THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE IN MEMORY OF Bon Adams and Don Adams PRESENTED BY Mrs. Bon Adams and 14rs. Ray B. McCarby THE LIFE OF JOHN CHURCHILL DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH GOUPILGRAVURE PRINTED IN PARIS SAl{AIIJ)r('lIKSS OF ."WARLliOROUOII •f^ London. Richard Bentley and Son: THE LIFE OF JOHN CHURCHILL Duke of Marlborough TO THIC ^ ACCESSION OF QUEEN ANNE FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT WOLSELEV, K.P. Ml TOWER OF LONEON VOLUME TWO FOURTH EDITION LONDON R I C H A K 1) B E X T L E \ A V i ) SO X ^ttblishcrs in (Drbiminj to gjcr Alnjrstt) the (Queen 1894 [A a rights rcser7 ^, ^ SOUTH-WEST FRONT OF ASH HOUSE, 1890. ^* CONTEN^l^S OF THE SECOND VOLUME vv CHAPTEE XLV. A • THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. '^ The conspirators who brought about the Revolution — William tries to gain over Churchill — What the people wanted by the Revolution — The mistake made by Lewis in sending his army into Germany — His object was to enlarge France — James asks for the British regiments in the Dutch Service CHAPTER XLYI. THE TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. — THE CONSPIRATORS INVITE WILLIAM TO INVADE ENGLAND. The Bishops sent to the Tower — The Garrison in their favour — Birth of the Pretender — Bishops acquitted — Invitation sent to WilUam to come over and defend the liberties of the English people — The warming-pan storj' — Meetmgs of the conspirators — Churchill's letter to William ...... VI CONTENTS CHAPTER XLVII. JAMES REFUSES TO BELIEVE IN THE POSSIBILITY OF INVASION. PACIF. Lewis sees through William's intentions — Treacherous part played b}' Sunderland — James at last realizes his position — He restores the charters taken from the cities — He trusts in the loyalty of his soldiers and sailors -------- 13 CHAPTER XLVIII. THE INVASION OF ENGLAND BY WILLIAM OF ORANGE. Many refuse to believe in possibility of invasion — William's address to the English people — Admiral Herbert's address to the Fleet — Williani starts for England — Composition of his Ariny — A storm disperses his Fleet — The Fleet refitted, and WiUiam starts again and lands at Torbay — The naval con- spirators send a captain to William's headquarters — Military arrangements to meet the invasion — James's Ai"niy — Desertion of Lord Conbury and other officers — Effect upon James — He receives the Bishops — He starts for Salisbury — His nose-bleed- ing — Assembles a council of officers — Lords Forbes and Fever- sham recommend James to arrest Churchill and others - - 21 CHAPTER XLIX. LORD CHURCHILL DESERTS KING JAMES. Churchill's letter to James annomicing his desertion — Other officers desert also — The infection spreads to the Navy — James orders his Army to fall back behind the Thames — Prince George deserts .-..-.-_. 39 CHAPTER L. KING JAMES LEAVES ENGLAND FOR EVER. The Princess Anne flies at the approach of her father — An account of her proceedings — James calls a council in White- hall — He resolves to leave England — His order to disband the Army — AVilliam reaches Windsor — Churchill arranges for the distribution of the troops in London — The Act of Association — The Convention Parliament — The question of a Regency^- William and Mary declared King and Queen — They resent Lady Churchill's influence over Anne— Churcliill roorgaiiizcs the Army, and is created Earl of Marlborough - - -4(3 CONTENTS VI 1 CHAPTER LI. ACCESSION OF WILLIAM AND MARY. PAGE The Royal Scots Regiment mutinies — The Annuiil Mutiny Act — The benefits gained by the Revolution — Marlborough's part in it 65 CHAPTER LII. WAS LORD Churchill's desertion justifiable ? The necessity of dethroning .James if the English were to remain a free people — Resistance the onlj^ effective remedy for des- potism — Chm'chiU's reluctance in leaving James — His deter- mination to do so if James interfered with the English Church — Loyalty has its lunits— Duplicity of Anne, of William, and of Mary — Lord Macaulay's abuse of Marlborough — The military aspect of this question — The ' Article of War ' on desertion — The defection of Marlborough lost James his cro%vn — The report that Marlborough intended, if necessary-, to assassinate James ...-.---..-73 CHAPTER LIU. THE CORONATICN OF WILLIAM AND MARY. — .TAMES LANDS IN IRELAND. William finds the English are not cordial to him — Divine right and loyalty — \\liy William prizes the position of King — He declares war with France — James lands in Ireland — WiUiam resolves to send Schomberg there ------ 89 CHAPTER LIV. SCHOMBERCt's DISASTROUS CAMPAIGN IN IRELAND. A French army lands at Cork — .James's brass money — T3T- comiel's army, and his hatred of England — William raises many new regiments — Hamilton's iBission to Tyrconnel - 95 CHAPTER LV. THE BATTLE OF WALCOURT. Tlie Prince of Waldeck as a commander— Marlborough embarks for Flanders — Marshal d'Humieres — Marlborough's fighting round Walcourt — Rejoicings at the British victory - - - lOiJ viii CONTENTS CHAPTER LVI. WILLIAM'S AND MARY'S DISLIKE TO MARLBOROUGH. PAGE Contrast between characters of King and Queen and of Marl- borough and his wife — Mary's civil letters to Sarah before the Kevolution — "William's treatment of the Marlboroughs was unwise — "William hated the meddling of women in affairs of State — Marlborough very free in conversation — "Wilham's feel- ings about his own treachery to James — The relations existing between the sisters, Mary and Anne — The dispute about Anne's annuity — Prince George wishes to serve on boardship — Chai'ge of bribery against Sarah — The Princess settles £1,000 per annum upon Sarah — The affectionate terms upon which Anne and Sarah live .-------.. 112 CHAPTEE LVII. AVILLIAM GOES TO IRELAND. — MARLBOROUGH A MEMBER OF MARY'S COUNCIL. The French Fleet superior to that of England, and commands the Channel — Marlborough appointed to command the troops left in England when William went to Ireland — "William's impopu- larity — A ' Council of Nine ' created to help Mary in the Government diunng her husband's absence — Mary's difficulties —Her love for William 129 CHAPTER LVIII. THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE. William lands in Belfast Lough — Defeats James near Drogheda — The pursuit feeble — James leaves for France —The Irish tight badly except the Inniskilleners — Prince of Waldeck defeated at Fleurus ---....-- 135 CHAPTER LIX. OUR NAVAL DEFEAT AT BEACHY HEAD. England drained of troops for Army in Ireland and for the con- tingent under Waldeck— Panic about invasion — Torrington ordered to figlit, does so, and is beaten — James begs Lewis for troops to invade England — Precautions taken against the threatened invasion— The French land and destroy Teign- niouth ----..-.... 141 CONTENTS ix CHAPTER LX. MARLBOROUGH PROPOSES TO TAKE CORK AND KINSALE. I'AOi-; News of the Battle of the Boyne a great relief to all England — William besieges Limerick — Marlborough collects information about the defences of Cork and Kinsale — Mary's council reject liis proposals, but ^lary refers them to "William, who approves of them 149 CHAPTER LXI. -MARLBOROUGH'S EXPEDITIONARY FORCE EMBARKS AT PORTSMOUTH. Preparations for the sieges of Cork and Kinsale — Great secrecy maintained as to the destination of the Fleet and transports — Lady Marlborough delivered of her last child — Marlborough embarks at Portsmouth 155 CHAPTER LXIL MARLBOROUGH SAILS FOR CORK. Lauzun and his Army quit Ireland — Marlborough's correspond- ence with Ginkel — The transports anchor in Cork Harbour — Dean Davies sent to ^klarlborough to help him by his local in- formation --.--..... n^i CHAPTER LXIII. CORK AND ITS DEFENCES. Description of the city of Cork ------- 170 CHAPTER LXIV. THE INVESTMENT OF CORK. General Schravemor joins the English forces before Cork — Marl- borough reconnoitres the place — Occupies Cat Fort — The Dulve of ^Yirtemburg arrives and claims the chief conmiand — Serious dispute between Marlborough and hmi— A compromise eifected 17.5 CHAPTER LXV. THE SURRENDER OF CORK. Breaching Battery armed — Garrison beats a parley, which comes to nothing — Storming parties ford the river — Duke of Grafton killed — The Governour surrenders— Disposition of the prisoners taken .... .-....- lyv CONTENTS CHAPTER LXVI. THE INVESTMENT OF KINSALE. PAGE MiU'lborougli sends on his cavalry to invest Kinsale — Description of the town and its defences — Marlborough reconnoitres the place and finds it to be much stronger than he expected - - 204 CHAPTER LXVII. KINSALE SURRENDERS. The Old Fort assaulted and taken — Marlborough sunnnons Fort Charles— Its Governour refuses to surrender — Great dela^- in getting up the Breaching-guns owing to bad weather— The garrison surrenders — Brigadier C. Churchill left as Governour, and Marlborough returns to England — Is well received at Court — Sufferings of the English troops during the winter— Conduct of Wolseley's Horse - - - 209 CHAPTER LXYIII. THE GRAND ALLIANCE. Difficulty in obtaining recruits ------- 222 CHAPTER LXIX. MARLBOKOUGH's TREASONABLE CORRESPONDENCE WITH JAMES. Marlborough discontented with William's treatment of him — Most of the leading Englishmen intrigue with James — Marl- borough tries to convince James of his repentance, and sends him military intelligence— He obtains a written pardon from James — Duke of AYellington's opinion of Marlborough's con- duct — AVilliam displaces some recalcitrant Bishops - - - 226 CHAPTER LXX. THE CAMPAIGNS CF 1691. Marlborough goes to Flanders with William — Experiences the'ob- structi\eness of the Dutch Government— Great want of money to carry on the war — ' Pickeering ' — Vaudemont's opinion of Marlborough — The campaign in Flanders ends without a battle — Aughrim, Galway, and Limerick surrender — The Irish Brigade — Parliament meets, and large supplies for the war demanded —Great discontent at William's foreign policy and Ins preference for foreigners — Marlborough's grievances ngaiust Wilham — Amic asks her father's forgiveness - - - - 284 CONTENrS XI CHAPTER LXXI. LEWIS XIV. PROPOSES TO INVADE ENGLAND. PACK James draws up a project for invasion of England — The French Navy — \Yhilst Lewis is preparmg for the invasion of England, William is making arrangements for a descent upon the French coast ---------- 247 CHAPTER LXXII. MARLBOROUGH DISMISSED FROM ALL HIS OFFICES. WiUiam well awax-e that he is surrounded by enemies — Is deter- mined to keep command of the Army in the hands of foreigners, as he distrusts the loyalty of English officers — Mary quarrels with Anne, and Marlborough is disgraced the following morn- ing — Admiral Russell takes his part - - . - . 25ii CHAPTER LXXIII. THE king's REASONS FOR THE DISMISSAL OF MARLBOROUGH. Many theories started on the subject at the time— Sarali ordered to leave the Court — Anne leaves in consequence — Sarah wishes to quit Anne's ser\-ice, but does not do so at the urgent request of the Princess --------- 258- CHAPTER LXXIV. MARLBOROUGH SENT TO THE TOWER. Invasion threatened — Marlborough sent to the Tower - - 269" CHAPTER LXXY. THE BATTLE OF LA HOGUE. — MARLBBOROUGH'S RELE.\SE FROM THE TOWER. French preparations for the invasion of England — James issues a proclamation to the English people — Admiral Russell — He gains the battle of La Hogue — Young's accusations against Marlborough — Death of Marlborough's boy Charles — Released from the Tower - - - - - - ■ - - - 275- CHAPTER LXXYI. WILLIAM'S UNFORTUN-A.TE ('AMP.\IGN. William's defeat at Steinkirk — Death of General Mackay — William as a General — Parliament begs William to dismiss all his foreign officers — Attempts to bring about a reconciliation between the two Royal Sisters — Queen Mary's unhappiness — Jacobite intrigues — William loses the battle of Landen - - 285- xil CONTENTS CHAPTER LXXVII. WILLIAM III. TAKES THE PEOPLE INTO HIS CONFIDENCE, AND TELLS THEM THE WHOLE TRUTH ABOUT THE STATE OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. PAGE A change of Ministry — Marlborough's correspondence with St. Germains — WeUington's opinion of this correspondence - - 299 CHAPTER LXXVIII. TOLLEMACHE'S attack upon BREST. What led to this Brest Expedition — General Tolleniache — Recon- naissance of Brest — The attack and its repulse — Examination of the charge made against Marlborough about this affair — Yauban ordered to strengthen the defences of Brest — Marl- borough's conduct inexcusable ------- 304 CHAPTER LXXIX. QUEEN MARY'S DEATH. Efforts made to induce William to re-employ Marlborough — Effect of Queen Mary's death on William — Anne makes friends with the King— Nanmr capitulates to William - - - 320 CHAPTER LXXX. SIR JOHN FENWICK'S PLOT. — THE PEACE OF BYSWICK. Lewis XIV. again contemplates the invasion of England — Fen- wick names Marlborough and others as his accomplices — Peterborough accused of coaching Fenwick — Godolphin quits office — England nearly bankrupt — Peace made — Sunderland's villainy 326 CHAPTER LXXXI. MARLBOROUGH FORGIVEN AND RE-EMPLOYED. ]\Iarlborough's mother dies — He is made Governour to the Duke of Gloucester — He has the gout — Parliament demands the re- duction of the Army, but will not vote the money to pay off the soldiers — William wishes to abdicate, but gives up tlie idea to please the Whigs -...-.... 387 CONTENTS xiii CHAPTER LXXXII. ABIGAIL HILL BKCOMES A BEDCHAMBER WOMAN TO THE I'KINCESS ANNE. I'AGI:; Sariili tires of work as Lady-in-Waiting — Abigail Hill's birtli and parentage — Anne transfers her affection to her new favourite — Sarah's insolence to the Princess — The story of the gloves Mb CHAPTER LXXXIII. MARRIAGE OF MARLBOROUGH'S ELDER DAUGHTERS. Lady Henrietta Chiu-chill marries Godolphin's eldest son — Lady Anne Churchill marries Lord Spencer — His character — Port- land resigns his offices — The King ailing ----- 358 CHAPTER LXXXIV. DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. — THE PARTITION TREATIES AND THE DEATH OF THE SPANISH KING. The seventeenth century closes in peace — Charles XII. of Sweden and Peter the Great — Marlborough strives to gain William's goodwill — Anne verj^ grateful to him for obtaining from Parlia- ment Prince George's claim for i'85,000— William's gift of for- feited lands in Ireland to his Dutch favourites — Marlborough made a Lord .Justice when the King goes to Holland — Death of the Duke of Gloucester — Charles 11. of Spain dies, and Duke of Anjou is proclaimed his successor — Lewis XIV. seizes the frontier fortresses of Holland ------- H60 CHAPTER LXXXV. MR, ROBERT HARLEY. Harley made Speaker — His gratitude to and admiration of ^larl- « borough — His birth and character ------ 372 CHAPTER LXXXYI. THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT. The Marlboroughs induce Anne to accept it — Jacobite correspond- ence intercepted — Acquittal of the ^Yhig Peers who advised the Partition Treaties — William's health failing — The House of Commons against a war with France— The Dutch claim England's protection against France — Eventually the Tories, out of deference to public opinion, favour the war with France, and vote liberal supplies -STT XIV CONTENTS CHAPTER LXXXVII, MARLBOROUGH APPOINTED TO COMMAND THE ARMY IN FLANDERS. PAGE ^YiUiau^, feeling he has not the health or strength to command the Army in Flanders, appoints Marlborough to do so, and to be his Minister Plenipotentiary --.... 386 CHAPTER LXXXVIII. MARLBOROUGH NEGOTIATES THE SECOND ' GRAND ALLIANCE.' Marlborough goes to Holland with William — Marlborough's able diplomacy — The position of European Powers — Tory sentiment opposed to war — Marlborough's convention with Cliarles XII. — Sarah joins her liusband in Holland — His in- defatigable industry, and the difficulties he had to contend with — The terms of the ' Second Grand Alliance ' — The Jcnovi - brement arranged — The pressgang and the desertion it led to - o90 CHAPTER LXXXIX. DEATH OF JAMES II. James's mode of life at St. Germains — Lewis recognises the Pretender as King of England when James dies —The English people don't understand ' Foreign Affairs ' — The nation, in- censed by this new move of the French King, are in favour of war — William resolves to bring in the Whigs again — Pre- parations made by William for the coming war — Lord Cadogan — William returns to England, but leaves Marl- borough at the Hague, much to his annoyance — The scheme to pass over Anne and bring in the Electress of Hanover at William's death - - 401 CHAPTER XC. DEATH OF WILLIAM III. William's impressive and patriotic speech when he opened Parlia- liament — It was well received — Bill of Attainder against the Pretender— Several Tory Ministers removed and Whigs sub- stituted for them — Marlborough returns home to find public opinion in favour of a war with France — The English troops ordered to embark the end of February — William anxious to effect the Parliamentary Union of England and Scotland — Thi'own from liis horse, and dies shortly after — His liberality on all religious (juestions and anxiety to deal generously witli the Irish — He was not regretted — His death a boon to Lewis XIV. — Marlborougli's correspondence with St. Germains at this period 41 1 CONTENTS XV CHAPTER XCI. MARLBOROUGH AT FIFTY-TWO. The serious charges commonly urged against him — Tiie age in which he lived — He was far above it — A practical man of business — His amiable qualities — Swift's hatred of liim — His love of money and avarice — His knowledge of men — His Tor}-- ism and general policy — His oratory — Love of home — His deep religious feeling — His de\otion to Sarah — His greatness and his fame ----------- 421 VS-f^ LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS CONTAINED IN THE SECOND VOLUME DUCHESS OF MABLBOROUGH {Miniature at Upton) . . . . . " . TOWER OF LONDON . . . . SOUTH-WEST FBONT OF ASH HOUSE 1890 ..... WILLIAM III. {Bucchiiffh Collection) . BOCHE'S CASTLE (sejna) PLAN OF COBK IN 1690 PLAN OF KINGSAILE IN 1690 DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH {Encfraving after Knellcr) . . . . . JAMES II. (Bttccleacjh Collection) Frontispiece . Title-page iii To face p. 89 170 187 207 346 401 THE LIFE OF JOHN (^HURCHILL, DUKE OF MARLB(JROUGH CHAPTER XLV. THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. The conspirators who brought about the Revolution — WUliam tries to gain over Churchill — "^liat the people wanted bj' the EeA'olution — The mistake made by LeA\is m sending his army into Germany — His object was to enlarge France — James asks for the British regiments in the Dutch service. The year 1688, which ended with the Great Eevohition, Chapter was ushered in by violent storms, and by an epidemic ' .' which struck down both man and beast. The Angel of 1*^*88. Death stalked through the land attacking high and low, and it is said that the astrologer of the Restoration had predicted that this year would be fatal to King James.* It is not intended to give a connected history of the events which contributed to the fulfilment of that remarkable prophec}', further than is necessary to illustrate the im- portant part which Lord Churchill took in placing William a,nd Mary on the throne. For the successful issue of the Revolution we are more * Partridge. Calamy's • Historical Account of my own Life.' vol. i., p. 181. Partridge had also foretold the bm-nmg of Rome in 1666, which prediction, those who believed in his science asserted, was borne out by the burning of London that year. He was commonly called .the ' Protestant almanack-maker.' VOL. II. 26 MARLBOROUGH Chapteii indebted to Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, and to ' ■ Lord Churchill, than to any other two Englishmen of those 1688. •who brought it about. Both were disloyal to James, but in helping forward the Revolution they worked for what they believed to be the real interests of their country, and in Churchill's case for what he conceived to be a duty to his God. It is difficult to say whether the Revolution would have been accomplished in 1688 had Halifax, Sidney, Cavendish, Shrewsbury, etc., done nothing to help William's invasion, but there can be little doubt that without the cordial co-operation of James's trusted Secretary of State, and of his best-known English General, that invasion would have been practically impossible. The part which Sunderland plaj^ed in the plot was far more important than that taken by Churchill, yet historians have more or less spared the Minister to pour out all their stock of invective upon the soldier, who is commonly condemned as the worst sort of traitor. But when we honestly endeavour to judge the conduct of each, it is essential to remember that whilst Sunderland held a high office under James, and took bribes all round, no considerations of money had any influence with Churchill, and that since the battle of Sedgemoor he had not been employed, nor was he in the King's secrets. From the assiduity with which William strove to gain over Churchill, it is evident that he fully understood the importance of having the English army on his side, the necessity of at least having its power of resistance neutralized, and this he could only hope to compass with the connivance and help of Lord Churchill. The Princess Mary's letters to Sarah at this time, of course inspired by her husband, make this clear.* The Revolution was a matter of the deepest moment, not only to England, but to Europe generally. The history of its events, however, is little more than the personal history of King James, the Prince of Orange, and the few leading * See two letters from the Princess Mary to Sarah, prhited hi 'The ('onduct,' pp. 50, 51. THE REVOLUTION OF l688 Eno;lishmen who helped William to the throne. We are Chapter too aj)t to regard it as the result of some great national " rising, whereas the people took but little active part in ^^^8. its proceedings. Their sturdy Protestantism and hatred of Eoman Catholicism caused them to regard William as their only possible protector, but without the cabal almost exclusively composed of peers who plotted against James, and without Prince William to lead and direct the con- spiracy, any attempted rising in 1688 would certainly ha^■e ended as did Monmouth's rebellion. In the many popular declarations made after William had landed, the English gentry stated that they were determined to maintain the ancient laws, rights, and liberties of the English people. They asked for nothing from the Crown beyond the free exercise of their ancient privileges, of which the Stewart kings had one and all con- spired to deprive them. The Ee volution guaranteed to them these rights ; and the laws then enacted were in- tended to protect the nation for ever against the tyranny of unconstitutional kings. The triumph of the Pievolution was no democratic victory like that which ended in the despotism of Cromwell, nor was it any general uprising of the people to assert their rights against a tyrannical aristo- cracy, as in French .Jacobin daj's. It was planned and carried out by the aristocracy, but on lines and with aims that were entirely in accord with the sentiment of the people. In fact, it was the House of Lords who fought out the question of the Protestant succession, and protected the Dissenters against the hatred of the majorit}^ in the House of Commons. The strength of that majority was neutralized by divisions amongst the Tories, for the burning question of Protestantism versus Divine Plight tore them asunder and rendered them powerless. Every Tory was horrified at the proposal to change the reigning dynasty b}^ Act of Parlia- ment. There could be only one legitimate Kmg according to their faith. But at the same time, nine-tenths of them, like Churchill, sympathized with the nation in their deter- r4 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek mination to e:et rid of the Eoman Catholic monarch, who XLV ' ■ sought to destroy the Established Church and to trample 1688. on civil liberty. Many circumstances combined to favour the Revolution, and of these, the great strategical mistake made this year in the selection of a line-of-operations for the French army was not the least important. Instead of wasting his strength upon the Upper Rhine, Lewis XIV. should have delivered his blows upon the Meuse and the Lower Rhine. But he went off on a side-issue to attack the Emperor, when he should have struck at William of Orange to prevent his invasion of England.* Barillon fully understood this mistake, and later on, when the French army sat down before Phillips- burg, he urged Lewis to raise the siege, and to carry the war into Holland. Lewis, through his Ambassador in London, proposed this to James, who discussed it in Council. Although some were for it, the majority opposed any fresh invasion of Holland by France on the ground that it would alienate James's Protestant subjects. An attack upon Holland was the move which William and the other conspirators dreaded most, for it would effectually stop the Prince's expedition to England. If Lewis had threatened Holland, William would neither have ventured to denude his country of the troops he took to England nor to quit Holland himself. In other words, the Revolution could not have taken place in 1688. As long as James occupied the Throne, Lewis, his pay- master, could count upon English support in all operations against the Netherlands. But should James lose his Throne as the result of a successful rebellion, England would at once become Holland's alW. This was evident to Lewis, and he had consequently from tlie first regarded James's proceedings with grave apprehension. Gladly as he would have helped to brin ;■ back England into the Catholic fold, the enlargement of France was still nearer his heart. He had, therefore, always deprecated those violent measures * Lewis declared wiir iigiiin«t the Emperor on 24, 9, 1688. ANNE TAKES PART AGAINST HER EATHER aprainst Protestantism which he had long felt assured would Chapi-ek XliV sooner or later force the English people into revolt, for he ' foresaw that the revolution which destroyed his friend ^^^^• James would exalt his enem}^ William. England under the rule of William would become the active enemy of France on every sea, and her soldiers would swell the confederate ranks on every Flemish l)attle-field. It was for these reasons, and not from any feelings of humanit}' or of justice, that Lewis XIV. discountenanced James's attacks upon Protestantism. The Princess Anne was an important factor in the Pievo- lution. Had she taken her father's part, King William's difficulties would have been most seriously increased. To her dull and toping husband she was a faithful wife, but he exercised no influence over her. Sarah Churchill was the real keeper of her conscience and director of her actions. The line which Anne would take in the conspiracy against her father would be ^that which her favourite re- commended her to follow. William was well aware of this, and the fact naturally enhanced the value of Lord Churchill's co-operation. In this particular instance Sarah had an easy task, for Anne's mind turned naturally to the preservation of the English Church, to which she ever remained faithfully devoted. Her letters to Mary are full of the horror with which she viewed the efforts against Protestantism made by ' Mansell,' as she irreverently styled her father for purposes of concealment. Meanwhile, dull as James was, he could see that troubles must be encountered before his designs could be accom- plished, and he wanted to be better prepared for them than he had been for Monmouth's rebellion. He relied more upon his army than upon the hearts of his people. As a jf i, 1682. preliminary measure, he asked William to send l)ack the six British battalions in the Dutch service. This request, made upon the advice of Lord Sunderland, was partly prompted by a new cause of dislike on the part of James to the Prince of Orange, namely, William's positive refusal to aid him MARLBOROUGH Chapter in his attempt to repeal the penal laws against Eoman ' Catholics. The States-General refused to allow the regi- ]688. ments to leave Holland, which so enraged James that he straightway issued a proclamation, ordering all his subjects 1| 3, I68t. to quit the Dutch ' service and return home withm the space of two calendar months,' etc. The States persisted in their refusal, but permitted the officers to choose for them- selves. About forty officers and a few privates — mostlj' Catholics — availed themselves of this permission. One result of these withdrawals was that the regiments were jjurged of those whom William feared to employ, yet hesi- tated to dismiss. He counted much upon these British troops in his long-thought-out plans for the invasion of England, inasmuch as they would, he thought, invest the undertaking with the aspect of an English rising, instead of an invasion by a foreign army.* The officers and men who thus returned from Holland became the nucleus of three new battalions which James raised. The French King agreed to pay them, and promised to send him additional troops ' when he wanted them to put down his enemies, and to force his disobedient subjects into allegiance.' t Lewis deemed the presence of these British regiments in Holland to be prejudicial to his designs upon that country, and he was consequently anxious for their recall. But Sunderland was not prepared to re- commend this course to his master without a bribe from Lewis XIV. over and above his ordinary pension, t The story of his successful treason has hardly a parallel in history. * Echard's ' History of the Revolution,' p. 93. These regiments formed a very important part of the army that came to England with William. The three English regiments were commanded by Tolle- mache, Henry Sidney and Sir Henry Bellasis. The whole brigade of six battalions numbered about 4,000 of all ranks when it landed in Eng- land with William. f Barillon to Lewis XIV. j Vol. i. of Sidney's Diary, edited by Blencowe. Henry Sidney commanded one of the six British regiments in the Dutch service. [7 ] CHAPTER XLVL THE TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS. THE CONSPIRATORS INVITE WILLIAM TO INVADE ENGLAND. The Bishops sent to the Tower— The garrison in their favour — Birth of the Pretender — Bishops acquitted — Invitation sent to AYilhani to come over and defend the Hberties of the English people — The Warming-pan story — Meetings of the conspirators — Churchill's letter to William. One of the greatest of James's blunders was his arbitrary Chaptek arrest of the ' seven Bishops ' — ' the seven lamps of the * Church,' as they were commonly called by the people.* 1^88- Of all the trials in his short but calamitous reign, theirs was the most remarkaljle. It excited the deepest interest in all parts of the kingdom, and more than all his other oppressive acts served to disclose the true object of his un-English schemes. The crime imputed to the Bishops was a refusal to order their clerg}- to read in Church the King's second declaration upon liberty of conscience. This 1*4 5, I688. declaration was nothing more in form than a royal edict removing the disabilities under which the Roman Catholics then suffered. But it was in substance an assertion on the part of the King that it was within his competence to over- ride the law as enacted by Parliament. And while every- * They were Archbishop ISancroft, Bishops Ken, Lloyd, Turner, Lake, White, and Trelawney of Bristol. Bishop Lake, like Mews, who fought at Sedgemoor, had been a soldier. Except Lloyd and Trelawney all subsequently refused to take the oath of allegiance to William III. 8 MARLBOROUGH Chapteu one in these days ^Yill applaud the object proposed, all will ^ equally condemn the process by which James attempted to i*^88- accomplish it. Sancroft, the friend of Dissenters and most liberal and broad-minded of prelates, called the Bishops together at Lambeth, where it was resolved to petition the King against his order.* The petitioners declared that their conscience M ould not allow them to publish auj declaration ' founded on a dispensing power which had been declared illegal by Parliament.' James was furious, called the petition ' a standard of rebellion,' and peremptorily rejected it with the words, ' God hath given me this dispensing power, and I will maintain it.' With such a man no compromise was possible, and it may be truly said that the Bishops' protest l^egan the Eevolution, The King committed the seven recalcitrant Bishops to the Tower, a proceeding which outraged public opinion. The Royal Fusiliers, who formed the garrison of the fortress, evinced the utmost sympathy with their prisoners, and drank frequently to ' their lordships' health.' The Catholic Constable, Sir E. Hales, tried to suppress this open expression of feeling, but was told that the men were at that moment toasting the Bishops, and would continue to do so as long as they remained in confinement, f Whilst the trial was proceeding, James Prince of Wales — afterwards known as the ' Old Pretender ' — was born, and Sunderland, Jeffreys, the Quaker Penn, and the Catholic lords all urged the King to commemorate the event by the grant of a general pardon to all prisoners. They felt how much the release of the Bishops in this way would relieve the King from the embarrassment into which his ill-directed zeal had led him. But he refused ; he '■'■'■ It was Sancroft who had crowned James, and had afterwards urged him to return to the Church of England in a sermon which lasted an hour and a half. t When the Bishops \\ere accjuitted, the Royal Fusiliers were removed from the Tower and replaced by Irish Catholic soldiers under Sir Charles Carney. Ig t), ltj88. THE SEVEN BISHOPS ACQUITTED could not forgive men who had openly defied his authority, Chaitf.k and his only answer was, ' indulgence had ruined his ' father.'* The trial proceeded, the Bishops were acquitted, 1*588. and as they left the Court of King's Bench, the Ahbey bells rang out a joyful peal. When the verdict was pronounced. Lord Halifax, who was in court, waving his hat, shouted, 'Huzza!' and all present joined in the cry, which spread eastward into every alley of the city, and westward until it was taken up by the troops encamped at Hounslow. The King, who was dining in the camp, desired Lord Fever- sham to ascertain the cause of the shouting. He soon came back, saying that it was ' nothing, only the soldiers cheer- ing at the acquittal of the seven Bishops.' ' And 3'ou call that nothing ?' growled the King. ' But so much the worse for them.' There was, indeed, good reason to take the shouting seriously, for it told James that he could no longer count upon the army m his attacks upon the Church. It ought to have warned him that even with soldiers there is a limit beyond which they will not go when rulers deal unrighteously with the soldiers' lo^'al countrymen in civil life.+ On the day following this iniquitous and ill-advised trial, rf-f. 1688. Henry Sidney sent to the Prmce of Orange the famous though somewhat half-hearted invitation, signed by seven of the chief conspirators, to come over and defend the religious liberties of the English people.* No one now believes the celebrated ' warming-pan story ' ; but the arrangements for the Queen's lying-in were so badly managed that at the time it was commonly accepted as true by an ignorant, bigoted, and suspicious public. Amongst James's trusted advisers there were doubtless * Plumptre's ' Life of Ken,' vol. ii. t Sir J. Eeresby says : ' The acclamations were a very rebellion in noise.' J The seven were Shrewsbury, Devonshire, Danby, Luniley, Bisliop H. Compton, Admiral Russell, and Colonel H. Sidney. Swift abuses Sidney very scurrilously, but, then, Sidney had offended that most re- vengeful ecclesiastic. 10 MARLBOROUGH Chapter some who would not have shrunk from such a fraud in XLVI ' ' order to prevent Protestant Mary and her Dutch husband 1688. from coming to the throne ; but James, to his credit be it said, was not capable of any such infamous deception. But far and near the Enghsh Protestants doubted the legitimacy of the newly-born Prince of "Wales. Lord Churchill, amongst others, had been specially summoned to attend 'the Queen's labour,' but purposely absented himself from Court. After some time, James became aware of the general suspicions about the young Prince's birth, and summoned a Council, at which Churchill attended, to record the evidence of the Queen Dowager and 4r a, 1688. of some peers' wives who were present, that the Queen had been delivered of a son,* On the birth of a Prince of Wales the Princess Mary ceased to be heir presumptive to the throne. Neither she nor her husband could in future have any right to lecture, or even to advise, James upon English public affairs. The event was a serious blow to William's ambition. For more than two years he had been in close correspondence with the discontented Protestant party in England and Scotland. He now saw his hopes shattered, and the cup of his ambition dashed to the ground. There can be no doubt that this sudden extinction of his long-cherished hopes hastened the Pievolution. As far back as 1679 he had discussed his wife's chances of succession to the English crown with Henr}' Sidney, who records in his diary : ' He (William) is convinced the Duke will never have the Crown, and I find would be very willing to be put in a way of having it himself.' f As long as Mary was next in the succession, William could afford to wait ; but now the Crown could only be obtained by a revolution, and, in fact, by force. He therefore entered the more closely into the views and plots of the many Englishmen who had taken refuge in Holland from James's tyranny. * Doui. r.ipers, Jac. II., 16S8, EoUs House. t Henry Sidney's Diary, vol. i., p. 130, 7, 9, 1679. THE REVOLUTION CONSPIRACY II Anne's letters to her sister prove how much she doubted Chaptkk that the Prmce of Wales was really the Queen's son. In a " ' letter dated July 24th, she gives a full account of the 1688. lying-in, and amongst the ladies present in the room she mentions Lady Tyrconnel, Lord Churchill's beautiful sister- in-law. Lords Halifax, Danby, Nottingham, Mordaunt and Lumley, Admirals Herbert and Paissell, Colonel Sidney — afterwards Lord Eomney — and the Bishop of London often met either at the Earl of Shrewsbury's or the Earl of Devonshire's to discuss the situation, and there they hatched their plan to dethrone James, and to place the government in the hands of William and Mary. With the exception of Devonshire, the conspirators seem to have been timid, weak, and all jealous and suspicious of one another. Li revolutionary councils the advice of the pusillanimous is generally to ' wait,' and ' not to be in a hurry.' Some peculiar, perhaps impossible, combination is said to be expected ; but whether really believed in or not, want of nerve often causes the conspirator to pretend he does believe in it in order thereby to excuse his cowardice and indecision. In such councils, and at such moments, the decision of the man of action is invaluable. It makes itself felt at once, for there are many who require and even wish to have their minds made up for them. It is then that the resolute man draws his sword, and throwing awa}' the scabbard, commits his fortune to the weapon he knows how to wield. Caution generally means failure ; bold measures alone win in revolutions. Early in the year the conspirators sent Admiral Eussell to the Hague to confer with William, and lay before him the state of the nation.* It is, therefore, tolerabl}^ certain that the determination to get rid of James had been arrived at before his second ' Declaration of Indulgence,' in April, "V-i i^^^- and before the prosecution of the Bishops in June. * Note bj' Lord Dartmouth, p. 279, vol. iii., of Burnet. 12 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek The follo^Ying letter from Lord Churchill to William of ■ Orange describes very fairly the feelings which animated, 1688. not only him, but nearly all the leading men in England at this time : ' August 4, 1688. Sir, — Mr. Sidney will lett you know how I intend to behave myselfe : I think itt is what I owe to God and my contry : my honour I take leave to i^ut into your Eoyalle Hinesses hands, in which I think itt safe : if you think there is anny thing else that I ought to doe, you have but to command me, and I shall pay an intiere obedience to itt, being resolved to dye in that relidgion, that itt has pleased God to give you both the will and power to protect. — I am, etc., etc., Churchill.'* This letter should be read in conjunction with that which he wrote to James when he left him finally at Salisbury. It is the letter of a patriot, not of a mere conspirator ; the letter of one who was risking all for conscience' sake. Those who read it in any other light can never have fully appreciated Churchill's position when James came to the Throne. * The original letter is in Mr. Alfred Morrison's collection of auto- graphs. [ 13 ] CHAPTEE XLYII. JAMES REFUSES TO BELIEVE IN THE POSSIBILITY OF INVASION. Lewis sees througli ^Villiaiii's intentions — Treacherous part plaj-ed by Sunderland — James at last realises his position — He restores the Charters taken from the cities — He trusts in the loyalty of his soldiers and sailors. Lewis XIV. had seen through "Wilham's plans at an early Chaptek XLVII date, and had earnestly sought to warn James of the " impending storm. But though he did his best to arouse i^^^- the infatuated King to a sense of his danger, all warnings passed unheeded. In a letter to his ambassador in London, ^| ^"esl ^' Lewis says : ' At the Court where you are they seem asleep and spellbound, whilst threatened at home and al)road with the greatest conspiracy ever formed.' Barillon replies that ' James and his Secretary of State, Sunderland, think the invasion visionary,' etc. It was, he added, ' the fashion at Court to laugh so at those who believed in the possibility of an mvasion, that he was consequently the subject of much Court raillery.' James tells us the same thing, and that of all whom he trusted, Admiral Lord Dartmouth alone credited the reports of "William's preparations which reached him from Holland.* The secret, although well known to hundreds, was so well kept that James could not be induced to credit the story. The success of the enterprise depended much upon secrecy, but still more * James's Memoirs, Macpherson, vol. i., p. 158. Clarke's ' James II.,' vol. ii.,p. 177. 14 MARLBOROUGH Chapter upon beino; able to persuade James that no conspiracy XLVII. • i 1 existed. 1688. But anxious as the French Kmg undoubtedly was to prevent William's projected invasion, he was more than others responsible for its success. First, as already pointed out, by sending his army into Germany, instead of keeping it to threaten Holland ; and, secondly, by not using his powerful fleet to watch the Dutch coast and prevent the sailing of William's army of invasion. When Colonel Skelton, the English ambassador at the Hague, demanded explanations as to William's military and naval preparations, he was told that they were not aimed at King James, and the Dutch envoy in England declared that they were directed against France. William also gave James repeated assurances to the same effect in his private letters. Tyrconnel, with all his faults, was a faithful servant to James, and if not the first, was amongst the earliest of the King's friends to warn him of William's real intentions. It was the wily Sunderland, helped by the Spanish ambassador, who succeeded in allaying James's suspicions and anxiety. He played his treacherous part so skilfully that no preparations to meet the coming storm were made until too late. He afterwards confessed that during these proceedings he daily expected to lose his head.* Endowed with a smooth tongue, ready wit, great fertility of resource, and restrained by no regard for truth, Sunderland succeeded in persuading James that Lewis XIV. 's warnings were those of the 'panic-monger,' and that the Dutch war preparations were really aimed at France. Above all, he succeeded, in opposition to the advice of the Roman Catholic party, in dissuading the King from accepting the proffered aid of the French fleet, and of the 30,000 soldiers whom Lewis wished to send him.f He frightened James into this refusal by impressing him with * Sunderland's letter of '^-%, 168fJ. f Lord Ailesbury in his Memoirs states that Sunderland himself told him this, p. 184. XL VII. Ifi88. SUNDERLAND'S TREACHERY 15 the idea that the presence of such a French force in Ch.uter England would degrade him to the position of a viceroy to Lewis. Lewis was naturally angry when he found his warnings disregarded, and his offers of shijDs and trooj^s refused. Determined, however, to thwart the machinations of William, he ordered his ambassador to inform the Prince r'u 9. i^SS. that he, at least, understood the real object of these warlike preparations, and that he would regard an attack upon his friend and ally, the King of England, as a casus belli. At the instigation of Sunderland, this conduct on the part of Lewis was resented l)y -James, who, to mark his disbelief in any threatened attack, recalled Colonel Skelton, and committed him to the Tower as a purveyor of false intelli- gence. Sunderland is described in the following terms by a contemporary : ' Trimming goes on at a great rate, but Sunderland, as he is like the devil in the whole tenour of his conduct, so he is particularly in this instance. He tempts and damns two-thirds of mankind, and yet the hungry maw of this roaring lion yearns after the other part.' * In acknowledging the part he played in persuading ^".^, i689. James to refuse the French King's offers of an army and a fleet, he says of himself : ' I opposed to death the accept- ance of them, as well as any assistance of men : and can say most truly that I was the principal reason of hindering both, by the help of some lords, with whom I consulted every day, and they with me, to prevent what we thought would be of great prejudice, if not ruinous to the nation.' + It is curious that James should have so liked and trusted one who in the previous reign had strenuously supported the ' Exclusion Bill.' But he was deceived by Sunder- land's pretended conversion to Popery, and by his cunning assurance that he had really supported that Bill in James's interest. He said he knew that the Bill would not pass, * Letter from Bolingbroke of July. 1702. to Sir ^yilliaul Triniball. Spencer House Papers. f Kennet, vol. iii., p. 518. This letter was addressed to a friend. It was licensed and, I think, published. 1 6 MARLBOROUGH Chapter and that had it not been supported vigorously by his ■ party, the ' Limitation Bill ' would certainly have become 1688. law, which would have hampered the King in all his actions, degrading him to a position little better than that of the Doge of Venice.* In the autumn James begged for money from Lewis to equip more ships, and he in every way did his utmost to strengthen the Channel fleet. He was given 400,000 livres (about £16,000). Sunderland asked for more, but had to rest content wdth that amount. Vessels were hastily pre- pared as fire-ships, all naval officers were refused leave, and every available ship of war was sent to the Downs, where the fleet was ordered to remain. The French King wisely urged James to bring over from Ireland all the Catholic troops he could depend upon. But the Irish troops were no less dreaded in England than the French ; and James was easily persuaded by the Duke of Grafton, Sunderland, Churchill and others, to refrain, for a time, from taking this step. In the middle of September it was at one time resolved to arrest Halifax, Nottingham, Danby and some others, whom the Catholics strongly suspected of intriguing with William. This was a move which Henry Sydney dreaded greatly ; for should the plot be discovered a couple of weeks before the Dutch fleet sailed for England, and should the chief conspirators be imprisoned, its success would be extremely doubtful. t About the middle of August James was ' greatly awakened ' by the unusual preparations l)eing made in Holland for some naval expedition, but it was not until September 23 that he became aware of William's true object. The information which convinced him came from his minister at the Hague, who reported that the pen- sionary Fagel had at last frankly owned the truth to him. James was speechless with astonishment. It was a * Echard's ' History of the Revolution,' p. 61. ■j" Sydney to AVilliani, JJ)alryniple, p. '2;-51. JAMES'S WARLIKE PREPARATIONS 17 staggering blow ; for though he liad known for some time Chapter that Bishop Burnet, Lord Shrewsbury, Admiral Herbert ' J and many other leading Protestants were at that moment 1^88. with the Prince of Orange, he now realized for the first time that there must also be a powerful and active faction against him at home. His eyes became suddenly open to the fact that he had been living in a fool's paradise. No time was to be lost, and orders were promptly issued to still further strengthen the army and the fleet. As it was impossible to obtain the number of sailors required, although the press-gang was freely used, drafts were olitained from the army. The whole country, from John of Groat's House to Land's End, resounded with the drums of recruiting parties. Five new regiments of Horse and six of Foot were raised in all haste.* The troops in Scotland were ordered to march South, + and a regiment of Dragoons and three battalions of Foot were summoned from Ireland. James hoped to collect an army of about 40,000 men, which he considered ample to meet the Prince of Orange, as indeed it would have been, had Churchill remained faithful to him. I James, expectmg that William would land in the North, as he intended to do if the wind was from the south, sent three regiments of Horse and one of Dragoons to Ipswich, and two regiments of Horse and one of Dragoons to Colchester. § Had William landed in * These were nearly all disbanded b^- "William on his accession. The Protestants in the regiments of Horse were formed into one regiment, which is now the 7th Dragoon Guards. Of the Foot regiments, there still remain the Bedfordshire, the Leicestershire, and the Lancashire Fusiliers . f They consisted of a troop of Life Guards, a regiment of Horse, another of Dragoons, a regiment of Foot Guards, and two battalions of Foot, one of which is now the Eoyal Scots Fusiliers. ± James's Memoirs, Macpherson, vol. i., p. 159. § The regiments sent to Ipswich were Sir J. Lanier's (now the 1st Dragoon Guards), Major-General Lord Arran's (now the 4th Dragoon Guards), and Colonel Richard Hamilton's (now 5th Dragoon Guards) regiments of Horse, and the Queen's Regunent of Dragoons (now 3rd Hussars), under Colonel Cannon. Hamilton was a Roman Catholic. VOL. II. 27 l8 MARLBOROUGH Chapter the North, Sir J. Lanier, who commanded one of these ■ regiments, was to have made the other colonels prisoners 1688. and joined the invader. The fleet of thirty men-of-war and sixteen fire-ships, under the faithful Lord Dartmouth, was stationed at Harwich, where there was a garrison, and the regiment of Lord Montgomery — a Roman Catholic — occupied Hull. The regiments raised for Monmouth's re- bellion were for the most part in good order, while the English army, as a whole, stood high in the estimation of foreign countries, and was looked upon as the best paid, the best appointed, and one of the best disciplined armies in Europe.* When it was too late, James strove to reverse the illegal changes — religious and political — which he had introduced. s^.^, 1688. He endeavoured to make friends with the Archbishop of Canterbury ; he removed the suspension imposed upon j% 10, 1688. Compton ; he made peace with the Universities, and pro- claimed a general pardon, from which only sixteen persons were exempted. He also promised to restore to London and the other cities the ancient charters of which they had been robbed, and finally he issued writs for a new Parlia- ment, which he promised to assemble as soon as the Prince of Orange should be disposed of. -V-lf; 1688. Sunderland's treachery having at last become clear to James, he was summarily dismissed, and his place given to the Roman Catholic Lord Preston, on whose loyalty the King could thoroughly depend. It was now too late for him to obtain troops from France, for Lewis's army was already engaged in operations against the Emperor on the Upper Rhine ; l)ut he believed that his own army was amply large enough to ensure him victory. In October he ^ 10, 1688. ordered the Lieutenants of Counties and other local officers to watch the coast, so that on the approach of the enemy all horses and cattle might be driven at least twenty miles inland. * Lingard's ' History of Engltiiul.' Clarke's ' James II.,' vol. ii.,. p. 71. JAMES DEPENDS UPON HIS ARMY AND NAVY 19 All England seemed in league to deceive this wretched Chai-tkk King. ' Whitehall was never more crowded with people of ^^^^' quality who came to give assurance of their fidelity.'* i<>88. But as they knelt to the King, their thoughts were with the Prince of Orange, and the officers, as they kissed his hand, were framing plans to desert him. Notwithstanding the strong anti-Catholic feeling dis- played upon several recent occasions hy l)oth soldiers and sailors, James still trusted in their personal loyalty to him- self. Indeed, until the date of Lord Cornbury's desertion, it never seems to have dawned upon his mind that his army could or would, under any circumstances, be more loyal to England than to him personally. He believed that the influence of discipline alone would cause his soldiers to stand by him, no matter how many Bishops he might try, how many cities he might deprive of their charters, or what other despotic and un-English measures he might decree. He had done much for his soldiers, and to the last, he fondly trusted in their attachment to his person. As he wrote when about to quit England, ' Never any Prince took more care of his sea and land men, as I have done, and been so ill repaid bj' them!'+ But he never fully understood how strong was the dread and hatred of Popery in all classes of the community, nor could he believe that any such feeling would ever make his soldiers and sailors unfaithful to him. Besides, he imagined that he had taken ample measures to keep in check any untoward spirit of Protestant independence, by the appomt- ment of Catholic officers, and the enlistment of many private soldiers of that faith. He had brought over to England whole regiments of Irish Catholics, and he had taken the precaution of appointing Roman Catholic Governours to the Tower, Tilbury, Portsmouth, Plymouth and other important fortresses. * Clarke's 'James II.," vol. ii., p. 190. t -Tames to Lord Dartmouth, I'i 12, 1688. Historical MSS., Dart- mouth Papers, p. 226. 20 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Those were stirriiin; times in Eiiijland. The Kinp- in fear XLVII • • . ^ ■ for his Crown and for his head, not knowing whom to trust 1688. outside his own faith ; and the conspirators upon whose invitation William was l)ound for England, trembling lest their treachery should be discovered before he could land to save them ! [ 21 ] CHAPTER XL VIII. THE INVASION OF ENGLAND BY WILLIAM OF ORANGE. Many refuse to believe in the possibility of invasion — "William's address to the English people — Admiral Herbert's address to the Fleet — William starts for England — Composition of his Anuy — A storm disperses his Fleet — The Fleet refitted, and William starts agam and lands at Torbay — The naval conspu-ators send a captain to William's headquarters — Military arrangements to meet the in- vasion — James's Army — Desertion of Lord Cornbury and other officers — Effect upon James — He receives the Bishops — He starts for Salisbury- — His nose-bleeding — Assembles a Council of Officers — Lords Forbes and Feversham recommend James to arrest Chm-chill and others. The possibility of a Dutch invasion was still generally CHAFrEu discredited. The prosperous citizen always dislikes the ' contemplation of threatened national danger, and prefers 1688. to live in a state of peaceful optimism, lest his taxes should be raised in order to make his country safe from attack. The party politician seldom listens to warnings until the * country in danger ' has become a popular cry. Indeed, he is apt to denounce as ^professional alarmists those experienced soldiers and sailors who, knowing that under certain conditions the invasion of England is a very possible operation, would warn the country of the grave risks to which an inadequate army and nav}' expose her. Upon this occasion, many. King James included, pinned their faith upon the strength of the Channel fleet, under the faithful and loj'al Dartmouth, and maintained that it was a complete safeguard against an}* descent u]ion the 22 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkk English coasts. He believed, as many do in these days, X LVii i. ^-^^^ ^^,^^1^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^YiQ Channel, no hostile landing would l)e 1688. possible. But he soon learnt the unsoundness of this theory. Others argued that, as the despatch of an army to England would leave Holland at the mercy of France, no invasion need be apprehended; for it was well known that William was not the man to endanger his own country l)y any pursuit of personal ambition. As a matter of fact, the reason why William postponed his invasion till the beginning of winter was, that he did not dare to denude Holland of troops until he was satisfied that no French army could that year operate against him in the Low Countries. It was further alleged that, as Holland and England were at peace, it was monstrous to imagine that the virtuous Dutch nation would, without provocation, commit ^he crime of attacking us. But the history of the world oristles with examples which prove the folly of depending for immunity from attack upon either treaties or national honour. ' The pious and immortal ' William had given the most positive assurances that he contemplated no attack whatever upon England, and it was because James was fool enough to rely ujjon those assurances rather than upon his own power to resist invasion that he lost his Crown. In the last week of September, when James did at last recognise that an invasion was impending, he issued a proclamation to warn his people of the coming danger. ?-^-.j%, 1688. William's object was declared to be the subjugation of England to a foreign yoke, but the King relied upon the courage and loyalty of his subjects. ^fj-iV, 1688. Some ten days before the invading army started from Holland William published his celebrated address to the English i)eople, setting forth the nation's grievances, enlarging upon the insecurity of life and propertj^ under James's rule, and dwelHng upon the evils and troubles from whicli tlie country suffered. He referred to the WILLIAAfS ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE 23 XLVIII. 1688. suspicions regarding the Prince of Wales, inferring that Chapter he was not Queen Mary's son. He said that both he and liis wife, the Princess Pioyal, as the lawful lieirs to the Crown, took the deepest interest in the people's welfare, and were most anxious to protect their rights, and to re-establish their ancient laws. Many of the peers and other people of importance had, he added, invited him to England, and he had at last resolved to comply with their request. He would take a sufficient force as a protection Against James and his priest-ridden councillors, l)ut he would send back to Holland all his foreign troops, as soon ds the peace of England had been secured. His intention was, as soon as possible, to assemble a free and lawful Parliament, to inquire into the legitimacy of the alleged Prince of Wales, and into all grievances, and, finally, he promised to uphold the Protestant religion, and to protect the people from injury at the hands of his soldiers. He further published an appeal to the English army, calling upon all Protestant soldiers to help in his attempt to secure the liberty of their country. Admiral Herbert, one of the conspirators who had but recently joined him, issued a similarly worded appeal to the sailors of all ranks, in which he said, ' Euin or infamy must inevitably attend you, if you do not join with the Prince m the common cause for the defence of 3- our religion and liberties.' It would be infamous, he added, if they suffered him to fail, and that if he succeeded all those who did not join him would be dismissed from the navy.* Mary was fully persuaded of the justice and lawfulness of her husband's attempt upon England. t A firm believer in the efficacy of prayer, she earnestly besought God to * Caiupbell's " Lives of the Admirals,' vol. iii., p. .118. Herbert's proclamation to the fleet was addressed ' To all Commanders of Ships and Seamen in His Majesty's Fleet.' It was dated from * On board the Lei/den, in the Goree.' t Lurnet, who saw her shortly before AVilliam sailed, records this fact. See Echard's ' Revolution,' p. 153. 24 MARLBOROUGH Chapter bless and direct the expedition, and public supplications to ' the same effect were offered up four times a day by her 1688. orders. T^Yo great influences were ever at work within her : an absorbing devotion to Protestantism, and an earnest love for her cold-blooded and unsympathetic husband.* h% 10, 1688. Before William embarked, on October 19, he took a ^ 10, 1688. ^gj-^f-igj^. Qj^f[ solemn farewell of the States General, calling God to witness that 'he went to England with no other intentions but those he had set out in his Declaration.'! His fleet consisted of 50 men-of-war, 25 frigates, 25 fire-ships, and about 500 transports. This large number of merchant-men was hired in Holland in the short space of three days. Even two centuries ago it was possible thus hurriedly to collect suflicient transport for the invasion of England. + Much to the annoyance of the Dutch naval officers, William gave the command of his fleet to Admiral Herbert. The Prince's ship carried the English flag, inscribed with these words, ' The Protestant religion and liberties of England.' Underneath was William's family motto, ' Je maintiendrai.' The army intended for the invasion of England con- sisted of one troop of Life Guards, one regiment of Horse Guards, five regiments of Horse, eight of Dragoons, one of Foot Guards, and fifteen battalions of the Line, including the six British regiments in the Dutch service, which were by far the best of all.§ These English troops were com- manded by a Scotchman, General McKay, Churchill's great * All who wish to know Mary's character should read ' Lettres et Meniohes de Marie Eeine d'x\ngleterre, Epouse de Guillauiiie III.,' La Haye, 1880, edited by the Countess of Bentinck. Mary wrote well and clearly. t Burnet, Book IV., p. 782. t Echard's ' Kevolution,' p. 154, MDCCXXV. Burnet, Book lY., p. 781. § Three of these regiments were English and three Scotch. ToUe- mache, who was killed in the attack on Brest in 1694, conunanded one of them, which is now the Northumberland Fusiliers. Another is now the AVarwickshire Regiment. 'A PROTESTANT WIND' 25 • friend. There were in all al)out 3,600 Cavahy and 10,600 Ohaptku Foot. Some three hundred excellent officers, \Yho had Ijeen " ' driven from France by the revocation of the Edict of ^688. Nantes, swelled the ranks of "William's army, amongst them the aged Marshal Schomberg, one of the ablest of European generals. Many English officers who had left or been turned out of James's army also accompanied the expedition, and 20,000 muskets were embarked to arm a British contingent, should it be found necessary to raise troops in England. This was but a small army for so serious an operation, and without the sympathy of the English people the attempt would have been ridiculous ; however, William felt that, as Churchill was on his side, he had little to fear from James's troops. The morning after sailing a terrible storm began, which lasted some days, and damaged so many ships that the fleet had to put back. Well aware of the importance of deceiving your enemy, William circulated exaggerated accounts of the injuries sustained, and these reports found easy credence at the English Court, where James and those about him were always ready to believe what was pleasing to them. Despondency gave place to joy and laughter, and it was generally accepted that William's attempt had failed. James was at dinner m Whitehall Palace when he heard the news, and exclaimed, ' At last the wind has declared itself a Papist,' adding, ' it is not to l)e wondered at, for the Host has been exposed several days.'* Character- istically enough, he immediately revoked some of the con- cessions he had made to his people under the dread of imminent invasion. In London expectation was on tiptoe. The City was in a ferment ; news was eagerly asked for at ever}- moment, and l>usiness was almost entirely suspended. Xothing was talked of but the im- pendmg invasion, and even during the night men rushed from their houses to see which way the weathercocks were pointing. 'A Protestant wind,' as that from the * Echard's • Historv of the Piovohition." p. 155. 26 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkk east was now called, was anxiously and universally looked XLVIII. „ . -^ -^ for,* 1688. Ti^g damage done by the storm was quickly repaired, and the Dutch fleet, though with fewer transports, again jy 11, 1688. put to sea before a strong easterly wind. Soon after starting, Admiral Herbert learnt from an English vessel i^ 11, 1688. that Lord Dartmouth with a fleet of sixty-one vessels, thirty-eight of which were line-of-battle ships, besides some eighteen fire-ships, was anchored at the Gunfleet.+ Sailing down Channel, William's fleet reached Dartmouth on November 4, his own birthday and that of his mother, and also the anniversary of his marriage and of the death of his father. During the night the ships were carried by a strong wind somewhat too far to the westward, but they at last anchored in Torbay on the following morning. The disembarkation began at once, and on Tuesday, November 6, "William with his army marched for Exeter, and entered the ancient capital of the West in great state on the _s^ 11 1688. following Thursday. The ' Protestant wind ' from the east-south-east which carried William's invading ships into Torbay prevented Lord Dartmouth's fleet, which had moved to the Downs, from intercepting them. He succeeded, however, in getting under way the day after the Dutch fleet had passed Dover, and started in pursuit, but before Portland Bill was reached heavy weather forced him to take refuge in St. Helen's and Spithead. Here he became aware that Admiral Herbert's appeal to the sailors had taken effect, and that there was a marked unwillmgness in the fleet to act against the Prince * It is generally said that the weathercock on the Banqueting House in Whitehall was erected by James at this time, so that he could see from his palace windows which way the wind was blowing each morn- ing and evening. In LillibuUero, the popular ballad of tlic day, William's expected arrival is thus referred to : ' Oh ! but why does he stay behind ? By me sowl 'tis a Protestant wind !' t Echard's ' Pievolution,' p. 155, and Campbell's ' Naval History,' vol. ii. 'Die (iunfleet was then an important anchorage behind an out- ]\in': liaiik iioi'tli of tlu; Thames. THE NAVAL CONSPIRACY AGAINST JAMES 27 of Orancre, ^Yllom the country welcomed with acclamation. Chaithk XliVl 1 1 Dartmouth, the liard- drinking Admiral, was loyal to the * last, and the orders he gave his captains were to fight the ^^^^• Dutch wherever they met them.* On November 17 he wrote to Lord Berkeley that he expected to reach and figlit the enemy in Torbay on the following day. But for many months there had been a strong party in the fleet in William's favour, of which Captain George Churchill, of the Xeircastlc, and Captains Hastmgs and Matthew Aylmer were the moving spirits, whilst the Duke of Grafton, Lord Berkeley, and Admiral Sir J. Barry knew of its existence.! Herbert most probabl}^ was in the secret when he issued his address to the sailors. These traitors to James even went so far as to send Captain Byng to William's headquarters at Sherborne to a,sk for instructions, where Lord Churchill was about the first person he met. Byng returned to the fleet with a letter from William to Dartmouth, and with gratifying assurances in William's name to the officers generally. It is, however, tolerably certain that, had Dartmouth suc- ceeded in intercepting William's fleet in the Channel, his crews, who had many old scores to settle with the Dutch for defeats inflicted upon us at sea, would have fought stoutly for .James. And, further, notwithstanding the plot amongst the officers, there is reason to believe that the loyalty of the men was not seriously aftected until it became known that many officers and soldiers of the army at Salisbury had deserted to the Prmce of Orange. The news of William's landing spread with lightning rapidity through the length and breadth of England. Every county blazed with bonfires, and all classes, high and low, * It must be admitted that Lords Dartmouth and Feversham and General Edward Sackville were amongst the few Protestants who remained faithful to James in 1688. The Jesuit Father d'Orleans, in his work on the Revolution, hints a doubt, m which James also in his memoirs concurs, as to Dartmouth's loj'altv. t James's ' Memoirs,' vol. i., p. 158 of Maepherson. Captain Churchill was tlie Duke of ^larlboroudi's brotlier. 28 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek \Yere in transports of ioy at the arrival of their deliverer. XLVIII i D •/ ■ In the midst of this general outburst of jubilation, why 1688. should Churchill be expected to hold aloof ? The time had now come when all Englishmen must decide whether thej^ would or would not surrender their civil liberties and their constitutional rights. Would they or would they not obe}' the unlawful orders of their legitimate King? That was the question, and a very serious one it was, and always will be, for a people under such circumstances to decide. It is one thing to submit to a Csesar, a Cromwell, or a Napoleon, whose despotism often ensures peaceful prosperity at home and strength and respect abroad, but it is a very different matter for a people to surrender their rights to a priest- ridden bigot like James II., incapable alike of earning con- fidence at home or of securing respect from abroad. The alteration in the place selected for a landing was a serious disappointment to those of William's friends who had gone North to meet him, and accounts in a great measure for the time which elapsed before any number of leading men arrived to greet him.* William was much put out at this delay, and at the small number, even of common people, who joined his standard. With the fate of Monmouth's adherents still fresh in their memory, few were disposed to risk their lives in his cause, and many were ' much troubled with dreams of gibbets.'! " 11, 1688. When the news reached London that the great Dutch fleet of warships and transports, sailing westward, had been seen from the cliffs of Dover by crowds of excited spectators, there was joy in the City of London, but fear and trembling in the palace of Whitehall. The Duke of Berwick was at once ordered to Portsmouth, of which he was Governour, with three battalions of Foot Guards, the King's Eegiment of Horse, the Blues, and one hundred Horse Grenadier Guards. If upon arrival at Portsmouth it was found that the Dutch fleet had gone further westward, these troops * Kennett, note to p. .'52H. •|- Ellis's original letters, vol. iv., pp. 142, 14;}, second series. THE ROYAL ARMY ASSEMBLES AT SALISBURY 2g were to march on Salisbury. The Queen's Regiment of Chaitkk Horse proceeded to Warminster, where James had ordered -^ LVii i. his advanced guard to take up position under Major- 1688. General Kirke, whilst his main body assembled at Salisbury under the temporary command of Su- J. Lanier.* The Royal Regiment of Foot, two battalions, also marched for "Warminster, + As soon as it was known that William had landed, the cavalry regiments at Hounslow and in the neighbourhood of London were ordered to Salisbury by forced marches.:!: This is the first occasion upon which we hear of the Horse being ordered to leave their defensive armour in store. Some did so, others retained it, whilst in several regiments the officers alone kept their breast and back pieces. § Before the troops left London .James reviewed them in Hj^de Park. Churchill was present, and is accused by an enemy of being seen ' to loll out his tongue, and to laugh at the whole proceedmg.' * The Queen's Eegiment of Horse is now the Kmg's Dragoon Guards. f Now the Eoyal Scots. Each battahon was 900 strong. None of this regiment went over to William. When ordered to retire behind the Thames, it moved by Devizes to Windsor, which it reached November 29. It subsequently mutinied when ordered to Holland, as described fm-ther on. J The cavalry from the neighbourhood of London consisted of two squadi'ons of the Eoyal Dragoons under Lord Cornbury, the 8th Eegiment of Horse under Colonel Thomas Langston (it was then com- monly known as the Princess Anne's Eegiment, and sometimes as the Duke of St. Alban's, after its Colonel), and two squadrons of Sir J. Fen- wick's reguuent (now 3rd Dragoon Guards) under Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland. The 8th Horse, raised hj Lord Scarsdale in June, 1685, was disbanded after the battle of Steenkirk, where it had done good service but lost heavily. It took part in the battles of the Boyne and Aughrim. Its commander, Thomas Langston, died of fever at Lisburn in the Irish campaign of 1689 under Schomberg. He was succeeded hx his brother Francis, who became a distmguished officer, and died 6, 3, 1723. Both these brothers were strong Protestants and Whigs. § Berwick wrote to ask for armour for his own regiment, the lung having allowed it to be agam taken into use. Historical MSS., Second Eeport, p. 2. I Lord Ailesbury's ' Memoirs,' p. 185. 30 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Lord Feversham was to command the army and to ■ accompany James to Salisbury. Until their arrival Berwick 1688. -^y.^g Iq command the troops ordered to assemble there and in its neighbourhood. Berwick's orders were dated November 6, but manj^ days elapsed before they reached him at Portsmouth. In his memoirs he accuses Mr. Blathwayte, the Secretary for War, of having intentionally kept these orders back, in order to give Lord Cornbury and other officers time to join the Prince of Orange. We have a minute detail of the army with which James hoped to repel the Dutch invasion. It consisted of five so- called ' troops ' — they were regiments in reality — of Life Guards, sixteen regiments of Horse, five of Dragoons, four of Foot Guards, and twenty-seven of Foot — in all about 37,000 men. But of these, the 3,700 men drawn from the Scotch establishment only reached Carlisle when James arrived at Salisbury, and but few of the 2,800 from Ireland had yet passed Chester,* nor had the artillery which left London on November 10 yet arrived.! The slowness of their progress was doubtless due to the treachery of Sunderland and Blathwayte. The force to assemble at Salisbury was still further reduced by about 7,000 men, whom it was considered necessary to leave in London to overawe that dangerous centre of Protestantism. James's plan was to push forward his Horse and Dragoons to delay the Prince's advance until all the Royal army had assembled at Salisbury. This plan would also restrict the enemy's operations to the Devon- shire-Somerset peninsula — a matter of some consequence, as the King hoped thereby to check the spread of William's influence, and to prevent many of the disaffected from * The Royal Irish Reguiient of Foot reached Sahsbury about the same tune as King James. Seven of the thirteen companies of which the Irish Guards consisted came over and were given new arms from the Tower. They are described as 'tall, sightly young men.' Addi- tional MSS., No. 3,929, L. 47 B.M. These men were eventually transferred to the service of the Emperor of Germany. f Appendix to Fifth Report of Historical MSS., p. 379. LORD CORNBURY'S DESERTIOX 31 ioinins; him. But of the cavah'v which reached Sahsburv, Chai'iku ' ' XLVIII the officers commanding the King's liegiment of Horse (the Bhies), St. Albans' Regiment of Horse, and the Royal ^'^'*^- Dragoons, only waited for a favourable opportunitj' to join the invaders with as many men and officers as they could induce to desert. Colonel Sutherland, who commanded Fenwick's Horse, was not in the conspiracy against the Kmg. Before the troops left London for Salisbury, it had been arranged by those colonels who were in the conspiracy that they were to take the first good opportunity of deserting, and of carrying off to the Prince's headquarters as many junior officers and soldiers as they could induce to go. Arrived at Salisbmy, they devised and carried out the fol- lowing plan of operations. It was given out generally that orders for an advance upon the enemy would reach Salis- bury by the post expected on November 11. The post-bag arrived at midnight, and Colonel Langston, in command of St. Albans' Regiment, opened it in the presence of his officers. AMiat were apparently marching orders from London — cunningly introduced by him amongst the letters — were carried to Lord Cornbury, who was then m command at Salisbury. Having read or seemed to read the orders, he at once announced that the three cavalry regiments present — whose commanding officers were in the conspiracy — were to advance on the enemy at five o'clock the following morn- ing. They set out accordingly, and, marchmg for two days with but few short halts to refresh men and horses, reached Axminster, a distance of fifty miles, on the after- 1{: 11, 168S. noon of the 13th. At Axminster, which is only six miles from Honiton, then William's headquarters, they were jomed by the Earl of Abingdon, Sir "W. Clerges, and about thirty other gentlemen. To keep their intentions still secret and deceive the men and officers who were not in the plot. Lord Cornbury issued orders to beat up the invaders" quarters at Honiton that night, and accordingly, soon after sunset, the three re^nments were a^^jain on the march. The Prince of 32 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Orange, apprised of this by Cornbury, sent out some cavalry * to meet and conduct them to his camp, where they were 1688. received with open arms by two battahons of infantry.* When the men took in the situation, most of the Bhies and of the Eoyal Dragoons galloped back to rejoin the King at Salisbury, but the whole of the Duke of St. Albans' Horse followed their commanding officer and joined the Prince of Orange. t This desertion was not only a loss of fighting- power, but it had a demoralizing effect on the rest of James's army. Every man began to suspect his comrade, and the infection of disloyalty, once caught, quickly spread throughout the ranks. It also gave great encouragement to the country gentlemen to join William. James was at Windsor, and about to dine, when the news reached him that Lord Cornbury and others had deserted to the enemy, with some of their men. It was a terrible shock to him. He was in no humour for dinner ; ' so, calling for a piece of bread and a glass of wine, went to consult what measures' should be taken. t At the same moment Lords Sunderland, Godolphin, and Churchill ' were seen unawares going hand in hand along the gallery, in the greatest transport of joy imaginable.' § This dis- astrous intelligence caused James for the moment to change his plans. He ordered the artillery train, his own equipage, and the troops then on the march for Salisbmy, to halt, as he now hesitated about going there himself. His reliance had been in his army, and he at last realized that it could no longer be trusted. In reporting this serious news from Salisbury, Feversham pointed out in his letter * Colonel Tollemache commanded one of these regiments, which is now the Northumberland Fusiliers. He had been one of those who were active in the conspiracy against James, and had recently' bolted to Holland, whence he returned to England with William, who had given liim connnand of a regiment of infantry to fight against his old master James. f This regiment, afterwards the Hth Horse, was disbanded in 1693. X See Macpherson. § Clarke's ' Life of James.' vol. ii., p. 218. JAMES SETS OUT FOR SALISBURY 33 how important it was that the Kinff should at once appear CHAin-ER . • • XLVIII amongst his troops ; James, after much hesitation, accord- . , ingly resolved to set out forthwith. l^^^- Before he did so, all the Protestant peers in town sent him a petition b}' the hands of the two Archbishops, in which they besought him to call a free Parliament together, and thereby save the country from civil war and bloodshed. The Roman Catholics about James dreaded Parliament as much as they dreaded William's arrival in London, and as the King cordialh' disliked the proposal, he was easily persuaded to reject it. The refusal sealed his doom ; it was his last chance, and he missed it. Thenceforward it was evident to all classes of the people that the only hope for liberty and Protestantism rested on the Prince of Orange, to whom everj^ heart went out when he proclaimed that he had come to uphold the laws, liberties, and religion of England. Protestants in high position now only looked for favourable opportunities to join William, for all felt that a victory for James would place them at the mercy of an implacable tyrant. Three years only had elapsed since Monmouth's defeat, and the horrors which, by order of James, had followed upon that event were still unf or gotten. On the 17th of November the King, with Prince George H lb i^^S. of Denmark, the Duke of Grafton, the Earl of Dumbarton, Lord Churchill, the French Ambassador, the Count de Pioye,* and a numerous staff, mcluding a Protestant chaplain for the sake of appearances, left Wmdsor for the headquarters of the army at Salisbury,! which he reached in two da^'s, disordered in mind, fatigued in body, and troubled with a copious bleeding at the nose, probably the result of intense excitement. He took up his quarters in the Bishop's palace. J To Churchill and the others who had iP, ll, 1688. * Lord Feversham's brother. "f The King's escort consisted of a detachment of the Horse Guards and the Irish Dragoons. J Kennett ; London Gazette; Echard, p. 175. VOL. II. 28 34 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr made up their minds to ioin the Prince of Oranf^e the XLVIII . . ... ^ . ■ jom'ney must have been trying, with deceit in their faces 16S8. and treachery in their hearts. When James reached Salisbury, WiUiam had already marched into Sherborne. Why the King allowed so many days to elapse, after hearing of the landing at Torbay, before he set out to join his army, is a question not easy to answer. The delay argued a want of vigour and confidence that was injurious to his cause, and also gave rise to the idea that he feared to encounter his lion-hearted son-in-law. iV 11, 1688. Lord Churchill was promoted to be a Lieutenant-General before leaving London, and on arriving at Salisbury he took over the command of a brigade of about 5,000 men. It was asserted by many who were aware of the circumstances at the time, that had James marched against William at once when he reached Salisbury, his soldiers would have fought for him.* Lord Forbes pressed the King to attack forthwith; for, as he truly said, soldiers only desert when left inactive ; they do not do so when marching upon an enemy.! The foreigner Feversham did not possess the qualities of a General, and had no influence with his troops ; but had there been at the King's side a real soldier of Churchill's military capacity, and who preferred the- King's interests to the liberty and religion of the English people, how different even then might have been the history of the time ! The military student will readily understand how much we are indebted for the successful issue of the Revolution to Marlborough's desertion. H 11, 1688. James reviewed his troops at Salisbury and made them a gracious speech on the day after his arrival. To every soldier whom Cornbury had endeavoured to carry over to William, but who had returned to his allegiance, he gave a gratuity, and said that any who wished to quit his service were at liberty to do so. In order to inspire the troops with confidence, an immediate attack upon the * Lord Onslow's note in Burnet, vol. ii., p. 791. f Memoirs of the Earls of Granard. THE ALLEGED PLOT TO SEIZE JAMES 35 enemy's troops was talked of, and to strengthen this idea Chaitek James announced his intention of going the next day — " Wednesday — to Warminster, a small town some twenty- ^^^^* one miles off, to inspect the advanced guard, which was under the command of General Kirke.* The King was to have travelled in his son Berwick's carriage, but was prevented from going at the last moment by a return of the bleeding, from which he had again suffered on the previous evening, immediately after the review, and to which he appears to have been subject.! James avers: ' It was generally believed afterwards that my Lord Churchill, Kirke, Trelawney, and some others in that quarter, had layd a design to seize the King, either in his going thither or coming back, and so have carried him to the Prince of Orange.' t Now, this statement, which has been repeated over and over again, rests upon no good evidence. Lord x\ilesbury, though, in his ' Memoirs,' declares it to be true ' on my own certain knowledge ' ; § but he wrote many years after the events he describes, * This advanced guard consisted of the followmg regiments : The third troop of Life Guards (disbanded in 1746 ; Lord Cliurchill was ts Captain in 1688) ; the Queen Consort's Regiment of Horse, now the 1st or King's Dragoon Guards; Werden's Regiment of Horse (dis- banded in 1690) ; the Queen's Regiment of Dragoons, now the 3rd Hussars ; two battahons of Dumbarton's, now the Royal Scots ; Kirke's Regiment, now the Queen's ; and Trelawney's, now the King's Own or Ro^'al Lancashii'e Regiment. f See Echard's ' History of the Revohation,' p. 175. In James's own account, in vol. i. of Macpherson, he says he ' was not naturally subject to ' this bleeding, but there is good evidence to show that he had suffered from it before. In Luttrell for 7, 1, 168| it is stated 'the King of England continues at St. Germains, and hath lately had a nolent fit of bleeding again,' and in another place he says that James, ' in his way to Brest,' was said to have been taken ' ■with a paralytick fitt and a violent bleeding for some time.' In fact, he may be said to have died of it. His brother Charles also died of apoplexy. % Macpherson, in his wish to favour James, has garbled this passage in a most dishonest way. See Macpherson's Papers, vol. i., p. 162. and Cox, vol. i., note to p. 40. Clarke's ' Life of James,' vol. ii., p. 222. § Lord Ailesbury's ' Memoirs,' p. 189. 36 MARLBOROUGH Chapter and ill SO many instances misstates facts, that I do not ^ ' think any reliance can be placed upon his iincorrohorated 168^- testimony. It was, in fact, a mere camp rumour set on foot at James's headquarters, when Churchill went over to the Prince of Orange. ig n, 1688. On the 19th William left Exeter for Axminster, and learning there that James had reached Salisbury, he pushed ?i' 11, 1688. some troops forward towards that place. On the 20th a skirmish took place at Wincanton — about thirty miles west of Salisbury — between an advanced patrol of the invading army and a detachment of Irish troops under the gallant Sarsfield. Several Irish were killed and wounded, but with the exception of this, and of another trifling skirmish at Reading, in which again a few Irish were killed, the Revolu- tion was accomplished Avithout fighting. -V-ii, 1688. When James relinquished his intention of going to War- minster, he assembled a Council of superior officers. Some, including Churchill, urged him to fight ; indeed, it is said that he pressed James to adopt this course with a view to remove the suspicion under which he felt that he then lay. Feversham, his brother the Count de Roye and Lord Dumbarton advised James not to fight, but to fall back behind the Thames.* Believing that everything depended upon the army, whose fighting value had been somewhat rudely shaken l:)y the desertion of Lord Cornbury and others, James made a touching appeal to the loyalty of the officers present at the Council. He tells us in his memoirs : ' They all seemed to be moved at this discourse, and vowed they would serve him to the last drop of their blood — the Duke of Grafton (James's nephew) and my Lord Churchill were the first that made this attestation, and the first who, to their eternal infamy, broke it afterwards, as well as Kirke, Trelawney, etc., who were no less lavish of their promises on this occasion, though as false and * Clarke's ' Life of James,' vol. ii., p. 22^^, and Dalrymple, vol. ii.,_ p. 201 . THE MILITARY CONSPIRACY 37 treacherous as the rest m the end.'* He forgot to add that Chapteu VT yjTT //(' also had been eqiiall}' guilty of treachery and broken vows. If this statement be strictly accurate, truth and 1^88. honesty would indeed seem to have had no home in England then, for if absent from the officers of the Army and Navy, they need not be looked for elsewhere. There is no doubt that Grafton, Churchill, the Prince of Denmark, the Duke of Ormond, Generals Kirke, Trelawney, and a host of other officers, were only awaiting a favourable opportunity to desert to the Prmce of Orange. They could not, of course, help attending a meeting called by the King, and when in his presence they could hardly tell him to his face of their intention to desert, besides, the statement as to their loud protestations of loyalty is probably exaggerated. From what we know of Churchill's character, I think it may be fairly assumed that he confined himself upon this occasion, as in his letter to -Tames, to asserting his willing- ness to hazard both life and fortune in his endeavours to preserve the King's person and lawful rights. Im- mediately after the meeting most of the superior officers, including some of those who had just assured James of their loyalty, went in a body to Lord Feversham and gave him to understand ' that however devoted they were to his Majesty's service, they could not in conscience fight against a prince who was come over with no other design than to procure the calling of a free Parliament for the security of their religion and liberties.' + Lord Forbes, in command of what is now the Pioyal Irish Piegiment, had reached Salisljur}' on Wednesday, and supped that evening with Churchill, the Duke of Grafton, and the other officers concerned in the plot against James. In * James says this took place at the Council of officers he held in London before settmg out for Sahsbviry, but I am inclined to think it was at the Coimcil he held at Sahsburv, as described above. Amongst other reasons for believing this, neither Kirke nor Trelaw^iey was in London the day before James started for the West. f Kalph, vol. i.. p. 1044. Echard's ' Eevolution,' p. 176. 38 MARLBOROUGH Chapter very guarded terms tliey all strove to win him and the XLVIIT •' o "^ ' Duke of Northumberland — who commanded the second 1688. troop of Life Guards — to the cause of the Prince of Orange.* Forbes went forthwith to the King, told him what had jpassed at supper, and advised him to arrest the conspirators and transfer their commands to men whose fidelity could be relied upon.f But James refused to believe the story or to arrest the incriminated officers, although urged by Lord Feversham on his knees to do so in order to strike terror into the other conspirators, t * This troop is now the second regiment of Life Guards. This was George, Duke of Northumberland, the third illegitimate son of Charles II. by the Duchess of Cleveland. He remained loyal until James quitted London on December 11. He was removed from com- mand of this second troop of Life Guards by William III. in April, 1689. The Duke of Grafton, his full brother, went over at Salisbury to the Prince of Orange. f ' I have heard wise men say that if James II. had turned out the old officers and made new ones amongst the common soldiers, King WiUiam would not easily have brought about his enterprise ; at least, there would have been more bloodshed.' — Speech of the Duke of Wharton in the House of Lords in 1724. See ' Parliamentary History,' vol. viii., p. 389. J Dr. King's ' Anecdotes of his own Times,' p, 352. He asserts that Lord Granard (Lord Forbes in 1688) told him this story. [ 39 ] CHAPTER XLIX. LORD CHURCHILL DESERTS KING JAMES. Cliurchill's letter to James announcing his desertion — Other officers desert also — The infection spreads to the Navy — James orders his .\i-my to fall back behind the Tlianies — Prince George deserts. To Lord Churchill the nmht of November 21 must have Chapter XLIX been one of mental torture, for the moment had come when " ' he must either desert and sacrifice the King, or renounce i^^^- his own religious convictions. Few can pretend to realize what his determination must have cost him. His conduct has been attributed by some to a cold-blooded self-interest, which it is said outweighed all other considerations. But surel}' this view can hardly be maintained, looking to the fact that the step which he took was in direct opposition to his personal interests. The time had come for declaring himself, if he were to carry out his long-announced intention of standing by the Protestant cause. He must now desert the master whose fortunes he had followed for no less than twenty-three years — the master who had raised him step by step until he had at last become a peer and a Lieutenant- General. From his very boyhood James had helped and befriended him. Was he now to use the position he had acquired, and the influence in the army which it gave him, to destroy his benefactor ? "When the supreme moment came, it was but natural that he should feel the weight of the decision which he had deliberately taken some three years before. It was not that James had ])een a i^eculiarly 40 MARLBOROUGH Chapter indulgent or open-handed master, for when we consider the ■ scale upon which Court favourites were usually rewarded, it 1688. cloes not appear that Churchill had been treated with undue liberality. Personal kindness and geniality have never been attributed to James, except by those who seek to make out a case against Churchill. He himself was under no delusion as to the nature of James's heart and disposition. He knew his master thoroughl}', and that master's conduct after the battle of Sedgemoor had revealed him in his true colours. Still, the severance of old ties and associations touched the cool-headed, calculating, though tender-hearted Churchill. To those in distress, he was always a kind friend, but, except towards his own family, he was generally unsentimental in disposition ; but he would not have been human had he left James at Salisbury without sorrow, anxiety, and distress of mind, from all which we know he suffered. The conspirators assembled at Salisbury felt that they were suspected. Delay might imperil their safety, and, as far as Churchill was concerned, possibly the success of the whole plot. No time, therefore, was to be lost. That very •^i-H. 1688. night Churchill, the Duke of Grafton, Colonel Berkeley, and some other officers, wdth about twenty troopers of the Eoyal Dragoons, quietly left Salisbury for Axminster, where they joined AVilliam on November 23.* Churchill wrote the following letter to James when he left him : ' Sir, — Since men are seldom suspected of sincerity, when they act contrary to their interests, and though m}^ dutiful behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of times (for which I acknowledge my poor services much overpaid) may not be sufficient to incline you to a charitable interpre- tation of my actions, yet I hope the great advantage I enjoy under your Majesty, which I can never expect in any other change of Government, may reasonably convince your * Burnet. This Bishop was with WiUiiuu iit tlie time. Berkeley was equerry to the Princess Anne. CHURCHILL'S FAREWELL LETTER TO JAMES 41 Majesty and the world that I am actuated by a higher Chaitkh principle, when I offer that violence to my inclination and " ' interest as to desert your Majesty at a time when your l^^s. affairs seem to challenge the strictest obedience from all your subjects, much more from one who lies under the greatest obligations to your Majesty. This, Sir, could proceed from nothing but the inviolable dictates of my conscience, and a necessary concern for my religion (which no good man can oppose), and with which I am instructed nothing can come in competition. Heaven knows with what partialit}^ my dutiful opinion of your Majesty has hitherto represented those unhappy designs which incon- siderate and self-interested men have framed against your Majesty's true interest and the Protestant religion ; but as I can no longer join with such to give a pretence by conquest to bring them to effect, so I will alwaj' with the hazard of my life and fortune (so much your Majesty's due) endeavour to preserve your royal person and lawful rights, with all the tender concerns and dutiful respect that becomes. Sir, your Majesty's most dutiful and most obliged subject and servant, — Churchill.'* Let those who are disposed to join in the condemnation under which Marlborough has so long lain, carefully read this straightforward, but touching letter. It is a clear, manly exposition of his feelings, and requires no comment to point its meaning. Whatever his enemies may say to the contrar}^, its expressions are all his own, and they are not those of a villain, but the plain outspoken sentiments of a man driven to treason against his King by that King's treason against his country, and driven to leave the master he had long and faithfully served by that master's flagrant betrayal of liis sacred trust. He was indeed justified in saying that under no other Government could he ever hope to ' enjoy the great advantages ' he possessed under James. It was a curious coincidence that he should join T\^illiam * State Papers. Dom.. first bundle for 1(3(S9. 42 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek in the immediate neighbourhood of his own birthi^lace, to " I ■ which, also, his miHtary operations during Monmouth's 1688. rebelUon had been chiefly restricted. Far-off recollections of a childhood passed in poverty must have crowded upon his memory as he rode mto Axminster ; and the familiar scene must have recalled to his mind tales of fights between Eoyalist and Eoundhead, to which as a boy he had eagerly listened in Ash Hall. And he, the son of a devoted Cavalier who had fought and suffered for his King, is now com- pelled by his conscience to desert the cause of that King's son, his own lawful Sovereign ! Had he been the most hard-hearted of men, the feelings and recollections which then filled his brain must have moved him strongly as he rode into the headquarters of the foreign Prince now in arms against his master. This was the great turning-point in his life. Actuated by lofty motives, and in Avhat was to him a sacred cause, he was breaking away from the patron of his boyhood, the friend of his mature j^ears. He, a Cavalier, was becomhig a traitor, in the common acceptation of the term, and throwing in his lot with his King's greatest enemy. James and Churchill alike suffered for their steady adherence at this epoch to the faith that was within them. One lost his Crown, and died in exile the despised dependent upon the bounty of a foreign sovereign ; and the other, though he lived to be the foremost man in Europe, died detested and vilified by the nation which he made great and famous. Churchill's desertion was a heavj^ blow to James, for, apart from all personal feelings, he well knew what great influence his former favourite possessed in the army. When told that Churchill had left to join William, he turned to Feversham, who stood near, and said: 'Fever- sham, I little expected this severe stroke ; but you, my lord, understood him better than I did, when you advised me yesterday to secure him and the others who have gone off with him. My only resource now is in Providence ; I can no longer count on my troops, who no doubt have been PLYMOUTH DECLARES FOR WILLIAM 43 corrupted by the pernicious advice of their disloyal Chapter officers.'* -^_^^- From this moment the number of deserters increased 1688. rapidly. Brigadier-General Trelawney, with Colonel Charles Churchill and some of his non-commissioned officers and men, quitted Warminster to join "William. On some frivolous pretext, Kirke, when ordered to march to Devizes, refused, and was sent a prisoner to London before he had found an opportunity of deserting, t James now sent General the Earl of Dumbarton with a couple of squadrons of Horse, to brmg back the remainder of the four battalions from Warminster. But no officer of influence was left to strike a blow for the King. Churchill's defection had turned the scale hopelessly against him, and the army could no longer be depended on. ' Abundance of officers are gone, but not that proportion of soulgers,' wrote one on the spot.t As might, however, be expected, the discipline and military spirit of those who remained with their colours were seriously shaken. James now heard that the garrison of Plymouth had declared for William, and that the infection had spread to the Navy, for upon the arrival there of Lord Churchill's brother George, m command of the Newcastle, he also had deserted. The King sent Lord Dartmouth a warrant to arrest him, but two days afterwards it became known that Lord Bath had seized Plymouth for the Prince of Orange, so no further steps were taken m the matter. § James knew not which way to turn or whom to trust, and when told that Marshal Schomberg w-as advancing upon Salisbury, he gave orders for the retreat of his army, and set out himself for Windsor. The Foot were to retire Y-^h, I688. * Lediard's ' Marlborough,' vol. i., p. 52. t Brought before the Council m London, he was discharged, • nothing bemg positive against him.' — Luttrell's Diary of December, 1688. t Sir J. Bramston, p. 336. § Historical MSS., Dartmouth Papers, p. 214. 44 MARLBOROUGH Chapter behind the Thames, whilst Feversham, with the bulk of XLIX 1 * the Horse and Dragoons, was to remain south of the river 1688. ai; Pleading as long as possible, so as to eat up the forage, which might otherwise fall into the hands of the invading army. Though no coward, James lacked the highest kind of courage. He could not play a losmg game, and at this crisis he displayed neither firmness nor spirit. Lord Danby, who knew James well, when he heard that William was advancing towards London, repeated a former saying of 'Schomberg and other old officers,' that James was at heart a coward : he was sure, he said, that James would not meet the Prince.* "William, having stayed four days at Axminster, moved forward towards Sahsbury, taking Churchill with him.f ^•*j:i2, 16S8. He rode into the town escorted by those who had joined him, and took up his residence in the Bishop's palace, t His adherents were now numerous enough to be formed into three regiments. Lord Mordaunt, Sir John Guise, Bart., and Sir Kobert Peyton being selected as the three Colonels. § Several independent companies of pikemen 28, 2, 1689. were also raised, and afterwards formed into what is now the Yorkshire Regiment. The Somerset gentry who joined William stated in their published ' Declaration ' that they had done so ' for the defence of the Protestant religion, and for maintaining the ancient government and the laws and liberties of Eng- land,' etc. They swore to stand by William ' until our religion, our laws and liberties are so far secured to us by a free Parliament that we shall be no more in danger of falling under Popery and slavery.' Prince George of Denmark — lately made a Knight of * Echard's ' Revolution,' p. 171. '' ' • t On liis way he lodged at Wincanton, ' in the house of one, Mr. Churchill, a merchant.' — ' Harleian Miscellany,' vol. i., p. 439. J Clarendon's Diary, vol. ii., p. 215. § Sir llobcrt Peyton's comniissiou as Colonel is dated f;{] 11, 168B, and Ills regiment is now the Lancasliire Fusiliers. . PRINCE GEORGE OF DENMARK DESERTS 45 the Garter — had left London with the Kmg, intendin']', like Chaitek XT TV Churchill, to join William upon the first favourable oppor- " 1 * tunity. Why he did not accompany Churchill and the I688. Duke of Grafton is not known. Suj^ping with James at "r*l-^' ^^^^• Andover during the retreat from Salisbury, as the news of each fresh defection from the King was announced, the Prince said, ' Est-il possible ?' — he never learnt to speak English intelligibly. That night he and the young Duke of Ormond, with some others, started for William's head- quarters, and when this was reported to James in the morning he exclaimed, ' How ! — has " Est-il possible " gone off too ? I only mmd him as connected with my dearest child, otherwise the loss of a stout trooper would have been greater.' James distributed his army north of the Thames, at Maidenhead, Windsor, Staines, Egham, Chertsey, Col- brook, etc., and went himself to London. His oldest --if-H. 1688. servants were deserting him, and he began to thmk that he, too, might share the fate which overtook his father. [ 46 ] CHAPTEE L. KING JAMES LEAVES ENGLAND FOR EVER. The Princess Anne flies at the approach of her father — An account of her proceedings — James calls a Council in "Whitehall — He resolves to leave England — His order to disband the Ai-my — William reaches Windsor — Churchill arranges for the distribution of the troops in London — The Act of Association — The Convention Parliament — The question of a Eegency — William and Mary declared King and Queen — They resent Lady Churchill's influence over Anne — Churchill re- organizes the Armj', and is created Earl of Marlborough. Chaptek The first news which greeted the dejected King upon ^- reaching Whitehall was that the Princess Anne had fled 1688. from London. Both his daughters had now turned against him ; and it is not surprising that he shed tears as he exclaimed, ' God help me ; even my children have forsaken me !'* Their desertion was not only a grievous shock to him as a parent, but a disastrous blow to his cause. Both were known to be sound Protestants, and many who might otherwise have held back from fighting against the Lord's anointed threw in their lot with William when the Prin- cesses set the example. To account for her sudden dis- appearance, Anne left a letter, addressed to her stepmother, which discloses a baseness and a refinement of perfidy which it would be hard to match. To put it plainly, 'Good Queen Anne' lied the more effectually to destroy * Barillon, who had returned from Salisbury to London the same day as the King, mentions in one of his letters to Lewis XIV. having heard that Anne had fled wlieu he was passing through Staines that morning. ANNE DESERTS HER FATHER 47 her own father. Her flight was planned by Lady Churchill Chaitku as part of the arranged scheme, and was put into execution 1 as soon as Prince George's defection became known. To i^S'*- avoid suspicion, Anne retired to rest as usual on the pre- '•'"•i'' ^^^^• vious night, Mrs. Danvers, her lady-in-waiting, sleeping in the anteroom. The following morning the Princess was not to be found ; her bed had not been slept in, and the clothes she had worn the day before, even to her shoes and stockings, were left behind. It appears that when James was first told of Churchiirs desertion, immediate orders were given to have his lodgings in Whitehall and his house at St. Albans searched for papers ; and writing on the evening of the 25th, from Hartley Eow, to the Secretary of State, James desired that Sarah Churchill should be confined to Lady Tyrconnel's rooms in St. James's Palace, and Mrs. Berkeley to the house of her father, the Ivnight-Marshal.* But the order came too late, for the ladies had fled before it could be executed.! James could find out little regarding Anne's flight, beyond the fact that the sentry over her door had seen a coach drive up between two and three o'clock in the mornmg, pick up some ladies, and drive off again. We now know that the coach con- tained the Earl of Dorset and Compton, Bishop of London, who, being joined by the Princess, Lady Churchill and Mrs. Berkeley, drove to the Bishop's residence in Alders- gate Street, t The Princess had not passed through the anteroom where Mrs. Danvers slept, but through the closet * Historical MSS., Dartmouth Papers, p. 214 ; a letter from Pepys to Lord Dartmouth ; also Appendix to Sixth Report, p. 261, p. 350, and p. 418. f Letters from Lord Middleton to Lord Preston, Hartley Eow, November 25, 7 p.m. Preston Papers. The Lord Chief Justice Wright granted a warrant to seize Sarah and her goods, but it was never executed. Luttrell, vol. i., p. 479. X Mrs. Berkeley's husband had deserted with the Duke of Grafton, Lord Churchill, and others. He was subsequently created Viscount Fitzharding. His wife was a ViUiers, and an intimate friend of Marl- borough's wife. 48 MARLBOROUGH Chapter and down the back-stairs. The Duchess of Marlborough '_ would have us believe that Anne was surprised and alarmed 1688. upon learning that Prmce George had joined William, and she herself says in her letter to the Queen : ' I am so deeply afflicted with the surprising news of the Prince's being gone,' etc. But this is clearly false, for it is certain that the whole plot had been concocted before Churchill started with the King for Salisbury. By Lady Churchill's advice, Anne pretended that she had fled in order to avoid her father's anger at the Prince's desertion, and, according to Sarah's account, the Princess had told her ' that sooner than see her father she would jump out at window.'* She must, however, have been aware that flight was more necessary for herself than for the Princess. Sarah's in- fluence over Anne was notorious, and James would be sure to visit his anger upon her rather than upon his daughter. It is vain for her to pretend that she merely acted in obedience to Anne's orders, and that the whole affair was 'sudden and unconcerted,'+ for on another page she con- fesses, or rather boasts, that she influenced her mistress in all that she did. Her husband had promised William, before he left Holland, that Anne and Prince George should join him upon his landing in England, and Anne ^1 11, 1688. had written wishing him ' good success in this so just an undertaking, and / luqx' flic Prince itill soon he icitli ijou, who, I am sure, will do you all the service that lies in his power. He went yesterday with the King towards Salisbury, i)iteiidiii(i to go front thence to yon as soon as Ids friends thoiKjht proper.' She goes on to say: 'I am not yet certain if I shall continue here, or remove into the City ; that shall depend upon the advice my friends will give me.' I Her destination in the City was Bishop Comp- * She says so in the letter she wrote to her stepmother the night she fled from Whitehall. The letter was evidently written under the dictation of Sarah. ' Conduct,' p. 16. f ' Conduct,' p. IB. X Dalrymple, vol. ii., p. ;}88, Appendix. BISHOP COMPTON AS A SOLDIER 49 ton's house, in Suffolk Street, Strand, a secret address Chaitku which Sarah naively says had been sent to her in case Anne L might require the worthy Bishop's services. The probable ^688. contingencies had l)een well thought out, and the action to be taken decided upon, whenever it should become known that James was on his waj' back to London.* Further evidence to the same effect is not wantmg, for on December 4 Churchill asked Lord Clarendon, whom he met at "William's headquarters, ' when the Princess left the Cockpit. When I told him,' writes Clarendon, ' he said he wondered she went not sooner.' + Anne's flight from London was so clearly a part of the plot that the efforts of the Duchess to excuse or misrepresent it are alike futile. Anne was fully aware that the arm}' intended to desert her father, for when Lord Clarendon spoke to her of his son's desertion she coolly answered : ' People were so appre- hensive of Popery, that she believed many more of the army would do the same.'t Aiine and her companions having passed the night in the Cit}', proceeded the next morning to Lord Dorset's place, Copt Hall, and thence to Northampton, which she entered in triumph. There the people rallied round her, and she felt herself safe among the friends of the Prince of Orange. § Accompanied by Lady Churchill and the Bishop, she next went to Oxford, where she was jomed by M 12, less. her husband and some troops sent by the Prince of Orange. The Bishop, who had resumed his old military garb, rode in front of her Dragoon escort with pistols in his holsters and a drawn sword in his hand. He subsequently^ returned to London in the same fashion, and on the banner of his troop was inscribed, ' Nolumus leges Angli?e mutari.' James, dejected and humbled in spirit, knew not what * That Sarali was untruthful is apparent from many mcidents of her career, but this instance affords the most direct and complete evidence on the point. t Clarendon's Diarj-, b}' Singer, vol. ii.. p. 214. X Clarendon's Diary, 20, 11, 1688. § ' Remarks upon the Conduct of a certain Duchess,' p. 12. VOL. II. 29 50 MARLBOROUGH Chapter to do. At last he resolvecl to call a Council to advise '_ him ; and to alia}' the public excitement only Protestants 1688. were summoned. About forty spiritual and temporal peers met accordingly in the dining-room at Whitehall, the morning after his arrival. The questions of opening negotiations with William, and of summoning a Parlia- ment, were discussed. Clarendon and some others spoke their minds freely, to James's infinite annoyance, while •James related his proceedings at Salisl)ury and tried to explain his conduct. He laid stress upon the Providential bleeding of the nose which had prevented him from going to Warminster, and had saved him, he said, from being handed over to the Prince of Orange. ' He had,' he added, ' great reason to believe that Lord Churchill then designed to give him up to William.'* His Eoman Catholic advisers, as well as the I^rench Ambassador, recommended him to send the Queen and the infant Prince to Paris without loss of time, and to follow them himself as soon as possible, to beg help from the French King. To the Earl of Ailesbury, who endeavoured to persuade him not to leave England, James said : ' If I should go, who can wonder, after the treatment I have found? My daughter hath deserted me, my army also, and him that I raised from nothing, the same on whom I heaj)ed all favours ; and if such betrays me, what can I expect from those I have done so little for? I know not who to speak to or who to trust. '+ He decided to follow the advice of the Poman Catholics, and accordingly sent off the Queen and her child by night. Two days later, having thrown the Great Seal into the Thames, he started for France himself. Before leaving Whitehall, he w^rote the follow- ing letter to his faithful Lord Feversham : 'Whitehall, ',{> 12, 1688. December 10, 1688. — Things are now come to that ex- tremity that I have been forced to send away the (()ueen * Clarendon's Diary, vol. ii., p. 208. f Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailcslnn'y, by himself, Itoxburghc Clul) I'apers, p. IGo. JAMES'S FAREWELL To EEVERSUAM 51 and my son the Prince of AVales, that they might not Chaitkh fall into my enemies' hands, which they must have done '_ had they stayed. I am obliged to do the same thing, and i^^^. to endeavour to secure my life the best I can, in hopes that it will please God, out of His infinite mercy to this unhappy nation, to touch their hearts again with true loyalty and honour. If I could have relied on all my troops, I might not have been put to tlie extremity I am in, and would at least liave had one blow for it; but though I know there are amongst you very many loyal and brave men, both officers and soldiers, 3'et you know that both yourself and several of the general officers and others of the army told me it was no ways advisable for me to venture myself at their head or to think to light the Prince of Orange with them. And now there remains only for me to thank 3'ou and all those officers and soldiers who have stuck to me, and ever truly loyal, and hope you will still retain the same fidelity to me, though I do not expect you should expose yourselves by resisting a foreign army and a poisoned nation ; yet I hope your former principles are so enrooted in you that you will keep yourselves free from associations and such pernicious things : time presses .so that I can sa}' no more. — J. Pi. ' I must add this, that as I have always found you loyal, so 3'ou have found me a kind master, as so you shall still find me to be. — J. E.' Upon receipt of this letter, Feversham wrote as follows from Uxbridge to the Prince of Orange : 'Noon, }r\ Decem- ber. — SiK, Having received this morning a letter from his Majesty, with the unfortunate news of his resolution to go out of England, and that he has actually gone, I thought myself obliged, being at the head of the army, having received his Majesty's orders to make no opposition against anybody, to let your Highness know it, with the advice of the officers here, as soon as it was possible to hinder the misfortune of the effusion of blood. I have sent orders already to that purpose to all troops that are under my 52 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek command, which shall be the last order they shall receive 1 from' (sic).* This letter was signed by the writer, and by 1688. Lanier, Fenwick, and Oglethorpe.! Feversham forthwith disbanded the army in obedience ta the orders he had received from James. He was not justified in adopting this com'se, and it was the more miwarrantable inasmuch as the men were sent away without the paj^ which was due to them. This was done for the express puri)ose of embarrassing William, and it did so considerably. It led to panics in London and elsewhere, and occasioned riots in which the Spanish and Florentine Embassies were sacked, and the newly-erected Roman Catholic churches destroyed. It might have led to great disorders ; for a number of men, especially wild Irish Catholics, suddenly released from the restraints of dis- cipline and let loose upon an unarmed population, could not fail at least to create alarm, even if no more serious consequences followed. James told Lord Dartmouth that any of the men under his command who wished to remain faithful to him should join Tyrconnel in Ireland. ' If they will not, there is no remedy,' he added. Already his thoughts and his hopes turned to Ireland, where his active Lord Deputy had raised a strong Catholic army, upon whose fidelity he knew he could depend. The Duke of Northumberland, t on hearing of James's flight, reassembled his troop of Life Guards, which had just been disbanded by Feversham, § and the Marquis of Miremonti did the same with his regiment of Horse, dis- missing the Catholics. Meanwhile the officers commanding- regiments in London sent an express to tell William of the King's flight, and to assure him that ' they would assist the Lord Mayor to keep the City quiet till his arrival.' * Historical MSS., Dartmouth Papers, p. 229. t Note to p. 250, vol. ii., of Clarke's ' Life of James.' J Illegitimate son of Charles II. § This troop is now the 2nd Life Guards. 'I A Frenchman, who was cousin to Feversham. CHURCHILL REACHES EON DUN 53 At Himgerford William met the three Commissioners Cwm-iku sent by James to treat with him.* Churchill was present ^ . [ 65 ] CHAPTER LI. ACCESSION OF WILLLUI AND MARY. The Eoj'al Scots Regiment mutinies — The Annual ]\Iutiny Act — The benefits gained by the Eevohition — [Marlborough's part in it. On Ash Wednesday William and Mary were proclaimed Chapter King and Queen, and on the following day the Privy 1 Comicil was formed and Chm'chill was sworn in.* England l^^^- at once began to settle down, hut the condition of affairs both in Scotland and in Ireland had assumed a serious aspect. Ireland was held b}- Lord Tyrconnel for James, whilst in Scotland Yiscount Dundee, with an army of High- landers, set William at defiance. A redistribution of the military forces of the Crown became, therefore, a matter of imperative urgency. It was also necessary to send some regiments to Holland, whence all available troops had been withdrawn in order to make up the army of in- vasion.! Those whose loyalty to William was most doubtful were selected, and of these, Dumbarton's — now the Pioyal Scots — was put under orders for embarkation. This had been a favourite regiment with James, and its Roman Catholic Colonel, Lord Dumbarton, had accompanied him to France. William made Marshal Schomberg Colonel in place of Dumbarton, an appointment which was so dis- * There was an mterregnuni of two months between this proclama- tion and the abdication of James on l\ 12, 1688, when at 1 a.m. he quitted the kingdom. J This order of j-^ 3, 168;f , was addi'essed ' To our Rt. Trusty and worthy Comicillor John Lord Churchill, Lieut.-General of our forces.' VOL. II. 30 66 MARLBOROUGH Chapi'ek tasteful to ' the regiment that the men refused to embark. ^^ A number of the officers and others seized the money 1689. destined for the payment of the men, and with four guns the regiment set out for Scotland."^ Viscount Dundee's regiment of Scots Horse follo^Yed their example, and also marched northwards. + It was necessary to put down this mutiny at once, Ijut instead of employing Churchill or some other English General to do so, William gave the command to the Dutchman, De Ginkel, appointing Major-General Sir John Lanier as second in command. This was the first instance in which he showed that pre- ference for his own countrymen over English officers which thenceforward gave such great offence to his new subjects. The troops employed to suppress this mutiny were two English regiments of Horse and three of Dutch Dragoons. I The mutinous Infantry, consisting of about twenty officers — including the ringleader, Lieutenant A. Gawen— and 500 men, were overtaken near Sleaford, in Lincoln- shire, when they laid down their arms and were escorted to London. Ten of the officers were tried at the Bury assizes in July, 1689, when one was convicted, six pleaded guilt}^, and three threw themselves on the King's mercy. Of all the twenty, tliree or four only were dismissed, the others being pardoned b}^ William, whose policy was to gain over the English army to his side. He foresaw that Lewis XIV. would not allow him to become King of England without further opposition, and a loyal and efficient army and navy were therefore amongst his most jjressing needs. The mutiny of Schomberg's Eegiment may be said to * They started from Ipswich, to which place tliey had gone to em- bark for Holland. f This regiment must not be confounded with the Scots Greys. These mutineers, if they can be styled so, escaped to Scotland, where many joined the Highlanders in their resistance to William. The regiment was at once disbanded. J The English regiments were the King's Eegiment of Horse, now the King's Dragoon Guards, and Colonel Langston's, the 8th Kegimeut of Horse, which was disl)anded in 169:5. MILITARY LAW 67 have l)rou WAS LORD CHURCHILL S DESERTION JUSTIFIABLE The necessity- of dethroning James if the EngUsh were to remain a free people — Eesistance the only effective remedy for despotism — Cluu'chiU's reluctance in lea^■ing James — His determination to do so if James interfered with the English Church — Loyalty has its limits — Duplicity of Anne, of "William, and of Mary — Lord Macaulay's abuse of Marlborough — The military aspect of this question — The ' Ai-ticle of War ' on desertion— The defection of Marlborough lost James his Crown— The report that Marlborough intended, if neces- sary, to assassinate James. We usually associate revolutions ^Yitll anarchy and violence, Chapter l)ut in 1688 a spirit of law and order prevailed which ' made it a revolution prevented rather than a revolution l^^^- accomplished.* Whenever men strike for liberty or in the cause of religion, it is easy for the skilled advocate or critic to frame a plausible mdictment against the rebel, and the task is all the easier if he has received favours at the hands of the Sovereign whose authority he has sought to subvert. Macbeth in a moment of remorse says: ' We will proceed no further m this business ; He hath honoured me of late.' The remembrance of benefits received from James must have caused Lord Churchill many a pang, for James had raised him step by step to the position he had then attained. On the other hand, Churchill had been to the King for twent}' years a vahuihle and faithful servant; and if we * Burke. 74 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek calmly review bis services, and compare them with his LII ' rewards, the debtor and creditor account does not seem 1689. to be unfairly balanced. But we have now to consider two questions vital to the character and reputation of Marlborough ; iirstl}', was he justified in deserting James ? and secondly, can the treachery which marked his desertion and the time he selected for it be excused or forgiven ? The first is simply a question of patriotic duty ; the second, if not a purely military question, is one in which the political exigencies of the moment must be weighed against military law and custom. It was clear that the reign of James II. must be brought to an end if the English people were to have any voice in the management of their country's affairs. Want of money had compelled him to meet Parliament upon his accession, but as soon as he had obtained from it the settlement of an ample revenue for life, he prorogued it, and never again called it together. Throughout his reign he showed an open determination to re-establish Popery, to destro3' Protestantism, and to rule despotically, regardless of his oaths and of the laws and immemorial rights upon which English liberty is based. Churchill clung to the hope that James would keep his Coronation Oath, and that, although a Pioman Catholic, he would maintain the English Church as established b}^ law ; and it was not until he realized how vain that hope was, that he joined with Devonshire and others in making overtures to the Prince of Orange. He entered most unwillingly into treasonable correspond- ence with the Prince of Orange, nor did he take part in the conspiracy until he had realized the impossil)ility of inducing James to abide by his Coronation vows, and until he clearly saw that if the rights of the Church and the liberties of the people were to be maintained, William must be established as ruler in his place. For what we call the philosophy of the Pievolution as it was represented by Lord Somers, Churchill cared nothing. RELUCTANCE OF CHURCHILL TO LEAVE JAMES 75 As a rule, resistance is the only effective remed}' for Chaitku despotism, whether it be the despotism of a King, a Presi- ' dent, or the more intolerable despotism of a Parliament or '^*^^^- a mob. But when a nation has been saved by this means, it is scarceh^ fair to denounce its saviours and to stigmatize them as traitors. Further, when men deliberatel}' resort to treason, as Churchill did in 1G88 and as Washington did nearly a century later, upon the conscientious conviction that such treason is necessary for the safety and welfare of their country, then indeed, we should pause before we condemn them. Such men do not act with a light heart or without the strongest reasons, and before we pass sentence upon them, their motives should be carefully examined. Men have often been guilty of treason in the pursuit of rank, power, or wealth, and could it be proved that Churchill was actuated by unworthy motives in 1688, no denunciation of his conduct could be too severe. But in joining the conspiracy against James he relinquished the almost certain possession of all those objects which men are usually most anxious to secure. He quitted the service of a King who was attached to him, and would pre- sumably have advanced his fortune, to throw in his lot with a Prince who might not even succeed in his enter- prise, and if he did succeed might prove to be no friend. We have good evidence of the extreme reluctance with which Churchill entered into treasonable correspondence with William, and with what repugnance he plotted against his old master. Nor did he finally decide to take part in the Revolution until he had taken the advice of his friend, the Bishop of Ely. The Bishop told him that it would Ije rebellion against God if he sided with those who sought to destroy the civil and religious rights of the people, and that to refuse assistance to those who ' came to the help of the Lord against the mighty ' would be to incur the curse pronounced against Meroz.* * Dr. Tiirner was then Bishop of Ely. See ' The Lives of Two lUustrious Generals,' etc., 1713, p. 23. 76 MARLBOROUGH Chai'tek He had striven earnestly to find excuses for James's _J ; illegal and outrageous conduct ; but the dictates of his 1689. conscience and his deep interest in the preservation of Protestant liberty would no longer allow him to remain with a King who had so signally disregarded his promises and his Coronation Oath. Churchill had no personal affec- tion for James, but he felt grateful to the master who had afforded him opportunities to rise in life, and was deeply 13ained at being compelled to join that master's enemies. The following extract is from a remarkable memorandum dictated by Sarah when an old woman, for the use of those whom she had commissioned to write her husband's life :* ' When he (Marlborough) left King James, which was with the greatest regret imaginable, but he saw it was plain that King James could not be prevented any other way from establishing Popery and arbitrary power to the ruin of England, and I really believe he then thought that the army would force the Prince of Orange to go back to Holland when they had found some way to secure the Prince of Orange's interest, and to have the laws of England continued, which King James had so solemnly promised to do when he came to the Crown. Everything that has happened since demonstrates that no King is to be trusted, and it is as plain, that if the Duke of Marlborough had had the same way of thinking that our present wise IMinisters have, he might have been anything that an ambitious man would desire by assisting King James to settle Popery in England.' What Churchill had laid out for himself, and what he promised he would do if William landed in England, that he resolutely did, for, as he wrote : ' I thinke itt is what I owe to God and to my country.'! No dispassionate judge can withhold his admiration for this manly, honest, and steadfast resolution. To this day we have reason to be thankful that he preferred the cause of the Eeformation to * Spencer House Tiipers. t His letter to Williiun of ^\ 8, 1688; see p. 12, vol. ii. LOYALTY HAS LFS LLMLLS jy the loyal promptings of his heart, and to all immediate Chmtkr consideration of his own personal interests. ^^ The thought of English gentlemen and officers de- ^689. liberately planning to desert with those under their command is repugnant to our ideas of honour and duty. But before we condemn those who went over to the Prince of Orange at the Revolution, we should in justice consider their position. When Admiral Herbert, Lord Churchill, and other officers deserted King James at the Revolution, and took up arms against him, they must have fully understood the serious nature of the line they adopted. What they did was not the outcome of any sudden impulse ; it was done deliberately and after much thought. There can be no doubt that this question had long been fully and carefully weighed by Churchill. The con- tingency of having at some time or other to decide this important point did not come upon him unawares, and it is greatly to his credit that he had openly announced l)efore- hand the course he meant to pursue. Fortunately for Churchill's reputation, he had openly announced that he would abandon James if he attacked the English laws and the English Church. He had solemnly warned the King not to attempt the re-estab- lishment of Popery ; and the fact that no high com- mand or office was bestowed upon him shows how fully James gauged the depth and sincerit}^ of his convictions. Thus it was that, when he deserted James, he neither quitted the service of a master whose confidence he enjoyed — for the King had long ceased to admit him to his secrets — nor did he violate any rule of the moral code of his day. He made his choice between what he conceived to be crime and what he believed to be duty, knowing that he would therel)}' incur the active enmit}^ of his master and the inevitable odium which justl}' attaches to military desertion. Few will deny that loyalty has its limits. A man may strive, as Churchill strove, to remain faithful to his King, 78 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek and shrink from the very idea of turnino; against his lawful LII o o ' Sovereign. But should the Sovereign violate his oaths, 1689. infringe the rights of his people, sequester their property, and strike at their cherished convictions, must the suhject still submit ? Even hereditary Royalty has its duties as well as its privileges, and when a King neglects his duties and breaks his engagements, he then forfeits his rights and prerogatives. Churchill would have been a traitor to his countr}' and to his religion had he remained loyal to James at the Eevolution. In all free countries there is either a written or a well- understood agreement between ruler and subject ; and James II. trampled that agreement underfoot. Edward II., Eichard II., and lastly James II., were deposed for l)reaking the contract they had made with the nation at their Coronation. The English country gentleman has ever been renowned for his loyalty. Before the Pievolution he believed that the right of the King to rule rested upon ' Right Divine,' and it has ever required much violence and tyranny on the Monarch's part to drive him into rebellion. It has never been easy for him so to break with old associations and principles as to cast in his lot wdth Roundheads or rebels. But in 1688 James had come to be regarded by his people more as a traitor than as a King, and they deemed that it was he, and not they, who was guilty of treason. The popular view is fairly set forth in the declaration published \2-4i, 1688. at Nottingham by Lord Delamere and others, which begins thus : ' We, the nolnlity, gentry and commonalty of three northern counties, assembled together at Nottingham for the defence of the laws, liberties and properties, according to these freeborn liberties and priviledges descended to us from our ancestors as the undoubted birthright of the subjects of this kingdom,' etc. It goes on to say : ' We own it rebellion to resist a King that governs by law ; but he hath been always accounted a tyrant that made his will the law, and to resist such a one we justly esteem it no rebellion, but a necessary defence,' etc. WILLIAM WAS THE CHIEF PLOTTER 79 Churchill was not the only deserter. Admiral Herbert Chaitek not only left James, but strove by a proclamation addressed ' to the seamen and junior officers of the fleet to induce ^^^^• them to follow his example, and he accepted the command of the fleet which brought AVilliam and his soldiers to this country. Queen Anne entered fully into the plot which destroyed a fond and indulgent father, and eventually mounted the Throne from which she had helped to drive him. The consummate villainy of Sunderland, and the duplicity of Halifax, Godolphin, Somers, Sidney, Shrews- bury, and others, are known to every reader of history. 'Had I a son,' wrote the Duke of Shrewsbury-, 'I would sooner breed him a cobbler than a courtier, and a hang- man than a statesman.'* And writing upon the morality of his time, Lord Halifax, an upright statesman as men went, said : ' I agree with you, this is not an age for a man to follow the strict morality of better times, yet sure mankind is not yet so debased but that there will ever be found some few men who will scorn to join m concert with the public voice where it is not well grounded. 't Had he lived to our day, he would have found that many politicians lacked the courage, loyalty, and patriotism to oppose a popular cry, even when they knew it to l)e wrong, and perhaps immoral. The Prince of Orange was in reality the chief plotter and the central figure in the Eevolution, and he, of all the con- spirators, gained most by it. All, including Churchill, were guilty of deception towards the King, but the greatest sinner was William IH. He was hypocrite enough to have prayers offered up daily in his wife's chapel for the baby Prince of Wales, while Mary was in close correspondence with her sister upon the subject or the ' warming-pan ' story, and active preparations were being made for the invasion of England. He not only lied himself, but he * In a letter from Rome of 17, 6, 1701 to Lord Somers. Vol. ii., p. 440, Hardwick Collection. t Letter of ^% 1, 168^* to his brother Henry Savile. 8o MARLBOROUGH Chapter made the King's daughter he also in order to deceive her T TT ' own father, and as late as the month of September she was 1689. made to write to him in affectionate terms with the object •^9, 1G88. of disarming his suspicions. A contemporary ballad-monger was indeed justified when he sang : ' Mary and Williani, George and Anne, Four such children never had man.'* Could falsehood go further than the following avowal in William's letter to the Emperor ? ' I have not the least intention,' he wrote, ' to do any hurt to his Britannic Majesty, or to those who have a right to pretend to the succession of his kingdom, and still less to make an attempt upon the Crown, or to desire to appropriate it to myself.' f He adds further on : 'I pray God, who is powerful over all, to bless this my sincere intention. I have more than ever need for Divine direction, not being sufficiently enlightened as to what action I should take.'^ Over and over again he assured his father-in-law that his preparations were aimed at France, and that he had no designs upon England. Had he failed, he could have returned home to reassume the government of Holland. But not so Churchill. At the age of thirty-seven, with a young wife and several children dependent upon him, he threw in his lot with the Eevolu- tion, and elected to sink or sAvim with the cause of religious liberty. His stake in the game was greater * In a Jacobite song of the period I find as follows : ' There's Mary the daiTghter, there's "Willie the cheater, There's Geordie the drinker, there's Annie the eater.' Another contemporary ballad runs thus : ' From undutiful children and subjects ungrateful, From Wildman's and Churchill's crews equally hateful. And irom the outlaw'd Bishop who hath his pateful, Libera nos Domine.' The Bishop was Compton, and Wildnian was the well-known \iolont republican. — Wilkins's ' Political Ballads,' vol. ii. t Dalrymple, vol. ii., Appendix to Book V., p. 132. I William to his friend Bentinck, ^,, 8, 1688. THE MILITARY CRIME OF DESERTION 8l than William's, for he staked his life, his property — indeed. Chapter his all.* ^ Lord Macaulay praises King William III. in extravagant 1689. terms. Yet William was the leader of the Revolution conspiracy, and where all were guilty of treachery and the basest deceit, he was prominent for his crafty dissimulation and unblushing perjury. As a contrast to his heroic idol, Macaulaj^ singles out Churchill, and denounces him with a scathing condemnation, remarkable even from one gifted with his unrivalled command of language. The distinction which he labours to draw between Churchill and the other conspirators is manifest!}' unfair. Tories like Clarendon and Nottingham, and Whigs like Somers, Halifax, and Devonshire, are thankfull}' remembered to this day, and if we acquit William of Orange, the daughters of James II., the Mmisters who were in James's secrets, and the others who helped to bring about the Revolution, we must acquit Churchill, whose conduct was actuated by higher motives than theirs. Of him it may be fairly urged, that he was onl}- a conspirator when he had the majority of his country- men as accomplices, and when, in common with them, he sought to save the nation. t Let us now turn to the second question, namely, the military aspect of the charge agamst Marlborough. Desertion in the face of the enemy is the greatest of military crimes. It is greater even than cowardice, for cowardice may be constitutional, whereas desertion is deliberate and premeditated. And of all forms of desertion, * He so fully realized the gravity of his decision that he made his •will in the siunmer of this year. We have no copy of it, but in a will made two years later by his vnie she refers to the sum of £7,000 which he had left her in it to dispose of as she thought fit. The copy of her will is amongst the Spencer House Papers. It is dated 19, 9, 1690. She bequeathed £500 out of this £7,000 ' to release poor people out of prison, which I desire Mr. Guydott, Sir John Briskeo, and Lord Marlborough -wdll take care may be disposed of where they find there is most charit3\' t Talleyrand said this of himself. VOL. II. 31 82 MARLBOROUGH Chapter the worst is that ill which an officer not only joins the ^^ ranks of the enemy himself, hut carries, or attempts to 1689. carry over, his men with him. An officer has no right to command soldiers if he be not imbued with that deep sense of honour which alone can hold an army together. Without it no system of discipline, however admirable or strictly enforced, can suffice. Can it be believed that our men fight because we give them a shilling a day, the wages of a boy or girl in a manufacturing district ? Eliminate the feelings of honour and pride in their calling and in their regiments, with which we try to inspire our men, and then see if the poor private will expose his body to the enemy's bullets from the love he bears to the British taxpayer, or for the miserable pay so grudgingly allowed him. From a military point of view, it is impossible to acquit Marlborough of desertion in 1688. Although he was not then in James's confidence and held no military command, still, as a favourite of many years' standing, and as a courtier who had l)een most in his secrets and had been promoted by him to high honour, we must be painfully im- pressed with Churchill's ingratitude and heartlessness. His conduct was in the highest degree treacherous and deceitful, and it is revolting to think of him and other officers travelling with James from Windsor to Salisbury, and show- ing him all outward marks of loyalty and obedience while they were in league with his enemies to betray him on the first favourable opportunity. To hold daily converse with the man whom they were seeking to destroy, and to act towards him as if they were still his faithful servants, implies a depth of baseness and treachery which is all ])ut diabolical. It must be freely admitted that during the ten years between 1(388-1698 Marlborough's career was sullied with acts which in the present day would place him beyond the pale of society, and which furnished Swift and Macaulay with ample materials for condemning him. But the real ARTICLE OF WAR ON DESERTION 83 question is, had Marlborough the pu])Hc good in view when Chaitkk he deserted James, or was his conduct inspired In- motives of personal ambition "? 1689. There is no practical standard by which the conduct of great men of action can be measured. Patriot leaders have generally been unscrupulous as to the means they employed to secure their aims. Thus, without attempting to ex- tenuate or excuse the gravity of his military crimes, the point to be considered is, whether in a supreme national crisis his duty to his country did not outweigh and over- ride his duty as a soldier '? In 1688 Marlborough was somethmg more than a mere soldier, owmg military' obedience to his Sovereign before all things. He was a power in the country. The time was one of intense excite- ment, religious as well as national, the forces were evenly balanced, and Marlborough's mfluence, into whichever scale it should be cast, would decide the issue. The question he put to himself was, Should he remain faithful to James and rivet, perhaps for ever, the 3'oke of despotism and Popery upon the neck of the English people, or should he, by transferring his allegiance and service to William, set them free ? As I read history, England owes him a debt of gratitude for the calculated deceit which marked his desertion, because it enabled William to accomplish his carefull}' planned plot without bloodshed. Had Marlborough stood by James as Feversham did, the Revolution could not have succeeded, if indeed it would have been attempted, and beyond all doubt, he fully appreciated the gravity of the step which he was about to take. In the ' Articles for the better Government of his Majestj'^'s Land-Forces in Pay,' published by James II. in 1688, Article ix. runs thus : ' AMioever shall go about to entice or persuade either officei' or soldier to join or engage in any traitorous or rebellious act, either against the royal person of the King or kingly government, shall suffer death for it ; and whoever shall not reveal to his superior officer 84 MARLBOROUGH Chapter sucli a conspiracy so soon as ever it shall come to his ' knowledge shall be judged equally guilty with the contrivers 1689. of such a plot or conspiracy, and consequently shall suffer the same penalty.' To ' the oath of fidelity to be taken by every officer and soldier in the army ' during the previous reign, James added the following sentence : ' And I do likewise swear that I believe that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against the King; and I do abhor that traitorous position of taking arms by his authority against his person or against those that are com- missioned by him.'* It would almost seem that when framing these ' Articles of War ' he foresaw the treason which his own illegal acts would bring about. Highly disciplined though our army be, its history proves that it has seldom fought well in what it believed to be an unrighteous cause. Unless the Eank and File are in- terested in their work, there will be no enthusiasm, and from an army without enthusiasm little can be expected. In the cause for which James now ordered them to fight, what could he hope for'? He had himself set them an example in law- breaking by his appointment of Roman Catholic officers to the command of regiments in direct violation of the law of the land. The law is and must always be the foundation of military discipline ; and when it is openly and defiantly broken b}' the King, the dis- cipline which holds his army together withers and dies. Although the British soldier is a volunteer, he is no mer- cenary, no mere hireling who will fight in any cause, be it just or unjust, for the Prince or Government who pays him. He is not a mere piece of machinery to be wound up like a clock, or regulated like a steam-engine or a spinning-jenny. He has not only a body to be shot, but he is endowed with the same feelings and the same love of life as other people, and with the same respect and enthusiasm for a righteous cause as the best in the land. His heart — for he, too, has * Taken from copy in uiy possession of the ' llules and Articles for the better Government of his Majesty's Land-Forces in Pay,' 1688. WHY MARLBOROUGH DID NOT RESIGN a heart — must be in the contest, and if it be not, there is Chaptkk LII Httle to be got from him. The Government or the General ' who counts upon the British soldier to fight well in an un- 1689. righteous and unjust cause, relies for support upon a reed that will pierce the hand which leans upon it. It has been urged by a host of writers that it was Churchill's clear duty as an officer and a gentleman to at least resign his commission before entering into a treason- able conspiracy against his master. In ordinary circum- stances that would unquestionably have been the proper course. But the circumstances were not ordinar}' ; they were most ]Deculiar ; for his master and benefactor had become a despot, who could only be disposed of either by assassination or hv a revolution ; and had Churchill suddenly quitted James's service, the existence of a plot would have been instantly guessed, and those suspected of conspiracy- would have been sent to the Tower. Any open attempt to drive James from the Throne would have failed as signally as in Monmouth's case. French troops were constantly at hand to crush any attempt at rebellion, and unless James could be lulled into a false sense of security, or otherwise kept from calling in those troops, no Eevolution would have a chance of success. This task of deceiving the King was cleverly and cunningly effected by Sunderland, a man above all others skilled in the crooked waj's of treasonable conspnacy. From the first it was evident that, if James's army remained loyal, "William could never reach London, and he knew this better than most men. Several military and naval ofiicers joined William in Holland before he set out for England, including Colonel ToUemache, Admiral Herbert, and Lord Churchill's brother-in-law. Colonel Godfrey ; and had Churchill fol- lowed their example, none could with any justice point a finger at him. It was the course which a gentleman of the present day would instinctively follow, Ijut in the extremely diflicult and trying position in which Churchill found himself few of his contemporaries would have done so. The 86 MARLBOROUGH Chapter universal determination was to get rid of James at any ' price and to replace him by William of Orange, and they 1689. deliberately threw to the winds all scruples as to the means by which that deed should be accomplished. No deception was deemed too base, no treachery too ignoble, provided the desired end was achieved. When William landed in Torbay. he came with an army prepared for war. but he came also with the knowledge that the great bulk of the people were on his side. James's only chance, therefore, was a successful battle, and this chance was shipwrecked when Churchill joined his enemies. Marshal Ney was shot for acts less reprehensible. But the cause for which Ney deserted his lawful King was lost at Waterloo, whilst that for which Churchill left his master was everywhere triumphant. In what a different light does success often cause so-called crime to be viewed ! It changes rebellion, for which we hang men, into revolution, for which we crown them with honour! Churchill was guilty of high treason against James, but he was not gnilty of the greater crime of treason against his country. A close study of Marlborough's proceedings in 1688 leads to the conviction that he had no misgivings of conscience about them. He intrigued and conspired against James and planned his overthrow, but he did so in company with the best men in public life. In these days of cold scepticism it is not easy to convince men that Marlborough left James on a point of religious ]">rinciple ; but beyond all doubt he firmly believed that in seeking to create William King he was serving God by furthering the interests of Protestantism. His conduct at the Eevolution, and his later treasonable correspondence with James, are hard to reconcile with common honesty ; but the deceitfulness into which he was led through his determination to rid the country of James II. did not strike him as sinful or dishonourable, for in following the course which he deliberately chose he acted as he believed was best for England. Many of the blessings which we enjoy were brought about ALLEGED LXTENTION TO SEIZE JAMES 87 hy questionable means, and the record of the methods by Chapter which some of them were secured is disagreeable reading. ." In some instances the authors of these blessings were guilty i^'^^. of a baseness, a moral turpitude, and a perfidy which, if practised in private life, would have stamped them as shameless criminals. The Revolution is a case in point. We all owe it much, and oiir forefathers owed it still more. May we not fairly forget the deceit and treaclier}' of those who plotted agamst James in our remembrance of what they accomplished for England ? The disease from which England suffered in 1688 was deep-seated, and called for drastic remedies, but thanks to the Eevolution we have enjoyed two centuries of freedom in thought and action unknown elsewhere. There is no proof, beyond James's own assertions, that Churchill ever planned to seize the King and hand him over to William. The terms of Churchill's letter to James when he left him — it was a carefully- prepared docu- ment — are entirel}^ opposed to any such supposition, and his subsequent conduct gives it an evident denial. He meant, he said, to protect James's ' royal person and lawful rights with all tender concerns.'* We have also Churchill's positive denial of this accusation, made to Lord Clarendon at Berwick, near Hindon, where William tV 1-- 1668. took up his quarters the day before he entered Salis- bury. We are told that he repudiated the accusation * with many protestations, sajing he would never be un- grateful to the King ; that he would venture his life in defence of his person ; and that he had never left him, but that he saw our religion and country w^ere in danger of being destroyed.'-^ Churchill even went so far as to abstain from voting in Parliament against James, and he studiously avoided taking any active part in the military operations against him in 1G88, and agam in 1690, until in each instance James had fled into France. The * See ChurchiU's letter to James at p. 41, vol. ii. ; and see p. 35. t Clarendon's Diary, by Singer, vol. ii., p. 214. 88 MARLBOROUGH Chapter story of Sir G. Hewit's death-bed confession, that Churchill ' had arranged to assassinate James at Warminster, is arrant 1689. nonsense.* The Eevolution was the first occasion upon which Churchill took part in political life. He had always declined a seat in the House of Commons ; and since he had become an English peer he had taken no prominent part in Parliamentary discussions. His role was to keep aloof from the intrigues which then, as now, beset party politics, and, as a soldier and a diplomatist, to occupy, if possible, a foremost place in the direction of public affairs without identifying himself with any particular faction. * Hewit alleged that the Bishop of London was privy to this in- tended murder 1 GOUPaORAVURE PRINTED IN PARIS, ^t^Lim^ ^ c:^^tJ y^^^^:ie-^£^ .^^.^^yi^y^yy^^ ^U6Cc^t:!eu^^/C: "don Richard Bcntlcy luid Son: 1894 [89] CHAPTER LIII. THE CORONATION OF AVILLIAM AND MARY JAMES LANDS IN IRELAND. William finds the English are not cordial to him — Divine Eight and Loyalty — Why William prizes the position of King — He declares war with France — James lands in Ireland — William resolves to send Schombex'g there. The coronation of William and Mary took place in April, Cmaitek the soldier Bishop of London performing the rite, at which Marlborough was present. William had now secured one ^' '*' ^^^^' great object of his ambition, and he meant to use it as a stepping-^tone to the fulfilment of a still dearer purpose, namely, tne abasement of Lewis XIV. When that im- perious King destroyed the w^alls of Orange, the offended Stadtholder said in anger, that ' he would one day make him feel what it was to have injured a Prince of his House.' He frequently re^Deated this, with an earnestness which proved how deeply he resented the insult.* The longing to humble France was never absent from his thoughts, and eveiy year of his life it grew stronger. Indeed, it may be said that this dominating idea survived him, and came to be shared by so many Kings and Princes that the very foundations of Europe were shaken by the forces it set in motion. It was whilst William, Mary, and the Princess Anne were l\ i. 16S9. engaged in dressmg for the coronation, that they received * Dalrymple. vol. ii.. p. 9. of Book V. go . MARLBOROUGH Chapter the intellipfence that Kmp; James, with his illemtimate sons, LIII O ' O ' ' the Duke of Berwick and Henry — the Grand Prior — had ^^'^^- landed at Kinsale some weeks before. WilHam's vigorous brain was aUied to a frail and feeble body. He had never known robust health, and the sword was fast wearing out the scabbard. A man with less character, less determination, would have lain down and died in peace, but for him there could be no peace. Ireland was in arms for his father-in-law and for the Eoman Catholic faith. He must be up and doing ; and though weary and broken in body, his undaunted spirit urged him on. His immediate objects might be partly per- sonal, and more Dutch than English ; but their accom- plishment meant freedom and Protestantism to England, and to Europe security from French aggression. To achieve these objects he ardently desired to live, even though life should be but a long-drawn-out period of suffering. He was prepared to brave everything if he could but accomplish what he conceived to be his special mission. He says touchingly in reference to that mission : ' I never feared death ; there have been times when I should have wished for it, but now that this great new prospect opens ])efore me I do v/ish to sta}'^ here a little longer.' He found that his new subjects looked on him with suspicion as a foreigner. They had suffered so much from the Stewarts that they ware determined to place eiTectual restrictions upon the initiative of their newly-elected King. In fact, they sought to deny him the exercise of sovereign authority without the consent of Parliament. The Con- vention, which at first acted as a Parliament, passed resolutions to make it clear to him that he had no power to dispense with any law, or to suspend its execu- tion ; that Commissions such as that which James had appointed to try ecclesiastical cases were contrary to the Constitution ; that the maintenance of a standing army in time of peace, without the consent of Parliament, was opposed to the ancient rights of the people ; and that taxes DIVINE RIGHT QI could be imposed by Parliament alone. But although Chaptek William reigned only by virtue of an Act of Parliament, ' he was quite as tenacious of the royal prerogative as any i^^^- of the Stewarts. He had secured to the English people the free exercise of their religion, but he had no intention of parting with any political power which he could retain in his own hands. Although the j)rinciple of hereditarj' right received its death-blow at the Pievolution, it did not actually expire until, on the death of Queen Anne, a simple Act of Par- liament made the Elector of Hanover King of England. As long as any Stewart sat upon the throne, the notion of ' Divine Eight ' survived. It was a romantic sentiment, associated in men's minds with much that was great and glorious in our history. It served to fire the dull minds of the uneducated with gleams of hero-worship, and the loj'alty which it engendered brightened the most common- place existence. William soon discovered the difficulty of sustaining the sentiment of loyalty when the hereditary principle had been destroyed, or its contmuity broken. Not all the renown with which the great Napoleon glorified his family could make the French nation feel for the Bonapartes what the Jacobites felt for the descendants of James II. Napoleon's soldiers were devoted to him personally as to the leader who had sur- feited them with glor}', but there was no ' Divine Eight ' to foster in their children a sentiment of allegiance to the next generation of his family. King James's right to the throne was admitted by all, and it was onl}' a conviction of the impossibility of maintaining law, liberty, or the Protes- tant faith under his rule which caused men like Churchill to transfer their fealty to William. Their loyalty to him was a loyalty of expediency, and liis hold upon their allegiance was but weak. Highl}" as William prized the Crown of England as a dignit}', it had a yet greater value for him m view of his policy of determined hostility to Lewis XIY. With his 92 MARLBOROUGH Chapter clearness of visioii in all matters relatino- to the affairs of LIU. ' Europe, he saw how much the Revolution must alter the 1689. general situation. It was a death-blow to the supremacy of Lewis, and a new barrier against the universal domina- tion to which he aspired. As Stadtholder William had been able to combine some of the most powerful States of Europe in the League of Augsburg against France, and now, as King of England, he could not only deal on terms of equality with the Great Powers, but he could compel England to take a leading part in that imposing alliance. Hitherto England had been practically neutral, but now the assistance which Lewis was rendering to James in Ireland afforded ample grounds for an open rupture, and Parliament, by requesting that war should be declared against France, relieved William from all difficulty on that score. T^ 5, 1689. The declaration of war which followed was made in May with all due formalities, and is worth reading as an able specimen of its kind.* The King declared that, having been called upon by God to rescue England from imminent peril, he felt bound henceforward to promote her welfare. This could only be done by preventing the dangers which threatened her from abroad. The encroachments of French fishermen on our coast of Newfoundland were dwelt upon as forcibly as they might be to-day, were we anxious to pick a quarrel with France. The attacks made by Lewis upon our possessions in Hudson's Bay and on the coast of New England, even whilst he was engaged in negotiations for peace, were bitterly complained of. Then came the old sentimental grievance of ' the right of the flag,' and the ' violation of our sovereignty of the narrow seas which, in all ages, has been asserted by our prede- cessors.' But, as the proclamation went on to say, what should most closely touch Englishmen was the French * This declaration of war, which exposed at length WilUani's reasons for the step, was said to have been drawn up by Soniers, afterwards Lord Chancellor. WILLIAM'S LOVE OF WAR 93 Kiiifij's barbarous treatment of Protestants, and the unusual Chaitek I III cruelties inflicted upon them. It referred to the endeavours 1 .' of Lewis to overturn the English Government, and to the ^^'^^• troops he had recently sent to Ireland ; and concluded by stating that William took up arms in this great under- taking relying on the help of God, and that he ' thought fit to declare, and did hereby declare, war against the French King.' With William the love of war was a passion, and he longed, with all his heart, to take the field himself. His thoughts were with the Allied army assembled near Maestricht. He talked to Halifax about delegating his authority to Mary, adding that she would govern the nation better than he did. The objections to his leaving the kingdom at so critical a time were discussed, and Halifax ' asked him if it was not because he had a mind to command the army against France ' that he thought of doing so. ' He said nothing, but did not deny it.' ' The world is a beast,' said he, 'that must be confined before it be tamed. Princes have more excuse for using art, since it is everybody's business to deceive them.'* But with the Highlands in open rebellion, and James in possession of Ireland, he soon realized the impossibility of going abroad then. He consequently chose the Prince of Waldeck — a General who had seen much active service — to lead the Allied army in the Netherlands, and he appointed his old friend, Duke Schomberg, vigorous in spite of his eighty years, to command against James in Ireland, with Count Solmes as his second in command. William's prospects in the sister island looked black, and James's presence there constituted a challenge which could not be refused. There the great question must be decided, ' WTio was to be King of England ?' To Ireland, therefore, he ought to have sent every available soldier, and it was the extreme of unwisdom, and a direct violation of the first principles of military science, that he should, with a small army, em- * Spencex" House Papers. 94 MARLBOROUGH Chapter bark in another war elsewhere. His true poHcy would have LIII ■ been to strike hard before James had time to consolidate 1689. jiis power in Ireland, and before all the loyal men had been driven from the country by Tyrconnel's oppressive measures. But the welfare of Holland was still foremost in William's thoughts. In the interests of that country he had, as King of England, made a treaty with Holland and her allies for a combined war against France, and he had, unhappily, engaged to send an English contingent into the field. But since that agreement had been entered into, the landing of James in Ireland had altered the whole situation, and he should at once have abandoned all idea of sending English troops to the Low Countries. Had the 8,000 good English soldiers who went there under Marlborough, together with the reinforcements despatched in the course of the winter and following spring to Ireland, been originally added to Schomberg's army, the question decided at the Boyne and Aughrim would have been settled in 1689. Before entering upon the narrative of Marlborough's campaign under Waldeck in the Netherlands, a short out- line of the events in Ireland in the year 1689 is necessary. [ 95 CHAPTER LIY. SCHOMBERG's disastrous campaign in IRELAND. A French Army lands at Cork — James's brass money — Tyrconnel's Army, and liis hatred of England — William raises many new ret^i- nients — Hamilton's mission to Tyrconnel. Two days after his arrival at Kinsale, James went to Ch.mtkk Liv Cork, where he held a Court, and walked in state between ' two monks to hear Mass in the Red Abbey, for in Ireland '^^'^^■ he felt that he might openly display his devotion to the Catholic faith.* He brought with him from Brest a fleet of thirty French men-of-war, seven frigates, and some fire- ships. A second trip made by this fleet brought over Count Lauzun and about 5,000 seasoned French troops, who fought throughout the ensuing campaigns with the greatest courage. f According to agreement with Lewis XIY., 5,000 Irish soldiers, under General MacCarthy, were sent in exchange to France, and these men formed the original nucleus of the famous Irish brigade in the French service. The landing of James and a French army in Ireland was effected without any molestation from the English fleet, which then, as now, was supposed to guard the Channel and protect these islands from invasion. Yet in 1689 our * Caulfeild's ' Comicil Book of Kinsale'; Gibson's 'Cork.' Mr. Eobert Day, of Cork, says in a letter : ' I remember being told by the late John Humphreys, librarian to the Eoyal Cork Institution, that his grandfather remembered seeing James II. walk between two monks to the Red Abbey.' See also Smith's ' Cork,' vol. ii., p. 197. f Campbell's ' Naval History,' vol. ii. g6 MARLBOROUGH Chapter fleet was much stronger than usual, for the whole Dutch LIV • • ■ navy was acting m concert with that of England. 1689, Lewis had not been over-liberal in money, so from the first James was much hampered by want of means. There was but little gold or silver remaining in the country, for when property became insecure under Tyrconnel's purely Irish government, ' the English, who had all the wealth of the kingdom in their hands,' had sent their money and portable goods and valuables to England for safe keeping. In order to obtain the sinews of war, James had recourse to the old and unwise expedient of debasing the coinage. He had shillings and half-crowns struck in bronze, obtained mostly by melting down old cannon. Hence the name ' gun money,' by which it is still remembered. Many English settlers were defrauded hj having considerable debts, long due them, repaid in this debased coinage, and Lady Tyrconnel is said to have thus paid off a mortgage on the property of a son-in-law.* James's policy had always been to govern Ireland through a devoted Eoman Catholic Lord Deputy, like Tyr- connel, at the head of a Eoman Catholic army, whose religion would be a guarantee for its loyalty. This would also ensure his having an army, upon whose fidelity he could count, alwaj^s ready for use in England. At the time of his accession the army in Ireland was only between six and seven thousand strong, all being Protestants, but by a clever adaptation of what is now known as the Eeserve or Short Service System, Tyrconnel had increased the number to 40,000 fighting men available for service at short notice. All were Eoman Catholics, and mostly de- scended from the attainted rebels of IG-ll.f When raised by James to be Lord Deputy, Tyrconnel dismissed all Protestants from the army on the plea that they were * Oliverians,' or the issue of such. He took the military clothing from about 4,000 of these men, and sent them * Cauiden Society Papers of 1841 ; ' Macaria3 Excidium,' pp. 68, 69. f Kane's ' Wars in Ireland,' p. 10. TYRCONNEVS hatred of ENGLAND 97 awa}' almost naked, to perish from cold and starvation as Chaitek a ■warning to their co-religionists throughout the country. " The disbanded Protestant officers, to the number of about ^^89. 300, mostly went to Holland to swell the ranks of the arm_y with which "William invaded England and subsequently dispersed Tyrconnel's armies at the Boyne and at Aughrim. Tyrconnel proceeded to disarm the Protestant inhabitants as a punishment for their alleged sympathy with Monmouth's rebellion, and strove to drive out the English landlords by annulling the Act of Settlement. By this means he hoped to restore their lands to the Irish, whose property had been previously confiscated, and to become a large landed pro- prietor himself. From hatred of England he sought to make the Administration in Ireland purely Pioman Catholic, and to secure this great end he was prepared to see Ireland placed under the protectorate of France.* His hatred of England was equalled by his craze for personal aggrandizement, and from being a landless adven- turer he soon contrived to become the possessor of vast estates. His rule is still remembered as cruelly oppressive to all classes of Protestants. He dismissed all officials of that faith until there was but one Protestant Sheriff in all Ireland, and he had been appointed in mistake for a Pioman Catholic of the same name. He expelled the Fellows from Trinity College, Dublin, closed the Protestant churches, and passed an Act of Attainder especially aimed at all who did not go to Mass.f At one time no more than five Protestants were allowed to meet together in Dublin under pain of death, and at last, all who were not permanent residents were ordered to quit the city within twentj'-four hours, t Protestants were compelled to surrender * He seized the plate of Trinity College, put in his own Provost, and tvu'ned tlie buUdiugs into barracks for liis soldiers. He induced his Parliament to attaint over 40 peers and over 2,200 esquh'es and gentle- men, and to adjudge all of them guilty of high treason ^\'ithout beuig heai'd. 'The State of the Protestants in Ireland,' etc., etc., by King, the Aixhbishop of Dubhn. t Welwood's Memoirs, p. 399. + Mackintosh, p. 400. VOL. II. 82 98 MARLBOROUGH Chapter their arms, and none were allowed to walk the streets be- LIV ' tween the hours of ten p.m. and five a.m., nor to show ^^^^- themselves anywhere m the event of an alarm. Those who transgressed these arbitrary laws were to be dealt with by court-martial, and punished with death or imprisonment. For all the chief posts in the Administration, Tyrconnel was careful to select men of known hostility to England whose policy he could direct. He cared nothing for their moral character. Sir A. Fitton, whom he made Lord Chancellor, was taken from prison to assume the ermine of office. A priest named Stafford, and a man named O'Neal, the son of a notorious murderer, were made Masters in Chancery, and the bigoted Rice, a profligate and a gambler, was created Lord Chief Baron. With such men in office, neither the Protestant Irish nor the British settlers had much chance of justice or fair-play. They certainly met with none. When James landed, all Ireland, with the exception of a small portion of the northern counties, was in possession of Tyrconnel's troops. Londonderry and Enniskillen were the only fortified cities that held out for William. The Eoman Catholic garrisons from both these places had been withdrawn by Tyrconnel in the preceding year when he sent 3,000 troops to help James against William ; and when, subsequently, he endeavoured to re- place them, the inhabitants shut their gates and refused them admission. Upon William's arrival in England, the peers assembled in London, when requesting him to assume the reins of government pending the meeting of Parliament, had specially begged him to take measures for the protection of the Protestants in Ireland. At that time he had few soldiers whom he could send there, but he promised arms and ammunition. He does not seem to have realized how serious was the danger of allowing affairs in Ireland to drift, for his thoughts were centred more upon European combinations against France than upon Irish troubles. But the landing of James at Kinsale made the position so GENERAL RICHARD HAMILTON -. 99 grave that he was compelled to raise additional troops, and Chaitkk eighteen regiments of Foot and some four of Horse, many " of which still exist, were added to the regular army. A 1689. large proportion of the men, amongst whom were many weavers, shoemakers and butchers, were raised in and near London.* Three of the regiments were composed of French Huguenots. All were raised and clothed in about six weeks, hut there was a great dearth of arms, for when Feversham 1690. that Marlborough is to command these troops, to which ' ye two marine regiments ' have been added, but still does not tell the Irish Secretary their real destination, possibly not having been yet admitted into the secret himself. Two days later Marlborough writes from London to ' Mr. ^^-t, 1690. Cleark, Secritarie att Warre,' saying : ' I goe to-moroe for Portchmouth to Embarque my selfe on board the Ffleet, soe that you need not writt to me till the end of the next month. Pray give the enclosed to Mr. Connisby.'f By that date the secret had evidently been communicated to Clarke, then with Ginkel's headquarters in Tipperary, where he ^-f, 1690. received a list of the stores despatched with the big mortars sent from Plymouth to Waterford. It is interest- ing to note, as giving an idea of the extent to which ' hand granados ' were then used, that 12,931 were amongst the stores sent upon that occasion. A few sets of back and breast pieces, with pot helmets, were also sent for ' harque- bussers,' some being certified as ' musket ' and others as ' carbin proof.'* Even the Under Secretaries in the Government were not told the real destination of the expedition. As late as August 26 it was debated in Council whether the Lords -V-5, 1690. Commissioners of the Admiralty should be admitted into the secret, and it was then decided that they should not. In a letter of the same date the Paymaster-General tells Sir G. Clarke that the destination of the expedition is unknown, ' but we all hope we will sufficiently revenge the burning of Tigmouth ' («/<•). All that was known was, that * Clarke Correspondence, Trin. Coll., Dublin. f Ibid. The letter is endoi-sed ' Eect. at Tipperary, Sept. 7.' The seal is still on this letter unbroken. It is the Churchill arms, unchartered, but surmounted by an earl's coronet. X Clarke Correspondence, Trin. Coll., Dublin. THE DESTIXATION KEPT SECRET 157 orders had been sent to victual the tleet for fort}^ days, and Chaptkk that the Queen had received a letter from the King order- f^* ing the embarkation of eight battalions of Foot and two of 1*^90. Marines, under the command of the Earl of Marlborough.* Luttrell says : ' No one knows the design ; neither H ^. 1690. Admiral nor General are to open their orders till they are several leagues at sea. They are paid off their arrears till end of September.' The public had not yet been let into the secret, for on September 4, Clarke is told by an intimate friend as a piece of news : ' I doubt not but you have been iV '*, 1690. told of Lord Marlborough's being shifted with several regi- ments upon some extraordinary enterprise ; but what it is we are all left to guess, for nobody does pretend to know. Those who fancy themselves wisest believe it is to expedite your work in Ireland.'! Although the secret was kept in rV 9, 1690. England, it was known in Ireland early in September. On * These regiments were : Churchill's, now the Buffs ; Trelawneys, now the King's Own Lancaster Eegunent ; the Earl of Marlborough's, now the Royal Fusihers; the Prmcess Anne's, or Beavuuont's, now the Liverpool Regiment; Colonel Hastings', now the Somerset Light Infantry; Colonel Hales', converted mto Marines in 169^, and after- wards disbanded ; Sn- David Collier's, placed on Scotch establishment 11, 3, 169|, and afterwards disbanded; Colonel Fitzpatrick's, after- wards disbanded m the "West Indies about 1700 ; Earl of Torrington's Marines, and six companies of Earl of Pembroke's Marmes, both after- wards disbanded in Augiist. 1698. There were also, under the com- mand of Major Johnston, 100 men of the Marquis of Winchester's i-egiment, and 200 of the Earl of Monmouth's regiment. Both of these regiments were disbanded m 1698. The whole force embarked made up a total of between 5,000 and 6,000 men. In our days of monster guns it is ciu-ious to note the small size of the following pieces which constituted the siege train sent from the Tower : Ten demiculverins, twelve drakes, two three -pounders, and some mortars. Marlborough, however, depended upon having the use of some of the big guns on board the fleet wliich convoyed him to Cork. A large quantity of siege materials was also ordered. Captain Brown as engineer, Captam English as iiremaster, and Captain Martyr as master gunner, together with several bombardiers and other gumiers, were embarked with the siege train. t This letter from Su- Walter Clarges, Bart., was received at Casliel September l'^. 158 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek the 9tli of that month orders were sent from Dul^Hn to the ^ ports between it and Youghal deshing their Governours to 1690. give General Ginkel the earliest possible news of the fleet's arrival on the coast.* They were also to let Marlborough know what plans had been arranged for the despatch of troops to help him in his difficult enterprise, ' which cer- tainly would be the luckiest thing in the world could it l)e accomplished.' + The following secret orders were sent to Marlborough : ' Marie E. — We do hereby require you to repair on board of our fleete and to endeavour w^^ the forces under your command to reduce the townes of Corke and Kinsale in Our Kingdom of Ireland to Our obediance by attacking those places in such manner as you think fitt or b}" grant- ing such termes and conditions to them as you shall judge proper and expedient for our Service in case of their Sur- render. And you are to leave such Garrisons in those Places respectively as shall be requisite and to returne w^^ the rest of Our Forces into England ; giving Us an account from time to time of Your Proceedings. — Given at Our Court at Whitehall this 25th of August, in the second year of our Eeign 1690. — By her Ma^'^^ command, Nottingham.' Wliilst in the midst of his preparation for this expedition, iH 8, 1690. his wife was safely delivered of her last child— a son — who lived only two years. Her great friend, Lady Fitzharding, together with Lord Dorset and Admiral Russell, were the child's godparents, but the christening did not take place till nearly a year later, when the Queen gave a present of a silver-gilt salver, cup, and cover, t In Sarah's will, made the day before this son Charles was born, she refers to him as ' the child I now goe with.' V-s, 1690. Marlborough set out for Portsmouth a week after his * Harris's ' Life of William III.,' p. 291. "j" Clarke Correspondence, letter from Sir Thomas, afterwards Earl Coningsby, who was Paymaster-General of the Forces in Ireland under William III. J The present altogether weighed 12/) ounces. — Lord Chamberlain's plate-books. VOLUNTEERS EMPLOYED 159 wife's h'inf^-in. He was accompanied b.y frentlenieii Chaitek volunteers in search of honour, anionxf, 1690. Between two and three a.m. on the following morning the bulk of the army was transhipped into boats and small vessels and disembarked before five a.m. at "West Passage, then an insignificant village, nearly seven miles eastward of the city, and half-way between it and Cove. In the afternoon the field artillery and the rest of the troops were landed, and the whole army encamped before nightfall.* Two troops of Irish Dragoons, supported by some Foot, had made a show of opposition, but were easily beaten oft'. Marlborough now summoned the Governour, who in- dignantly refused to surrender, ' and hung out a blood}^ flag, firing several guns.' ^"'-r'^, 1690. After a march of over twenty miles from Mallow, Schravemor encamped that same evening on the high ground above Water's Mills, about half a mile north of t*-i'V, 1690. the city. He was joined on the morning of the following- day (Wednesday) b}^ Dean Davies, who had come from Cashel, and who found him anxious about the movements of the Duke of Berwick, then believed to be advancing from Banahar Bridge with all the troops he could collect to prevent the siege. It was feared that he might interpose between Marlborough and the Duke of Wirtemburg and so be in a position to deal with them separately ; the Dean was accordingly sent back to Fermoy to beg the Duke to push forward with all possible speed. V-A, 1690. Wednesday was a busy day with both army and navy. * ' Yillare Hibernicuiii,' and MS. No. 29,K78, British Museum, in which is given the diary of Ensign W. Crainond, an oflicer in Collier's recinient. THE ARMY DISEMBARKS 177 The Admiral landed some 600 sailors and marines and all Chaptkr the available gunners and carpenters from the fleet, to 1 " assist in the disembarkation of the guns, ammunition, ^^^O- provisions and other military stores. In this heavy work the Duke of Grafton took a leading part, and set a brilliant example to his sul)ordinates. Before leaving Portsmouth a considerable quantity of powder and shot was transferred from the men-of-war remaining there to the ships of the expeditionary fleet, and this was now landed for the use of the batteries, which it was intended to erect at once. The store and provision ships arrived in the evening from Waterford. ^larlborough, covering his advance by two detachments of about 800 men under Colonel Hales, pushed forward in the afternoon about five and a half miles, and took up a position close to the sul)urbs, not more than a mile from the city itself. The enemy lined the hedges on the outskirts of the place, and skirmishing took place during the afternoon, but the loss was inconsiderable on both sides. Some sixty or seventy Irish Dragoons ' drew out ' as the English army was pitching camp and took up a threatenmg position close by, but were soon driven off b}' Marlborough's field-guns. Later on, he sent forward a couple of thousand men to take up a commandmg position within musket-shot of the southern suburb, and the enemy, seeing the English ad- vance, tired one volley and retreated, setting fire to the houses as they went.* This was a direct violation of an iigreement entered into the day before by the Protestant merchants and traders with the Governour, who promised, in consideration of i'oOO, to spare the suburbs. Hundreds of well-to-do Protestant families were thus reduced to beggary,! and amongst those who lost their property were many wealthj' Quakers. Some, however, like the shrewd Joseph Pike, had removed their goods beforehand, knowmg * London Gazette, No. 2,598 of 1690 ; ' Yillare Hibemicum.' f Sir David Coxe's narrative of the siege. Diary of Dean DaAnes in vol. Ixviii. of Camden, Society Papers. VOL. II. 87 178 MARLBOROUGH Chaptke from experience how little fair treatment they could expect ■ from the Irish. Deserters from the enemy reported that 1690. on Saturday the garrison had been augmented l)y the arrival of two regiments from Kinsale. About midnight the enemy again attacked the English outposts, but dis- appeared after a little firing, leaving some twenty dead behind them. During the afternoon General Tettau had advanced with 1,000 men towards the northern suburb, and had placed some guns in a position from which an effective fire could be opened on Shandon Castle and the works newly constructed around it.* The intention was to storm the northern suburb under the fire of these guns ; but when everything was ready for the assault, the enemj', setting fire to the suburl), withdrew from the castle and the adjoin- ing works and retreated hastily into the city. In this con- flagration the old Church of Our Lady, or St. Mary's, Shandon, was burned.! Schravemor, on reaching the northern suburb, despatched his Adjutant, Keks, to report to headquarters. He returned in the afternoon with orders from Marlborough for the march of a detachment of Horse to the south side of the river, where it was required to cover the English Foot in the southern suburb. Two hundred Horse and some few Dragoons were accordingly sent in the evening to the Lough of Cork + and Carrigrohane Castle, whence they scoured the surrounding country. This detachment was conducted by Dean Davies across the Lee by a ford near the church of Carry Kippane, some three miles above Cork.§ Whilst passing the ford they were seen by some Irish soldiers, and being taken for Berwick's army — then hourly expected — the garrison of the city beat their * Rapin. ■f" Its site was where St. Anne's, Shandon, now stands. J A larye sheet of about seventeen acres of water near the city, and close to the Kinsale and Bandon roads. Its level is about sixty feet above the city. § The ruins of this church are still to be seen. MARLBOROUGH RECONXOITRES THE DEFENCES Ijg drums and cheered lustily. It was not lonp;, however, Chaptkk ' LXIV before they discovered their mistake, and meanwhile the ' cavalry took possession of the lanes and scattered houses ^^^*^- to the south-west of the city. Their headquarters were at Gill Abl)ey House, the private residence of the Dean, and thanks to his local knowledge, a good line of com- munication was soon opened out l)etween the troops on both l)anks of the river.* Before daybreak on Thursday the Admiral sent up the V-i'ij, 1600. river ten armed pinnaces, the crews of which were to assist in arming the batteries and afterwards with hand-grenades when the assault should take place. + Marlborough assured the Admiral that the place would be in his possession in three or four days, and his calculation proved to be literally correct. Early on the morning of the 25th, Marlborough, accompanied by his staff, made a close reconnaissance of the city walls and of the forts and other works beyond. He found that the regular entrances by the bridges at the north and south gates were both comparatively strong, especially the south gate, which had been recently strengthened, and he saw that in order to force that gate it would be necessar}' first to capture Fort Elizabeth, an operation which would certainly entail heavj' loss and would still leave the English south of the river. But in front of the eastern wall there were no outworks, and no flanking lire of any importance could be brought to bear upon a column attacking in that direction. The approach was, however, difficult, leading as it did, first across the south channel of the river and then over the southern marshes. The Lee at that point was only fordable at low tide, and even then with difficulty, and the marshes were always soft and difficult to cross, bemg sometimes entirelj^ covered * Gill Abbey, foiTaei-ly the Abbey of St. Fin Barre, was the oldest ecclesiastical establishment in Cork. It stood near the site of the existing Queen's College, but no portion of it now remains. Gibbon's ' Cork.' f Campbell's ' Lives of the Admu'als." l8o MARLBOROUGH Chapter at high-water. Nevertheless, he determined to make his 1 ' attack there, for although it would not be so easy to breach 1*^9^- the eastern as the southern wall, a successful assault delivered on that side would bring about the immediate fall of the city, which would ensure the surrender of Elizabeth Fort and of all other outworks. The point which he selected to breach in the eastern wall was about sixty yards north of the southern channel of the river, and between the south-eastern bastion of the city and Hopewell Tower, which stood at the eastern end of Christchurch Lane.* The spot where the breach was made can still be identified between where the two alleys. Old Post-office Lane and Kift's Lane, ended at the eastern ramparts of the city. A small portion of the old wall is still to be seen near this spot. Finding that the enemy had evacuated Cat Fort, he ordered it to be immediately occupied by Colonel Hale's detachment, which had furnished the line of outposts during the night, f But these orders were forestalled by two seamen, who, prowling about in the neighbourhood of their quarters, as is the wont of the British sailor ashore, found the fort empty, and at once climbed into it with that intelligent initiative which has alwaj-s characterized the men of our navy. The fort was a work of no strength in itself, but its possession was most important to the besiegers. A couple of hours after its occupation some big guns arrived, from which fire was opened on the south-eastern bastion of the city at a range of 370 yards, and on Fort Elizabeth at 300 yards ; the enemy fired little in return, having but a very limited amount of ammunition. Marl- borough ordered a battery to be at once constructed at the Cat for two 24 and three 18 pounder guns. From it he was able to enfilade the eastern walls of the city, and to * The city club-house now stands on tlu' site of this south-east bastion. Christcliurch, after which tlie lane was named, suffered severely from its proximity to the breach. ■f Loudon Gazette, No. 2,r,9,S of 1G90; ' Villare Hibernicum.' RED ABBEY l8r see somewliat into the adioininfl; streets. The sun'(jun(h'n'f Chaptki: LXIV hedges afforded admirable cover for Colonel Hale's men, ' who soon opened a lively musketry fire upon the enemy's ^^^^• posts. Marlborough now moved his camp into the suburbs, V-A. itJ90. and estal)lished his advanced posts as close as possible to Elizabeth Fort and the city walls. According to local tradition he himself took up his quarters in the Red Abbey, a fine early-fifteenth-century building, which had been chiefly used since the Reformation as a private residence.* From the top of its high church tower, now the only part of the abbey standing, he was able to observe the enemy's movements and watch his own daily progress. The traveller who is enterprising enough to penetrate the filthy slum which now surrounds it and mount the dirt}^ broken ladders by which the remains of the ' Irish stepped parapet ' may be reached, can judge for himself of what service the tower must have been to the English General as a point of observation. + The closely-packed graveyard below, where lie the remains of man}^ a British soldier, is near, if it is not the actual site of another battery, armed with three 18 and two 24 pounders, which Marlborough erected to play upon the south-eastern bastion of the city at a range of 300 yards. These guns also bore upon Fort ^^-^^ i690. Elizabeth, which was 420 yards distant. t He threw up another battery near the Mitre Inn, about 200 yards due south of that fort, and yet another at the Friar's Garden, near Gallows Green, full 600 yards from Fort Elizabeth. The ditches and sheltered lanes near the fort rendered parallels and approaches unnecessary. § The Danish * It was built in 1420 by Patrick, eleveutli Earl of Kiiisale. Lady Fanshawe, in her memoirs, says she hved in the Red Abbey dui-ing her stay in Cork m 1650. f This form of decoration for the towers of churches was fornierl3- universal in Ireland. Indeed, the tower of almost every church built there before the disestablishment of the Irish Church was so ornamented. % The terre plem of the bastion of Fort Elizabeth is about sixty-five feet higher than the city at the north and south gates. § MS., Brit. Museum, No. 29,878. 1 82 MARLBOROUGH Chapter battalions on the north side of the city pressed the invest- ^^^- ment from that side. The^^ occupied Shandon Castle, and 1690. constructed a battery there.* In the construction and arming of all these batteries the gunners and carpenters of the fleet rendered most valuable service. In the meantime, Dean Davies, who had been sent back to the Duke of Wirtemburg, met His Serene Highness at Fermoy, just as his guns had crossed the Blackwater, and started back forthwith to assure Marlborough that the Duke would join him on the following night. + As the Duke had no cavalry, Marlborough despatched some Horse to protect him. on the march. But this pre- caution was scarcely necessary ; for when Berwick, upon reaching Kilmallockt with about 8,000 men, found that there was no longer any possibility of striking in between the troops which Wirtemburg and Schravemor were bring- ing to Marlborough's assistance, he relinquished his project and determined to retreat. Thinking, however, that the garrison of Cork might still effect its escape, he ordered •the Governour to march out at once and push rapidly for Kerry before he was hopelessly shut in by the English. It is to be recorded with regret that he added to this order the barbarous injunction to burn the place before he quitted it. The Governour was, perhaps, justly blamed for dis- obeying the former part of this order, as the garrison was thereby lost to the Jacobite cause in Ireland. But, on the other hand, it must be admitted that, had not Marlborough been in command of the English, so much time might have been wasted over the siege by some slow-moving, formal Dutch General that the capture of Cork would have been doubtful, and that of Kinsale would have been out of the * No vestige of Shandon Castle now remains, but its site was the present Crane House, close to the butter market. There are two Shandon Churches, but neither was ever celebrated for its peal of bells, so rhythmically referred to in Father Proui's delightful lines on Cork.' f It is twenty-four miles from I'Y'rmoy to Cork. t Fortv-six }niles from Cork. THE CITY CLOSELY INVESTED 183 question for that year. As it was, even ]\Iarlborough, with Ch mtek all his energy, was only just able to effect it, and that ^'^^' not without serious loss from bad weather and exposure. 1690. Macgillicuddy's mistake was, in fact, due to his ignorance of the character of his opponent. The following letter is Marlborough's official report of Y'-A. 1690. his proceedings up to Thursday : ' From before Corke, Sept. 25th, '90.— My Lord,— We came into Corke harbor on munda}' the 22nd. The next morning I landed all the men, and wensday, being the 24th, I came to this place, notwithstanding that I heard nothing of the horse, being resolved not to lose this good weather. Att our arrivall here they lined the hedges, but wear very easily beaten from them, we only lost 3 men, and this day we are masters of a place called the Catte, which commands the Castell, and the town. I hope in god in few days his majiste will be master of the town, this day I believe we have lost aboute 10 men, to-moroe I hope to make a breach in the Castell which if I doe, I shall storm itt the next day, they flater themselves, that they shall have a relife to-moroe. I have as jett but 200 horse and 25 dragoons, but shall have 300 horse more to- moroe, I am your most faithfull servant, Marleborough.'* The weather had been fine so far, and everything con- ■i?-;\, 1690. nected with the operations had gone well.f All through Friday Marlborough's guns played with effect upon Fort Elizabeth, and upon the point in the Eastern wall of the city which it was intended to breach ; the Irish deserters, of whom there were many, reported that the garrison had alread}' suffered severely. The parapets of the south- eastern bastion and the curtain near the gate were destroyed, and towards evening shells were thrown into the city. Marlborough now pushed forward his advanced posts into the ruined suburbs, the more closely to invest ■* Rolls Office : Domestic Papers, Ireland, No. 367 (1685-1691). f London Gazette, No. 2,598, of 1690. A naval officer thus de- scribes the weather, writing from on board the Kent, in Cork Harbour. 1 84 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Fort Elizabeth, effecting a lodgment between the Fort and LXIV . . . ' the gates of the city, and cutting off all communication 1690. between them. V-Tu. i leave the Court — Anne leaves in consequence — Sarah wishes to quit Anne's service, but does not do so, at the urgent request of the Prmcess. i^"^?™' The cause of Marlborough's abrupt dismissal from office has remained for a long time unexplained, but with the 1692. fuller information now before us it is not difficult to pene- trate the mystery.* When Russell pleaded with William on behalf of his friend, the King was fully aware that, as far as treasonable correspondence with James was concerned, Russell was quite as guilty as Marlborough himself. It was not, therefore, solely on this account that he was dismissed ; neither was it because of a desire on the part of the King to comiDly with Mary's wishes. It is more likely that he thought it advisable to make an example of one of those whom he knew to be engaged in plotting against him, and, by selecting Marlborough, to show his faithless servants that the highest services rendered at the Revolution would not screen the guilty from his wrath. In Marlborough also he chose the man who had made himself specially obnoxious both ])y personal abuse of him as an individual and by con- stant depreciation of him as King. It was but natural that William should in his heart resent Marlborough's * Lord Hardwicke, in a note on Burnet (vol. ii., p. 85), says the real cause of Marlborough's disgrace was never cleared up. MARLBOROUGH HAS .VO PARTY AT COURT 259 conduct in this respect, and we know from himself that he Chaptek LXXIII did resent it deeply. His Dutch friends also, to further ^ their own ends, did their best to fan his wrath. Moreover, ^^^^• he must have calculated that, in consequence of Marl- borough's disgrace, Anne would be compelled to dismiss from her household the wife of a man forbidden to appc^ar within the precincts of the Court. This was a consumma- tion devoutly wished for by himself and by the Queen. It is a melancholy truth that success breeds envy and detraction. Marlborough's rivals, both English and Dutch, sought to disparage his achievements by attributing them to good luck ; for it is the way of incompetent men to accuse the able of being fortunate.* But, making every allowance for the envy and hostility of this class, it remains a curious fact that, courteous, affable, and pleasing as Marlborough was to all with whom he came in contact, he yet had no party and few stanch adherents at Court, or even in the army. He had a few good friends, such as the Duke of Shrewsbury, Admiral Kussell, and Lords Nottingham and Godolphin, who always did their best to promote his interests, and were anxious to help him now that he was in trouble. He had a host of acquaintances, but had alwaj's been too self-contained to have many intimate friends, especially after his marriage. In an age of jovial festivity he was not a convivial man, and his temperate and simple habits were a sort of standing reproach to the gambling and drinking men around him. His frugality had already earned for him a reputation of penuriousness, which we are told was often the subject of ridicule at Court. It was complained, too, that he never entertained— a circumstance which was not calculated to promote his popularity with his contemporaries, devoted as the}' were to the pleasures of the tal)le. It was also said that his style of living was on a very humble scale, more suited to a man with an income of i'1,000 a year than to one as rich as he was. Many, therefore, besides those who coveted his places * Napoleon. 26o MARLBOROUGH Chaptkk at Court or in the army, reioiced at his fall ; whilst to liXXIIT . . . . t ■ others, such as Portland, who envied his reputation, it was ^*'92. a source of triumph. Few indeed, excepting his personal friends, Godolphin and Eussell, seemed to grieve over it.* Mary had long distrusted Marlborough and his wife — a feeling that was fostered in her by Edward Yilliers, her Master of the Horse, who hated them cordially. In short, everything the Marlboroughs did or said that could be made to tell against them was carefully reported and exag- gerated. At the same time, it is strange that two clever peoj^le bred up at Court and familiar with its ways, who knew how essential it is to stand well with the Sovereign and with the Sovereign's favourites, should so utterly spoil their game by allowing temper to override judgment and dis- cretion when they talked of William in society. They took no trouble to ingratiate themselves with the members of the A^illiers family, then the most influential people at Court. One sister, ' the squint-eyed Elizabeth,' was William's ac- knowledged mistress ; and another had married his favourite, Bentinck. The brother Edward, afterwards created Earl of Jersey as the price of his sister's dishonour, had long been in Mary's service, and still enjoyed her confidence. The whole influence of this family was united with that of the King's favourites, Portland and Sidney, to injure the Marlboroughs, and to inflame William and Mary against them. Thus, had there been no other reason for Marl- borough's long exclusion from employment after his dis- grace, the bitter animosity entertained towards him by a clique of courtiers who had constant access to the King by day and night is sufficient to account for it. Sarah's temper had made Elizabeth Yilliers a l)itter enemy ; and Portland's jealousy of Marlborough having grown into active personal hatred, both he and the King's mistress in- * Historical MSB., Appendix to Seventh Report, p. 220. For sonae years he possessed but three very modest-looking coats, one of which was strictly reserved for the festivities upon the birthdays of the King, the Queen, and the Princess Anne. THE CAUSE OF MARLBOROUGH'S DISGRACE 261 cited Willium af-'ainst this ambitious coui^jle, and denounced Chaptkk .... LXXIII their ingratitude and avarice with the most bitter invec- U_ tives. 1692. In those days no man could long maintain his power who was at enmity with the King's mistress. Her favour was quite as important to the courtiers at Whitehall as the interest and good wishes of the Zenana have always been for the Eastern Vizir. It was not, however, until Mary, smarting under the irritation of her open rupture with Anne the previous evening, had pressed William to dismiss Marlborough, that he finally resolved to do so. Two and a half years afterwards Lord Shrewsbury, in a letter to ¥-r. 1694. the King, when pleading for Marlborough's forgiveness and re-employment, refers to William's cause of complaint as embracing some points of a nature too tender for him to advise upon, and of which he said the King only could judge ; ' but if those could be accommodated to your Majesty's satisfaction,' etc.* From this it . seems plain that he was not disgraced for any fault that could be regarded as a crime in the eyes of the law. For many daj^s the great topic of London gossip was the news of Marlborough's disgrace, and his dismissal filled the pages of every news-letter. Endless were the guesses as to the cause of his disgrace. Sir C. Lyttelton, trr 2, I691. who states that his information is derived from Lords Caermarthen, Nottingham, and from Marlborough himself, says : ' All agreed in this, y* y*^ King, besides other things of high misdemeanour, said he had held correspondence with K^' James. '-f- Evelyn, who disliked Marlborough, states that he was dismissed ' for his excessive taking of bribes, covetousness and extortion on all occasions from his inferior officers.' It is to be noted that even at this period of his career charges of this sort were associated with his name, but such accusations were commonly made against * Shrewsbiuy Correspondence. •f This letter, addressed to Viscount Hatton, is given at p. 170, vol. ii., of Camden Society edition of Hatton Correspondence. 262 MARLBOROUGH Chapter nearly all leadins; public men, and, indeed, the echo of LXXIII . ' ■ them is to be heard even in our own days. Most of the 1692. conjectures as to the cause of Marlborough's sudden dis- missal were at least partly founded upon his openly- expressed condemnation of Dutch favouritism, and upon his alleged endeavour to excite discontent in the army. Some lay stress upon the fact that it was he who induced the officers to complain to William of his neglecting them, particularly since ' the reduction of Ireland.' The Jacobites were especially spiteful in their abuse of the fallen courtier, for at this time many of their agents still suspected that his plots and schemes were in Anne's interest rather than in her father's. Every sort of damaging story was told against him at Court. He was reported to have said that he had quitted James because he would not govern according to law, and that he would now leave William, because he seemed determined to follow in James's footsteps. In a letter to Anne, the Queen says she ' need not repeat the cause he has given the King to do what he has done, nor his unwillingness at all times to come to such extremities, though people do deserve it.' From this it is evident that Anne and her Lady-in-Waiting were both acquainted with the alleged cause. A close and intelligent observer of these events at the English Court has left us a series of valuable and interesting despatches concerning them. Being the representative of the Elector Frederick HI. of Prussia, he was allowed to see perhaps more of the inner life at Kensington and Hampton Court than fell to the lot of most foreign Ministers. He -/-i, 1'392, reports to his Eoyal master, towards the end of January, that William, referring to Marlborough's disgrace, said that he had been treated so infamously by that nobleman that had he not been King he would have felt it necessary to demand personal satisfaction.* The Prussian Minister adds — evidently repeating the gossip of the Court ante- chamber — that all Marlborough's misfortunes sprang from Bomiet to the Elector: Ranks vol. vi., p. 177. 1692. MARLBOROUGH DISSATISFIED 263 an excessive confidence in his own talents, and from his Chapter behef that he could not be done without ; that he was ex- . tremely angry because he had not been made Master- General of the Ordnance, and that he had pressed upon the attention of the English officers that the chief commands in the army were invariably given to foreigners. He had even gone so far, Mr. Bonnet alleged, as to tell the officers that their only chance of remedying this condition of things was to l)and themselves together and to refuse, as a body, to obey orders. He also dwelt upon the offensive terms in which ]\Iarlborough had often spoken of William, and of his having derided the notion that he was capable of ruling England. Several of the officers who heard Marlborough speak thus — professing friends amongst others — told the King all this two months before the final blow was struck. It was even said that Marlborough wished William to know that he was discontented. His vanity showed itself, Mr. Bonnet stated, in his refusing to go to Flanders unless he were given command of the English troops. The despatch containing all this goes on further to describe the King's and Queen's grievances agamst Sarah for her great influence over the Princess Anne. Indeed, it was more than hinted that the Lady-in-Waitmg was also in the habit of winning largely from her Eoyal mistress.* William himself said, m a conversation with Lord Nottingham, that he had dis- graced Marlborough for sowing dissension and breeding faction in the army, and for holding correspondence with the Court at St. Germams ; but, added the King, ' he has rendered such valuable services that I have no wish to push him too hard.'t In the ' Piough Draught ' of ' History of His Own Time ' Bishop Burnet states that William told him he had good * The Princess, it was rumoured, was pressed for money owmg to lier debts, wliich ali'eady amomited to i:50,000, of wliich some i;15,000 or i;16,000 was said to be due to Lady Marlborough as gambling debts. Ranke, vol. vi., p. 177. I Vol. xi., No. 11, of Tracts in Athenaeum Library. 264 MARLBOROUGH Chapter reason for knowinj;- that Marlborough had made his peace LXXIII with James, and was then in correspondence with France ; 1692. |;hat he had done his utmost to create a faction in the army and in the nation against the Dutch ; that he and his wife had ahenated the affections of the Princess Anne from Queen Mary, who had striven to remain on the most sisterl}- terms with the Princess, but had not bought Anne's favourite, Lady Marll)orough, as she deemed it would have been beneath her dignity to have done so.* In her ' Conduct,' the Duchess ignores any cause of complaint that William may have had against her husband. She tries to persuade us, that his disgrace was solely the result of a Court intrigue set on foot with a view to force the Princess Anne to dismiss her. As far as she tells this story it seems to be absolutely correct. But it is evident that the violent quarrel between the sisters on the evening I have referred to was the immediate cause of her husband's disgrace the following morning. It was the last drop which made the cup of Mary's wrath flow over. The suddenness with which the dismissal was determined upon, and the abruptness with which it was carried out, strongly corroborate this view. In support of her explanation, the Duchess says that when Lady Fitzharding had some time before endeavoured to persuade her to side with the Court on the subject of Anne's annuity, her dear friend had warned her ' that if she would not put an end to measures so disagreeable to the King and Queen, it would certainly be the ruin of her Lord, and consequently of all her family.'! There is reason to believe that the discovery made l)y William, of a very important military secret having been communicated to the enemy through Lady Tyrconnel, had also something to do with Lord Marlborough's dismissal. * This ' Eough Draft ' is in the Bodleian Library ; it is curious to note the difference between it and the pubHshed book on all points dealing with the Marlboroughs. The Bishop altered his original draught to please them, as he was on very intimate terms with them wlien the final draught was prepared for the press. t ' Conduct,' pp. 30, 31. PROPOSED ATTACK UPON DUNKIRK 265 It was naturally assumed that Sarah corresponded with her Chapter sister in France, and, although it is possible that she ' never told Lady Tyrconnel any news of importance, it was ^^^^• generally l^elieved at the time that secrets had reached Lewis through this channel. It is tolerably certain that, as already mentioned in Chapter LXXL, an early attack upon ])unkirk was one of William's projects for the campaign of 1092. Horace "Walpole tells us that, as a boy, he heard his father and his father's contem- poraries repeat the following anecdote on this subject : William had resolved upon the operation because he had good reason to believe that Dunkirk was entirely unpre- pared to resist a sudden attack ; but success would depend upon the secrecy with which it was prepared, and the suddenness with which it was delivered. As Marlborough was to take part in the undertaking, he was entrusted with the secret, which was imparted to none but himself and the two Lords Caermarthen and Shrewsbury. The project had, however, to be abandoned, owing to the pre- parations for defence made by the French — preparations which were evidently due to the secret having been be- trayed. William, nuicli incensed at this breach of faith, questioned the three lords to whom only he had men- tioned the intended attack as to whether they had told anyone of it. Marlborough's answer was: ' Fpon my honour, sir, I told it to nobody but to my wife.' ' I did not tell it to mine,' was the King's rejoinder. It was com- monly supposed Sarah had informed her sister, by whom it was communicated to James, and through him to the French Court. The story is corroborated by so many contem- porary writers that its main features may be accepted as true.* In another version we are told that a French * Burnet, vol. ii., p. 90. A note by Lord Dartmoutli states that Lord Nottingham had told liini this story. Carlton, in liis memoirs, tells the same story ui reference to a projected attack the same year upon Brest, but he evidently mistakes the name of the place, although he is correct as to the betraval of the secret. He savs, the secret 266 MARLBOROUGH Chapter officer, commanding in some important outwork of Dunkirk, L XXl ii. -j^.^^i ]jQQ^^ bribed to betray his post to the EngUsh, and 1692. that when the secret leaked out the would-be traitor was executed.* %^-i, 1692. Towards the end of January the Princess received an anonymous letter informing her that Marlborough's dis- grace was but the prelude to his attachment for high treason. It warned her that Lady Fitzharding was a spy upon all her doings and sayings, which she retailed at Kensington, and wound up by stating that Anne would soon be compelled to dismiss her favourite lady.t Lady Marlborough's haughty imprudence soon afforded the Queen a plausible excuse for again calling upon the Princess to take this step. During a couple of weeks after her husband's disgrace she refrained from appearing at Court, but was then, she says, persuaded by her friends — in particular hj Godolphin t\2, 1692. — to attend her mistress to Kensington. It was a strong, indeed an impudent proceeding on her part, and one which enraged the Queen beyond measure. The next day, February 5, Mary wrote to her sister desiring her to dismiss her offending Lady-in-Waiting. She pointed out that as long as she remained in Anne's household Marlborough, though forbidden the Court, was afforded a just ' pretence of being where he ought not to be.' She intimated that it was only from a fond consideration of Anne's condition — she was then with child — that she had not turned Sarah out of the palace the preceding night, and upbraided Anne for the want of civility and of proper respect shown by this conduct. She does not, she says, require an immediate answer, ' because I would not have you give a rash one.' ' having been entrusted to a female politician on land, it was soon discovered to the enemy.' At p. 30 of ' Eemarks upon the Account of the Conduct,' etc., there is a full detail of this matter, the author adding, ' He had the narrative from a person of the highest considera- tion in that and the siicceeding reigns.' — Lediard, vol. i., p. 75. * Lord Ailesbury, in his memoirs, p. 283, asserts this to be a fact. I Coxe, vol. i., p. 48. ANNE WILL NOT DISMISS SARAH 267 She intimated her intention to pay Anne a visit the follow- Ch.m'ter • • LXXIII ing day before the customary daily card-playing began, for "I she could not join in the Princess's game whilst Lady ^692. Marlborough was one of the party. Her Majesty then goes on to say, in allusion to Sarah's dismissal : ' Though it be hard, it is not unreasonable ; but what has ever been practised.' Anne was furious, and her attendant indignant. When the Queen first reached London she had shown Sarah much kindness, and, as the latter asserts, ' did me many honours, which would have engaged some people to fix the foundation of their future fortune in her favour ; and that there was no person more likely than I to rise upon this bottom, if I could have been tempted to break the inviolaHe laws of friendship.'* She goes on to remark very justly that as the difference m age between the sisters was small, there was not ' the least probability that the Princess should outlive the King and Queen.' Her attachment to Anne was consequently not the result of a deep calculation of chances on her part. Anne, in her reply to the Queen's letter, intimated that she did not mean to part with Lad}^ Marll)orough, and this led to a message, conveyed to her by the Lord Chamberlain, forbidding that lady to remain ' any longer at the Cockpit.' The result was that early in March Anne quitted the town residence which Charles H. had bought and given to her on her marriage, and went with Lady Marlborough to live at Sion House, which the Duke of Somerset lent her. Sarah assures us that from the beginning of the quarrel she wished to leave Anne's household, and often entreated the Princess to allow her to do so. She felt that the (Queen's enmity with Anne was solely due to her presence at the Cockpit, and she desired to remove this cause of quarrel by leaving the Princess's service. This is corro- borated in one of Anne's letters to Sarah, written in Ma3% in which she mentions- having told the Bishop of Worcester : ' You had several times desired you might go * ' The Conduct,' p. 53. 268 MARLBOROUGH Chapter from me.' She adds, ' But I beg it again for Christ Jesus's sake that you would never name it any more to me. For Ije 1692. assured, if you should ever do so cruel a thing as to leave me, from that moment I shall never enjoy one quiet hour. And should you do it without asking my consent (which if I ever give you may I never see the face of Heaven) I will shut myself up and never see the world more, but live where I may be forgotten by human kind.'* In several other letters the Princess writes in a similar strain imploring her favourite ' for God's sake ' never again to mention the possibility of leaving her, and assuring her that the Prince entirely shares her views on this point. Lady Marl- borough tells us that whenever she hinted at leaving Anne's service she was met with passionate outbursts ' of tenderness and weeping " from her mistress. At Sion House Anne gave birth to a child, which onl}- lived a few hours. She immediately informed the Queen, who paid her a formal visit. Her greeting to Anne was: ' I have made the first step by coming to you, and I now expect you should make the next by removing my Lady Marl- borough.' Anne's answer was that she had never disobeyed the Queen except in this one matter, ' which she hoped would some time or other appear as unreasonable to her Majesty as it did to her.' The Queen rose and left im- mediately. + The two sisters never met again, although some letters passed between them. When strong enough to move, after a short visit to Bath, Anne finally took up her residence in Berkeley House, Piccadilly, t * ' Conduct,' p. 75. f Ibid., p. 70. X It stood where Devonshire House now is. Anne took it for three years at i'600 per annuna. — Luttrell's Diary, 19, 4, 1692. 26g ] CHAPTER LXXIY. MARLBOROL'GH SENT TO THE TOWER. Invasion tlu-eatened — Marlborough sent to the Tower. When William went to Holland this year he left Mary with Chaptkr I XXIV full authority to govern m his ahsence. General Tolle- "^ ' mache accompanied him as Lieutenant - General — the ^ ^'^~- position intended for Marlborough previous to his sudden disgrace. The force left at home for the protection of the kingdom was dangerously small, owing to William's anxiety to collect a large army in Flanders, and he was consequently filled with anxiety when the Secretaiy of State informed him that a French invasion was impending.* It is a v-J. 1692. curious fact that although the preparations made by Lewis for an invasion had been long known to hundreds of Jacobites in England, none had betrayed the secret to the Government or given any information on the subject ; mdeed, when the news was communicated to Lord Notting- ham he declined at first to believe it. The Queen counter- manded the embarkation of six regiments intended for Flanders, and ordered six others to be recalled from Ireland and three from Scotland, William at the same time sendmg back three more under Tollemache. All these battalions were despatched in haste to the southern coast. + The * The troops left at home were eight reguuents of Horse, two of Dragoons, and twelve of Foot, and of these six were under orders for Holland. f These tlu'ee regunents from Holland were Selwm's, now the Queen's or West Surrey ; Beveridge's, now he ^Yest Yorkslaire ; and 270 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Dutch Duke of Leiiister* was appointed to command the _i_ ■ forces in England, the Mihtia was called out, and camps were 1692. formed between Petersfield and Southampton ; preparations were made to drive all cattle and horses fifteen miles inland upon the first alarm being given, and every possible arrange- ment was made to oppose the expected invaders. A general embargo was laid upon all shipping for fifteen days from May 10. Consternation reigned in London, and all looked troubled and anxious, excepting the Jacobites, whose spirits rose with every fresh report from James's headquarters. Everything now pointed to a counter-Eevolution. The country was unsettled, none rendered to the new King more than a cold and grudging allegiance, and with the exception of the foreigners in William's service no one seemed anxious for a continuance of his reign. The Government at last became fully alive to the impending danger, and every hour brought them additional information of the Jacobite pre- parations for civil war. The prospect was so disquieting that Mary thought it advisable to burn her private journals. William at once despatched Lord Portland with letters and instructions to the Queen. He reached London on the T-.j 5, 1692. evening of Monday, May 2, and a Cabinet Council met the following day to consider the King's letters. The first result of its deliberations was the issue of warrants for the immediate arrest of Lords Marlborough, Lichfield, Scarsdale, Huntingdon and others. The warrant for the arrest of Marlborough, as entered in the Privy Council books, is dated May 3, and says ' that he was charged with high treason, and for abetting and adhering to his t\ 5, 1692. Majesty's enemies.' On May 4, Marlborough was examined by the Council, and he was sent to the Tower on the following day, the warrant for his committal being signed Lloyd's, since disbanded. They encamped on Southsea Common. Of the six regiments whose embarkation was countermanded, tliree were Sir J. Lanier's, now tlie King's Dragoon Guards, Lord Portland's, and Colonel Langston's. * Meinhardt de Schomberg had been created Duke of Leinster, 3, 3, 1691. I MARLBOROUGH IN THE TOWER 271 by the Secretary of State, Lord Sydney, who was hostile Chaptek to him. The guards were doubled in London, mounted ' * sentries patrolled the approaches to "Whitehall, and two ^''Q^- companies of the train bands were ordered to be under arms every night.* A fortnight earlier hot and cold fits regarding invasion had alternated, but now the scare was general ; ever}- citizen went to bed in terror lest the dawn should discover French troops in the streets ; Parliament was summoned to meet forthwith ; all Eoman Catholics were ordered to leave London and its neighbourhood ; the Jacobite agents known to be in the City were diligently sought for, and man}- of them were caught and imprisoned ; numerous arrests were made, and houses were searched daily. Surely 'twas ' a very jealous time ' ! + No convincing evidence of Marlborough's guilt was pro- /v 5, i692. duced before the Council, and Lords Devonshire, Bradford and Montagu refused to sign the warrant, scornfull}^ passing it on to the members sitting next to them with undisguised contempt for the whole proceeding.:;; Their reason for this attitude was a just one ; the accuser — Eobert Young — upon whose evidence the suspected lords were committed, being known as a worthless insolvent of infamous character. On the other hand, the accused lords were known by "William to be in constant correspondence with James, and were believed to be dangerous to the public peace. "Whether there was or was not technically sufficient evidence to warrant their legal imprisonment is a question ; but it is nevertheless certain that at so critical a moment the Government were full}' justified in the course they took. The maintenance * Letter of Sir C. Lyttelton to Lord Hatton, dated 5, 5, 1692, Camden Society Papers of 1878. Prices went suddenly- up in London. The loaf, which liad previously cost but ninepence, became a sliilling ; mutton rose to fivepence, and beef to threepence the pomid. See Hatton Correspondence, vol. ii., p. 174. A letter dated ' Pell MeU, April 10, 1692.' f Letter of Su' C. Lyttelton to Lord Hatton, dated 5, 5, 1692, Camdou Society Papers of 1878. 272 MARLBOROUGH Chapter of peace and the safety of the country are considerations 1^ ■ superior to all the formalities of law. Marlborough was 1692. kept a close prisoner in the Tower, no one being allowed to see him except by order of the Secretary of State. His wife left the Princess Anne at Sion House in order to be near him in town, and she left no means untried to obtain his release. There still exist many orders signed by Lord Nottingham granting her permission to see him in prison, the earliest being dated five days after his committal, and worded ' for this time only.' A Mr. Chudleigh was a frequent visitor ;* the first order of admission given to him was to see Marlborough in presence of a warder ' for this time only.' Later on we find an order addressed to Lord Lucas, the Constable of the Tower, signifying the Queen's pleasure that friends and relations of the prisoners lately committed should have access to them from time to time. They were subsequently allowed to dine together when all dread of invasion had passed away. Marlborough in the Tower had fewer friends than ever, but his wife makes honourable mention of Lord Bradford, who not only refused to sign the warrant which committed him to prison, but paid him a visit when there. Others kept aloof for fear of injuring their position at Court, and had not even the kindness to visit his wife in her hour of trial and humiliation. t She writes of this with a bitter- ness strange in one who, having seen much of the world, ought not to have been surprised at its ingratitude. Marlborough's arrest was extremely mortifying to the Princess Anne. The anger, grief, and anxiety which it occa- sioned to her favourite found an echo in her heart, and she gave expression to her feelings in the following affectionate letter to his wife : ' I hear Lord Marlborough is sent to the Tower ; and though I am certain they have nothing againsi him, and expected by your letter it would be so, yet I was * He was a correspondent of the Earl of Yannonth's. Historical MSS., Seventh lleport, Appendix, p. 535. t ' Conduct,' p. 62. ANNE'S DEVOTION TO LADY MARLBOROUGH 273 struck when I was told of it, for methinks it is a dismal Chakikr thing to have one's friends sent to that place. I have a ^ thousand melancholy thoughts, and cannot help fearing ^^^■'^* they should hinder you from coming to me ; though how they can do that without making you a prisoner, I cannot imagine. I am just told by pretty good hjinds that as soon as the wind turns westerly, there will be a guard set upon the Prince and me. If you hear there is any such thing designed, and that 'tis easy to you, pray let me see you before the wind changes, for afterwards one does not know whether they will let one have opportunities of speaking to one another. But let them do what they please, nothing shall ever vex me, so I can have the satisfaction of seeing dear Mrs. Freeman ; and I swear I would live on bread and water between four walls with her without repining ; for as long as you continue kind, nothing can ever be a real mortification to your faithful Mrs. Morley, who wishes she may never enjoy a moment's happiness in this world or the next if ever she proves false to you.'* Let us hope that this pious wish was not registered in heaven, for fifteen years later she hated her ' dear Mrs. Free- man ' with a bitter hatred. In the same letter Anne refers to the indignities put upon her by order of the King and Queen, because she insisted upon retaining Lady Marl- horough in her household against their wishes. Society was given the hint not to call upon the Princess, and she "^^as deprived of her military guard and the other outward marks of respect usually paid to members of the Pioyal Family. Marlborough, of course, knew in his heart that his recent correspondence with James rendered him guilty of high treason. But the villain Young accused him of complicity in a plot which had no existence, and he was consequently able to repudiate the charges upon which he had been arrested with the indignation of an innocent and injured man. He appealed to Lord Caermarthen, President of the * Coxe, vol. i., p. 65. VOL. II. 43 274 MARLBOROUGH Chapteu Council, although there had never been any intimacy 1^ ■ between them.* He wrote : ' Having been informed that it 169-2. ig now iDublickly discoursed in Westminster Hall to-day, that a letter under my hand was to be produced to the grand jury, to mduce them to find a bill against me, I beg leave to assure your lordship, upon my honour and credit, that if any such letter be pretended, it must and will, upon examination, appear so plainly to have been forged, that as it can be of no credit or advantage to the Government, so I doubt not but your lordship's justice will be ready to protect me from so injurious a proceeding, who am,' etc. He also sent the following appeal to the Earl of Devon- shire, then Lord High Steward : ' I am so confident of my innocence, and so convinced, if there be any such letter, that it must appear to be forged, and made use of only to keep me in prison, that I cannot doubt but your lordship will be so kind as to let me find your protection against such a proceeding, which will be a reproach to the Govern- ment as well as an injury to Yours,' etc.+ * Caermarthen, like Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and, mdeed, like all William's Ministers, was then in correspondence with James. I Coxe, vol. i., pp. 64, 65. [ 275 ] CHAPTER LXXV. THE BATTLE OF LA HOGUE.— MARLBOROUGH's RELEASE FROM THE TOWER. French preparations for the hivasion of England — James issues a Proclamation to the English People — Admiral Russell — He gains the battle of La Hogue — Young's accusations agamst Marlborough — Death of Marlborough's boy Charles — Released from the Tower. Whilst these events were taking place at home, active Chapter • LXXV preparations were in progress on the other side of the 1^ Channel, where nothing was talked of but the invasion of i^^^. England. Every port in Normandy was alive with roUickmg Irish musketeers and busy French sailors. Impoverished soldiers of fortune — and there were many serving with the Irish Brigade — looked eagerly across the Channel in anticipation of the rich plunder which London would afford. Everything was, however, retarded by bad weather. The naval preparations were not up to time ; but James found the military arrangements completed when, with Berwick and De Bellefonds, he reached Caen about the middle of April. The recent storms had damaged the ships, head i+ 4, 1692. winds prevented the embarkation of the troops, and the squadron under Count d'Estree, which was exjiected from Toulon, could not get through the Straits of Gibraltar. This was a serious loss, for these ships were required to convoy the transports across the Channel, whilst the great fleet under De Tourville was to engage that of Admiral Russell. Notwithstanding these unfortunate delays, the French were confident of success. ' IIow happy shall I 276 MARLBOROUGH Chapter be,' writes a French colonel, as he was about to embark, LXXV. , -when I date my first letter from on board ship ! the 1692. next will perhaps follow dated from the English shore ; a third, please God, from London.'* The preparations for the crossing were eagerly pushed forward by the exiled King himself, nor were the Jacobites in England wanting in zeal and activity. In Lancashire, the home of so many old Eoman Catholic families, a military force was being organized, and James was assured that a formidable body of devoted soldiers would join l^ 4, 1692. him as soon as he landed.-f- He issued a proclamation which was freely distributed throughout Great Britain, assuring Protestants of all denominations that they had no cause to dread his return on the score of religion, and pardoning all, with the exception of a few specially named, who had proved unfaithful to him. Lord Churchill was amongst the exceptions, but James took care to inform him that this was done lest his true sentiments should become known. James assured him that he not only pardoned him, but would regard him henceforward as his chief agent, b}' which title he was generally styled in the subsequent Jacobite correspondence. The following entry relating to this critical period occurs in James's Memoirs : ' The correspondence with my Lord Churchill was still kept up, for tho so much former treachery, and so little other proofs of a change than words and protestations, made his intentions lyable to suspicion ; yet he put so plausible a face upon his reasons and actions, that if they were not accompanied with truth and sincerity, they had at least a specious appearance of fair and honest dealing; and had this reason, above all others, to be credited, that not only he, but his . . -t (wife?), was out * A paper in the French War Office quoted by Ranke, vol. v., p. 46. f A number of officers who had arrived from St. Germams to raise troops were arrested through information supphed by Mr. J. Macky. ' Memoirs of the Secret Services of J. Macky, Esq.,' 1733, p. v. J This blank is in the original MS. I presume the omitted word is ' wife.' ADMIRAL RUSSELL 277 of favour with the Prince of Orange, and reap'd no other Chaptkk benefit from their past intidehtys than the infamy of having 11_ committed them,' etc.* But in every reference to Marl- 1*^92. borough in these interesting memoirs it is easy to read between the hnes, and to see that James was quite aware that he was merely being played with for interested motives by Marlborough, Russell, and Godolphin. In fact, stupid as he was, he saw through them, and fully comprehended their game, though he could not afford to tell them so. Marlborough's friend, Admiral Russell, was as unprin- cipled, sordid, and self-seeking as most of the public men of the day. It was commonly said that only those who bribed and flattered him could expect consideration at his hands, and that he cared for his own interests to the exclu- sion of James's claims upon his loyalty, and of William's upon his gratitude. Like the proverbial Irishman, he was against all authority. Unfaithful to James at the Revolu- tion, he threw in his lot with William and Mary, whom he subsequently deserted ; but though he agam swore allegiance to his old master, yet he would not serve him when the crucial moment came. He never rose to distinc- tion or gained a leadmg position. Though a pronounced Whig, he was yet in James's confidence and in close com- munication with him. He was now pre-eminently the man upon whose conduct the fate of England depended, for he was in command of the Channel fleet, which alone could save the country from invasion, the army in England being too small to do so. Should he draw off without fighting, or be defeated in an engagement, a French army would land forthwith on our shores. The military position was very much the same as it was immediately before the battle of Trafalgar. Can anythmg be more unwise than to trust the fate of the country to the issue of one battle upon that most unstable element, the sea "? At this crisis the Admiral commanding the Channel fleet and our foremost English General were both in close corre- * Clarke's ' Life of James II.,' vol. ii., p. 476. 278 MARLBOROUGH 1692. Chapter spondence with James II., who was in command of a hostile army encamped on the opposite French shore. Although Piussell had promised James that the English ships should not get in the way of the French fleet, he nevertheless im- pressed uj)on him that if he did happen to encounter the enemy's ships he should feel compelled to give them battle, even though James himself were on board. James justly thought that these promises were cleverly devised to suit Eussell's own purposes, and to make him safe whatever might be the result of the operation. But he was in no position to question or dissent, for his only chance lay in a frank acceptance of the schemes worked out for him by un- trustworthy conspirators. At the same time, the poor de- throned King allowed himself to feel very confident, for everything looked like success. He was too sanguine, however. The elements combined to ruin his well-laid plans, or, as the Protestants put it, the Almighty interposed with storms and winds to save England from Popery. When the time for action came, everything went wrong. De Tourville's fleet, which was ready for sea, was kept weather-bound in harbour for nearh' six weeks, whilst the same wind enabled the English men-of-war to assemble at their appointed stations in the Channel. The delay also afforded the English and Dutch fleets time to unite. Admiral De Tourville was still smarting under the abuse heaped upon him for having failed to follow up his success at Beachy Head. His orders were to seek out and fight Russell's fleet, and this he was determined to do, whatever might be the strength of his enemy or the chances in his favour. In no previous year had the junction between the Dutch and English fleets taken place before the beginning of summer. Lewis had consequently assumed that De Tour- ville would be able to engage the English alone, and believed that his superior fleet would be sure of victory. Hence the positive orders sent to his Admiral. "When he sub- sequently learnt that the Allied fleets had united, he strove BATTLE OF LA HOGUE 279 in vain to countermand those orders ; but the French lieet Chaptku had put to sea before his messengers reached the coast. i: Meanwhile the gallant De Tourville, coming up with the i*J9^- English and Dutch fleets, which, together, outnumbered his nearly two to one, attacked them boldly. With such i!', 'o, 1692. odds against him he was, of course, easily defeated, and, though he lost no ships in the action, being closely pur- sued the following day, he lost the best part of his fleet.* In this battle Marlborough's corpulent brother. Captain George Churchill, proved himself a hard fighter and a skilful seaman. From Cape La Hogue the unfortunate James witnessed the battle which destroyed his hopes. His proposal had been that the French fleet and the transports carrying the invading army should set sail in March ; but, fortunately for England, Lewis was behindhand in his preparations. Had James been able to set sail for England imme- diately on reaching the coast, it may be safely asserted that he could have landed his army without serious hindrance. The French fleet in the Channel was at that time superior to the English, as the Dutch had not yet joined ; so that if Piussell had fought he would in all pro- bability have been defeated. There were then, also, so few troops available for the defence of London that, after a feeble show of resistance, James would probably have entered Whitehall in triumph. A considerable amount of popular sentiment would have been exhibited in his favour, and the King would have ' had his own again.' All this must have seemed not onty possible, but probable, to those in the Jacobite secrets. It is not greatly to be wondered at, therefore, that when the standard of private honour and public morality was so debased, men like Marlborough, * Some of De Tourville's fleet were absent at the time of the battle. See Campbell's ' Naval History,' vol. ii., note on p. 447. On board the EngUsh fleet of 63 ships of the line were 28,570 men and 4,530 guns. The Dutch fleet of 36 ships had 13,051 men and 2,614 guns. In all, Russell's fleet consisted of 99 ships of the hne, Avith 41,621 men and 7,144 guns. Russell's flagslaip was the Britannia. 28o MARLBOROUGH LXXV 1692. ^^^^™* Eussell, Goclolphin, and others, should wish to secure themselves from James's vengeance in the event of a restoration, which seemed so near at hand. The victory of La Hogue crippled the naval power of France for the remainder of Lewis XIY.'s reign, and saved England from invasion, as did the greater battle of Trafalgar in this century. How different would have been our history had we lost either or both of those battles ! Our victory of La Hogue ma}' be said to have been the first great step towards the naval supremac}' which Rodney's victory, nearl}' a century after, secured us. It has been no easy matter to mamtain it, and more than once we nearly lost it. Thanks, however, to Duncan and our great Nelson we won, and we are still regarded as supreme upon the seas ; let us hope that our future record may always be as glorious as our past. We have now put nearly all our eggs into one basket, so that the destruction of the fleet would lay England open to invasion, and London to capture ; for in these days of Ironclads it takes at least three years to build a first-class ship of war, and to make the enormous guns required to arm it. The public rejoicings over the victory of La Hogue found Marlborough still in the Tower. No peer could be legally arrested for high treason except upon the sworn depositions of at least two credible witnesses, but the perjuries of Young and Pearson had enabled the Government to seem at least to conform to this requirement of the law in Marl- borough's case. Young had not only forged some treason- able letters in the General's name, but he also fabricated a scheme for the restoration of James, to which he attached the signatures of Lords Salisbury, Marlborough, Cornbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and others.* Young confessed ^ ' A Relation of the Late Wicked Contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and Robert Yomig against the Lives of Several Persons by forging an Association under their Hands.' In the Savoy, 1692. This is by Dr. Spratt, Bishop of Rochester. In 1700 this Young was hanged for another offence. I YOUNG'S PLOT 281 clftel•^yal•(ls that he had obtained Marll)orou<'h's seal and Chapter 1 1 ■ /. LXXV. signature to coj^y by applymg to him under the guise of a country gentleman who wished for the character of a ^^^"^■ servant lately in Marlborough's employment. Dr. Spratt, the Bishop of liochester, soon proved these documents to be nothing but impudent forgeries, and the whole plot to be a conspiracy of Young's, concocted in order to obtain money as an informer. Sarah alleged that he was mstigated to bring forward these charges against her husband by Lord Eomney (Henry Sidney), William's only English favourite.* Certainly he was no friend to Marlborough, but even in that age of conspiracies and intrigues it is difficult to believe that any gentleman could descend to so infamous a mode of attack even against his worst enem}-. The forged papers were hidden in a flower-pot at the Bishop's palace in Bromley, Kent,! with the intention that they should be found there by the King's officers who were sent by the Council to search the house. Had they been discovered there, the case would have gone hardlj^ with the accused ; for when they were shown to Marlborough he pronounced them to be so exactly like his own handwriting as to have deceived himself, had he not been certain that he knew nothing whatever of the pretended plot. The forged ' Association ' ran as follows : ' That we whose names were subscribed should solemnly promise, in the presence of God, to contribute our utmost Assistance towards King James's recovery of his kingdoms. That to this end, we would have ready to meet him, at His Landing, 30,000 men well armed. That we would seize upon the person of the Prmcess of Orange, Dead or Alive ; and take care that some strong Garrison should be forth- with delivered into His Hands : And furnish Him with a Considerable sum of Money for the support of His Army. — * ' The Conduct,' etc. f This palace exists no longer, but the grounds ^vhere it stood are still kept up as a gentleman's place. 282 MARLBOROUGH Chapter March 20, '91.— Marlborougli, Salisbury, Basil Firebrace, ^^ ■ W. Cant, Tlios. Eoffen, Cornbury, John Wilcoxe.' 1692. Jyi one of the letters said to have been written by Marl- borough to Young, it was stated that the above ' Associa- tion ' had been committed to the Bishop's keeping, and the Bishop himself was alleged by Young and Blackhead to have carried on a treasonable correspondence with Marl- -H 6, 1692. borough. When examined by the Lords of the Council, Dr. Si^ratt was questioned closely as to his acquaintance with Marlborough, and was asked : ' Had any letters passed between them during the previous three months ?' He replied that although they had known one another both at the Court of King James and in Parliament, he had neither written to nor heard from him ; and when subse- quently he was confronted by his accusers, Blackhead broke down in cross-examination, and admitted his guilt and the falsity of the charges. The whole plot was cleverly contrived, and the forgeries were admirably executed ; it only failed through the accident of their not being found at the right moment in the Bishop's palace. Such was the state of feeling at the time that the slightest evidence of guilt would have condemned them, for the dread of invasion was then no mere illusion. An invasion by James at the head of the combined French and Irish Army was known to be really imminent, and the people were in a mood to believe in any plot against William's Throne. Well indeed may the Bishop have said : ' To God, therefore, my only Deliverer, be the praise!' So ended this infamous plot. The accused were all released with the exception of Marlborough, whose reten- tion in prison was contrary to law, especially after the Grand Jury had found a true bill against Young for forgery. Most people will admit, however, that, at a time when James was threatening to invade England, the fact that Marlborough was in correspondence with him amply j ustiiied Mary's action in the matter. This was a time of trial to Lady Marlborough, for I MARLBOROUGH'S SON CHARLES 283 her anxiety about her husband was now deepened into Chapter LXXV sorrow by the loss of her youngest child Charles, who was U_ not quite two years old. His death was a great and real i^^-- grief to his parents at this trying period of their career, j^iay, i692. Anne refers to it m the following letter : ' May 22, Sion House. — I am very sensibly touched with the misfortune that my dear Mrs. Freeman has had of losing her son, know- ing very well what it is to lose a child ; but she knowing my heart so well, and how great a share I bear in all her concerns, I will not nay any more on this subject, for fear of renewing her passion too much.'* The Princess Anne's letters to her favourite at this period are filled with loving expressions of sympathy for her dis- tress and anxiet}' of mind. Under the pressure of mental trouble Sarah's health and strength began to suffer, and frequent are the inquiries on this head : ' I am in pain to know how my dear Mrs. Freeman does, for she is not used to complain, nor to be let blood for a little thmg : and therefore I cannot help enquiring what is the matter, and how she finds herself now.'t In the following letter Anne tl 5, 1692. evmces the bitterness of her feeling against her sister at this time : ' I am sorry with all my heart dear Mrs. Freeman meets with so many delays ; but it is a comfort, they cannot keep Lord Marlborough in the Tower longer than the end of the term : and I hope when parliament sits, care will be taken that people may not be clapt upon for nothing, or else there will be no living in quiet for an}' body, but insolent Dutch and sneakmg mercenary Englishmen,' etc. Marlborough's great endeavour was to avail himself of the privilege secured to all Englishmen by the Habeas Corpus Act. It was necessary that he should find men ready to go bail for him, and amongst other letters written by him on this subject is the following one to Lord Halifax: ' My Lord, — My Councill being to move the Court of King's Bench for my Habeas Corpus the beginning of next Term, and being very certain of my own innocence, and that no * • Conduct,' p. 79. f Ihid., p. 68. 284 MARLBOROUGH 1692. Chapter instance Can be shewn why I should not be bail'd, I desire the favour of your Lordship to be there and be one of my Suretys for my appearance not knowing yet how many they may require to be found for me ; I shall be unwilling to give your Lordship this trouble without a necessity, and in that case I shall always own it as the greatest obligation to your Lordship's most obedient Marlborough.'* a 6, 1(592. At length, on June 15, Marlborough was brought before the Court of King's Bench on a writ of habeas corpus, and released from the Tower upon finding bail for i;6,000 for his appearance when required. His sureties were Lords Shrewsbury, Halifax and Carbuiy, and Mrs. Boyle. One Mr. Maule, a false friend, went to Sarah and offered his services in the matter of bail when he knew them to be no longer required. She thanked him, and told him that her husband had many friends, but that his best friend was the Habeas Corpus Act, which she had consequently often kissed. A week later the names of the first two of these lords and that of Marlborough were removed from the list of Privy Councillors by Queen Mary's orders.! In the following October Marlborough again appeared before the Court of King's Bench, petitioning to have his recognisances discharged. He urged that Young, upon whose forged evidence he had been committed, had been convicted, whipped, and pilloried, and that it was monstrous to treat him dift'erently from those who had been already relieved of responsibility in the matter. If his request were refused, he announced his intention of appealing to the House of Lords as a matter of privilege ; but the Court refused to grant him the release he sought for. To the people, who knew nothing of Marlborough's double- faced dealings with James, the treatment he received from William seemed harsh and ungenerous, and tended greatly to increase the King's unpopularity. * Spencer House Tapers. i Carte MSS., 242, fo. 94. 285 ] CHAPTER LXXVI. William's unfortunate campaign. "William's defeat at Steinkirk — Death of General Mackay — Williaiu as a General — Parliament begs AYilliam to dismiss all his foreign officers — Attempts to bring about a reconciliation between the two Royal sisters — Queen Mary's unliappiness — Jacobite intrigues — William loses the battle of Landen. When the Kine; had made arrangements for the wmter Chaptkk . LXXVI. quarters of his army m Flanders he returned to England. His entry into London was like a triumph, and the cordiality ^^^^• of his reception was in marked" contrast with what it had M lO, 1692. been on former occasions. The people, cheered by the victory of La Hogue, which had relieved them from the dread of invasion, were for the moment in good humour ' with William, notwithstanding the failure of his campaign in Flanders. But the defeat at Steinkirk had been a bloody affair on ¥-;- ^692. both sides, and the heavy English loss led to renewed complaints against the King's Dutch officers.* Amongst those who fell in the battle was the gallant General Hugh Mackay, who, though ten years older than Marlborough, * The Prmcess, writmg to Sarah when the news of William's defeat had just reached her, says she supposes Marlborough had heard all particulars from his brother Charles, who commanded a brigade there, or from Colonel Godfrey, his brother-in-law, who was in command of a regiment. Eighth Report, MSS. of 1881. Amongst the killed was General Mackay, Sir J. Lanier, Sir R. Douglas, the Earl of Angus, many other officers, and about 2,000 rank and file. The wounded and prisoners numbered about 3,000 men more, and we lost several guns. 286 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr had been his brother subaltern in early life. He was a LXXVI. pJQ^^g^ God-fearing man, full of wisdom and common-sense, 169-J. and his death was a heavy loss to Marlborough, with whom he had always kept up a friendly and regular corre- spondence. Moreover, he was well thought of by ^Yilliam, and might have helped to procure his friend's restoration to favour.* William, though brim-full of military knowledge, lacked the military genius to turn that knowledge to the best account, by the formation of bold strategic conceptions or new combinations. The names of most great conquerors are associated with some innovation in tactics, for it is new ideas which generally win battles. The campaigns conducted at this epoch on principles learned from treatises on war seldom led to anything decisive, and William's costly campaigns were no exception to the rule. Had a Napoleon or a Marlborough with undisputed power appeared on either side — a man who would have thrown to the winds all stiff and conventional notions — he would have ended the war in One campaign. AYilliam never spared himself, but worked hard to win on all occasions, and, though weak in body, he made light of fatigue and privations. Brave to a fault, he despised danger, and yet the Boyne was almost his only victory. This year Namur was taken b}^ Lewis under his very nose, and the crushing defeat of Steinkirk robbed him for ever of the soldiers' confidence. The English troops were disheartened and discontented, declaring loudly they had been sacrificed by the imbecility of Count Solmes. Tollemache, who, since the death of Kirke and the disgrace of Marlborough, had become the best known English General, did not hesitate to lay the blame of the defeat upon the military incapacity of the Prince of Waldeck and of Count Solmes. This did not tend to promote a better state of feeling between the * Subaltern officers together, they were made Major- Generals m the same Gazette, but afterwards Marlborough became a Lieutenant- General long before his friend. ANGRY DEBATES IN HOUSE OF LORDS 287 Dutch and Enf^lish armies, or to reconcile the nation to Chaptkk William's practice of confiding all high commands to " foreigners. ^69''^- Parliament met on William's birthday, but neither House i\ n. if>9"-^. seemed anxious to please him, and complaints were heard on all sides, Marlborough, smarting under the indignity of dismissal from the arm_y and recent imprisonment, was eager to incite the "discontented Whigs to oppose the Court. The Whigs, as a party, considered that the King had behaved badly to those who had put him on the Throne. It was not, therefore, difhcult for a man of Marlborough's persuasive powers and tenacity of purpose to excite them to a deter- mined opposition in Parliament.* The war in Flanders had always been unpopular, and was now doubly so, because of the recent failure. Many officers and a host of private soldiers had been uselessly and stupidly sacrificed m the unfortunate battle, while the merchants complained loudly of great losses at sea through ignorance and want of energy on the part of the navy. The House of Lords, instead of considering the King's speech, entered at once into questions of privilege. Marlborough, Lichfield, and others had been sent to the Tower on imperfect information, and not on the sworn depositions of two credible witnesses, as custom, if not the law, demanded. These peers now appealed to the House, and were warmly supported. Angry debates ensued, full of hostility to William and his foreign favourites. The judges who had refused to discharge the recognisances of the imprisoned peers were summoned to appear and explain their conduct, and the Constable of the Tower had to pro- duce the warrants upon which they had been committed. The retention of Marlborough's bail was also regarded as a breach of privilege. The question was referred to the judges and law officers of the Crown. A committee of the House of Lords reported that the recognisance of these peers should be discharged, and pointed out that an order from the King would be the best solution. This was adopted, * Dali'vmple, Part III., Book I. MARLBOROUGH Chaptek and so ended a debate as injurious to William's interests as J ■ it was personally offensive to him. 1693. Ministers were screened from further attack by an Act of Indemnity. William saw that whilst his treatment of Marlborough had embittered the feeling of Parliament against the Court, it had also increased Marlborough's reputation amongst his countrymen. And yet the King could at any moment have ruined him in the eyes of all Protestants and lovers of constitutional government by making known his traitorous correspondence with James. It may be presumed that he did not do so either because he could not see his way to prove his assertions, or because if he accused one he would have to implicate others who, like Godolphin, were necessary to his Government. To accuse Marlborough would frighten all his Ministers, for he knew that all had been and many were still engaged in a similar correspondence. 18, 2, I69t. The Lords prayed that no foreigners should be members of the Board of Ordnance or keepers of stores in the Tower ; that the General of the English forces under the King should be a subject born in their Majesties' dominions ; that English officers should be preferred to foreigners, and that none but English troops should be left in England for its defence.* A strong feeling was evinced in the House of Commons also against William's Dutch Generals. A reso- lution was passed that none but Englishmen should be placed in command of British troops. The Duke of Leinster and Count Solmes were particularly aimed at in this motion ; the latter having recently rendered himself specially obnoxious to the English in Flanders. Some of the officers who had commanded regiments there, including Colonel Godfrey, Marlborough's brother-in-law, took part in the debate. They did all they could to excite the House against Count Solmes, whom they denounced for his conduct at Steinkirk, and they strove to arouse popular feeling against all the foreign Generals. The Whig Lords took a similar * The House of Lords' Journal for 18, 2, 169|. LIFE AT PRIXCESS ANNE'S COURT 289 line in the Upper House, egged on and encouraged by Chapter Marlborough. But notwithstanding the critical if not hostile attitude of Parliament, lil)eral supplies were voted ^^^•^• for ])oth army and navy ; for the army, 54,562 rank and tile, at a cost of over two millions sterling, and for the navy 33,000 seamen at a somewhat similar amount. The exact sum voted for both services was t'4,205,068, not including the cost of the army in Ireland. Marlborough, who was far from rich l^efore his disgrace, now found himself deprived of the greater part of his income, and this did not tend to reconcile one who loved money, as he did, to William or his Government. He associated much with Admiral Eussell, Lord Halifax, Shrewsbury, and the "Whigs Avho had been William's chief agents at the Revolution, but who were now in communication with St. Germains. Lady Marlborough was still in constant atten- dance upon the Princess, who lived like a private individual in Berkeley House. There Marlborough spent most of his time, with occasional visits to St. Albans. Anne wished to create an office for him in her household, with a salary of ,i'l,000 a year, but his wife dissuaded her from doing so.* During the winter of 1692-3, and all through 1693, frequent efforts were made by friends of the Princess to effect a reconciliation between her and the Queen, but to no purpose. Mary would not even negotiate, as long as Lady Marlborough remained with Anne, and the latter positively refused to part Avith her. Mary in a letter to her sister says, ' It is not words can make us live together as we ought. You know what I required of you.' ' I cannot change my mind, but expect to be complied with.' 'You can give me no other marks that will satisfy me.'t Anne repeats to Lady Marlborough her determination never to submit to the Queen on this pomt, and again refers to Sarah's desire to quit her service. ' No, my dear Mrs. Freeman,' she writes, 'never believe your faithful Morley will ever submit. She can wait with patience for a sun- * ' Conduct,' p. 285. f Ibid., p. 78. VOL. II. 44 2go MARLBOROUGH Chapter shiny day, and if she does not see it, yet she hopes England ' will flourish again. Once more give me leave to beg you 169? would be so kind never to speak of parting more, for, let what will happen, that is the only thing that can make me miserable.' * In August, 1693, it was commonly reported in London that a reconciliation between the sisters had been brought about through Marlborough's influence.! It was even said that he was to be restored to his position in the army as a reward for this great public service. The bells, which owing to the repeated failure of our arms had long been silent, rang out merrily once more, and there was general rejoicing. But in a few days the whole story was found to be without foundation. The wish had been father to the thought. I Meanwhile, Mary, one of the best of women, was begin- ning to experience the pangs of remorse, and her thoughts turned often towards her father. Strong as was her Dutch Protestantism, and much as she abhorred Popery, yet she could not forget that the Throne she occujDied was not rightfully hers. She deeply deplored her disagreement with Anne, and regarded it as a direct punishment from God for the disloyal, underhand, and dishonest part which both sisters had played in the drama of the Eevolution. But, as she wrote, 'it was unavoidable,' and she trusted that neither the Church nor the nation should suffer.!^ She hated being Queen, but she did her best to play the part cheerfully in order to please her exacting, unloving husband. Her lot was indeed a sad one. Mated with a man whom she had come to love after marriage, and on whom she lavished all the tenderness and warmth of her nature, she received from him in return little but neglect and cruelty, and saw her rightful place in his affections usurped by a mistress. Though handsome, young, and * ' Conduct,' p. 85. t Hatton Correspondence, vol. ii., p. 195; Luttrell, 24, 8, 169^}- X Luttrell, 29, 8, 1693. § Memoirs of Mary II., by herself, edited by Doebuer. MARLBOROUGH A BAD PLOTTER 291 full of life, she had for ten years, as she mentions in one Ch.vptkk of her letters, been compelled by her husband's neglect to ^' live the life of a nun.* 1693. ^\^len James recovered from the l)low which he received at La Hogue, he renewed his correspondence with Russoll, Marl l)oro ugh, Godolphin, Shrewsbury and other high officials in England. He found them still, in word, devoted to his cause. In November he describes the position of affairs in England very full}^ in a memorial presented to his most Christian Majesty of France. His project of invasion having failed for the time being, he argues upon the chances of being recalled by Parliament. His friends, he says, had wished to bring this about the year before- - as described in a j)revious chapter. Though daring in enterprise and reckless of personal danger, Marlborough was, as a plotter, cautious, if not timid. It was as natural to him to trim and hedge in politics as to charge at the head of his steel-breasted horsemen in battle. He never threw away the scabbard or burnt his boats in any political venture. This characteristic is revealed in every phase of his corre- spondence with the exiled Stewarts from this year to the end of his life. The period intervening between the acces- sion of James II. and Marlborough's death was remarkable for the sudden changes of fortune which overtook, not onl}- the occupant of the Throne, but the King's servants also. Each fresh turn of the wheel might make or mar the fortunes of any individual ; might make him a Minister or send him to the block. Public life involved something more than the mere question of being ' in ' or ' out ' of office. It meant a conflict that would probably end in impeachment and imprisonment, and might end on Tower Hill. The year 1693 was the gloomiest in William's reign. His rule inspired general disgust, for his system of govern- * Mary, although a health^- woman, was childless, and Ehzabeth ViUiers, although she bore her lawful husband many children, never had one by her Royal protector. 292 MARLBOROUGH Chapter ment and his aims and objects were regarded as essentially ' ' ■ unpatriotic and un-English. There ^Yas still much talk of 1693. invasion ; the better classes were tainted with treason, and the political horizon was black with clouds. To watch over his interests in England, James depended chiefly on Lord Middleton, who was connected with Lord Shrewsbury by marriage. He it was who, before La Hogue, had negotiated with Admiral Kussell and the other ' shattered reeds,' as James styles those whom Mary im- prisoned. Middleton reports to James that he found Marl- borough ' frank and cordial in the matter,' and not only ready to serve his exiled master, but anxious to indicate how he thought the King's interests could be best furthered.* He and the other Jacobite lords who thus deceived James with effusive assurances of loyalty, now declared that he must by solemn proclamation make more explicit promises on the following points : A general pardon ; the frequent assemblage of Parliament ; the redress of grievances ; the protection of the rights and properties of the Church ; the maintenance of the Test and renunciation of all power to dispense with it, unless by the sanction of Parliament ; and, lastly, a guarantee to re-establish the Act of Settle- ment in Ireland. James and his intimate advisers dis- liked these terms, and deemed them harsh and exacting, but they met with the approval of Lewis XIV. — on whose bounty James lived — and were consequently embodied in a ,V 4. 1693. proclamation which was published. Before the ink was well dry James repented of the promises he had made regarding the Church of England. + But he disquieted himself in vain, for the proclamation fell quite flat. He has well said in his Memoirs, ' That all the frute the King reaped from this Declaration, was blame from his friends, contempt from his enemies, and repentance in himself.'! * James's Memoirs in Clarke's Life, vol. ii., p. 501. t Clarke's Life, vol. ii., p. 509. J ' His friends ' here means his confessor and the other priests who were his secret advisers. Clarke's Life, vol. ii., p. 511. MARLBOROUGH'S ADVICE TO JAMES 293 Lord Middleton, ^Yriting to a friend in England, says : Chai-tku * Excuse my not writing to Lord Churchill. But let him "'_!_ know that by the next he shall hear from me ; and that ^^^^• his affairs are in as good a posture as we could wish.'* ttt 4, 1693. James's emissaries passed incessantly between St. Germains and London. Marlborough and his friends were intimate with them, and many were the letters they carried between him and James. In one he gave James the following advice : ' If there l)e an3'thing proposed you may think a s^^.?.^ 1693. little hard, you will please not to shew yourself much offended with it, and what you cannot compl}^ with, make it appear it is from the impracticableness of it : for should 3'ou positively refuse to agree to what is proposed, you will loos some of the ablest of your Council, which may endanger the loosing all.' He ends by saying ' he would not have taken the libertie of giveing him that advice, but that he had already and did again assure him, that for himself he would go on, in whatever measures should be taken.' Upon this the writer of James's Memoirs says, ' Whether he was to be credited or no in this generous assurance, is doubtful. 'f "Whilst most anxious to have his cause pushed in Parlia- ment b}' the refusal of his friends to give "William money for the war with France, James still kept before Lewis XI\. the advisability of invading England. In many memorials of this year, he pointed out how advantageous such a course would be, not only to himself as King of England, but also to Lewis in his struggle with "William in Holland. Writing 10 jq, 169.3. to Admiral Piussell, he urged him to regain the command of the English fleet, which William had taken from him soon after his victory. He desired the Earls Shrewsbury, Danby, Godolphin, Churchill and Admiral Eussell to ' do what in prudence they can, to hinder money or retard it, and hinder the going out of the fleet, so soon as it might do otherwise.':^ He thought only of himself, he had no * Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p. 443. f Clai'ke's ' Life of James,' vol. ii., p. 51o. J Macplierson's Original Papers, vol. i.. p. 457. 294 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr care for England or for her interests. The following in- -1 ' stnictions in Lord Melfort's handwriting, signed by James, 1693. Q^yQ interesting:* 'By C. Shr. to E. Sh. and Ld. Ch. by Oct. 16. C. Sh. to Eussell.' 'It is his Majesty's pleasure that you lett Admiral Piussell kno that his maj*-^' desires him to endeavour to get the command of the Fleet from the P. of Or. that his maj*-^' trusts in what the Adm. sent him word of by E. of Mdlton and Mr. tio3'd, and assures him that on his part he is ready to perform what he has promised at his desire that he is so far from giving any ground to any to wrest the contrary that of all things he desires that they will lett him kno the Authors of the Calumny that he may sho them his dislyke by the punishment he will inflict upon them. ' That you inform y'' selves how Adm. Piussell can best serve his maj*^' and when that thmgs may be timely adjusted to the satisfaction of all concerned and that you endeavour by all means to keep Mr. Eussell to thos ways which may secure him the command of the fleet and lett all other resentments if possible sleep since upon these occasions the fewer enemys he reases to himself his affaor will go the smoother on which is much his maj"'^^ interest His Maj*'^' Ij'keways desires that 3'ou may from time to time lett him know how this mater proceeds and that without dela}^ since his affairs require hast.' ' This had wreaten abov : This is to be given to 89 (Churchill) and 33 (Ld. Shrewsbury) concerning 36 (admiral Oct. Hi, 1G93. Piussell) Signed, this is my desire. M. dated. Ocf l(j, 1693.' ' Listructions to E. Danby, Lord Godolphin and Churchill by C. Shrewsbury. — It is his Maj'^*^® pleasure that you desire the Earl of Danby to endeavour to gayne Ad. Kille- grasse to his service since his Maj*'*^ knows that he has due influence on him that is if he be to be employed. 'That his Ma j*-^' expects upon this conjuncture that the * This letter is in cipher. It is in tlie Carte MSS., 209, fo. 100. The ' I.d. Cli. ' in(!ans MarlborouKh. GREAT DISTRESS IX FRAXCE 295 Earle of Daiiby will do him what service he can and most Chapter particularly by giving him — (a cue or a guide) how to act 11_ against the Prince of Orange and by letting him kno as i^^-^- well as he can what the s'' prince's designes may be and his opinions how to prevent them E. Sh: Dan: God: Ch: E". etc.* ' That you doe what in prudence you can to hinder money or retard and to hinder the going out of the fleet so soon as it might doe otherways. That they send the K. their advice if it be for his service to send anythmg to the Par^ in pursuance of his declarations and if it will not be iitt that M.C.+ King emitt some Declaratione now that he is so \ictorious as to giv terror to all his nighbours and it may be to England showing that he has no intentione in relatione to England but the re-establishment of her law- full King upon his throne which done he will not media in their concerns but leave them to be governed by their own laws and to enjoy the religious libertys propertys which by the laws they have right to. And that in all other things wherein his maj*'®^ interest may be concerned, it is his Ma j ''*-"* desire, that they send him their ad\dce, that if he can answer for his sone, he by no means permitt him to lay do^vne his imployment at sea.'* Great distress prevailed in France throughout this year in consequence of two bad harvests and vintages, and thousands died of starvation. Although William had, as usual, suftered reverses in Flanders, and the French had been successful not only there but in Piedmont and else- where, Lewis, out of regard for his people's misery, thought it ad\isable to make peace if he could do so on favourable terms. Peace would, of course, be the end of James's hopes, and he was naturally rejoiced when the * These initials mean Shrewsbury, the Earls of Danby, Godolphm, ChurchiU, and Admu-al PaisseU. t M.C.=Most Cln-istian. i Carte MSS.. 209. fo. 101. The son at sea referred to was Lord Caennai'then. 296 MARLBOROUGH Chapter French overtures were refused by William. The terms .!_ ■ offered by Lewis were most liberal, but they did not include 169:3. ii^Q recognition of William as King of England, and this precluded all chance of their acceptance by him. The continuance of the war cost England millions of money and thousands of lives, and the destruction of the English Smyrna fleet in June by De Tourville created great dis- content in London. William, although well aware of Eussell's correspondence with St. Germains, now re- apjwinted him to the command of the fleet. James could not, however, obtain from Eussell anything more than promises of a general nature. Even Marlborough and Godolphin made excuses, and tried to throw the blame upon Mary of Modena and James's councillors. The II 12, 169:3. former wrote to James that an invading army could alone help his cause effectively, and that it should consist of not less than 25,000 men, besides arms, etc., for 7,000 more.* This was the delusive advice which the King received from these pretended friends, who never did him any tangible good or themselves any harm ; for if they were left out of employment they claimed credit for being opposed to the Government, and if they obtained office they represented it as an advantage to the King that they were in a better position to serve him. Commenting upon the disappoint- ment of the French at their failures on his behalf, James says : ' For to be sure it was fear, not affection, that made up the main ingredient of those men's loyalty, who had so lately engaged to do such wonders for him ; so when they saw no more reason to be afraid they soon forgot what, for that reason alone, they had so solemnly promised.' These extracts, especially the last, contain the ke}' to what has long been a puzzle. For nearly 200 years the ques- tion has been warmly discussed as to how Marlborough and' those who had j)laced William on the Throne came to open a correspondence with James almost immediately after they had driven him out of his kingdom. ]^ut they recognised * Clarke's ' Life of James,' vol. ii., |). 519. JACOBITE FEELING IN ENGLAND 297 the weakness of "William's hold upon the country, and lived ^"'^"''?" in daily dread lest the unforgiving James should regain his Throne. No Englishman of weight or power regarded ^^^^' William with affection ; Anne, the heiress-presumptive, was openly hostile, and dangers, political and militar}', threatened him both at home and abroad. Thus, like the unjust steward, they sought to secure themselves against what for some 3'ears seemed a most probable contingenc}', though they were, as James so clearly perceived, moved by apprehension for themselves rather than by affection for him. Moreover, the recollection that James was right- fully King remained tirmly rooted in the minds of the peers and landed gentry, and he still reigned in the hearts of thousands. The hunting squire was by nature a Jacobite. He hated Popery, l)ut he had no love for the principles of the Revolution, and as he caroused with his neighbours he drank the health of his rightful sovereign. Cromwell's austere rule had served to heighten the loyal sentiment which clung round the memory of the fallen house of Stewart, and James's father was generally regarded by the gentry as a martyr of blessed memory. But above all, both father and son were Englishmen, whilst the puny, dyspeptic Prince who now ruled them was onl}^ a Dutchman, and this, apart from William's personal unpopularity, accounts for the affection which was still felt for James. Lord Halifax declared that if James would but give his Protestant subjects sufficient sureties as to their religion and the rights of the Church, it would be impossible to keep him from the Throne for many months longer.* The campaign in Flanders in 1693 was as unsuccessful as h?. 7, 1693. those in previous years. William displayed the greatest daring, and worked hard for victory at the bloody and profitless battle of Landen, or Neerwinden, as the French call it.f But all to no purpose, for he was again hopelessly * Berwick's Memoii's, vol. i., note on p. 424. t The regiments now in the army that were engaged in this battle were the Foot Guards, the Royal Scots, the Queen's, the Buffs, the 2g8 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek defeated with the loss of about 7,000 men and CO guns. LXXVI '— ' He was no match for Luxembourg in the serious game of 1693. ^Yar. One of the most dramatic incidents of that un- fortunate battle was the capture of the Duke of Berwick by his uncle, General Charles Churchill. Berwick had with great gallantry charged at the head of the French Horse, but advancing too far, he found his retreat cut off. To avoid detection, and in the hope of escape, he took the white cockade from his hat and drew the brim over his face. Unfortunately for him his uncle, Charles Churchill, recognised the Duke's aide-de-camp, and, looking round with a tolerable certaint}' that the nephew could not be far off, he discovered and made him prisoner. He was soon afterwards exchanged for the Duke of Ormond and a ransom of 20,000 guilders, which went to Brigadier Churchill. The English fought wdth determined courage, and the skilful manner in which General Tollemache brought off the British infantry and covered the retreat wutli them won general admiration. Meanwhile it must have been gall and wormwood to Marlborough to hang about Berkeley House listening to abuse of the unsuccessful 'Caliban' and his 'Froglanders,' whilst English troops were suffering defeat because their Dutch commander did not know how to win battles. For him who felt the inspiration of military genius within him it w'as indeed a sore punishment to be thus compelled to remain idle at home whilst British soldiers fought and bled on lost fields of battle. To Marl- borough, conscious of his own ability, and eager for an opportunity of displaying it, enforced idleness was peculiarly galling. King's Eoyal Lancaster, the Royal Scots Fusiliers, the King's Own Scottish Borderers, and the Scottish Rifles. The following British regiments, subsequently disbanded, were also engaged : Mackay's, Lander's, Fagel's, and Stanley's. [ 299 ] CHAPTEE LXXYII. ■\\^LLIAM III. TAKES THE PEOPLE INTO HIS CONFIDENCE, AND TELLS THEM THE "WHOLE TRUTH ABOUT THE STATE OF THE AEJIY AND NAVY. A change of Ministrj' — Marlborough's correspondence with St. Gerniains — "Wellington's opinion of this correspondence. WiLLLui returned to England on October 30, and opened Chapter Parliament eight days later with a speech in which he deplored the national failures by sea and land. Being a . ^^ ^^'ggg soldier, and not a party politician, he always told the people the whole truth about the army and navy, and stated plainly to Parliament what he believed to be essential for both services in the interests of the State. He kept back nothing, and Parliament was consequently able to judge whether his demands for men, money, stores, etc., were or were not necessary. It is to be regretted that this practice has not been continued to our day. But in 1693, the system of government by part}- had not as yet perverted the sense of public duty, and led men to put the exigencies of party before the great interests of the nation. William never dis- guised his contempt for the political divisions and animosities which prevented educated men from combining in support of measures calculated to strengthen the kingdom and to further the welfare of the people. He looked upon party government as fatal to our best national interests, and regarded both TMiigs and Tories as place-hunters who could always be bought at the price of employment. 300 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek In this instance he laid the position of England and LiXXVII _1 ' her AlHes before ParHanient. He stated his views as to 1693. what ought to be done, and dwelt upon the necessity of immediate preparation for the next campaign, and of an increase to the army, leaving the decision in the hands of the people's representatives. His appeal was generously met by the House of Commons, as such an appeal always is met when a Cabinet has the courage and the honesty to tell the whole truth about the army and navy. Parliament pledged itself to support the King, and voted two millions and a half sterling for the fleet and a little more for the army, the U 12, 1693. strength of which was fixed at 83,121 men of all ranks, for home and foreign service. In these numbers were included six new regiments of Horse, four of Dragoons, and fifteen of Foot.* But, to the King's extreme annoyance, a resolution was passed by the House of Commons that the new regiments were to be ' commanded by their majesties' born subjects.' 1694. In April, at the instigation of Sunderland, AYilliam at last resolved upon a change of Ministers. He replaced the Tory Secretary of State Nottingham by ' the one-eyed ' Shrewsbury, a cautious Whig, whom he created a Duke; but although he thus went back to the party which had made him King, he dismissed no Tory who earnestly sup- ported his Government. Of all the Englishmen whom he employed, the industrious Sunderland had most weight Avith him. An able though an unprincipled and corrupt Minister in a corrupt age, prepared even to change his religion to please his master, Sunderland was nevertheless one who sincerel}' wished to see the liberties of the people firmly established. His intimate knowledge of England, and of all the men of note in his time, and his great * These regiments were all disbanded at the Peace of Kyswick. The regiments of Horse were to be of the same strength as the Queen's- Regiment of Horse, the Dragoons of the same strength as the Royals, and the Foot the same as Colonel Selwyn's (now the Queen's or West Siu-rey Regiment"). HIGHWAYMEN NEAR LONDON 301 exr:)erience in public affairs, rendered him a most useful Chapter LXXVII. servant to William. The nation was angry and disheartened at the naval and ^'^^^^■ military failures of the previous 3'ear, while the heav}' taxes and the absence of pros^jerity at home caused those failures to be felt all the more acutelj'. The army was unpaid, and no less than a million sterling was owing to the sailors, who were in a state of mutmy. Government could only raise money at seven per cent.* Fresh taxation was re- quired to sustain the war, whilst the merchants complained loudly about their losses at sea. The roads were infested with highwaymen, many of whom were, it was said, dis- charged Jacobite officers deprived of all other means of livelihood. No road leading to London was safe, and these desperate men even attacked houses in the City itself. So bad did this state of things become, that at one time it was seriousl}' proposed to contract for the protection of the kingdom against the highwayman and the housebreaker, in consideration of the sum of £8,000 a j'ear.f The correspondence between James and some of the leading men in England was actively maintained through- out the winter of 1693-4 and through the following spring and summer. A memorial presented to the French Court '¥-¥. 169|. in January contains a list of the landowners who, on the authority of the Jacobite agents, were said to be prepared to stand by James, and in it occurs the following entry : ' Lord Churchill advises his Majesty to come, and gives him assurances of his own ser^ices, and of the services of all those who are of his party, which is very considerable. '| The memorial is in Mr. Nairne's handwriting, and is apparently a digest of the news and reports received from England made by Lord Melfort for the French Ministers. * Macpherson's History, vol. ii. t F. Bonnet's reports in vol. vi., p. 193, of Ranke. Onh' two years before Marlborough had been stopped by liigh%^-aA'nien near Coney and robbed of 500 guineas when on his way to St. Albans. See Luttrell, 25, 8, 1692. X Macpherson's Origuial Papers, vol. i., p. 475. S02 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Many of those who were in William's confidence were in *J ■ constant correspondence with the little Court at St. Ger- 1694. mains, hut as long as they did their duty he did not care to inquire into their political opinions. Lord Godol- phin, for example, gave William the most statesmanlike advice, and at the same time conveyed to James, and, through him, to the French Court, the earliest information of the intended attack upon Brest.* It is only the biograj^her — blinded by partiality for his hero — who can deny that the cautious, prudent Godolphin was as deeply involved in treasonable correspondence with St. Germains as were Admiral Eussell and many others of his friends. These men were far more guilty than Marlborough, for they were the trusted servants of the State, whilst he at this time held no command or office, nor was he in receipt of any public emolument. When the popular Earl of Shrewsbury — the ' king of H-h I69f. hearts,' as he was nicknamed — accepted office, Marlborough explained to James how this event had come about.! He said that William had so earnestly pressed office upon the new Secretary of State that he could not resist, but ' tho' he altered his condition,' ' he would never alter his inclina- tions.':! It is alleged by Marlborough's enemies that whilst he thus expressed himself in writing, he suppressed the fact that he had advised Lord Shrewsbury to accept office with a view to obtain the assistance of a powerful Minister who was willing and able to serve him, * and procure his re- * Dalryniple's Appendix to chapter i., Part II. The Stewart Papers, 1694. Macpherson's ' History of Great Britain,' vol. ii., p. 67. Godolphin was connnonly called ' Judas ' in this reign, because he ' carried the purse.' f Shrewsbury, a moderate Whig, had long carried on a correspond- ence with St. Germains through his infamous mother. Sunderland pressed James to invade England. The Earl of Abington, and Lord Clare, just made Dtdce of Newcastle by William, Mulgrave, just made Marquis of Normanby, Godolphm, the Dulie of Leeds, Rochester, Admiral Russell, and a host of others, were engaged in this secret correspondence with James. t Clarke's ' Life of James,' vol. ii., pp. 519, 520. THE DUKE OF WELLINGTUS' S OPIXIOX 303 admission into favour.' -Accordin St. Gennains, and that it 7cas in coitscqiicitce of tlie informa- tion given hy Jtini in. a letter of the -itli May tliis year, that Lewis XIV. i^laced Brest in the eondition of defence u-ldcli caused the attack to fail. In considering this charge, it is essential that the reader should remember its wording. The charge is not merely that he communicated with James on the subject before the attack came off — for of that there is no doubt — but that he was tlie first who did so, and that it was in consequence of the information he gave that the French King had Brest so well prepared, that the attack upon it was repulsed with great loss to the English."* If, therefore, it be conclusively proved that the preparations were the result of information obtained by * At p. 15 of ' Paradoxes and Puzzles ' this subject is lucidly and exhaustively dealt with. THE EXPEDITION TO BREST 305 Lewis from others previous to the date of Marlhorough's Chapter letter, then this charge falls to the ground. " 1 -The circumstances Avhich led to the Brest expedition were ^*'^'^- ])riefly as follows : After the battle of La Hogue the French fleets could no longer be decoyed into the open sea. But while they kept within their fortified liarbours, single ships of war and privateers made frequent sallies upon our merchant- men, and, from Brest in particular, made great havoc of English commerce. "William soon realized that this species of warfare could only be stopped by a combined naval and military attack upon the French ports, and he selected Brest for his first attempt. He was led to believe that the state of its defences was such that the place might be taken by open assault if suddenly attacked before the French could have had time to strengthen the works or to reinforce the garrison. But should it become known at Versailles that danger threatened Brest, the place could be easily rendered secure against any attack short of a regular siege — an operation which ^Yas then out of the question. Secrecy was therefore of the first moment. In April about 7,000 troops were ordered to encamp on the Portsdown Hills, and the large number of transports collected at Portsmouth for the conveyance of so man}' regiments soon drew attention to the fact that some expedi- tion beyond the seas was in contemplation, and gave rise to speculations as to its destination.* Even at this early stage it was generally assumed that the troops were in- tended for a descent upon the coast of France. t Then, as now, it was difficult to keep from the British pul)lie the * Birche's ' Lives of Illustrious Persons.' t These 7,000 troops consisted of the ten following battalions : One battahon of Foot Guards, the regiment of the Marquis de Roda (now the Eoj-al War^^■ick) , Stewart's regunent (now the NorfoUv Regiment), Hastings' regiment (now the Somerset Light Infantry), Earle's regi- ment (now the Yorksliu'e Regunent j, Venner's regiment (now the Welsh Borderers), and the fom* regunents of Lord Cutts, Colonels CoUier, Rowe, and Cootes, aU of which were subsequently disbanded. Two battahons of Maruaes were also to accompany the fleet. VOL. II. 45 3o6 MARLBOROUGH Chai'tf.k plans of projected naval and military operations. Every " 1 ■ effort was made to put the people upon a wrong scent ; but 1094. jj-j vaii^, Yqi' months before the troops put to sea the intended attack upon Brest had been the common talk at London dinner-tables. Contemporary papers and letters prove this be^^ond doubt ; and in the correspondence be- tween William and Shrews])ury after the repulse many references are made to the length of time the French had known that Brest was the point selected for attack.* In fact, neither King nor Minister was at all confident of success, and their letters prove that both believed no landmg would be attempted should Tollemache find that special preparations had been made to resist it. Lieutenant-General T. Tollemache, who was selected to command the expedition, was son of Elizabeth, Countess of Dysart in her own right. He possessed natural ability, was well educated, and, like Marlborough, had always been a strong Protestant and much opposed to the measures of James II. "When that monarch showed his determination to re-establish Eoman Catholicism, Tollemache resigned his commission in the army, and in March, 1688, went to Holland. There William made him Colonel of one of the English regiments in the Dutch service — now the North- umberland Fusiliers — and with it he returned home at the Revolution. He subsequently distinguished himself in the h^ 7, i6'J3. Irish war, and again at the battle of Landen.t Like Marl- borough, he disliked William's Dutch officers, and was in turn detested by them, a fact which did not tend to in- gratiate him with the King. * Macphersou's History, vol. ii., p. 67 ; Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p. 483. See also Rappiii's Continuation; Kennet, vol. iii., p. 664; Harris's 'William III.,' vol. iii., p. 298; the Sln-ewsbury Correspondence. ■f He played an important part in the passage of the Shannon, the capture of Athlone, and in the battle of Aughrim. Dartmouth, in a note on Burnet, Book Y., p. 130, says : ' It was commonly thought that lie (Tollemache) was Oliver Cromvveirs son, and that he had a verj^ particular sort of vanity in desiring it should be so understood.' TOLLEM ACHE'S PLAN OF ATTACK 307 His plan for the attack of Brest was to land suddenly ^^"^,'J^I:''' with about 7,000 troops on the narrow neck of land which ^' 1 — separates the roadsteads of Cameret and Brest, and so to ^''^*- seal up, as it were, the whole port. Admiral Russell did not approve of this scheme, and writing to the Duke of Shrewsl)ury early in May from his flagship, at St. Helens, xa •^. i'J94. he expressed great doubt as to the success of any such attack made with so small a number of soldiers.* In the present day transports for the conveyance of even 100,000 men across the Channel could be easily and rapidl}' collected by either France or England at all times. Nor need they assemble, as formerly, in one or two ports, for being independent of wind, they could embark the troops at many places, and then rendezvous to the hour at any named spot. Neither would it be necessary to concentrate the troops before embarkation, for they could in twelve hours travel by rail from distant military stations to their respective ports, and embark at once upon arrival. It w^ould thus be easy, by properly planned arrangements, to keep an enemy in ignorance of the fact that an expedi- tion was intended. Not so two centuries ago. It was necessary then that all the troops should assemble at the port of embarkation, and, as soon as the ships were ready to receive them, should go on board to await a favourable wind, which often meant a delay of weeks. Although Marlborough did not himself take part in the attack upon Brest, its disastrous results are so commonly laid to his charge that the following particulars regarding it may not be out of place. After many delays, the ships detailed for the operation w^ere at length ready for sea. Admmil Russell, with the bulk of his fleet, sailed for Brest on May 5. He left Sir tV 5, 1694. Cloudesley Shovel with a small squadron at St. Helens to embark the troops in the hired transports, but returned '"^'"^' i*'^^- after an absence of eighteen days, having ascertained that the French fleet had quitted Brest. He sailed again in a * Coxe's Shrewsbury Papers, p. 192. 3o8 MARLBOROUGH Chapter few days with his whole fleet, troopships included.* At LXXVITT 'Li. ^ ■ sea the fleet divided, one half sailing for the Mediterranean 1694. under Eussell, the other with all the transports, under Lord Berkeley, bearing down for Cameret Bay to attack Brest. ^ 6, 1694. Upon nearing that place, a council of war was held on board the flagship, to settle all details for the landing and final plan of attack. Lord Cutts — the ' salamander,' as Marlborough subsequently nicknamed him — strongly advised caution before the troops were finally committed to the attack. t He thought that a captain and fifty grenadiers should first go ashore to reconnoitre the enemy's position, and he was of opinion that the attack should not be made if the place were found to be strongly entrenched and garrisoned by regulars. Should it, however, be found to be weak, he would propose that all the Grenadiers of the force, about 600 in number, should land and assault the nearest entrenchments, whilst the rest of the troops followed in support with all speed. Admiral Lord Caer- marthen — the second in command of the fleet — says, ' This advice of his lordship's was approved of, and General Talmach himself agreed it should be so.' We gather, from the way in which the proceedings of the council are re- corded, that Caermarthen regarded Tollemache as too impetuous and inclined to be rash. He is described as accepting rather than approving the wise precautions advised by the gallant Cutts, who ' very honourably ' volunteered to lead the Grenadiers ashore. /> 6, 1694. The fleet when it anchored was received with a mortar fire, which showed that the attack was expected and the garrison prepared to resist it. Lord Caermarthen accord- ingly determined to go in close enough to reconnoitre the * Lord Caennarthen's Journal, contained in a pamphlet ' printed for Randal Taylor, near Amen Corner, 1694.' f Lord Cutts was the bravest of the brave, so when he urged caution, the undertaking must indeed have been hazardous. Born in 1661, he died in Dublin as Connnander of the Forces m 1707. He wrote verses, jind was cruelly libelled by Swift. He chose for his motto ' With labour and witli blood.' THE DEFENCES OF BREST RECONNOITRED 309 position before any landing should be attempted. Taking Chaptek Lord Cutts with him in his galley, Caermarthen stood well 1 into Cameret Bay, exposed to a heavy lire from the enemy's i*»^*- batteries. He found the place far stronger than he expected, and the garrison well entrenched and on the alert. Another council of war was ordered to aseemljle on the following day. Day broke with a dense fog, and when it lifted, about t\ 'J' 1^94. seven a.m., fourteen squadrons of French Horse were seen in line on the high ground to the west of Cameret Bay. They were believed to be regulars, from the appearance of their clothes and appointments. The majority of the council — indeed, nearly all but ToUemache, it would seem — were opposed to any attempt at a landing under the altered condition of things ashore. He, on the other hand, would listen to no words of warning, and maintained that the men whom they took to be regular soldiers were only a rabble brought together to make a show of strength ; besides, he urged, the die was cast, it was too late for cautious advice, and he could not now retreat M'ith honour.* A wise and prudent commander would have retired to try his fortune at some other point less prepared for resistance, but ToUemache would listen to no such proposal, and the Admirals unfortunately gave way to him. The frigates whose duty it was to cover the landing had much difficulty in taking up their appointed stations, and a heavy fire was opened upon them, especially from three new batteries, whose existence had not been previously sus- pected. Tollemache's plan was to try and take Cameret Fort b}^ open assault, a difficult operation at any time, and in the circumstances a piece of unpardonable folly, f As they neared the land, the boats carrying the troops, i\ 6, 1094. exposed to a close and searching fire, fell into disorder, and when they reached the shore, the seamen minglmg with the soldiers as thej' tried to form up, added to the confusion. * Bii-che's ' Lives of Illustrious Persons.' t T. Bourchett's Memoii's, 1703. 310 MARLBOROUGH Chapter At this moment the enemy's Horse charged, the General LXXVIII . . o » * ' was shot in the thigh, and retreat became inevitable. 1*594. Meanwhile the ebbing tide had left the heavy troop- boats nearly high and dry on the sandy beach, and the crews were only able to launch a few of them. Nearly all the men who landed were consequently either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. Admiral Lord Berkeley was greatly to blame for allowing the disembarkation to take place on an ebb-tide, a circum- stance to which much of the loss which followed was directly attributal)le. Besides the losses ashore, the killed and wounded on board the fleet amounted to about 400 men. The ships that had engaged Cameret Fort for about three hours made little impression upon its thick walls, and when their crews saw that the attack by the troops had failed, ' great numbers of the Ships' Companies that were there, both Dutch and English, ran into the Hold, in spite of all the officers could do to prevent it.'* The fleet could do nothing against the shore batteries. A few guns on land, well placed and well served, must always be a match for the largest men-of-war, as we found at Sevastopol. The morning after the repulse our fleet weighed anchor h% 6, 1694. and sailed for the Isle of Wight, where the troops and wounded were landed. The brave but headstrong Tolle- U 6, 1694. mache was put ashore at Plymouth, where he died of his wound, and so ended this disastrous undertaking. A century afterwards there was found amongst the docu- ments left by King James in the Scotch College at Paris, a paper which was the alleged copy of the letter said to have been written by Marlborough for General Sackville, giving full information regarding this projected expedition. Few stopped to analyze the paper, or to compare its date with the dates of orders issued by Lewis XIV. for the defence of Brest. The result is that most writers have hitherto unhesitatingly denounced IMarlborough as the man who was responsible for our disaster. * Lord Caennartheirs Journal, p. 27. THE INTENDED ATTACK ON BREST 311 This is the gravest charge which Marlborough's poHtical Chaptkr enemies have brought agamst him. It has been repeated "J " as a fact by most of our historians down to the present ^^94. day, yet, of the many accusations preferred against him, it is the most easily disproved. It is essential in the first place to remember that our repulse was the result of prepara- tions made to meet an expected attack, and that Lewis XIV. ordered these preparations because he had ascertained that Brest was the place aimed at by King AVilliam. The point, therefore, to be determined is, from whom and when did he first learn this ? About the ])eginning of March, Floyd, Groom of the Bed- chamber to James, reached London for the purpose of conferring with the leading Jacobites, He had interviews with Shrewsbury, Godolphin, Admiral Russell, and Marl- borough, all of whom, with the exception of the last, held ' high public offices of trust. The three first named were Ministers trusted by William, who when giving the seals of office to Lord Shrewsbury this same month, said : ' I know you are a man of honour, and if you undertake to serve me you will do so faithfully.' Yet he was at that very time, had long been, and long continued to be, like Marlborough, in treasonable correspondence with William's enemies ! ]\Iarlborough, smarting under the remembrance of recent imj^risonment, and still in disgrace, knew nothing of what took place at William's Councils, except what his friend Godolphin, the First Lord of the Treasur}^ volun- teered to tell him. He received Floyd with cordiality, but gave him no information. Eussell with many oaths, and Shrewsbury with great plausibility, did the same, but Godolphin went further, and told him that Eussell would certainly appear shortly before Brest, which the militarj" officers deemed open to attack, though the sailors were of a different oi3inion ; ' that this would give a just pretext to His Most Christian Majesty to send troops to that place.'* Floyd's information was laid before Lewis at Versailles on * Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p, 483. 312 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Mav 1, SO we are iustiiied in assuming that it was about liXXVTIT I ' •> " 1 ■ April 15 or 20 when Godolphin told Floyd this.* It is 1694. thus beyond all doubt that the French King, even through this channel, was in possession of the so-called secret at least a week before Marlborough's letter of May 4 could have reached him. The document in the Scotch College to which I have re- ferred is in the handwriting of Mr. Nairne, the Under- Secretary of State to James, and afterwards to the Pre- tender. It is said to be a copy of the translation into • French, made for the convenience of Lewis XIV., of an English letter sent in cipher to Lord Melfort at St. Germains by General Sackville, the Jacobite agent in London. The original letter is not in existence ; we have only this alleged French translation of the English decipher of it ; but there is good reason to believe that it had at least been seen by the Earl of Melfort, for it is interlined in one place with four words which Macpherson, the Tory writer, declares to be in that nobleman's handwriting.-f James also, in his Memoirs, writes : ' May 4th. — Lord Churchill informed the King of the design on Brest.' t The document runs as follows : ' May 4, 1694. — I have just now received the inclosed for the King. It is from Lord Churchill ; but no person but the Queen and you must know from whom it comes. Therefore for the love of God, let it be kept a secret even from Lord Middleton.§ I send it by express, judging it to be of the utmost con- sequence for the service of the King my master, and consequently for the service of his most Christian Majesty. You see, b}^ the contents of this letter, that I am not * Macpherson 's Orif^inal Papers, vol. i., p. 480 ; and ' Paradoxes and Puzzles,' p. 22. I Everything Macpherson states against those who were hostile to James must be accepted with much reserve. + See Clarke's Life, vol. ii., p. 522; Dah-ymple, Part III., Book III., p. 62. § The words ' even from Lord Middleton ' are interlined in Lord Melfort's handwriting. See Macpherson, vol. i., p. 487. HIS TREASONABLE LETTER TO JAMES 313 deceived in the iudgment I form of Admiral Russell ; for Chapter . . LXXVIII that man has not acted sincerely, and I fear he will never 1 act otherwise.' ^^^*- The English translation of the copy made in French of Marlborough's paper, is as follows : ' It is but this day that it came to my knowledg what I now send you ; which is that the Bomb Yessells and the twelve regiments now encamped at Portsmouth, together with the two Marine Regiments, are to be commanded by Talmach, and are designed to burn the harbour of Brest, and to destroy the men of war there ; this would be great advantage to England, but no consideration can, or ever shall hinder me from letting you know what I think may be for your service, so you may make what use you think best of this intelligence, which you may depend upon as exactly true.' In the translation given in James's Memoirs, Marl- borough's letter ends here, but in the version given by Macpherson it continues thus : ' But I must conjure you for your own interest to let no one know it but the Queen, and the bearer of this letter. Russell sails to-morrow with forty ships, the rest being not j^et paid ; but it is said that in ten days the rest of the tieet will follow, and at the same time the land forces. I have endeavoured to learn this some time ago from Admiral Russell. But he alwaj's denied it to me, though I am very sure that he knew the design for more than six weeks. This gives me a bad sign of this man's intentions. I shall be very well pleased to learn that this letter comes safe to your hands.'* Marlborough's letter is not dated, but as Russell sailed on May 5, we ma}- assume that his letter was written on the -ith, the day before — as he says — that event. The authenticity of this letter is denied by some, because the original of neither Marlborough's nor Sackville's letter has ever been found ; but the circumstantial evidence is * For the English version see Clarke's ' Life of James II.,' vol. ii., p. 522, and Macpherson's Origmal Papers, vol. i., p. 487, and Dalrymple, Book III., Part III., p. 61. 314 MARLBOROUGH Chaptku too stronsf to admit of doubt. It is certain that Marl- I XXVIII '^ 1 ' borough was at this time in constant communication with ^^'^"^- James's emissaries in England, and that he was most anxious to convince his former master that he was sincerely devoted to his service. His only knowledge of when the fleet was to sail was derived from his intimate friend, Godolphin, by whom this news, except the actual date of sailing, had been already communicated to the French Court. Marlborough consequently knew that his letter could not injure England, whilst it would serve to impress James with the reality of his professions. "We know, moreover, from James's own pen, that he had been early warned of this Brest expedition by Lord Arran as well as by Godolphin.* The dates bearing upon this point deserve examination. x+i 5, 1694. Sackville's letter of May ^-^ from London could not have been deciphered, translated into French, and placed before ^5, 1694. Lewis XIV. before the j^ of that month at earliest. But a full month before that day Lewis, having already ascer- tained that Brest was to be attacked, sent orders to reinforce largely the ordinary garrison of 1,500 men, and to place the fortifications in a complete state of defence. His letter, now i*j 4, 1694. in the military archives of Paris, is dated April yV) 'i-iicl is addressed to his great engineer, Marshal Vauban. In it he says that he has learned from several sources that an attack on Brest is intended by 7,000 British troops and the combined navies of England and Holland. He does not think that the attack will succeed, but, as a precautionary measure, he has ordered two regiments of Horse and six battalions of Coastguards to proceed there. In terms most flattering to Yauban, the letter goes on to say that as soon as he has seen the other ports of Normandy he is to proceed to Brest, assume command, and use every effort to place it in an effective state of defence. II 4, 1694. Vauban was engaged in inspecting the ports of Normandy * Clarke's ' Life of James II.,' vol. ii., p. 523. Lord Arran and his father-in-law, Lord Sunderland, were as deeply implicated in this treasonable correspondence as either Marlborough or Godolphin. VAUBAN ASSUMES COMMAND IN BREST 315 M'hen this letter reached him on Aj^ril 26 at Conchee,* some Chaptkk twelve and a half miles from Brest. He acknowledged its Lxxviii. receipt on the following day, saying that as the King had 1694. mentioned no date for his arrival at Brest, he would finish his work at St. Malo, before proceeding to take up his new command.! He reached Brest on May 13, and, in i^ 5, 1694. reporting his arrival, said that as yet no reinforcements had arrived. In another letter, written before the English fleet arrived, he assured the King ' that he need l)e under no apprehensions, for he had made all the subterranean passages under the Castle bomb-proof, and had mounted ninety mortars and three hundred guns in good positions : that all the ships of war had been secured beyond the range of the English shells : that the troops were in good order : and that there were three hundred bombardiers, the same number of gentlemen, four thousand regular infantry, and a regiment of Dragoons in the place.'* All this proves beyond doubt that Tollemache's disastrous failure was due to the completeness of the preparations made by Vauban, in obedience to orders from Lewis tJtree icceks hefove the date of Marlliorough's letter on the subject. Indeed it is quite certain that Tollemache's disaster would have taken place all the same, if Marlborough had been beheaded for treason two years before. But although it is thus clear that the gravest part of the charge against Marl- borough cannot be sustained, he was none the less guilty of a high misdemeanour. To communicate with James, the declared enemy of his acknowledged Sovereign, was treason, notwithstanding the fact that William's enemies were regarded as England's best friends by a large and powerful section in the country. When Marlborough sent this information to St. Germains, he was aware that it had been already communicated to * This place is now spelt Conquet. t His acknowledgment is in the military archives m Paris. X Harris's ' Life of William,' vol. iii., Book VII., p. 299. 3l6 MARLBOROUGH Chapter King James bv others. What were, then, his motives in ' this proceeding '? 1694. Some writers have asserted that his great ol)ject was to ruin the growing reputation of his one Enghsh rival, General Tollemache, by insuring his defeat. This is to attribute to him a Machiavellian malevolence so entireh' foreign to his nature that we are justified in summarily rejecting an imputation which rests on no evidence of any kind. The story has its origin in a statement by Oldmixon to the effect that when Tollemache was dying he said he was betrayed, and named the traitors so that the Queen ' might be on her guard against those pernicious CoiuiciUors who had retarded the descent, and by that means given France time to fortify Brest,' etc.* It is evident that Tollemache could not have levelled his charge against Marlborough, for he was not then entrusted b}' the Queen w'ith an}' secrets, nor was he one of her Council at the time. No great man took more trouble to forecast the future than did Marlborough. Napoleon never looked forward beyond two years, but he tells us that he most carefull}' speculated upon w'hat might possibly, and w'hat would probably, happen in that time. Marlborough, however, always sought to divine, by analogy of the past and the present, what would be the course of events in England many years ahead. Yet he was no gambler at the game of life, and whether winning or losing he never wagered double or quits. He played for averages, preferring always to win a little on every throw rather than to risk largely in pursuit of great coups ; and when, therefore, the stakes became high he invariably ' hedged ' against all serious loss. This was no easy game to play when he began to fore- see danger to the Revolution princij^les and to William's crown. He knew that many of the leading men were, like himself, disappointed with their share of the 'plunder,' and * Macaulay refers to Oldinixon's History as ' an absurd romance,'- vol. i., p. 608, note. THE PROBABILITY OF JAMES'S RESTORATION 317 miffht at any moment turn ap^ainst the Kiiif;; whom they Chaptkr LXXVIIF had made. The French might carry everything Ijefore ' them in Flanders, or WiUiam — who always exposed himself 1^94. much in action — might be killed. In short, there were a variety of chances in favour of James's restoration, and the far-seeing Marlborough desired to make himself safe in the event of any one of them coming off. As time went on, and William l>ecame more and more unpopular, Marlborough's belief in the probabilit}- of James's restoration grew stronger, and his protestations became additionally effusive. But hitherto his professions had been unsupported by j)roofs, and when pressed to give some material evidence of his contrition for past offences, he seized upon the projected attack upon Brest as a good opportunity for apparent compliance. From his friends in office he had learnt the date upon which the fleet, without the troops, was to sail, and he knew that Godolphin, and possibly others, had already communicated its destination to St. Germains. Nothing he had to tell, as he was well aware, could therefore be really injurious to English in- terests ; whereas, if cleverly laid before James, the intelli- gence would have such an air of treachery to William that it could not fail to strengthen the exiled King's belief in his good faith. The fact that he was still in disgrace at Court helped him muoh, for it was onl}^ natural that he should turn on William, who had showed him such scant considera- tion. William and Mary had disgraced, and subsequently imprisoned, him ; what more likely, therefore, than that he should seek to be avenged upon them for the indignities and injuries which they had heaped upon him and upon his wife"? As an injured man, he felt no difficulty under such circumstances in persuading himself that it could not be wrong to give James information which the latter had already received from others. To give still further proof of his sincerity', he caused Anne to write again to her father, and it would appear that m domg so she made some distinct proposals to him, for it is stated in a letter from {'s 7, 1694. ^l8 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Lord Midclleton that James accepted in the main the terms LXXVIII. .„ , „ specmed. * 1694. Judged by the modern standard of right and wrong, nothing could excuse Marlborough's letter to James, and although we know that it had nothing to do with bringing about the disaster in Cameret Bay, we do not hesitate to denounce it as treason against the England which we believe to be the heritage of the English people. But in his day every State, with its inhabitants, was still deemed to be the personal property of its Sovereign Lord, The sentiments of nationality and patriotism, as we understand them, had then but little hold upon popular imagination. The career of Lord Sunderland, the trusted Minister of Charles, James, and William, affords a striking parallel case of how unfaithful men could be to their public trusts at this epoch, for whilst in William's confidence he sent James early news of an intended attack upon Toulon, f But the betrayal of secrets to an enemy was not then regarded as the crime we now consider it to be, and it must be remem- bered, that when two kings claimed the allegiance of the people, loyalty to one was necessarily treason to the other. Many are of opinion that we are punished in this world for our sins. Queen Anne believed that her children died in infancy as a punishment for her treason to her father ; and for his faults, whatever they were, Marlborough certainly suffered severely in this world. We may consider it a well- merited punishment for his treasonable dealings with James that he should have l^een driven from power at the end of his illustrious career by a mere clique of party politicians, and that he should have reaped such harsh ingratitude from the nation which he had made great. He himself, however, considered his offence venial, and looked upon his * Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p. 488. t Tiord Ai'ran, Sunderland's son-in-law, wrote to James l^ 3, 1695, to tell him we were fitting out an expedition to attack Toulon, and says : ' It is Lord Siinderland who has given me in charge to assure your Majesty of this.' HIS TREASON U\ WORTHY OF HIM 319 dismissal from office by William, and his downfall in Cii.m-tkk LXXVIII Queen Anne's reign, as mere freaks of fortune, as bad '1 throws in the game of life. According to his notions, he ^*^^^' had not sinned, because he had only done as others did. The sincere rebel is often guilty of treason from the noblest motives ; but, alas ! in Marlborough's treason there was no sincerity, for it had its origin in an ignol)le and un- worth}^ regard for persor.al safety. Thus, though technically we can acquit him of the responsibility of Tollemache's disaster, we are nevertheless bound to admit the deceit and insmcerity of his conduct in this unfortunate affair. The casuist may seek to extenuate Marlborough's conduct, but it cannot be forgotten that the great man for whom England built Blenheim Palace did intrigue with his country's enemies. It is true, Marlborough never anticipated that the information which he and his friends sent to James would lead to loss of English life, for he shared the belief of the Iving, Shrewsbury and others, that if Tollemache found the garrison prepared for attack he would not land his troops. Indeed, it is but fair, as well as reasonable, to believe this of Marlborough. [ 320 ] CHAPTER LXXIX. QUEEN Mary's death. Efforts made to induce William to re- employ Marlborough — Effect of Queen Mary's death on \Yilliani — Anne makes friends with the Iving — Namur capitulates to William. Chapter Xhe King left England for Holland early in May. His ^ " army in Flanders this 3'ear consisted of about 31,000 Horse ^^^^- and Dragoons and 51,000 Foot, besides a detached force near Ghent of some 7,000 men. The campaign which followed is dull reading, for the history of its marches and counter- marches, of the lines and entrenchments from behind which the two armies watched each other, is neither interesting nor instructive. Both sides were apparently reflecting on the old French maxim — ' A battle lost loses more than a victory gains.' The capture of the little town of Huy was all that William had to offer the English people in return for the millions which they had placed at his disposal ; he lost no battles, for he fought none. Great efforts were made by Marlborough's friends this year to induce William to re-employ him. But the King still mistrusted, feared and disliked him, and was jealous of his reputation with the people. The Duke of Shrewsbury V-f, 1694. always befriended him, and he now tells William in a letter ' it is impossible to forget what is here become a very great discourse — the popularity and convenience of re- ceiving Lord Marlborough into your favour. He has been with me since the news ' of this failure at Brest, REFUSED EMPLOYMENT 32 1 ' to offer his service, with all the expressions of duty and Chaptkb iidelity imaginahle. What I can say by way of per- " suasion upon this sul)ject will signify l)ut little, since I "'9^- very well remember when your Majesty discoursed with me upon it in the spring you were sufficiently convinced of his usefulness.' ' It is so unquestionably his interest to be faithful that that single argument makes me not doubt it.' In repl}^ to this advice William, writing from ' Camp at Eosebeck,' says coldly : ' As to what you wrote in your last letter concerning Lord Marl- borough I can ti&y no more than that I do not think it for the good of my service to entrust him with the command of my troops.'* It is curious to note that this renewed offer of his services was made only a few weeks after the date of his alleged letter to James, in which he told him of the intended attack upon Brest ; also that Shrewsbur}', who thoroughly understood Marlborough, and who was himself one of the many men of influence then in correspondence with the exiled Court, states in his letter to the King the broad fact that it was Marlborough's interest to mamtain the Eevolution settlement. But Queen Mary, the most serious obstacle to Marl- borough's re-emplo3"ment, was now to be removed from his path. She was attacked in December with small-pox, and, after an illness of only a week, died at Kensington Palace V ¥, i*^^!- in the thirty-third year of her age. Her loss stunned the nation for the moment, and was regarded as a national disaster. But over and above the sorrow it occasioned on public grounds, the grief was deep and sincere, for she was personally beloved b}^ the people, and the unpopularity of her husband seemed to intensify the respect and devotion entertained for her by all classes, t Her death was a great blow to the King, and filled him with remorse ; it shook the * Slirewsburj^ Correspondence. t Her life was a sad one owing to the cruel treatment she received from her migenerous husband. Death must have been a reUef to her. Burnet says she ' seemed to desire death rather than life.' VOL. II. 46 322 MARLBOROUGH Chapter foundations of his Throne, and revived the Jacobite hopes ' " " ■ both in England and at St. Germains. Furthermore, this 1^94. sad event made it necessary that he should at least appear to be on the best of terms with his heiress by law, the Princess Anne, whom he had never liked, whilst he despised her unwieldy and stupid husband. At the in- stigation of the Marlboroughs and Lord Sunderland, Anne took the initiative, wrote an affectionate and dutiful letter of condolence to William, and begged him to see her. The interview was satisfactory to both parties, and the King, to mark his appreciation of Anne's conduct in this matter and to bind her the more closely to him, gave her St. James's Palace as a residence, and presented her with Queen Mary's jewels. His prejudice against the Marlboroughs, however, still remained as before, and his continued refusal to employ the only able English General of the day exhibited alike a want of wisdom and of gratitude. William not only ignored the valuable military services which Marlborough had rendered him, but he also failed to recognise his recent conciliatory influence with the Princess. When Mary died there was a large party who wished to embarrass the King by insisting that the Parliament summoned by William and Mary conjointly had come to an end according to custom upon the demise of the Crown. Had the Marl- l)oroughs, in revenge for William's harsh treatment, urged Anne to make common cause with that party, the position of the King would have been rendered extremely difficult, if not unsafe. The Marlboroughs certainly did much to l)ring about a good understanding between the King and Anne. Had they opposed it, Anne would not have written to William as she did, nor would she have made the first overtures for a reconciliation, which was then so necessary to William. Indeed, considering the treatment which Marll)orough had received from the King, it was as creditable to his Christian feelings as it was to his worldly wisdom that he should have done so much to restore amicable relations between William HIS WIFE'S AND HIS SERVICES TO WILLIAM 323 and his sister-in-law. Anne, bj' the advice of the Marl- Chaptkk boroughs, went out of her way to make it publicly known *_! ^ ' that she was now once more on the best of terms with her 1^94. brother-in-law the King, and their reconciliation became forthwith a subject of general rejoicing. A military guard of honour was again placed over her house, and she was again shown all the outward forms of respect usually paid to members of the Royal Family. It was soon currentl}^ reported that as a reward for all this the Marl boroughs were to be again received at Court and restored to favour.* This was not to be, however, for some years. In writing about these events in the following January, the Duke of Shrewsbury says : ' Since the Queen's death, and the reconciliation between the King and Princess, her court is as much courted as it was before deserted. She has omitted no opportunity to shew her zeal for His Majesty and his Government ; and our friend ' (Marl- borough), 'who has no small credit with her, seems very resolved to contribute to the continuance of this union, as the only thing that can support her or both. I do not see he is likely at present to get much by it, not having yet kissed the King's hand ; but his reversion is very fair and great.' + The events of 1693 and 1694 were not calculated to increase the popularity of William or his Government. The taxes were heavy, and although immense sums were spent upon the army and navy, England had failed both by sea and by land. "William's gifts of Crown lands, salaries, and pensions to his own countrymen were still the common talk of the town. Plots and conspiracies dis- quieted society, and Jacobite treason was rampant every- where. Ministers were bitterly attacked in the House of » Commons upon the state of the revenue, and upon the great subsidies paid to foreign Powers for their adherence to the ' Grand Alliance ' — a policy which few understood and fewer still appreciated. * Charles Hatton to Viscount Hatton, ^g 1, 1694. f Shrewsbury Correspondence, p. 220. 324 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek Throughout 1695 there was a constant interchange of LXXIX • ■ ideas between St. Germains and the Jacobites, both real 1695. anj pretended. Marlborough is frequently referred to in this correspondence as an important factor in the pro- posed attempt to reinstate James now that Queen Mary was dead. In the cipher correspondence which Lord Middleton kept up with his agents in England he is generally referred to as ' the Hamburgh Merchant.' Mid- 5, 1695. dleton writes in May : ' I the more earnestly desired yours, that I might be the more particularly^ informed concerning the Hamburgh partner, from whom I have not heard of a great while, which you may know, for I never had any of his letters, but under your cover. I shall not write to him, till I hear further from you. If you think of any particular thing, that you judge proper for me to say to him, pray give him a hint of it ; for some matters must be managed with great caution, and you can best judge on the place. I wonder the less, that I should be ignorant of his contract, since you are. Though I am confident he means well : yet I beg you would let me know what you can observe ; nor is i^i- 5, 169 5. it fit to show him this.' Writing a few weeks later, he says that things at St. Germains remain unchanged. In reference to the coming dissolution of Parliament, he says : ' I think it would be fit, that the Hamburgh partner should give the consul an account how far the interest of the company may be concerned in it, and of what may be advisable in this conjuncture ; and in the meantime, to bestir himself.'* From these and other letters between the conspirators, it would seem that Marlborough seldom com- mitted himself in writing. He spoke to the agents in England, who wrote to either Melfort or Middleton at St. Germains. The reports of these agents cannot be entirely relied on, ' since they were constantly deceived by those who, like Marll)orough, Sunderland, Godolphin, and others, were merely pretended Jacobites. Indeed, Lord Middleton * Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p. .5'2.'5. A BATTLE EXPECTED NEAR WATERLOO 325 himself appears to have been deceived by Marlborough's Chapikr 13rotestations of loyalty to James. ' ' In this year's campaign in Flanders, as in Marlborough's i**^*"*- campaign of 1705, everything pointed at one time to a decisive battle in the neighbourhood of Waterloo, from which place one of William's letters is dated. ^ Namur capitulated to William on September 5. But in spite of this reverse, the French army in the field was still too strong to be attacked with any reasonable chance of success. The capture of Namur was the first great success in William's Continental wars since his accession to the Throne, and it greatly increased his military reputation. Even in Eome, the champion of Protestantism was looked uiion with favour as a deliverer from the ecclesiastical 10. 10, 1695 tyranny of Lewis XIV., while in England he l)ecame for the time almost popular. He returned to England in October, and dissolved Parliament. Supported b}' the ^Miig party, he obtained a decided majority at the General Election. The new House of Commons granted the supplies William asked for, and fixed the establishment of the army for the following year at 88,000 men of all ranks. * Eanke, vol. v., p. 95. [ 326 ] CHAPTEE LXXX. SIR JOHN FENWICk's PLOT. THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. Lewis XIV. again contemplates the invasion of England — Fenwick names Marlborough and others as his accomplices — Peterborougli accused of coaching Fenwick— Godolphin quits office — England nearly bankrupt — Peace made — Sunderland's villainy. Chapter Lewis XIV. now began to view with grave apprehension 1_U * the growing power of William in the Netherlands, and a 1696. careful survey of the general position convinced him that his enemy was more open to attack in England than in Flanders. All the available English and Scotch regiments were engaged abroad in what seemed to the English people an interminable war, waged exclusively for Dutch interests. No more than 14,000 troops remained at home for the protection of our coasts. Lewis was kept well informed upon all such points by his guest at St. Germains. The Jacobite party in England was strong and confident. The Protestant Tories had laid down the terms upon which they were prepared to accept James as King, and he had un- willingly agreed to them. He doubtless consoled himself with the reflection that, once on the Throne, he need pay as little heed to his promises as he had done to his Coronation Oath. Queen Mary's death had considerably strengthened James's cause in England. As long as his eldest daughter was on the Throne, although she only shared it with her husband, those who believed in hereditary right felt that the sentiment was not ignored or forgotten. But when her widower, who was not a Stewart, continued ENGLAND THREATENED UTTH INVASION 327 to reign alone after her death, the weakness — the illegahtv, Chai'tkr as a large class deemed it — of his Parliamentar}^ title filled " " ' ' the believers in the Divine Eight of Kings with pious horror. 1^96. The Jacobite agents in England, ever sanguine, reported the kingdom to be ripe for a rising. Everything conspired to favour the movement if supported by the presence in England of James himself at the head of an efficient French army. Lewis accordingly despatched some 12,000 troops to Dunkirk and Calais, wdiere ships for their con- veyance to England were rapidly collected, while the unhappy James was hurried off to the coast at the begin- ^' ^J?'-^ nmg of March. But with James's usual want of luck, the discover}^ at this moment of Sir John Fenwick's plot against William's life excited universal horror, and the whole country was raised to fever-heat by the atrocity of the intended crime. Even a large section of the Jacobites shared this sentiment. The result was the complete overthrow of the plans for a rising in England ; and the destination of the expeditionary force having been discovered, all chance of surprise, and therefore of success, was at an end. The poor dethroned King returned broken-hearted to his wife, his penance, and his priests. Fenwick was captured in June, and endeavoured to save his life by a disclosure of all the Jacobite plans and conspiracies with which he was acquainted. The Duke of Devonshire — then Lord High Steward — visited him in prison, and received from him a paper wherein he named Shrewsbury, Godolphin, Marlborough, and Bath, also Admiral Eussell, as implicated in the Jacobite plots.* He asserted that all of them had begged for forgiveness, and had been pardoned by James, who counted on securing the co-operation of the army through Marlborough's influence with the officers, and that of the navy through Admiral Eussell. His gravest charges were, however, directed against Shrewsbury and Godolphin, who, he declared, had ■ * See Journal of House of Commons of j",y 11, 1696, for copy of Fenwick's paper. 328 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek for many years acted under James's orders, although they ■ were also William's trusted Ministers. 169(5. Fenwick's charges were undoubtedl}- true, and all those he named were in frequent correspondence with St, Ger- mains. But he only knew this indirectly through others. He had not had direct communication with any of them, and consequently he could of himself prove nothing. The fact, however, that a Jacobite gentleman should turn King's evidence, even to save his life, was a serious warning to both Marlborough and Godolphin. It made them realize the risks to which their treasonable correspondence exposed them, and although they had no intention of fulfilling their promises to James, the letters containing those promises placed their lives at William's merc3^ This event marked a turning-point in their dealings with James, and in the mode which they subsequently employed to impress him with a belief in their feigned sympathy. Thenceforward they abstained from committing themselves in writing, though they still continued to have interviews with James's agents, and were loud in protestations of loyalty, and good wishes for his return. These messages were transmitted to St. Germains in the words of the agents to whom they were personally given, and were often highly coloured in the process. It was these agents' business to give James news, and without doubt they were often led away 1)}^ the specious character of the messages they received. In his Memoirs, James says that after the Fenwick plot Marlborough, Godolphin, Shrewsbury, and lUissell urged as a reason for the discontinuance of their written correspondence with him that their secrets had been betrayed by his agents. He adds : 'It is doubtful whether this was a disadvantage in respect of such men. It was a check, however, upon better men.' Without doubt William obtained excellent information of all that went on in the squabbling little Court at St. Germains. James was fully aware that his secrets were betrayed, and he had long suspected Godolphin to l)e the WILLIAM LENIENT TO TREASON 329 traitor. William certainly learnt much of the Jacobite Chaptkr LXX.X schemes from Sunderland and Caermarthen, both of whom, I__ apparently with his knowledge, corresponded with James ^^^^• and professed the deepest interest in his cause merely to l)etra3^ it. And yet these men esteemed themselves and were by others esteemed English gentlemen ! William, whilst always ready to get rid of insignificant enemies, like Fenwick, when they plotted against him, never displayed the least anxiety to bring to the l)lock any of the leading men who had helped him to the Throne, even when their complicit}' with treason was beyond all doubt. It was not that he was indifferent to their double- dealing, but that he was generous enough to make allow- ances for men in their unenviable position. Perhaps some remembrance of his own duplicity may have disposed him to lenienc}'. Circumstances compelled James to employ Marlborough, Godolphin and Shrewsbmy, and to treat them as loyal well-wishers, whilst he knew them to be insincere ; but William of his own accord made use of men whom he knew to be in treasonable correspondence with St. Germains. In one of Mr. Vernon's letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury, V-li. itJ9*^- describmg a meeting at the house of Lord Somers, there is this significant sentence :* 'It was declared the King was disposed to do whatever should be thought best for the vindication of your Grace and Mr. Eussell.f But I per- ceive he was not alike concerned to discredit the paper on other accounts.' From this it would seem that whilst sincerely interested in the two who are named, he did not care what charges were brought against Marlborough and Godolphin. Mr. Yernon kept the Duke of Shrewsbury fully acquainted with all that was extracted from Fenwick, and with the King's thoughts on the matter. He did the same to Lord Marlborough, whom he told that the Duke had ' enquired after him.' In another letter he says that * Vernon was then Secretary of State. f Meaning Adniiral Eussell. 330 MARLBOROUGH 1696. Chaptkr Marlborough ' seems very hearty in this matter, and as if he would push it.'-^ All the accused felt their guilt, but as they had had no negotiations or intercourse with Fenwick, they knew that his statements must have been made on hearsay. They could, therefore, truthfully say in Parlia- ment that they had not even seen their accuser since the Eevolution. In some of Vernon's letters he mentions that ' Marlborough waits for a sure hand to send letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury by,' a proof that he had things to say in which both were interested, but which he would not like his enemies to know. The Bill of Attainder brought forward against Fenwick was opposed in the House of Commons, the accused being ij 11, 1696. present. During the discussion, Marlborough's brother-in- law, Colonel Godfrey, rose and said : ' I desire some ques- tions may be asked him in relation to a noble Lord, my Lord Marlborough.' 'I would have him asked whether since the beginning of this war, or from the time of the King's landing. Sir John Fenwick did ever speak to him in publick or private, or ever did write to him or receive any message by word of mouth, or letter from my Lord Marl- borough. He says some service he promised King James, inclined him to promise him his pardon. I would know what that service was ? and in relation to his sending Lloyd into France, whether he can by anybody else make that appear '?' The Bill was equally opposed in the House of Lords, and in the following letters Marlborough gives the Duke of Shrewsbury an account of Fenwick' s appear- ance there : ' Wednesday night. — Although I have not troubled your Grace with my letters, I have not been wanting in inquiring constantly how you did. I did, about a fortnight ago, write a letter to acquaint you with what I had observed of some people, in hopes Mr. Arden would have called upon me, as he promised. But I did not care to send it by post, and so it was l)urnt. We had yesterday Sir John Fenwick at the * Vernon to Shrewsbury, 'V-}^? 1696. THE BILL OF ATTAINDER AGAINST FEN WICK 33 1 house, and I think it all went as you could wish. I do not Chaptkk TiX VX send you the particulars, knowing that you must have it U_ more exactly from others ; but I should be wanting if I did i*^^^- not let you know that Lord Rochester has behaved himself on all this occasion like a friend. In a conversation he had with me, he expressed himself as a real friend of yours ; and I think it would not be amiss if you took notice of it to him. If 3'ou think me capable of any commands, I shall endeavour to approve myself, what I am with much truth, etc., Marlborough.'* The Bill only passed by a majority of seven, and even that was only secured by the eloquence and persistency of Lord Somers. The Whig Lords were much influenced by part}' spirit as well as by 2)rivate friendship for Shrewsbury and for Admiral Eussell, the brother of their Whig martyr. Prince George of Denmark — presumably at Marlborough's instigation — supported the Bill, whilst forty peers recorded their protest against it. Marlborough took part in the debate, and spoke bitterly against the prisoner. ' He did not wonder,' he said, 'to find a man m danger, willing to throw his guilt upon any other body : that he (Marlborough) had some satisfaction to be owned in such good company ; but he assured their Lordships that he had no sort of con- versation with Fenwick upon any account whatsoever, since this Government, and this he asserted upon his word of honour.'! Lords Bath and Godolphin made similar pro- testations of innocence. To those who see in the mad, vain and vicious Peter- borough — then Lord Monmouth — a sort of mediaeval hero, the history of Fenwick's condemnation should be painful reading. Desiring above all things to be well talked about, he was never unwillmg to attack even his oldest friends if he could thereby ensure notoriety. He was jealous of everyone m power, and always anxious to injure their * Shrewsbury Papers. f Coxe's Shrewsbury Papers, p. 438. This extract from Marlborough's speech is given by Lord 'Wliarton in a letter to the Duke of Slirewsbiiry. 332 MARLBOROUGH Chapteh reputation and undermine their authority. At first he 1^* ■ suspected— possilily with some reason — that his name was 1696. inchided in the Hst of those whom Fenwick charged with treason. When he ascertained that this was not so, he did what he could to strengthen the accusations against Shrewsbury, Marlborough and Godolphin, all of whom, and especially the last-named, he was at that time most anxious to destroy.* He wrote to tell Fenwick how his charges could be pressed with most telling effect, adding that 'he liked the accusation so well.'! He advised him to cross-examine Marlborough as to the events which brought about his dismissal from Court, and that the King should be appealed to on this point. One of the informers, a villain of the worst sort named Bead, had for some time previously been in Monmouth's pay.t When this infamous intrigue was discovered, many of the Lords were against pressing home the charges against Peterborough. Others — amongst whom was Marlborough — urged that he was looked upon by them ' as the contriver of those papers ' which had been sent to Fenwick, telling how he should press his charges against those he had named as traitors. They thought the judgment of the House ought, therefore, to be pronounced upon the matter. This being agreed to, the Lords, after due consideration of the evidence before them, committed him to the Tower ; the King removed him from the Privy Council, and dis- missed him from all his offices. There can be little doubt that Fenwick's charges against the Lords whom he named would have been substantiated had he followed Lord Mon- mouth's advice, although by doing so he would not have saved his life, for the Whigs were determined that he should die. These events were followed in October by Godolphin's * Vernon to Shrewsbury, 29, 10, 1696. t Lexington Papers, p. 237. X Vernon to Shrewsbury, -4*-,^,, 1696. ' Letters Ilhistriiiivc of Wilhani Ill.'s Keign,' edited by (J. V. R. -Tames. 1696. ENGLAXD NEARLY BANKRUPT 333 retirement from office. He had lonj]: been anxious to quit Chaptkk LXXX. the Treasur}', but had been persuaded by the King to ^ ' ' remain. Naturally timid, his guilty conscience made liim dread the publication of his correspondence with James II., and Fenwick's recent disclosures made him realize the danger of his position. Besides, William's foreign wars and reckless expenditure of public money had brought the revenue and the finances into serious confusion, and, as head of the Treasury, Godolphin felt that he might at any moment l)e called to account by a hostile Parliament.* England was never nearer national bankruptcy' than in this year, and no one understood this fact more clearly than Godolphin. Towards the end of the year money was so scarce that Exchequer tallies could not be cashed in the open market at less than thirty per cent, discount. When the Bank of England consented to advance £200,000 for the use of the army, nme per cent, was charged for the loan. The cost of the war appeared all the more enormous as the revenue had suffered severely from the state to which the currency had been reduced b3'the practice of ' clipping.' The amount of coin m circulation was too small for the ordinary trade of the countrj-, and the large amounts of gold and silver sent away to the army in Flanders greatly aggravated the evil. The projected invasion of England having come to nothing, Lewis began to feel that, all things considered, a general peace would be most to his advantage. The health of the poor imbecile King of Spain was bad, and at his death, which might occur at any moment, Lewis intended to claim his throne for Philip of Anjou, his younger grand- son. Were the Grand Alliance m full force when that event occurred, its members would certainly fight to prevent the accomplishment of this mtention. It was, therefore, of the first consequence to break up this formidable confederacy * That Godolpliiii's retii-ement from oftice was not prompted by any love for James is very clearly argued in his recent Life by the Hon. Hugh EUiot. 334 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek by means of a general peace. Once formally dissolved, it T "V^ Y Y 1/ *-* ■ could not be easily or quickly re-established, and in the 1697. meantime, upon the death of King Charles, the French army might seize both Madrid and the Spanish Nether- lands. The terms for a general treaty of peace were soon agreed upon. They were based upon the provisions of the treaties of Westphalia and Nimeguen. Strasburg was to be given back to the empire, and William was to be unreservedly acknowledged as King of England. The treaty of peace i^ 9 1697. was signed at midnight on September 10, 1697, by the representatives of England, France, and Holland, in the palace of Eyswick, by which name it is still known in history. Lewis agreed to throw over the interests of his poor pensioner, James II., who was naturally furious, for the treaty seemed to destroy his only chance of restoration to the English throne. The fact that it did not prevent Lewis from formally recognising the Pretender upon the death of James proves how little reliance can be placed upon treaties made with great military powers by a nation which has a small army and objects to war on principle. This treaty made no provision for the disposal of the Spanish Empire upon the death of King Charles, the final settlement of which had been one of William's chief objects when he began the war eight years before. The peace was not in accordance with William's wishes, and, indeed, it was little more than a truce forced upon him by his English subjects in their ignorance of foreign affairs. But con- sidering that he had been almost always unsuccessful in the war which now came to an end, he obtained from France — at least, on paper — all he could at the time have fairly expected. It is not uncommon to find these inconclusive campaigns derided, and to be told that they led to nothing ; but those who say so are not well read in military history. Although they added no names to the roll of national victories, yet they were not to England a mere waste of men and money, for they saved us from invasion. It was I SUNDERLAND'S UNPOPULARITY 335 better to spend largely uj)on indecisive military operations Chaptkk in Flanders, than to run the risk of defeat upon the chalk ridges between London and the coast. ^^^''■ Sunderland, who was utterly devoid of principle, although popularly supposed to entertain liberal, if not republican, views, was l)ent upon getting back to office and power. The most crafty and skilful intriguer perhaps in our history, he left no means untried to ingratiate himself with William, and he succeeded. Anne, when Princess of Den- mark, called him in a letter to her sister, ' the subtil- lest, workinest villain that is on the face of the earth.'* Although he had been specially excepted from the Act of Indemnit}' of inso, yet William often consulted him privately. Indeed, he was the only Englishman on whose opinions the King set any value, and it was by his advice that the Whigs were recalled to office. In April he was *& 6, 1697. once more made a Privy Councillor, and given the im- portant position of Lord Chamberlain. As the King's favourite, he soon became odious to the people, and during the last 3'ears of the century the old ill-feeling and jealousy about the King's preference for foreigners was forgotten in the intense popular dislike to Sunderland. During the Yoyal progress of 1695. William bestowed the first outward mark of favour upon Sunderland by staymg five days with him at Althorp, and no doubt he turned this opportunity for intimacy with the Kmg to good account. When restored to power he managed the public business in both Houses of Parliament with consummate skill, and obtained for himself a greater position than he had filled at any previous period of his eventful but ignoble career. ' What is one man better than another ?' was a favourite sa^ying of his, and one on which he hal)ituall3' acted. The character of those he employed mattered nothing to him, provided he could make them useful. It was commonly thought at the time, that he had urged William into the long War of Succession, in order that Marlborough, Godolphin, and * This letter is dated the Cockpit, March 20, 1687. 336 MARLBOROUGH Chapter his own son might derive advantage from it, but those who LXXX. ijeiieved this had no insight into WilHam's character or 1697. aims. He required no encouragement to make war with France, for his great object always was to prevent her from becoming the mistress of Europe. The restoration to favour of Sunderland has been dwelt upon, as it paved the way to Marlborough's forgiveness and re- employment. [ id>7 ] CHAPTEPt LXXXI. MARLBOROUGH FORGIVEN AND RE-EMPLOYED. Marlborough's mother dies — He is made Governom- to the Duke of Gloucester — He has the gout — Parliament demands the reduction of the Army, but will not vote the money to pay off the soldiers — William wishes to abdicate, but gives up the idea to please the ^\^aigs. Marlborough's mother died early in this year, after a long CHvinEu life of startling vicissitudes.* Born early in the reign of " Charles I., she had lived through all the stormy times of I69s. the Great Eebellion. Her first child was born just a year before the murder of that ill-starred King. Condemned to poverty during the Commonwealth for the loyalty of her husband and his father, she lived to hear the name of ■Cromwell execrated, and to see all her children well provided for. She died, however, before her great son had "been restored to his old position in the army and the State. As already told, she was a woman of a quarrelsome dis- position, and it is remarkable that the three women with whom Marlborough was most intimately associated in life — his mother, wife, and mother-in-law — were all cursed with violent and uncontrollable tempers. William had often been heard to express regret that he could not entrust Marlborough with any high military command. But now that Queen Mary was dead, there was no longer the same obstacle to his re-emploj'ment. Little by little all through 1697 he seems to have become less * She died 1 j 2, 169^. VOL. II. 47 338 MARLBOROUGH CuAi'TEif obnoxious to William, upon whom the Duke of Shrewsbury _I_1 ■ repeatedly urged his claims for employment. Shrewsbury's 1698. friends ■\^ere the friends of his follower Mr, Vernon, then the Secretary of State, and he too favoured Marlborough as the Torj' General who had so effectively assisted the Whig conspirators at the Revolution. There was at least one bond of union between Shrewsbury and Marlborough in the fact that both were suspected, and with equal justice, of treasonable correspondence with the exiled James. In February Mr. Vernon tells the Duke of Shrewsbury that ' an exchange is negotiating that Lord Marlborough should be Chamberlain and then Governour of the Duke of Gloucester, but I know nothing of it otherwise, but I observed Lord Marlborough is frequently with the King, and therefore I hope they are well together.'* Marlborough was naturally most anxious to be re-employed — forty-eight years of age and left idle for the last six years, whilst men who were not worthy to unloose his shoe-latchet were in the enjoyment of high offices and great salaries. But the time had now arrived when all was to be forgiven, and he was once more to enjoy the King's favour. The Duke of Gloucester was now nine years old, and the King felt bound to provide him with a household befitting his position as heir-presumptive to the Crown. When Parliament fixed the King's revenue for life at 4*700,000 per annum it was on the understanding that i'GOO,000 was for himself, i'50,000 for Mary, wife of James IL, and the remaining i'50,000 for the support of the Duke of Gloucester's establishment ; but the jointure was never paid, and not more than about 4*15,000 per annum was ever expended on behalf of the young Prince, f Now that the latter was to have an establishment suited to his rank, Marlborough, who was still unemployed, was strongly re- commended by Sunderland and others for the office of Governour. The Princess Anne was naturally in favour of an arrangement that would retain near her son the services * (Spencer House Papers. t 'The Conduct,' p. 117. 1698. FORGIVEN AND RE-EMPLOYED 339 of one in whom she reposed entire confidence. William, ^xxyT though he fully appreciated the ability of the man he had disgraced, was still unprepared to employ him, and his prejudice was fostered by Portland and other Dutch courtiers who were jealous of his genius. To save himself from having to offer the position to Marlborough, William pressed it upon Shrewsbury, who, excusing himself on the score of failing health, joined Lord Sunderland in urging the King to confer it upon Marlborough. This advice was backed up by William's new Dutch favourite, Keppel, lately created Lord Albemarle. Of the few upon whom the post could with any show of propriety be conferred, Kochester, Anne's uncle, was one ; but being a violent Tory Churchman, and neither a wise nor a safe public servant, it was not desirable that he should acquire an influence over the heir-presumptive to the Throne. The King, thus driven into a corner, was in the end constrained to forego his objections and to offer the governourship to Marlborough. His knowledge of how accejDtable the arrangement would be to the Princess Anne weighed with him somewhat in the withdrawal of his opposition. He announced the selection to the Priv}' Council, and said that he would appoint a committee to settle the young Prince's household.* He was wise enough to make this restoration to favour as flattering as possible to Marlborough. When the newly-appointed Governour kissed hands uj^on his appointment, William said : ' My lord, teach him to be like ij; 4, 1698. yourself, and my nephew will not want for accomplish- ments.' + His salary as Governour was fixed at i'2,000 per annum. Dr. Burnet, 'the blabbing Bishop,' as the High Churchmen and Tories contemptuousl}' styled him, was made the young Prince's spiritual preceptor, much against Anne's wish, for she did not like him. She wished to have her old tutor. Dean Hooper, who had been chaplain to the * Vemon to Shrewsbury, Jf 6, 1698. t ' Lives of the Two Illustrious Generals.' p. 33 ; Coxe, vol. i., p. 87. 340 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Princess of Orange in Holland, but William, who hated him, ' ■ refused his consent.* Burnet and Marlborough had long 1698. been acquainted, and now, through constant intercourse in the Prince's household, there sprang up between them the closest friendship and a strong mutual esteem. The King made use of Burnet, for whom, however, he had no personal regard. The Bishop was a Churchman of Inroad views, and consequent!}^ in touch with the great bulk of the Protestants of all Denominations ; but he wished to be a statesman, and William would not tolerate episcopal interference in public affairs. In the following yenv an attack was made upon rf 12, 1699. Burnet in the House of Commons by the Tories, and it was urged that the King should be requested to remove him from the Prince's household. Marlborough was much concerned for his friend, and he persuaded his brother George, a violent Tory, to leave the House before the division took place. The motion was defeated, but had it succeeded the intention was to get rid of Marlborough also, to make way for the Tory Eochester.f There was a considerable amount of friction between the King and the Princess regarding the selection of the young Duke's household, for William positively refused to appoint several of Anne's nominees. In the following characteristic letter Lady Marlborough refers to this. ' I give you many thanks for the book you ded me the favour to leave at my lodgings for me, and I was sorry you would not come up, since you took soe much trouble as to come to my door. I have sent you three dozen and three pairs of gloves, which I desire you will try to get the gentleman you said was going to France to carry with him. Hee will find noe difficulty at the custome hous here if his things are to be seen ; but in France those sort of things are forbid, and therefore I trouble you with them, because I can't send them as one does other goods that one may liave in that countrey for paying for, but I conclude they * Trevor's ' Life and Times of Williiim III.,' vol. ii., p. 479. f Mr. Vernon to the Duke of Shrewsbury, Ij 12, 1699. MADE A LORD JUSTICE 341 are not soe exact, but that a gentleman may carry any Chai'tkh thing of that nature and they won't dispute it. They must ' ' bee given to Madam Dumene, without naming my sister at i^'^^- all, and if it bee as easy to you I beleeve it will bee best not to name me to the gentleman you give 'em to, who I con- clude you know enough to ask such a favour from, but if hee won't undertake it I desire you would bee pleased to let the gloves bee sent again to my porter at St. James's, and I must tr}' to find some other opertunity of sending them.* ' If you should happen to see Mrs. Lee, that desired a place for her son about the Duke of Gloucester, pray oblige me soe much as to tell her I was very sorr}^ not to have it in my power to serve her in that matter, l)ut the king put in the (queen's servants into all those places that she pro- posed for him, and the querr}^ who is Mr. Wentworth, was allsoe by the king's order placed, I suppose obtain'd by Lord Paiby's interest. I would have waited upon her my self to have given her this account, but I am just going into the countrey & have not soe much time, & I beleeve Lord Marleborough has lesse, who should have don it. ' Dear uncle, forgive this long letter and trouble 1 give you, and beleeve tis from one that would doe a great deal more for you if it were in my power, and am,' etc. Marlborough, thus restored to favour, immediately re- sumed the prominent position in the country which he had formerly held. He was again made a Privy Councillor, and took his seat in June. Vernon writes : ' He will be a very n g, 1698. fit man to be one of the Lords Justices, there being a want of such,'+ and when the King eml)arked for Holland in July ii; 7, 1698. he was accordingly made one, and took an active part in the government of the country during William's absence. Abstemious as he was, Marlborough suffered this summer from gout, but it was not bad enough to confine him to the * It is curious to find that ui 1698, when this letter was written, Enghsh-niade gloves were evidently more prized at St. Gerniains than those made m Paris. t Vernon to Shrewsbury, }.] 6, 1698. 342 MARLBOROUGH Chapter house. With the exception of this hereditary ailment, ll— " which never attacked him seriously, and the severe head- ings, aches which now and then rendered him scarcely capable of transacting pul)lic business, his health was still extremely good, nor did any amount of work or trouble appear to weary him. The public rejoicings in England at the Peace of Eyswick were scarcely over before a loud and general clamour arose for the reduction of the army. The country was over- burdened with taxes, the military expenditure was heavy, and the maintenance of a standing army in time of peace was odious to the people. Knowing that he must yield on this point, William conceived the plan of keeping eighteen troops of Horse, four regiments of Dragoons and twenty battalions of Foot permanently in Ireland, where, since their maintenance would be a charge upon the Irish Ex- chequer, the English Parliament would have no control over them. In his speech at the opening of Parliament he advised the country not to risk the loss of the good terms just obtained from France by a too early disbandment of the army, and he warned his hearers that England, under the condition of things prevailing abroad, could not ' be safe without a land force.' He ended his speech with these memorable words : ' And as I have, with the hazard of everything, rescued your religion, laws and liberties when they were in the extremest danger, so I shall place the glory of my reign in preserving them entire and leaving them so to posterity.' 1G«8. But in their ignorance of foreign affairs the House of Commons would not listen to William's wise, far-seeing advice, and resolved to disband all the regiments raised since 1680. Had this resolution l)een literall}^ carried out, it would have reduced the English standing army to a total of about 7,000 men. This conduct on the part of Parliament struck the King as not only foolish, but un- generous and ungracious to himself. He knew what he had done for England, and brooded over this rebuff, which THE ARMY TO BE REDUCED TO 7,000 MEN 343 preyed upon his mind and served to intensify his disHke Chaptkh for Parhamentary government and Enghsh pohticians. " 1 Long experience had taught him that a nation, devoid ^^98. of military strength, carried httle weight in the councils of Europe. "What foreign Power would value the alliance of a King who could only command the services of 7,000 fighting men ? He was haunted by the dread that, when the French King came to hear of the disbandment of the English army, he would not carry out the stipulations of the treaty which he had just signed. The old arguments against a standing army, so common in all times of peace, were repeated, and long speeches were made — speeches which might have been made in the House of Commons yesterday — to prove that ' England could defend herself both from foreign and domestic dangers by a militia of her own people regularly trained, and which had much interest to defend, and none to attack liberties that were her own.'* As usual, there was much wild and ignorant talk on this well-worn subject, which admits of so much cheap sentiment and canting- patriotism. On the occasion in question, however, the j)ent-up energy of the House found vent in words only, which escaped like the steam from a safety-valve. Members lacked the hardihood to allot a sufficient sum of pul)lic money to pay off the soldiers then serving, and without which they could not be disbanded. This enabled the King to retain them until Parliament met again in December. The new House of Commons was even more determined to reduce the army than its predecessor had been. It voted the disbandment of all the troops in England beyond 7,000 and of those in Ireland beyond 12,000 men.+ To * Dabyinple, vol. iii., Part III., Book YII., p. 175. See ' A Short History of Standing Armies in England,' London, printed for A. Baldwin, 1698, and several other pamplilets of same date on this subject. f The Enghsh army was to consist of tlu'ee troops of Horse Guards (543 men), one troop of Grenadier Guards (175 men), seven regiments of Horse (2,020 men), three of Dragoons (849 men), and five of Foot 344 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek emphasize their determination, it was resolved : ' That the _1_1 ■ troops which remained should consist, both officers and 1698. men, of natural -born subjects.' This was, of course, directly aimed at the King's Dutch Guards, his pet regi- ments of French refugee Protestants, and his well-loved foreign Generals. He felt this as a personal insult to himself. 'It is not to be conceived,' he wrote to Galway, ' how people here are set against foreigners.' I69[i. Marlborough was now consulted by the Kmg upon all public affairs, as we learn from Sunderland's corre- spondence.* In "William's quarrels with his Parliament, Marlborough had a difficult part to pla3^ He was not yet strong enough to offend the Tories by openly siding with the Court, and were he to act entirely with his old party, he could not long be counted as one of AVilliam's friends. When the Lords passed a resolution that they would willingly see the services of the Dutch Guards re- tained, the powerful minority entered a protest. Marl- 1698. borough, though present in the House, did not vote. He was entirely opposed to sweeping reductions in the army, for he never regarded the Peace of Piyswick as more than a truce. The warlike preparations of Lewis XIY., and the additions to the French army and navy, were sufficient to convince one of Marlborough's cautious temperament of the folly of reducing the English nation to helplessness at such a time. The King was able to count on Marlborough's support when factious members of either House of Par- liament went out of their way to insult him. Marlborough shared the English dislike to foreigners, and no one had been more oj)en-mouthed in denunciation of William's partiality for Dutchmen ; but his instinct of reverence for the wearer of the Crown forbade him to countenance the personal insults which many politicians now thought fit to heap upon King William. (3,412 men). The army in Ireland was to consist of two regiments of Horse, three of Dragoons, and twenty of Foot, 11,367 men in all. * Spencer House Papers. WILLIAM WISHES TO ABDICATE 345 We know, from a letter written by Lord Somers to the Chapiek LXXXI Duke of Shrewsbury, that the Kmg, worn out by the ^ insults he had received from the House of Commons, had i*^^^- resolved to announce publicly that, having come to England to rescue her from impending ruin ; having succeeded, and brought the country through a dangerous war without mishap, as she was now at peace, he meant to leave her to herself. He proposed to add, that he perceived the Thursday, 29, English distrust of him, and that before quitting England he was prepared to assent to a law for the appoint- ment of Commissioners to administer the Government. Somers did not at first believe that William was serious, but added : ' He has spoken of it to my Lord Marlborough (which one would wonder at almost as much as at ye thing itself), to Mr. Montague,' etc.* The King had already written out the speech he intended to deliver. + Lord Somers and all his Whig colleagues who had any weight with William argued most strongly against this move. The Kmg gave way, and, in the interests of the State, suppressed his resentment, and assented to the Bill for this sweeping reduction of the army with wise, if not over-true, expressions of generous confidence in his people. When the Bill became law, the funds immediately fell. * This letter is in the papers of the Duke of Buccleugh. f Tliis is in the Duke of Buccleugh's collection, and is given m Dah-ymple, vol. iii., Part III., Book YII., p. 180. [ 346] CHAPTER LXXXII. AlilGAIL HILL BECOMES A BEDCHA3D5EE WO:\L\N TO THE PRINCESS ANNE. Sarah tired of work as Lady-in-Waiting — Abigail Hill's birth and parentage — Anne transfers her affection to her new favourite — Sarah's insolence to the Pi-incess — The story of the gloves. Chaptei! It was in the spring of this year that Lady Marlborough 1_1^ ' committed the great bhnider of her Hfe, the appointment 1698. of her cousin, Abigail Hill, to the position of Bedchamber Woman to the Princess Anne, which not only led to the eventual ruin of her husband, but placed the greatness and future renown of England in jeopardy. Pecuniary considerations had in early life made Sarah onl}^ too glad to be a Lady-in-Waiting, l)ut by inclination and temperament she was never suited for duties which were then no sinecure. So when her husband was made Governour to the young Prince, and she thereby attained a good social status, her proud spirit revolted against the further performance of any offices for her Pioyal mistress. She had a family and a home of her own to look after, and she longed to throw off the irksome restraint of waiting upon one whose society bored her. At the same time, she had no intention of abandoning her mastery over the Princess, and conceived the foolish idea of ruling her by deputy. She felt so secure in Anne's affection and in the exclusive control she had obtained over her thoughts and actions, that it never occurred to her as possible that London; Richard Ben±le7 ScSoa: 1894:. ABIGAIL HILL 347 1698. anyone, least of all the apparently humble Abigail, could ^^^^^ supplant her. This cousin, whom she selected as her substitute, was the daughter of a merchant who had married one of Lady Marlborough's numerous paternal aunts.* He had at one time been in a flourishing Turkish business, but unfor- tunate speculations had reduced him to penury. Sarah tells us that she first heard of the Hill family and their poverty about the beginnmg of William's reign, when she at once sent them money and relieved their most pressing necessities. t The statement that she had never before known that ' there were such people in the world ' must, I think, be accepted with some reserve ; but be this as it may, it is certain that when she learned that her cousins, the Hills, were in want, she gave them generous and effective help, and extant letters from Mrs. Hill prove how sincerely grateful she was to Lady Marlborough for her spontaneous assistance. The merchant and his wife died soon afterwards, leaving four children entirely un- provided for. Lady Marlborough proved herself a good kinswoman, and obtained places for them about the Court. The elder of the sons was appointed to an office in the Customs through the mfluence of her friend Lord Godolphin, and she induced one of her husband's relatives to give the necessary security of i'2,000 for his honourable conduct in that position. The other son, who, she tells us, was in rags, she clothed, put to school, started him in life as page to the Prince of Denmark, and afterwards pro- cured for him the post of Groom of the Bedchamber to the Duke of Gloucester. One of the daughters was appointed laundress to the young Prince, and when he * He was second sou of William Hill, of Teddiiigtou, county Middlesex, and of "Wood Street, in the City, who was one of the auditors of the revenue, by Abigail, daughter of Richard Stephens, Esq., ■of Estuigton, county Gloucester. This AbigaU Stephens was aunt to Abigail, the mother of Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford. t ' The Conduct,' p. 177. 3-^8 MARLBOROUGH Chapteh LXXXII. 1698. died Sarah obtained for her a pension of J^200 per annum. The eldest of the family, A])igail, was grown up at the time of her parents' death, and was employed as waiting-woman to Lady Eivers of Chafibrd, Kent.* Sarah removed her from this menial occupation to a position in her own nursery, and treated her with every kindness and considera- tion. Shortly afterwards one of the Princess Anne's bed- chamber women died, and Lady Marlborough begged that her coushi Abigail might be given the vacancy, a request which was at once acceded to. This arrangement fulfilled a double object : it secured a suitable and permanent provision for a poor relation of unprepossessing appearance, and it placed in constant attendance upon the Princess a woman who might reason- ably be expected to watch over Lady Marlborough's interests. Sarah did not give her cousin credit for ambition, or, even if she had any, for ability to further it. Her red nose, ungainly appearance, vulgar manners, and apparent stolidity, were not likely, as Sarah thought, to recommend her to Anne's favourable notice. But she little knew what a cunning, intriguing nature was concealed under that demure exterior, and she rashly gave Abigail credit for the rarest of all virtues, gratitude. Sarah was still sufficient!}" inexperienced to expect abiding thankful- ness from those she helped on in the world ; but history records few instances of great favours being repaid with more hideous ingratitude than in the case of Abigail Hill. The only excuse for the base and cruel return made to one who had raised her from the position of a domestic servant, to be a person of some consequence in Anne's household is, that she was instigated by another cousin, the able and tricky Harley. This arch-intriguer had long striven by careful flattery to win Sarah's active co-opera- tion for his political schemes, but she so disliked and distrusted him that, finding he could make no impression upon her, he determined to try Anne instead, and to * Coxe, vol. ii., p. 257, note. ANNE TRANSFERS HER AFFECTION TO ABIGAIL 349 obtain access to her by means of Abigail. Until she Chapter LKXXII came under his influence, Abigail had been most grateful *JL1 to -Lady Marlborough, and filled her part as deputy- ^*'^^- favourite with honesty and vigilance. Everything that went on in Anne's household, what she said and did, and whom she saw, was faithfully reported to the exact- mg Sarah. So well did Abigail carry out this duty at first, that no suspicion of her lovalty ever occurred to Sarah, whose absences from the Princess became, in consequence, gradually longer and more frequent. Indeed, weeks some- times passed without Sarah seeing Anne.* In all this, Sarah evinced a strange ignorance of Anne's disposition. Daily intercourse with the Princess was essential to the maintenance of her favourite's influence, and Sarah might have foreseen that Anne would soon come to lean upon the subservient woman who lived constantly in her society and who would slowly but surely acquire a mastery over Anne's dull and narrow mind. Under the promptings of Harle}^ Abigail saw opening before her a future of power and influence as favourite of the heiress to a failmg King. How different was the use these two women-favourites made of their power ! Lady Marlborough certainly used her influence to benefit some of her own family, Al)igail for example ; but she never forgot the State, or advised Anne to do anything contrary to its best interests. Not so Abigail, who administered Anne, if we may say so, in the interests of a small clique whose first object was office, regardless how England might be affected by the accom- plishment of their ignoble aims. Anne now began to transfer to Abigail Hill the aft'ection which she had former !}• lavished on her dear Mrs. Free- man. The 'poor unfortunate, faithful Morley,' as Anne usually styled herself after her son's death, was begmning to weary of the bondage she had so long endured. Lady Marlborough's arrogance and j^resumption at times knew no bounds. Though brought up at Court, and having * Lord Ailesburv's Memoirs. 350 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek spent all her life in the ante-chambers of royalty, she had LXXXII . -J - ' _1^ " never learned to restrain her temper or to shape her conduct ^^^^- as befitted a courtier. Unlovable in character as she was lovel}^ in face, her life was one long war with the world.* She not only quarrelled with her family and friends, ])ut even with her inferiors, and her angry correspondence with the architect Yanbrugh would fill a volume. Marlborough said to Closterman, whom she employed to paint a family group : ' It has given me more trouble to reconcile my wife and you, than to fight a battle.' f Indeed, notwithstanding the many generous deeds recorded of her, it is doubtful whether any other woman was ever so universally de- tested by all with whom she came in contact. She could never settle down to work w^ith others. She must act by herself, and be absolutely independent of control. The trammels of authority made her first restive, then violent. Her obstinacy was a species of insanity, and her masculine determination aggravated her feminine faults of suspicion and jealousy. Sarah is roundly abused by many for daring to rule Anne, but she might more reasonably be found fault with for allowing her own power to pass from her before the great object of the war had been accomplished, and, above ' all, for suffering it to pass to the unworthy hands of Swift's friend, Mrs. Abigail Hill. For some years Sarah's behaviour towards the Princess had been rough and at times even insolent. She took little trouble to conceal her contempt for Anne's mental capacity, and plumed herself upon telling her the truth ; but such insolence was as reprehensible as flattery would have been, and from a worldly point of view it was the extremest folly. It wrecked her husband's career, enabled a few self-seeking politicians to hinder England from reaping the fruit of his victories, and saved France from the punishment which * ' I find it,' slie wrote, ' a perpetual warr in this world to defend one's self against knaves and fools.' t Leigh Hunt, ' The Town,' vol. ii., p. 150. THE 'GLOVE' STORY 35 1 would have rendered her comimratively powerless for at Ch.\pter LXXXII least some generations. It is noteworthy, too, that Sarah's 1 behaviour from first to last is not in consonance with her 1698. frequent protestations of the love she bore the Princess. Nevertheless, when as an old woman she reviewed her past life, she asserted most solemnly that she would always have served her mistress at any risk to herself, adding, however, as a warnmg to others, that were it possible for her to become again a Eoyal favourite, she would not avail herself of the chance. These statements are in no way inconsistent in her case. She bullied and worried her husband, yet she loved him deeply. She was sincerely attached to Lord Godolphin, admired his good qualities and valued his friendship, yet at times she made his life a burden to him. Her arrogance and msolence towards Anne do not, therefore, prove that she was wanting m real affection for her, for trul}* Sarah's love was not as the love of other women ; her whole character was, as it were, a freak of nature. Her mistress had long borne with her ill-concealed imperti- nences, but shortly after the Duke of Gloucester's death an occurrence took place which destroyed any remainmg tenderness on Anne's part. There is good circumstantial evidence to attest the truth of the following account of it, though Lady Marlborough declared in after-life that she had no recollection of the circumstance. The Princess Anne, having forgotten her gloves, told Abigail to fetch them from the next room, where she remembered having left them on the table. In the next room, Abigail found Lady Marlborough seated at the table engaged in reading a letter, and wearing the gloves, which she had evidently put on by mistake. Abigail, in a submissive tone, pointed this out to her. ' Ah !' exclaimed Sarah, ' have I put on anything that has touched the odious hands of that dis- agreeable woman?' Then, pulling them off, she threw them on the floor, exclaiming with violence, ' Take them awa}'!' The door was ajar between the two rooms, and 352 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Anne heard every word. Abigail perceived this when she L XXX ii. g^^^^^ ^|_^g ^l^^j, ^^^ handed the gloves to her mistress, but 1698. Lady Marlborough never knew that Anne had overheard her. Some forty years afterwards, when writing to a friend 1742. about her recently published memoirs, she refers to this incident, and mentions that a critical correspondent In-ought to her notice that she had been found fault with on account of this story, for in a book written by the King of Prussia, the ruin of Europe — i.e., the Treaty of Utrecht — was stated to have been the outcome of a quarrel between the Queen and herself 'about a pair of gloves.' Although she denies that it ever took place, it is evident that the story was generally believed, and it must not be forgotten that she was in her eighty-third year, and with a failing memory, when she denied its truth. Moreover, as she never knew that the Queen had overheard her, she would have no good reason to recollect what was evidentlj^ a hasty and petulant expression of the moment.* Indeed, when this story is added to the man}' other instances in which Sarah spoke unadvisedly with her lips, the wonder is that she was able to keep her conduct within bounds as long as she did. The restraint imposed upon her by the etiquette of Court life evidently tried her beyond endurance, and now that her husband had been taken back into favour, and that she had about Anne's person a near relative who was deeply indebted to her, and in whose fidelity she had com- plete confidence, she became even more than usually careless. * Correspondence of Ducliess of Marlborough in Coxe's MS. collec- tion. See vol. vi., p. 186, of Strickland's 'Lives of the Queens of England.' [ 353 ] CHAPTER LXXXII]. MARRIAGE OF MARLBOROUGH's ELDER DAUGHTERS. Lady Henrietta Churchill marries Godolphin's eldest son — Lady Anne Churchill marries Lord Spencer — His character — Portland resigns his offices — The King ailing. Marlborough's two eldest daughters had now reached the Chapter • • LXXXTTT age at which, m those days, it was usual for parents to ^ ' think of settHng their girls in life. The eldest, Henrietta, 1698. was eighteen, and it was decided that she should marry Francis, the only son of Lord Godolphin, who was one of Marlborough's staunchest and oldest friends. The bride- groom was only twenty, and by no means rich, so it was not a brilliant match; but Marlborough's family was large, and he had a son to whom it was essential that he should leave a landed estate. He could, therefore, only afford to give each of his daughters five thousand pounds, to which the Prmcess Anne added a similar amount. She wished to double that sum, but Lady Marlborough would not consent to such a drain upon her mistress's purse, a fact which Sarah's detractors have ungenerously ignored. It was said that the match was entirely one of youthful V-i. 1689. affection, and that the bride's mother had no hand in bringing it about. But the fact that she allowed her daughter to marry a stripling of twentj^ seems to show that the alliance at least met with her approval. The bride was fascinating as well as beautiful, and is thus described by a contemporary rhymer :* * A poem called the ' Toasters.' VOL. II. 48 354 MARLBOROUGH 1698. Chapter ' Godolphhi's easy and unpractised air LXXXIII. Gains without art, and governs without care. Her conqu'ring race with various fate surprise ; "Who 'scape their arms, are captives to their eyes.' Mar]l)orougli and Godolphin had been pages at Court together in early hfe, and the closest and warmest friend- ship had always subsisted between them. They were both Tories and High Churchmen, and they had acted con- jointly in many a Court intrigue during the two previous reigns But at the time of the Eevolution, when Marl- borough preferred his religion to his master, Godolphin did not follow suit. He took no part in the conspiracy which placed William on the Throne, though later on he threw in his lot with the new order of things. A sporting, cock-fighting country gentleman, he was also the ablest Finance Minister of his day, and William fully recognised the fact. His known probity also commended him to the astute King, who trusted him in a way that he did not trust other Englishmen. He and Marlborough were equally compromised by their correspondence with James, and he had only relinquished office, as previously mentioned, when Sir John Fenwick included him amongst those whom he accused of plotting against William. He had always been a favourite with Lady Marlborough, so much so, indeed, that scandal was sometimes busy with their names, though there is not a shadow of evidence to support a charge invented Ijy political enemies. Everything known about Sarah and Godolphin gives the lie direct to these foul aspersions. During her husband's absence abroad, she habitually sought Godolphin's advice, and it was un- fortunate for herself and her husband that she did not always follow it. Her caprice and tempestuous hatreds tried her trusty friend severely, but his regard and admira- tion for her, and his friendship for INIarlborough, never wavered on this account. This marriage bound the two friends still more closely together. Godolphin was one of Anne's most favoured friends and most faithful servants, MARRIAGE OF LADY ANNE CHURCHILL 355 and upon her accession he was made Lord Treasurer by Chaptek ^larlborough's all-powerful influence. So close was the ^1 . union between these two men that, when Marlborough's ^*''^^- dismissal was planned by Harle,y and St. John, it was taken for granted that Godolphin would go with him. Lady Anne, Marlborough's second daughter, married Charles, Lord Spencer, the Earl of Sunderland's eldest son. The closest intimacy had long subsisted l)etwcen the two families, and Lady Sunderland was godmother to her future daughter-in-law. Sunderland and Marlborough had both been strongly opposed to the policy adopted by James IL In many respects their views upon public affairs coincided ; but Marlborough's religious faith saved him from many ■of the petty shifts and expedients to which Sunderland willingly lent himself. Sunderland having, as already described, thoroughly deceived James, was forced to fly the country at the Eevolution. Marlborough not only urged William to forgive him and bring him l)ack, l)ut to re- employ him in the Government, and when Marlborough fell into disgrace, Sunderland m his turn strove to repay these good offices by repeated efforts to procure his restoration to William's favour ; indeed, he never relaxed his efforts until he succeeded in obtainmg for Marlborough the position of Governour to the young Prince. The mutual esteem and regard of these two men was fully equalled by the affection that grew up between their wives, an affection so warm that it aroused at one time a deep jealous}^ on the part of Anne. She wished to reign alone in her favourite's affections, and could not tolerate a rival, especiall}' one for whom she had always entertamed a particular dislike. ' I cannot help en\ying Lad}' Sunderland to-day,' wrote the Princess to Sarah, ' that she should have the satisfaction of seeing you before me ; for I am sure she cannot love you half so well as I do, though I know she has the art of saj'ing a great deal.' Lord Spencer, silent and almost morose by nature, was still mourning the loss of a young wife to whom he had 356 MARLBOROUGH Chaptku been deeply attached.* She had only been dead a few " 1^ ■ months when his parents urged him to marry again, and 1699. recommended the young and beautiful Anne Churchill as a suitable wife. They had set their hearts upon this match. The father wrote : ' If I see him so settled I shall desire nothmg more in this world but to die in peace if it please God.' Thrown much into her society during a visit the Marlboroughs made to Althorp, Spencer was soon over- come, not only by the loveliness of her face, but by the sweetness of her disposition. Marlborough did not relish the match, as neither he nor his wife had any liking for their future son-in-law, whose ungracious manners and strong republican views were distasteful to both. He was twenty-five years of age, w^ell read, a deep thinker, and of a stern disposition and rigid principles. When offered a pension, in accordance with custom, on his dismissal from office in Anne's reign, he would have none of it, adding that, if he were not allowed to serve his Queen, he, on his part, would not consent to rob his country. No two men could be more unlike than he and his father. Lady Anne Churchill was only seventeen, small, pretty and blessed with winning manners. After her marriage her husband's party were wont to toast her as ' the little Whig.' She was her father's favourite child ; he loved to look upon her child-like face, and to watch in her the early development of a genius and a judgment far beyond her years, t The match was first suggested by Lord Godolphin at Sunderland's instigation, and was strongly urged by Mrs. Boscawen, Godolphin's sister. It was not, however, until Lady Sunderland had won over her friend Sarah that * She was Lady Arabella Cavendish, dauj^jliter of the Duke of Newcastle. "f ' There is a brave soldier's daughter in town that by her eye has been the death of more than ever her father made tiy before him.' — Addison's reference to young Lady Sunderland, Sjwctator, No. 252, vol. iv. PORTLAND RESIGNS ALL HIS OFFICES 357 Marlboroudi's obiections were overcome. His wife, being Chapter . LXXXIII herself a strong Whig, regarded Lord Spencer's repul)hcan ^ ' views with less horror than did her huslnind, to whom they 1^99. were repugnant to the last degree. She alone could induce him to give the daughter he loved so dearly, to a man so uncongenial to him in every respect. To disarm his opposition, he was assured that his new son-in-law would shape his public conduct in accordance with Marlborough's views and wishes, and that he was sensible how advantageous it would be for him to do so.* The party from Althorp spent their Christmas holidays with the Marlboroughs at Holywell House, St. Albans, where the final arrangements for the wedding were con- sidered, and the matter of settlements decided upon. The wedding took place at St. Albans shortly after Christmas, ii 1, tt^S- "Writing of it, Lord Sunderland says : ' It will certainly he turned to Politicks as everything is. If it can have any relation to them, it shall be only to pursue those measures for the present and the future which we discoursed of here.'f About the middle of the year, the Duke of Portland, who had always been hostile to Marlborough, and anxious to prejudice the King against him, resigned all his offices at Court. He seems to have just awaked to the fact that a favourite, if he wishes to keep his place, must never quit his master or give opportunities to others to practise those courtier-like arts by which he himself had succeeded. The good-looking young page, Keppel. had lately been con- stantly with William, and had so insinuated himself into William's good graces that he now reigned supreme as first favourite. Portland had for so many years enjoyed the advantages and power which the position gave him, that he could not brook supercession, and resigned. Keppel had long been on friendly terms with Marlborough, and had used his influence to remove William's old prejudice against him, and to establish more cordial relations between * Letter from Lord Sunderland. t Letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury : Spencer House Papers. 358 MARLBOROUGH Chapter these two men, both so great and yet so opposite in ' character. Just before Portland's final resignation, ^^^^- Marlborough, writing from Windsor to the Duke of Shrewsbury, refers thus to the coming event : ' June 3"^ 99. . . . I have to much reason to take some things ill of L^. Orford, but I have not, nor shal not, say any thing to him of itt, which I shou'd have done, if he had stay'd in, for I doe flatter my self that I have deserved better from him, however I can't forbear letting you know itt, you will judge of the rest by this one thing, which I am told he saj^d with great pivishness, where he thought it might hurt me, and that was that L"^. Sunderland govern'd every thing and that I acted nothing, but as influenced by him, this is the unjuster, for he can't but know the contrary. ' "When I have the happiness of seeing you, I shal let you know what has passed sence you were att Windsor, by which you will see the little incoridgement there is to medle with any thing, whielst soe much Jealousy rains. L^. Portland leaves this place about ten days hence and as I am informed with a resolution of quitting all his employ- ments in Holland as well as here, if any thing should happen that I think you will care to know, I shal be sure to write.'* Everyone about the Court at this time knew that the King was ailing, and that he could not live much longer. His death might probably lead to another revolution, for James II. was still only separated from his inheritance by the narrow Channel and by his strong anti-Protestant bigotry. Ireland was only kept in subjection by the English garrison. Scotland was discontented ; and the King was unpopular in England, where the Jacobite party was still numerous. It is no wonder, therefore, that men in office should have been uncertain of the future, loath to commit themselves to one side or the other, and, * In the Duke of Bnccleugh's Papers. The letter is endorsed in Shrewsbury's writing, ' ans'' 7th, 1699.' .GEORGE CHURCHILL JOINS THE ADMIRALTY 359 whilst serving William, that they should have been anxious Chapteu to stand well with the other possible ' King over the water.' "" 1^ Mr. Vernon, writing in December, says :* * If they (the '^'^^'^■ Whigs) cannot do everything that the King may think a gratification to him, I believe he may depend upon it that ^" ^-' i^^-* they will keep the Government upon its proper l^asis, which is no small consideration ; but then they must be at liberty not to meddle with things they see reason to despair of, and, as circumstances now stand, no prudent man will act but with a good deal of caution, and have some regard to his own safety, since the compensations are like to be so small for any hazards he shall run.' If this was the opinion of a singularh' shrewd Minister then, it is easy to understand that six, eight, or nine years before, when the Jacobite cause looked still more promising, all the leading men, Marlborough included, should have sought to secure themselves against the contingency of William's overthrow and the restoration of James. In October a vacancy occurred at the Board of Admiralty, '1% 10, 1699. and Marlborough begged hard that it might be given to his brother George. Vernon says in a letter : ' I wish he may be gratified m it, but I am afraid there are some who dislike it.' Eventually the oflice was given to him, and there was also a talk of making his brother Charles Governour of Hull.f So great was the advance which Marlborough had already made in Royal favour ! It must not, however, be assumed from this that he made undue use of his position at any time to advance his brothers. Indeed, it may be justly said that his superlative genius so over-shadowed all his contemporaries, that his brothers suffered much in their respective careers from the com- parison which the world naturally instituted between them and him. George was a good sailor, and Charles an excellent soldier ; jet neither was ever given high com- mand, or even knighted. * This letter is addressed to the Duke of Slii-ewsbury. t Luttrell, 24, 8, 1699. 36o CHAPTEE LXXXIV. DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER THE PARTITION TREATIES AND THE DEATH OF THE SPANISH KING. The Seventeenth Century closes in peace — Charles XII. of Sweden and Peter the Great — Marlborough strives to gain William's goodwill — Anne very grateful to him for obtaining from Parliament Prince George's claim for £'85,000. — ^yilliam's gift of forfeited lands in Ireland to his Dutch favourites — Marlborough made a Lord Justice when the King goes to Holland — Death of the Duke of Gloucester — Charles II. of Spain dies, and Duke of Anjou is proclaimed his successor — Lewis XIV. seizes the frontier fortresses of Holland. Chapter At the close of the seventeenth century, Europe was m a state " ■ of profound peace. But the gates of the Temple of Janus 1700. were not to remain long shut. The peace was merely a lull between the war just ended and the great storm which was soon to burst and disturb the civilized world for nearly fourteen years. Two of the world's most remarkable soldier -princes, rivals in military glory, now appeared upon the stage of European politics : the danger-loving, heroic Charles of Sweden, and the far-seeing, despotic reformer, Peter of Eussia, justly termed 'the Great.' The able and eccentric successor of Gustavus Adolphus was a man of ascetic and religious nature. He was in his eighteenth year when he appeared like a fiery meteor in his own Northern latitudes, leaving behind him in his course across Europe a lurid track of dazzling but profitless military splendour. The combination against which he was now compelled to CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN 361 take the field consisted of the King of Denmark, Augustus Chafikh of Saxony, the elected King of Poland, and Peter the Great, ' Z_i_ just returned from the dockyards of Deptford. Each of I'O*^'- these potentates sought for an increase of territory at some neighbour's expense. Denmark then, as now, coveted the Province of Holstein, whose reigning Duke was brother-in- law and a close ally of Charles XII. Kussia, pent up within her periodically frozen seaboard, wanted Lithuania • and, above all things, a port in the Baltic. In fact, the members of the Alliance wished to seize upon and divide amongst themselves all the provinces lying between the Gulf of Finland, the Baltic Sea, Poland and Piussia. William III. at once perceived the danger to which any quarrel between the two Protestant Powers of the North would expose his long-cherished plans. In vain he strove to arrange terms of, agreement between the belligerents. The Powers allied with Denmark would listen to no proposals, believing their game to be a safe one, and . having no doubt of their ability to crush with ease their opponent, the unknown boy-King of Sweden. Determined to save him if possible, William despatched a combined English and Dutch fleet to the Baltic, where it united with that of Sweden in the month of May. The Danish nav}', unable to hold its own against this combination, was compelled to seek safety in Copenhagen, then threatened by a Swedish army under Charles ; and the King of Denmark was glad to save his capital by concluding a peace with this young 'Madman of the North,' who thus brought his first campaign to a brilliant conclusion in less than six weeks. Towards the close of the year, with only a handful of troops, he defeated the Piussians at the remarkable battle of Narva. These successes added greatly h n, 1700. to the power and influence of Sweden in the North of Europe ; so much so, that when Marlborough was nego- tiating the second ' Grand Alliance ' in the following year, it became a matter of consequence that he should secure the goodwill of Charles XII. 362 MARLBOROUGH Chaptku All tbrouo-h the years 1698, 1699, and 1700, Marll)orough LXXXIV .... . ^ UL ' had striven to win William's favour, to ol)literate the re- 1700. membrance of past grievances, and to remove all causes of complaint against him. But it was not easy to convert the King's rooted prejudice into partialit}^, or even good- will, towards him. Unfortunately for Marlborough, several subjects were discussed in Parliament at this time for which he could not conscientiously vote, although he knew that the King wished him to do so. In heart, like most of his best friends, he was still a Tory, and he generally voted with that party; but his position was a difficult one, for if he voted to please William, he displeased his Tory friends, who were much opposed to the Court measures. Amongst other things for which he incurred the King's displeasure, was his advocacy of Prince George's claim to the sum of i/85,000 which William had guaranteed during the war between Denmark and Sweden in 1689. The question afforded the Tories an opportunity of subjecting the King's foreign policy to hostile criticism, and though the money H 12, 1699. was at last grudgingly voted, it was rather as a favour to the Princess Anne than in compliance with the King's wishes. William was displeased with the Prince for pressing a matter which exposed him to much personal mortification, and knowing the influence exercised over Anne and her husband by the Marlboroughs, he naturally regarded them as more or less responsible for having afforded his enemies this opportunity for annoying him. That Marlborough should have moved in this affair at a time when he was particularly anxious to propitiate William and win his favour, was a strong proof of his loyalty to Anne. It showed his determination to support her interests at whatever risk to his own prospects, a fact in striking contrast with the character usually attributed to him by historians. He studiously kept aloof from the acrimonious debates to which this affair gave rise, and strove to con- ceal the interest which he took in it. But whilst anxious to convey an impression of indifference in public, he GIFTS OF LANDS IN IRELAND TO DUTCHMEN 363 privately did all in his power to influence the decision in Chaptkh . LXXXIV. Prince George's favour, and there can be no doul)t that it ''' UL was prhicipally owing to his al)le and zealous management '^''^^■ that the debt in question was eventually discharged by Parliament. Princess Anne w\as most grateful to him for his successful advocacy, and expressed her sense of obligation in the following letter to his wife : ' I was going to thank your lord myself for what was done last night concerning the Prince's business, it being wholly owing to your and his kindness, or else I am sure it would never have been brought to any effect. But I durst not do it for fear of not Ijeing able to express the true sense of my poor heart, and therefore I must desire my dear Mrs. Freeman to say a great deal both for Mr. Morley and myself: and though we are poor in words, yet be so just as to believe we are truly sensible, and most faithfully yours. And as for your faithful Morley, be assured she is more, if it be possible, than ever her dear, dear Mrs. Freeman's.' * The temporary estrangement between Marlborough and the King did not last long, for Yernon writes : ' I think the January, 1700. cloud which has been hanging over ni}' Lord Marlborough is clearing up.' Before he had quite re-established himself in favour, there arose between William and the House of Commons another and more serious disjDute. The Kmg had made great presents of forfeited lands in Ireland to his Dutch favourites, Portland, Albemarle, Athlone, Galway and Piochford, and also to his English mistress, Elizabeth Yilliers, lately created Countess of Orkney. It was urged by the Court party that William had given these lands to Ginkel and De Piouvigny in recognition of the good military service they had rendered in Ireland. But this was an injudicious argument, as not an acre had been be3towed upon Marlborough, who had done equally good work there, or upon any other English officer, whilst the bulk had been * ' The Conduct,' p. 287. 364 MARLBOROUGH Chapter given to Bentiiick, Keppel and Zulestein, none of whom — ' had taken any part hi the Irish wars. Wilham laid 1700. himself still more oj^en to complaint in this matter, by a promise, which he was said to have given before he started for Ireland, that he would not give away these lands mitil Parliament had considered the matter. The non-fulfilment of this assurance, added to the emptiness of the Exchequer, incensed members against William and his Dutch friends. There was no money forthcoming to pay off the soldiers, and consequently the army could not be reduced in accordance with the decision of Parliament. Mr. Harley proposed to sell the forfeited estates in order to provide the amount required, and this gave the Tories another opportunity of slighting the King. The Commons passed a Bill to resume the grants, sell the land, and appropriate the money to pay off the regiments to be reduced, and to the discharge of other public debts. To preclude all tamjDering with this Bill in the House of Lords, it was unconstitutionally ' tacked ' to a Bill of Supply, which led to angry altercations between the two Houses. Marl- borough, anxious to recover the King's favour, strove to remain neutral in these disputes. In his heart, he was opposed to the Irish grants, although the pension of his sister Arabella, now Mrs. Godfrey, was dependent upon their validity.* He attended the House of Lords when the Bill was brought there from the Commons, and opposed the Court party's amendments, but withdrew before the question was finally put.f Neither House would give way, and a serious breach was only prevented by the moderation and self-sacrifice of the King. He nobly preferred to accept the insult, and to see his grants rescinded, rather than incur the consequences which a deadlock between the Lords and Commons might entail at such a time. He * William had settled i;l,000 per annum upon her as a charge upon tlie Irish confiscated lands which James II. had reserved for himself. + Vernon to Shrewsbury, AprU 9 and 13, 1700. Letters edited by G. P. H. James. DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER 365 caused it to be generally known amongst his Parlia- Chapter LXXXIV mentary friends that he wished the House of Lords to ^ ' pass the Bill without amendment, and in accordance with ^''^^• this wish Marlborough and others who had hung back voted against the proposed amendments, and the Bill was allowed to pass. But notwithstanding his evident desire to please the King by helping him to pass his measures in Parliament as far as he could conscientiously do so, his re- employment in an}^ high position seemed for the moment as far off as ever. Writing to his friend the Duke of Shrewsbury in May, he says : ' The King's coldness to me ^i ^' ^''^^■ still continues, so that I should have been glad to have had your friendly advice : for to have friends and acquaintances unreasonably jealous, and the King at the same time angry, is what I know not how to bear, nor do I knoAv how to behave myself.'* However, when William left England in June, he aj)pointed 'r-h 1700. Marlborough one of the Lords Justices during his absence. Shortly after the King's arrival m Holland, he received tidings of the death, at the age of eleven, of the sickly ~u'-i, I'oo. Duke of Gloucester, an event of grave import to the nation, and a sad blow to the Marlboroughs. The Prince and Princess were m despair, for child after child was born to them, but onh^ to intensify by early death the poignancy of their sorrow. Yernon writes, they ' see nobody ])ut their own servants ; they are carried in chairs in the evenings to my Lord Godolphin's garden.' + All England mourned the loss of this young Prince, as it did in the following century that of a Princess who, like this boy, was at the time the hope of the nation. Worn out with watching and anxiety, Marlborough was now struck down himself with fever, and was made worse by bemg bled, then the universal remedy for all maladies. In the following letter to Marlborough, William gives expression to his grief for the loss which he felt the nation had sustained. Its wordmg indicates a change of feeling * Shrewsbury Papers. f Vernou to Shrewsbury, ^'^r, 8, 1700. 366 MARLBOROUGH Chapter towards the great soldier, whose services he now began to " Jll_ " feel were necessary to the State, since failing health warned 1700. jiiui that he could no longer take the field himself : ' A Loo 4*^ d'Aougt, 1700. — Je ne croi pas qu'il est besoin que je me serve de beaucoup de paroles pour vous dire avec quelle surprise et douleur j'ay apris la mort du Due de Glocester. S'est une si grande perte pour moy et pour toute I'Angletere que j'ay le cauir perce d'affliction. Je vous assure qu'en cette occasion et en toute autre je seres tres aise de vous donner des marques de mon amitie. — William E.'* The Electress Dowager of Hanover f was now to become a personage of importance in England, and to her the Whigs turned as Anne's successor, for her elder brothers and sisters, being Eoman Catholics, were ineligible. She had numerous interviews with William this year in Holland, and was generally supposed to have arranged matters with him regarding her eventual succession as Queen of England. A question of the utmost moment to the peace of Europe and to the future welfare of millions now arose to occupy the attention of statesmen. What was to become of the wddely - extending dominions of Spain upon the death of the childless and almost imbecile King, Charles H., whose death might be looked for at any moment ? + Both the Emperor and Lewis XIV. claimed the succession as heir- at-law to this last direct male descendant of Charles V. After lengthy negotiations, a compromise was arrived at in August, 1699, and an arrangement known as the ' First Partition Treaty,' according to which the Prince of Bavaria was recognised as heir to the Spanish Crown, was agreed to by all the States concerned. Had Charles II. died first, it is probable that Lewis XIY. would have stood by * Blenheim Palace Papers. t She was daughter of the Queen of Bohemia, who was daughter of James I. X He succeeded his father, Philip IV., in 166G. PHILIP BECOMES KING OF SPAIN 367 the treaty ; but the Prmce of Bavaria dying within a few CnAr-TEu months of its ratification, a new treaty, known as the 'J_L ' Second Partition Treaty,' was concluded very secretly ^'^^• between England, France, and Holland. When the terms became known of this second treaty, which settled the succession to the Spanish Crown upon the Emperor's second son, the Archduke Charles, all Spain as one man denounced them. The Spanish King died in November, but shortly l)efore r-l'i. 1700. his death he was induced by the priests and others in the French interests to bequeath his vast dominions to the Duke of Anjou, the Dauphin's second son, the Spanish grandees hoping thereby to save their extensive emj)ire from dismemberment, as they naturally expected that Lewis XIV. would do all in his power to protect the integrity of a king- dom ruled by his own grandson. As soon as the terms of this will were made known to Lewis he held a Cabinet Council, at which it was decided that the Duke of Anjou should accept the Spanish Crown. The French King had evidently some misgivings — not of conscience — about the affair ; so much so that he allowed five days to elapse before he had his grandson proclaimed King of Spain. When Philip started for Madrid, Lewis, in parting with him, exclaimed, ' Desormais, il n'y a ])lus de Pyrenees.' Subsequent events, however, have not fulfilled this grandiloquent French prophecy. On hearing this news William was furious. He had been duped, and his impulse was to declare war, but he had no army, and he could not raise one without the approval of the English Parliament. To him the Spanish Crown in possession of a Bourbon prince meant the supremacy of Lewis in Europe, and that, he felt, would entail the downfall of Holland as an independent Power, and if not the complete destruction of Protestantism, at least a heavy blow to European freedom. The Tories — always hostile to William — proved too strong for him at this juncture. They disliked him on party grounds, and distrusted his foreign 368 MARLBOROUGH Chaptku policy as the cause of his wars ; they consequently wished ^I_^ ■ him to acquiesce in the provisions of the Spanish King's 1700. -^{w^ for what mattered it to them who ruled at the Escurial ? War meant lavish outlay abroad, a hateful standing army, and largely increased taxation and national debt. There was one point, however, in European politics upon which all England felt strongly, namely, the independence of Holland ; for stupid as the people were upon most questions of foreign policy, they realized the danger they would incur if the Dutch ports and the maritime power of Holland fell into the possession of the French. It was well known that Lewis XIV. coveted the United Provinces, and Eng- land, which had already expended much blood and treasure in thwarting his designs, was prepared to defend their integrity. The provinces of Brabant and Flanders, commonly known as the Spanish Netherlands, w'ere old possessions of Spain, and as long as they were occupied by Spanish troops their fortresses constituted an effective barrier both for Holland and the Empire against French aggression. They had, however, become so heavy a drain upon the finances of Spain that it was proposed at the Peace of 1597. Eyswick to exchange them for French territory on the Pyrenean frontier. This proposal alarmed the Dutch, for it virtually meant the transfer of those provinces to Lewis XIV., who would surely make them a stepping-stone to the eventual conquest of Holland, and sooner than incur this risk, they agreed to furnish and pay twenty - two battalions of their own troops to garrison these "Barrier Fortresses " under the Crown of Spain. The transfer of the Spanish Crown to his grandson afforded the French King a plausible excuse for the occupa- tion of these strong places. As they belonged to Spain, of which a Bourbon prince was now the Sovereign, it was, he argued, natural and right that they should be garrisoned l)y French rather than by Dutch soldiers. The Spanish LEWIS SEIZES THE BARRIER FORTRESSES 369 Oovernour, the Duke of Bavaria, who had been won over to Chapter French interests, had promised to surrender these fortresses ' ' to the French troops. 1700. Lewis, accordingly, upon the death of Charles II., marched a French army into Spanish Flanders, and in the name of the King of Spain took possession, during one night, of Oudenarde, Ath, Ostend, Nieuport, Mons, Luxembourg, Charleroi and Namur, capturing the twenty- two Dutch battalions which garrisoned them. He refused to release these troops unless the States General acknow- ledged his grandson as Philip Y., King of Spain, and Holland was compelled, much against her will, to accept these terms in order to recover what then constituted the bulk of her national army. Upon this occasion Lewis did not display his customary forethought. Having resolved to accept the terms of the Spanish King's will, of which he was aware, he should have had an army waiting in French Flanders, not only to take possession of the frontier fortresses immediately upon the King's death, but ready also to march into Holland and occupy its provinces. On no account and on no terms should he have released, as he did, those twenty - two battalions, l)ut should have detained them as prisoners of war until all danger of hostilities was at an end. When he released them, William at once mobilized them for war, and they became the nucleus of 'the Dutch contingent of that Allied army which Marlborough so often led to victory. Popular feeling in favour of Holland was aroused in England and throughout Europe by this sudden aggres- sion of the French King. Even the most peace- loving Tory felt uneasy at the threatened attack upon Protestant Holland. Were Lewis allowed to remain in occupation of her frontier fortresses, her final absorp- tion b}- France would be a mere question of time. Holland was doomed if her Allies now deserted her, and it was fortunate for her that Orange William and not Catholic VOL. II. 49 370 MARLBOROUGH Chapter James Occupied the Throne of England. The latter would T V" "V V" T "V ' '_1I_ ■ have gladly left Holland to the mercy of Lewis XIV., 1700. whilst her welfare and independence was the first con- sideration with William. The support of the Emperor further strengthened the party in England, which now called loudly for war with France. William's policy was to gain time in order to arrange matters with his Tory House of Commons and obtain from it troops and money for the war which he saw to be inevitable. The States-General at his instigation demanded from France the restitution of Luxembourg, Namur, Charleroi, Euremonde, Mons, Yenloo, and other strong- frontier places. This delayed matters, and enabled William to complete his preparations by land and sea. Meanwhile, the Lower House had been doing its utmost to insult and irritate the King, and William finally dis- fj} 12, 1700. solved Parliament in December. He summoned another for the following Februaiy, and resolved to get rid of those Whigs who had shown themselves as unable to shield him from insult as the}' were incapable of carrying on the Government. The outrageous behaviour of members during the recent session had tended to bring the House of Commons into contempt, and had generally discredited it in public estimation. Discontent was general ; the Triennial Act kept the country in a constant state of political ferment, whilst William's personal unpopularity told against the party that had placed him on the Throne. He was painfully aware of this, and felt that his power and influence in England were on the wane. The harvests for several years in succession had been bad ; trade was depressed, and every interest affected.* The Church, tilled with resentment at the Toleration Act, once more found it convenient to remember that James was the Lord's anointed. Scotland resented the abandon- * Lecky's ' England in the Eighteenth Century.' The price of the threepenny loaf rose to ninepence, and in the previous year there had been some serious bread riots. WILLIAM DISMISSES THE WHIGS 37I ment of the Darien colonists. The landed frentry and the Chai-tei: TXXXI\' merchants were all grumbling at the pressure of taxation ^' 1_L_ wliich William's war policy necessitated. The Court was ^'^'^'^• dull, and unlike anything to which the English aristocracy had l)een previously accustomed. With a new House of Commons, William thought a change of Ministers advisable. Lord Chancellor Somers had been dismissed in April, and |i 4, 1700. Sir Nathan Wright appointed in his place. Lawrence, Earl of Rochester was now made Prime Minister, and, for the sake of the emoluments of the offtce, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland also. l* 12, 1700. Marlborough endeavoured to obtain for his friend Godol- phin the post of Lord Privy Seal, but the King destined him for the less exalted but more important jjosition of First Lord of the Treasury, where his financial abilit}- found vrr 12, 1700. useful scope.* Under these conditions began that great and eventful war in which, for the space of ten 3-ears, Marlborough raised England to the highest summit of national glory, and humbled to the dust both France and her arrogant ruler. * Letter from Mr. Vernon to the Duke of Shrewsbury, r.fj 7, 1700 : Spencer House Papers. [ 372 ] CHAPTEK LXXXY, MR. EGBERT HARLEY. Harley made Speaker — His gratitude to and admiration of Marl- borough — His birth and character. /xx^xv William's new Parliament met in February, after an electioneering struggle of more than usual bitterness 10^-^^170" between the Whig and Tory factions. There was a Tory majority, but the Duke of Gloucester's death had awakened the apijrehension of the nation with regard to the Pro- testant succession, and the irreconcilable Jacobites were in consequence less numerous than they had been in the previous House of Commons. The rival parties in the House of Commons at once joined issue over the election of a Speaker, and the dis- cussion ended in the nomination of the Toiy candidate, Mr. E. Harley. This false friend and unscrupulous politician, who was distantly connected with the Jennings family, had early become known to the Marlboroughs, and had lived with them for years on terms of close intimacy. There is little doubt that Marlborough's influence with the Tories was used in favour of Harley's candidature for the Speakership ; and that Harley owed much of his subsequent success in public life to kindly help from the same quarter is evident from the tone of his early letters to the Marl- boroughs, which are full of expressions of profound gratitude, such as a protnje might address to his patron. Yet no man exercised a more baneful influence over Marlborough's ROBERT HARLEY 373 fate. No burning love of country inspired Mr. Harley's Chaptek policy, and his aims, like those of his great literary ^^_L supporter. Swift, were purely personal. Wanting in ^^^^• principle, but reserved and solemn in manner, he had none of the earnestness, faith, honesty or unselfishness of the true patriot. He was above all things a party politician, l)ut lacked even the conventional party loyalty usually dis- played by the more upright and respectal)le of that trade. He belonged to no party, had no principles, and was Whig or Tory as best suited what he thought to be his own interests. As he said in a letter to Godolphin in 1706, ' I have no inclination to any party : I have no obligation to any party : I have no antipathy to any party.' Like Swift, he began political life in the Whig camp, and he joined the Tory party because the Whigs would not promote him to high otlice. To further his own aims he would accept the alliance of men whom he had but lately de- nounced as criminals, or would sacrifice the friend who had helped him to power. The superlative treachery of this Parliamentary 'trickster,' and his unrivalled insincerity and duplicit}^ must always be a by-word amongst us.* At the time of Lord Blandford's death Harley wrote to Marlborough : ' Be pleased to consider that the nation are your children, the publick needs all your care, how little soever it may deserve it ;'-f- and the rest of the letter is couched in terms of fulsome flattery. Even when plotting to undermine Marlborough's influence with the AMiigs, he assured the Duchess of his imperishable admiration for her great husband. When he congratulated her upon ' the • advantage the public receives from this great and glorious victory of Schellenberg,' he says that he had an especial cause for joy, because of 'the hand that wrought it'; ' when the Duke of Marlborough is the author, when our deliverance, I may call it, is owing to his courage and his conduct,' 'I cannot but receive an additional pleasure, that * He was commonly called ' the Trickster ' by the "^ATiigs. t ' The Conduct,' p. 172. 374 MARLBOROUGH Chapteu it is done by my lord Duke.'* In his letter to the Duke T XXXV ^ ■ after the victory at Eamillies, he said every good English- ^"01- man cannot 'but be sensibly touched with the danger all were in by the hazard your grace exposed your own person to ; that deliverance enhances the value of the victory, considering how dear it had like to have cost us : heaven itself hath preserved that precious life, and would not suffer us to lose your grace, who was born for the delivery of your own country, and the rescue of so many others from tyranny and oppression. Your grace does not only triumph over the publick enemies, by teaching us how to conquer abroad, but you deliver us from ourselves, and rescue us from that tj^ranny which each party here would exercise upon one another : you have again disarmed malice, and though your glorious actions will increase envy, yet the lustre of what you have done will deliver it, and con- sequently render it impotent. 't In the same year he said in a note to the Duchess : ' I have been so often provoked to see so much publick and private ingratitude exercised towards the Duke.' And the following year he wrote : ' I beg leave to assure you that I serve you by inclination and principle, and a very little time will make that manifest as well as that I have no views or aims of my own.' + One of the most generous traits in Marlborough's char- acter was his reluctance to believe evil of those whom he called his friends. He was strangely unsuspicious of men whom, like Harley, he had helped into positions which they subsequently used as vantage grounds when they ■ thought it in their interest to do him injury. It was long before he could bring himself to believe in Harley's villainy, though Sarah, with that feminine instinct always keener and more discerning than a man's reasoning power, suspected and distrusted him from the first. She was strongly opposed to his being given office b}^ Marlborough and Godol[)hin early in Anne's reign. This is one of the many proofs of Sarah's natural sagacity, and of her in- * ' Tlio Condiu't,' p. 192. f ^'■"■'^•- P- 19^5. + Ibid., p. 199. ROBERT HARLEY 375 tuitive power to reiid the hearts of men and judge their real Chapter character and disposition. She was fond of flattery and ' servile attentions; but though Harley left no means un- ^'Oi- tried in his endeavours to ingratiate himself with her, he failed utterly. It was not until the latter half of Anne's reign that he fully realized the futility of his efforts and became for life an open and l>itter foe to her and her husband. Harley's fellow-conspirator, the dissolute Bolingbroke, described him as ' a man of whom nature meant to make a spy, or at most a captain of miners : and whom fortune, in one of her whimsical moods, made a General.'* Sluggish in thought and taciturn in manner, he was one of those who acquire a reputation for wisdom by looking wise in silence. The son of a staunch Presbyterian, he was brought up as a Nonconformist and a Whig, and when he became a Tory and joined the Church party, he never entirely lost touch with the Dissenters, or ceased to cultivate their good- will. In this way he managed to retain their support throughout his career. Having joined those w^ho were opposed to the Court on ever}- point, he was thrown into the society of the County or Tory party, who hated the Eevolution principles as opposed to God's ordinances. This explains how it was that a Dissenter, the son of a Crom- wellian Puritan, came to side with Tories and High Churchmen, with whom he had no affinity beyond a common enmity to a Whig Court which would give him nothmg. He was generally regarded as a moral man, for he neither gambled nor frequented the cockpit or the race- course as did most of his contemporaries, though like them he indulged in the bottle. As a statesman he was con- temptible ; but no public man of his time could rival him in knowledge of the rules and customs of the House of Commons, and though indolent, he was unequalled as a Parliamentary tactician. Dull, tedious and hesitating in his public utterances, even his great panegyrist complains * Letter from Bolingbroke to Swift, of March 17, 1719, X.S. 376 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek of his irresolute character and unbusinessHke hal)its. ^_1 ■ Having by successful intrigues destroyed the reputation of 1"*^^- the greatest man of the time, he was in his turn disgraced through the scheming of his own colleague, Bolingbroke, and his life ended in complete failure. Queen Anne alleged, as the reason for his dismissal from office in 1714, that ' he neglected all business : was seldom to be under- stood, and that when he did explain himself, she could not depend upon the truth of what he said : that he never came to her at the time she appointed, and that he often came drunk.' And this was the creature who had but a few 3'ears before persuaded the weak and foolish Queen to dismiss from her service the only really great man in it ; the one man who made her reign famous, and who by the brilliancy of his renown contrived to surround her common- place person with an imperishable aureole of light. [ ill ] CHAPTER LXXXYI THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT, The Marlborouglis induce Anne to accept it — Jacobite correspondence intercepted — Acquittal of the Whig Peers wlio advised the Par- tition Treaties — WiUiani's health failing — The House of Commons against a war with France — The Dvitch claim England's protection against France — Eventually the Tories, out of deference to public opinion, favour the war with France, and vote liberal supplies. Since 1696 Jacobite intrigue had been in a languishing Chapter condition. James, more scrupulous than ever in the per- L ' formance of his religious duties, became at the same time I70i. more obstinate in the assertion of his hereditary rights, and when Lewis would have persuaded him to renounce his claim to the English Throne in favour of his son, he declined emphatically to entertain the proposal. If we are to believe the Jacobite agents of the time, Marlborough was again apj)roached this year, and again declared his wish to further the restoration of James.* In the letters of the Jacobite agents, he is referred to under the feigned names of Gourny, Arms worth, and ' The Law^^er.' But now that he was reinstated in Eoj^al favour, he was not likely to do more for James than when he was still smartmg under disgrace and imprisonment. William was in very bad health, and his death would be followed by the accession of Anne, an event which would be most advantageous to the Marlborouglis. If it were necessary to demonstrate still more conclusively the utter hollowness * Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i., p. 588. 378 MARLBOROUGH Chapter of Marlboro Lieli's protestations to -James, it could not be ^1 ■ done more effectually than by referring to the corre- ^^^^- spondence of the time, in which James's agents dwell upon Marlborough's fidelity to their hopeless cause. For the immediate prospect of Anne's accession rendered un- necessary on his part any further profession of loyalty to her father. The Tories would accept her as a Stewart, and there would be no difficulty in retaining her upon the Throne to which she would naturally succeed in lieu of her father and brother, l^oth disqualified by their religion. The Tories had a majority in Parliament, and the Whigs were divided, for William's unpopularity had gone far towards disintegrating that strong national party to which he owed his Throne. It was no longer the determined and progressive party which it had been in 1688, and whilst the remembrance of James's misdeeds had in a great measure passed from the minds of the people, the popular enthusiasm in favour of the principles of the Revolution had also disappeared. Anne was not averse from becoming Queen to the temporary exclusion of her father and half-brother, for the Crown had many attractions for her, in the contemplation of which she forgot, or at least ignored, her father's rights. Nevertheless, her dull mind was distracted by the conflicting claims of her religion, her father, and her country, and for a brief space she hesitated. But the love of personal aggrandisement finalty triumphed, and she decided to make a compromise with her conscience by accepting the Throne for her lifetime, and by naming her father or his son to succeed her. When she asked her father to sanction some such arrangement, he replied by cursing her if she ever presumed to wear the Crown during his life or that of her brother. Upon this question of succession, and up to the time of the final settlement of the Crown upon the House of Hanover, Lady Marlborough and her husband wei'e the constant advisers of the Princess Anne, who took no step THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT 379 without their approval. The}' naturally wished her to be Chai'tkk Queen, and exerted their influence to induce her to accept ^ 1 the Throne on King "William's terms with regard to the ''^^• Hanoverian succession. The new Parliament found itself called upon to face the question of the Succession to the Crown, and the further question of a war with France in defence of Holland. In the speech with which William opened the session, he i1 -• ^''^l- dwelt upon the death of the Duke of Gloucester, and the consequent necessity of providing for the succession in the Protestant line at his own death, and in the event of the Princess Anne dying without issue. He found the Tories too strong to allow of his carrying out his wishes without Anne's assistance. Sarah had never forgiven "William for his treatment of her husband, and in revenge used her influence with the Princess to deprive him of the support he looked for from her. But the threat that he would make over the succession to the Pretender if this line of conduct were persisted in soon induced a change, for Sarah knew that, were the Pretender to succeed to the Throne, her plans would be frustrated. The result was the passing of the Act of Settlement, which provided that i^-^ ^' ^''^^■ after the demise of the King and of the Princess the Crown should pass to Sophia, Dowager Duchess of Hanover, and her heirs — being Protestants — for ever. "William now laid before Parliament his views upon the European situation, showing how the ' balance of power ' — an old expression which now came into common use — had been affected b}- the accession of a Bourbon prmce to the throne of Spain. He dwelt upon the necessity of maintaining that ' balance of power,' and enlarged upon the danger to which the peace and liberty of Europe would be exposed were France allov.ed to absorb Holland as well as the Netherlands. He pointed out that the future of European freedom, progress, and civilization would greatly depend upon the way in which they treated this question. William had already, in February, com- ^i^ 2, 1 701. 380 MARLBOROUGH Chapter muiiicated to Parliament the contents of an intercepted Lxxxvi. ^^^^^^. ^^.^^^^ j^^^.^i Melfort to his hrother the Duke of Perth, 1701. descrihing the great preparations for war which were being carried on in France, and adding that the chief hope for the restoration of James lay not only in the defenceless and unprepared state of England, but also in the delay which the long and useless discussions in Parliament would entail. The contents of this letter had a great effect upon public opinion, for, though easily misled by self-seeking politicians in times of national tranc^uillity, the English people are apt to become suspicious of wire-pullers when rumours of war are in the air. The Tory party would not yet recognise the danger of which their astute soldier-King warned them. Man}' amongst them ardently desired the return of James, and did not therefore wish to engage in war with Lewis XI Y., by whose assistance the restoration of James could alone be effected. To prevent, therefore, all serious considera- tion of the danger which threatened Holland and the Protestant cause, the Tory party resolved to impeach Portland and several other Whig members of the late Ministry for the part they had taken in the last ' Partition Treaty.' This move was not only unpatriotic, but preju- dicial to their own interests, suspected as they were of seek- ing to bring about the restoration of a Pioman Catholic King. When popular excitement about the impeachment was at its highest, Portland obtained the King's permission to explain to the House of Lords the part he had taken in the making of the treaty. He said that he was only one of seven Ministers who were concerned in the business, Marlborough being one of them, a declaration which led to explanations from those he had named as to the share each had had in the transaction. They said that Lord Jersey called them together in the King's name and read the treaty to them. On objections being raised to some of its clauses, they were told — apparently by Lord Portland — that the King had done his best, and could IMPEACHMENT OF WHIG PEERS 381 obtain no better terms ; upon which one of the Ministers Chapter replied that, if nothing coukl be altered, why bring them "^^ together ? I70i. The party nature of this impeachment was clearly shown by the fact that there was no intention of pro- ceeding against Marlborough and the other Tory Lords concerned. In the end, the accused Whig peers were honourably acquitted, a result which raised a storm of indignation amongst the Tories in the House of Commons, the Tory peers joining in the cry. Protests, in which Marlborough joined, were recorded in the Upper House, condemning the accused members in terms of such violence that they were subsequently expunged from the journals. This is perhaps the only instance in which Marlborough, still a Tory at heart, allowed his party feelmgs to over- master his habitual moderation, love of justice, and sense of what w^as for the true interest of England and the Pro- testant faith. He was fully aware that William had designed the ' Treaty of Partition ' to save Europe from the war which threatened to follow the death of the Spanish King, and that it promised a peaceful settlement of the many claims that would be raised when that childless and heirless monarch should pass away. Marlborough was, moreover, fulh' impressed with the necessity for curbing the ambition of the French Kmg, by providing definitively for the protection and independence of Holland. It was no mere error of judgment, as some suppose, for Marl- borough was too wise and too far-seeing to make an}^ such mistake. All that can be said in his defence is, that for the moment he suffered the baleful spirit of party, the ignoble allegiance which political supporters 3'ield to their leaders, to outweigh his sense of what he knew in his heart to be best for the interests of his country-. His conduct is the more inexplicable, because, although he hated and despised Portland, several of the other accused Whig peers were his personal friends, and, further, because he was at the time anxious to stand well with William, 382 MARLBOROUGH Chapter from whom he was daily hoping to ohtain high mihtary LXXXVI. 1 command. 170]. William now began to feel that his heahh was seriously failing. Harassed b}^ the unpatriotic conduct of the House of Commons — many of whose members he knew to be in the pay of the French King — he began almost to despair of his adopted country. The universal dominion for which Lewis had striven all his life seemed near its accomplish- ment. The Dutch, in self-defence, had been compelled to acknowledge the Bourbon Prince Philip as King of Spain. The military and naval resources of France and Spain were to all appearances permanently at Lewis's command. But frail as William's body might be, a fiery, unconquerable spirit yet burned within him. He had never desponded in the darkest days of Holland's history, when he was but a young and inexperienced Stadtholder ; and he would not do so now that he was King of England, commanding the resources of both countries, skilled in the expedients of state- craft, and ripe in his knowledge of men. To increase the bitterness of his cup, these Tories, whom he had so lately favoured and trusted, compelled him to acknowledge the Duke of Anjou as Philip V. of Spain. ' With great joy we avail ourselves of this opportunity,' William said to him in a letter, ' not only to congratulate your Majesty upon your happy accession to the Spanish throne, but also to mark especially the esteem in which we hold Your Majesty.' Well may the French chronicler have added as a note to this letter : ' Quelle joie que celle de Guillaume !' il-f. i/'Oy. Oi^ ^he last day of March William informed Parliament of the straits to which Holland was reduced, and of the fact that her existence as an independent State was threatened by France, adding that the Dutch were pressing for the twenty ships of war and the 10,000 troops with which England was bound to help them under the treaty of March 3, 1677. The Commons returned a cold and studied answer, to the effect that they hoped the King would act in concert with Holland, and that he might rest assured THE ENGLISH IGNORANT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 383 the}' would give effect to their treat}- ohb'gations. This was CHArTEu meant as an intimation that they would not countenance his "'" ' entering into any general European confederacy to resist I70i. France. A large party still felt that our interests in Holland were too indirect to warrant our embarking in a land war on her behalf. So much so, that about this time. ' Damn the Dutch!' became a common saying.* The House of Lords, with a keener appreciation of the position and with more public spirit, counselled the forma- tion of an offensive and defensive league with the Emperor and the other Sovereigns who were in favour of a com- plete separation between the French and Spanish Crowns. But William, the astute and experienced statesman, knew that it Avas only by a renewal of the ' Grand Alliance ' France could be prevented from dominating Europe. But he had to do with a bodj' of narrow-minded and Jealous politicians, who, though not at heart unpatriotic, were mcapable, from a habitual attention to matters of exclu- sively party and local interest, of grasping the full importance of those external affairs which carried with them weal or woe, not only to England, but to the cause of liberty and civilization. Throughout his reign William had chafed under the obligation imposed upon him by the Constitution, of submitting, in all matters of Foreign Policy, to the churchwarden - like views of his short- sighted Ministers, or, as they would have put it, to ' the will of the people.' But his phlegmatic Dutch tempera- ment served him well and enabled him to wait with patience. 'It is,' he wrote to the Grand Pensionary, 'the utmost mortification to me in this important affair, that I cannot act with the vigour which is requisite, and set a good example ; but the Eepublic must do it, and I will engage people here by a prudent conduct by degrees, and without their perceiving it. If I followed my own inclina- tion and oj^inion, I should have sent to all coasts, to incite them to vigour ; but it is not becoming, as I cannot set * Defoe. 384 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek a good example, and I fear dome; more harm than good ; ^1^ ' not being able to play any other game with these people, i''^^- than engaging them imperceptibly.'* This quotation de- scribes in his own words the prudent but staying policy which he had long deliberately followed in his dealings with Parliament. Since his day Ministers have, upon more than one notable occasion, allowed themselves to drift into war either from incapacity or irresolution. William, however, had fully made up his mind as to what was the only true foreign policy for England, and deliberately allowed his people to ' drift ' into war, ' engaging them imperceptibly,' and ' without their perceiving it.' Such was the only course by which he could save civil and religious liberty both in England and in Europe from the crushing power of Lewis XIV. Early in May the King informed Parliament that Lewis XIV. had made overtures to the States General with a view to tempt them to enter into independent negotiations, but that the proposal had been rejected ' because they (the Dutch) deemed the interests of Holland and England to be inseparable.' The Dutch now pressed upon William, and he in his turn on Parliament, that Lewis ' had placed French garrisons in all the Spanish cities in the Netherlands,' and had collected armies with great siege- trains upon the frontier of Holland. ' A peace,' they added, ' in such circumstances, was worse to them than a state of war.' In a word, they declared their position to be so desperate that they had at last broken down their dykes and submerged the country. They could now look only to the sea and to England to protect their liberties and religion. Before the session closed the Tories had made their cause unpopular. Their personal abuse of the King in the House of Commons, their violent opposition to the measures he had at heart for the defence of European liberty, and their open obstruction to the progress of public business, laid * Hiirdwick Collections, vol. ii., p. 394. LEWIS BRIBES MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 385 them open to an accusation of promoting the Jacobite and Chaptek Roman Cathohc interests, and of furthering the ambitions L of Lewis XIV. Some of the opposition shown by the House ^^oi. of Commons to WiUiam's poUcy and proposals had doubt- less its origin in bribes cleverly administered by the French Ambassador. Lewis was seekmg to engage William at home in quarrels with his Parliament, so that he should be power- less abroad to hinder the realization of French aspirations. It was notorious that French gold had lately been freely ex- pended in England in furtherance of French interests, and suspicion fell upon the Tories. Their disregard of the appeals for help made by Protestant Holland to Protestant England had raised a strong feeling against them. All, therefore, who believed in the necessity of maintaining the Pieformed Faith, felt how closely the cause of Protestantism was interwoven with the independence of Holland. The Tories saw their mistake before it was too late, and brought a stormy session to a close with a resolution passed nem. ron. to 'effectively assist His Majesty to support his Allies in maintaining the liberty of Europe.' They even voted liberal supplies to enable him to thwart the French King in his designs upon Holland and the Low Country. William thereupon prorogued Parliament, and determined in his -i, •>. i^'Ol- own mind to dissolve it, and employ his old friends, the Whigs. At the same time orders were issued for the •despatch to Holland of the 10,000 troops with which England was bound by treaty to supply the Dutch in time of need.* * Twelve battalions went from Ireland : ten embarked at Cork, and two at Carrickfergus. They were, two of the Eoyal Scots, and one from each of the foUowmg regiments : the Leicester, Norfolk, South Wales Borderers, Liverpool, East York, Royal Irish, Somerset Light Infantry, Lincoln, Royal Welsh, and the Bedford regiments. ¥0L. II. [ 386 ] CHAPTEE LXXXVII. MARLI50R0UGH APPOINTED TO COMMAND THE ARMY IN FLANDERS. William, feeling he has not the health or strength to command the Army in Flanders, appoints Marlborough to do so, and to be his Minister Plenipotentiary. Chapter ALTHOUGH William was Only in his fiftj^'-first year, he had _^ ■ for some time suffered from internal ailments, and the cares i^'Oi- and anxieties of his eventful life had already told upon his frail constitution. His mind was as clear and his will as determined as ever, but his body was well-nigh worn out. He did his best to conceal the real state of his health from the outer world, lest the truth might deter foreign Powers from joining in that coalition against Lewis XIV. of which he was the animating spirit. But even when in his heart he knew that he had but a short time to live, and increas- ing weakness warned him that he could never again take the field, his first thought was still of Holland and her welfare. Since the transfer of the Spanish Empire to the Bourbon prince had added fresh strength and vitalit}^ to the long-cherished aspirations of the French King, William felt that a general combination of Powers against Lewis XIV. was more than ever necessary. It was of the first consequence to him that the command of the arm}^ in Flanders should be in the hands of one strong enough to maintain, even after his death, the co- operation of England in this war. But whom should he MARLBOROUGH MADE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 387 select for this all-important position ? A long series of Chapter campaigns had enahled him to appraise the military Ll_ talents of his Generals, and to estimate their respective ^'^*^'- cai)abilities. For this war something more than a mere gallant leader was required, and William's knowledge of English character and of our insular ^^rejudice agamst the employment of foreigners told him, that his choice must fall on an Englishman ; at the same time, the nature of the duties that would devolve upon him made it essential that he should be a man capable of influencing public oj^inion, and of ruling the future Queen. By no other means could he hope to secure continuity of policy after he was gone. Two English Generals only could be named as possible leaders in the coming war : the Duke of Ormond and the Earl of Marlborough. Ormond was the greatest peer in Ireland, possessed of immense estates, able and experienced in public affairs, but as a soldier he preferred the pageantry of war to the hard work and rude realities of the tield. As became the head of a great and ancient famil}', he was proud of his position in the world, generous in public life, and far more generally popular than Marlborough, who hated display, especially if it cost him money. Ormond, who had been a soldier from infancy, looked upon the command of the English army in Holland as his almost by right, and was sorely disappointed when it was given to Marlborough — a man of small means and without hereditary position in the country;* and these feelings were shared by many leading pul)lic men, who seemed to think it more important that the General Commanding should be a personage of rank and high social position than one emmently qualified as a soldier. The cruel folly of such a view was afterwards proved in the campaign of 1708 in the Netherlands, when the Duke of Burgundy was given power to interfere with Marshal Yendome, who commanded the army m the field, because of his rank as a Prmce of "* See letter of 9, 6, 1701, from Vernon to the Duke of Shrewsbm-y, vol. iii., p. 146, of 'Letters in Eeign of AVilliam.' by G. P. E. -Tames. 388 MARLBOROUGH Chapter the blood : Oudeiiarde was the result. But WilHam knew LXXXVII * ■ too much of war, and was too wise to make such a mistake, 1701. and m his choice between the two rivals — the man of rank and the soldier of genius — he never hesitated. As long as health and strength permitted him to take the field himself, he never cared to have about him Generals of first-rate ability, for, like many celebrated leaders, he was content to surround himself with subordinates of very ordinary talents. But now that he must surrender the command to another, he "was determined to select the best man in his kingdom, and undoubtedly that man was Marlborough. He knew him to be not only an able General, but also the ablest of diplo- matists, and the only Englishman who exercised a sufficiently powerful and directing influence over the Princess Anne. William's great desire was to make certain that the war should be continued with vigour after his death, and knowing Marl- borough's ambitious nature, he felt confident that he could depend upon him to prosecute a war from which he might reasonably expect to reap both fame and fortune. Jj 6, 1701, A few weeks after Marlborough's appointment to this command, he was further made Ambassador Extraordinary ¥-f. 1701. and Plenipotentiary to the States of Holland, for William knew from personal experience how essential it is for the Commander-in-Chief in the field to be armed with full diplomatic powers. History, in which he was deeply read, had taught him that the world's greatest commanders had been skilful diplomatists, and that, in fact, it is difficult to dissociate the two callings in the field, and impossible to do so without injury, if not danger to the State. Marlborough's commission as Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's Forces in Holland empowered him to make regulations and ordi- nances for the better government of the troops, and to punish by court-martial all who transgressed them. He might also grant commissions to officers as vacancies occurred — a jmvilege which was a fruitful means of money-making in those days. The renewal of the ' Grand Alliance ' was to l)e his first aim, and he was authorized to enter into HE RENEWS THE GRAND ALLIANCE 389 negotiations with that obiect in view. His instructions Chaptkr LiXXXVII bade him demand the withdrawal of French troops from ^ 1 the towns of the Spanish Netherlands, the surrender of ^'^^• Newport and Ostend to English keeping, and of Luxem- bourg, Namur and Mons to that of the States-General. It is a remarkable fact in this great English soldier's life that he should have been selected for these high duties by the stern and hostile William, rather than by the friendly Anne. He was singled out to command the Dutch and English armies by a Sovereign who had never liked him, who had imprisoned him without trial, who was jealous of his military reputation amongst the English people, and who had strongly resented his open condemnation of the preference long shown to Dutch favourites about the Court. To be sent abroad as Ambassador Extraordinary was, in those days, a lucrative, as well as an honourable, employ- ment, and amongst the customary perquisites of the office was a large quantity of plate. Marlborough's brother-in- law, Colonel Godfrey, the ' Master of His Majesty's Jewell house,' was ordered to provide him with ' the Quantity of ffive thousand eight hundred ninty three ounces of white platte, and one thousand sixty six ounces of Gilt platte ¥ ?> i"Ol. which w^as the allowance heretofore given on ye like occa- sion,' etc.* He was given .4*1.500 'for his equipage,' and 4100 * the weake for his Ordinary Entertainment, to com- mence from the day of his departure out of and to continue until the day of his returning into His Majesties presence inclusive,' etc.-f Permission was given him to spend what sums he thought necessary on secret service. * Lord Chaniberlaiii's Records. In the accounts of the plate dehvered ont of the Jewel House and not returned between August 10, 1696, and March 25, 1702, 7,396 ounces of white plate, which cost 4;2,465 6s. 8d., were issued to Marlborough. f Docket Books, Privy Seal, m Pubhc Record Office. [ 390 ] CHAPTER LXXXVIII. MARLBOROUGH NEGOTIATES THE SECOND ' GRAND ALLIANCE.' Marlborough goes to Holland with "William — Marlborough's able diplomacy — The position of Eiu'opean Powers — Tory sentiment opposed to war — Marlborough's Convention with Charles XII. — Sarah joins her husband in Holland — His indefatigable industry, and the difficulties he had to contend with — The terms of the ' Second Grand x\lliance ' — The denoinhrcment arranged — The press-gang and the desertion it led to. Chapter When Lord Mai'lborough embarked with the King at ■ Margate on the anniversary of the battle of the Boyne, he 1701. entered upon the war that was to render his name immortal. Promotion came to him late in life, for he was already in his fifty-second year, and except dm-ing his expedition to jJa 7, 1701. Ireland, eleven summers before, he had never held inde- pendent command or high office. It must have been evident to Marlborough that William could not last long, and that upon his death the sovereign power would virtu- ally devolve upon Anne's favourite, Sarah, and through her upon himself. Already he saw honours, fame, and wealth within his grasp. Confident in his own power, after long waiting upon fortune, he at last saw an oppor- tunity for showing his military and diplomatic ability. William, on his part, did all he could to associate Marl- borough with the Allies upon whom he counted in the coming struggle. They were all aware that upon William's death the General and Plenipotentiary would be all-powerful in England through his influence over Anne, and that RENEWAL OF THE GRAND ALLIANCE 391 negotiations entered into with him would not fall to the Chai'tkh • liXXXV 111. ground by the change of English Sovereigns. Having reached the Hague after a short voyage of two ^'^'• days, our new Commander-in-Chief took up his residence A '. i^'Oi- in the town mansion of Prince Maurice, which was near the King's palace. It had been placed at his disposal by the States- General to mark their esteem for one who held so high a place in his Majest3''s councils, and there he received visits from all the foreign Ministers at the Dutch Court, and entertained with great state all whom he wished to influence in his negotiations. As usual, the King was received most warmly by all classes of his countrymen. The day after his arrival he went to the Assembly of the States-General, and delivered an able, patriotic, and touch- ing address, in which he deplored the unfortunate turn which affairs had taken, to the permanent danger of the land he loved, and to the general peace of Europe. He congratulated them upon their wise promptitude in the adojition of defensive measures, and he reassured them by stating that unless Holland could obtain from France a sufficient guarantee for her integrity as a State, they might count upon the support of England. Fruitless and futile communications passed between William and Lewis. Neither had any intention of giving way, but at the same time neither wished to strike the first blow. To the Allies time was everything ; for, as usual, England was unready, and the unmilitary Dutch were not yet prepared for hostilities on shore. Both sides pushed on their warlike preparations ; the French busy in completing their Imes from the Mouse to the Scheldt, near Antwerp, and thence to Ostend, whilst the Dutch were strengthening Nimeguen and other places on their threatened frontiers. Marlborough, one of the most successful diplomatists who has ever represented England in the councils of Europe, now applied all his energies to effect a renewal of the celebrated ' Grand ' or ' Triple Alliance ' between the States-General of Holland, the Emperor and England. Lewis endeavoured 392 MARLBOROUGH Chapter to thwart him by pretending to wish for peace, and ' ■ succeeded in bringing the Dutch to beheve in the assurance 1701. of his friendly feeUngs towards them. The Pensionary Heinsius, deceived by these professions, tried to persuade Marlborough that Lewis would in the end do all that was demanded of him sooner than embark in a war with the three Powers. Lewis, however, had no such intention, as he knew his position at the time to be specially strong. He had secured France and Spain from invasion by treaties with Portugal and Savoy, and thanks to the recognition of his grandson as King of Spain, which he had obtained from the duchy of Milan and the Two Sicilies, he could at any moment invade the Austrian provinces of Lombardy from Mantua and the neighbouring fortresses. The condition of Europe also favoured his projects. The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne had become his firm allies, whilst the military strength of the German princes hostile to France had been weakened by the religious feuds to which the Pieformation had given birth, by civil strife, and by a desire for political freedom which the French King took care to foster. Under these influences many of the German princes had, in self-defence, gladly allied themselves with France. Besides, they were angry with the Emperor, who had excited amongst them a strong and bitter feeling of jealousy by raising Brandenburg into a kingdom, and Hanover into an electorate. Once more the Turks threatened the frontiers of the empire, and rebellion was imminent in Hungary. Nevertheless, the Emperor was so personally and directly interested in opposing the French claims to the Spanish Crown that he had already sent an Imperial army under Prince Eugene across the Trentine Alps to the frontiers of Lombardy. But it was no easy matter to deal with him, on account of his exaggerated pretensions to the Spanish Crown. William's great scheme was the renewal of the ' Grand Alliance,' that strong and effective Coalition between Holland, England, and the Empire, as principals, whilst CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN 393 the smaller German kiiij^rdoms and electorates were invited Chapter liXXXVIII to join it against their common enemy, France, but without " H_ having any voice in the direction of its main lines of policy. ''^i- The respective interests of Holland and the Empire were, however, so conflicting, that it re(iuired all ^Marlborough's skill to reconcile their inordinate demands with the insular policy of the Tory Ministry. Writing to Godolphin, after his first conference with Heinsius and the Imperial delegates, Marlborough says : ' A great deal of time was spent in the t2 ''. 1701. Emperor's Ministers complaining of the Treaty of Partition, and when we came to the business for which we met, they would have the foundation of the treaty to be for lessening the power of France, and assisting the Emperor in his just rights to the Monarchy of Spain. But the Pensionary would not consent to anything further than that the Emperor ought to be satisfied with having Flanders, which would be a security to the Dutch ; and ]\[ilan as a fief of the Empire. After four hours' wrangling, the two envoys went av;ay ; and then I endeavoured to let the Pensionary see that no treaty of this kind would be acceptable in England, if there were not care taken of the Mediterranean and the West Indies. When I gave the King an account, he was of ni}' mind, so that the Pensionary has promised to use his endeavours with the town of Amsterdam ; for they are unwilling to consent to anything more than Flanders and Milan.' Sweden was then ruled by the eccentric young hero Charles XII. He owed William much, for, as already described, it was the co-operation of the English and Dutch fleets m his favour the year before that had saved his kingdom from destruction. The growing preponderance of France in Europe began to excite the apprehensions of this young soldier-King, and the military reputation won for Lewis XIV. by able Generals to rouse his jealousy. That wily monarch, already sensible of how formidable this new force in the North might become, did all he could by flattery cunningly lavished upon Charles, and gold freely 394 MARLBOROUGH Chapter bestowed upon his Ministers, to win Sweden to the side of ' * France. B3' treaty we had bound ourselves under certain ^^^^- stipuhxted circumstances to furnish Charles XIL with a contingent of troops and ships ; but we had also agreed with the Kmg of Denmark that for certain considerations he would assist us with a Danish contingent of 3,000 Horse, 1,000 Dragoons, and 8,000 Foot ; and there was always the possibility that Charles, by an attack upon Copenhagen, would disturb this arrangement. Marlborough, still a strong Tory at heart, had considerable influence with that party. But Tory sentiment was strongly opposed to all treaties and conventions which entailed war, immediate or prospective, upon England, and had consequently opposed and condemned the Partition Treaties of King William. The Tories neither could nor would share his views on foreign policy, or even discuss them logically and coolly, and they had from the first pressed him to recognise the Bourbon Prince as King of Spain. ' It grieves me to the soul,' he then wrote, ' that almost everyone rejoices that France has preferred the will to the treaty.'* But Marlborough rose superior to narrow party views. He knew as well as the King that by force alone could Lewis be kept out of Holland ; and that were the United Provinces and Flanders, with all their wealth and naval and military resources, absorbed by France, as it might be said Spain had been, not only would Protestantism and liberty be extinguished, but even England might be unable to hold her own. In commissioning Marlborough to negotiate the ' Grand Alliance ' against France, William looked to his influence with the Tory party to reconcile at least its leading members to his foreign policy. Anxious as Marlborough was to win the King's good opinion, he was too wise to commit himself to a treaty without first obtaining the sanction of those who exercised the sovereign power during the King's absence in Holland. The convention which he concluded with Charles XIL, in September, was the only exception he * Hard wick's State Papers, vol. ii., p. 396. SARAH yoiXS HER HUSBAXD IX HOLLAND 395 allowed himself, and he did so because he had to deal with Ghaptek . . ' ^ , ., , , LXXXVIII. a capricious despot whom it was necessary to coax and brmg to terms on the spur of the moment whenever the i'^^- opportunity offered. To await the confirmation of such an agreement from home would probably, in this instance, have put an end to the negotiation. The terms he obtained from Charles were, that Sweden ¥-to, l''Ol- was not to enter into alliance with France, in consideration of the payment by England of 200,000 crowns, and of her guarantee for the 300,000 more which Holland agreed to advance in lieu of the troops and ships which we were bound by treaty to furnish. Marlborough also negotiated, though he did not finally conclude, a treaty with the newly created King of Prussia, whose chief aims were to obtain the recognition of his l)rother sovereigns, and to secure a subsidy for his exhausted treasuiy. In the draft treaty subsequently approved b}^ the English Ministry, Prussia was to furnish a contingent of 5,000 men at once, and 20,000 additional soldiers later on. According to Marlborough's usual practice when separated from his wife, he wrote to her almost daily. Hitherto she had never accompanied him abroad, but upon this occasion, soon after his departure from home, she determined to join him in Holland. As will be seen from the following letter, he desired her to postpone doing so until he should be m a position to judge how his negotiations prospered. She did not, consequently, join him at the Hague before September. tV 9. I70i. ' Neermg, Aug. 1st, 1701. — I came on Wednesday night to Loo, and yesterday to this place, where I found the King ill of his knee. We all hope here it's the gout, and I think it is, but not m that violent degree that others have it. He is now better, and it is to be hoped he will not con- tinue long lame, for the King of France has recalled his ambassador from the Hague, so that now^ we shall quickly see if he will begm the war, which makes me with a good deal of uneasiness tell you that you must defer your kind thoughts of a journey to this country until I can let you 396 MARLBOROUGH Chapter know a little more certainly of how I shall be disposed of, LXXXVIII • • ^_1_ ■ for our actions now must be governed ])y what France will 1701. think fit to do. Where'er I am, it is impossible for any- body to love better than I do you. My next will be from the Hague, for I intend to be a-going thither upon Monday, from whence you shall be sure to hear from him that is for ever, — Yours. — Eemember me kindly to all the children, and let me know when Lady Spencer comes from Althorpe.' Marlborough was neither given to reading for amusement, nor was he a man of pleasure ; he hated writing letters, but a large correspondence on military as well as on diplomatic business kept him fully occupied at this time. With the Ministers at home, especially with his old friend Godolphin, he was in constant communication. His first great object was to carry them with him. He knew that although treaties might be ratified by the King, they would have no real validity unless approved by Parlia- ment. He also knew that the best, if not the only, method of securing this approval was in the first instance to win the Ministers over to his views. He was anxious to carry out William's foreign policy, because he believed in it, and felt it to be the best policy for England. But he wished to pursue it by English and not by Dutch methods. He understood, not only his Tory friends, but also the senti- ments and prejudices of his countrymen, which William was. never able to comprehend. He consequently resisted the King's proposals for more rapid and independent action, knowing that he would most probably mar the whole com- bination if he ventured upon any such policy. We read of his rapid movements to and from Loo, Dieren, Breda, and the Hague, now to review some newly-arrived body of troops, now to confer with men who could influence the Princes he desired to win over. He had to settle with the Dutch authorities where the British troops were to be quartered, and how they were to be fed. He had also to look after the discipline of the army. In fact, all the chief duties connected with the command and administration of OBJECTS OF 'SECOND GRAND ALLIANCE' 397 the troops, especially the British contingent, fell to his lot. Chapteh To reconcile the conflicting interests of the various States, t to allay the jealousies of their rulers, and to administer i^^^- tactfully and in due proportion both flattery and bribes, was no very easy task. None but those, like Marlborough, who have complete control over their tempers can ever hope to bring such complicated negotiations to a successful issue. It is comparatively easy to conclude a treaty with one Sovereign or State, but he had to deal with many Sovereigns and many States at one and the same time. Owing, however, to his skill in diplomacy, he generally won the day in that war of words wherein the only forces employed are the wit and sagacity of the plenipotentiary. Diplomacy was then conducted with far greater secrecy than is possible in these days, and in all foreign negotia- tions the personal qualities of the diplomatist had con- sequentl}" greater scope, and much more depended upon his ability, quickness and character, than at present. The treaty now commonly known as the ' Second Grand Alliance ' was partly drawn in the form of a series of pro- • posals, so that Lewis XIV. might, if he chose, become a party to it without loss of dignity. There was no secret about its provisions, for an abstract of them was published in the Paris Gazette. Its immediate objects were the maintenance of perpetual peace between the contracting parties and the preservation of the balance of power. It forbade the union of France and Spain, or even the transfer of the Spanish Crown to any member of the Bourbon family. Lewis was not to possess himself of any of the Transatlantic provinces of Spain. England and Holland pledged themselves to satisfy the Emperor in respect of his claims to the Spanish succession, and the Spanish provinces in Italy were to be secured to him. France was to surrender the Netherlands, with all its fortresses, as a barrier against French aggression upon Holland. The maritime Powers — England and Holland — were to retain all their conquests in Spanish India. In fact, the treaty, unless 398 MARLBOROUGH Chapter accepted bv France, meant little more than the alliance of LXXXVIII . " ■ the contracting parties against the boundless and unbear- ^''01- able ambition of Lewis XIV. If within two months from the signature of the treaty no satisfactory settlement were arrived at with him, the allies bound themselves to take the field. They promised to reconquer the Spanish posses- sions both in Italy and in the Netherlands, and to push the claims of the Archduke Charles to the Crown of Spain with all their united strength. At the same time Marlborough concluded a separate treaty of alliance between England and Holland, in which the mutual assistance guaranteed by former treaties was confirmed. It also provided that, in future, the merchants of both nations should have the same trading rights in the Spanish possessions. This, and the possession of a line of barrier fortresses by Holland, were to be guaranteed by a defensive alliance when peace should be made. He sub- mitted the draft to Godolphin for the consideration and approval of the Ministers, who made some trifling changes. ?f-f, 1701. Early in September, N.S., about a week before his wife's arrival, he succeeded in obtaining the signatures of the contracting parties to the main treaty. Considered in all its aspects, it was a compact of great importance to Europe, and especially to England, for it formed the basis of all his subsequent negotiations with foreign Powers during the great decade of our national glory in Queen Anne's reign. He reserved the final approval of England for the decision of the Lord Justices, and the clauses which dealt with money, troops and ships, for the sanction of the House of Commons. He was pressed by the Grand Pen- sionary, and even by King William himself, to settle this important point out of hand as the English representative ; but although no great stickler for constitutional checks upon the Pioyal authority, he knew too well the jealousy of Parliament in such matters to consent to do so. He refers to this point in the following extracts from his correspondence. Writing to Mr. Secretary Hedges in THE ' DENOMBREMENT ' 399 October, he says : ' I will let you know the method I could Chapter TjXXXVIII wish His Majesty would take, which is, very plainly to let '" ^ the Parliament know what the Emperor and the Dutch are I'^^i- to furnish : and at the same time to give his own opinions very frankly, and that, by the 24th November, our style, « which is the day the two months end, mentioned in the treaty, he is obliged to fix this denomhrement. I think by this method we shall have the Parliament on our side, and gain a greater number of men than the other way. Were I with you I would say a great deal on this subject : for I am so fully persuaded that, if the King should be pre- vailed upon to settle this by his own authority, we shall never see a quiet day more in England : and consequently not only ruin ourselves, but also undo the liberties of Europe : for if the King and Parliament begin with a dispute, France will give what laws she pleases. I am sure I would rather be buried alive than be the fatal instru- ment of such misfortunes.' Again, on the 21st, he wrote to Lord Godolphin : 'It is \'i 10, iTOi. very plain to me that the Pensioner continues his opinion, that I ought to finish the denomhrement before the meeting of Parliament ; but I have been so positive that he despairs of prevailing upon me ; but I am afraid he hopes the King may be able, when he comes to England, to persuade your- self and the Cabinet Council to it, so that I may have orders sent me, believing that I should then make no difficulty ; but I do assure you that I am so persuaded that the doing of this, by his Majesty's authority, would prove so fatal to himself and the kingdom, that I should desire to be recalled ; for, before God, I will die sooner than do so fatal a thing.' These were words of wise patriotism. They bespoke a man whose respect for the Constitution equalled the earnest- ness which he threw into the business entrusted to him by the King. Although his Tory prejudices still clung to him, it is evident from all he wrote, said and did at this time, that the "Whig theory of government, policy, and 400 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr aims were taking stronger possession of his mind, until " ^ ' they finally led to complete estrangement — which lasted 1701. throughout the following reign — between him and his old political friends. Every day he found that his Tory colleagues listened less to his advice, and that he was less able to induce them to adopt the King's foreign policy. In fact, except upon the point of fixing the succession of the Crown in the House of Hanover, Marlborough had not succeeded to any extent in gaining over the Tory Ministers to William's views and wishes. Marlborough's arguments carried the day on the question of fixing the contingent to be furnished by each party to the treaty. A separate and subsidiary agreement was entered into, by which the Emperor bound himself to furnish an army of 90,000 men, and Holland 10,000, while England, subject to the consent of Parliament, was to provide an army of 40,000 men and an equal number of sailors. In his letters to the Tory Ministers, he urged upon them the necessity for agreeing to this proposal if they wished to gain the King's good-will. As a soldier also, his advice must have had much weight when he stated that those numbers would be required if France was to be successfully encountered on land and sea. In England every effort was being made to collect a sufficient force for service abroad, but recruits were so hard to obtain that recourse was had to the 'press-gang.' The result was that large numbers deserted when in the field. When questioned as to their reasons for deserting, a great proportion said they had been pressed for sea-service, carried to the Tower, embarked blindfolded and trans- ported to Flanders against their will. It is not to be wondered at that in one of the early years of the war near 1,500 English deserters were assembled in the towns of the Spanish Netherlands.* * Lord Ailesbury's Memoirs, p. 523. GOUPILGRAVURE PRINTED 1(1 PARIS London Kichard Bentlcy ajid Son: 1894 [ 40I ] CHAPTEE LXXXIX. DEATH OF JA:\IES II. 1701. •Jaiues's mode of life at St. Germains — Lewis recognises the Pretender as King of England when James dies — The English people don't understand 'Foreign Affairs.' — The nation, incensed by this new move of the French King, are in favom' of war — William resolves to bring in the Whigs again — Preparations made by "William for the coming war — Lord Cadogan — ^YilUam returns to England, but leaves Marlborough at the Hague, much to his annoyance — The scheme to pass over Anne and brmg in the Electress of Hanover at "William's death. James II. had been for some time in failing health. For t^"vy?v the last ten years he had led a harmless life at St. Germains, buoyed up by his English correspondents with delusive hopes of a second Restoration. When well enough he hunted, and when unable to ride he spent much time in the confessional, finding interest, if not enjoyment, in penance. His career is a striking illustration of the evils resulting from bigotry and superstition. He died un- honoured, on the day that the Second Grand Alliance was signed, m the sixty-eighth year of his age.* iV 9, 1701. Lewis XIY. made a grave mistake when he seized the Netherland fortresses in the name of his grandson, the King of Spain, but he committed a still greater error when he recognised Prince James, commonly called the Pretender, as King of Great Britain and Ireland. "William heard of it as he sat in council at Loo, and, unable to repress his anger, * He was born Ij 10. 1688. VOL. II. 51 402 MARLBOROUGH CHAi'TKit said o^jenly that war was inevitable. Foreseeing this certain issue, he wisely gave orders to prepare for it at once by 1701. what we should now call the mobilization of the Dutch army. The recognition of the Pretender by Lewis can only be attributed to one of two motives : he either hoped to keep alive the Jacobite part}^ and feeling in England in order to weaken "William's power, or he was actuated by a passing sentiment in favour of a fallen and dying King, a kinsman and an exile. If the latter, the step was more creditable to his heart than to his head. It was clearly a breach of 1697. covenant ; for although no article in the Treaty of Eyswick positively forbade this course, or specifically bound Lewis to recognise "William as King of England, still he had therein stipulated to leave him in undisputed possession of Great Britain and Ireland. Our astute Dutch King must have chuckled — if he ever allowed himself such a gratification — over this unwise proceeding, which could do him little harm, while it strengthened his hands most effectively in England. William's greatest difficulty had always been the short - sightedness of even the more enlightened Englishmen upon questions of international policy. Their aims and views were narrowed down to what they conceived to be the immediate interests of their own islands. They knew little of the ' balance of power ' and cared less, and whether a Hapsburg or a Bourbon ruled in Spain was to them a matter of complete indifference ; but they had made up their minds that no Pioman Catholic should again rule in England. It was with some difficulty that "William had roused them to fulfil their treaty obligations to Holland by the desj)ateh of the stipulated 10,000 soldiers to her assist- ance, and to induce them to engage in war with France had hitherto seemed impossible. All ^^as, however, changed by this recognition of the Pretender. The English people have always been intensely jealous of anything like foreign interference or dictation in their own internal affairs, and that Lewis XIV. should presume to recognise a King of THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR ORDERED AWAY 403 Enf^land afrainst their wishes was an indifriiity that moved Chaptek . .' LMXXIX. the wrath of the whole nation. It showed that no treaty ' conkl Innd him. Yet we must not judge him too harshly '''^^• for this breach of public faith, for powerful monarchs, and states with great national aspirations, rarely adhere to the terms of any treaty longer than it serves their purpose to do so.* In late years we ourselves have had some unpleasant experiences of this kind. On receiving the news, William desired the Lords Justices to_ order the French Representative at St. James's to quit the country, and the English Ambassador in Paris to return home forthwith. Throughout England the excitement and indignation was general and intense, and William, never popular before, became for the time a sort of hero and was inundated with addresses from the great cities. All €lasses joined in condemning the insult offered to him l)y Kmg Lewis. The gravity of the national crisis was generally recognised, and it was seen that the question at issue was whether we should bow to foreign dictation, or live a free and independent nation under a parliamentary form of government and a Protestant sovereign of our own choice. The insolence of the French King aroused a defiant spirit in England. The nation answ^ered him with the cry of 'Let us fight it out!' — there was no uncertain sound about the repl3\ William had for some time past contemplated the dis- missal of his Ministry, but he had not yet come to a final decision in the matter. Of late the Whigs had not been as cordial as he could have wished ; but at least they were not hostile, which was more than could be said of the Tories. In this difficulty, he turned once more to Lord Sunderland, who, hating the Tories, advised the King to recall his former Whig friends to office. Notwithstanding * ' A treaty is an iiistruinent by wliic4i a strong man, taken temporarily at a disadvantage, binds liimself to do that which under happier circumstances he lias no intention whatever of performing.' — The burlesque of the ' Happj^ Land,' 1873. 404 MARLBOROUGH Chai'tku their old friendship and their recent connection through liXXXIX • • ^_^ ' ■ the marriage of their children, Marlborough was sorely I'Oi. displeased with what he regarded as Sunderland's under- hand conduct at this juncture. He refers occasionally to him in his letters at the time, and always with indignant resentment.* He still thought it possil)le to bring about a reconciliation between William and the Tories, and although the gulf between his party and himself was growing daily wider, he continued to hope that they might yet come round to the King's views, and support his war policy. Though fully conscious of their unsoundness upon questions of foreign policy, Marlborough had as yet no intention of severing himself from a party with which he had long acted, and to which he was attached by strong and intimate ties. Indeed, he even hints in his private letters that if AYilliam were to throw over the Tories, he would resign, and he persuaded his faithful friend Godolphin not to leave office, as he then wished to do, but to follow the counsels of Lord Rochester, the leader of the Tory party. All this time the King's mind was being strongly influenced by men of whose views he entertained the highest opinion. First amongst them was Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary, his firmest friend, his most disinterested councillor, and his most faithful public servant. Heinsius urged the dismissal of the recalcitrant Tories, the dissolution of Parliament, and the formation of a Ministry pledged to support the coming war with France. Sunderland's advice was to the same effect, and he sent Lord Carlisle and other friends to Holland, to confer with William and to press this l)olicy upon him. jMarlborough w^as not taken into the King's confidence upon this question, but he could plainly see that AVilliam was becoming daily more and more estranged from the Tories, and in his heart he could not but feel that the King had every reason to be so. His own remonstrances with them had proved of no avail, and the}' seemed for the moment to have entirely misapprehended the drift of * Coxe, vol. i., p. 100. WILLIAM DETERMINES TO DISMISS THE TORIES 405 l)opnlar feeling in England. Marll)orough thought it j^^'^j^ advisal)le in this condition of affairs to try and bring matters to a crisis, and he adopted the following device ^^^^' with that object. He persuaded Godolphin to write him a letter, so worded that he might show it to the King, and containing an assurance of his belief in the Tories' honesty of purpose and in their determination to support William vigorously in the coming war with France. Godolphin did as Marlborough directed. His letter was a long apology /ir '', i^Ol- for the Tories, and dwelt upon their strong and righteous claims to William's confidence. It wound up with an earnest hope that Parliament might be summoned to meet at an earty date to settle the grave questions then awaiting solution. Marlborough showed this letter to the King, who received it coldly, and as if he took little interest in its contents. He would say nothing to indicate his inten- tions, but his manner gave Marlborough little hope that he meant to trust the Tories in future. William determined to play a waiting game. He had made up his mind to dismiss the Tories, but he wished English public opinion to be more pronounced against them before he made his intention known. On various pretexts he postponed his armounced departure for London from day to day, so that he did not embark until November 3. From the contents of the following letters it is evident that he completely deceived Marlborough as to the time of his departure, for he was anxious to keep him in Holland as long as possible in order to avoid his remon- strances and pleadings on behalf of the Tories. It is possible also that he may still have had some dread of Marlborough's influence with them, and judging from what had passed since 1G87, it was but natural that he should still retain some apprehensions on the score of his intriguing disposition. He had, however, no suspicion now as to Marlborough's honesty of purpose in support of a war j)olicy, for he felt that, as Commander-in-Chief and Plenipotentiar}' he would from personal interest, if from no 406 MARLBOROUGH Chaptek hio-her motive, stand l)y him whether the Tories did so or LXXXIX o ' i' ^ ^ ' ' ' not. William, before leaving for England, desired his 1701. friend, Heinsius, to do everything in his power to hinder Marlborough from soon following him. The following letter from Marlborough — probably to Lord Godolphin — describes the position, as he understood it, shortly after the ^-ftv, 1701. Grand Alliance had been concluded:* 'Hague, October 3, 1701. — The reason I did not write to you from Dieren by the last post was the latter going away the minute I came from the King. What I apprehended of the Pensioner's having a mind to have me staj" some time after his Majesty, I find has its effect ; for I am to be left here till the end of this month. The measures the King has now taken for the not directing the proclamation for the sitting of the Parliament till he comes to England, I do verily believe does not proceed from any thoughts he has to have a new one, but from his behig persuaded that upon this occasion there ought to be something more than what has been usual. I am pretty confident that this advice must come from you by the King's calculation. This will put the meeting of Parliament off till towards the 10th. of the next month, for he will be here next Thursday, and, if the wind be fair, leave this place upon Saturday, so that he hopes to be at London upon the 13th or 14th, which he has commanded me to let you know, and desire you would be there at his arrival being resolved to let you know everything, and, I hope, to follow your advice. If 16 be in the country, I hope you will take care for the good of the whole to have him in London by the middle of this month. I am so apj^rehensive of Lady Marlborough being sick in this country that I would have persuaded her to have gone at the same time with the King, but I cannot prevail ; it may be you may. You will excuse me that I trouI)le you again about the dhioxthrcuicnt. I have made use of the argument that is very natural for England, which is that their expense at sea must be great. * lUenhoiiu Piiliieo Papers. ARMY AND NA VY TO BE FURNISHED BY ENGLAND 407 I 1701. This argument is of more use to me when I speak to the j^^'^'Jf^ IniperiaUsts than with the Pensioner, for the latter tells me that they shall be willing to furnish at sea the same proportion as they did the last war, which was three in eight; and since their land forces are greater than they were the last war, the people here might reasonably expect that ours might not be less. I continue still of the opinion that it would l)e better not to have this settled any- where but in Parliament ; but on the other hand I ought to say something to them and I should be glad to know if I might not endeavour to make them not expect more than one half of what they had the last war. For aught I know, this may be more than England will care to do ; but I hear no other language here than that this war must be carried with more vigour than the last, if we ever hope to see a good end of it ; and I confess it is so much my own opinion that I hope we shall do our utmost. What that is, you and 16 are more properer judges than I am. When the King speaks to you of this matter, I beg you will be positive in the opinion that it is of the last consequence not to do anything in it but in Parliament. That which makes me the more pressing in this of the deiioiuhremeut is that the Pensioner is inclined to have it done before the Parliament meets, which I think would be destruction. M}'' Lord Galloway goes from hence this evening and says he shall endeavour to see you before the King's arrival. It is impossible to express how much I long to be with you, which will be by the end of this month, if you can let the King see that my presence may be necessary for his service. I mean my being there a week or ten days before Parliament meets.' Another letter addressed to Viscount Hatton is also interesting:* 'Hague, Oct. y*V> 1701. — My Lord, the enclosed treatyst being all that are as yett concluded, I * From vol. ii. of the Hatton Correspondence. t The Second Grand Alliance between England, the Empu'e, and Holland against France. 408 MARLBOROUGH ^^J'^^\, take the liberty to send them as to a friend whose judgment I must depend upon. I desire you will take noe notice of the having seen them, and when I have the honour of seeing you, which I hope may be before the pari, meets, I shall let you know my reasons for what is done as well as acquaint you with all that shall be done. For I call God to witnesse that I have had noe thoughts but what might be for the good of England. If the wind proves fair, the King will embarke in 4 or 5 days. I shall continue here till the end of this month. I am with much truth and respect, eic, Marlborough.' Whilst both William and Marlborough had been busily occupied in the formation and consolidation of the Grand Alliance, the military preparations for the inevitable war were not forgotten. The States- General pressed forward the mobilization of their army with great earnestnees, having obtained many recruits from England and Ireland. A large camp had been formed at Breda, where the twelve English battalions, together with other troops, were con- centrated. William reviewed them there at the end of September, and dined afterwards at Marlborough's head- quarters. We now hear for the first time of the burly Irishman, William Cadogan, Marlborough's able Lieutenant and ex- cellent staff officer.* He was the son of a Dublin lawyer, and had attracted Marlborough's notice as a gallant soldier at the taking of Cork and Kinsale. Although the Duchess quarrelled with him late in life, and accused him of in- gratitude to her husl)and"s memory, we cannot forget that when Marlborough was removed from the army, and perse- cuted by the Harley clique, Cadogan stood by 'the great man to whom,' as he wrote, ' I am under such infinite obligations,' adding in his Irish way : ' I would be a monster if I did other- wise.' When the twelve battalions were ordered from Ire- land to Holland, Cadogan was serving in Ireland as Major * Born most probably about 1670. COLONEL WILLIAM CADOGAN 409 of the Eoyal Irish Dragoons ; and having been selected by J^^apter Marlborough for the office of Quartermaster-General in the — L Low Countries, he accompanied these battalions abroad ^'^^• with the rank of Colonel. He knew his business well, and was of great use in preparing the British troops for the coming war. He contrived to amass a comfortable fortune during his campaigns under Marlborough, for in those days men were not scrupulous as to the means the}' employed to obtain money. We read, for example, that men who sought interviews with Marlborough paid Cadogan well for obtain- ing them.* After the King's departure for England, Marlborough, who was most anxious to follow him, expected his recall by every post. He dreaded the dismissal of his friends from office, and was full of apprehension concerning the attitude which William might adopt with regard to the Tories. It was evident that he was being designedly retamed in Holland, but for no object connected either with the army or the coming war. The long-looked-for recall came at last, and he sailed for England at once, but as he "i -H. 1701. was about to start he received the startling news that Parliament had been dissolved, and that Godolphin had resigned his post at the Treasury. William had cleverly availed himself of the popular ebullition of feeling against France, and the consequent reaction in his own favour ; the result was a new House of Commons with a strong Whig majority pledged to support his war policy. Marlborough reached London some few days afterwards in very low spirits. About the date of his return home, there was much talk amongst some of the leading Whigs of passing over the Princess Anne upon the death of William, and of crowning the Elector of Hanover. This project had its origin in the dread felt by many, that the accession of Anne would virtually confer sovereign power on Marlborough, who, * Hook mentions that he paid Cadogan sixty Louis d'ors for such an interview. 410 MARLBOROUGH J^:^^™\ through his wife, was still known to direct Anne's thoughts — — ' ' and actions. Lord Dartmouth tells us that the Dukes of 1701. Bolton and Newcastle had pressed him to join in a plot for the supercession of the Princess, impressing upon him that he need expect little favour if Marlborough ruled in \\'Tiite- hall. Dartmouth says that Marlborough asked him if he had heard of this proposal, and that he answered 'Yes,' but did not regard it seriously. Marlborough, however, assured him that the j)lot existed, but that he would never allow it to be carried out, exclaiming vehemently : ' By God, if ever the}" attempt it, we shall walk over their bellies !'* William's strength w'as meanwhile waning fast, though he still concealed from all but his faithful Portland the serious nature of his ailments, lest it should frighten timid Allies, and so injure the great cause which he had so much at heart. * Note to p. 299, Book Y., of Burnet. [ 411 1 CHAPTER XC. DEATH OF WILLIAM III. William's impressive and patriotic speech when he opened Parlia- ment — It was well received — Bill of Attainder against the Pretender — Several Tory Ministers removed and AVhigs substituted for them — Marlborough returns home to find public opinion in favour of a war with France — The English troops ordered to embark the end of Februarj- — "William anxious to effect the Parliamentary Union of England and Scotland — Thrown from his horse, and dies shortly after — His hberality on all religious questions and anxietj- to deal generously with the Irish — He was not regretted — His death a boon to Lewis XIV. — Marlborough's correspondence with St. Germains at this period. William landed at Margate on his Inrtlidav, and was most Chapter . . XC cordially received. Addresses poured in upon him from I [ every quarter urging an immediate dissolution of Parlia- ^ t,^'?-oi ment. Popular feeling was strongly against the Tories, whose obstructive conduct towards the King at home, and whose policy of peace at any price, had aroused widespread dissatisfaction. Within a week of his return writs were issued for a new Parliament, which met on December 30 fS-¥. I'Oi- after a stormy General Election. The Whigs were generally successful ; and although many Tories were re-elected, those who supported the King's foreign policy were in a decided majority. The election of a Speaker was again keenly contested. ' There was great endeavours used for Littleton, but ye Church got it for ye old Speaker by 14 voyces : there was a great deale of money lost ye Wiggs 412 MARLBOROUGH Chaftek were so confident ; your neighbour Denton proffered ^ 50g. to 5.'"* 170:2. William opened the Session with an impressive speech, full of manly sense and vigorous patriotism.-f- He dwelt upon the dangers to which Europe, England, Protestantism, and liberty were exposed through the recent breach of the 1697. Treaty of Eyswick by Lewis XIV. The coronation of that monarch's grandson as King of Spain had, he said, so strengthened France, that she had become a source of danger to every State in Europe. The French King's recognition of the Pretender as James III. was not only a gross insult to the nation, but closely concerned every English subject who loved his religion and liberty. If the union between France and Spain were sanctioned, English trade would be driven from the sea, and if France were allowed to support a Pretender to the British Throne, peace could not be maintained. In the spirit of a high-minded patriot, soaring above all the littleness of Whig and Tory factions, he implored them "to lay aside those unhappy fatal animosities which divide and weaken you." He desired to be their common father he said, and entreated them to disappoint the hopes of their enemies by their unanimity. Henceforward there should only be two parties, one that wished to maintain the Protestant religion and the present establishment, and the other that meant a " Popish prince and a French government." In conclusion, he urged the need of despatch. This manly, stirring speech was received by Parliament and the people with genuine enthusiasm, and revived the anti-French feeling in every English county. Happily for Great Britain, in all moments of great national excitement, the pulse of Parliament generally beats in unison with the feelings of the people. In this instance both Houses, in their Addresses to the King, expressed deep resentment at the insulting recognition of * The Verney MSS. of 1702, extract fi'oin a letter : Claydon House. "[■ Tliis speecli was written by Lord Somers. WHIG AND TORY 413 the Pretender by Lewis. They proudly demanded that Chapter there should be no peace until full reparation had l)een 1 made for it, and they " offered to assist His Majest}' to the ^'^^■ utmost of their power in maintaining the succession in the Protestant line." The Commons added that they would grant the supplies required to support the alliances which William deemed necessary for preserving the liberties of Europe and reducing the exorbitant power of France. In spite of vigorous opposition on the part of the Tories, a Bill of x\ttainder against the so-called James III. passed both Houses, and the conduct of the Tory leaders upon that occasion increased their unpopularity in the country. They still posed as the only true friends of the Church, but their Protestantism was of the narrow, bigoted type, which meant a bitter hatred of Dissenters and an ardent love for Jacobites, the known enemies of the Constitution in Church and State. The sentiment of the nation was not onl}^ Protestant, but also intensely antagonistic to Roman Catholicism. The Whigs denounced the Tories as men who favoured a Popish Pretender and the French nation that protected him — a cry which strengthened the general hostility to all priestly mfluences, and prejudiced the popular mind against those who opposed William. The policy of the Tories was one of non-intervention in European affairs ; England should be carefully guarded against becoming a principal in any war, and, if compelled to assist as an ally, she should positivelj' restrict her share in the war to operations by sea. This policy has at all times commended itself to the English people, so much so that, had it not been for Lewis XIY.'s recognition of the Pretender as King of England, it is probable that William might never have succeeded in obtaining the sanction of Parliament to the Second Grand Alliance. That insolent recognition, how- ever, changed the whole current of English feeling ; and although William died before the war began, he lived long enough to see the old traditional objection to the employ- 414 MARLBOROUGH Chapter meiit of English troops upon the Continent completely 2 !'■ ■" reversed. i^'O-- Soon after the meeting of Parliament, several of the Tory Ministers were removed in order to make room for men pledged to support William's policy and the succession of the House of Hanover. Some of the moderate Tories were, however, retained in office, and also in high positions about the Court ; and the election of Harley as Speaker showed the Whigs that they were not to have their own way entirely. To please the House of Commons and to secure its cordial support for the war, copies of all the treaties lately arranged by Marlborough were laid upon the ^ 1, i70i. table.* These met with such general approval that liberal supplies were at once voted. The strength of the British army to act against France in the Low Countries was fixed at 40,000 men, and a like number of seamen was to be provided for the navy. These were the numbers which Marlborough had secretly agreed upon with the States- General as the probable strength which Parliament would approve of. 'I-H, 1701. When Marlborough reached London, he found that public opinion had undergone a change, and was now in favour of the anti-French policy which he had in vain urged upon his Tory friends : his sympath}' with these views threw him more and more into the arms of the Whigs. His practice, like that of William, always was to make use of the good men on both sides as long as they could be induced to work together for the public welfare. It may be fairly designated as the coalition policy, and is naturally distasteful to the more ardent partisans of l)oth sides. Godolphin, influenced probably by the superior genius of his friend, shared his moderate views on this point, and when pressed by William, in November, 1700, to take office, he had, against his own inclination, liecome First Commissioner of the Treasury in what may be re- garded as a Tory Administration. But to Marlborough's * ]\Ir. Voriion's letter of {<- 1, 1702, to George Stepney. NINE NEW REGIMENTS RAISED 415 yreat chagrin he found on his return home that Goclolphin Chaptkk had resigned and had been replaced at the Exchequer by !. the Whig, Lord CarHsle. Godolphin had acted contrary to ^"^-• Marlborough's advice, in not awaiting his return before he resigned his office. The cause of his retirement, like so many of his other acts in the reign of William, is shrouded in mystery, but probably he found difficult}' in overcoming his repugnance, on financial grounds, to the Whig war- policy, which had recently taken such strong possession of the public mind. Preparations for the coming war were now pushed for- vi 2, 1702. ward, and commissions were issued in February to raise nine new regiments of Foot,"^ All the old regiments of Foot, both in Holland and at home, were raised to thirteen companies of sixty men each, and nearly all those of Horse and Dragoons in England were ordered to l)e ready to embark for Holland at the end of February. + A train of artillery of 55 guns and 3 mortars was also fitted out at the Tower for this service. x\fter the Peace of Piyswick, Parliament had insisted upon 1697. the reduction of the army to 7,000 men, and the number of sailors from 40,000 to 8,000, but when it became necessary to collect an army for the field, men realized the folly then committed. Although a large proportion of the old soldiers dismissed in 1697 re-enlisted, there was still * These nine regiments are now the Worcestershire, East Lancashhe, East Surrey, Cornwall Light Infantry, West Kiding, the Border Regiment, Hampshhe, South Staffordshu'e, and the Dorsetshire. Each was to consist of 12 companies, 38 officers, and 795 non-commissioned officers and privates, servants included. f The reghnents of Horse were Lumley's (1st Dragoon Guards), Wood's (.3rd Dragoon Guards), Loi'd Arran's (5th Dragoon Guards), AVyndham's (6th Dragoon Guards), Schomberg's (7th Dragoon Guards), and a reguuent made up from the troops of Life Guards. The regi- ments of Light Horse to have tifty-nine men in each troop. Lord Teviot's regiment of Dragoons (the Scots Greys), and two regiments of Foot, Colonel Eow's (the Royal Scots Fusihers) and Colonel Fer- guson's (the Scottish RiHes), were also ordered from Scotland to Hohand. 4l6 MARLBOROUGH Chapter considerable difficulty in filling the ranks. The gaols were '. emptied, and all tramps and vagrants were compelled to ^^^2. become soldiers. An Act was passed in 1702 to allow men imprisoned for debts under £100 to go free, provided they joined the army or the navy, and by the Mutiny Act of that 3^ear criminals could obtain a pardon on similar terms. "^ Early in the year the King urged Parliament to effect a complete legislative and administrative Union between England and Scotland, as he foresaw the difficulty that would arise at Anne's death if the question of the succes- sion of the Princess Sophia to the Crown of Scotland had to be settled by an independent Scotch Parliament. He felt the union of the two Crowns to be a matter of great national importance, and he therefore urged it upon the attention of Parliament. Before this could be satis- factorily settled, it was thought necessary that a new Scotch Parliament should be summoned ; but, owing to the state of the Highlands at that juncture, it was deemed inexpedient further to complicate matters there by a General Election. The question was, therefore, dropped for the time, but only to be taken up with vigour by Marlborough in the following reign. f The actual passing of the Act of Union, one of the most essential to the greatness of our empire, was reserved for Anne's reign. The King's health improved during the winter of 1701-2, and he frequently rode from Kensington to Hampton Court to hunt. How long he might have been spared, had no accident befallen him, is a matter of mere speculation, but ^4, 170^. on February 21, when out riding, his horse fell with him, * Clode, vol. i., p. 15. In a letter of 4, 3, 1700, the Secretary at War sends orders to the Mayor of Northampton desirmg that certain named prisoners about to be released should be retained until the arrival of an officer whom Marlborough had sent to fetch them. Clode, vol. i., p. 585. f Sarah to the Earl of Marchmont, ^| 6, 1734 ; Marchmont Papers, vol. ii., p. 30. KING WILLIAM'S DEATH 417 and the Kinij; broke his collar-])one. The accident did not Chaptek . . xc at first seem to affect his general health, for he carried 1 '. on his business as usual, and pressed forward some useful ^'^-• measures in Parliament. On IMarch 1, however, unfavour- able sj'mptoms showed themselves, and although he was able to give the Royal Assent to some Bills, his strength thenceforward gradually failed. Early on Sunday, ^larch 8, he received the Sacrament, took an affectionate leave of i'o 3, i70j. his most Ultimate friends, and died at 8 a.m., evincing the same firm resignation which he had ever shown at all periods of his life. AVilliam knew for some time before his death that his days were numbered. ' It is a fine thing to be a young man,' he pathetically said, when he heard of the victories won by Charles XII. and by Prince Eugene. He did not fear to die, but he deeply regretted that he could not live to see the policy which he had long advocated fully carried out. He seems, however, to have realized that his successor would, under Marlborough's guidance, be able to pursue it, and specially recommended him to her for the purpose. His recent experience of Marlborough in Holland had convinced him of his statesmanlike grasp, of his adroit- ness in the management of cross-grained allies, and of his marked skill in diplomacy. Of his military genius he had long been aware. William's last public act was to give official sanction to the Bill of Attainder against the Pretender. "When it was presented to him for signature, he could no longer write, but a few hours before he died he was able to stamp it. So ended the reign of William of Orange, one of the greatest of our kings, and one who has rendered his name immortal in our histor}*. He was not a great General. An epigrammatic Frenchman said of Turenne and William, that the former with small armies was able to make war on a grand scale, and that the latter with great armies at his disposal was never able to rise above operations which VOL, II. 52 41 8 MARLBOROUGH Chapter are technically classified as 'little war.'* In Ireland he xc 1 has always been looked upon as a King of strong anti- ^'02- Eoman Catholic tendencies ; but this is an incorrect view of his character. Before the English victory at Aughrim, he had, with true wisdom and liberality, wished to offer to the Irish Catholics the free exercise of their religion, together with half the Church buildings and half their ancient Church property. + Had this been the practical result of his Irish conquest, of what difficulties it would have relieved the United Kingdom, and what an amount of misery it would have saved the warm-hearted, clever, but easily misled Irish people ! Yet, although the British nation was deepl}' indebted to William, few Englishmen mourned his loss. He had, indeed, secured to them their liberty and religion, and had always ruled them justly and constitutionally, but he had never succeeded in either giving or inspiring confidence and affection. No one loved him, no one missed him. Charles II. was deeply regretted when he died ; but, he was an Englishman in all his ways, whilst William was not only a foreigner by birth, but also by temperament and education, which alone was enough to make him unpopular. Even before he was buried, men went about congratulating one another upon again having an English Sovereign to reign over them, and rejoicing that henceforward no English gold would be annually diverted to Holland. So much for national gratitude ! William's death was a real source of congratulation to the French King, and he rejoiced over it as if he had won a victory. The name of Marlborough, soon to be dreaded in every French chateau and peasant's hovel, was still comparatively unknown, and Lewis naturally concluded that the Grand Alliance created by the King of England * It is not easy to find English equivalents for the expressions, ' La grande guerre,' and ' La petite guerre.' t Scott's Swift, vol. xviii., p. IB. THE JACOBITE PARTY AT WILLIAM'S DEATH 419 expressly for the a1)asement of France would now fall to Chapteu pieces. Marlborough's adversaries had yet to learn that he 1 '. could not only by tact and personal influence hold together ^''^^• the members of that Alliance and make them work steadily towards one great aim as cleverly as William could have done, but that he could also command the Allied troops in the field with a brilliancy and success for which William could not have even hoped. Marlborough had ceased to correspond l)y letter with St. Germains, but he continued to have interviews with the agents of James and the Pretender. He is referred to frequently in the Jacobite correspondence of the time as ' Gourny,' ' Gurney,' ' Armsworth,' and the 'Lawyer.' The agents through whom he communicated with his old master, and, after James's death, with the ex-Queen, were Colonel Sackville and Mr. Berry. Even so late as May, 1702, we find Lord Caryll referring, in his letters from St. Germains, in his usual counterfeit trade phraseology, to the 'contract ' between Mary of Modena and Marlborough.* In this treasonable correspondence. Lord Godolphin was as deeply implicated as Marlborough, but it is evident, from the Stewart papers, that little reliance was placed by the Jacobite Court in either of them. It was hoped that Anne would not live long, that the Pretender would be recalled, and that the settlement of the Crown upon the House of Hanover would l^e ignored. Lord Caryll writes that, should Marlborough and Godolphin not ' concur in this, they are certainly the unjustest, and I think the most imprudent men that ever lived ; for, notwithstanding their great practice at present, should Hanmer (Hanover) step into the copyhold, none would more feel the inconvenience of it than they and others.'! He adds further on, 'The great question will l^e, what better security they will or can give for the per- formance of this new agreement than they gave for the former one, for which we had promises and oaths. But * Macpherson, vol. i., p. 609. f Ibid., p, 610. 420 MARLBOROUGH Chapteu this onl_y between you and me ; for we must not reproach [ to their faces those whom we would gain, but rather take 1702. fQy current coin their excuses of want of power and a])iHty to perform.' Evidently they were still playing the old game as they had played it throughout William's reign — hedging against the possibility, if not the probability, of another Eestoration which they did not desire and would take no honest or active measure to bring about. So anxious were the Court at St. Germains to obtain the cordial support of Marlborough at this time, and so highl}^ did they estimate its value, that a proposal was set on foot for the marriage of the Pretender with one of Marl- borough's daughters. [ 421 ] CHAPTER XCL :\IARLHOROUGH AT FIFTY-TWO. ' He was ambitious ; If it were so, it wei'e a grievous fault, And grievously hath Caesar answered it.' The serious charges connnonly urged against him — The age in which he hved — He was far above it — A practical man of business — His amiable quahties— Swift's hatred of him — His love of money and avarice — His knowledge of men — His Toryism and general policy — His oratory — Love of home — His deep religious feeling — His devotion to Sarah — His greatness and his fame. Marlborough was the servant of England until William Chapter died, ^Yhen it was commonly said that he mounted the Throne; he certainly ruled England from that time until 1702. his downfall ; and here, upon the threshold of his decade of glory, I must for a time take leave of m}' readers. I have yet to tell the storj' of his long war with France in Queen Anne's reign, of the able diplomacy with which he prepared the way for victory, and of the combined wisdom and boldness with which he ruled England. The story of his life in the eighteenth century is more easil}^ put into words, and, as a matter of national history, is brighter reading than the narrative of his previous career to which these two volumes have been devoted. The portion of his life dealt with in these pages embraces the gravest of the charges preferred against him. Hitherto there has been little independent inquiry into his early life 422 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkk and doings, and although his memory has long been ' ' branded as infamous, no one hitherto has sifted the 1702. evidence upon which his enemies denounced him. Each succeeding historian has been content to follow Marl- borough's story as it was originally told for political purposes, by the unscrupulous Swift. It is high time now that the accusations made against him should be review'ed. Six generations have come and gone since he ruled England, and, at this distance of time, we are in a position to criticise his public career with calmness, and to pass upon him a judgment untainted by party prejudice. Time, the inexor- able judge of public men, has not yet duly weighed Marl- borough's merits against his failings- — his great achieve- ments against the defects of his nature and the blemishes in his conduct. In bringing to a close this part of his history, I wish to summarize my conception of his genius, and to recapitulate my general view of his character. In doing this, it is necessary to remember, that although his mmd was well balanced, it had never been enlarged by study or strengthened by methodical education. Though gifted with a brilliant genius, he lacked culture and scholar- ship, yet all who love England may well rejoice that God created him a Caesar rather than a Cicero. The further we are removed from Marlborough's intrigues and calculated treachery during the Eevolution period, the more brilliantly he stands forth as a great man of action. We are still so much under the glamour of Wellington's more recent achievements, and the api)alling danger he saved us from is still so present to our minds, that the renown of Waterloo seems almost to obscure the marvellous glor}- of Blenheim. But in some respects time serves rather to darken and accentuate the crimes with which Marl- borough is charged ; not that any fresh discoveries have l)een made to his prejudice, but because our whole con- ception of ethics and of public morality has changed, and goes on changing. An offence that might have been re- garded as venial towards the end of the seventeenth century ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN THE lyTH CENTURY 423 I would now suffice to outlaw the offender, however hiah his Chapteu \CI position. Is it, for example, conceivable that England would 1 ' nowadays suffer a King as immoral, dishonourable, and i'^'^* contemptible as Charles II. '? Marlborough's lot was cast in an age which, though picturesque, was not distinguished for patriotism or chivalry. There were no lofty ideals ; although religion was still a strong motive power in Europe, nations seldom fought for an idea. The main object of an English courtier was to enjoy life in self-indulgent idleness, and to grow rich with the least possible trouble to himself. To be philantln'opic or serious at the Restoration Court was to be deemed vulgar. During the period embraced in these volumes, the history of England is a long story of internal strife, dissension, and revolution. The ' Great Eebellion '; the murder of the King ; the proud rule of Cromwell ; the Restoration, followed by the national debasement under the brothers, Charles and James ; and then, pestilence, fire and civil war, until England could bear its misfortunes no longer, and the people at length chased the last Stewart King from these shores. Then came the reign of William and Mary, with its plots and conspiracies, some real, many false. England, torn by internal dissensions, became powerless abroad, while the strength of France, under the absolute rule of an able King, increased proportionatel}^ The Treaty of Westphalia had given Alsace and Roussillon to 24, 10, i64S. France, and extended her southern frontier to the Pj'renees. She became compact, wealthy, powerful on land and sea, and formidable to her neighbours. Protestantism had been well-nigh exterminated within her borders, and with it had died — at least, for the time — all national aspiration for civil liberty. To rule absolutely at home, and to extend the territory of France at the expense of his neigh- bours, was the policy of the self-styled ' Great Monarch.' Those who would thoroughly grasp what Marlborough effected by his great victories, must closely study 424 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Lewis XIV., his aims and objects, and his plans for ; their accomphshment. Indeed, none can thoroughly follow ^"0-- the workings of Marlborough's mind or the secret motives of his crooked actions, who have not made themselves acquainted with all the history of his time. So close is the connection between his career and concurrent events, that at the risk of relating an oft-told tale, I felt bound to give a rough outline of contemporary historical occurrences, and I have striven to make known every fact that could tell for or against his character and reputation. Nothing has been suppressed, nothing extenuated. Marlborough's career divides itself naturally into two distinct parts. The first extends over the period described in the preceding chapters— that is, from his birth to the year 1702, in which King AVilliam placed him at the head of the Allied Dutch and English armies in Flanders. The second comprises the last nineteen years of his life, and embraces a period of military glory unparalleled in English history. I have no intention to consider, as yet, his place among the great soldiers from Hannibal to General Lee. It will be time enough to criticise his military genius when my readers have before them an exhaustive study of his great campaigns. When Napoleon, shortly before his death, was discussing the character of the world's greatest leaders, he said : ' Marlborough was not a man whose mind was narrowly confined to the field of battle. He fought and negotiated. He was at once a captain and a diplomatist.'* We have now to judge his character and actions apart from those world-renowned victories which might be pleaded in extenuation of his faults. His unerring wisdom in council, his genius as a strategist and diplomatist, and his '■'■'• The result of this conversation, which took place on the 19th April, 1821 (see Abbot's ' History* of Napoleon'), was that Napoleon sent his copy of Coxe's ' Life of Marlborough ' as a present to the officers of the 20th Keginient — now the Lancashii'e Fusiliei's — then on duty at Longwood. This book is preserved most carefully amongst the prized memorials of that old and distinguished regiment. THE AGE IN WHICH HE LIVED 425 tiictical adroitness, will be discussed later on. Let us for Chaptkk XCI the ijresent merely endeavour to form a fair estimate of his ' character and personality, and of the spirit which animated ^''^'^■ him durhig the first fifty-two years of his life. Let us judge him as one of those who, in order to establish Protestantism as the national faith, and thereby to secure our liberties and political privileges, violated their most cherished feelings at the Revolution. Let us try his conduct as we are wont to try the conduct of Lords Eussell, Danby, Devonshire, Halifax, Nottingham, Shrews- bury, Bishop Compton, Admiral Herbert, Henry Sidney, and the others with whom jMarlborough acted, and while doing so, let us remember how often he was the victim of slanderous libels, and how important it was to the rival political party to accomplish his downfall. In moral character, Marlborough was as far above the age in which he lived, as he was in ability above the men who governed it. Although there was much that was inconsistent in his character, there was no grovelling mediocrity, nothing insignificant about him. He was essentially a man of the world, who looked at everything, outside of his religious life, from a w^orldly point of view, and who reflected in his career of practised worldli- ness all that was most salient in the character and aims of the English courtier and public man of his time. He possessed the easy grace and winning ways of the polished men who surrounded Charles : he shared the earnest Protestantism, both of faith and of liberty, which inspired those who accomplished the Pievolution and drove out James : while not even the untiring William equalled him in capacity for constant and heavy business, and in the power of endurance which it demanded. His life- work, however, only began where these volumes leave off, and not even Napoleon, in the height of his glory, toiled harder for his country than did Marlborough in Anne's reign. But in comparing these two great soldier states- men, it should not be forgotten that Napoleon at Auster- 426 MARLBOROUGH Chapter j{^2 was only thirty-sGA'en, whilst Marlborough was nearly * a quarter of a century older when he forced the lines of ^'^^- Bouchain. He was a man of business in an unbusiness like age ; and at a time when straightforward dealing in public affairs was neither practised nor esteemed, he was noted for his cool, well thought-out management of affairs. There was a British thoroughness in the way he worked out everything which he undertook, and no contemporary left behind him a larger correspondence, although he hated writing.^'" I have heard of no other great man who cared so little for applause and popularity. He seemed to despise that public opinion W'hich eventually — in revenge, as it were, for his indifference — cut short his career of useful- ness, and has for two centuries blasted his reputation. He was no party politician or phrasemonger, but he would have made great and renowned the smallest village that was placed under his rule.+ He was a man of facts, not of words, of deeds rather than of theories ; an admirer of strong Governments which rule and lead the people rather than of those which drift with every passing current of popular opinion. He was, in short, a great and gifted man of action, who made England feared as well as renowned, and who, like Cromwell, was not afraid to make her great. Marlborough had many failings, and great as he was, it is not easy to love his memory as we all love that of Nelson, nor to respect it as we do that of Wellington. Yet still there is something so attractive about the man's personality that we feel drawn towards him in spite of his. faults. He was no saint, and he was too fond of money, but throughout his whole life he displayed a simplicity and gentleness of disposition, a touching sympathy with grief and sorrow, and a loathing of cruelty and injustice, that go far to counterbalance his many faults. Mercy was * Coxe, vol. i., p. 129. -[ Plutarch makes Theinistocles say this of himself. SWIFT'S UNTRUTHFUL ACCUSATIONS 427 always in his thoughts, and if in action he smote hard, Chapter " . . XCI. he alwa3's sheathed his sword with unaffected pleasure, and I ' ujion any good excuse. To the wounded and the destitute ^'^-• he was ever a friend, and he proved the kindness of his heart hy a compassionate sympathy for his prisoners, and the care to avoid hurting tlieir feelings l^y any exultation of manner. "Who can read unmoved the many touching passages in his letters to his absent wife '? Clumsy and ungram- matical as they are, the loyal, loving spirit of the man breathes in every line. And who that loves England can read the story of his life without feeling a reflected glow of the enthusiasm which he inspired in the day of his power, when he stood, the central figure in Euroj^e, the councillor of kings and the idol of his soldiers? Yet this is the man whom Swift hounded down with that combative instinct for which he was remarkable — pressing- gossip, spite, and slander into the service of vituperation. Indeed, it would be difficult to draw from the history of any other great man a more striking illustration of the everness of the lie and the strong vitality of the lil)el. Few men have ever had so clever and unscrupulous a detective as Swift set upon their trail with a commission to search into every event of their lives, and, j^er fas et lie fas, to work out a case against their character and reputa- tion. That he was able to find so little against the mighty soldier-statesman, redounds greatly to Marlborough's credit. And since every public document was at the service of Swift and his hirelings, Marlborough may surely be acquitted of every fault not included in the Dean's cruel indictment. Notwithstanding Marlborough's signal services, the withering blight with which they were covered by the writings of this one man, caused the England of his latter 3'ears to hate him as if he had betrayed her. The power of the pen has seldom been more forcibly exemplified. England was drunk with the glory he had brought her, 428 MARLBOROUGH Chapter and her SODS were inflated with pride by reason of his ! ■ victories. Yet despite all, the great essayist and his paid i'"'^-- libellers persuaded the reading world that he was a Judas, while the people took up the cry, and harried him till he died. Like Wellington, Marlborough had nothing of the braggart about him, and he never posed after the manner of Napoleon. He despised the ' stage business ' and theatrical effects of public life ; he was always dignified, without studying to be so ; he had none of the mannerisms or the trappings of vulgar greatness, and the success which he achieved neither brutalized nor intoxicated him. Marl- borough was patriotic in that he longed to make England great, but his patriotism lacked the steadfast dignity of Chatham's impassioned public spirit, and the chivalry and unselfish devotion wdiich in men of Nelson's stamp transmute their love of country into a religion. "When enlarging upon his great qualities, Prince Eugene thus refers to his well-known love of money : 'But what is it we all term the politics of a Court, the reasons of State ? The personal interests of ambition or the vengeance of a man in power. In looking into my own heart, I believe this last motive, as well as the first, has operated a little too much upon me, as a desire for power and riches exerted a little bias over the conduct of Marlborough.'* An aide-de-camp, sent one evening to the English head- quarters by Eugene, found the Duke in bed. A servant lit two candles, but during the conversation Marlborough blew out one, evidently considering two candles a useless extravagance.! In a later volume I shall discuss the charge that he sought to prolong the war in order to enrich himself, and hope to prove how unfairly this accusation has been pressed against him. A similar indictment was urged against Csesar by his political enemies, who accused him * Prince Eugene's Memoirs. f ' Memoires d'un Voyageur qui se repose ' (b}' Dutens), vol. i., p. 108. HIS EARLY POVERTY 429 of plundering distant provinces, and alleged that in his Chapter greed of money he even rob])ed holy shrines. In both ' instances the evidence for these charges is of the flimsiest ^''^2. description. There are two distinct forms of avarice : the desire to save by spending little, which leads to meanness and miser- liness, and the determination to acquire wealth even though it must be taken from others, which leads to great crimes. Marlborough's avarice was of the mean, not of the criminal order, and whilst we know that he refused great bribes, his worst enemies were never able to prove that he had ever defrauded any man, or been even unfair in his money dealings with others. A long acquaintance with poverty had made him economical in his habits. In the days of his greatness he was still actuated l)v the same thrifty spirit which possessed him when, as a young ensign, he lived on his jiay. The man who for the greater part of his life has to count every farthing he spends in order to make both ends meet, generally finds it difficult to open his purse-strings when he exchanges povert}- for riches. Late in life, when looking over some old papers with his friend Lord Cadogan, he took a green purse from a little drawer in his writing-table, and contemplating its contents with evident satisfaction, he said, ' Cadogan, observe these pieces well ; they deserve to be observed. There are just forty of them ; it's the very first sum I ever got in m}^ life, and I have kept it always unbroken from that time to this day.'* What memories of youth, with its struggles and ambitions, must not this little hoard have brought back to the old man ! In cases like his it is not easy to draw a clear distmction l)etween praiseworthy thrift and culpable parsimony. Close to Blenheim Palace a pretentious bridge spans some low ground, where there trickles at times what the guide- * ' Old Eu'j'lish Worthies.' 430 MARLBOROUGH Chapter book describes as a little river. This In-idge suggested the 1 ' following Ijiting epigram : 1702. ' The lofty arch his high ambition shows, The stream an emblem of his bounty flows.' He kept accurate accounts of his daily expenditure, and entered his servants' wages and other expenses with a precision equal to that shown in such matters by the great Duke of Wellington.* The care with which Marl- borough looked after even his small bills is evidenced by the fact that he wrote the celebrated note to his wife announcing the victory of Blenheim, on the back of a page torn from his pocketbook, upon which he had pre- viously entered a washing account. Avarice and money-making were as common in Marl- borough's age as they are at present, but in his time it was the custom to make money out of the State in many ways, and notably, by the sale of places, and also of interest with those in power. We have already seen how Lord Cadogan took money from men who sought an interview with his great chief. Pepys died rich, all he possessed having been obtained by the sale of promotions * The following copy of an accomit current between Marlborough and his groom in 1699 is worth transcribing for many reasons. It is copied from a paper in Blenheim Palace : 1699. December y'' 2, p''. for 2 duzon of Stable brooms and p'^. for A paire of Shoes for Stephen the 4 pf'. for A peck of hempseed and p'^. for A pound of candles the 14 p''. for mending Stephen's Shoes And p''. for Linen for Stephen's Sherts and for Makeing 2 12 Pay to Shurley, the Groom, two pounds, one shilling and two pence. De : 26 : 99.' Marlborough. The account itself is in a strange hand ; the order to pay is written by Marlborough himself. A' s. d. 4 4 1 4 6 1 4 1 8 2 HIS LOVE OF MONEY 431 in the navy, and by other equally questionable proceedings Chaptkr in the exercise of his public duties. But despite Marl- ' borough's love of money, no instance of venality has ever '^''^~- been brought home to him. Wealth did not make him purse-proud or less easy of approach, and he knew how to be generous on occasions to a comrade, He amassed an immense fortune, but he swindled no one. He was in the very zenith of his fame when John Evelyn records the kindly tact with which the great commander sought out and welcomed the old Puritan-souled cavalier in a brilliant throng, where, doubtless, it was easy for out-of-date worth to suffer neglect. Amongst his wife's papers there is the following remark- able note b}^ her upon the accusation of sordidness, so freely flung against his character : ' I have heard him (Marlborough) solemnl}' swear, when it was of no significa- tion to do it to me, that he never in the whole reign of Queen Anne sold one commission, title, or anything to anybody when he had so much favour from Queen Anne. -He had a great deal of compassion in his nature, and to those that he had been long acquainted with, he gave money out of his own pocket to those that were poor, though they Avere not of his opinion. I am a living witness of this, for I was directed by him to pay some pensions when he was abroad, and have letters that prove the truth of it from the persons.'* In writing this, she evidently intended it to apply not only to his wars in Flanders, but to his whole career. Marlborough was singularly free from prejudices, and was moved by few strong convictions, except upon the point of religion ; hence his views on all subjects were broad for the age in which he lived. Clever, astute, and possessed of great originality, he was a fanatic in no cause, and remained an opi^ortunist to the end of his days. Cool and calm as Caesar in the midst of the most appalling danger, he was as untiring in energy and perseverance as * Blenlieiai Papers. 432 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr was Napoleon in all that he undertook. Being no theorist, ." he studied man as he met him, not as he found him descrihed 1702. in books. A strong instinct served him in the selection of men, for he thoroughly understood the secret springs which influenced the conduct of all classes, and played deftly upon the individual idiosyncrasies and aspirations of those with whom he had to deal. The scientific estimate of human character did not interest him ; but he could equally well manipulate the fierce vanity of the great soldier-despot, Charles XII., and the overbearing pride and pompous dulness of some hereditary Hoogheid or Hoheit of Pumpernikel. When genius fails in the work of every- day life, it is from ignorance of men and of how to influence them, and from a lack of that subtle and courageously directed energy which Marlborough possessed so largely. The written science of statesmanship had no allurement for him, and in dealing with his fellow-men he did not probe deeply below the surface to ascertain what spiritual nature might lie hidden beneath. Few amongst his con- temporaries had so intimate an acquaintance with public affairs, both domestic and foreign, or with the men who controlled them ; and he not only recognised, as if by inspiration, those upon whom he could rely to do his bidding, but seemed to know how they would do it. From many years' experience and study of the men and women amongst whom he lived at Court, he had learnt the weak points in the character and disposition of both sexes. He thoroughly understood them, and could justly appraise the relative force of their virtues and their vices. Under an almost foppish exterior and an assumption of lazy indifference, he hid from casual observers the penetrating glance, which looked into the hearts of men and read their very thoughts. He was an excellent listener, and would often allow himself to be contradicted and opposed with the utmost good-humour. Few suspected that beneath the varnish of his polished manner there was great ambition. THE CHARM OF HIS MANNER 433 and a fierce determination to find scope for it. There was Chaptek no hesitanc}', no uncertainty of purpose m that intense ' desire. He knew what he wanted, kept that object always i''02. l)efore him, and firmly believed in his own power to achieve it. But he was human ; and history tells us how that more than once he mistook the road up that thorny ' steep where Fame's proud temples shine,' to find himself, as it ^^ere, in a blind alley, from which, apparently, there was no outlet l)ut over the scaffold. He possessed in a remarkable degree the power of winning over those whom he sought to influence. Some men are largely endowed with this persuasiveness, while others win by sheer force of character alone. But Marlborough, with all his directness of purpose and strong determination to have his own way, contrived to gain his ends by such a grace and charm of manner, that those he won over followed him as admiring friends, and not grudgingly as unwilling sub- jects or grumbling servants. There was, in truth, a magnetism about him which made itself felt in every society which he frequented, and worked like a spell upon all who came within the circuit of its force. His words, full of charm, were uttered with a dignity that arrested attention, whilst they soothed and satisfied all for whom they were intended. His tone and manner indicated a reserve of power even in his moments of greatest volubility. He could refuse a request more graciously than most men can confer a favour, and it often happened that an unsuccessful applicant went away so charmed that he quite forgot his disappointment in the geniality of his reception.* Whilst bent on securing the points he deemed essential to his plans, he would carefully, courteouslv, and often with some ostentation, give way upon small matters. This he did with exquisite adroitness, making believe that these trifling matters were of the first consequence, and that he yielded, not because of his opponent's solicitation, but * Lord Chesterfield. VOL. II. 53 434 MARLBOROUGH Chapter because the superior views and opinions of that opponent ■ had converted him. His fertihty of resource was boundless. ^702. If thwarted, he evinced no resentment, neither did he exhaust his strength by continued or obstinate struggle ; he merely shifted his ground, and instead of trying to remove an obstruction from his path, he set himself to work under or round it. He never gave up in despair, or indulged in the weak folly of public lamentation over the perverse ignorance of those who had w'recked his best-laid plans. No man ever knew better how to play a waiting game. ' As I think most things are governed by destiny,' he wrote, ' having done all that is possible, one should submit with patience.'* In his well-ordered mind all points to be solved were silently and closely argued out. Gifted with the greatest equanimity, he never allowed himself to be hurried or flurried, and he never mistook bustle for business in others. But ' with all his gentleness, no man living was more conscious of his situation, nor maintained his dignity better.'! The cosmopolitanism of to-day would have been odious to him. His general policy was essentially national, and into it no questions of party were allowed to enter. It was, in fact, the reverse of the policy of those who over- threw him. The first aim of Harley and St. John was office and the material advantages which it afforded, and in pursuit of it they did not shrink from the foulest falsehood and scheming. That the Tories should rule, and that they themselves should be the acknowledged leaders, was to them of far greater moment than the country's welfare. Marlborough, on the contrary, never sought to perpetuate power in the hands of any one set, but em- ployed men of both political parties, only considering the advantage of the nation. Although educated in the tenets of Toryism and remain- ing a Tory in principle until the age of thirty-six, Marl- * Coxe, vol. ii., p. 294. t Lord Chesterfield's letter to his son of 18, 11, 1748. MARLBOROUGH'S HOME AND FOREIGN POLICY 435 borough was no slave to any theory of government in Chaiteu either Church or State. He was essentially liberal in his I ' political views, and alwaj^s repudiated exclusive adherence ^"'^'^• to any party. The form of government which evidently commended itself to Inm was that of a Protestant King, who should be his own First Minister, ruling through Ministers, who should have no collective responsibilit}^ but be directly responsible to the King alone. The bent of his mind was towards a mild and beneficent despotism, provided that the despot would protect the liberties and religion of the people. Marlborough had no strong theories about liberty, but neither had the great bulk of the people. A small minority still adhered to Eoundhead principles, but they and their creed had been utterly discredited. What the people clamoured for was war to the knife against Popery. Popular sentiment in England had been in- tensely roused by stories of the persecution of Protestants in France, and the feeling was kept alive by dramatic tales of horror related by the Huguenot refugees who •crowded into London and all our large towns. By his revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Lewis XIV. had, as it were, declared war against Protestantism and free thought, .and in doing so had aroused here an intensely angry feel- ing against himself and against all those Englishmen who still adhered to the ancient faith. The Whig policy meant the persecution of the English Eomanists, notably by their exclusion from the public service ; but it was a policy with which the liberal-minded Marlborough never sympathized. It is noteworthy that Marlborough's rise to power was not the outcome of any great upheaval of society, as in the case of Cromwell, Washington, and Napoleon. In the stormy times in which those three great revo- lutionists rose to eminence, a leader was urgently needed, and they, each after his own fashion, supplied the want. But Marlborough, after taking a leading part in bringing about that peaceful and bloodless change known as ' The 436 MARLBOROUGH Chapter Eevolutioii,' rose ill the usual order of promotion to be XCI '_ ■ Commander-in-Chief of the army which was collected to do i''02- battle against France. Marlborough was not a man of crotchets in public affairs. To carry on the ' Queen's Government smoothly ' and for the benefit of England through the instrumentality of his friend Godolphin, was the home policy which he pursued when he became master of England at William's death ; and to destroy the domineering power of France whilst maintaining the independence of Holland and protecting British commerce throughout the world, was the aim of his foreign policy. Having no decided bias himself, he always opposed the discussion of abstract questions of government, as well as violent expressions of public opinion on the affairs of State, and he shunned subjects calculated to arouse class hatred or to excite popular passion. At all times, even when he spoke most freely, he had so much natural dignity that no one ever ventured to be pert or familiar with him.* "When serving in the French Army, and on intimate terms with Turenne, he acquired, perhaps unconsciously, that great man's trick of raising or shrugging his shoulders when he wished to avoid any disagreeable question ;t and amongst his intimates he had the habit of saying ' Silly, silly,' in a somewhat drawling tone, to questions which he deemed either inquisitive or inconvenient. This gained him the nickname of ' Silly- silly,' by which we find him at times referred to in familiar letters from his friends. I His enemies said that his voice was weak and squeaky, and we have evidence that, like Csesar's, it was shrill when speaking in public, and at all times somewhat high.§ He * Lord Chesterfield, f Lord Ailesbury's ' Memoirs,' p. 571. X Seward's ' Anecdotes,' vol. ii., p. 324. § Bishop Warburton states that Pope had repeated to him some unpublished lines, in which the death of Marlborough's son was thus unfeelingly referred to : ' In accents of a whining ghost Laments the son he lost.' MARLBOROUGH'S AMIABLE QUALITIES 437 was no orator, but though not a fervid, he was yet an Chaiier effective, because a convincing speaker. Incapable of fiery ! ' declamation, he was never at a loss to find fitting words to ^''^'^• convey his meaning to others. All he said was unimagi- native, and measured. He appealed to no human passion, but rather to the cold common-sense of his hearers. No fire burned within him to kindle the sensibilities of his audience. His speeches were as devoid of ornament as were those of Wellington, but, then, their sterling sense and rugged strength required none. They were clear, simple, practical, and free from canting sentiment about the wickedness of men, or the loveliness of virtues which few respected and fewer practised. He knew that those whom he addressed had little real sense of justice or morality, and he spoke to them in terms suited to the low code of honour upon which they acted. His character does not inspire as much respect as his genius, but until he became Captain-General at "William's death, his career had been little more than one long series of intrigues, sometimes with, and sometimes against, his colleagues.* His enemies declare that he did not play the game fairly ; but who amongst his contemporaries did so "? Not surely James H., or William III., or Sunderland, not Shrewsbury, Nottingham, Godolphin, or Admiral Piussell"? Even the clergy were not irreproachable in this respect. It would be difficult to find amongst the great men of the earth one more truly human than Marlborough ; and if in his many-sided character there was often a certain want of harmony between his actions and his principles, still his kind heart and amiable disposition made him more lovable than it was in the nature of our great ' Iron Duke ' to be. The animal passions which so often drive men to soul-and- body-destroying debauchery were in his case very strong, but kept in check and softened by natural tenderness and gentle- * Before William died he had given Marlborough command of the EngHsh troops in Flanders, but lie was not made Captain-General until Anne's reign. 438 MARLBOROUGH Chapter iiess, and above all by his kind and symi^athetic consideration '_ ■ for others. It is said that no coarse expression ever passed l''02- his lips, and in an age when men, and even women, spoke and wrote indecorously, it may be safely inferred that refinement of speech implied a corresponding refinement of mind. In judging him, few look beyond the record of his great deeds and the comments of critics who have emphasized and exaggerated every fault and crime laid to his charge, whether proven or not. But those who study his inner life will find a warm heart, a religious and spiritual faith, a fascinating manliness and an ardent love of home and countrj^ which influenced the whole of his career. He was systematic in his habits, and possessed a complete mastery over himself. ' Calm and irresistible, like a force of nature,' his evenness of temper was all the more remark- able because, living with one so fiery and imperious as his wife, it must have been often sorely tried. But he used to say, ' patience will overcome all things,'* and the follow- ing anecdote illustrates how impossible it was to ruffle him. Riding one day with Mr. Commissary "Marriot, it began to rain heavily, and the grooms behind were ordered to bring up their masters' cloaks. Mr. Marriot's servant, a good- humoured, bright lad, brought his immediately, but Marl- borough's servant, a lazy, sulky fellow, was awkward in his attempts to undo the buckles which secured the coat to the saddle. The Duke, getting wet, called a second time for it, when the groom, in a surly, ill-tempered tone, grumbled out : ' You must wait, if it rains cats and dogs, till I can get at it.' Marlborough, turning to his com- panion in the calmest manner, said good-humouredly : ' I would not have that fellow's temper for all the world !' Marlborough's yearning for home, and for the society of his wife and children, breathes through all his life. He expresses it in the letters written shortly after his * Coxe, vol. i., p. 192. HIS LOVE OF HOME AND FAMILY 439 marriage. We find it repeated when he was the greatest Chapteu man m Europe, at the head of a large and victorious I * army, already old beyond his years, and worn-out by the ^''^^■ cares, worries, and responsibilities of a long war. Take, for example, the following letter, written to Sarah in allusion to the building of Blenheim Palace :' ... It is there I must be happy with you. The greatest pleasure I have, when I am alone, is the thinking of this, and flatter- ing myself that we may then so live as neither to anger God nor men, if the latter be reasonable ; but if they are otherways, I shall not much care if you are pleased, and that I do my duty to God ; for ambition and business is what, after this war, shall be abandoned by me.' Again, w'riting during a hot July in Flanders, he says the heat * will ripen the fruit at St. Albans. When you are there, think how happy I should l^e in walking alone with you. No ambition can make amends for being from you.' During that solemn night before Blenheim, when far from home, upon the banks of the mighty Danube, he prayed so earnestl,y for victory, his mind wandered con- stantly to his house on the little Hertfordshire stream near St. Albans, and he longed to saunter through its trim gardens with the wife he loved before all earthly things. She was all in all to him, and this is so generally felt and recognized that mention is rarely made of Marlborough without some allusion to the beautiful termagant who ruled his heart and his destinies. The result is, that we are prone to judge him as if he were a duality, and to judge both, as if each were to be held responsible for the other's doings, sayings, aspirations, and thoughts. But this is not fair to him, for no man ever had more practical wdsdom, and no clever woman ever had less. I have dwelt much upon his deep and lover-like devotion to her, because it was an essential part of himself. He admired her beauty, though experience had taught him that it was not the beauty of holiness. He was fully conscious of her failings, for he was a frequent victim of 440 MARLBOROUGH Chaptkr her cross-grained temper, and of the violent outbursts of ! ■ passion in which she frequently indulged. The acerbity !702. with which she hated his Tory colleagues, Godolphin ex- cepted, was a thorn in his side, and continually embroiled him with them and with the Queen, whose strong leaning towards that party was undisguised. But, notwithstanding her petulant dis])Osition, she always remained his ' sweet- heart.' His love for her was a species of tender worship ; but, like those races who fear their devils more than they love their gods, he seemed generally more anxious to calm her fiery pugnacity than to elicit any tenderness by appeals to the love she certainty bore him. Surely no man who loved his wife as he did could be devoid of that tenderness and self-sacrifice which are the offspring of con- sideration for others. In the letter which he wrote to her when he embarked to set out on his great career of victory he says : ' We are now out of sight of Margate, and I have neither soul nor spirits ; but I do at this moment suffer so much, that nothing but being with you can recompense it. If you will be sensible of what I now feel, you will endeavour ever to be easy to me, and then I shall be most happy ; for it is you only that can give me true content. I pray God to make you and yours happy ; and if I could contribute anything to it with the utmost hazard of my life, I should be glad to do it.'* In another letter, written to her upon reaching the Hague, he says :'.... the quiet of my life depends only upon your kindness ; and I beg you to believe that you are dearer to me than all things in this world. My temper may make 3'ou and myself sometimes uneasy ; but when I am alone, and I find you kind, if you knew the true quiet I have in my mind, you would then be convinced of my being entirely yours, and that it is in no other power in this world to make me happy but yourself. '"f" There can be no doubt of the strong faith in God which influenced his conduct from the date of his marriage * Coxe, vol. i., p. 119. + Ibid., vol. i., p. 120. HIS DEEP RELIGIOUS FEELING 441 onwards, though his was not an age of spmtual earnest- Chaptku ness. It was a time of religious scepticism, when the I ' principles of Hobbes appealed successfully to the reasoning 1702. faculty, and had caught the fancy of many. But no speculative doubt as to the accuracy of the Bible, the philosophy of its teaching, or the great scheme of Christian redemption, ever troubled his thoughts. To him the Gospel history was as unquestionably true as the elementary laws of nature, and he did not doubt or question the religious teach- ing of his childhood, but took it simply on trust as he had learned it. What had been good enough for his father, for Bacon, for Locke, and for the thousands of very great thinkers who believed in it, was good enough for him. Not so with his wife. Her questioning turn of mind led her to critically examine every point of religious belief, until at last she became a confirmed sceptic upon all matters of revealed religion, and not onl}^ lost all faith in goodness and truth herself, but came at last to despise, as dishonest fools, those who still retained it. Marlborough's letters, on the con- trary, teem with expressions of trust in God, of belief in God's constant watchful care over him, and of unqualified reliance upon His aid and support. In ever}' undertak- ing he looked for ' the particular blessing of the Almighty,' and saw His hand in all that happened. It was God who gave him victory, and it was by His mercy that he was preserved through the dangers which he encountered. He spent hours of the night before Blenheim in prayer, and, as was ever afterwards his custom, he received the Sacrament before going into action. Upon that particular occasion he said of himself, ' he believed he had prayed more that day than all the chaplains m the army.' He certainly possessed a childlike faith in the efficacy of prayer, which, in a mind of his calibre, so often confounds the reasoning of the ablest sceptic. His religion elevated his character and strengthened all the good that was within him. To such an extent did he sometimes allow his religious feelings to carry him, that we read of his cashierinij: two officers 442 MARLBOROUGH Chapter for blasphemy.* He was, however, as liberal in his views 2 ■ about rival creeds as he was about politics, harljouring no 1702. rancour against those who differed from him in spiritual belief, some of his best friends being Roman Catholics. Although he did not profess the creed of the High Church- men of his time, he never ridiculed their views, nor did he, on the other hand, in any way condemn the peculiarities of the Dissenters. He recognised and admired the sincerity of all Christian believers. His was no emotional religion, but a living faith, worth fighting for if necessary, and for it at the Revolution he risked his life and everything he had. One of our greatest historians says that Marlborough's conduct at the Revolution ' was a signal sacrifice to public virtue of every duty in private life, and required for ever after the n^ost upright, disinterested and public spirited behaviour to render it justifiable.'! But few who are con- versant with the ethics of the Restoration period will accept this theory. Marlborough had been educated and had spent his life in an atmosphere of crooked plots and counterplots. To scheme for what he wanted was second nature to him, as it was to all his friends ; and he was as careful as a modern bookmaker to hedge against every possible turn of fortune's wheel. Except at the Revolu- tion, when he drew the sword and threw away the scabbard, his conduct was always so calculated that, come what might, he should at least be safe from destruction and his family from ruin. Surely there is nothing incompatible in this union of a strong religious faith with the intriguing caution which was the fashion of the day. Our reputation as a race of brave, stubborn men has been high in all ages. The Romans found our ancestors hard to beat, and in the long wars of the Middle Ages the prowess of the Briton was superior to that of other peoples. Yet, notwithstanding the antiquity of these war- * ' Life of Colonel Gardiner,' by Dr. Doddridj^e, p. 129. t Hume, vol. viii., chap. Ixxii., p. ;-ilO. HE DREADED THE INVASION OF ENGLAND 443 like characteristics, it innst be admitted that the reputation Chapter XCI of our army only dates from Marlboroup^h's victories. His I ' wars first proved to modern Europe that Great Britain 1702. could produce not only stalwart soldiers as hard to beat as the victors of Crecy and Agincourt, but able commanders also ; and that England possessed a native army officered b}^ English gentlemen and led by an English General before which no other army of e({ual number could hold its own. It was Marlborough who first taught us to be proud of our standing army as a national institution, and the spirit of confidence which pervaded Wellington's army in the Peninsula, and to a still more remarkable degree shows itself now in Queen Victoria's army, may be said to have been born at Blenheim, baptized at Eamillies, and confirmed at Oudenarde. In the heterogeneous army which he commanded, the British troops were soon recognized as the core round which the component parts crystallized into a hard and compact mass, upon which blows made no impression. They were as the steel point to the Confederates' spear which forced its way through all armour, and when at last the British contingent was withdrawn from the Allied army, victory fled its ranks. In writing of men like Csesar, Marlborough, and Napoleon, we feel that we have to deal with leaders, not followers, of public o])inion, with real men, upon whose guidance hung the future of their countries and the destiny of Euroi3e. Both Marlborough and Wellington dreaded the invasion of England by the French, and both conceived the mainten- ance of a well-planned balance of power amongst the great nations of the Continent, as necessary to preserve Europe from the general dominion of any one ambitious State. It is impossible to imagine what would now be the con- dition of Europe, or of civil and religious liberty anywhere, if those two Englishmen had died in the comparative obscurity of their early years. Lewis XYIII. said that a merciful Providence had sent a Wellington into the 44^ MARLBOROUGH Chapter world as a counterpoise to Napoleon, and we may surel}' ' say the same of Marlborough with reference to Lewis XIY. 1/02. AVhen Lord Bolingbroke was in exile, snme French friends thought to please him by abusing his enemy, the great English General. With that dignit}' of mind which characterized him when not weighted with part}' considera- tions, he replied : ' I am the last person in the world to be told this. I knew the Duke of Marlborough better than any of you. He was so great a man I have entirel}' forgotten all his failings.' Until the party exigencies of political 'life had warped all sense of justice and gratitude in this remarkable genius, he had always spoken and written of Marlborough in the most gracious and generous terms. The Duke of Wellington said, when asked about Marl- borough, that he considered his strong sound sense and great practical sagacity were his most remarkable character- istics,* These were his own most salient qualities, and this answer of his shows how keenly he appreciated them in others. Some great writers have misused their eloquence in abuse of Marlborough. Libellers have even dared to question the courage of the great soldier who was no longer young when he led the crushing charge at Eamillies, and whose sword, years afterwards, Prince Eugene kissed when it was be- queathed to him, saying as he received it, ' sword that I have so often followed !' ' I hope,' Marlborough wrote, ' my services will need no apolog}^ with good men, and as long as they may be of any benefit to the public I shall be very little concerned at the endeavours any others may use to lessen them.' In another letter he comforts himself and reassures his correspondent with regard to some abuse which had been apparently levelled at Ijoth of them : ' UV /;///.s'^ coiitiitiic to do our (Jitti/,' he sa3's ; and he then goes on to infer, that if that be done, calumny can be regarded with contempt. Wellington could * The Greville Diary of 8, 8, 1843. HE MADE AXXE'S REIGN GLORIOUS 445 have said no more, and "Wellinijrton had been formed in a Chapter XCI sterner school of pul)hc morahty. 1 ' The master spirits who command the armed forces of a i'^^- free country are but the inspired mandatories of their country's will. They defend her interests and give effect to her aspirations ; they clench the links of her strength, and are alike pioneers and guardians of her power ; and in England the noble, seltiess word ' duty ' has long been the motto of her most famous warrior sons. Marlborough, his great, serene mind ruffled for a moment by insult, comforts himself with this magic word ; Nelson thrills his eager fleet and all future generations of Englishmen with it ; Welling- ton, cold and impregnable, rests upon it. May England never forget all that she owes to that word, and remember- ing how much it has achieved for her in the past, may she thus be enabled to keep faith with her future ! But as regards Marlborough's detractors, ' he has out- soared the shadow of (their) night,' and his finest qualities still form an integral part of our national heritage of fame. No one did more to redeem his country from the abject servitude into which she had sunk when the Stewarts reduced her to being ' little more than a province of France.'* The Kings whom he first served were but pen- sioners of Lewis XIY. ; those whom he helped to create were more than their enemy's equals. Queen Anne as a woman was dull and aj^athetic ; but, championed by Marl- borough, she became distinguished as the representative of an enduring monarch}-, respected abroad and beloved at home, and the traditional sentiment of loyalty, thus brought into harmony with our national requirements, has never since been seriously impaired. That he had faults is freely admitted, and it is some- times harder to excuse petty foibles in a great man than to forgive those huge errors which are the outcome of deep passions, and are often redeemed by pathos and tragedy. It is sorry work to dwell on the errors of the mighty dead, * Burnet. 446 MARLBOROUGH Chapter or Oil the malevolent skill which exaggerated them, and " Marlborough's calmness and indifference under insult may ^'^'^' have goaded his detractors to further attacks. But surely John Churchill's faults may be deemed as more than expiated when we remember that he, formerly so hand- some, so gallant, so dominant, was in his helpless old age shown for money by his own servants to visitors at Blenheim Palace, an object of vulgar curiosity to sight- seers in the lonely corridors of the vast pile built to com- memorate his glory. Yet his fame still enriches our national history, and for generations his name lived in the terrors of our enemies as French mothers hushed their children with the national alarm of : ' Malbrook s'en va-t-en Guerre.' [ 447 ] I X D E X In the following Index the figures not preceded by any Roman characters refer to pages in Volume I. ; those preceded by ii. refers to pages in Volume II. Abdicate, AVillium proposes to, ii., 345. Abigail HiU, ii., 347. Abjuration Bill, ii., 131. Act of Association, ii., 56. Act of Settlement, ii., 59, 61, 379. Act, Test, 129, 130. Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 75. Alarmists about invasion, dis- credited, ii., 21. Albemarle, Duke of, funeral, 74. Alliance, Triple, or Grand, ii., 223, 388, 391, 397. Ambition, Churchill's, 72. Anjou, Duke of, made King of Spain, ii., 367. Anne, Princess, her appearance, 248 ; at Brussels, 217 ; her suitors, 249 ; fond of play, 248 ; marriage of, 251 ; spiritual teacher, 150; character, 248, 254, ii., 122; in love with Lord Mulgrave, 249 takes the name of Morley, 253 correspondence witli Mary, 377 ii., 11 ; knows of conspiracy against James, 379 ; her import- ance at Revolution, ii., 5, 116; deserts her father, ii., 46 ; retreats to Oxford, ii., 49 ; treason to her father, ii., 79 ; under Sarah's in- fluence, ii., 118 ; quarrels with Mary, ii., 122, 289; her settlement, 251 ; ii., 123 ; settles annuity on Sarah, ii., 127 ; writes to ask her father's forgiveness, ii., 244, 317 ; goes to Sion House, ii., 267 ; love of Sarah, ii., 273 ; occupies Berkeley House, ii., 268 ; believes her childi'en die as a punishment for her treason, ii., 318; begs Sarah not to leave her, ii., 267, 289; efforts made to effect a reconcdia- tion between her and ^lary, ii., 289 ; transfers her affection to Abigail, ii., 349 ; scheme to pass over in favour of Elector, ii., 409. Anne Churchill, Ladv, married, ii., 355. Annual Mutmy Act, ii., 68. Annuity purchased by Churchill, 131 ; settled on Anne, 251 ; ii., 123 ; settled bv Anne on Sarah, ii., 127. Arabella Churchill, 237 ; goes to com't, 35 ; becomes mistress to James, 36 ; loses her pension, 38 ; her children, 37, 38. Argyle, 267 ; lands in Scotland, is taken and executed, 267. Armour dispensed with, ii., 29. Army, Sudden increase to, 207 ; sudden reduction of, ii., 342, 345 ; Feversham's at Bath. 300 ; stand- ing, dread of, 356 ; ii., 67, 241, 343 ; discipline of, under James, 350, 351, 352 ; army of invasion, 1688, ii., 24 ; in 1690, ii., 130 ; to be conunanded only by Enghsh, ii., 344 ; standmg, versus militia, ii., 146, 343. Articles of war, 355. Artillery, Complaints of, 307. 448 INDEX Ash Chapel, 10 Ash House, 2, 4, 8, 9, 10. Ashill, Forest of, skmiiish in, 278. Assize, Bloody, 339. Athelstane, Kmg, 5, 6. Attainder, Bill of, against Mon- mouth, 277. Aughrim, Battle of, ii., 238. Axe Kiver, 4, 5. Axminster, 1, 4 ; skirmish at, 290 ; William reaches, ii., 36 ; Marl- borough joins William there, ii., 40 ; Parish Register, 1. Balance of power, ii., 379. Bankrupt, England nearly, ii., 333. Barlow, Mrs., 114. Barrier fortresses, The, ii., 368; seized by France, ii., 369. Bath. Feversham reaches, 300; Monmouth's repulse before, 300. Battle of Aughrim, ii., 238 ; Beachy Head, ii., 143; Boyne, h., 136; Entzheim, 138 ; Fleurus, ii.. Ill, 140; La Hogue, ii., 279; Landen, ii., 297; Lansdown Hill, 19; Lowestoft, 8 ; Narva, ii., 361 ; Newtown-Butler, ii., 138 ; Sedge- moor, 310 ; Steinkirk, ii., 285 ; Walcourt, ii., 103. Beaufort, Duke of, at Bristol, 284, 297. Beaumont, Colonel, at Portsmouth, 357. Berkeley House, Anne goes to, ii., 268. Berwick, 37 ; made prisoner, 26 ; orders Cork to be burned, ii., 182. Bill of Rights, ii., 57. Birth of Marlborough, 2, 3 ; of Sarah, 153. Bishops, Seven, acquittal of, ii., 9 ; refuse to recognise William, ii., 233. Blathwate keeps back orders in- tended for Berwick, ii., 30. Bleeding of tlie nose, James's, ii., 33, 35. Blessings secured by questionable means, ii., 86. Bloody Assize, 339. Jioard of Ordnance, No foreigner to sit on, ii., 288. Bonnet's report on Marlborough's disgrace, ii., 262. Boteler, Lord, 8. Boyne, Battle of the, ii., 136. Bradford, Lord, ii., 271, 272. Brass money, James's, 162. Breach, Pomt in walls of Cork selected for, ii., 180. Breachmg battery at Cork, site of. ii., 188. Bread for army in the field, 209. Breda man-of-war blown up, ii., 200. Breda, Peace of, 75 Brest, Attack upon, ii., 305 ; Tolle- mache's plan for, ii., 307. Bribes taken by leading English- men, 148, 231 ; ii., 2, 261, 286, 409 ; refused by Marlborough, 148 ; ii., 126 ; accused of taking, ii., 125. Bridge Street, Dublin, Marlborough lives in, 28. Bridgewater, 296. Bridport, Lord Grey's failure at. 289. Bristol, Monmouth urged to attack. 297. British troops in French service, 135, 136, 143 ; prejudice against foreigners, ii., 255. Brussels, James sent to, 217. Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, 8, 61. Burnet, Bishop, ii., 339, 340; his ' Rough Draught,' ii., 263. Bussex Rhine. 306, 314, 315, 327. Cabinet Council, Weakness of, for war purposes, ii., 152. Cadogan, ii., 408; takes bribes, ii., 409. Camaret Bay, Descent on, ii., 305. Camp at Hoimslow, 208. Campaign of 1672, 115 ; of 1674, 134; of 1689, ii., 103; of 1691. ii., 234. Campaigns in Ireland, Schomberg's, ii., 95; William's, ii., 135. Carlisle Fort, Cork, ii., 168. Carwell, Madame, 78 ; pension of, 243. Cat Fort, Cork, ii., 173 ; occupied, ii., 180. INDEX 449 Channel Fleet fails to protect Eng- land, 273 ; ii., 22, 141, 148, 248, 277. Chard, Churchill reaches, 278. Charles Fort, Kinsale, ii., 208. Charles II., 44 ; his indifference to religion, 54 ; is bribed by Lewis, 109 ; receives pension from Lewis, 149 ; dislikes Church of England, .56 ; prefers ^opl'r^•, 5G, 150 ; taken suddenly ill, 219 ; brmgs back James to England, 223 ; his death, 259. Charles II. of Spain, ii., 366 ; dies, ii., 367. Charles XII.. ii., 361. Chudleigh, Mr., visits Marlborough m the Tower, ii., 272. Church, The, and James, 362, 374 ; denounces Poperv, 375 ; cares little for hberty, 363, 364, 374. Churchill, .\nne, 16 ; Lady, married, ii., 355 ; .\jrabeUa, 2, 35, 36, 37, 38 ; Awnsham, 14. 288 ; Charles, 23, 25 ; marches from Portsmouth to oppose Monmouth, 280 ; ac- cused of embezzlement at Kin- sale, ii., 218; Deborah, 16; George, 23, 24 ; ii., 279 ; con- demned by Parliament, ii., 126 ; his promotion, 139 ; appomted to the Admiralty, ii., 359 ; Henrietta, Lady, married, ij.. 353. Churchill, John, birth of, 1 ; genea- logy, 14 ; mother and father, 18 ; brothers and sisters, 23 ; educa- tion, 29, 30, 58 ; knows French well, 33, 145 ; bad spelling, 31 ; his genius, 34; enters the Foot . Guards, 41 ; his appearance, 67 ; intrigues with Duchess of Cleve- land, 68 ; found m her bedi'oom, 69 ; Macaulay's abuse of, 69, 189 ; Swift's abuse, 69 ; fights a duel, 72 ; goes to Tangier, 64 ; made Captain, 113 ; distinguishes himself at Maestricht, 123, 125 ; Turenne takes notice of him, 125 ; called ' the handsome English- man,' 126 ; presented to Lewis, 123 ; made Lieutenant - Colonel, 123; buys an amiuity, 131 ; serves vnth. French army. 134, 136, 144 ; made Colonel in Enghsh anny, VOL. II. 135 ; is not bribed like other public men, 148 ; buys sister-in- law's share of property', 160 ; courtship and marriage, 182, 195; love-letters, 184 to 195; cliildren, 195, 223, 241, 256; his married life, 198 ; mission to Hol- land in 1678, 203, 211 ; made Brigadier, 212 ; sent to Paris, 221 ; offered seat in Parliament, 222 ; goes to Scotland witli .James, 223 ; mission to Charles II., 238, 239; letter to Dartmouth, 237 ; made a peer, 255, 263 ; mission to Paris to annoimce accession of James, 261 ; determines to quit James if ever he interferes with English Church, 263, 347; hberality of his religious views, 223 ; life at St. Albans, 264 ; made Governour of Hudson Ba^' Company, 265 ; superseded by Feversham in 1685, 280, 284 ;' his foresight, 308 ; humanity, 346, 347 ; made Colonel of Royal Dragoons, 353 ; begms to intrigue ^\■ith William, 381 ; warns James not to follow anti- Protestant pohcy, 385, 386 ; his strong Protestantism, 29, 384; repugnance to plot against .James, ii., 74 ; takes counsel \\-ith Bishop of Ely, ii., 75 ; policy in James's reign, ii., 88 ; made Lieutenant- General, ii., 34 ; letter to James, ii., 40 ; joms WiUiam at Ax- mmster, ii., 40 ; ordered by WU- ham to reorganize army, ii., 53, 55, 62 ; influence over .\nne, ii., 61; his wealth, ii., 63; was his desertion justifiable '? ii., 73 ; created Earl of Marlborough, ii., 64 ; character. Chap, xci., stingi- ness, ii., 259, 429 ; earl3' poverty, 132 ; ii., 429 ; ambition, 72 ; love of wealth, 132, 169; ii., 63; patience and good temper, 176 ; humanity, 347 : ii., 427 ; speak- ing and voice, ii., 436; love of home, ii., 438 ; refinement in lan- guage, ii., 437 ; neither drank nor gambled, 51 ; love for Sarah, 179 ; ii., 427, 438 ; religious feel- mg, 58 ; love of dogs, 347. See also •Mitrlborough.' 54 450 INDEX Churcliill, Ladv, 18 ; Sir John, 14 ; Joshua, 287'; Theobald, 24, 26 ; Sir Winston, 18, 19 ; goes to Dubhn, 21 ; his book, 22 ; made Clerk Controller, 22 ; his children, 23 ; death of, 23 ; family, 15, 16 ; genealogy of, 14 ; origin of name, 15 ; motto of, 21 ; loyalty of, 19 ; Manor, 16. Churchmen of the period, 173. City Free School m Dubhn, 29. Claverhouse's death, ii., 100. Cleveland, Duchess of, 68 ; Chiu-chill's intrigue with, 69, 131 ; her children, 133. Climate of Ireland bad for English soldiers, ii., 153, 218. Cockpit, The, given to Anne. 251 ; Anne leaves it in anger, ii., 267. Commissions, Purchase of, 131,166; ii., 63. Compton, Bishop, Anne's tutor, 150, 370 ; punished, 370 ; undertakes to manage the Church, 380. Compton, SirF., at Sedgemoor, 322, 328. ' Conduct of Duchess of Marl- borough,' publication of, 168. Conspiracies, Jacobite, ii., 233. Contributions levied in the field, 92, 93. Convention Parliament, ii., 56, 90. Convoy duty, ii., 126. Cork, James in, ii., 95 ; Marlborough proposes to take, ii. 151 ; strength of his force, ii., 157 ; description of, ii., 171 ; harbour, ii., 168 ; in- vestment of, ii., 175, 178 ; plan of assault of, ii., 193 ; surrenders, ii., 197, 201 ; terms of capitulation, ii., 198. Coronation of James, 262 ; of Wil- liam and Mary, ii., 89. Correspondent, Marlborough a good, ii., 426. Corruption of morals at the Restora- tion, 51. Cosmo, Grand-Duke, 4, 7. Council of Nine, ii., 132. Courtiers of the Restoration, 61, 172, 183. Courtin's description of English ladies, 183. Court of claims, 21. Cromwellian settlement, 21. Crown settled on William and Mar}', ii., 59 ; William appreciates its value, ii., 91. Cutts, Lord, ii., 308. Danes at Cork, ii., 168, 178. Dare shot by Fletcher, 290. Dartmouth,' 236 ; Marlborough in- tercedes for, ii., 56. Davies, Dean, ii., 169. Declaration of Rights, ii., 57. Declaration of war with Holland, 81. Delamere's trial, 348. De re militari, 30. Desertion as a military crime, 356 ii., 81 ; of Lord Churchill, ii., 177 ; from Salisbury, ii., 31, 40 ; plan adopted, ii., 31 ; reported to James, ii., 32 ; in Flanders in 1691, ii., 235; of Churchill, ii., 40; of Anne, ii., 46 ; of Prince George, ii., 46. Despotism, Resistance only cure for, ii., 75. De Witt's murder. 116. Diplomacy in 1700, ii., 397. Diplomatic education of Marl- borough, 200. Disciphne under James, 355 ; ii., 67. Dissenters, James tries to obtam their favour, 367 ; he hates, 364 ; his cruelty to, 369. Distress in France, ii., 295. Divi Britannici, 22. Divine right, 362 ; ii., 91. Dogs in lieu of sentinels, 64 ; Marl- borough loves, 347. Dover, Secret Treaty of, 77. Downing, Sir G., sent to Holland, 79. Dragoons, Royal, Marlborough made Colonel of, 353 ; horse, size of, 353, 356. Drake, Sir John, 2, 7 ; Rev. M., 2 aisle in Musbury Church, 2, 7 Elizabeth, 18 ; tombs of family 7 ; Sk F., 7. Drinking in reign of Charles II., 51, 60. Droupe's Mill, ii., 189. Dublin, Churchill's residence in, 28. INDEX 451 Duel, Chnrcliiirs. 72. Dumbarton's regiment, ii., 65 ; mutiny of, ii., 66. Dimkirk, William proposes to at- tack, ii., 250 ; Sarah discloses secret about, ii., 265. Duras, Earl of Feversham, 143, 280. See Feversham. Dutch favourites, William's, 105 ; ii., 241, 252; officers regard all commands as theirs bv right, ii., 181, 158, 167, 255 ; attacked ua Parliament, ii., 288 ; troops, con- duct of, ii., 220; war, the second, 74 ; cause of quarrel, 75 ; English prejudice against the, ii., 241, 255, 288. Dykvelt sent to London, 879, 881. Ecclesiastical High Court of James, 370. Edict of Nantes, Revocation of, 86, 862. Edict, Perpetual, 116. Electress of Hanover becomes an important personage, ii., 366. Elizabeth, Fort, ii., 178 ; com- mandant of. killed, ii., 189. England nearly bankrupt, ii., 883. English army suffers in Ireland, ii., 101, 158,' 218; reghnents ui French service, 135, 186, 148 ; officers of, ignorance of, ii., 101, 219, 254 ; AVilliam's reasons for not employing, ii., 258; in Dutch service, ii., 5. Enthusiasm versus discipline, 810. Entzheim, Battle of, 138. Essex dies in the Tower, 257. * Est-il-possible ' deserts, ii., 45. Exclusion Bill. 288, 284, 287. Experience in war, ii., 215. Fairfax at Bridgewater, 296. Farrant. Rev. R..28. Fenwick"s Plot, ii., 827. Ferguson the plotter with Mon- mouth. 271, 290. Feversham, Lord. 148, 280; birth and parentage. 281 ; made Com- mander-in-Chief cigainst Mon- mouth, 280 ; his movements slow, 307 ; drunkenness in his camp, 812 ; his army at Sedgemoor, 819; goes to bed at Sedgemoor, 323 ; his cruelty, 889 ; his reward, 348 ; disbands the army, ii., 52. Fife first used, 184. ' Finbar's Cathedral, ii., 188. Fines imposed on Winston Clmrchill, 20. Fish-ponds at Ash House, 11. Fitzharding, Ladv, 68; ii., 124, 244, 265 ; tells William all that passes at Anne's Court, ii., 244, 266. Flag, The honour of the, 76, 80, 96, 127. Flamstead teaches Churchill, 38. Flanders, The war m, unpopular, 126, 128. Fletcher shoots Dare, 290. Fleurus, Battle of, ii.. Ill, 140. Forbes, Lord, presses James to arrest Churchill, ii. , 88. Foreigners, Dislike of, ii., 344 ; peti- tion agamst, ii., 246, 288, 300. Forfeited lands in Ireland, ii., 868. Fosseway, 5. Freeman, Mrs., 253. Fx-ench leave Ireland, ii., 162 ; Chm'chill's knowledge of, 32, 145 ; manners introduced by Charles II., 60; army, 89'; fleet created by Le^^'is, 111 ; ii., 249 ; officers hate Ii-eland, ii., 162, 222, 248 ; Marshals' desertion of Napoleon, ii., 232, 808. Friends, Marlborough has few, ii., 259. Frome, Rebels m, 301. Frontier of Rhme wanted by Lewis, 84. Frugahty of Marlborough, ii., 259. Fusiliers, Creation of, ii., 110. Gaffir Scott. Monmouth's nickname, 295. Galway, French leave, ii., 162. Gambling at the Restoration, 51, 60 ; of Anne, 248 ; ii., 268. Genealogy of ^Marlborough, 14. Generosus and Armiger, 16. Genius of Ciiurchill, 84. George Churchill appointed to Ad- miralty, ii., 859. George, Prince, his character. 250 ; marries Anne, 251 ; deserts 452 INDEX James, ii., 45 ; wants to serve afloat, ii., 124; money claim backed by Marlborough, ii., 362. George, Prince, of Hanover, in- tended to marry Anne, 249. Gill Abbey, ii., 179. Ginkel assumes command in Ire- land, ii., 164 ; letter to Marl- borough about Cork, ii., 166. Gloucester, Wreck of the, 245. Gloucester, Duke of, his establish- ment, ii., 338, 340 ; his death, ii., 365. Glove story. The, ii., 351. Godfrey the guide at Sedgemoor, 311. Godfrey, Colonel, 38. Godolphin, ii., 226, 302 ; resigns the Treasury, ii., 333, 409; Marl- borough's friend, ii., 354. Gout, Marlborough suffers from, ii., 341. Grafton, Duke of, attacks at Philip's Norton, 301 ; deserts James, ii., 40 ; at Cork, ii., 159 ; is killed, ii., 196, 201. Grand Alliance, 104 ; ii., 223, 236, 250, 333, 397 ; wars of, ii., 236 ; Second, made by Marlborough, ii., 388, 397. Grenadiers raised, 208. Grev, Lord, 273, 289; at Sedge- nioor, 334, 335. Groaning-chair at Ash House, 9. Gunboats bombard Cork, ii., 192. Gun-money, 162. Guns, The, hamper Feversham, 307. Habeas Corpus Act odious to James, 367 ; Sarah rejoices over it, ii., 284 ; Marlborough claims its protection, ii., 283, 284. Hale, Colonel, advances on Cork, ii., 177. Half Moon, Assault of, 122. Halifax, Lord, 259, 260. Hamburg merchant, ii., 324. Hamilton's mission to Ireland, 99. Hanover, Electress of, ii., 366. Harley, ii., 348, 372; disliked by Sarah, ii., 348. Headaches, Churchill's, 184. Heinsius, ii., 404. Henley, William reaches, ii,, 53. Henrietta, Duchess of Orleans, makes Treaty of Dover, 77. Henrietta Churchill, Lady, married, ii., 354. Herbert invites navy to desert, ii., 23. Hereditary Right, ii., 91. Hewling, Hannah, 345. High Treason, 382, ii., 77. Highwaymen near London, ii., 301. Hill, Eev. W., 29. Hill family. The, ii., 347. Hogue, La, Battle of, ii., 279. Holland, Declaration of war with, 81 ; power of, to resist invasion, 106. Holmes, Colonel, at Sedgemoor, 333. Holywell House, 154. Home, Mai'lborough's love of, ii., 438. Hooke, 273, 295. Horoscope, Churchill's, 3. Horse, The Dragoon, 353, 356. Hounslow Camp, 354. Hudson Bay Company, Marl- borough made Governour, 265 ; greeted by, 342. Humanity of Marlborough, 346, 347. Hmnieres, ]\Iarshal, commands French at battle of Walcourt, ii., 106. Hyde Park reviews, 40, 145. Impeachment of Portland, ii., 381. Inniskillen troops at the Boyne, and Newtown-Butler, ii., 138 ; their want of discipline, ii., 220. Instinct, Military, 309. International policy, English igno- rance of, ii., 402. Invasion of England by William, ii., 13, 24 ; threatened by France, ii., 250; not believed in, ii., 21; alarm of invasion, ii., 25, 141, 146, 270, 292 ; James's scheme for, ii., 145, 276 ; army for, proposed by Marlborough, Ii., 229, 296. Invitation sent to William to come over, ii., 9. Ireland, William's first interests in it, ii., 93 ; Sc^homberg's campaign in, ii., 95 ; William goes to, ii., 135 ; hated by French troops, ii., INDEX 453 162, 222, 248 ; campaign in, badly planned by AVilliani, ii., 217 ; un- healthy for English soldiers, ii., lt)3, 218. Irish Brigade, Origin of, ii., 9;), 138, 239. Irish polic3- of WiUiani, ii., 161, 418 ; feeling to England, ii., 193. Jacobite, Term fii-st used, ii., 131 ; plots, ii., 233, 278, 292. 302, 328 ; agents, ii., 211, 324, 328, 419; conspiracy in army, ii., 18, 31, 35, 134 ; conspiracy in navy, ii., 27 ; correspondence of Marl- borough, ii., 226, 292. James, ii., 49 ; his character. 48, 346, 347 ; mistresses, 50, 187 ; re- ligion, 50, 56 ; bigotry, 49, 58 intrigues with Arabella Churchill 36 ; driven from all his employ ments by the Test Act, 131 his change of religion hvurts Charles II., 148 ; objects to Mary's marriage. 149 ; sent to Brussels, 217 ; sudden return from Brussels, 219; sent to Scotland, 223; court m Scotland, 232 ; returns to live in England, 246 ; refuses to turn Protestant, 57 ; influence ■with Charles, 244 ; %\Tecked in the Gloucester, 245 ; restored to all einplo^anents, 252 ; calls Parlia- ment together, 263 ; his policy as King, 259, 260, 348; ii., 96 ;' his coronation, 262 ; his nationality variable, 263 ; brutal disposition of, 49, 346 ; responsible for Jeffreys' cruelties, 345, 346 ; efforts to establish Popery, 365 ; S. Johnson, Rev., punished by James, 366 ; James's treason against his people, 347, 373 ; touches for king's evil, 385 ; con- versation with ]\Iarlborough about Popery, 386 ; realizes that Wil- Uam means invasion, ii., 16 ; that Sunderland had deceived him, ii., 18 ; begs money from Lewis, ii., 16; tries to undo his unjust acts, ii., 18 ; trusts in army and navy for protection from invasion, ii., 19 ; starts with Marlborough and others for Salisbury, ii., 33 ; alleged plot to kill him at War- minster, ii., 35 ; deserted by his children, ii., 46 ; returns to White- hall, ii., 45 ; throws Great Seal into Thames, ii., 50; starts for France, ii., 50 ; orders army to be disbanded, ii., 50; brouglit back to Whitehall, ii., 54 ; makes unfavourable impression at St. Germain's, ii., 54; lands in Ire- land ; ii., 90 ; his Irish policy, ii., 96 ; at the Bo;\aie, ii., 137 ; scheme for invasion of , England, ii., 146, 248, 276 ; urges Lewis to invade England, ii., 145, 276, 293 ; hopes to be restored by Parliament, ii., 229, 291 ; does not beheve in Marlborough's penitence, ii., 230, 276, 292, 296; his restoration probable, ii., 317 ; his death, ii., 401. Jeffreys, 343 ; excuses for his cruelty, 345. Jennings family, 153, 155. Jennings, Frances, 156, 160 ; Su- John, 155, 159 ; Ralph and Richard, 16, 159; Sarah, 153; father and mother, 155, 156 ; qviarrels with her mother, 157 ; brothers and sisters, 159, 160 ; appearance and character, 163, 165, 172, 175. John's College. Oxford, 19. Johnson, Saml., in the PiUory, 366. Katherine, Queen, 59, 73 ; mis- carries, 129. Keppel, ii., 357. KerouaUe, Louise de, 78 ; her wages, 243. Kejiisham, Skirmish at, 297. King's Inn, Dublin, Sir Winston ChurchiU in, 21. King's, The, mistresses, 35; ii.. 261. Kinsale, Investment of, ii., 205 ; description of, ii., 207, 217 ; Old Fort taken, ii., 211 ; Charles Fort, ii., 208, 214. Kirke, Colonel, 343. Knight of the Garter refused to Marlborough, ii., 242. La Hogue, ii., 279. 454 INDEX Landen, Battle of, ii., 297. Laugport, Skirmish at, 285. Lansdown Hill, Battle of, 19. Legge, George, 236, 237. Lewis, his policy, ii., 147 ; bribes freely, 77, 115, 148, 231 ; ii., 385 ; bribes Charles II., 77, 109 ; character and aims, 83 ; longs to obtain Holland, 84 ; unscrupulous and untruthful, 86 ; as Grand Monarque, 86 ; seizes Dutch for- tresses, ii., 369 ; declares war with Holland, 81 ; wishes to make England Catholic, but first wish is to enlarge France, ii., 4 ; pro- claims his grandson Iving of Spain, ii., 367. Ley, James, Earl of Marlborough, 8; ii., 64. Limerick, "William advances against, ii., 150 ; siege raised, ii., 161, 193 ; surrenders, ii., 239. Lowestoft, Battle otT, 8. Lucas made Governor of Tower, ii., 53. Luvois, 119. L\'me Regis, Monmouth lands at, '273, 276,286. Macaulay, 189 ; ii., 81. Mackay, General, ii., 24, 239, 284. Maestricht, Churchill at, 121. Manley, Mrs., 69, 133, 156. Manners at Restoration, 59. Marlborough (see ' Churchill ") ; Churchill created Earl of, 8 ; ii., 64 ; to command English con- tingent in 1689, ii., 103 ; at Wal- court, ii., 106 ; praised by ^^'illiam for, ii., 110 ; made Colonel of Royal Fusiliers, ii., 110 ; William owes him his Crown, ii., 112, 116 ; discontented with "William, ii., 116 ; a gi^eat talker at times, and verj' open in his conversation, ii., 116, 242; controls Sarah when at home, ii., 124 ; ill-treated by "William and Mary, ii., 112, 125; persuades Anne to forego her claim to Throne after Mary's death, ii., 118 ; accused of taking bribes, ii., 125 ; commands in England when "William is in Ireland, ii., 131 ; correspondence with William in Ireland, ii., 134 ; proposes to take Cork and Kin- sale, ii., 251 ; embarks for Cork, ii., 160 ; a bad sailor, suffers from sea - sickness, ii., 165 ; reaches Cork, ii., 175 ; takes Cork, ii., 202 ; takes Kinsale, ii., 214; corre- sponds with Jacobites, ii., 226, 324, 328 ; asks James forgiveness by, ii., 227 ; to connnand army in Holland, ii., 234 ; influence with armj', ii., 235 ; remonstrates with William about gifts of land to Dutch favourites, ii., 243 ; sup- posed Jacobite proclivities, ii., 245 ; dismissed from office by William, ii., 256; sent to the Tower, ii., 270 ; few friends, ii., 259 ; a plotter, n., 282, 291 ; ex- presses penitence to James, ii., 303 ; robbed by highwaymen, ii., 301 ; charged with the failin-e at Brest, ii., 304 ; William refuses to re-employ him, ii., 321 ; for- given hy W^illiam and appointed Governour of Duke of Gloucester, ii., 339 ; dislike of foreigners, ii., 344 ; elder daughters marry, ii., 350 ; Lord Justice, ii., 341 ; reluc- tance to suspect friends, ii., 374 ; treasonable correspondence with James, n., 226, 228, 231, 243, 291, 293, 303; his patience, n., 397, 438 ; as a diplomatist, ii., 185, 388. 391 ; headaches, 184. i\Iary of Modena marries James, 130; hates Scotland, 232; her lying-in, 224 ; sells Englishmen as slaves, 346. Mary, Princess, her marriage, 152 ; education, 150 ; character, 151 ; marriage a sad blow to Lewis, 151 ; dislikes the Marlborough's, n., 113, 114, 125 ; believes in justice of Revolution, ii., 23 ; letters to Sarah, ii., 113 ; kind at first to Sarah, n., 114, 117, 257 ; resents Sarah's influence with Anne, ii., 61, 114 ; quarrel with Anne, n., 122, 255, 266, 289 ; her Council, ii., 132 ; unaccustomed to all public business, ii., 133 ; her courage, ii., 134 ; rules England when William is in Ireland, ii., INDEX 455 131 ; distrusts Marlborough, ii. 133, 260 ; lier remorse, ii., 290 William's neglect of, ii., 290, 321 lier death, ii., 321. Mass at Hounslow, 355 ; on board the fleet, 358. Master General of Ordnance, Marl- | borough asks to be, ii., 242. Matchlocks at night, 328. M.P.'s bribed by France, ii., 385. Mews, Bishop, at Sedgemoor, 332. Middleton, Lord, ii., 291. Militaiy punishments, 95 ; ii., 67. Military science at the end of seven- teenth century, 94 ; instinct, 309 ; spirit, 342. Militia m Monmouth's favour, 280, 288 ; at Bridport, 289 ; at Sedge- moor, 305, 319 ; versus standing army, 351 ; u., 146, 241. Mistress to the Khig, 35 ; ii., 360. Modesty, Absence of, 60. Monck, General, Funeral of, 74. Money, Love of, 132, 169 ; ii., 63. Monmouth, 114 ; sent to command troops in Holland, 114 ; attainted, 277 ; character, 266, 274, 287 ; his mistress, 266, 281, 296; landmg of, 273, 276, 286 ; want of money, 272, 302 ; rebeUion of, 268, 269 ; his proclamation, 271, 290 ; plan of operations, 293 ; claims Marlborough's allegiance, 292; enters Taunton. 294; enters Bridgewater, 295 ; called ' Gaffir Scott,' 295 ; Keynsham, 297 ; reaches AYells, 296 ; proposes to fly, 302 ; his army at Sedgemoor, 318 ; the watchword, 321 ; his capture and execution, 341. Mons Meg bursts, 232. Montague, Lord, 372. Morals of the Restoration, 51. Morley, Mrs., Anne's name, 253. Mounted Infantry, 353. Mulgrave, Lord, Anne's lover, 249. Musbury, 7. Mutiny, not uncommon, 209 ; of Dumbarton's regiment, u., 66 ; Annual Act, u., 68 ; men shot for, ii., 69. Namur taken by Lewis, 285 ; re- taken by AVilliam, u., 325. Nantes, Edict of, 86, 362. Napier, Sir C, 343. Napoleon in 1815, ii., 249, 303 ; on Marlborough, ii., 424. National Convention, ii., 57. ' Nativitv,' Marlborough's Scheme of, 3. " Naw disgi-acefullv managed, ii., 129. Neck-or-nothing, Game of, 125. Neerwinden, Battle of, ii., 297. Newmarket, Court at, 229. Newtown-Butler, Battle of, h., 138. Ney's desertion of Napoleon, ii., 86, 303. Night attack, Bridport, 289 ; Sedge- moor, 312. Nimeguen, Peace of, 214. Nonconformists, Charles II. cruel to, 54. North, Lord, 11. Oath of Allegiance, ii., 84. Obstructiveness of States-General, h., 235. Otiicers, English, Ignorance of, ii., 219, 254. Oglethorpe, Colonel, 322 ; his skir- mish at Keynsham, 297 ; at Sedgemoor, 324; alleged father of Pretender, 322. Old Fort, Ivinsale, taken, ii., 211. Orange destroyed h\ Lewis, u., 89. Orange ribands worn by Anne and Sarah, ii., 54. Ormond, Marlborough's rival for command, ii., 387. Oxford, Parhament meets at, 239. Panics, Night, 312, 327, 329, 336 ; of invasion, ii., 25, 141, 146, 270, 292. Parliament, Pensioning or Long, 216 ; meets at Oxford, 239. Parsimony of Marlborough, ii., 257. Partition Treaty, First, ii., 366 ; Second, u., 367. i Partridge the astrologer, 3; ii., 1. I Passive Obedience, 364, 374. ' Patch, Old,' 320 ; at Sedgemoor, 332. Patience, Marlborough's, ii., 397. 1 Paul's School. St., 30. Peace of Kyswick, u., 334. 456 INDEX Pensioning Parliament, The, 216. Pepys, his opmion of Court mo- raUty, 60 ; at shipwreck of the Gloucester, 245. Perpetual Edict, 116. Peterborough, ii., 132 ; his treachery, ii., 331. Peter the Great, ii., 360. Petre, Father, 371. Philip, King of Spain, ii., 367. Philips-Norton, Skirmish at, 301. Pickeering, ii., 237. Plate given to Marlborough as Am- bassador, ii., 389. Plays at Court, 145, 226. Plj-mouth declares for William, ii., 43. Poetry disliked by Sarah, 169. Poidoine, Churchill's valet, 225. Polden Hills, 313, 335. Politics, Marlborough avoids, ii., 88. Pope's conduct to Sarah, 168. Popisli plot. 215. Portland, ii., 260 ; resigns his offices, ii., 357 ; impeached, 380. Portsmouth captains, 357. Portsmouth, Duchess of. See ' Keroualle.' Poverty of Churchill, 132 ; ii., 429. Powlett, Lord. 8. Pretender, Old, born, ii., 8. Priests, sailors threaten to throw them overboard, 358. Prince the historian, 2. Prisoners of war, Treatment of, 96. Privy Council, Eoman Cathohcs appointed to, 371 ; Marlborough's name removed froin, ii., 284. Protestant, Irish, refugees in Eng- land, ii., 170 ; Marlborough's devotion to Protestant faith, 28, 51, 58; Protestant wind, ii., 25; Protestants robbed by T^-rconnel, ii., 97 ; laws against them, ii., 98 ; imprisoned at Cork, ii., 171, 198 ; Protestantism under Charles II., 54. Public life under the Stewarts, 51, 201. Punishments, Military, 95 ; ii., 67. Purchase of public offices, 131, 166. Puritan, The, 56. Quakers at Cork, ii., 177, 198. Eapparee, The, ii., 226. Reading, Skirmish at, ii., 36. Rebel army at Sedgemoor, 318. Recruits, Gaols emptied to obtain, ii., 224. Regent, Parliament wishes to make William, ii., 58. Regiments in French service, 135, 136, 143. Religion of the Restoration, 58 ; important factor in James's reign, 51, 173, 375. Restoration : morality, 59 ; Court, 58 ; ladies, 59. Reviews in London, 40, 145. Revocation of Edict of Nantes, 86, 362. Revolution conspiracy, ii., 11, 13 ; beginning of, ii., 1 ; not effected by tlie people, ii., 3 ; favoured by Lewis's military mistakes, ii., 3, 14 ; Anne important factor in, ii., 5 ; James refuses to beheve in, ii., 13 ; scheme for, ii., 23. Revolution, The French, outcome of Dutch war, 76. Rhine frontier of France, 84 Rights, Declaration of, ii., 57. Roman Catholics forbidden to carry arms, 54 ; banished the kingdom, 54. Romanism under Charles XL, 54. Rome favours William, ii., 325. ' Rowlev,' Charles II. 's nickname, 47. Royal Fusiliers, Marlborough Colonel of, ii., 110. Rupert's Tower, Cork, ii., 168. Russell, ii., 139, 277 ; pleads for Marlborough, ii., 251. Russell, Lord R., beheaded, 374. Ryswick, Peace of, ii., 334. St. Alban's, 377. St. Paul's School, 30. St. Ruth, ii., 238. Sale of coinmissions, 131, 166. Salisbury, James orders army to concentrate at, ii., 29 ; James re- views army there, ii., 34 ; William enters, ii., 44 ; James retreats from, ii., 43. INDEX 457 Sarah Churchill, 153, 163; her children, 196, 223, 241 ; marriage, 195; appearance, 163 ; character, 165, 172, 175, 178, 253, 255 ; ii., 850 ; insanity, 179 ; lack of book- learning, 164, 175 ; alleged venality, 165, 167 ; as Atossa, 168 ; her will, 159 ; her temper, 176, 178, 187 ; ii., 124, 350 ; first meets her husband, 182 ; first and second children, 241 ; made Lady- in-Waiting to Anne, 251 ; adopts name of ' Freeman,' 253 ; Sarah and Mary very dissimilar, 180 ; very angry with her treatment, ii., 116 ; she rules through Anne, ii., 118; corresponds with her sister Frances, ii., 119 ; her in- fluence over Anne, 179, 181 ; ii., Ill, 118, 128 ; birth of last chUd, ii., 158 ; charged with -winning large sums from Anne, 248 ; ii., 263; loyalty to Anne, ii., 114; charged with communicating State secrets to Lady Tyrconnel, ii., 119, 265 ; goes to Court after her husband's disgrace, ii., 266; death of her youngest child, ii., 283; ill-treatment of Anne, ii., 349, 350 ; her Whiggism, 171. Sarsfield, ii., 169, 239. Saville, Henrv, lover of Anne Hyde, 189. Schomberg, ii., 25, 101 ; Com- mander-in-Chief, ii., 63 ; dis- astrous Irisli campaign, ii., 95 ; death at the Bovne, ii., 137. Schools, Chm-chill's, 29, 30. Schravemor, ii., 166 ; joins Marl- borough at Cork, ii., 176. Scotland, James goes to, 225; m arms under Dundee, ii., 100. Sedgemoor, Feversham reaches, 306 ; battle of, 310 ; topography of, 315 ; royal army at, 319 ; rebel army at. 318. Sedley, Catherine, 38 ; selected to marry Churchill, 187, 189. Sermons the day before Sedgemoor, 317. Seven Bishops, Trial of, ii., 7. Shaftesbury', 258. Shandon Castle, ii., 173, 178, 182. Share, Master Gunner, 303, 320. Shipwreck of the Gloucester, 245. Shrewsbury, Duke of, ii., 302 ; his Jacobite correspondence, ii., 131, 227 ; becomes Minister, ii., 300 ; William's trust in him, ii., 131, 311 ; opinion of statesmen, ii., 79 ; pleads for Marlborough, ii., 261, 320. Sidney, Algernon, bribed, 231 ; be- headed, 256. Sidney, Robert, lover of Anne Hyde, 36. ' Sieges usuallv end campaigns in 17th century, 94 ; ii., 236. ' Silly - silly,' nickname of Marl- borough, ii., 436. Sion House lent to Anne, ii., 267. Slavery, James sends Englishmen into, 346. Sobrietj' of Churchill, 51. Society, Corruption of, 51, 201. ' Soho,' Monmouth's countersign, 321. Sole Bay, Battle of, 113. Solmes, Count, leaves Ireland, ii., 164. Somersetshire declares for William, u., 44. Somertou, Feversham reaches, 305 Spelling of Marlborough, 31. Spencer, Lord, ii., 355 ; marries Lady A. ChurchHl, ii., 355. Spratt, Bishop, unravels Young's plot, h., 282. Standing army. Dread of, 356 ; ii., 241, 343 ; James loves the, 350, 351 ; strength in 1690, ii., 130. States-General, Obstructiveness of, ii., 235. Steinkirk, Battle of, ii., 285. Stinginess of ]\rarlborough, ii., 259. Storm disperses Wilham's fleet, ii., 25. Storming party at Cork, ii., 194. Story, S., 304. Strategy in 1691, ii., 238, 286. Style, New and Old, Preface. Subsistence of Armies, 93. Sunderland, 380; ii., 14, 15, 300, 335 ; tiu-ns Roman Catholic, 384 ; treacherv, ii., 14, 318 ; persuades James that William is not going to mvade England, ii., 14 ; treachery discovered, ii., 18 ; 458 INDEX Marlborough angry with, ii., 404 WilHani trusts, ii., 300, 335. Swift's abuse of Marlborough, 69. Symes, Rev. B., 2. Tangier, 63 ; regiment, 64 ; its cost 65 ; fighting with the Moors, 66 Committee, 65 ; evacuated, 65 Cliurchill sent there, 64. Taunton, Monmouth's reception in, 294. Teignmouth, French land at, ii., 146. Temper and patience of Marl- borough, 177 ; h., 397, 438. Temple, able and honest Minister, 127, 131, 150. ' Tennant's House ' at Ash, 8. Tennis, Charles plays with Churchill, 247. Tents supplied to Royal army, 303. Test Act, 129, 130 ; James tries to repeal, 57, 367, 368. Tettau, ii., 168 ; joins Marlborough at Cork, ii., 178. Theatricals, 145, 226. Titus Gates, 215, 216. Tollemache, General, ii., 6, 239, 306 ; his failure at Brest, ii., 310. Tories removed from office, ii., 409, 414 ; their policy, ii., 413. Torrington defeated at Beachy Head, ii., 143. Treason, 382 ; ii. 77, 232. Treaties, Weakness of all, ii., 334, 403 ; secret treaty of 1678, 206 ; Treaty of Dover, 77 ; of Nime- guen, 214 ; of Ryswick, u., 334 ; Partition, ii., 366. Trial of the Seven Bishops, ii., 7. Trill House, near Ash, 8. Turenne, 138, 146 ; takes notice of Churchill, 125 ; Marlborough's master in war, 146 ; changes his religion to please Lewis, 147 ; fights at Entzheim, 138 ; his death, 146. Tyrconnel, 161, 371 ; holds Ireland for James, ii., 97 ; his policy as Lord-Lieutenant, ii., 98 ; turns out Pi'otestants from Irish army, ii., 96 ; reserve system used by him in Ireland, ii., 96 ; returns to France, ii., 162; Lady, 160, 1*)1, 162. Universities, James attacks, 374. Vauban, ii., 236 ; fortifies Brest, ii., 315. Vaudemont on Marlborough, ii., 236. Vegetius, 30. Vilhers, Barbara, 68 ; ii., 124, 244, 266. Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, 8, 61. „ Edward, ii., 260. Ehzabeth, h., 120, 244, 260. family, ii., 260. Volubility of Marlborough, ii., 117, 242. Volunteers, ii., 199, 237. Wade, Colonel, 334 ; advises Mon- mouth to attack Bristol, 297. Walcourt, Battle of, ii., 103. Waldeck, ii., 103, 140 ; his campaign, ii., 105 ; his opinion of Marl- borough, ii., 110 ; defeated at Fleurus, ii.. Ill, 140. War in 1691, 94 ; with France, ii., 92 ; experience in, ii., 215. Warlake, The, 12. Warming-pan story, ii., 9. Warminster, Advanced guard at, ii., 29 ; the plot at, ii., 35, 87. Waterloo. Expected battle at, ii., 325. Wealth, Churchill's greed of, ii., 63. AVellington on James, 331 ; on Marlborough, ii., 232, 303. Wells, Rebels rob, 304. Wentworth, Lady, 266, 281, 296. Weston- Zoyland, Feversham in, 323 ; church of, 336. Whiggism of Sarah, 171. Whigs, The, and Wilham, ii., 131. William III., 98 ; birth, 99 ; weak constitution, ii., 90 ; his manners, ii., 115 ; meets Marlborough, 13 ; selects him because of Sarah's power over Anne, 181 ; is made 'Captain-General, 117; arrives to marry Mary, 149, 151 ; his character, 99, 151 ; ii., 252 ; re- visits England, 242 ; connection with Monmouth, 269 ; address to the people, ii., 22 ; mvites ]']nglish .'irmy to desert, ii., 23 ; embarks to invade England, ii., 24 ; lands at Torbay, ii. 26 ; INDEX 459 reaches Salisbury, ii., 44 ; reaches Littlecote,ii.,58; reaches Windsor, ii., 55 ; reaches London, ii., 56 ; tlie chief plotter in 1688, ii., 79, 81 ; a hypocrite, ii., 79 ; un- truthful, ii., 80; regarded as a foreigner, ii., 90 ; his value of the Crown, ii., 91 ; love of war, ii., 98,130; declares war with France, ii., 92 ; prospects in Ireland, ii., 93 ; sends Hamilton to Dublin, ii., 99 ; Williana's dislike of Marl- borough, 112, 114, 121, 320; William and Marlborough, very unhke, ii., 113 ; W^illiam uses the Marlboroughs for his own pur- poses, ii., 115, 125; resents the Churchill influence, ii., 115 ; hates the interference of women, ii., 116 ; distrusts the loyalty of those who made him King, ii., 119, 252 ; fears Marlborough's influence Avith army, ii., 235, 253 ; keeps command of armv in his own hands, ii., 119, 252; in 1688 con- sults Marlborough on all army matters, ii., 62 ; his prejudices against Marlborough, ii., 120, 125 ; forgets his own treason, and thinks he rules bv right, ii., 120, 121, 260; impopularity, ii., 134, 241, 317, 323 ; sympathy with soldiers in the field, ii., 135 ; his Irish policy, ii., 161, 418; fights at the BojTie, ii., 136 ; approves of Mai'l- borough's proposal to attack Cork, ii., 154 ; takes Marlborough to Flanders in 1691, ii., 234 ; refuses to make Marlborough Master-General of the Ordnance, or to give hun the Garter, ii., 242 ; prepares to make a descent on the coast of France, ii., 250 ; begins to reahze he has traitors about him, ii., 252; reasons foi- not employing English officers, ii., 253 ; partiality for his own countrymen, ii., 241; opinion of Dutch officers, ii., 253 ; jealous of Marlborough, ii., 255 ; reasons for dismissing Marlborougli, ii., 258, 261 ; no one cares for him, ii., 270, 418; system of govern- ment, ii., 291 ; clianges his Ministers, ii., 300; tells the whole truth about state of army and navy, ii., 299 ; uses and trusts Sunderland, ii., 300 ; re- fuses to re-employ Marlborough, ii., 321, 322 ; determines to abdi- cate, ii., 345 ; failing health, ii., 358, 382, 386, 410 ; coldness to Marlborough in 1700, ii., 365 ; dis- misses the Whigs, ii., 371 ; be- comes estranged from the Whigs, ii., 404 ; death, ii., 417; ill success in war, ii., 215, 217, 286. Wllhams, Monmouth's servant, 329. Wincanton, Skirmish at, ii., 36. Wind, The Protestant, h., 25. Winstone Churchill, Sir, 18, 19 ; his book, 22 ; goes to Ireland, 21 ; death. 23. Wirtemberg, Duke of, ii., 167 ; reaches Cork, ii., 184 ; disagree- ment with Marlborough, ii., 184. W^olselev, Colonel of Inniskilleners, ii., 138, 220. Writing, Marlborough hates, ii., 426. York, Duchess of, her lovers, 42 ; her Court, 59. York, Duke of. See ' James II.' Young's plot, ii., 271, 274, 282. Zulestein, Count, his mission to England, 383. END OF VOL. II. BILLING A>-D SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD. /. D.