AN N t X 
 
 o 
 
 022 
 
 740 
 
 TULLI CICERONIS 
 
 PRO 
 
 CORNELIO SULL. 
 
 ORATIO AD IUDICES. 
 
 BY CHARLES H. CROSSE, M.A. & M.L. 
 
 ( Gonville and Gaius College, Cambridge,) 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : J. HALL AND SON ; 
 
 LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & Co.; HAMILTON, 
 
 ADAMS & Co. 
 
 1882.
 
 M. TULLI CICERONIS 
 
 PRO 
 
 P. CORNELIO SULLA 
 
 ORATIO AD IUDICES. 
 
 LITERALLY TRANSLATED. 
 
 BY CHARLES H. CROSSE, M.A. & M.L. 
 
 ( ' Gon-ville aitd Gaius College, Cambridge,) 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : J. HALL AND SON ; 
 
 LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & Co.; HAMILTON, 
 
 ADAMS & Co. 
 
 1882.
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SULLA had been elected consul with 
 Publius Autronius Paetus, for B.C. 65, but was impeached for 
 bribery (ambitus), convicted and deprived of his office. T. Manlius 
 Torquatus (son of one of the unsuccessful candidates, who 
 became a consul on Sulla's deprivation) was then, as now B.C. 
 62., probably in July, the prosecutor. In the trial before us 
 Sulla was impeached under the lex Plautia de vi on the charge 
 of being implicated in both of the conspiracies of Cataline. 
 Autronius, who was also accused, endeavoured to retain Cicero 
 for his defence, but Cicero refused to appear for him and 
 even gave evidence against him. But from Sulla Cicero 
 had borrowed 2,000,000 sesterces, and he wished moreover 
 to lay him and his powerful friends under an obligation. 
 Torquatus in his speech for the prosecution had attacked 
 Cicero himself, and endeavoured to damage him with the 
 court by saying that he had taken upon himself the kingly 
 power of acquitting or condemning according to his own will : 
 and calling him the third foreign king that had reigned in 
 Rome, the two former being Numa and Tarquin. This 
 attack seems not to have lessened the friendship between 
 Cicero and Torquatus. Cicero is defending himself almost as 
 much as Sulla. His was the last speech for the defence. 
 Sulla was acquitted.
 
 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 FOR 
 
 PUBLIUS SULLA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1. I SHOULD have been especially glad, Judges, (toJfind) 
 that P. Sulla had been able formerly to retain the splendour 
 of his dignified office, and, after the calamity which befel him, 
 to derive some reward from his moderation. But since 
 unfriendly fortune has so brought it to pass, that, avp.n attl^g 
 
 time of his greatest honour, he should be upset both by the 
 ^*"""""""""""~ i ^^'"^"'"'"" gi T*"* Tr****^ 
 
 envy which commonly follows ambition, and by the singular 
 
 hatred for Autronius, and that, in these sad and deplorable re- 
 mains of his former fortune, he still should have some (enemies) 
 whose feelings he could not appease even by his own punish- 
 ment ; although from his distresses I receive great vexation in 
 my mind, yet in his other misfortunes I can easily endure that 
 an opportunity should be offered to me, whereby good men 
 should recognise my lenity and merciful disposition, known 
 formerly to all, (but) of late as it were interrupted, 
 
 wicked and abandoned citizens, defeated and vanquished, 
 should confess that when the republic was in danger I was 
 energetic and brave, now that it is saved I am lenient and 
 merciful. 
 
 2. And since L. Torquatus, my intimate and friend, O 
 judges, has thought that if in his accusation he had violated our 
 friendship and intimacy, he might detract somewhat from the 
 
 A
 
 2 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 authority of my defence, I will unite a defence, of my own 
 duty with the warding off danger from my client (hujus). That 
 sort of speech indeed I would not employ, Judges, at this 
 time, if my own interest alone were concerned ; for in many 
 places the opportunity has been given me and often will be 
 given' of speaking of my own credit : but as he, (lias 
 
 Jbhought) that the more he detracted from my authority the 
 more he would be likely to diminish my client's means of 
 protection, go I think this, that if I shall recommend to you 
 the principles of my conduct and my perseverance in this duty 
 and defence, I shall recommend also the cause of P. Sulla. 
 
 3. Aftd in the first place, L. Torquatus, I ask this from 
 you why you should separate me from the other very illustrious 
 men and leaders of this city in the matter of this duty and in 
 the right of defence ? For what is the reason why the act of 
 Q. Hortensius, a most illustrious and most accomplished man, 
 is not blamed by you, (whereas) mine is blamed ? For if a 
 plan of firing the city, of extinguishing the empire, of destroy- 
 ing the state was entertained by P. Sulla, ought not these 
 things to cause greater indignation and greater hatred in me 
 than in Q. Hortensius, in short, ought not my opinion to be 
 more strict as to who should be assisted in these causes, who 
 
 < should be opposed, who defended, who abandoned? "Certainly," 
 he says, " for you have investigated, you have laid open the 
 conspiracy." 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 4. AND when he says this, he does not perceive that ho 
 who laid it open took care of this, that all should see, that which 
 before had been hidden. Wherefore that conspiracy, if it has 
 been laid open by me, is just as evident to Hortensius as to 
 me. And when you see that he, a man endowed with such 
 rank, authority, virtue, wisdom, has not hesitated to defend
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 3 
 
 tin's innocent P. Sulla, I ask why the access to the cause which 
 was open to Hortensius ought to be closed against me. I ask 
 this also, if you think that I ought to be blamed who defend 
 him, what I pray do you think of these most exalted and most 
 illustrious citizens, by whose zeal and dignity you perceive that 
 this trial is attended, this cause is adorned, my client's (hujus) 
 innocence is defended 1 For that is not the only method of 
 defence which consists in making a speech : all who are 
 present, who are anxious (about him) who wish him safe, 
 defend (him) as far as their opportunity and authority allow. 
 5. Ought I indeed to be unwilling to appear on these bench- 
 es on which I see these ornaments and lights of the republic, I 
 who have mounted into their rank and into this most exalted 
 position of dignity and horiour by my own many and great 
 labours and dangers ? And that you may understand, Torqua- 
 tus, whom you are accusing, if perchance this offends you, that I, 
 who in this kind of enquiry have defended no-one, do not 
 abandon P. Sulla, call to mind also the other men whom you 
 see present in this man's favour : you will understand that 
 concerning this man and concerning others my opinion and 
 theirs has been one and the same. 
 
 6. Who of us countenanced Varguntius ? No one, not even 
 this Hortensius, he especially who alone had defended him 
 formerly on a charge of corruption. For he did not think 
 that he was connected with him by any tie of duty, when he, 
 by the commission of so great wickedness, had broken asunder 
 the tie of all duties whatever. Who of us thought Servius 
 Sulla, who thought Publius, who thought M. Laeca, who 
 thought C. Cornelius fit to be defended 1 Who of these 
 countenanced them ? No-one. Why so ? Because in other 
 causes good men think that they ought not to desert 
 even the guilty, if they are intimate friends : but in this 
 prosecution there is not only the fault of lightmindedness, but 
 also a certain infection of wickednessf if you should defend him 
 whom you suspect to be involved in (planning) the parricide 
 of his country.
 
 4 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 7. What? In the case of Autronius, did not his companions, 
 did not his colleagues, did not his former friends, in abundance 
 of whom he formally abounded, did not all these, who are 
 the chief men intne republic, desert him ? Yea .many of 
 them even damaged him by then 1 evidence. They had come to 
 the conclusion that it was so great an offence that it not only 
 ought not to be concealed byth^m, but even to be revealed 
 and elucidated. 
 
 CHAPTER IIL 
 
 WHEREFORE what reason is there why you should wonder, 
 if you see me giving countenance in this cause, with 
 those same men with whom you know that I joined in dis- 
 countenancing the other causes ? Unless indeed you wish me 
 alone beyond other men to be considered fierce, harsh, 
 inhuman, endowed with extraordinary barbarity and cruelty. 
 
 8. If on account of my exploits you fix this character on 
 me throughout my whole life, Torquatus, you are greatly mis- 
 taken. Nature willed me to be merciful, my country (made me) 
 severe, but neither my country nor nature has willed me to be 
 cruel. Lastly, that same vehement and fierce character which 
 at that time the occasion and the republic imposed upon me, 
 my inclination and nature itself has now taken away. For 
 the former required severity for a short time, the latter during 
 my whole life has required clemency and lenity. 
 
 9. Wherefore there is no reason why you should separate 
 me from so numerous a company of most honourable men : duty_ 
 is plain, and the cause of all good men is the same. There will 
 be no reason why you should wonder hereafter, if you shall see 
 me on the same side on which you observe these men. For 
 there is no jide in the republic (which is) ray peculiar 
 (property) : the time for acting did belong more peculiarly to 
 me than to others, but that cause for indignation and fear and
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 5 
 
 danger was a common one : for I could not at that time have 
 been the first (to provide) for the safety (of the state), if 
 others had been unwilling to be (my) companions. Where- 
 fore it is necessary that that which was peculiar to me as 
 consul above others, should be common to me now as a 
 private person with the rest. Nor do I say this for the sake 
 of causing them to participate in my unpopularity, but (for 
 the sake) of causing them to share in my praise : I give a 
 share of my burden to no one, but (a share) of my glory to 
 all good men. 
 
 10. "You gave testimony against Autronius," says he, "you 
 are defending Sulla." This entirely tends to prove, judges, 
 that if I am inconstant and fickle-minded, it will not be fitting 
 that credit should be paid to my testimony, nor authority to 
 my defence : but if there is in me a regard for the republic, 
 a scrupulous consideration for my private duty, a desire to 
 retain the good will of good men, then (there is) nothing 
 (which) an accuser ought to say less than that Sulla is defend- 
 ed by me, and that Autronius -was injured by my testimony. 
 For I seem now to bring (with me) not only zeal in defending 
 causes, but also somewhat of opinion and authority : which I 
 shall use moderately, judges^ and I would not have used 
 at all, if he had not compelled me. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 11. Two conspiracies are put forward by you, Torqua- 
 tus ; one which is said to have been formed when Lepidus and 
 Volcatius were consuls, your own father being consul elect ; 
 the other that which (was formed) when I was consul : in 
 both of these you say Sulla was implicated. You know that 
 I was not acquainted with the counsels of your father, a 
 most brave man, and a most excellent consul : you know,
 
 CICERO'S ORATIONS 
 
 between you and me there was the greatest intimacy, 
 yet that I was not privy to what happened or what was said : 
 I suppose because I was not yet thoroughly versed in the 
 affairs of the state, because I had not yet arrived at the goal 
 of honour proposed to myself, because ambition and forensic 
 labour was separating me from all deliberations of that 
 kind. 
 
 12. Who then was present at your counsels? All these men 
 whom you see to be giving countenance to this man (Sulla), 
 aud especially Q. Hortensius : who, both because of his 
 honour and worth, and excellent disposition towards the 
 republic, and because of his excessive intimacy with an 
 excessive love towards your father, was moved both by 
 the common (dangers) and by the special perils of your 
 father. Therefore the charge of (being implicated in) that 
 conspiracy was warded off by that man who was present 
 at, who was cognizant of, who was a sharer in all your designs 
 and fears : whose speech, most elegant and most eloquent as 
 it was in repelling this accusation, yet had in it no less 
 authority than ability. Of that conspiracy therefore, which 
 is said to have been formed against you, reported to you, 
 revealed by you, I was not able to be a witness : I not only 
 found out nothing in my own mind, but scarcely did any 
 report of that suspicion reach to my ears. 
 
 13. Those who were in your counsel, who were cognizant 
 with you of these things, who themselves were thought at 
 that time to be migted up in the danger, who did not coun- 
 tenance Autronius, who gave important evidence against him, 
 (these) are defending my client (Sulla), are countenancing 
 him, (and) in this (time of) his danger they declare that they 
 were deterred from countenancing the others, not by the 
 charge of conspiracy, but by the guilt of the men. But the 
 time of my consulship and the charge of the greatest con- 
 spiracy shall be defended by me. And this partition (of the 
 cause) between us has not been made at random, judges, 
 nor rashly, but since we saw that we were employed as ad-
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 7 
 
 vocates in those charges in which we might have been 
 witnesses, each of us thought that (part of the case) ought to 
 be undertaken by him, concerning which he himself had been 
 able to acquire some knowledge and to form an opinion. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 14. AND since you have attentively listened to Hortensius 
 concerning the charges of the former conspiracy, with refer- 
 ence to this conspiracy, which was formed when I was consul, 
 attend first to this statement. 
 
 When I was consul I heard many things concerning the 
 extreme perils of the republic, I made enquiries, I gained 
 much information : with reference to Sulla no messenger, 
 no information, no letters, no suspicion ever reached me. 
 Perhaps this assertion ought to have great weight, (as 
 being the assertion) of that man who, as consul, had inves- 
 tigated the plots against the republic with wisdom, had 
 revealed them with sincerity, had punished them with 
 greatness of mind, (especially) when he says that he heard 
 nothing against P. Sulla, never entertained any suspicion. 
 But I do not yet employ this assertion for defending him : 
 I shall use it rather to clear myself, that Torquatus may 
 cease to wonder that I, who did not countenance Autronius, 
 am defending Sulla. 
 
 15. For what was the cause of Autronius? What is 
 that of Sulla ? The former (Autronius), attempted to get rid 
 of and disturb ajgrp^gutio^ for bribery in the first place by 
 raising a tumult of gladiators and fugitive slaves, and, in the 
 second place, as we all saw, by stoning (people) and by 
 (collecting) a mob : Sulla, if his own modesty and dignity 
 could not avail him, sought no (other) assistance. The former 
 (Autronius), when convicted so behaved bimself, not only in
 
 8 CICERO'S ORATIONS 
 
 his plans and conversations, but even in look and countenance, 
 as to appear an enemy to the most honourable orders, hostile 
 to all good men, an enemy to his country : the latter, (Sulla), 
 considered himself so broken and bowed down by that 
 calamity, that he thought that nothing of his former dignity 
 remained to him, except what he had retained by modera- 
 tion. 
 
 16. Moreover in this conspiracy, what so united as 
 Autronius (ilk) with Cataline, with Lentulus ? What partner- 
 ship (was there ever) between any men for good purposes, so 
 intimate as his with them (for purposes) of wickedness, lust, 
 audacity 1 What crime did not Lentulus plot with Autronius 1 
 What wickedness did Cataline commit without him 1 While in 
 the meantime Sulla not only did not seek (the concealment of) 
 night and solitude with those same men, but was not even 
 mixed up with them in ordinary conversation or conference. 
 
 17. The Allobroges, the truest informers on most im- 
 portant matters, accused him, the letters and messengers of 
 many men accused him : Meanwhile no one accused Sulla, 
 no one mentioned his name. Lastly, when Cataline had been 
 driven out or sent out now from the % city, Autronius 
 (ille) sent (him) arms, trumpets, bugles, fasces, standards, 
 Autronius (ille) left within (the city), expected out of it, 
 checked by the punishment of Lentulus, turned himself some- 
 times to (feelings of fear), never to discretion : Sulla (hie), 
 on the other hand, was so quiet, that during all that time he 
 was at Naples, where it is not supposed that there were (any) 
 men implicated in this suspicion, and the place itself is not so 
 calculated to inflame the feelings of those distressed, as to 
 console them. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 18. ON account therefore of this so great dissimilarity be- 
 tween the men and the causes, I behaved in a different 
 manner to both. For Autronius came to me and kept
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 9 
 
 on coming often, with many tears beseeching me to defend him, 
 and used to remind me that he had been my school fellow in my 
 boyhood, my intimate friend in my youth, my colleague in 
 the qusestorship : he used to bring forward many kindnesses 
 of mine towards him, some also of his own towards me. By 
 which circumstances, judges, I was so swayed ^njnjuad, and 
 moved, that I banished from my memory all the plots which 
 he had laid against me myself, that I forgot that lately 
 C. Cornelius had been sent by him to kill me in my own 
 house, in sight of my wife and children. 
 
 19. And if he had meditated these things against 
 me alone, of such softness and lenity of disposition am I, 
 that never indeed could I have resisted his tears and prayers ; 
 but when (thoughts) of my country, of your danger, 
 of this city, of those shrines and temples, of infant children, 
 of matrons and virgins came into my mind, and when those 
 hostile and deadly torches, and the whole conflagration of 
 the entire city, when the weapons, the slaughter and blood of 
 the citizens, when the ashes of my country began to present 
 themselves before my eyes and to excite my mind by the 
 recollection (of them), then at last I resisted him, and not 
 only (did I resist) that enemy and parricide himself, but also 
 his relations, the Marcelli, father and son, of whom the one 
 possessed with me the weight of a parent, the other the 
 affection of a son : and I thought that I could not, without 
 the greatest wickedness, defend in their companion the same 
 crime which I had punished in others, (especially) when I 
 knew (that he was guilty of it). 
 
 20. And I the same person could not endure (to see) 
 P. Sulla (coming as) a suppliant, nor to behold those same 
 Marcelli weeping at his danger, nor could I resist the en- 
 treaties of this M. Messula here, a man with whom I am very 
 intimate : for neither was the cause opposed to nature, nor 
 was the man or the fact repugnant to my (feeling of) pity.
 
 io CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 His name had never been (mentioned) there was no trace 
 (of him in the conspiracy), no charge, no information, no 
 suspicion against him. I undertook his cause, Torquatus, 
 I undertook it, and I did so willingly, in order that while 
 good men, as I hope, had always thought me firm, not even 
 bad men should call me cruel. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 21. THIS Torquatus here says that he, judges, cannot 
 endure my kingly power. What kingly power, I pray, 
 Torquatus ? (That) of my consulship, I suppose (you mean) : 
 in which I did not command at all, and on the contrary 
 obeyed the conscript fathers and all good men : in which 
 magistracy kingly power was not established by me fgrsgojbh, 
 but put down. Or do you say that then, in (the exercise of) 
 so great authority and power, I was not a king, but now, 
 (when only) a private person, I possess kingly power ? On 
 what grounds, I pray (do you say so) 1 Because those against 
 whom you gave testimony, says he, have been condemned, 
 the man whom you are defending hopes that he shall be 
 acquitted. Here I make you this reply concerning my 
 evidence : if I gave false evidence, you also gave evidence 
 against the same persons : but (if I gave) true evidence, (then 
 I say) that this does not constitute Idngly power, (namely) 
 to convince (the judges), when on oath you gave true evidence. 
 
 22. Concerning my clients hope, this only I say, that P. 
 Sulla expects no assistance from me, no influence, nothing in 
 short except sincerity of defence. " But unless you," says he, 
 " had undertaken his cause, he would never have resisted me, 
 " but would have with his cause unheard fled." If now I should 
 grant you this, that Q. Hortensius, a man of such importance, if,
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. n 
 
 that these so great men, do not rely on their own judgment but 
 on mine : if I should grant this to you, which cannot be credited, 
 that unless I had countenanced this man (Sulla) these would 
 not countenance him, which I pray is the king, he whom 
 innocent men cannot resist, or he who does not abandon 
 men in misfortune 1 But here also, a thing which was least 
 necessary for you, you chose to be facetious, when you called 
 me Tarquin and Numa, and said that I was the third foreign 
 king (of Eome). I pass over now any enquiry, as to the 
 word king, this I enquire, why you called me a foreigner. 
 For if I am such, it is not so much to be wondered at that 
 I am a king, since, as you say, even foreigners have been 
 kings at Rome, as that a foreigner should have been a consul 
 at Rome. 
 
 23. "I mean this," says he, "that you are from a 
 municipal town." I confess it, and I add also (that I come) 
 from that municipal town, whence repeatedly already safety 
 to this city and empire has proceeded. But T should much 
 like to know from you why those who come from municipal 
 towns appear to you to be foreigners. No one ever made 
 that objection to M. Cato the elder, though he had many 
 enemies ; no one (made it) to Ti. Coruncanius, no one (made 
 it) to M. Curius, no one (made it) to this celebrated C. Marius 
 of ours, though many envied him. Indeed I am greatly 
 delighted that I am such a man, on whom you, when you, 
 desired it, were able to cast no reproach, which did not 
 apply to the greatest part of the citizens. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Bur yet, on the greatjjjretext of our intimacy, I think 
 you ought to be reminded {of this) again and again. All 
 cannot bo patricians : if you seek (to know) the truth, they
 
 12 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 do not even care (to be) : nor do those of your own age think 
 that on that account you ought to have precedence. 
 
 24. And if to you we seem to be foreigners, whose 
 name and honour already has become familiar both to this 
 city and to the talk and conversation of men, how necessary 
 will it be for those competitors of yours to seem to be 
 foreigners, who, chosen now from all Italy, are contending 
 with you for honour and every dignity : but do you beware 
 of calling anyone 6T these a foreigner, lest you should be over- 
 whelmed by the votes of the foreigners. For if they bring 
 their activity and perseverance (into play), believe me, they 
 will shake out of you that wordy boasting, and will often rouse 
 you from sleep, and will not suffer themselves to be surpassed 
 by you in honour^ unless they are excelled in virtue. 
 
 25. But if , judges, it is fitting for me and you to be 
 thought foreigners, by other patricians, yet by Torquatus nothing 
 ought to be said about this defeat. For he himself is on his 
 mothers' side (a citizen) of a municipal (town), of a most honour- 
 able and noble family, but nevertheless an Asculanian. Either 
 therefore let him show that the Picentians alone are not 
 foreigners, or let him rejoice that I do not put my family 
 before his. Wherefore do not you hereafter call me a 
 foreigner, lest you should be more sternly refuted, nor a 
 king lest you be laughed at. Unless perchance it seems to 
 you to be the part of a king so to live, as not only not to be a 
 slave to any man, but not even to any passion, to despise all 
 lusts, to covet neither gold, nor silver, nor other things, 
 to form opinions in the senate freely, to consult more for the 
 interest of the people than for their inclination, to yield to 
 no-one, to oppose many. If you think this to be kingly, 
 I confess that I am a king : but if my power, if my sway, 
 if in short any arrogant or proud expression of mine moves 
 you, why do you not allege that, rather than the odium and 
 contumely of a mere word 1
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 13 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 26. IF, so many services having been done by me to the 
 republic, I were to ask no other reward for myself from the 
 Senate and people of Rome than honourable ease, who would 
 not grant it ? (If I were to ask that) they should keep for them- 
 selves (all) honours, commands, provinces, triumphs, and (all) 
 other insignia of eminent renown : (if only) it were allowed to 
 me to enjoy with tranquil and quiet mind a sight of that city 
 which I had saved (who would not grant it ?) What ? if I do 
 not ask this : (what) if that former industry of mine, my 
 anxiety, my services, my exertions, my vigilance is at the 
 command of my friends, is ready for all : if neither my friends 
 in the forum seek in vain for my zeal, nor the republic in the 
 senate house : if, not only the exemption earned by my 
 (previous) achievements, but the excuse either of honour 
 (already gained) or of age, does not save me from toil : iITSfJP 
 good-will, my industry, my house, my disposition, my ears are 
 open to all : if no time is left me to remember and think over 
 those things indeed which I have done for the safety of all, 
 nevertheless shall this be called kingly power, (when) no one 
 can be found who would wish to act as my substitute in it ? 
 
 27. The suspicion of (aiming at) kingly power is far 
 removed from me. If you ask who have endeavoured at Rome 
 to seize on kingly power, that you may not unfold the records 
 of the (public) annals, you may find them among the images in 
 your house. For my achievements, I suppose, have too much 
 elated me, and have brought to me I know not how much pride. 
 Concerning which things, so illustrious, so immortal, judges, 
 I can say this, that I, who from the most extreme dangers have 
 saved this city, and the lives of all the citizens, shall have 
 gained sufficient reward, if, out of this so great service towards 
 all men, no danger shall have arisen to myself.
 
 i 4 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 28. For I remember in what state I have done such 
 great exploits, I understand in what city I am living. The 
 forum is full of those men, whom I have driven away from 
 your necks, judges, (but) have not removed from my own. 
 Unless indeed you think that they were few in number who 
 were able to attempt or to- hope that they might destroy so 
 vast an empine. I was able to take away their torches from 
 their hands, and to wrest away their swords, as I did, but 
 their wicked and impious inclinations I was able neither to 
 cure nor to eradicate. Wherefore I am not ignorant in how 
 great danger I am living among so vast a multitude of wicked 
 men, since I see that by me alone an eternal war has been 
 undertaken against all wicked men. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 29. Bur if perchance you envy those my means of 
 protection, and if they seem to you to be of a kingly nature 
 (namely the fact) that all good men of all classes and ranks 
 join their own safety with mine, (it behoves you) to console 
 yourself (with the fact) that the minds of alf wicked men 
 are especially hostile and opposed to me alone : and these 
 hate me, not alone on this account, because I repressed their 
 impious attempts and wicked fury, but on this account even 
 more, because they think that they are able to attempt 
 nothing now of the same sort, while I am alive. 
 
 30. But indeed why should I wonder, if anything is 
 said wickedly about me by wicked men, when L. Torquatus 
 himself after having in the first place laid such foundations of 
 his youth, and having set before himself such hope of the 
 most honourable dignity, and in the second place being the 
 son of L. Torquatus, a most brave consul, a most virtuous 
 senator, and always a most excellent citizen sometimes is
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 15 
 
 carried away by impetuosity of language 1 For when he had 
 spoken in suppressed voice of the wickedness of P. Lentulus, 
 and of the audacity of all the conspirators, so that you only, 
 who approve of those things, could thoroughly hear (what he 
 was saying), spoke in a loud and querulous voice of the 
 punishment of P. Lentulus and of the prison. 
 
 31. In which, first of all, this was absurd, that when 
 he wished to gain your approval of those things which he had 
 said inconsiderately, but did not wish those to hear them, 
 who were standing around the tribunal, he did not perceive 
 that you also who did not approve would hear those things 
 which he was speaking loudly so that those should hear for 
 whom he was prostituting himself : and in the second place 
 another defect of an orator (is) not to see what each cause 
 requires. For nothing is so unfavourable for him who is 
 accusing another of conspiracy, as to appear to grieve for the 
 punishment and death of conspirators. When that tribune 
 of the people does . it, who seems to be the only one of them 
 left to bewail the conspirators, it is a matter of wonder to no 
 one : for it is difficult to be silent when you are grieving : 
 but I greatly wonder at you, if you do anything of that sort, 
 not only (because you are) such a young man, but (because 
 you do this) in that cause in which you wish yourself to 
 be a punisher of conspiracy. 
 
 32. But I blame this most, that you, endowed with such 
 ability and prudence, do not maintain the cause of the 
 republic, (but are one) who believes . that those actions are 
 not appro ved*"Uf ' Ly the Roman people, which, when I was 
 consul, all good men did for the common safety. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Do you believe that anyone of those who are present, 
 into whose favour you were seeking to insinuate yourself
 
 1 6 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 against their own will, was either so wicked as to wish all 
 these things to perish, or so miserable as to wish to perish 
 himself, and to have nothing which he should wish to be 
 preserved ? Or indeed does anyone blame that most illustrious 
 man of your family and name, who deprived his own son 
 of life that he might strengthen his power over others 1 do 
 you (then) blame the republic, which destroyed domestic 
 enemies lest it should itself be destroyed by them ? 
 
 33. Therefore notice, Torquatus, how I withdraw 
 from the responsibility of my consulship. With my loudest 
 voice, so that all may be able to hear, I speak and always 
 will speak ; be present all (of you) with (your) minds, who 
 are present with (your) bodies, in whose numerous attendance 
 I greatly rejoice : prick up your minds and your ears and 
 listen to me speaking on unpopular topics, as he thinks ! I, 
 as consul, when an army of abandoned citizens, excited by 
 clandestine wickedness, had prepared a most cruel and miser- 
 able destruction for (my) country, when, for the fall and 
 ruin of the republic, Cataline (had been appointed leader) in 
 the camp, and Lentulus had been appointed leader among 
 these temples and houses, by my plans, by my labours, at the 
 risk of my own life, without a tumult, without a levy, without 
 arms, without an army, having seized five men and executed 
 them, I freed the city from conflagration, the citizens from 
 massacre, Italy from devastation, the republic from destruc- 
 tion : I ransomed the life of all the citizens, the security of 
 the whole world, this city in short, the home of us all 
 the citadel of foreign kings and nations, the light of nations, 
 the abode of empire, by the punishment of five mad and 
 abandoned men. 
 
 34. Or did you think that I would not say this unsworn 
 in a court of justice, which, when on oath, I had said in a 
 most numerous assembly ?
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 AND this also I will add, lest perchance any wicked man 
 should begin suddenly to become attached to you, Torquatus, 
 or to hope anything from you, and, that all may thoroughly 
 hear it, I will say it with a very loud voice : of all these 
 things, which I, in my consulship, for the safety of the 
 republic, undertook and carried on, that very L. Torquatus, 
 when he was my comrade in the consulship, and also had 
 been in the prsetorship, stood forth as my adviser, assistant 
 and partner, when he was (also) the chief, and the leadej^ 
 and the standard-bearer of the (Roman) youth : and his father, 
 a man most devoted to his country, (a man) of the greatest 
 courage, of the most consummate ability, and of con- 
 spicuous firmness, though he was ill, yet was present at 
 all those actions : he never departed from me : by his zeal, 
 advice, authority, he alone assisted me very much, since he 
 overcame the infirmity of his body by the vigour of his mind. 
 
 35. Do not you see how I deliver you from the sudden 
 favour of the wicked and reconcile you to all good men 1 who 
 both love you and cherish you and will cherish you always, 
 nor if perchance you""sBall have withdrawn from me, on that 
 account will they suffer you to abandon them and the republic 
 and your own dignity. 
 
 But now I return to the cause, and I call you to bear 
 witness to this, judges ; that a certain necessity has been 
 imposed on me by him of speaking of myself so much. For 
 if Torquatus had accused Sulla alone, I indeed at this 
 time should have done nothing else but defend him 
 who had been accused, but when he, in his whole speech, 
 had inveighed against me, and when as I said at the 
 beginning he had tried to deprive my defence of its authority, 
 even if my indignation had not compelled me to answer, 
 yet the cause itself would have required this speech from 
 me.
 
 1 8 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 36. You say that Sulla was named by / Allobroges. 
 Who denies it 7 But read the indictment and see how he 
 was named. They said that L. Cassius asserted that, together 
 with others, Autronius acted with him. I ask, did Cassius 
 say that Sulla (acted with him) ? Never. They say that 
 they themselves enquired of Cassius what opinions Sulla held. 
 Observe the dj^igence of the Gauls : who did not know the 
 (previous) life and character of the man and had only heard 
 that they were in the same calamity, (but) asked whether 
 they were of the same inclination ? What then as to Cassius 1 
 If he had answered that Sulla did hold the same sentiments 
 and acted with him, yet it would not seem to me that this 
 ought to be made a matter of accusation against him. Why 
 so 1 Because, (in the case of one) who was instigating the 
 barbarians to war, it was no business of his to weaken their 
 suspicion, and to acquit those men of whom they seemed to 
 entertain some suspicions. 
 
 37. But he did not reply however that Sulla acted with 
 him. Moreover, it would have been absurd, when he had 
 named others of his own accord, to make no mention of 
 Sulla until admonished and asked : unless perchance it is 
 likely that the name of P. Sulla did not come into the 
 memory of Cassius. If the high rank of the man, if his 
 unfortunate condition, if the relics of his former dignity had 
 not been so notorious, yet the mention of Autronius must 
 have brought back the recollection of Sulla ; moreover, as I 
 think, when Cassius was enumerating the authority of the 
 chiefs of the conspiracy for the purpose of stirring up the 
 minds of the Allobroges, and when he knew that foreign 
 nations are especially moved by high rank, he would not 
 have named Autronius before Sulla. 
 
 38. Now indeed this can by no means be pj^ffijd, that 
 the Gauls, when Autronius was named, thought that on
 
 FOE PUBLIUS SULLA. J9 
 
 account of the similarity of their misfortune they ought to 
 enquire anything about Sulla, (yet that), if he (Sulla) was 
 implicated in the same wickedness, not even when he 
 (Cassius) had mentioned Autronius, could (the name of Sulla) 
 occur to the mind of Cassius. But however, what did 
 Cassius answer about Sulla? That he knew nothing for 
 certain. " He does not acquit him," says (Torquatus). I 
 have said before : not even if he had accused him indeed then 
 at length, when he had beed interrogated, does that seem 
 to me a (fair) matter of accusation (against Sulla). 
 
 39. But I think that in investigations and examinations 
 not this should be enquired, whether anyone is exculpated, 
 but whether he is inculpated. For when Cassius says that he 
 does not know, does he support Sulla, or clearly prove that 
 he does not know 1 "He supports him with the Gauls." Why 
 so ? That they may not indict him ? What 1 if he had thought 
 that there was lfc& danger, lest they should ever indict him, 
 would he himself have made that confession about himself? "He 
 did not know forsooth." I suppose that Cassius was kept in 
 the dark about SuITa only : for about others he had certain 
 knowledge : for it is clearly proved that most (of the con- 
 spiracy) was hatched at his house. He who was unwilling to 
 deny that Sulla was in that number (of conspirators), but did 
 not dare to say what was false, said that he did not know. 
 And this is clear, that when he, who knew (the truth) about 
 all, said that he did not know about Sulla, the weight of 
 this denial is the same, as if he had said that he knew that 
 he (Sulla) had nothing to do with the conspiracy. For when 
 anyone's knowledge of all (the conspirators) is clearly proved 
 to have existed, his ignorance of anyone ought to be con- 
 sidered an acquittal. But I am not now enquiring whether 
 Cassius -acquits Sulla : this is quite sufficient for me, that 
 there is nothing in the indictment against Sulla.
 
 20 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 40. BEING cut off from this (part of his) accusation 
 Torquatus again rushes upon me and accuses me : he says 
 that I have made an entry in the public registers different to 
 what was (really) spoken. immortal gods ! for I will pay 
 you that tribute which is yours, nor can I grant so much to 
 my own ability, as (to think) that I managed, of my own 
 power, affairs so many, so important, so various, so sudden, 
 during that most turbulent tempest of the republic, you in 
 truth then inflamed my mind with the desire of saving my 
 country : you turned me from all other thoughts to the one 
 (idea of the) safety of the republic : you in short in so great 
 darkness of error and ignorance held a most bright light 
 before my mind. 
 
 41. I saw this, judges, that unless, while the memory 
 of the senate was fresh, I bore evidence to the authority of 
 this information by public records, it would come to pass 
 that hereafter not Torquatus nor any one like Torquatus, 
 for that has greatly deceived me, but that some one, wrecked 
 of his patrimony, an enemy of tranquility, a foe to (all) good 
 men, should say that these things had been otherwise stated 
 in the indictment, in order that more easily, when some gale 
 had beeB~tfiiTed up against every good man, he might be 
 able, amid the misfortunes of the republic, to find some 
 harbour for his own misfortunes. Therefore, having intro- 
 duced into the senate informers, I appointed senators to write 
 down all the statements of the informers, the questions and 
 the answers. 
 
 42. But what men (were they) I not only (men) of the 
 highest virtue and good faith, of which sort there was in the 
 senate the greatest plenty, but also (men) whom I knew, from 
 their memory, their knowledge, their rapidity of writing, 
 could most easily follow everything that was said : (viz.)
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 21 
 
 C. Cosconius, who then was prsetor, M. Messala who then was 
 a candidate for the preetorship, P. Nigidius, App. Claudius. 
 I believe there is no one who thinks that these men were 
 deficient either in the good faith or talent (necessary) to give 
 an accurate report. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 WHAT next ? What did I do ? Singg, I knew that thus 
 the information would be entered in the public records, but 
 yet that those records would be kept in private custody, 
 according to the custom of our ancestors, I did not conceal 
 (the information), I did not keep it at home, but I ordered it 
 immediately to be copied by all the copyists, to be distributed 
 everywhere, and to be published and made known to the 
 Roman people. I distributed it all over Italy, I sent it into 
 all the provinces, I wished no one to be ignorant of that 
 information from which safety was procured for all. 
 
 43. Therefore I say, that there is no spot in the world 
 where the name of the Roman people is (known) where this 
 written information has not arrived. And in this so sudden 
 and brief and disturbed opportunity, I took many precautions 
 by divine providence, as I have said, not of my own accord : 
 (taking the precaution) in the first place, that no one should 
 be able to recollect of the danger to the republic or to any 
 individual only as much as he pleased : and in the second 
 place that no one could ever find fault with that information, 
 or accuse (us) of having rashly credited it : and lastly, that 
 no one should seek (to learn) anything now from me, or 
 anything from my notes, lest either my forgetfulness or 
 memory should seem too great, lest in short either my negli- 
 gence should be thought discreditable, or my diligence 
 cruel.
 
 22 
 
 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 44. But yet from you, Torquatus, I ask, smce your 
 enemy was mentioned in the information, .and a crowded 
 senate and the fresh memory (of all) is a witness, and my 
 clerks would have communicated the information to you, 
 my intimate friend and companion, if you had wished for it, 
 even before they had copied it, when you saw that they had 
 copied it incorrectly, why were you silent, why did you 
 permit it ? why did you not complain to me or to some 
 friend of mine ? or, since you so easily inveigh against your 
 friends, (why did you not) expostulate passionately or earnest- 
 ly ? Do you, when your voice was never heard, when, though 
 the information was read, copied, published, (yet) you were 
 quiet, you were silent, (do you I say) suddenly put^fljtt 
 so important a statement, and bring yourself into such a 
 position, that bufore you convict me of having tampered with 
 the information, you must confess that you are convicted of 
 the grossest negligence, on your own information ? 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 45. WAS the safety of anyone of such consequence 
 to me, that I should neglect my own ? (or that) I should 
 contaminate by any lie, the truth which had been laid open 
 by me ? in short that I would assist anyone, by whom I 
 thought that so cruel a plot had been laid against the republic, 
 and especially when I was consul 1 But if now I had forgotten 
 my own strictness and firmness, was I so mad, that, when 
 letters have been devised for the sake of posterity, in order 
 that they may be a protection against forgetfulness, I should 
 think that the fresh memory of the whole senate could be 
 overcome by my journal ? 
 
 46. I am bearing with you, Torquatus, now for a long 
 time, I am bearing with you, and sometimes I myself call
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 23 
 
 back and check my mind provoked to chastise your speech : I 
 make allowance somewhat for your irascibility, I grant (some- 
 thing) to your youth, I yield to our friendship, I have a regard 
 for your father. But unless you yourself place some restraint 
 on yourself, you will compel me to forget our friendship 
 (in order) to have regard for my own dignity. No one ever 
 touched me with the slightest suspicion, which I have not put 
 down and shattered. But I wish you to give credit to me in 
 this : I am not wont to answer those most willingly, whom I 
 think I can most easily overcome. 
 
 47. Do you, since you are by no means ignorant of my 
 manner of speaking, forbear to abuse this new lenity of mine ; 
 forbear to think that the strings of my eloquence are cu out, 
 because they are hidden ; forbear to think that it has been 
 altogether lost by me, if it has been at all relaxed and 
 withdrawn from you. In the first place (quum) these excuses 
 for your injurious conduct avail with me, your angry temper, 
 your age, our friendship, in the second place (turn) I do not 
 yet consider you to have sufficient power that I ought to strive 
 and argue with you. But if you were more strong through 
 experience and age, I should be the same as I am wont (to be) 
 when I have been provoked ; at present I shall so deal with 
 you that I shall seem rather to have re^ggyred an injury than to 
 have returned a favour. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 48. NOR indeed can I understand why you are angry with 
 me. If it is because I am defending a man whom you are 
 accusing, why should not I be angry with you for accusing a 
 man whom I am defending 1 " I am accusing my " enemy," 
 you say. " And I am defending my friend," (I reply). " But 
 you ought not to defend anyone on " a trial for conspiracy "
 
 24 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 (you say). Nay rather no-one ought more readily (to defend) 
 him. of whom he has never suspected anything, than he who 
 has entertained many suspicions about others. "Why did you 
 give testimony against others V Because I was compelled. 
 " Why were they convicted V Because (my evidence) was 
 believed. " It is a kingly conduct to speak against whomsoever 
 "you please and to defend whomsoever you please." Nay 
 rather it is slavish 'conduct not to speak against whomsoever 
 you please and not to defend whom you please. And if you 
 begin to consider whether it was more necessary for me to do 
 this or you to do that, you will perceive that you could more 
 honourably place a limit to your enmities than I could to my 
 humanity. 
 
 49. But in truth when the greatest honour of your 
 family was at stake, that is (to say) the consulship of your 
 father, that very wise man your father was not angry with his 
 most intimate friends, when they both defended and praised 
 Sulla. He was aware that this principle has been handed 
 down to us from our ancestors, that we should not be hindered 
 by our friendship for anyone from warding off dangers (from 
 others). But that contest was very far from being similar to 
 this trial : at that time, if P. Sulla could be crushed, the 
 the consulship would be procured for your father (vobis), as it 
 was procured : that was a contest for honour : you were crying 
 out that you were seeking to recover what had been snatched 
 away from you, in order that, having been defeated in the 
 Campus Martius, you might be successful in the forum : at 
 that time those who were contending against you for his 
 (Sulla's) safety, your greatest friends, with whom you were 
 not angry (on that account), were trying to snatch away the 
 consulship from you, were resisting your (acquisition of) 
 honour ; and they did this without violating your friendship, 
 their duty remaining intact, according to ancient precedent and 
 the principle of every good man.
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 25 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 50. Bur what honours of yours am I opposing ; or what 
 dignity of yours am I fighting against ? What is there which 
 you now can seek from this (proccedingl? Honour (has been 
 
 \i. *" \ 
 
 conferred) on your father/the insignia of honour have descend- 
 ed to you. You, adorned with his spoils, come to lacerate him 
 whom you have slain : I am defending and protecting him 
 who is lying (helpless) and stripped (of his armour). And 
 hereupon you both blame me, because I defend him, and are 
 angry. But I not only am not angry with you, but I do not 
 even find fault with your proceeding. For I suppose that you 
 have laid down for yourself what you think you ought to do, 
 and that you have been able to be a sufficiently capable judge 
 of your duty. 
 
 51. "But" (perhaps you say) "the son of C. Cornelius 
 " accuses him, and that ought to have the same weight as if 
 "the father had given information." wise father Cornelius, 
 who relinguished all the reward which is wont to be (given) 
 for an information, and whatever disgrace (there is) in a 
 confession, that he has incurred through the accusation of his 
 son ! But what is it, I pray, which Cornelius gives information 
 of through that boy 1 If something of old standing, unknown 
 to me, but communicated to Hortensius, 
 
 but if, as you say, (it has reference to) that attempt of 
 Autronius and Cataline, when, in the Campus Martius, at the 
 consular comitia which were held by me, they intended to 
 commit a massacre : (then I answer) we saw Autronius at that 
 time in the Campus Martius ; but why did I say we saw (him) ? 
 I myself saw him : for you at that time, O judges, had no 
 anxiety, no suspicions, I, protected by a firm guard of friends, 
 at that time checked the forces and attempt of Cataline and 
 Autronius. 
 
 52. Is there then anyone who says that at that time 
 
 D
 
 26 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 Sulla flgpijWL Yf.r> come) into the Campus Martius ? And yet, if 
 at that time he had united himself with Cataline in a bond of 
 wickedness, why did he withdraw from him 1 Why was he 
 not with Autronius? why in a similar case are not similar 
 proofs of criminality found ] But since Cornelius himself even 
 now hesitates about giving information, as you say, and forms 
 to this the shadowy information of his son, what I pray does 
 he say about that night, when, on an intimation given him by 
 Cataline, he came into the Scythe-maker's street, (inter falcarios), 
 to (the house of) M. Lseca, on that night which followed the 
 sixth of Novemb&r, when I was consul ? that night which of all 
 the periods of the conspiracy was the most terrible and most 
 bitter. Then the day of Cataline's leaving (the city), then the 
 terms of remaining for the rest, then the arrangement of 
 slaughter and conflagration throughout the city was settled: 
 then your father, Cornelius, a fact which at length after- 
 wards he confessed, demanded for himself that employment as 
 jus, duty, that he should go at early dawn to salute me "as 
 consul, and having been admitted both in accordance with my 
 custom and by the privilege of frendship he should kill me in 
 my bed. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 53. AT this thne, when the conspiracy was burning very 
 strongly, when Cataline was starting for the army, (and) 
 Lentulus was being left in the city, (when) Cassius was being 
 set over the conflagrations, Cethegus over the massacre, when 
 it was being assigned to Autronius to occupy Etruria, when all 
 things were being arranged, settled, prepared, where was Sulla, 
 Cornelius 1 ! Was he at Rome? Nay rather, he was far away. 
 Was he in those districts to which Cataline was betaking 
 himself ? (He was) even much further away : was he in the 
 Camertine district, or in the Picenian, or in the Gallic, into
 
 FOE PUBLIUS SULLA. 27 
 
 which regions a certain disease as it were of that frenzy had 
 chiefly spread 1 nothing (is) less (near) to the truth. For he 
 was, as I have already previously stated, at Naples : he was in 
 that part of Italy which was most free from that suspicion. 
 
 54. What then does he state in his information, or 
 what does either Cornelius himself allege, or you, who bring 
 these messages from him ? (He alleges) "that gladiators were 
 bought under some jyetgnffi of Faustus for slaughter and 
 tumult." Precisely so : the gladiators are mentioned, whom we 
 see by his fathers will he was bound to provide. (But you 
 will say) " a (whole) household (of slaves) was carried off, and 
 "if this had been left alone, another household might have 
 "discharged the duty of Faustus."- I wish indeed this same 
 household could satisfy, not only the envy of thoseunfajm^ 
 able, but the expectation of those favourable ! " He hurried 
 on desperately, when the time forTEeexCibition was far 
 off." As if indeed the time for giving the exhibition was not 
 drawing very near. "The household was obtained without 
 Faustus having any idea of it, when he neither knew of it, nor 
 wished it." 
 
 55. But there are letters of Faustus's, in which he with 
 entreaties makes request of P. Sulla to buy gladiators ; and to 
 buy these very ones, nor (were these letters) sent only to Sulla, 
 but to L. Csesar, Q. Pompeius, C. Memmius, by whose advice 
 the whole business was carried on. " But he was set over the 
 troop." Now if in obtaining the troop there is no suspicion, 
 who was set over them matters nothing, But still in reality 
 he only discharged the servile duty of providing them with 
 arms. ButTTie never was set over them, and that duty was 
 always discharged by Bellus, a freedman of Faustus. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 56. BUT Sittius Avas sent by him into further Spain, 
 to stir up that province. In the first place, judges,
 
 2 8 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 Sittius set out when L. Julius and C. Figulus were consuls, 
 sometime before this frenzy of Cataline's, and (before there 
 was any) suspicion of this conspiracy : in the second place 
 he set out not then for the first time, but after he had 
 been several years in the same places some time before for 
 the same purpose : and he set out not only with an object, 
 but even with a necessary object, having a large account 
 to settle with the king of Mauritania. But then, when he 
 was gone, as Sulla managed his affairs and carried them on, 
 very many and (some) most beautiful farms of P. Sittius were 
 sold, and (thus) Es^debts were paid ; so that the motive which 
 drove the rest to this wickedness, (namely) the desire of 
 retaining their possessions, this did not exist in (the case of) 
 Sittius, since his farms were diminished. 
 
 57. But now how incredible is this, how absurd, that a 
 man who wished to make a massacre at Rome, who wished to 
 burn this city, that he should send away from him his own 
 most intimate friend, and remove to the most distant 
 countries ! Whether (did he do so) in order that he might 
 effect more easily at Eome those things which he was attempt- 
 ing, if there were seditions in Spain ? But these very things 
 were done independently (per se) and without any connexion. 
 Did he then think that in (the midst of) affairs so important, 
 in plans so novel, so dangerous, so seditious, he ought to send 
 away a man thoroughly attached to himself, his own most 
 intimate friend, one thoroughly connected with him by duties, 
 intercourse, habit 1 It is not probable, that, the very man 
 whom in prosperity, whom in tranquility he had always had 
 with him, this same man, in adversity and in that tumult 
 which he himself had raised, he should send away from 
 him. 
 
 58. But (is) Sittius himself, for I must not desert the 
 cause of my old friend and host, (is he) such a man, or is 
 that family and school such, that this can be believed, that he 
 wished to make war on the Roman people ? (can we believe)
 
 FOE PUBLIUS SULLA. 29 
 
 that (he) whose father, when other borderers and neighbours 
 revolted (from us), behaved with singular duty and good 
 faith toward our republic, (that) he should think that a 
 nefarious war ought to be undertaken by him against his 
 country? (A man) whose debts we see, (0 judges), were 
 contracted, not through lust, but from a desire to extend his 
 business : who owed debts at Eome so .th^large sums of 
 money were due to him in the provinces and the kingdoms, 
 and when he applied for them he did not allow his agent 
 to be put to any difficulty through his absence ; but preferred 
 to sell all his possessions, and himself to be stripped of a most 
 beautiful patrimony, rather than that any delay should be 
 caused to any of his creditors. 
 
 59. Of which class (of men), judges, I never had any 
 fear, when I was living in that tempest of the republic. That 
 class of men was formidable and terrible, who clung to and 
 held their possessions with such affection, that you would say 
 that their limbs could more quickly be torn from them 
 and dragged away (than their property). Sittius never thought 
 that there was any relationship between him and his estates. 
 Therefore he cleared himself not only from the suspicion 
 of so great wickedness, but even from all talk of men, not by 
 arms but by his patrimony. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 60. Bur now, as to the objection he makes, that the 
 people of Pompeii were excited by Sulla to join that con- 
 spiracy and to this abominable wickedness, of what sort 
 that statement is I cannot understand. Do the people of 
 Pompeii appear to you to have joined the conspiracy ? Who 
 has ever said this 1 or what even slightest suspicion was there 
 of this fact ] " He separated them," he says, " from the
 
 30 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 settlers, in order that when this division and dissension was 
 made, he might be able to have the town in his power through 
 the people of Pompeii." In the first place, the whole dissen- 
 sion between the natives of Pompeii and the settlers was 
 referred to the patrons, since already it was of long standing 
 and had been agitated for many years : in the second place 
 the matter was investigated by the patrons in such a way, 
 that Sulla did not in any particular dissent from the opinions 
 of the others : lastly the settlers themselves so understand 
 (it), that the natives of Pompeii were not defended by Sulla 
 more than they themselves (were). 
 
 61. And this, judges, you may understand from this 
 numerous attendance of the settlers, most honourable men, 
 who are present, who are anxious : they desire that this man, 
 the patron, the defender, the guardian of that colony, if they 
 have not been able to hold him safe in every (sort of) good- 
 fortune, and in every honour, yet, in this present misfortune, 
 in which he lies attacked, he may be assisted and preserved 
 by you. The natives of Pompeii are here also with equal 
 eagerness, who are summone^Jjiy^ them (the prosecutors) also 
 on the charge : who have differed with the settlers about 
 walks and about their votes (only) to such an extent that 
 they (still) think the same about the common safety. 
 
 62. And this virtue indeed of P. Sulla seems to me 
 (to be one which ought) not to be passed over in silence, that, 
 although that colony was settled by him, and though the 
 fortune of the republic has separated the interests of the 
 colonists from the fortunes of the natives of Pompeii, (yet) 
 he (Sulla) is so dear to both parties, and (so) popular, that 
 he does not seem to have removed the one party (from 
 their lands) but to have settled both. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 " BUT (you say) " the gladiators and all that violence
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 31 
 
 was prepared on account of the motion of Caecilius." And 
 yet he bitterly inveighed, in this place against L. Caecilius, a 
 most virtuous and most accomplished man : of whose virtue 
 and cdnslilllCy, judges, I say only thus much, that he 
 beha ved~ TrT'Shch a manner in that motion which he brought 
 forward, not about doing away with, but about lightening the 
 misfortune of his brother, that (although) he wished to 
 consult for (the interest of) his brother, (yet) he was unwilling 
 to be at variance with the republic : he proposed it urged on 
 by brotherly affection, he abandoned it led by the authority 
 of his brother. 
 
 63. And in that matter Sulla is accused JauL. Csecilius, 
 in which both ought to be praised : in the firs^place Caecilius, 
 for if he proposed that in which he seemed to have wished 
 to rescind legal decisions, (namely) that Sulla should be 
 restored, you rightly blame (him) : for the stability of the 
 republic is especially supported by legal decisions : nor do I 
 think that so much is to be yielded to love for a brother, 
 that anyone, while he consults for the safety of his own 
 relations, should relinquish the common (safety). But he 
 brought forward no proposition about the decision, but he 
 
 jwjth_thai_punishment for briber 
 
 rormerTi TBe^lore~by this motion, 
 
 not tfie "decision "oTtnejudges, but a defect in the law was 
 sought to be corrected. No one blames the legal decision, 
 but the law, when he complains of the penalty. For the 
 conviction is the act of the judges, which^m^jn^: the penalty 
 is the act of the law, which maybe 
 
 64. Be unwilling therefore to alienate from yourcause 
 the inclinations of those orders (of men) who presioe^ver the 
 courts with authority and dignity. No one has attempted to 
 weaken the decision, nothing of that sort has been proposed : 
 in the calamity of his brother Caecilius always thought that 
 the power of the judges ought to be preserved but that the 
 severity of the law ought to be mitigated.
 
 32 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Bur why do I argue further about this 1 I might speak 
 perhaps, and I would speak easily and gladly, if affection and 
 fraternal love had impelled L. Csecilius even a little further 
 than the limit of regular duty requires : I might implore your 
 feelings : I might call to witness the indulgence which every 
 one feels for his own relatives : I might seek pardon for the 
 fault of L. Csecilius from your own inmost thoughts, and 
 from common humanity. 
 
 65. The law was proposed (only) a few days : it was 
 never begun to be carried, it was degosrted^ in the senate. 
 On the 1st of January, when we hacnfummoned the senate 
 to the Capitol, nothing took precedence of it, and Q. Metullus 
 the praetor said that he said this by command of Sulla, that 
 Sulla was unwilling that such a proposal should be brought 
 forward concerning him. From that time L. Csecilius trans- 
 acted many measures for the (good of) the republic : he 
 declared that he would be a ^ro^ggtfij^against the agrarian 
 law, which had been entirely blamed and rejected by me, 
 he resisted infamous bribery, he never hindered the authority 
 of the senate, He"so "freliaved himself in his tribuneship, that, 
 laying aside the burden of domestic duty, he thought of 
 nothing afterwards except the welfare of the republic. 
 
 66. And in this very proposal, who at that time of us 
 feared Sulla or Csecilius lest they should attempt to carry 
 anything by violence ? Did not all that terror, all fear and 
 expectation of sedition rest upon the villany of Autronius 1 
 His expressions, his threats were reported ; the sight of him, 
 the running together (of people to escort him), the crowding, 
 the bands of his abandoned followers, brought to us fear and 
 sedition. Therefore P. Sulla, ^incethis most troublesome 
 man was his partner and companion, uofti in honour and also 
 in calamity, was compelled to lose (his own) good fortune, and 
 to remain in adversity without any remedy or alleviation.
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 33 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 67. AT this point you often recite (passages from) my 
 letter, which I sent to Cn. Pompeius about my own achieve- 
 ments, and about the highest interests of the republic, and 
 from it you seek some charge against P. Sulla ; and, because 
 I wrote that an incredible mad attempt, conceived two years 
 before, had broken out in my consulship, you say that I by 
 this expression have proved, that Sulla was in that former 
 conspiracy. Forsooth (I suppose) I am such a man as to 
 think that Cn. Piso and Cataline and Vargunteius and 
 Autronius could do nothing wickedly, nothing boldly by 
 themselves without P. Sulla. 
 
 68. About which point even if anyone had doubted 
 previously, whether he had thought of this, which you accuse 
 him of, (namely), after the murder of your father, to descend 
 (into the Campus Martius) as consul on the first of January 
 with the lictors, y.u Lave removed this suspicion, when 
 you said that he (Sulla), in order to make Cataline Consul, 
 had cherished designs and prepared an armed band against 
 your father. And if I should grant this to you, then you 
 must necessarily grant to me, that he (Sulla), when he was 
 .voting for Cataline. had no thoughts of recovering by violence 
 his own consulship which he had lost by a judicial decision. 
 
 However the character of P. Sulla is not liable to the 
 charge of such great, such atrocious crimes, judges. 
 
 69. For now I shall proceed, having disposed of almost 
 all the charges against him, contrary to the arrangement 
 which is wont to be observed in other cases, to speak now at 
 last about the life of my client, and about his habits. For 
 at the beginning my mind was eager to meet the magnitude 
 of the charge, to satisfy the expectations of men, to say 
 something of my own self, because I had been accused : now 
 you must be called back to that point, to which the cause 
 itself, even if I were silent, compels you to turn your mind 
 and attention. 
 
 E
 
 34 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 IN all matters, judges, which are more serious and 
 more important, we must consider what each one has 
 wished, has intended, has done, not from the charge, but 
 from the habit of the person who is accused. For no one of 
 us can be suddenly formed (in character), nor can the life or 
 nature of anyone be suddenly changed or altered. 
 
 70. Survey briefly in your own minds, to pass over 
 other instances, these very men who were implicated in this 
 wickedness. Cataline conspired against the republic. Whose 
 ears ever disbelieved this, that a man had made this bold 
 attempt, (who) from his boyhood had been versed, not only 
 in intemperance and wickedness, but even by habit and desire 
 in every kind of crime, lust and bloodshed 1 Who wonders 
 that that man perished fighting against his country, whom 
 all always thought born for a civil robbery ] Who that 
 recollects the partnerships of Lentulus with informers, (who 
 that recollects) the insanity of his lusts, his perverse and 
 impious superstition, will wonder that he either cherished 
 wicked designs or entertained foolish hopes ? Who thinks of 
 C. Cethegus and his expedition into Spain, and of the wound 
 of Q. Metellus Pius, to whom a prison does not seem to have 
 been built for his punishment. 
 
 71. I pass over others, lest there should be no end (to 
 my examples). I only ask of you silently to think of all 
 those men who are known to have conspired : you will 
 perceive that every one of them was condemned by his own 
 life before (he was condemned) by our suspicion. As for 
 that Autronius himself, since his name is most nearly connect- 
 ed with the danger and charge against my client (huyus), did 
 not his own life and nature convict him 1 (He was) always 
 audacious, violent, profligate, (a man) whom in defending 
 hjmself (against chargesoj^djjltgrj) we know to have been 
 acWsfomed to usfl 1 MCfF'onl.y mosL infamous language, but even
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 35 
 
 his fists and his feet, a man who (was wont) to drive men 
 from their possessions, to cause the murder of his neighbours, 
 to plunder the temples of the allies, to disturb the courts 
 by violence and arms, in prosperity to despise everybody, in 
 adversity to fight against (all) good men, not to yield to (the 
 interests of) the republic, not to succumb to fortune herself. 
 If his case were not made clear by most irresistible evidence, 
 yet his own habits and life would convict him. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 72. COME then, compare now with his (life) the life of 
 P. Sulla, well known to you and the Roman people, judges, 
 and place it before your eyes. Is there any act or deed of 
 his, I will not say somewhat audacious, but which has seemed 
 to anyone a little too inconsiderate ? Any deed do I ask 1 
 Has any word even fallen from his mouth, at which anyone 
 could be offended ] Even in that serious and disorderly victory 
 of L. Sulla, who was found more gentle than P. Sulla 
 who more merciful 1 How many men's lives did he beg from 
 L. Sulla ! How many men are there of the highest rank 
 and most accomplished, both of our order and of the 
 equestrian order, for whose safety he laK^yjBJggJtjIijtaB 
 ^kK^+j^gfl,^-^ Sulla ! Whom I might name for they them- 
 selves are not unwilling, and they are present to (countenance) 
 him with most grateful feelings but because that service is 
 greater than one citizen ought to be able to grant to another, 
 therefore I beg of you to impute to the opportunity what he 
 was able (to do), to himself, what he did. *" <<1 mm 
 
 73. Why need I mention the remaining firmness of his 
 life, his dignity, liberality, moderation in private affairs, his 
 splendour on public occasions ? Which (virtues) have been so 
 crippled by fortune, as yet to appear to have had their founda- 
 tions laid by nature. What a house (was his) ? What a daily
 
 36 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 crowd (frequented it), what dignity (he showed) to his 
 acquaintances, what attachment (was there to him on the part) 
 of his friends, what a multitude (of them he had) of every 
 rank ! These things, obtained by long time and much labour, 
 one hour snatched away. P. Sulla received, judges, a wound 
 terrible and mortal, but yet of such a sort as his life and 
 nature seemed to have been able to receive. He was judged to 
 have had too great a desire for honour and dignity, which if 
 no one else had in standing for the consulship, then he is to be 
 judged to have been more covetous than the rest ; but if also 
 in some others there was that desire for the consulship, 
 fortune in his case was perhaps more severe than to others. 
 
 74. But afterwards who saw P. Sulla otherwise than 
 grieving, dejected, cast down ? Who ever suspected that he 
 was avoiding the sight of men and the light more through 
 hatred than through shame ? For when he had many induce- 
 ments to (visit) this city and forum, on account of the very 
 great attachment of his friends, which yet remained to him the 
 sole (consolation) in his misfortunes, he kept out of your sight, 
 and, when by law he could have remained, he almost con- 
 demned himself to banishment. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 IN this modest conduct, judges, and in such a,life, do 
 you believe there was room for so great wickedness ? Look at 
 the man himself, behold his countenance, compare the charge 
 with his life, compare with the charge his life (which has 
 been) laid open (to you) even to this day. 
 
 75. I say nothing of the republic, which was always 
 most dear to Sulla : did he wish those friends (of his), (being) 
 such men (as they are), so attached to him, by whom his 
 prosperity formerly had been adorned, (by whom) his adversity 
 is now lightened, to perish most miserably, that, in company 
 with Lentulus and Cataline and Cethegus, he might pass a
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 37 
 
 most infamous and miserable life with a most disgraceful death 
 set before him ? That suspicion, I say, does not fall in with 
 such habits, with such a life (as his), nor with the man himself. 
 That sprang up as it were a new sort of barbarity, it was an 
 incredible and singular madness ; that so great foulness of 
 unheard of wickedness blazed up suddenly from the many 
 vices of abandoned men accumulated from their youth. 
 
 7/& Be not willing, O judges, to think that to have been 
 the violence and attempt of human -beings ; for no nation ever 
 was so barbarous or so savage, in which, not only so many, but 
 even one so cruel an enemy of his country could be found : 
 they were some savage and wild beasts, (sprung) from monsters, 
 clothed in the form of men. Look again and again, judges, 
 for there is nothing which in this cause can be asserted too 
 vehemently, look deeply into the minds of Cataline, Autromus, 
 Cethegus, Lentulus, and the rest : what lusts you will find in 
 these men, what crimes, what baseness, what audacity, what 
 incredible madness, what marks of wickedness, what traces of 
 parricide, what heaps of guilt ! Out of the great and long- 
 standing and now desperate diseases of the republic that 
 violence suddenly broke out, (in such a way) that, when it was 
 finished and got rid of, the state might at length become 
 convalescent and be cured ; for there is not anyone who thinks, 
 that if those pests were included in the republic this (republic) 
 could any longer exist. Therefore some furies urged them on, 
 not to carry out their wickedness, but to pay a penalty to the 
 republic. ^*" 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 77. INTO this band will you now, judges, cast P. Sulla, 
 from out of those bands of most honourable men, who are 
 living and have lived with him 1 Will you transfer him from 
 this number of friends, from this dignity of his intimates, to
 
 38 CICEBO'S ORATION 
 
 the party of impious men, and to the abode and number of 
 parricides ? Where then will be that most impregnable 
 defence of modesty ? In what place will the previous deeds of 
 our life profit us ? To what time will the reward of a character 
 (already) gained be reserved, if it shall desert him in his 
 utmost need and contest with fortune, if it shall not stand by 
 him, if it shall give him no help 1 
 
 78. The prosecutor threatens us with the examinations 
 and tortures of our slaves. And although we suspect no 
 danger from these, yet pain reigns in those tortures, it is 
 regulated by each one's nature, both of mind and body, the 
 inquisitor rules, caprice sways (them), hope corrupts (them), 
 fear weakens (them), so that in such straits no place is left for 
 truth. Let the life of P. Sulla be put to the torture; from it let 
 enquiry be made whether any lust is concealed, whether any 
 crime is lying hid, whether any cruelty, whether any audacity. 
 There will be nothing of mistake in the cause, nor of obscurity, 
 Judges, if the voice of his whole life, which is most true, and 
 ought to be of the greatest weight, shall be listened to by you. 
 In this cause we fear no witness ; we think that no one knows, 
 no one has seen, no one has heard anything (to harm us). 
 
 79. But however, if the fortune of P. Sulla in no way 
 moves you, judges, let your own move you. For in your 
 (fortune), who have lived in the greatest elegance and 
 integrity, this is of the greatest importance, that the causes of 
 honourable men should not be weighed according to caprice, or 
 enmity, or worthlessness, but that in important investigations 
 and sudden dangers, the life of each one should be a witness. 
 And do not you, judges, be willing to give up to envy, and 
 to abandon to suspicion, this (life) stripped of its arms and 
 laid bare. Fortify the common citadel of good men, block up 
 the refuges of the wicked, let that (witness) avail the most 
 both for punishment and for safety, which alone you see can 
 most easily be examined by itself from its own nature, which 
 cannot be suddenly altered or modelled.
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 39 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 80. WHAT indeed] Shall this authority, for I must 
 continually speak of that, although it shall be spoken of by me 
 timidly and moderately, what, I say, shall this authority of 
 mine, who have kept aloof from other cases of conspiracy, who 
 am defending P. Sulla, be of no avail to my client forsooth ? 
 This is a sgrinna thing to say perhaps, judges, a seriousthing, 
 if we are asking anything ; if, when others are silent about us, 
 we are not also ourselves silent, it is a serious thing : but, if 
 we are attacked, if we are accused, if we are called into 
 unpopularity, surely you grant, judges, that it should be 
 allowed us to retain our liberty, if it be not quite allowed us 
 (to retain) our dignity. 
 
 81. (All) the men of consular rank are accused under 
 one accusation, so that now the name of greatest honour seems 
 to bring more unpopularity than dignity. " They countenanced 
 "Cataline," says he, "and praised him." At that time no 
 conspiracy was discovered, none was known of : they were 
 defending a friend, they were countenancing a suppliant, in his 
 most imminent danger they did not cjMHwye the infamy of his 
 life. Moreover even your father, Torquatus, when consul, 
 was advocate for Cataline as defendant on a charge of extortion, 
 a wicked man, but a suppliant, audacious perhaps, but once a 
 friend. And since he countenanced him after that first 
 conspiracy had been disclosed to him, he showed^ that he had 
 heard something, but had not believed it. ~"13ut he did not 
 " countenance him at the other trial, when the rest counte- 
 "nanced him." If he himself had afterwards learnt something, 
 of which during his consulship he had been ignorant, we must 
 pardon those who after that time heard nothing ; but if that 
 first accusation had weight, whether ought it to be more 
 weighty when old than when fresh ] But if your father, even 
 in the suspicion itself of danger to himself, yet induced by
 
 40 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 humanity did honour to the defence of a most worthless man 
 by his curule chair and by dignities both his own and (those) 
 of his consulship, what reason is there why the men of consular 
 rank, who countenanced Cataline, should be blamed ? 
 
 82. " But the same man did not countenance those, who 
 " before this case, were accused of conspiracy." They resolved 
 that to men implicated in such great wickedness, no support, 
 no help, no assistance ought to be given by them. And that 
 I may speak of the constancy and attachment to the republic 
 of those whose silent dignity and loyalty speaks in behalf of 
 each one, and needs not the ornaments of language from 
 anyone, can anyone say that there ever were men of consular 
 rank more virtuous, more brave, more firm, than (those who 
 lived) in those times and dangers, in which the republic was 
 almost overwhelmed 1 Who did not give his thoughts for the 
 common safety to the best of his ability, most bravely, most 
 firmly ? Nor do I argue chiefly about men of consular rank ; 
 for this credit is common to (all) those accomplished men, who 
 were praetors, and to the whole senate in common, so that it is 
 evident that, since the memory of man, never was there in that 
 order more virtue, more attachment to the republic, more 
 weight : but because men of consular rank were specially 
 mentioned, I thought I ought to say thus much concerning 
 them, which might suffice to call to witness the memory of all, 
 that there was no one of that rank of honour, who did not, 
 with all his zeal, virtue, and influence, labour to preserve the 
 republic. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 83. But what (shall) I (say)? I who never praised 
 Cataline, whd^s~^o^suTTlWlWi8iiteBanced Cataline when on 
 trial, I who gave evidence concerning the conspiracy against 
 others, do I seem to you so far removed from sanity, so 
 forgetful of my own consistency, so unmindful of my exploits,
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 41 
 
 that, when as consul I waged war with the conspirators, now I 
 should wish to preserve their leader, and to bring my mind 
 now to defend the cause and life of that man whose weapon I 
 lately blunted, and whose flame I extinguished 1 If, by the 
 God of truth (medius fidius), judges, the republic itself, 
 preserved by my labours and dangers, could not recall me by 
 its dignity to firmness of mind and consistency, yet this is 
 implanted by nature, always to hate him whom you have 
 feared, with whom you have contended for life and fortune, 
 from whose plots you have escaped. But when my chiefest 
 honour is at stake, and the conspicuous glory of my explwtSf 
 wneh, as often as anyone is convicted (of complicity) in this 
 wickedness, so often the recollection of the safety of the city 
 having been secured by me is renewed, can I be so mad, can I 
 allow those things which I did for the safety of all, to appear 
 to have been done by me by chance and good-fortune more 
 than by virtue and wisdom ? " What then ? Do you claim 
 this for yourself," perhaps some one will say, "that because you 
 " defend a man, he shall be judged innocent f I indeed, 
 judges, not only claim nothing to myself to which anyone can 
 object, but even, if anything is granted by all, that I give up 
 and abandon. I am not living in such a republic, I have not 
 exposed my life at such times to all sorts of dangers for my 
 country, those whom I have defeated are not so extinct, nor 
 those whom I have preserved so grateful, that I should 
 endeavour to assume to myself more than as much as all my 
 enemies and enviers may endure. 
 
 84. It seems a serious thing for him who investigated 
 the conspiracy, who laid it open, who crushed it, whom the 
 senate thanked in unprecedented language, who is the only 
 citizen to whom it decreed a supplication, to say in a court of 
 justice, " I would not have defended him, if he had been a 
 conspirator." I do not s;iy that, because it is a serious thing 
 (to say) : I say this, which in these cases of conspiracy I ' can 
 assume, not to my influence, but to my modes_tv..: I, the
 
 42 CICEBO'S OEATION 
 
 investigator and chastiser of the conspiracy, certainly would 
 not defend Sulla, if I thought he had been a conspirator. 
 I, O judges, when I was making enquiry into all things 
 concerning these so great dangers of all, heard many things, 
 did not believe all, was cautious about everything, I say this, 
 which I said at the beginning, that no matter was brought 
 before me concerning P. Sulla, by the information of anyone, 
 (or) by the message of anyone, (or) by the suspicion of any- 
 one. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 86. WHEREFORE, you, Gods of my country and of my 
 household, who preside over this city and this republic, who 
 have preserved this empire, this liberty (of ours), and the 
 Roman people, and these houses and temples, when I was 
 consul, by your authority and assistance, (you) I call to 
 witness, that I, with an honest and free mind, am defending 
 the cause of P. Sulla, that no crime is concealed by me 
 knowingly, that no wickedness undertaken against the safety 
 of all is being defended and covered. As consul I found out 
 nothing about this man, I suspected nothing, I heard 
 nothing. 
 
 87. Therefore I that same person who have seemed 
 vehement against some, inexorable against others, paid my 
 country what I owed (to her) : the rest now is due to my 
 constant habit and nature; I am as merciful, judges, 
 as you, as gentle as he who is the most soft-hearted. In 
 whatever I was vehement together with you, I did nothing 
 unless compelled : I came to the assistance of the republic 
 when in danger, I raised up my country when sinking ; in- 
 fluenced by pity for the citizens I was then as vehement as 
 was necessary. The safety of all would have been lost in one 
 night, if that severity had not been exercised. But as I was
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 43 
 
 led on to the punishment of wicked men by love for the 
 republic, so I am led on to the safety of the innocent by my 
 inclination. 
 
 88. I see nothing, judges, in this P. Sulla, worthy of 
 hatred, many things deserving of pity : for he does not now, 
 judges, flee to you as a suppliant for the sake of warding 
 off his own calamity, but that no stigma of nefarious baseness 
 may be branded on his family and name. For he himself 
 indeed, if he shall be liberated by your decision, what honours 
 will he have, what solaces for the rest of his life, which he 
 can rejoice in and enjoy 1 His house, I suppose, will be 
 adorned, the images of his ancestors will be displayed, he 
 himself will resume his ornaments and former dress. All 
 these, judges, are lost; all the insignia and ornaments of 
 his family, his name, his honour have fallen by the calamity 
 of one decision. But, lest he should be called the destroyer 
 of his country, its betrayer, its enemy, lest he should leave 
 this disgrace of so great a crime to his family, that he is 
 anxious about, that he fears ; lest forsooth this unhappy 
 (child) should be called the son of a conspirator, and a 
 criminal, and a traitor. For this boy he fears, who is much 
 dearer to him than his own life, that if he is not likely to 
 hand down to him the undiminished fruits of honour, (yet) 
 he may not leave him the eternal recollection of disgrace. 
 
 89. This little child entreats you, judges, to permit 
 him sometimes to congratulate his father, if not with unim- 
 paired fortune, yet in his afflicted (fortune) ; to this unhappy 
 boy the roads to the courts and the forum are better known 
 than those to the Campus Martius and the Schools. I am 
 not now contending, judges, about the life of P. Sulla, but 
 about his burial : life was snatched (from him) by a former 
 decision, now we are striving that his body may not be cast 
 out. For what is left to him, which can detain him in this 
 life, or what is there on account of which this can seem life to 
 any one.
 
 44 CICERO'S ORATION 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 LATELY P. Sulla was such a man in the state, that no- 
 one thought himself superior to him in honour, or in 'influence, 
 or in good-fortune : now, stripped of all his dignity, he does 
 not seek back what has been taken away ; that little which 
 fortune has left him in his disasters, (namely) that he may 
 be permitted to bewail his calamity with his parent, with 
 his children, with his brother, with his friends, that he begs 
 of you, judges, not to snatch from him. 
 
 90. It were fitting for you yourself now, Torquatus, 
 to be satisfied with the miseries of my client : although you 
 should have taken nothing else from Sulla but the consulship, 
 yet you ought to be content with that; for a contest for 
 honour, not enmity, led you to (undertake) this cause. But 
 since, together withjogftour, everything has been taken from 
 him, since, in this most miserable and most grievous fortune, 
 he is desolate, what is there which you can ask for more ? Do 
 you wish to snatch (from him) this enjoyment of the light 
 (of day), full (as it is) of tears and of grief, in which he is 
 retained in the greatest torment and pain ] He would gladly 
 give it up, if the ignominy of a most odious charge were 
 taken away. Or indeed (do you seek) to banish him as an 
 enemy 1 From his miseries, if you were most hard-hearted, 
 you would derive greater pleasure in seeing (them) than in 
 hearing (of them). 
 
 91. O wretched and unhappy day, on which P. Sulla 
 was declared consul by all the centuries, false hope, 
 fleeting fortune, blind cupidity, unreasonable congratu- 
 lation ! How quickly all those things fell back from joy and 
 pleasure to grief and tears, so that he, who a short time before 
 had been consul elect, suddenly retained no trace of his 
 former dignity ! For what evil was there which seemed to be 
 wanting to him, when stripped of fame, honour, fortune, or 
 was any room left for any new calamity ? The same fortune
 
 FOR PUBLIUS SULLA. 45 
 
 pursues him which pursued him at first ; she finds new grief ; 
 she does not suffer an unfortunate man to perish afflicted by 
 one evil, in one grief (only). 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 92. Bur now I myself am hindered, O judges, by grief 
 of mind, from saying more about the miseries of my client. 
 It is now your part, judges ; on your mercy and humanity 
 I rest the whole cause. You, a rejection (of several judges) 
 having been interposed, of which we had no suspicion, have 
 sat as judges suddenly appointed for us, chosen by our 
 accusers through their hope of your severity, appointed by 
 fortune for us to protect our innocence. As I have been 
 anxious, as to what the Roman people thought of me, because 
 I was severe towards the wicked, and (therefore) have under- 
 taken the first defence of an innocent man which was offered 
 to me, so do you mitigate that severity of the courts, which 
 for some months has been exerted against most audacious 
 men, by your lenity and mercy. 
 
 93. The cause itself ought to obtain this from you, 
 and it is (the part) of your virtue and courage to declare, 
 that you are not those to whom it is desirable to apply after 
 a rejection (of other judges) has been interposed. In which 
 matter I, judges, as far as my affection for you demands, 
 so far I exhort you, with common zeal, since we are united in 
 (the service of) the republic, (and) by your humanity and 
 mercy, to repel from us the false reputation of cruelty. 
 
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