discovered by a classification according to 
 the kind of action expressed by the verbs. 
 
 I. Verbs that denote of themselves or by the aid of their 
 context completion or accomplishment. 
 
 atpiio, to take a town, aor. Thuc. V 35 i. 
 
 hwL^iOupaiy to destroy, aor. Thuc. Ill 94 i. 
 
 tJko), pres. Thuc. VII 10; imp. Thuc. VI 8 i. 
 
 KaSia-TrjiUj imp. Thuc. V 82 I. 
 
 KaraKcuo), aor. pass. Thuc. IV 133 2. 
 
 KaraXafiPdvuif to take a city, aor. Thuc. IV i i. 
 
 KaTao-KaTTTO), aor. Thuc. IV 109 I. 
 
 Xafifidvtoj to take prisoner, aor. Thuc. V 84 i. 
 
 vtKao), pres. Hdt. VII 166. 
 
 oIkl^Wj to found a city, aor. Thuc. VI 3 2. 
 
 irepLaipid) (to Tctxos)? ^OT. Thuc. IV 51 I. 
 
 SvaXvd), pluperf. Thuc. V i. 
 
 TTcti^o), pres. Thuc. II 33 i, 80 i. III 100 i; aor. Thuc. V 
 52 2. 
 
 (TvXXafiPdvtaj to take prisoner, pres. Thuc. IV 50 i. 
 
 These verbs by their meaning exclude from the accom- 
 panying temporal phrase the meaning of extent of time. 
 Yet lest there be doubt with regard to some, the following 
 illustrations of doubtful verbs are given, tov S* avrov Oepov^^ 
 
 KoX Trept TOV avTov ■}(p6vov ov iv rrj Mt/jXto ol 'AOrjvauyi KaTeL)(OVTo, kol 
 oi airb rutv rpiwcovra veCtv 'ABrjvaxoL Trepl XIcAoTrovn/o-ov ovre? Trpwrov 
 €V *EAA<o/ACva) T^s AcvKaStas <f>povpovs Ttva? Ao;(7yo-anrcs ^U^Oupav. 
 
 Thuc. Ill 94 I. In this sentence, in addition to the verb 
 expressing accomplishment, the nature of the object and 
 the prepositional phrase, following close upon the genitive 
 
— lOI — 
 
 phrase and indicating that but a part of the period was 
 occupied, forbid the interpretation that the lying in wait 
 and the destruction of a few guards lasted throughout 
 the summer. And further, the temporal phrase does not 
 gfive to the verb its particular meaning. — tow 8* imyLyvofxevov 
 
 6ipov<s afux. ripL ol rwf 'A6r)vaL(ov Trpia-^as rjKov €K t^s "XiKiXtas kol ol 
 'EyearaiOL fier avrwv ayovTCS kt'qKOvra raXcLvra ktX. Thuc. VI 8 I. 
 
 The completion implied in rJKov together with the Ik '^LKekCas, 
 the implied ek *A6rjva^ and the rest of the sentence, espe- 
 cially aifm ripi, carry absolutely no evidence of their taking 
 the whole summer to accomplish the act (a relation reg- 
 ularly expressed by the genitive) or their remaining in 
 Athens afterward throughout the summer. — Trpos 8c koL raSe 
 
 Xcyovo-t, (05 crwe^rj Trj<s avrrjs ^fieprjs Iv re rrj ^LKeXir] TcAwi/a Koi 
 ®yp(ava viKav 'AfxiXKav rbv KapxrjSovLov /cat iv "SfiikafuvL tov^ "FiXXrjva'S 
 
 rov Uiparjv. Hdt. VII 1 66. The verb, whose meaning is 
 not influenced by the temporal phrase, does not mean "to be 
 victorious throughout the same day"; but the personal 
 objects show that it is "to conquer, to win a victory from." 
 It might be possible, perhaps, to take the temporal phrase 
 with a-weftr}, which with the meaning, '*to happen," denotes 
 mere occurrence, thus excluding the relation of extent of 
 time. — Tov 8' airov Bipov^, ov ttoAAw varepov rovruiv, 'AfiTrpaKiSiTaL 
 Kol Xaovcsj ^ovXofievoL *AKapvaviav Tr)V Traaav Karacrrpo^acrdaL koX Adrf- 
 VttiW aTTOCTTrjcraLy irtiOovcn AaKcSaifioviovs vavriKov re irapadKevaxrai Ik 
 r^S ivfJifjui^^LSo'S Koi OTrXtVas ;j(tXtovs Tripuf/at i-jr 'AKapvaviav. Thuc. II 
 
 8o I . The verb is somewhat similar to that of the preceding, 
 being equivalent to "to win over to" a course of action. 
 
 2. The second class of verbs consists of those that denote 
 momentary or instantaneous action, and thus cannot be 
 accompanied by a temporal phrase with the meaning of 
 extent of time. 
 
 ttTroKTctVo), pres. Thuc. VIII 24 i. 
 
 dwon-c/xTTO), pres. Thuc. VIII 7 i. 
 
 d<jiLaTr}fUj to revolt, aor. Thuc. IV i i, V 82 i. 
 
 da-Tre/jLTTU), aor. Thuc. V 56 I. 
 
 ifiTTLTrprjiML, aor. pass. Hell. [I 3 i]. 
 
— 102 — 
 
 eTTtTTwrTO), aor. Thuc. Ill 87 i. 
 
 iTTLTLOefML, fut. Hdt. VIII J. 
 
 epxofuu, to arrive, fut. Od. 14 161, 19 306. 
 KOL/jMOfjxu, to go to sleep, aor. pass. Hell. II 2 3. 
 irapepxofML, SLOT. Thuc. VIII 29 I. 
 7rpO(Ta<f>u<V€OiJuaL, pluperf. Thuc. VIII 30 I. 
 areXXo), aor. Thuc. II 69 i. Ill 91 i. 
 arvyKvpeo), to happen, aor. Hdt. IX 90. 
 (Tvyx(Jip€iiij aor. Hell. Ill 2 30. 
 (TvixirLTTTuify to befall, imp. Hdt. V 36. 
 i{/ri<f>L^ofji(u, aor. Thuc. V 34 i. 
 
 Tov 8* iTnyiyvofievov )(eiiJixovo<s 17 votros to Sevrepov iTriirfXTt rots 
 AOrp/aioi^. Thuc. Ill 87 I. 
 
 TOvS* avrov AvKa/3avTOs cAevcrcTcu ivOdB* 'OSvcrcrcv? 
 
 TOV fx€v <f>Oivovro^ fxrjvos, rov 8* la-raixevoLO. — Od. 19 306—7. 
 
 TOV 8* iTTtyL-yvofievov )(eiix<avo<s *A$r)vau)L vavs co-TCtAav €iko(tl pxv nepl 
 UekoTTowTja-ov Kal <E>o/)/AtWa (rrparrfyov. Thuc. II 69 i. cSo-t* 
 
 €KeLVrjS TTJi VVKTOS OvSciS iKOLfirjOrj. Hell. II 2 3. tov S* CTTIOVTO? 
 
 6ipov<i 7r€fX{(/a<s @pa(TvBaLOs cis AaKcSat/Aova <TW€)(U)pr]cre Oeas tc to T€t;(OS 
 TrepteAciv ktX. Hell. Ill 2 30. 'IcTiato? /xej/ vw TavTa Siavoev/xcvo? 
 dTreTre/ATrc tov ayycAov, * Kpiarrayopri Sc o-wcTrtTTTC tov avTov )(p6vov 
 nrdvra ravra crvvfXBovTa. Hdt. V 36. koX tov avTOv Oepov^s ... 01 
 AaKcBaifxovLOL €^r}<j>L(ravTO tov? /xcv /u-ctol BpacrtSov EtAwTas /*a;(CO"afi€- 
 vovs iXevOepov; eivat Kat olKeiv ottov av /SovXcovTai. Thuc. V 34 i. 
 
 3. The third group of the verbs followed by genitive tem- 
 poral phrases of a demonstrative character comprises those 
 that may be followed by an expression denoting continuance. 
 
 avdyofmi, aor. Hell. I i 13. 
 
 avax<Dp^(ii, aor. Thuc. V. 116 i. 
 
 OLTroTrapdo}, aor. Thuc. IV 135 I. 
 
 d7roxwp€0), aor. Thuc. IV 130 i. 
 
 ^ovXopm, imp. Thuc. VI i i. 
 
 ytyvo/Atti: ytvecrOaL tols fu£;j(as, Hdt. IX loi ; (r<f>evBovrjTaL iyevovro, 
 An. Ill 3 20; TdtSc XPW''!^^ iy€V€TO, Hdt. VI 42; iKcxupia ytyvc- 
 Tot, Thuc. IV 58; TToAt/xo? iyevcTOj ThuC. V 53 I ; ckAittcs cye- 
 v€To, Thuc. IV 52 i; 'OAv/i,7rta cyercTo, Thuc. V 49 I ; (Mxyi 
 iy€V€TOj Thuc. V 5 1 I . 
 
—103— 
 
 Stavoeo) (<}iv\aa-<reiv), imp. Thuc. VI 96 l. 
 
 Supxofjuii, aor. Thuc. V 13 i. 
 
 elfxi: 6 dywv eo-rt, Hdt. Ill 85. 
 
 cto-^aAAo), aor. Thuc. II 71 i; III 26 i. 
 
 iKkeLTTO), aor. Thuc. II 28, 
 
 €K(TrpaT€vofji/xL, pres. Thuc. Ill 105 I. 
 
 €/x/8aAAo>, aor. Hell. I 2 4. 
 
 eTraipco, pluperf. pass. Thuc. VIII 2 i. 
 
 iinpovXevo), pres. Thuc. Ill 20 I. 
 
 cTTtoTT/oaTcvo), aor. Thuc. II 79 !• 
 
 ipXOfxaL, aor. Thuc. Ill 89 i. 
 
 Ovoiy aor. Hdt. II 47. 
 
 KaOaLpu), aor. Thuc. Ill 104 i. 
 
 KaraBio), pluperf. Hdt. Ill 86. 
 
 KaraKXyoi, aor. Thuc. V 83 4. 
 
 KaraTrXiw, pres. Thuc. VIII 35 I. 
 
 XavOdvo) (o-xwrcs), aor. Thuc. VI 97 i (?). 
 
 fxiXXuv KaTaarKevd^eaOat, pres. Thuc. IV 75 I. 
 
 mv/xaxeo), aor. Thuc. VII 40 2. 
 
 opdo), aor. Hdt. VI 107. 
 
 irapaTTC/Lwro), aor. Thuc. VIII 61 I. 
 
 irapaTrXiix), imp. Thuc. VIII 102 i. 
 
 irapaa-Kevd^OfJuaij imp. Thuc. VI 6^ I, VIII 87 i. 
 
 irouLcrOaL {X6yov<s), pres. Thuc. V 36 i ; imp. Thuc. IV 66 
 i; {a7r6/3a<TLv), aor. Thuc. Ill 115 i. 
 
 TToXe/xio}, imp. Thuc. Ill 90 i. 
 
 TTpoa-^dXXo}, imp. Thuc. Ill 103 i. 
 
 irpoaKfyipuv {X6yov<s), pres. Thuc. II 70 I. 
 
 (TTpaTevo), pres. Thuc. Ill 88 i, IV 109 i, VIII 22 i; aor 
 Thuc. II 58 I, 66 I, 102 I, III I I, IV 42 I, 102 I, V 33 I, 
 VI 95 I 
 
 arvyKaOLa-TYjfU, imp. Thuc. V 52 2. 
 
 (rvfi^dXXo), pres. Hdt. V 77. 
 
 rifivui {yrjv), imp. Thuc. VI 71. 
 
 T^s cTTtovtnys w/cros dvrjydyovro, Hell. I i 13 (see p. 28). r^s 
 €7riovo->;s wkto^ dTre^isiprjcTav, Thuc. IV 130 I (see p. 29). rofv 
 8* avTov ;(et/Aa>vos 'AOrjvaLOL ijSovXovro av^is fiti^ovL TrapaarKevrj t^s 
 
— 104 — 
 
 fiera Kdyrfro^ kox ^vpvfi€8ovTO<s ivl "XtKeXtav TrXcTxravres KaTcurrpo/r- 
 curOac. Thuc. VI i i. a<f>€v8ovrJTaL iyevovro, An. Ill 3 20 (see 
 p. 30). Tov 8* avTov Oepovs 'ETri&xvptots kol 'Apyctots ttoXc/aos cyei/cro. 
 Thuc. V 53 I. e/cXiTTCs iyevero, Thuc. IV 52 i (see p. 106). 
 'OXv/ATTta S* iyei/€TO rov dipovs tovtov. Thuc. V 49 i. 6 dywv 
 i<m, Hdt. Ill 85 (seep. 29). rot) 8' avrov ^epovs . . . e^eXiTrc, Thuc. 
 
 II 28 (see p. 106). T^s i7novcrrj<s wktos ivijSakov. Hell. I 2 4 
 (see p. 29). TOV 8' iTTiytyvofxevov ;(et/u.c!>vos Trpos r^v ck t^s ^iKcXta? 
 Twv *AOrfvai<t)v ixeydkrjv KaKOirpayuiv evOvs ol "EWrjves Travres Itrqpp.ivoi 
 ^a-av. Thuc. VIII 2 I. This pluperfect is rather a state 
 of feeling which may be continued than a mere completed 
 action, and for this reason it has been classed here, tov 
 
 8* avTov ;j(«/Awvos kox A^Aov iKaOrjpav 'AOrjvaioL Kara y^prja-fxov hrq riva. 
 Thuc. Ill 104 I. 8t€^cAawdvTcov 8€ (avrwv) Kara to Trpoacrreiovy 
 ws Kara rovro to -xiopLov iytvovro Iva t^s Trapoixofxevrfs wkt6<s Kare^e- 
 Bero ri 6t^\&i Itnro^. Hdt. Ill 86. This pluperfect also migfht 
 be followed by an accusative denoting a continuance of the 
 state following upon the completion of the act. t^s avr^s 
 
 Tavrrjs wktos . . . TrapeTrXcov, Thuc. VIII 102 I (see p. 30). tov 
 8* iTTLyLyvofLci/ov ;j(ctfi(ovos cv^vs ttjv €<f>o8ov ol 'AdrjvaioL cttc %vpaKOvcra's 
 irapeorKevd^ovTo, ol Sk ^vpaKoo-tot Kat avTOt tis ctt* CKftVovs lOVTCS. 
 Thuc. VI 63 I. TOV 8' avTOv 6ipov<s iTroXifiovv fi€v kox oAAot, <us 
 CKoo-TOts ivv€^aLvev, iv rfj ^tKcXta Kat avTot ol ^tKcXtcoTat ktA. Thuc. 
 
 III 90 I. KOX ol fi\v iv ^St/ceXta ^AO-qvatOL kol ^VrjyZvoi tov avrov 
 ^ct/Muii/os TpuxKOVTa vaval (TTparevovaLV inl Tas AidA.ov n^crov; koXov- 
 fi€va<s. Thuc. Ill 88 I. T^s 8k avrrj^ Tavrrjs -^fXiprj'S ol 'AOrjvaioi 
 8ia)8avT€s €S T^v Ev/?o«xv av/x/SaXXova-t Kal toutl XaA.Kt8cvo-t. Hdt. 
 
 V77. 
 
 A comparison of these verbs with those that are limited 
 by phrases of extent of time shows that in the list there is 
 not a single verb that contains an element of duration capa- 
 ble of giving to the temporal phrase the force of extent of 
 time. Further there is not found in the context of any of 
 them any factor that aids or compels the interpretation that 
 the action extended throughout the whole of the given 
 period; but instead in many of them there is some word 
 or phrase indicating that the action does not extend through- 
 
—105— 
 
 out the period. How then do the genitive phrases with 
 the above verbs differ from those in the accusative with 
 verbs of the same character? Perhaps all that can be said 
 is that one phrase has the inflectional ending of the accusa- 
 tive and the other that of the genitive. But in regard to 
 the former it has been shown that the case ending was 
 necessary to indicate that the analysis of thought had been 
 carried to the point of thinking the given period to be that 
 through which the action continued, as well as the time 
 when it occurred; with the genitive, however, the analysis 
 has stopped with a mere designation of the time, which idea 
 is conveyed by the meanings of the words themselves in 
 the phrase without referring to the ending; that is to say, 
 a phrase such as rrjq €7novarj^ wkt6<s indicates in itself a 
 particular time and nothing else, and the genitive ending 
 serves as a mark, as it were, to show that it is not accusa- 
 tive. 
 
 Thus I hope it has been made clear that the verbs with 
 the genitive demonstrative phrases either differ from those 
 with the accusative of the same or like phrases in that they 
 express completed or momentary action, or if they are the 
 same, there is nothing to influence the meaning of the con- 
 struction toward extent of time, and there is no danger of 
 confusing the one with the other. 
 
 The attempt to discover marks of differentiation distin- 
 guishing the uses of the genitive and dative of the same or 
 like phrases is a more difficult matter. One of the peculiar 
 characteristics of the dative phrases is that they point out 
 a particular day, night, month or year by reason of the 
 definite character of the modifying words ; but the same 
 may be said of the genitive phrases, since they contain 
 either the same modifying words or those of equivalent 
 meaning. Again, the verbal ideas upon which the dative 
 phrases depend denote some particular act, which may be 
 one of completion, may be momentary, may be continued; 
 but the same is true of the genitive phrases. It may be said 
 that a difference lies in the fact that in some of the exam- 
 
— io6 — 
 
 pies there is present a secondary temporal expression de- 
 fining the time more accurately and showing that the action 
 occupied only a part of the time indicated by the genitive 
 
 phrase. As for example : rov 8' kinyLyvoixevov 6€pov<s a/jua rjpL ol 
 T(av 'AOrjvaLiDv Trpeo-yScis ^kov €k r^s StKcXtas koi ol 'EycoTatoi /act' 
 avrwv ayovres e^r/Kovra rdXavra ktX. Thuc. VI 8 i. rov B' iinyiy- 
 vofxevov Oepov^ aim. tw rjpt evOv<s ap^OfJievio, Thuc. VIII 6 1 I. rov 
 S' iTnytyvopievov Oepovs irepl ctltov iK/SoXrjv SvpaKocrtW ScKa v^e<s ttXcv- 
 craa-aL kol AoKptScs icrai M.^croiijvrjv Tr]V iv StKcAta KareXa^ov. Thuc. 
 I V I I . Tov 8' avToO Oepovi vovfi-qvCa Kara crfXrjVTjv — 6 ^Xtos c^eXtrrc 
 /jtCTot fiecrr]fJL(3ptav kcu ttoXlv aveirX-qpuiBrj. Thuc. II 28 I. tov 8' 
 avrov 6ipov% koi apja ry rCiv IXAarataiv eTrtcrrpaTcta 'AO-qvaToL . . . cttc- 
 (TTpaTeva-av iin XaA.KiSeas rov<s iirl ®paKrj^ kcu BoTTiatovs oKfxd^ovro^ 
 rov (TLTOV. Thuc. II 79 i- tov 8' iTnyiyvofievov $€pov<s . . . a/xa tw 
 o-tro) aKfjui^ovTL, Thuc. Ill l i. tov 8' iTnyLyvojxevov Otpov<;. . . Trcpt 
 vovfjirjvuLv, Thuc. IV 52 I. — But the same phenomenon may 
 be paralleled with the dative, as : aOpoai 8c yevo/xcvat at vrje^ 
 
 OLTracrai iv Jlapiio ii koi oyBot^KOvra Trjs i7nov(Tr)<s wkt6<s dvrjydyovTO, 
 KCU rrj aXXt) yijxipa irepl dpCcTTOV wpav ^kov eh ILpoKOwrja-ov. Hell. I 
 113. Ty Sk rerdpry Trpto^ Hell. VI 5 20. ry vcrTepaia d/JM ry 
 '^p.ipa.y Hell. V 4 49. 'V/^cpa irifJiTrry y hcry koX htKdry d<f>' rjs clcri- 
 jSaXe, $va-dfJi€VO<s tt/oo) BieTTopevOy rrrpo Su\y<i k^yKovra kox eKarov (TrdSva 
 €7rt TTjv Xi/xvyv ktX. Hell. IV 6 6. Ava-avBpos 8c ry kinovcry wktl, 
 irrel op6po<s rjv, k(rrip,yvev ktX. Hell. II I 22. T17 8' vo-Tcpaia apja 
 ry yp-ipa iOvero fxkv vpo tov <Trpar€.vpxj.TO^. Hell. VI 5 18. o ^ 
 ©ovKv^ihyf; kcu at v^es ravry ry yp-epa 6\]j€ KarcTrXtov cs ryv 'Htova. 
 Thuc. IV 106 3. ry avry y/xipa €<s oif/e. Thuc. VIII 23 2. ry 
 8' vcrrepaia dvrjydyovro pkv wktos ctt' oAtyas vavs tovs OTrXtVas iravras 
 €7ri)8t^ao-avTCs. Thuc. IV 31 I. ry Sk va-repaLo. nepl SeiXyv ro 
 T£i;(os oorov ovK dirtrereXtcrro. Thuc. IV 69 3. 
 
 There must be added to the above described external 
 or formal similarity of the genitive and dative demonstra- 
 tive phrases another point of resemblance, namely, the like- 
 ness in meaning to be inferred from the examples given 
 pp. 39f. 
 
 If then it is admitted that the nouns in the given phrases 
 are used in both cases, that the subordinate words in the 
 
—107— 
 
 phrases are equivalent in nature, that the verbs are alike in 
 character, and finally that the phrases are equal in meaning, 
 there still remains the question, Why is it that some phrases 
 are found more often in one case than the other? For it 
 is true that there is quite a marked difference in the relative 
 use of the two cases. This is clear from the following per- 
 centages, which are based on all the instances of both cases 
 marked by the same or like modifiers found in the Anabasis 
 and Hellenica of Xenophon, and in Thucydides and Herodo- 
 tus. Taking the words in the order of their frequency in 
 the genitive case, we have 97 per cent, of the phrases con- 
 taining a word denoting a season in the genitive case (72 
 in the genitive and 2 in the dative). Of those containing 
 vv^ 61 per cent, are in the genitive (8 in the genitive, 5 in 
 the dative). Of those with -qfjiipa only about 3 per cent, 
 are in the genitive — only one case being found outside of 
 Herodotus (7 in the genitive, 243 in the dative). With 
 €Tos 6 per cent, are genitive (4 in the genitive, 56 in the 
 dative). Of those with fxrjv 16 per cent, are genitive (2 in 
 the genitive, 10 in the dative). With xpoVos 27 per cent, 
 are genitives (3 in the genitive, 8 in the dative). In the 
 case of vvi, /xyv and xP^^^y t>y reason of the small number 
 of instances, conclusions may not have the weight that those 
 drawn from the other words have ; yet at least it may be said 
 that the percentages show a leaning in a certain direction. 
 At any rate it will be remembered that among the vvi 
 phrases three are immediately followed by similar dative 
 phrases of vt^^pa, An. HI 3 20, Hell. I i 13, Thuc. IV 
 130 I, and also that the genitive phrases containing fii^v and 
 Xpovoq are all from Herodotus, who in other particulars 
 does not agree with the other sources used. The above per- 
 centages are merely another way of indicating what has been 
 shown earlier in the discussion (p. 14), that the words denot- 
 ing the time of day and the season of the year are employed 
 more often in the genitive case than in the dative, while those 
 signifying day (twenty- four hours), month and year are 
 
— io8— 
 
 more often in the dative. This division, it will also be 
 recalled, is the same that exists between the words that may 
 be used alone in the genitive and those that are not. Now 
 since the words for the time of day and season of the year 
 were regularly put into the genitive when used alone and 
 with the article, it is not irrational to suppose that when 
 modified by a word of demonstrative character, giving the 
 exact time of an act, they were attracted into that case; 
 and also that those words which because of their meaning 
 could not be used alone in the genitive were, when coupled 
 with a word of demonstrative character, regularly employed 
 in the dative, which had been adapted to the dating of an 
 action. The fact that the latter are also found in the geni- 
 tive — a rather rare exception — should not be wondered at, 
 since expressions so similar in meaning were as a rule in 
 the genitive. 
 
 Since then these genitive and dative phrases, dividing 
 along the given lines, are so similar in structure and mean- 
 ing and depend on verbs of the same nature, we conclude 
 that the resultant was the same, and that the dating element 
 of the one was as prominent as that of the other. However, 
 it should be said that this does not make the genitive of 
 such phrases less able to express the time within which an 
 action falls, since the conditions may be such as to bring 
 about this meaning. But of all the instances of such geni- 
 tive phrases collected, only four are certainly of that sort. 
 One is found in Thucydides, who seems to be most consistent 
 in his employment of the cases, two in Herodotus, one of 
 which is quite different from all the others, and one in 
 Homer, also entirely different. 
 
 <0S TTJS yC TlfxipWi TaVTtJi OVK€TL oloficvoL oLv vavfw.)(rja-cu. Thuc. 
 
 VII 40 2. The general situation described, and especially 
 the ovK€TL of this sentence, seem to point pretty definitely to 
 the meaning ** no longer during this day." — rov wporcpov 
 trto^ k-rrthf airoXiTrri 6 NciXos, ol lxOv€<: ivrcKovTe^ wa c's rrjv IXvv aifw, 
 T<f cVxaTo) v8aTt dTroAAocro-oi/Tai. Hdt. II 93. The temporal 
 phrase depends upon dTroAtTny, and the fact that eVcdv is 
 
— 109 — 
 
 indefinite, not referring to any particular time, distinctly 
 favors the meaning of the "time within which." 
 
 eXOuiv yap p eKaKwcre /3Crj ^UpaKXrjCLrj 
 Twv irporepoyv €T€(i)v. — II. II 690—1. 
 
 The plural temporal phrase does not lend itself to being 
 gathered up as it were into a single period like the singular 
 and so dating with exactness ; nor does the verb contain an 
 element of duration able to limit the meaning to extent. 
 Thus by reason of the nature of the verb and the number of 
 the phrase the meaning is quite clearly "time within which." 
 This case is interesting as the only instance of a genitive 
 plural not modified by a word of measure. — The fourth to 
 be cited is altogether different from all the other genitive 
 phrases. CTrcav 8c ywcuKL TO ttolSlov dSpov ycvrjraij <TviJ.^oiT€ov(rL i<s 
 TwvTo ot avBp€<s rpLTov fxr)v6<s, Koi T(p av oiKr} twv dvBpStv to TraiStov, 
 TovTov Trats vofxi^eraL. Hdt. IV 180. The difference lies in 
 the modifying word and the verb. This is the only case 
 found in which the ordinal numeral is used with the geni- 
 tive. In all other instances the ordinal refers to one particu- 
 lar period and is regularly in the dative case, with here and 
 there an example of one in the accusative. But in this case 
 one particular month cannot be referred to because of the 
 frequentative nature of the verb, which gives to the temporal 
 phrase the meaning of "the third month in each case," while 
 the verb accompanied by a dative always refers to one par- 
 ticular act. That the verb does not denote frequentative 
 action within the month is made clear by the subject-matter. 
 The genitive was chosen in this case because on account of 
 the connection of the dative with the precise dating of a 
 single act it was not adapted for expressing the time of an 
 action occurring repeatedly. This single instance fits well 
 with the genitive phrases containing the distributive adjec- 
 tive, CKaOTTOS. 
 
 As this finishes our study of the construction of nouns 
 of time in the genitive, we are ready for a final summary.* 
 
 * But two instances of nouns not primarily indicating time have 
 been discovered in the genitive temporal construction. Both of 
 
— II 
 
 Generally speaking, the results may be given as follows. If 
 the noun is unmodified, the meaning may be ascertained 
 without calling upon the inflectional ending, for the reason 
 that the words so used, a time of day or season of the year, 
 by reason of their indefiniteness, exclude the possibility of 
 dating with precision, and cannot be used to denote the time 
 of duration unless two of them be together and represent 
 consecutive periods, as day and night. The few instances 
 found of this combination were unable to express the accu- 
 sative relation because of the character of the statement in 
 which they stood. In practically all the examples in which 
 there was a modifying word of measure, the meaning 
 was gained without resorting to the case. The modifying 
 word shut out the dating relation, and that of extent was 
 debarred in some instances by the verbs, which expressed 
 completion or momentary action, or if containing an element 
 of duration this was held in abeyance by the general context, 
 or by a negative which gave the effect of non-occurrence; 
 though it should be said that there can be conceived, and 
 doubtless are, instances in which the case of such a phrase 
 must bear the burden of the whole meaning in order to 
 distinguish it from the accusative of the same. If the modi- 
 fying word was the article, the lack of a more definite word 
 distinguishes it from the dative construction, and in not a 
 few instances the verb did likewise in case of the accusative ; 
 but if the verb was one that might be accompanied by the 
 regular accusative construction, the inflectional ending of 
 the noun served as a distinguishing mark, though not abso- 
 lutely necessary for ascertaining the meaning, as was true 
 of the accusative, since the meaning of the noun itself with 
 the article was sufficient. The marks of difference with the 
 demonstrative phrases when in the genitive and accusative 
 
 these are in the unmodified form and in meaning resemble those 
 words that are used in the genitive without any limiting word, 
 rather than those found more often in the dative. They are 
 vrivefiirjs H. 5 523 and dTrrfXidrov Thuc. Ill 23 5. The weak and vague 
 temporal element makes it necessary to depend almost entirely upon 
 the case for the meaning. 
 
— Ill — 
 
 were found to be the same as those in the case of the noun 
 with the article, and the inflectional ending often played the 
 same role as it did with the noun modified by the article. 
 But between these phrases in the genitive and the same in 
 the dative no line of division was found in most instances ; 
 by reason of the close resemblance in all particulars the 
 meaning was practically the same. All this seems to elimi- 
 nate in great degree the assistance rendered by the case 
 ending. But as was said with regard to the accusative, this 
 aid cannot be denied and did exert great influence because 
 of the constant connection of this case with the relation of 
 "time within which." Notwithstanding, it is hoped that 
 it has been shown that there were other elements which 
 exercised a strong force in shaping the meaning of the con- 
 struction, and at times took the burden from the case. 
 
IV. THE DATIVE. 
 
 The third and last case to be studied is the dative. In 
 this are found as compared with the genitive more examples 
 of words which, though expressing a temporal relation, do 
 not primarily have a temporal meaning. This fact makes 
 the first line of separation, dividing the material into that 
 which is marked by a noun of purely temporal meaning and 
 that which is not so marked. In the former class a natural 
 subdivision is into the modified and unmodified nouns, of 
 which the latter are few and limited to Homer and Herodo- 
 tus. The large subdivision of the modified forms must be 
 further broken up into those limited by a word of more or 
 less demonstrative character, and those upon which depends 
 a word of measure. The great bulk of the material consists 
 of words of time modified by some word of a demonstrative 
 nature. It is on this division that the rule in the grammars 
 is based, and to it our attention will be directed first. 
 
 The disinguishing mark of this most extensive class is 
 the word of demonstrative force, namely, a demonstrative 
 pronoun, an ordinal numeral, avVos "same," oXXos "next," 
 voTcpaXo^, v(TT€pos, Trporepauys, Trporepo^, TcXcvrcubs, wraros, cTrtwv, 
 crrtyiyvo/Acvos, avpiov, irpoaOev. The fact that the ratio of the 
 occurrences of such phrases in the dative to the occurrences 
 of the same or like phrases in the genitive and accusative 
 together is 2:1, induces the beHef that there must be some- 
 thing in the modifying word which is specially adapted for 
 expressing what the dative case stands for, the time at which 
 an action takes place. 
 
 In the first place, as was said before, this kind of modify- 
 ing word marks a particular, definite period, which certainly 
 is a requisite in precise dating. Again, a word of demon- 
 strative nature connotes no idea of duration; accordingly 
 when a demonstrative was used and duration was the thought 
 to be expressed, this notion of duration had to be given by 
 
—113— 
 
 the verb, by the context, and under certain conditions by 
 the case alone. Unless there is something to prevent, such 
 a demonstrative word brings before the mental vision the 
 designated time, not as a period more or less extended, but 
 contracted as it were into a point. That is, the analysis is 
 not carried to the point of thinking "some time within" or 
 "throughout" the given period, but is content with pointing 
 out the period "when." For instance, in the sentence, It 
 rained that night, neither speaker nor hearer stops to con- 
 sider whether it rained all night or only a part, and if so, 
 what part. "That night" is to them for the present an 
 indivisible unit, a mere point. To be sure, if questions were 
 asked, the answer would be that it rained throughout or 
 sometime in the night ; but the point is that no such ques- 
 tions are raised. That they are not is due to the definiteness 
 in pointing out a particular time as the one when the act 
 took place, which is entirely satisfactory to both speaker 
 and hearer. That this analysis is correct is made more 
 probable by the fact that such expressions are not found in 
 the dative plural, since the plural number can hardly be 
 thought of as a single unit. Thus these demonstrative 
 phrases are differentiated from the loose and rather indefinite 
 phrases in which the article is the only modifier and the 
 still more vague expressions which lack any modifier. That 
 in most cases demonstrative phrases in the genitive do not 
 differ from the same in the dative has been shown. 
 
 On the other hand, comparing them with the accusative 
 expressions, it will be noticed that there is no danger of 
 confusion on this point, as there are other marks of differ- 
 entiation besides the mere fact that the demonstrative dative 
 phrases outnumber the same phrases in the accusative four 
 to one. In the first place, a word of demonstrative nature, 
 though used in phrases denoting extent of time, does not 
 have linked with it any notion of duration, and when joined 
 to a noun of time it does not call up such an idea, but rather 
 that of the time when an act occurs. In the second place, a 
 
 8 
 
—114— 
 
 marked sign of distinction lies in the verbs, many of which 
 could not be used with expressions denoting extent of time. 
 This will best be seen from a classification of the verbs. 
 
 I. Among the many verbs upon which such phrases 
 depend there is quite a large class which denote completion 
 or accomplishment, by their stem meaning or by the aid 
 of the context or tense. It has already been seen that the 
 relation of duration is not consonant with such a significa- 
 tion, when that alone is the meaning, and not a continuance 
 of the state following upon the act of completion. In this 
 class of verbs are the following. 
 
 alpeo}, to take, to capture, pres. Hdt. VI i8, 31, Thuc. 
 Ill 96 2, Hell. II I 15; fut. II. 2 37, 329; aor. Hdt. V 115, 
 Thuc. IV 130 i; pluperf. Hell. IV 4 19. 
 
 oXto-Ko/buu, pres. Thuc. VII 3 5. 
 
 dvL(TTr)fu, to make to emigrate, aor. Thuc. II 27 i. 
 
 aTTOTcAco), pluperf. pass. Thuc, IV 69 3. 
 
 d<^ai/o€0), to take off, pres. Hdt. IV 75 
 
 dpfxo^ofmi, to betroth to oneself, aor. Hdt. V 32. 
 
 dc^avt^o), pluperf. pass. Hdt. IX 84. 
 
 iKTroXiopKeo}, to take by siege, aor. Thuc. I 117 3. 
 
 €K<^€vy(u, to escape, pres. Hdt. VI 40. 
 
 iiipxoiMm, perf. Hell. V 2 2. 
 
 CTrtvwrcro), imp. II. 14 249. 
 
 r/Kw, pres. An. II 3 25; imp. An. I 2 21, V 4 11, VII i 
 37, Hell. I I 13, II 2 17, III 4 21, IV 4 9 ; fut. An. IV 5 19. 
 
 OaTTTo), pres. II. 24 665; aor. II. 24 612. 
 
 KaOia-T-qfiL, aor. Thuc. IV 103 4. 
 
 KaraKato), SLOT. An. VII 4 I. 
 
 KaTaXafiPdvio, to seize, pres. An. Ill 4 37 ; to overtake, 
 aor. Thuc. VII 83 i. 
 
 KaraXvu), aor. pass. An. VI 2 12. 
 
 KTi^o), aor. Thuc. IV 102 3, VI 4 3. 
 
 XafiPdvo), to take a city, aor. pass. Thuc. IV loi i. 
 
 XrjLCofuu, to carry off, to steal, aor. Hdt. Ill 47. 
 
 viKdto), imp. Thuc. I 100 i; aor. Hdt. Ill 59, Hell. IV 5 2. 
 
 oixopxiL (7rpo<^€/oov(ra), pres. II. 6 346. 
 
—115— 
 
 TripBo), to destroy, imp. II. 12 15; fut. II. 21 584; aor. II. 
 21 517, Od. 5 107, 14 241. 
 
 TToUio, {jvfxfiov) aor. II. 24 666; (cKKXr^craxv) Hell. I i 14, 
 
 II 2 4. 
 
 TTpoaXajjifidviD, to take in addition, aor. Thuc. VIII 28 i. 
 
 TTpoo-TTTato), aor. Hdt. VI 95. 
 
 TcAc'co, aor. Od. 7 325, Thuc. IV 78 5. 
 
 rpeTTO), aor. pass. An. V 4 23. 
 
 v7rep/3aXX<jii, to pass beyond, to surpass, aor. Hell. IV 3 9, 
 Hdt. Ill 131. 
 
 c^cvyo), to escape, aor. Od. 6 170. 
 
 <f>ddv(ii (7rapoiKoSofJiT](ravTe<s kol TrapcA^ovre?) , aor. Thuc. VII 6 4. 
 
 An examination of the following illustrations will show 
 without further explanation that the idea of accomplishment 
 or completion in the verb is not dependent for its existence 
 on the temporal phrase, since in no case is the temporal 
 adjunct necessary to make complete sense. If it were cut 
 out of the sentence altogether, the meaning of the verb 
 would remain the same. 
 
 Twv 8c €v KvTrpo) iroXcoiv dvricryc. \p6vov iirl ttXcwttov TroXiopKeyfievrj 
 2oA.ot, TTjv Trepii VTropv(T(rovTe<s to T€r;(OS ttc/attto) fxrjvl elXov ol Tlep- 
 <rat. Hdt. V 115. cAcyovTO Se Kat at (nrovSal i^eXrjXvdevaL rots 
 MavTLveva-L tovto) tw cret. Hell. V 2 2. rrj 8' varepaui KaraKav- 
 o-as 6 %cv6rj<s ra? KiOfJULS TravTcAw? ktX.. An. VII 4 i. Kat yap 
 6(t)pr}Ka iXrjLO-avTO t<Z irpoTepw trei 17 rov Kprjrrjpa ol ^Sa/xiot. Hdt. 
 
 III 47. Kat YjKOv rfj varepaLa ayovrcs TpuxKoaua irXdia fxovoivXa kol 
 iv cKao-TO) T/0€ts avSpas. An. V 4 II. tov Se AyjXlov efiSofirj Kat 
 ScKaTT] rip^^po. Xr]<l>0€VTO<s p-eTo. Tr)v p^x^v. Thuc. IV lOi i. eye- 
 veTO 8e ftera ravTa Kat rj iir* EvpvjLicSovTt TTorafto) Tre^opxt^ui kol vav- 
 pxt)((a *A0r)vaLO)v kol twv ^vpipA-^wv Trpoq Mt^Sovs, Kat cvtKwv ry avrrj 
 rip.^.pa dpi4>0Tepa ^AOrjvaiOL. Thuc. I 100 i. rrj Sk va-TepauL *AXkl- 
 (SidBrjs cKKArycrtav Trotr/o-as TrapeKcXevero avrots otl ktX. Hell. I l 
 14. Seioravres p^dXiaTa rov TreptTrAoov tov ^A^cu, oTt tw Trporepw tTe'C 
 TTOtev/xevot ravrr) rr)v K0/xt8^v /oteyoAws 7rpo(7C7rTato"av. Hdt. VI 95. 
 ot 8' oAAot l3dSr}V eTTOpevovTO irpoiTOv pkv lin ro x^P^^^ ^<^' ^v t^ 
 TTporepaLa ol (3dppapoi irpe^Orja-av kol ol a-vv avTots. An. V 4 23. 
 Kttt TYJ eTnova-rj wktl t<^Bacrav 7rapoLKoBop.r](ravT€S Kat TrapeXdovre^ rrjv 
 
— ii6— 
 
 Twv *A$r}vai<i)v oiKoSofxiav. Thuc. VII 6 4. Here the idea of 
 accomplishment lies in the fact of carrying the wall beyond 
 the line of fortification being made by the Athenians. 
 
 Ktti fi€v ol €vO* ^XOoVy Koi oTtp KafiaxoLO riXeacrav 
 
 T^/MiTi, TO) avrw Kol aTnjwcrav otKaS* OTrto-cro). — Od. 7 325—6. 
 
 2. A second and still larger class of verbs, with which 
 these demonstrative phrases in the dative are often con- 
 nected, consists of those which have been called verbs of 
 instantaneous or momentary action. As has been said, such 
 verbs cannot be followed by a temporal expression indicating 
 the relation of extent, unless they express repeated action, 
 which is not the case in any of our examples ; but the 
 temporal relation, because of the character both of the 
 phrase and the verb, must be limited to the time when the 
 action takes place. As it is difficult always to maintain a 
 clear-cut division between this class and the preceding, some 
 may appear to belong to both. But whether they are the 
 one or the other, the statement still holds good that they 
 are not followed by an expression of extent of time. 
 
 aipc'o), to take (from a hook), aor. 11. 5 210. 
 
 cdaOdvofxai, pres. Hell. IV I 20. 
 
 ava<f}aLvofuUj imp. Od. lO 29. 
 
 avurrrjfUy to rise, imp. An. IV 8 21. 
 
 anipxofmt, to come back to, aor. An. II 5 27. 
 
 aTToBiBiofu, aor. Thuc. VI 71 i, An. VII 7 55. 
 
 anoOvT^a-Ko), aor. An. IV 8 21. 
 
 airoKTCLVbi, aor. Hell. II i 8. 
 
 apxofJxiL, pres. Hdt. V 89 ; aor. Thuc. IV 90 3. 
 
 d<f>LrjfUy aor. Hell. I 2 18, 6 15. 
 
 A<l>iKV€Ofmi, pres. Hdt. IV 44, Thuc. I 60 3, VII 82 3, VIH 
 23 2, An. IV 7 21, VI I 15, VII 8 6; aor. Hdt. I 126, II 
 III, IV 42, V 42, VII 31, IX 86, Thuc. IV 45 2, An. IV 
 8 I, Hell. II I 10. 
 
 a<t)C(TTrifiL, to revolt, aor. Hdt. I 130, VII i. 
 
 Bui<f>6cLpo>y to put to death, aor. pass. Hdt. IV 166. 
 
 8i8<o/iu, aor. II. 18 84, 22 470, Od. 24 65. 
 
—117— 
 
 8oK€<o^ to determine, imp. An. IV 5 i ; aor. Hell. II 3 i. 
 
 eao) (aTTcX^etv), aor. Thuc. VIII 69 2. 
 
 iKpdXXii) (Ittos), aor. II. 18 324. 
 
 iiLrjfjiL, to let out, pres. Hdt. II 87. 
 
 ifiPaXXcD, to put into the hands, aor. II. 21 47, to put into 
 the heart, II. 19 88. 
 
 eTrepxofjMi, to come Upon, aor. Hdt. VIII 22. 
 
 €7rt/8aiVw, to set foot upon, aor. Od. 9 83. 
 
 iTTLvevoy, aor. II. 15 75. 
 
 iTTireXXofJuai, imp. II. 9 252, 11 765. 
 
 ipXOfJML^ to come, to arrive, fut. II. i 425, Od. 2 176; aor. 
 II. II 708, 13 793, Od. 3 306, 4 82, 16 18, 206, 19 484, 21 
 208, 23 102, 170, 24 322, Hdt. I I, IV 113, VI 69, Thuc. I 
 18 2, III 113 I, IV 102 3, VII 28 3, An. I 5 12, Hell. Ill 2 
 19, 5 22, V4 18, VII I I. 
 
 ei(T€pxo/juii., aor. Thuc. II 2 i. 
 
 €vpL<TK<i), aor. Hdt. IX 83. 
 
 OvrjaKd), aor. Od. 5 308. 
 
 UveofML, fut. II. 15 252; aor. II. 9 ^6^^ Od. 5 34, 10 81. 
 
 KaraKTCtVo), aor. II. 19 59. 
 
 KaravevQ}, aor. II. 2 350. 
 
 KcXevo), imp. Hdt. VI 46, An. II 3 i. 
 
 IxerafjieXiio, aor. Hdt. I 130. 
 
 fxeTaTrefiTTOfmLj pres. An. VII 2 13; aor. Hell. II i 10. 
 
 otyo), aor. Od. 3 392. 
 
 ofjLoXoyiu), aor. Thuc. I loi 3. 
 
 6p/xd(jD, imp. An. II i 3 ; aor. Thuc. II 19 i, VI 3 3. 
 
 Trapaytyvo/xat, to arrive, pres. Thuc. Ill 75 i, 76 i. 
 
 TrapaStScD/At, pres. An. VII 4 21. 
 
 iravoi, aor. Hdt. VII 191, Thuc. VIII 68 4; pluperf. Hdt. 
 VII 192. 
 
 TreXo^d), aor. Od. 7 254, 12 448, 14 315. 
 
 7r€/w.7ra), pres. Hdt. VII 210, Thuc. I 30 3, An. II 3 i ; imp. 
 II. 9 438, Od. 5 263; aor. Hell. I 6 i. 
 
 TTwrTo), aor. Od. 19 202, Hdt. II 141. 
 
 7rpo8LS(ofXL, pres. Hdt. VI loi. 
 
 TT/oociTTc, to command (before), Hdt. VI 95. 
 
— ii8— 
 
 •jTpoTLOrfiM, to put before one, to propose, pres. Hdt. I 133. 
 
 "Trpoa-epxofJML, aor. Hell. VI 3 19. 
 
 irvvOdvofxaL, aor. Hdt. IX 9. 
 
 avfi^aLVio, to agree, aor. Thuc. I 103 i ; to happen, aor. 
 (7rapa(TTrja-a(T$(u) Thuc. I 29 5 ; (ia/Bakeiv) Thuc. V 75 4, 
 (AiroeaveLv) Hdt. VII 4. 
 
 avix<f>epa}, to happen, aor. (ycvcV^at) Hdt. I 19, 74, III 42. 
 
 Tvyxa-vo) (d<f)iyjxevos), imp. Hell. V 3 I. 
 
 TcA.€VTa<i>, to die, fut. Hdt. II 133; aor. VII 80; to end, 
 aor. Thuc. Ill 68 5. 
 
 vjrdpxia, to begin, pres. Thuc. V 9 9. 
 
 <l>aiv(o, pres. Hell. Ill 2 25; aor. pass. Od. 5 279, Hdt. 
 IV 14, 95, An. HI 4 37. 
 
 X/ooofiai, to inquire of an oracle, pres. Hdt. I 47. 
 
 As in the case of the preceding class these verbs also are 
 not dependent on the temporal phrase for their meaning, 
 and it may be inferred from the following illustrations that 
 the absence of the temporal phrase from the sentence would 
 cause no change in the signification of the verb. 
 
 Trj S* aXXy d^iKvowrai cis StvwTriyv. An. VI I. 15. T178* vare- 
 paux aTrWave pkv ovSet?, ajxt^X Sc r-qv avTrfV ttws Sipav dve<f}p6vovv • 
 rpirrj §€ koX r^rdprri dvCaTavro <o<r7rep Ik <f>appxiK07ro(rLa'S. An. IV 
 8 21. ^\6e fjuavrrjtov €k AcA^wv €'7rt(r;(dvTas diro tov Aiytv^€W 
 a^uciov TpLrJKOvra erca T<p en koI TpuqKO(TT^ AlaK<S rifievoi diroSf^avra^ 
 apxtfrOai rov Trpos Aiyti/iyra? TroXifiov. Hdt. V 89. Toxmi) Sc tw 
 cviavTw Kttt Krpos d7r€KT€tvcv KvroftoLcrdK'qv kox MtT/aaiov. Hell. II 
 I 8. 
 
 TO. pxv XliyX^t $€01 Sotrav dyAaa Scopa 
 T^fjuari rw, ore ae ftporov dvepos I/a^oAov €vvy. — II. 18 84—5. 
 
 6 Sk *Apvdv8rjs rjv ovros r^s AtyvTrrov vTrapx<ys vtto Ka/xftva-eu) Karea. 
 Tctos, OS vaT€pw ')(p6voi TOtrrwv TrapLaovfievo^ Aapcto) SL€<f)ddprj. Hdt. 
 IV 166. T^XvOov ciKoaTw tTCL €s TTttTptSa yoiav. Od. 16 206. 
 ry Sk reXevTacrj i^ulcn €k rrjs KoiXtrjs rrjv KeBpirjv rtjv iaiJKav Trporepov. 
 Hdt. II 87. &ovK\rjs §€ Koi oi XuXkiS^s €k Na|ov opfirjOtvTe^ erei 
 TrcftTTTO) /Acra SvpaKovcras olKiaOeLcras kt\. Thuc. VI 3 3. T€ar<T€- 
 pas /Acv S^ iraprjKC rip.ipa<i . . . irifXTrrrj §€ . . . 7r€/M,7rci ctt avTov? 
 Mi}&)vs Tc Kttt Kto-o-tovs 6vfno0€i<:. Hdt. VII 210. Kai T?7 ©€Tt 
 
—119— 
 
 KOI Tyai Nr;p»yt(ri Ovovreq (ot Mayot) tiravaav (tov aveixov) TeTapTy 
 rifiiprj. Hdt. VII 191. 
 
 oKTWKaLSeKdTY) 8' i<f>dvr) opea o-Ktocvra 
 
 yaCyj^ ^an^Koiv. — Od. 5 279—80. 
 
 Kol 8rj cyw y' iKJxxfirjv v€Kvas kol Sw/a' AtOao 
 
 rfpuoLTL Tw^ lieaOaL. — II. 15 251-2. 
 
 <f)rjiM yap ovv KaravncaL virepfievea Kpovtwva 
 
 rjpxtri T<^, ore kt\. — II. 2 350—1. 
 
 v<rT€p<j) fiivroL xpovo) /xeTeixiXrjae ri (T<f>L ravra irovrjcracrL kol diria-T-qa-av 
 
 AapCLOV. Hdt. I 130. TYJ 8c €pS6fl7] EtX^Op^OS T€ 6 *AXKLfxdxOV KOL 
 
 ^iXaypos 6 Kwcw dv8pe<s rwv dcTTWv 8oKt/xot 7rpo8tOov(rt Totcri 11 cp- 
 criycri. Hdt. VI loi. irapeyivovTO §€ Kat at tTTTraywyot vees, ras 
 
 T<0 7rpOT€pU) €T€L TT/OOCtTTC TOtCTl €0>VTOV 8a(r/XO<f>6pOL(n AapClOS €TOLfld- 
 
 ^civ. Hdt. VI 95. ot 8' cv 'W(i>ixr) ScKctTO) €Tct, ws ovK€TL iSvvavTO 
 dvT€)(€LV, ivv€^7]<Tav TTpos Tovs AaKcSat/u-ovtovs €^' w €^tao-tv €K IIcAo- 
 TTOWvidov VTTOcnrovhoi. Thuc. I 103 1. ttJ 8c irporrepaia rip.€pa 
 iwefirj Trjs fidxrji ravrrj'S Kat tovs 'E7rt8avptovs TravSrjfxcl co-^SaAeiv es 
 
 T^v 'Apyetav. Thuc. V 75 4. The verb, ivve^rj, gives evi- 
 dence of an effort to present the act as a mere occurrence. 
 
 3. The third and largest class of verbs found with the 
 dative phrases comprises those that may be modified by 
 expressions denoting the time of duration, so that if the 
 list below be compared with those on pp. 56 ff. not a few will 
 be found to be in both. These may be broken up into two 
 divisions, though by reason of a difference in context some 
 may be found in both. 
 
 (a) The first is composed of those that are aided in some 
 way or other by the context, which shows that duration is 
 not the relation intended. This assistance may come from a 
 negative indicating non-occurrence, from the presence of 
 some other temporal expression showing that the verb 
 occupied only a part of the given time, from the fact that 
 the time mentioned is too long a period for the action of 
 the verb to continue through, from the presence of two or 
 more verbs whose actions, though falling within the given 
 period, cannot be contemporaneous, or the general trend 
 
— 120 — 
 
 of the thought may be such as to throw the element of 
 continuance in the background. 
 
 dyycAAo), pres. Hdt. Ill 129, Thuc. VIII 79 5. 
 
 ayo), pres. An. VII 6 7; imp. Hell. IV 5 3, 5 10; aor. II. 
 2386. 
 
 aKovu), aor. Hell. II 4 43. 
 
 oLKpoPoXt^ofmi, aor. Thuc. Ill 73 i. 
 
 dmySaivo), aor. Od. 14 252. 
 
 ava^aXXofjuu, to postpone, imp. Hdt. IX 8. 
 
 avdyofmi, to put to sea, pres. An. VI 2 i ; imp. Thuc. IV 
 13 3, Hell. VI 2 31; aor. Thuc. I 52 i, IV 31 i, VIII 23 2, 
 Hell. I 4 21. 
 
 dvafievo)^ imp. Hdt. VII 54; aor. (ap^at) Hdt. VIII 15. 
 
 dmxw/5€o), aor. Thuc. VI 7 2. 
 
 aTrayyeAAo), imp. Hell. II 2 2 2. 
 
 ttTTct/Ai, pres. An. II i 3. 
 
 aTTcAawo), imp. Hdt. VII 119. 
 
 dvepxofuu, aor. An. Ill 418. 
 
 dTToxwpco), aor. Thuc. VII 52 i. 
 
 dc^tTTTrevo), pres. An. I 5 12. 
 
 dTToXoyco/xat, imp. Hell. VII 4 39. 
 
 Paa-tXeva), pres. Thuc. VIII 58 i. 
 
 ytyvo/xat: ycVw/ouit fxrjvLfUL, II. 22 358; cycVcro KarctSiyXos, Hdt. 
 
 III 68; iyevero repas, Hdt. Ill 153; ravra iyeyovee, Hdt. VI 
 40 ; avaTTva-ra eyevero, Hdt. VI 66 ; yeviaOai h Teye?/, Hdt. IX 
 37; Tf dvdo-rao-is iycyvero, Thuc. VII 75 i; iyevov, Hell. Ill 3 
 2; (to, Upd) cytyvcTO, Hell. Ill I 17; ovk cycyen/ro rot iepd, Hell. 
 
 IV 8 36; An. VI 4 25; everrjpia^ yevofxevrjs, Hell. V 2 4; S^Xov 
 eyevero, An. II 2 17. 
 
 SuTTvoTToUoi, pres. Hell. IV 7 4; aor. Hell. VI 5 15. 
 
 8uLix€Tp€(jD, aor. An. VII i 40. 
 
 BuxTTopevofMiL, aor. Hell. IV 6 6. 
 
 Suaa-Kcvd^ofuu, imp. Thuc. IV 38 4. 
 
 SovXctjcu, fut. Hdt. VII 168. 
 
 elpLt: KTJpa €cr(re(r6aLf II. II 444; fierdvoui -^v, ThuC. Ill 36 4. 
 
 eiTTC, An. I 7 18. 
 
 ei(TTL6r)fM, to put on board, aor. Hell. I 6 20. 
 
 uppdfTvui^ pres. pass. Hdt. VII 190. 
 
— 121 — 
 
 cKTrAeo), pres. Thuc. VII 52 i; aor. Hell. I 6 20. 
 
 iK<f)ep<j), aor. Hdt. II 151. 
 
 elayo), pres. An. VII 8 20; aor. Hdt. Ill 157. 
 
 i$cXavv(D, aor. Hdt. V 42. 
 
 iiepxofmi, pres. Hdt. V 72; fut. Hdt. VI 106. 
 
 cTTiKaTa^atvo), aor. Thuc. VI 97 5. 
 
 iTrnrXeu), imp. Thuc. Ill 79 3, VIII 107 i ; aor. Thuc. I 
 
 52 I- 
 
 cirio-Kevo^o), aor. Thuc. VIII 107 I. 
 
 exw, aor. Thuc. I 12 3. 
 
 6v(o, pres. An. I 7 18, Hell. Ill 4 15; imp. An. VI 4 20, 
 VII 8 5, Hell. Ill I 17, VI 5 18; aor. An. V 4 22, VII 8 
 20, Hell. IV 5 10, 7 5, V 4 49. 
 
 tarrjfu^ i aor. Thuc. II 22 2, IV 38 4, VII 45 i, VIII 24 
 I ; 2 pluperf. An. VII i 40. 
 
 KaXeo), aor. II. I 54. 
 
 KaAAtcpco), imp. Hdt. IX 92, An. VII i 40. 
 
 Karayw, aor. Thuc. V 16 3. 
 
 KarairXioi, imp. Thuc. IV 106 3; aor. Hell. I 4 12. 
 
 Krjpva-a-o), slot. pass. Hell. IV 5 2. 
 
 KOfiL^ofjuaL, pres. Thuc. II 8 2 ; aor. Hell. V 4 18. 
 
 Aeyw, aor. Hdt. VI 12, IX 87, II. 3 i88. 
 
 fjuavrevofJuiL, aor. Od. 23 251. 
 
 fxdxofJuiL, fut. An. I 7 14; aor. An. I 7 17. 
 
 (xiXXeLV Trpoad^ea-Bai, Thuc. IV 115 2. 
 
 opao), imp. Hdt. VIII 55; aor. Od. 17 327, Hdt. I 84, 108, 
 III 52, Hell. VII 4 32. 
 
 opwfML, aor. II. 8 474. 
 
 TTOula-Oai (TTOpeuiv, fidxrjv), imp. An. I 7 20; fut. Hell. VII 
 5 21. 
 
 TrapaLT€OfmL, aor. Hdt. IV 158. 
 
 TrapaKaXiio, SLOT. Hell. II 4 9. 
 
 TrapaTrXco), imp. ThuC. VII 35 2. 
 
 Trapaa-Kevd^ofJMi, imp. Thuc. VI 67 I. 
 
 Traparda-a-o), aor. Thuc. VII 3 4. 
 
 irdpcLfu, pres. An. VI 4 15; imp. Hdt. I 82, Thuc. VIII 
 II 2. 
 
— 122 — 
 
 TrareofiaL, aor. II. 21 76. 
 
 TTCtpaofiat, imp. Hdt. I 77. 
 
 ttAcw, aor. Hell. I 2 7. 
 
 TrpoeKKOfiL^o), pres. Hdt. II 63. 
 
 Trpoepxofmi, aor. Thuc. VII 78 4, An. Ill 4 37, VII 8 5, 
 .Hell. VI 5 30. 
 
 TT/ooo-ayo), imp. An. VI i 14, Hell. Ill 5 22. 
 
 TTpocrcLfu, pres. Hell. VII 4 32. 
 
 pc'ft), aor. pass. Thuc. Ill 116 2. 
 
 orrjfmLvu), imp. Hdt. VII 192 ; aor. Hell. II i 22. 
 
 (rrparevoi, aor. Thuc. I 108 2. 
 
 (TTpaTOTreSevofJuai^ SLOT. Thuc. IV 129 5, Hell. VI 5 16. 
 
 (TvyKoXioi, aor. Hdt. VIII 54, Hell. VII 4 39. 
 
 (TvyKaToiKL^<j), aor. Hdt. Ill 149. 
 
 oT^AAcyo), imp. Thuc. VIII 93 i; aor. An. V 6 i. 
 
 avvadpoL^o), aor. Hell. I i 15. 
 
 avvepxofmi, aor. An. VI 4 10. 
 
 a-vvrda-ao), aor. Thuc. V 66 i. 
 
 rdaa-d}, imp. Thuc. Ill 107 3. 
 
 ravw, pluperf. pass. II. 4 545. 
 
 xAaft), aor. Od. 20 18. 
 
 TvyX^vo) {SeLirvoTTOiovfxevoL, KeKaX\LeprjK<a<s) , aor. Hell. I 6 27, 
 III I 19. 
 
 vTroToirco), aor. Thuc. I 20 2. 
 
 Kttt ravTrj fxkv rrj -^ixipa, iirel KaTCCTpaTOTreSevovTO ol *EAA>;vcs 
 KiOfULis €TnTV)(6vT€<Sj dTTrjXOov OL /3dp^apoi fX€LOv €xovr€<s rrj CLKpo^oki- 
 
 <rci. An. Ill 4 18. The context shows conclusively that 
 extent of time is not the relation expressed. For in the first 
 place, that which precedes describes what has been tak- 
 ing place during the most of the day; and secondly, the 
 cTTct clause defines a particular part of the day when the 
 
 barbarians started off. — ry 8c va-Tepairj dvefievov Tov TJXiov iOeXov- 
 
 Tcs iSicrOai dvi<TxovTa. Hdt. VII 54. The verb of this sen- 
 tence is the only one in the long list that is like those that 
 give to a temporal expression the meaning of extent. But 
 a glance at this sentence shows that the t6v tjXlov — dvLo-xovra 
 gives an entirely different turn to the meaning of ry vo-tc- 
 
—123— 
 
 paCri. — €vBavra UKOcrTto ixyjvi Ztairvpw tw Meya^v^ov rovrov, os twv 
 CTTTo, dv8p5)v cycVcTo rail/ tov fxdyov KarcAdvTwv, tovtov tov Mcya- 
 ^v^ov TratSt Z(i)7rvp<t) cyeVero T€/oas rdSe • twv ot <TLTO<f>6p(ov ■^ixiovuiv 
 
 fiia €T€K€. Hdt. Ill 153. The colorless eycVcro, the Wpas with 
 the description following, all go to prove that dating is the 
 object in view and that extent is quite out of the question. — 
 €7ret §€ cSoKow T<p ^AyY](TiX.dw irdw rjhr) Oappetv, ^ftepa iripurTrj yj €KTr) 
 Kol SeKOLTr) d<^' ^s eio-cySaXc, dvadfjievos Trpw hwiroptvO-q irpo 8€L\rj<s 
 k^rjKOvra koX iKarov ardSva cirt ttjv Xip^vy^v irepl rjv ra ^oiTKrjpxiTa twv 
 *AKapvavQ)v o-^eSov Travra ^v, Kat lAxxjSc irap.TrkrjOrj kol fiovKoXva kt\. 
 
 Hell. IV 6 6. The participle, the irpo SetXi/s, the following- 
 clause beginning: Kat lAa/Sc, show that the whole day was 
 not spent in marching. 
 
 aol 8' €yo> ivOdSe <l)Y)pl <f>6vov kol Krjpa p.iXaLvav 
 rjpjaTi. T<p8* i<T(re6ai. — II. 11 443—4. 
 
 It is the concept of death that forbids any relation but that 
 
 of dating. — Tripitrrri 8c ^l^^p^ el(TO€p.€voL (nra p.€Tpui, cttciS^ rj^t) 
 p.icrov ^/Mcpas rjv koX 61 i<}>opp.ovvT€S dXiywpws €l)(Ov koI mot dvc- 
 TravovTo, l^iirXevcrav €^w tov Atfievos. Hell. I 6 20. The tem- 
 poral clause defining the time more accurately is indica- 
 tion enough that the relation is not the time of duration. — 
 
 rrj 8' v<TT€.paia inl p.€V rr^v ttoXlv ovSkv /xoAAov CTrcVAeov, Kaiirep iv 
 
 TToXXy rapaxS kol f^o^f^ ovras ktX. Thuc. Ill 79 3. The nega- 
 tive gives to the verb the force of non-occurrence, (see 
 p. 87). — iTToXiopKeov avTovs rfp-ipas 8i;o • ry 8c rpCry VTrocnrovSoi 
 iiep^ovrai Ik t^s X^PV'* ^^°' rjcrav avrwv AaKc8at/xdvtot. Hdt. V 
 
 y2. The element of continuance in the verb is wholly in the 
 background, as the thought is not that of "going," but of 
 ** getting out of the country." — ry va-rdry rrj's opTTJs p.€\X6vT<t>v 
 KaTacTTTucTUv 6 dpxLepcv<i iii/jvcLK^ (r4>L <f)LdXa<s xpvo"cas, TydL rrtp ctu^ecrav 
 o-7r€v8civ, dpjcipTwv TOV dpidp.ov, €v8eKa 8vo)8cKa covert. Hdt. II ISI* 
 The action of the verb cannot be thought of as continuing 
 throughout the given period. — ivTevOev 8k Krpos c^cAawet a-raO- 
 px>v €va Trapaorayyas rpeis o-vvTCTay/Acvo) tw (TTpaTevpuTL Travrt Kat toI 
 'EAAr/nKU) Kat t<o ftapfiapLKw • weTo yap Tavry Ty y}p.ipa pxixiicOat, 
 
124 — 
 
 pamX&i. An. I 7 14. The first sentence makes it clear that 
 the dative phrase does not express duration. — ravry fikv ovv 
 Ty i7/W'€/oa ovk €iJua-)(i<Taro jSacriXcvs. An. I 7 17- Another exam- 
 ple of non-occurrence. 
 
 eftSofJidTr} 8* dvaftavT€<s drro Kpi/riy? evpeirj^ 
 
 €7rA.€o/x,ev BopcT^ dvifKf) aKpaii KaXco 
 
 pi/tSoos, 0)5 €t rt Kara poov. — Od. 14 252—4. 
 
 The small number of those who embarked, the simplicity 
 of the act, and the close connection with the leading verb 
 are evidence that both embarking and sailing took place on 
 
 the same day. — ivrojOev rrj va-rcpaia dvayofxcvoL iryevfuiTL cttXcov 
 
 KaAw 7}p.ipa<i hvo irapa yrjv. An. VI 2 1. In this sentence 
 somewhat the same conditions prevail as in the one just pre- 
 ceding, though there is the additional help of ^/xc/oas 8vo, 
 one of which must be the same as "the following day." — 
 WTia w(TT€ AaKeBaifWVLiav irav^p.a. 8L^r}fxiv(jiv TpiTr) €.v<j>p6vrj {avrov) 
 
 yeveaSai €v Teyer/. Hdt. IX 37. Because of the colorless 
 character of the verb this example has been classed as it is, 
 though with the prepositional phrase it does not differ from 
 a verb meaning ''to arrive." — yo-Tcpw Sk xp^^V dKovaavres 
 $€vov<s fiKrOovaOai rovs 'EXevcrivi, (TTpaTevadfievoL iravSrjfxel €7r' avror? 
 T0V5 fxkv <TTpaTrjyov<i avrdv ct? X.6yov<s iXOovras dTTCKTctvav. Hell. 
 
 II 4 43. The meaning of the verb, scarcely differing from 
 ala-Odvo/mif together with the peculiar character of the tem- 
 poral phrase, gives indication that dating was the end in 
 view. The peculiar character of the temporal phrase con- 
 sists in the fact that xp^vos modified by va-repo^ without the 
 article does not arouse in the mind the thought of duration 
 that 6 va-Tcpos xpovos ** the future" does — the former com- 
 bination always in the dative and without the article, the 
 latter either with the aforementioned adjective or one of 
 like meaning, in the accusative and with the article. 
 
 (b) The second division of the verbs that may be followed 
 by phrases denoting the time of duration contains those that 
 do not receive any assistance from the context to show that 
 
—125— 
 
 the accusative temporal relation is not meant. Yet it will 
 be observed that none of them, as well as none of the 
 preceding division, is such as to give to the temporal phrase 
 the meaning of extent. They are the same as those which, 
 when followed by a demonstrative phrase to which the 
 speaker wishes to add the relation of duration, need the aid 
 of the case ending that the meaning may be clear. But, as 
 has been said, the very nature of the demonstrative modifier 
 permits one to get at the meaning in the dative without 
 resorting to the ending. The only use to which the ending 
 need be put is that of a mark by which to distinguish it 
 from the accusative. These verbs are : 
 
 deOXeo), imp. Hdt. VII 212. 
 
 aOv/xiu)^ imp. Hell. Ill 5 21. 
 
 at/o£w (Saira), aor. mid. Od. 20 117. 
 
 dTrayo), imp. Hell. IV 6 8, VI 5 20; aor. Hell. V 4 54. 
 
 (XTraTaw, aor. II. 19 97. 
 
 aireLfXL, imp. An. V 2 28. 
 
 aTTOKOfjii^ofjiaL, aor. Thuc. IV 96 9, Hell. V i 5. 
 
 dTTOirXiu), imp. Hdt. VIII 25. 
 
 yiyvo/tat: iKKXr)(Tui iyevero, Thuc. VI 8 3; 7roA.e/u,os eycVcTO, 
 Thuc. I 115 2. 
 
 8r]6(o, imp. Thuc. IV 25 8, 130 2. 
 
 StajSatVto, pres. Hell. VI 5 15. 
 
 SuxTreLpdofMiL, imp. Hdt. Ill 14. 
 
 SuxTiOrjfiL, imp. Hell. IV 5 8. 
 
 SieiipxofmL, aor. Hdt. IV 172. 
 
 ct/Ai : SetT/draTos ccrri, Thuc. VII 42 3 ; ^ rfyefiovui rjv, An. IV 
 7 8; (^t'Ao? 7jv, Hell. II 3 15; rfv 6pdv, Hell. VI 4 16. 
 
 e/xjSoAAo), aor. Hell. VII 2 10. 
 
 ivopdo), imp. Hdt. VII 212. 
 
 kinyiyvopjaL (;j(to)v), p re S. Hell. II 4 3. 
 
 c^o), imp. Hdt. I 126. 
 
 -^yeofULi, imp. Hell. IV 7 5, VII 4 30. 
 
 rj(Tvxdt,oi, imp. Thuc. VII 38 2. 
 
 6v(D, imp. Hdt. IX 33. 
 
 Katoo, pres. Hell. IV 54. 
 
126 
 
 KaTa^atVo), pres.An. Ill 4 31. 
 
 Kparid), pres. Thuc. VI 23 2. 
 
 Xoyt^ofmi, aor. Hell. VI i 17. 
 
 o/oao), fut. An. Ill 2 31. 
 
 7rapa8ap$dv(o, aor. Od. 20 88. 
 
 Trapip^ofMu, aor. Hell. II 4 31. 
 
 7rc/o6ay(o, imp. Hdt. I 30. 
 
 ttAco), imp. Thuc. VI 50 3, Hell. I i 18; aor. Hell. I 2 4. 
 
 TToico), pres. Hdt. VII 7 ; aor. Hell. V 4 29. 
 
 TToXe/jLL^w, fut. II. 24 667. 
 
 TTopevofjxxL, imp. Thuc. VII 78 4, An. I 7 19, III 4 i, 4 18, 
 IV 2 24, 5 30, Hell. V 4 49, VI 5 27. 
 
 TrpoLTTO)^ imp. An. II 2 18. 
 
 irpoeipx, imp. Thuc. VII 78 6. 
 
 TTpoapdXXu), imp. Thuc. VIII 35 4, VII 512. 
 
 7r/ooo-/xi(rya>, imp. Thuc. VII 39 i. 
 
 irpoxoip^fo, imp. Thuc. VII 79 5. 
 
 awepxio, pres. II. 13 334. 
 
 aTpaTrjXaT€0), imp. Hdt. VII 20. 
 
 (TvyKaB-qfrni^ imp. Hell. II 4 23. 
 
 rai/voD, aor. II. 17 401. 
 
 T€LXi^o), imp. Thuc. VI 99 i, loi i, VIII 64 3; aor. Hell. 
 I 2 I. 
 
 vTroA-etVo), imp. Od. 16 50. 
 
 VTrovpyeu), aor. Hell. V 2 26. 
 
 V7ro;(a>/o£t«>, aor. Thuc. I 54 2. 
 
 tfiOcipoi, imp. Hell. VII i 20. 
 
 (fiofiiojMiL, imp. II. 21 4. 
 
 T77 8' vo-Tcpata ciTr^ycv 6 ^Ay-qa-CXaog to (TTparcvpja. Hell. IV 6 8. 
 TavTYj /x€v ow TT7 rjP'^pa ol ©r/ySaioi -^dvfiovv. Hell. HI 5 21. riy 
 S' varepaLr) ot ftdpftapoi ovSkv dfjieivov dWXeov. Hdt. VII 212. 
 TovTov yap -fjyefxovui rjv twv 67na-6o<f>v\dK(DV \oxayQ>v iKtivrf rrj rj/xipa. 
 An. IV 7 8. Tw p.kv ovv irpwTio xP^^Hf ^ Kptrta? tw '©rypa/xcva 
 o/xoyviOfXiDV re Kat <f>L\o<s rjv. Hell. II 3 15 (see p. 40). Tij 8* v<tt€- 
 paux. ot /A€v SvpaKoo-ioi -fjGrvxo-^ov, ov^v St/A-ovvtcs ottoiov Ti TO p-cAAov 
 TTOLT^a-ovcriv. Xhuc. VII 38 2. wo-re ry varepaM Kvpos cTropcvero 
 ^fi€Xr]/ji€vo}^ fiaXkov. An. I 7 19. This is a good illustration 
 
127 — 
 
 of the effect of usage. There seems to be no doubt that 
 the whole day is meant, but this phrase is all but formulaic, 
 there being but one instance out of one hundred ancf twenty 
 found in any other case (An. Ill 5 13). And so it is that 
 the dative is used, no matter what the strict relation may be. 
 In more than one half of the above references the phrase 
 is Trj ixTTepauj. or rfj irpoTepaux, which is of the same character. 
 
 — €7retT€ 8e aTro SctVvov rjaav, elpero cr^eas 6 Kvpos Korepa ra Trj 
 TrporepaLY) elxov, rj to, irapeovra <T<f)i elr] aiperwrepa. Hdt. I 126. 
 TYj 8' ixTTepata koI rrj rpcTr) Xoytcra/Aevot rds re €^(o p.6pa<s ocraL avTois 
 elev KOL Ttts irepl AaKcSat/Aova kt\. Hell. VI l 17. rrj 8* v<TT€paia 
 av$L'S irpocrifiaXKov. Thuc. VIII 35 4. TerdpTrj 8* ypL^pa Kara- 
 /SaLVOvcTLV els to TreStov. An. Ill 4 31. 
 
 Thus, I think, it has been shown that such phrases are 
 differentiated from the same in the accusative. The former 
 have been found to be used with verbs expressing accom- 
 plishment and momentary or instantaneous action, with 
 neither of which the accusative denoting extent of time is 
 employed. With the verbs that may be accompanied by a 
 phrase indicating the time of duration, it has been seen 
 that other elements are often present which forbid the inter- 
 pretation of extent of time; and in case there are no such 
 factors, the nature of the word of time and the demonstrative 
 modifier together, since they have no connotation of dura- 
 tion, is sufficient to keep that relation from coming forward, 
 though we are doubtless obliged to call on the case ending 
 in such instances as a distinguishing mark. In fact it is the 
 meaning of the noun and the demonstrative nature of the 
 modifier that play an important part in establishing the 
 meaning of such phrases under all circumstances, and when 
 dependent on a verb of the first two classes mentioned it is 
 difficult to see what other relation could be expressed than 
 that of the time at which something occurs. When accom- 
 panying verbs of the third class, though receiving no 
 assistance as in the case of the other two, yet the two 
 important factors mentioned above are able to carry the 
 meaning with little support from the inflectional ending. 
 
—128— 
 
 The second division of the dative temporal phrases is 
 made up of a few cases only, five in number — supplemented 
 by two from Plutarch — in which the modifying word is one 
 of measure. It is natural that there should be so few con- 
 sidering the fact that this "case is so thoroughly preempted, 
 so to speak, by the phrases with the demonstrative word. 
 The nouns in these instances are ^fi^pa, vvi and xpovo^ limited 
 by the numeral cIs and the adjectives ^/Ato-vs and oAtyos. 
 Even these few cases seem to be divided. On the one hand 
 are three examples with the numeral having a demonstrative 
 force, on the other those examples in which the numeral has 
 its accustomed meaning, together with those with the adjec- 
 tives above mentioned. 
 
 With regard to the former, what has already been said 
 as to the force of the demonstrative may be applied in their 
 case also. They are : tovs St Kptovs ov Ovova-i ©rj^aloL, dAA' ela-L 
 (T<f>L Ipol Sta TOVTO. furj §€ "^fJi^py) Tov ivuavTOV, iv oprrj Ato's, KpLov 
 €va KaraKOiJ/avTe^ kol aTroSctpai/res Kara twvto ivSvovai, TwyoAfia rov 
 Aios ktX. Hdt. II 42. oora yap Kvi/'cAos dTTiXnre kt€lv(ov re Ka 
 Slwkiov, TLepiavBpos cr<fiea dTrereAce, fiuy 8k ^P'^pr) aTrtSvcrc Tratra? ras 
 Kopivdtwv ywatKas Bua rtjv eiovrov yvi/aiKa MeXwrcrav. Hdt. V 9217. 
 
 In both of these passages the temporal phrase is equivalent 
 to "one particular day," and thus similar in meaning to a 
 demonstrative. The subject matter in either instance does 
 not allow the phrase to mean the time of duration. 
 
 oi Sc /xot eTTTo. Kaa-iyvrjTOi €<rav iv p^eydpoKTiv^ 
 
 01 p.€v TravTCS t<p KLOV i]pjaTi "AiSos cL(T(i). — II. 6 421—2. 
 
 lu rjpjaTL "on one day" does not differ in meaning from 
 ** the same day." (cf. Od. 7 326.) 
 
 The instances making up the other class are the following. 
 €V Sc TOVTO), otrot 'Ep/uiat rjaav XlBlvol iv Trj TroXet ry *A6r)vat(i)v [elai 
 Sc Kara to iirixt^pi-ov [17 TCT/aaytovo? ipyaaria] ttoAAoI kol iv lOtbis 
 TTpoOvpoL's Koi iv UpOLs) pxS. wktX ol irXtXxTTOL TTCpuKOTrrjcrav Ttt Trpo- 
 
 o-wTTtt, Thuc. VI 27 I. In this passage the numeral has 
 its ordinary meaning and thus cannot express the time when 
 the Hermae were multilated, but rather the length of the 
 
— 129 — 
 
 period within which the act was done. This is necessitated 
 by the meaning of the numeral. The parenthetical state- 
 ment that there were a great many Hermae in the city, 
 followed by the one that the most of them were mutilated, 
 supports this interpretation, introducing the element of sur- 
 prise that such widespread desecration should be accom- 
 plished in so short a period. — Ktftwv S' cja-n-ep ddXrjTrjq Seivos 
 ly/xcpa fJLLa Svo KaOrjprjKws dywvtor/AaTa, kol to fxlv iv ^iXafxivi 
 ire^ofiaxLa, to 8' iv HXaTauu<s vavfJux^La, TrapcXrjXvOoi)? Tpcnraiov ktX. 
 
 Plut. Kim. 13. This does not differ essentially from the 
 preceding, though perhaps the idea of accomplishment in 
 the verb is more prominent. — koI irarres 8' ol twv jSappdpcDv 
 dp)(ovTes fiiiTov e^ovTcs to avT<j)v ^yovvTUL, vofxt^ovTes ovtoj kol 
 iv dac^aXcoTTaro) ctvat, yv y "^ Icr^^ys avTwv eKaTepwOev, kol el tl 
 TrapayydXaL xpjj^OLev, rjp^LcreL av yjpov^Ji alcrOdveaOaL to crTpaTevpxx. 
 An. I 8 22. 0)5 §€ KaTiSwv CKcti'OS iiaviaTYj kol fier opy^s 
 "^ireLXrjcrey oXiyto x/'ovw tov<s dv8pa<i iTnSeiieLv ovk eh t^v avTov vavv 
 ip.PcpXrjKOTa'S, dAA' eis ras iSias Trarpt&is. Plut. Aristid. 23. 
 
 In these two passages the adjectives of measure limiting 
 XpoVoj exclude all thought of dating, but together with the 
 verbs, which contain an element of accomplishment and play 
 an important part in deciding the meaning, they determine 
 that meaning to be the length of time within which the 
 action is effected. 
 
 The second division that was made of the nouns of time 
 found in the dative consisted of those cases in which the 
 word was unmodified. These are very few in number, 
 eleven in all, and with one exception, wkti, Hdt. VII 12, 
 are taken from Homer, a pretty clear indication that the 
 rule that the dative of a temporal noun was modified, was 
 well established. The words so used are wktC^ x")"-*^^'* ^cpet, 
 Sipxi and (vuktos) d/xoXyw. These it is noticed are either the 
 same or of the same character as those that are employed 
 in the genitive unmodified, that is, they signify a time of 
 day or a season of the year. All that has been said of that 
 construction may also be applied in these cases.* (see p. 
 
 * For illustrations showing that they do not differ in meaning 
 from the use of the genitive see p. z^- 
 
 9 
 
— 130— 
 
 y^.) It may be inferred perhaps that they are a remnant 
 from the time when both dative and genitive were employed 
 to express the vague temporal relation of the time to which 
 an action belongs, a condition brought to an end by the 
 genitive gaining the upper hand. 
 
 /A€Ta 8c €vcf>p6vrj re cyivero kol 'Bipirjv €Kvl^€ rf *ApTaftdvov yvwfirj • 
 WKTL Sc (3ov\r]v BlBovs Trayxv evpia-Ke ol ov Trprjyfxa elvai (TTpaTtveadai 
 inl r^v 'EAAtiSa. Hdt. VII 12. 
 
 aXka €Ka5 viyo-wv d7rc;)(ctv cvepyea vrja, 
 
 WKTL 8' 6/XCOS TtXcLCLV. Od. 1 5 33—4. 
 
 vvv Bi fJLC XcvyaXeo) Oavdno etfxapTO dXtuvat 
 
 ip)(0€VT iv fxcYoXw TTora/Aw, ws TraiSa crv(f)opl36v, 
 
 6v pa. T IvavAos aTroepa-r) ;j(Ct/xa)n Trepcovra. — II. 21 281—3. 
 
 Oipei, II. 22 151, wpr), II. 2 468, Od. 9 51, seep. 36. 
 
 ot 8', (US r ^€ (3o(ov dy€\r)V rj Trtov /xcy* otwv 
 
 Orjpe Svo) kXov€0)(tl /xeXatVr/s wktos d/xoAyo). — II. 15 323—4' 
 
 olos 8* da-rrjp eio-t /act* ddrpdaL vvktos d/AoXyo) 
 
 ta-irepo^. — II. 22 3 1 7-8. 
 
 WKTOS dfwXyw, II. 22 28, Od. 4 841. 
 
 <t)vWwv yap €r]V ;)(vo-ts ■^Xi^a TroXXrj, 
 oarcov T rj€ 8v(t) ye rpeis dvSpas epva-dai 
 wprj ^ecfxepLrj, ei koI fxdXa rrep ^aXeTraivoL. — Od. 5 4^3~5' 
 
 This last has been included here as well as those of wktos 
 d/AoAyo) because neither the adjective nor the noun designates 
 a particular period as ravry rfj ij/xcpa, nor do they serve as a 
 word of measure. 
 
 For the second main division and the final section of our 
 investigation in the dative case we have to consider the 
 words whose primary meaning is not that of time, in the 
 study of which, owing to paucity of material, there is a 
 difficulty in drawing conclusions. The question to be 
 answered is. How is it that such words may have a temporal 
 significance ? 
 
 In the first place, though few in number they divide into 
 two groups ; one includes two or three words which have 
 
—131— 
 
 a well established temporal meaning-, as yeved, vovfirjvia; the 
 other contains words denoting: events, like eiapoXrj, iidxn, 
 iopTrj, which happen in and occupy a considerable portion 
 of time. The members of the first group without question 
 may be employed in the dative construction, those of the 
 second are qualified for it because of the temporal element 
 inherent in the nouns. 
 
 The following are the sentences that contain the words 
 possessing: the temporal element to a gfreater degfree. Sev- 
 
 ripr) Sk Xiyovcn yeverj fxcra ravra 'AXe^avSpov rov Hpid/JLOV aKrjKOOTa 
 ravra iOeXrjo-at ot e/c rys 'EAAaSos 8l dpTrayrjs yevia-Oat yvvoxKa. Hdt. 
 I 3. Tpirri 8c yev€.y ixerd MtVwv reXevri^a-avTa yevicrOai rd TpcoiKa. 
 
 Hdt. VII 171. The meaning of the noun and the nature 
 of the modifier do not distinguish these from the more usual 
 dative phrases already discussed. — tov 8' avTov Oepovs vovfirjvLa 
 
 Kara a-fXrjvrjv ... 6 i^Atos iieXiire fierd fiea-rjfi^piav kol 7raA.1v dven-XT)- 
 
 p(a6r). Thuc. II 28. In this sentence there is seen a reten- 
 tion of the use of the dative heretofore referred to as found 
 in Homer and Herodotus. There is in this case the same 
 indefiniteness as in the genitive forms, which allow the time 
 of the verb to be told in a loose way only. 
 
 Considering now the words in which the temporal element 
 is more vague, there may be added to what has been said 
 above, that some of them are assisted in performing their 
 function by the modifying words ; these not only are demon- 
 strative in character, pointing out a particular event, but are 
 of an ordinal nature, and must have reference to time owing 
 to the nature of their nouns. The examples are: 
 
 'Adr}vaiOL Sk aKova-avres dp,<f>OTep<ov, y€vofxevr]<s koX 8l<s iKKXrja-ias, rrj 
 fi€V Trporipa ovx ^cra-ov twv Koptv^tW aTreSe^avro tovs Xoyovs, iv Se 
 ry vcrrepaLo. pLeriyviocrav K.€pKvpcuoL^ ^fifW-XLav fikv p,rj iroi^dacOaL. 
 Thuc. I 44 I. ry fxh 'TTporipa is aided by the genitive abso- 
 lute phrase immediately preceding and by the following 
 €v Trj va-T€paia. — ry 8' va-Tepaia iKKXyaia 6 NiKtas, KavKcp . . . o/>i(09 
 Tois AaKe8ai/>ioi/ibts €^17 XP^'^*' <J3tXovs p.aXXov ytyvca^at. Thuc. V 
 
 46 I . That iKKXrp-ia has a temporal force is made very clear 
 by its attributive, "of the following day." — /cat pAxi, ry pkv 
 
—132— 
 
 irpfiiTrj VLKOLTcu v<j> ^fJMVj rrj 8* vcrrepaia. 'nnrevaC tc ttoAAois kol okovti- 
 o-Tttis pui(r$€VT€s dvcxw/oiyo-a/ACv €s ToL reixrj. Thuc. VII 112. The 
 first phrase works together with the second, with which it is 
 contrasted, to express the relation of "time when." It is 
 doubtful whether the second phrase is to be taken in its usual 
 meaning- or /xax^ is to be understood from the preceding-. 
 I incline to the former view, considering that in I 44 i (see 
 above) the same writer has used iv ry va-repaCa with iKKXrja-Lq. 
 understood, though he had just written ry Trporipa (iKKXrjcrta) 
 without a preposition. — rfj irporipa irapova-ia, Thuc. I 128 5 ; 
 ry va-ripr} *OAv/X7ria8t, Hdt. VI 103; t^ irp^Ty KardaTaa-L, Hdt. 
 Ill 46. ' 
 
 If there be given a noun with a more or less vague element 
 of time, a limiting ordinal adjective emphasizing the tem- 
 poral element, a verb similar to those with which the custo- 
 mary dative temporal phrases are found, all coupled with a 
 strong desire in the speaker to date the act, the analogy 
 becomes so strong between such a phrase and the regular 
 dative phrase that the inflectional ending is all that is needed 
 to complete the chain. While in the above instances, with 
 the conditions such as have been described, the case ending 
 has to bear but a light burden, in those cases in which a 
 pure demonstrative is the modifying word it supports a 
 greater burden, because the demonstrative does not contain 
 the reference to time that an ordinal adjective contains. In 
 the few examples of this sort the verbs do not differ from 
 those with the nouns denoting time only. 
 
 yv(i>p.r) §€ TOtaSe XeycTat rov *Apx^SafAov irepL re ras 'A^apvas ws cs 
 fjidxrjy ra^dpAVOV p.€LVcu kol es to ireBtov €K€Lvrj rrj iafiokrj ov Karafirjvai. 
 Thuc. II 20 I. u T€ Km p.-q €TreiikOoL€v eKtivy rrj iaftoXy ol Korj- 
 vaxoL kt\. Thuc. II 20 4. rrj Sk ia^oXrj ravry ttXcio-tov tc xP^vov 
 
 ivipieivav. Thuc. II 57 2. Ambiguity is avoided and the 
 meaning is more easily gained through the presence of the 
 accusative temporal phrase. — ry avry ravry iapoXrjy Hdt. 
 VI 92. — Kol yap -^TTCi/owTat re ovtcs lvavpxxxy(ro.p.€v ctt' 'Aprepj-cruoj 
 pjdxy re ry iv ry fipjeripa yjj yevop.€vy irapeyevop^da vp.LV re Kai 
 Ilawavia. Thuc. Ill 54 4. opry evawiyy Hdt. IV 1 80. 
 
—133— 
 
 In all the instances in which the word indicates an event 
 the case ending must necessarily play a more or less import- 
 ant role according to the character of the modifier — accord- 
 ing as the sentence is long and involved, or short and simple. 
 It is only because of the temporal element, never very 
 prominent in such words, upon which the powerful force 
 of analogy has worked, that they are employed at all to 
 express this relation the few times they do so. 
 
 This completes the study of the dative construction of 
 words of time and we are ready for a brief summary. In 
 this construction we found both words whose primary mean- 
 ing was that of time and those in which the temporal element 
 was more or less vague. With the former the stem meaning 
 naturally was of very great assistance in determining the 
 meaning of the construction and the first factor noted. The 
 second element of importance in the great majority of cases 
 was the modifying word of demonstrative character, which 
 together with the meaning of the noun was able to date an 
 act or state without resort to the case ending. It was the 
 presence of the demonstrative word which differentiated the 
 dative phrases from by far the greater part of the genitive 
 expressions, and the verb upon which the phrase depended 
 was in many instances different from those upon which the 
 accusative phrases were dependent, that is to say, it denoted 
 completion or momentary action ; whereas in case the verbs 
 were of the same character, some element in the context 
 made the relation of extent of time impossible, or in lack of 
 that, the demonstrative modifier which contained no idea of 
 measure was able to help that relation from rising in the 
 mind, only the inflectional ending being needed to differ- 
 entiate it from the accusative. In the few instances in which 
 the noun was limited by a word of measure, this second 
 element took the phrase out of the dating category, and 
 with the assistance of the context, especially the verb, made 
 the relation that of the time within which the action was 
 performed. The few cases in which the noun was unmodi- 
 fied were limited to Homer, with one exception, and by 
 
—134— 
 
 reason of their lack of some definitive modifier, they were 
 Hke the same or similar words in the genitive unmodified, 
 unable to date with precision, giving merely the time of day 
 or season of the year, to which the action belonged. Finally, 
 in the phrases consisting of a noun not primarily of a 
 temporal meaning plus some demonstrative word the case 
 ending was the most important factor, though receiving 
 support from the fact that the noun either had in one of its 
 meanings a well established temporal element, or denoted 
 an event with relation to which, since it occupied time, acts 
 could be dated. Thus, I hope, it has been shown with refer- 
 ence to the dative that there are some other very influential 
 factors by means of which the meaning may be ascertained 
 besides that of the inflectional ending, though as in the other 
 two cases the influence of the ending was certainly present, 
 and in this instance must have been greatly augmented by 
 the clearly locative character of the case. 
 
Conclusion. 
 
 The results of this study of the case construction of the 
 words of time may be briefly summed up. 
 
 In the first place, it has been learned that a formal classi- 
 fication according to the inflectional ending, though in great 
 part corresponding with one made on a functional basis, does 
 not end in functional divisions mutually exclusive. This 
 divergence from the well established rules of usage for the 
 various cases, which in some instances was well marked, in 
 others less so, was made evident in general by the context, 
 of which the modifying word of the noun of time was most 
 important, the verb upon which the expression depended 
 coming next in order of consequence. A second point is 
 that the precision in meaning of the case construction is 
 neither necessarily nor entirely due to the inflectional ending, 
 but is distributed over various elements, of which the tem- 
 poral meaning of the noun lies as a foundation for the 
 others. Following upon the meaning of the noun with its 
 number comes the modifying word, if there is any, next the 
 verb,* and finally the remainder of the context, which by 
 
 *The verb exerts an influence through its stem-meaning and its 
 tense. How important the former element is has been fully brought 
 out, but it is difficult to say of how much consequence the latter is. 
 It is evident enough that the tense plays an important part when 
 it denotes repeated or customary action, thus assisting in expressing 
 the relation of extent of time, and also the relation of the time 
 within which something falls, when that is indicated by a genitive 
 noun limited by the distributive adjective eKaaros, or by the article 
 with distributive force. The tenses indicating continuance certainly 
 aid in making clear the relation of extent, especially when the 
 noun of time is modified by a word which is not one of measure; 
 but such a tense is by no means necessary in expressing this relation. 
 The extent of the influence of the tense in determining the meaning 
 of the ordinary genitive and dative constructions as well as many 
 instances of the accusative has not been determined, except in so 
 
—136— 
 
 some word or phrase, or even by the general trend of the 
 thought, is of service in making clear the meaning of the 
 construction. And further, the factors just named are in 
 many instances able to carry the meaning without calling 
 upon the case-ending for assistance. This is especially 
 true of the relation of extent of time, which may be expressed 
 by a noun denoting time, modified by a word of measure 
 and dependent on a verb having a prominent element of con- 
 tinuance; it is also true of the relation of the time within 
 which an action falls, which may be indicated by an unmodi- 
 fied word like T7/Ji€/oas ''daytime," and wktos *' night-time." 
 Thirdly, those nouns whose temporal element is very vague, 
 such as words for events and the like, are seldom used in 
 temporal constructions without a preposition. A fourth 
 fact learned is, that a comparison of the case constructions 
 of words of time with corresponding equivalent prepositional 
 phrases shows a great preference for the former, with excep- 
 tions in special instances. (See pp. 139 if.) And finally, 
 by way of inference one is justified in saying that the above 
 mentioned elements through constant association with the 
 cases were powerful factors in attaching to the cases the 
 meanings for which they in general stand, so that in the 
 absence of any one or more of these elements the case itself 
 was capable of carrying the whole burden and adequately 
 expressing the relation as conceived in the mind of the 
 speaker. With the accusative it was the frequent connection 
 with a word of measure and a verb having a strong element 
 of duration that placed upon it the function of expressing 
 extent of time. It was the indefiniteness and vagueness of 
 the words denoting the time of day and season of the year 
 when unmodified, and the association of nouns of time modi- 
 fied by words of measure with verbs indicating accomplish- 
 far as to discover that it was not great — that is, the tense is often 
 but a secondary factor. To ascertain exactly the importance of this 
 element demands a minute study of the use of the tenses by the 
 various writers, not only with temporal expressions but in other 
 connections also, and this was beyond the scope of the present work. 
 
—137— 
 
 ment or momentary action, that gave to the genitive construc- 
 tion the meaning of the time within which an action falls. 
 As for the dative, the constant presence of a demonstrative 
 word with the noun gave that case the function of dating 
 precisely. 
 
 As a last word, the writer wishes to say that he does pot 
 feel warranted in claiming finality for all these general con- 
 clusions, nor for the minor ones in the body of the work, 
 because of the relatively small number of instances upon 
 which both the whole and the various parts have been based 
 as compared with the much larger number still uncollected 
 and unexamined. Yet he does think that further investiga- 
 tion will prove at least the general conclusions, and many 
 of the others. 
 
APPENDIX.* 
 
 The discussion of the prepositional phrases which fol- 
 lowed the temporal case constructions did not lay claim to 
 completeness, as it did not contain all the uses of the pre- 
 positions in temporal relations with all the various words 
 with which they might be found in the sources used. It 
 was rather a commentary on what had preceded, a supple- 
 ment to the ordinary constructions of nouns of time. For 
 this purpose an attempt at completeness was made in the 
 collection of cases in which the noun was a word of time; 
 so that the incompleteness was on the side of the words not 
 indicative primarily of time. This defect was not a grave 
 one from the standpoint of results, as the nouns of the latter 
 sort were used without a preposition in 'exceedingly rare 
 instances ; for by reason of their non-temporal character 
 they demanded a separate word to express the temporal rela- 
 tion, which otherwise would have been confused with other 
 relations connected with them. In addition, the temporal 
 force of the preposition, it is natural to suppose, did not 
 have its origin with such words, but rather with pure words 
 of time, with which the given meaning became crystallized 
 so as to be readily transferred to words of a vague temporal 
 character. This raised the question of the origin of the 
 temporal meaning in prepositions. An enumeration shows 
 that they are all intimately connected with the relations of 
 space. They are d/u,<^t, a/oia, dm, dTro, 8ia, a?, €K, cv, ivT&Sy iiTLj 
 Kara, iiera, fi^XPh frapd, irepi, irpo, irpos, vtto. Excepting aifm all 
 of them are conceived of as relating to space, and it is 
 only by a figure of speech that they refer to time. And since 
 the great majority of the uses of these prepositions with a 
 temporal signification parallel so closely their meaning in 
 spatial relations, it is rational to suppose that the transfer 
 * See note, p. 2. 
 
—139— 
 
 from the latter to the former was very early, owing to the 
 similarity of the conceptions of the two spheres. 
 
 The method of study consisted in examining each preposi- 
 tion separately; that is, the phrases containing each pre- 
 position were classified according to the different meanings 
 of the preposition and the external form of the phrase. 
 This done, a comparison was made with phrases or expres- 
 sions of like form in simple case constructions of the same 
 or nearly similar meaning, to discover if possible any differ- 
 ences existing and the reason for the use of the preposition. 
 In all cases, whether there was a close parallel or not in the 
 case construction, an explanation was sought for the use 
 of the preposition. Generally speaking this was due to one 
 of two reasons ; either the meaning of the case construction 
 was so well understood that it was but a step to shift the 
 duty of expressing the relation from the various elements 
 performing that function to a single word admirably adapted 
 for the purpose because of its meaning with words of space, 
 whether it did or did not govern the case in which the 
 temporal word or phrase was regularly used to express the 
 given relation ; or the preposition was necessary because 
 there was nothing in the temporal noun itself or the context 
 able to express the thought. 
 
 By way of conclusion the following observations were 
 made. 
 
 First with regard to the use of the case constructions in 
 comparison with those prepositional phrases found to be 
 practically equivalent to them, it may be said that in general 
 all the three temporal relations attached to the genitive, 
 dative and accusative cases respectively are expressed more 
 often by the case construction than by the various corre- 
 sponding prepositional phrases. A rough comparison of the 
 number of times the accusative is used to express extent of 
 time with that of the equivalent prepositional phrases shows 
 that the former is employed in 87 per cent, of the total 
 number, and at least 8 per cent, of the prepositional phrases 
 have €7rt, which of all the prepositions is best suited for 
 
— 140 — 
 
 the purpose. The dative comes next, being employed 78 
 per cent, of the number of times in which the temporal rela- 
 tion is that of the time at which something occurs; yet if 
 X/owos, which is seldom found without a preposition, were 
 eliminated, the percentage would be raised to 85 per cent. 
 The genitive is last of all, with but 62 per cent, of the total 
 number in which the relation is that of the time within which 
 something falls. But if the simple genitive phrases contain- 
 ing a word of measure as a modifier of the noun be placed 
 over against the similar phrases with a preposition, it is 
 found that the latter are employed more than twice as often 
 as the former. On the other hand, the simple genitive of 
 the noun modified by the article has been preferred nearly 
 eight times, and the simple genitive of the noun, unmodified, 
 more than three times as often as an equivalent prepositional 
 phrase. 
 
 Thus we see that the percentages for the accusative and 
 dative are large and practically the same for both, especially 
 if xp^voi be eliminated from the calculations for the dative. 
 This is as it should be ; for with the accusative by far the 
 larger number of instances have some word of measure 
 expressed or implied, which with the assistance given by 
 the verb makes a preposition unnecessary ; and the same is 
 true of the dative, with which the demonstrative modifying 
 word plays the part which the word of measure and the 
 verb of continuance do with the accusative. That the geni- 
 tive has the smallest percentage of the three is not sur- 
 prising, if we take into consideration the fact that when 
 the noun is modified by a word of measure the prepositional 
 phrase is the predominating mode of expression. That the 
 prepositional phrase was partially successful in supplanting 
 the case construction was probably due to the fact that such 
 a conception as "within so many days" often came in con- 
 nection with verbs having an element of duration, so that, 
 if the genitive construction should be employed, there might 
 be some confusion with the relation of extent of time, and 
 besides, the preposition, cv, was ready to assist in the 
 
—141— 
 
 transfer by being admirably adapted for expressing the 
 relation. And further, the prevalence of the simple genitive, 
 modified by the article or unmodified, as compared with an 
 equivalent prepositional phrase, was due to the entire ade- 
 quacy of the elements inherent in the words themselves to 
 indicate loosely the time to which some act belonged. 
 
 Finally, it was observed that here and there were certain 
 prepositional phrases that had almost entirely, or at least 
 in part, taken the place of the case constructions, iv with 
 a noun modified by a word of measure, just mentioned 
 above, is a case in point. Right in line with such phrases 
 is the apparently exclusive use of iv followed by a plural 
 noun modified by a word of demonstrative nature instead 
 of a simple genitive plural. Still another is the phrase with 
 CIS governing a noun limited by an adjective referring to 
 the future, which seems to have displaced a simple dative 
 when it would depend on a verb referring to the future. 
 For Thucydides there was noted the prevalence of Kara 
 "distributive" over the simple genitive phrase with the 
 distributive adjective, which was the customary mode of 
 expression with Herodotus. And again in Thucydides the 
 phrases, a/M (rrj) Iw and a/ta tw 5pi, for which the genitive 
 might have been used, though with a looser designation of 
 the time, are regularly employed. The unassisted case con- 
 struction is never found with the first noun in that writer, 
 and but once with the second. 
 
 Of 
 
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