PEACEMAKERS- BLESSED AND OTHERWISE Observations, Reflections and Irritations at an International Conference BY IDA M. TARBELL FATHER ABRAHAM IN LINCOLN'S CHAIR HE KNEW LINCOLN THE WAYS OF WOMAN THE RISING OF THE TIDE NEW IDEALS IN BUSINESS LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN HE KNEW LINCOLN, AND OTHER BILLY BROWN STORIES. PEACEMAKERS- BLESSED AND OTHERWISE Observations, Reflections and Irritations at an International Conference BY IDA M. TARBELL gorfc THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1922 All rights reserved * ' "*..;,' PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Set up and printed. Published April, 1822. Press of J. J. Little & Ives Company New York, U. S. A. FOREWORD This book does not pretend to be a history or even an adequate review of the work of the Conference on the Limitation of Arma- ment, nor does it pretend to be the writer's full appraisement of that work. It is what its sub-title suggests, a collection of ob- servations, rejections and irritations. These were set down each week of the first two months of the Conference and were pub- lished practically as they stand here by the McClure Syndicate. I. M. T. 471 a CONTENTS CHAPTBB I. PRE-CONFERENCK REFLECTIONS . . 1 II. ARMISTICE DAY 29 III. NOVEMBER 12, 1921 41 IV. THE FRENCH AT THE CONFERENCE . 60 V. THE PARIS SHRINE OF OUR LADY OF HATES 83 VI. WHY DID HE Do IT? .... 99 VII. DRAMATIC DIPLOMACY . . . . 114 VIII. THE MOODS OF AN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 137 IX. PUT YOURSELF IN THEIR PLACES . 160 X. CHINA AT THE CONFERENCE . . . 186 XI. THE MEASURE OF THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE . . 206 PEACEMAKERS- BLESSED AND OTHERWISE Observations, Reflections cmd Irritations at an International Conference PEACEMAKERS BLESSED AND OTHERWISE CHAPTEE I PRE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS WHEN one attempts to set down, with any degree of candor, his impressions of a great gathering like the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, he will find him- self swayed from amusement to irritation, from hope to despair, from an interest in the great end to an interest- in the game as it is being played. My hopes and interests and irritations over the Washington Con- ference began weeks before it was called. What could it do? All around me men and women were saying, "It will end war/ 7 and 1 PEACEMAKERS possibly so deep was the demand in them that war be ended believing what they said. It has always been one of the singu- lar delusions of people with high hopes that if nations disarmed there could be no wars. Take the gun away from the child and he will never hurt himself. If it were so easy! Their confidence alarmed the authors of the Conference. They did not mean dis- armament, but limitation of armament. Moreover it was not even a Conference for but one on limitation. This was equivalent to saying that there were other matters in- volved in cutting down arms the causes that had brought them into being in the first place, the belief that only in them was security, and that if you were to do away with them you must find a substitute, and a way to make this substitute continually effective. That is, there were several prob- lems for the Conference to solve if they were to put a limit to armaments, and they 2 PKE-CONFEBElSrCE BEFLECTIONS were not easy problems. But those who kept their eyes on disarmament, pure and simple, refused to face them. Along with the many who believed the coming Conference could say the magic word were not a few the sophisticated, who from the start said : "Well, of course, you don't expect anything to come out of it." Or, "Are you not rather naive to sup- pose that they will do anything?" And generally the comment was followed by "Of course nothing came from Paris." This superior attitude sometimes van- ity, sometimes disillusionment, sometimes resentment at trying any new form of in- ternational dealing was quite useless to combat. You had an endless task of course if you attacked them on the point of nothing coming out of Paris when you believed pro- foundly that a great deal of good, as well as much evil, had come out of Paris, and that the good is bound to increase and the evil to diminish as time goes on. 3 PEACEMAKEKS Very singular, the way that people dis- miss the treaty of Versailles, drop it out of count as a thing so bungling and evil that it is bound to eventuate only in wars, bound to be soon upset. The poor human beings that made the treaty of Versailles lacked omniscience, to be sure, and they cer- tainly strained their "fourteen points," but it will be noted that not a few of the ar- rangements that they made are working fairly well. Moreover, what the Superior forget is that that treaty had an instrument put into it intended for its own correction. The Covenant of the League of Nations is a part of the treaty of Versailles and it says very specifically that if at any time in the fu- ture any treaty if that means anything it must include the treaty of Versailles be- comes "inapplicable," works disturbance between the nations instead of peace, the League may consider it. The belief in political magic on one side 4 PRE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS and doubt of all new political ventures on the other, made the preliminary days of the Washington Conference hard for the simple- minded observer, prepared to hope for the best and to take no satisfaction in the worst, not to ask more than the conferring powers thought they could safely under- take, to believe that the negotiators would be as honest as we can expect men to be, and that within the serious limits that are always on negotiators, would do their best. One had to ask himself, however, what substantial reasons, if any, he had that the Conference would be able to do the things that it had set down as its business. This business was very concisely laid down in an agenda, divided into two parts and running as follows: Limitation of Armaments: (1) Limitation of naval armaments under which shall be discussed the following: (A) Basis of limitation (B) Extent (0) Fulfillment (D) Rules for control of new agencies of war- fare 5 PEACEMAKEES (E) Limitation of land armaments. Far Eastern Questions : (1) Questions relating to China First. Principles to be applied Second. Application Subjects : (A) Territorial integrity (B) Administrative integrity (C) Open door (B) Concessions, monopolies, preferen- tial privileges (E) Development of railways, includ- ing plans relative to the Chinese Eastern Railway (F) Preferential railway rates (G) Status of existing commitments. Siberia: Sub-headings the same as those under China. Mandated Islands : Sub-headings the same as those under China with railway sections eliminated. What reasons were there for thinking that the nations England, France, Italy, China, Japan, Belgium, Holland, Portugal could, with the United States, handle these problems of the Pacific in such a way that they would be able to cut their arma- ments, and, cutting them, find a satisfactory substitute. There were several reasons. A first, and an important one, was that the difficulties to be adjusted were, as de- PKE-CONFEKENCE EEFLECTIONS fined, confined to one side only of the earth's surface which, if huge, is nevertheless fairly simple, being mostly water. It was the problems of the Pacific Ocean that they pre- pared to handle. These problems are com- paratively definite the kind of thing that you can get down on paper with something like precision. They had one great advan- tage, and that is that in the main they did not involve a past running into the dim dis- tance. England has held Hongkong for only about eighty years. We, the United States, have had port privileges in China only since 1844. France first got a strong- hold in Cochin China in 1862, and her pro- tectorate over Annam is less than forty years old. It was only twenty -five years ago that the war between Japan and China over Korea began; the complications in eastern Kussia are still younger. So are those in Shantung, Yap, the Philippine Islands. That is, the chief bones of contention in the Conference were freshly picked. In most 7 PEACEMAKEES of the cases there were men still living who helped in the picking. It was the same when it came to conces- sions. The question of the ownership and administration of railroads and mines they belong to our age. We can put our fingers on their beginnings, trace with some certainty what has happened, find the in- triguers, the bribe givers and takers, the law breaker, if such there have been. In the case of most of the concessions we can get our hands upon the very men involved in securing them and in carrying on their development. How different from the problems of Eu- rope, running as they do through century after century, involving as they do succes- sions of invasions, of settlements, of con- quests, of incessant infiltration of different races, and the consequent mingling of social, political, industrial and religious notions. The quarrels of Europe are as old as its civilization, their bases are lost 8 PRE-COOTERENCE REFLECTIONS in the past. Without minimizing at all the difficulty of the questions on the agenda of the Conference, they did have the advan- tage of being of recent date. There was 1 encouragement in the rela- tions of the conferees. These were not enemy nations, fresh from wars, meeting to make treaties. They were nations that for five years had been allies, and from the life- and-death necessity of cooperation had gained a certain solidarity. True, their machinery of cooperation was pretty well shot up. The frictions of peace are harder on international machinery than the shells of war. The former racks it to pieces; the latter solidifies it. Nevertheless, the na- tions that were coming to the Conference were on terms of fairly friendly acquaint- ance, an acquaintance which had stood a tremendous test. These nations had all committed them- selves solemnly to certain definite ideals, laid down by the United States of America. 9 PEACEMAKERS True, their ideals were badly battered, and as a government we were in the anomalous position of temporarily abandoning them after having committed our friends to them. However, they still stood on their feet, these ideals. It could be counted as an advantage that the associations of the years of the War had made the men who would represent the different nations at the Conference fairly well acquainted with one another. What- ever disappointments there might be in the delegations we could depend upon it that the men chosen would be tried men. They were pretty sure to be men of trustworthy character, with records of respectable achievement, men like Eoot and Hughes and Underwood in our own delegation. They would not come unknown to each other or unknown to the nations involved. It would be a simple matter for us, the public, to become acquainted with their records. If by any unhappy chance there 10 PBB-COOTBBBNCB KEFLECTIONS should be among them a political intriguer, that, too, would be known. These were all good reasons for expect- ing that the Conference might do something of what it started out for. How much of it it would do and how permanent that which it did would be would depend in no small degree upon the attitude of mind of this country, whether the backing that we gave the Conference was one of emotionalism or intelligence. We were starting out with a will to succeed ; we were going to spend our first day praying for success. It would be well if we injected into those prayers a supplication for self-control, clearness of judgment, and willingness to use our minds as well as our hearts in the struggles that were sure to come. Alarms went along with these hopes. There were certain very definite things that might get in the way of the success of the Conference things that often frustrate the best intentions of men, still they were mat- 11 PEACEMAKEKS ters over which the public and the press would have at least a certain control, if they took a high and intelligent view of their own responsibility. First, there were the scapegoats. There are bound to be periods in all human under- takings when the way is obscure, when fail- ure threatens, when it is obvious that cer- tain things on which we have set our hearts are unobtainable. Irritation and dis- couragement always characterize these periods. It is here that we fall back on a scapegoat. An international conference usually picks one or more before it gets through a nation which everybody com- bines to call obstinate, unreasonable, greedy, a spoke in the wheel. Then comes a hue and cry, a union of forces not to persuade but to overwhelm the recalci- trant, to displace it, drive it out of court. The spirit of adjustment, and of accommo- dation which is of the very essence of suc- cess in an undertaking like the Conference 12 FEE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS on the Limitation of Armaments is always imperiled and frequently ruined by fixing on a scapegoat. Would this happen at Washington? Of course the nation on which irritation and suspicion were concentrated might be in the wrong. It might be deep in evil in- trigue. It might be shockingly greedy. But it was a member of the Conference and the problem must be worked out with it. You work nothing out with scapegoats. Abra- ham Lincoln once laid down a principle of statesmanship which applies. "Honest statesmanship" he said, "is the employment of individual meanness for the public good." It takes brains, humor, self-control to put any such rule as this in force. If unhap- pily the Conference did not furnish a suffi- cient amount of these ingredients, would the press and public make good the deficit? They are always in a strategic position where they can insist that everybody must 13 PEACEMAKERS be considered innocent until he is proved guilty, that nothing be built on suspicion, everything on facts. Something very im- portant for them to remember if they in- sisted was that these facts had a history, that they were not isolated but related to a series of preceding events. For instance, there was the high hand that Japan had played with China. We must admit it. But in doing so we must not forget that it was only about sixty years ago that the very nations with whom Japan was now to meet in council in Washington had gath- ered with their fleets in one of her ports and used their guns to teach her the beau- ties of Christian civilization. She had de- cided to learn their lessons. She has won- derful imitative powers. She had followed them into China, and if she had played a higher hand there than any of them and there might be a question as to that it should be remembered that she had only sixty years in which to learn the degree of PRE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS greed that can safely be practiced in our modern civilization. We must consider that possibly she had not had sufficient time to learn to temper exploitation with civilized discretion. No scapegoats. No hues and cries. And certainly no partisanship. Was it possible for the United States to hold a truly na- tional parley, one in which party ambitions and antipathies did not influence the nego- tiations? We had had within three years a terrible lesson of the lengths to which men's partisanship will go in wrecking even the peace of the world. Would we repeat that crime? It was an ugly question, and be as optimistic as I would I hated to face it. There was another danger on the face of things crudeness of opinion. We love to be thought wise. There are thousands of us who in the pre-Conference days were getting out our maps to find out where Yap lay or the points between which the Eastern Chinese railroad ran, who would be tempted 15 PEACEMAKERS sooner or later to become violent partisans of, we will say: Yap for America Shan- tung for China Vladivostok for the Far Eastern Republic. There was danger in obstinate views based on little knowledge or much knowledge of a single factor. And there were the sacrifices. Were we going to accept beforehand that if we were to have the limitation of armament which we desired we, the United States might have to sacrifice some definite thing a piece of soil, a concession, a naval base in the Pacific and that nothing more fatal to the success of the Conference could be than for us to set our teeth and say : "We must have this" quite as fatal as setting our teeth and saying : "This or that nation must do this." But my chief irritation in these pre-Con- ference days lay with the agenda. It was illogical to place limitation of armament at the head of the program. That was an effect not a cause. It looked like an at- 16 PBE-CONFEKENCE REFLECTIONS tempt to make reduction of taxes more im- portant than settlement of difficulties. Was the Conference to be merely a kind of glorified international committee on tax re- duction? Not that I meant to underesti- mate the relief that would bring. Suppose the Conference should say : We will reduce at once by the simplest, most direct method cut down fifty per cent, of our appropriations for five years and be- fore the term is ended meet again and make a new contract. What a restoration of the world's hope would follow! How quickly the mind sprang to what such a decision would bring to wretched, jobless peoples the useful work, the schools, the money for more bread, better shelter, leisure for play. How much of the resentment at the huge sums now going into warships, cannon, naval bases, war colleges, would evaporate. The mere announcement would soothe and revive. Labor bitterly resents the 17 PEACEMAKEKS thought that it may be again asked to spend its energies in the creation of that which destroys men instead of that which makes for their health and happiness. "Get them to plowing again, to pop- ping corn by their own firesides, and you can't get them to shoulder a musket again for fifty years," Lincoln said of the sol- diers that the approaching end of the Civil War would release. As a matter of fact suppression of the Indians aside it was only thirty-three years when they were at it again, but there was no great heart in the enterprise; they still preferred their "plows and popcorn," and the experience of the Great War had only intensified that feeling. Cut down armament now merely for sake of reducing taxation and you would give the world's love of peace a chance to grow and that was something. But it was something which must be qualified. The history of man's conduct shows that 18 PKE-CONFEBENCE KEFLECTIONS however much he desires his peaceful life, the moment what he conceives to be his country's interest which he looks at as his interest is threatened, he will throw his tools of peace into the corner and seize those of war. It does not matter whether he is prepared or not. Men always have and, unless we can find something beside force to appeal to in a pinch, always will do just as they did at Lexington, as the peasants of Belgium did at the rumor of the advance of the Germans seize any antiquated kick- ing musket or blunderbuss they can lay their hands on and attack. There was another significant possibility to limitation, on which the lovers of peace rightfully counted certainly believers in war do not overlook it and that was the chance that the enforced breathing spell would give for improving and developing peace machinery. It would give a fresh chance to preach the new methods, arouse faith in them, stir governments to greater interest in them and less in arms. Ift PEACEMAKERS It was a possibility but to offset it ex- perience shows that with the passing of the threat of war, interest in pacific schemes is generally left to a few tireless and little considered groups of non-official people. Active interest inside governments dies out. The great peace suggestions and ventures of the world have been born of wars fought rather than of wars that might be fought. The breathing spell long continued might end in a general rusting and neglect of the very methods for preventing wars which peace lovers are now pushing. What it all amounted to was that the most drastic limitation was no sure guar- antee against future war. Take away a man's gun and it is no guarantee that he will not strike if aroused. You must get at the man enlarge his respect for order, his contempt for violence, change his notion of procedure in disputes, establish his control. It takes more than "gun toting" to make a dangerous citizen, more than re- lieving him of his gun to make a safe one. 20 PRE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS If the Conference only cut down the num- ber of guns the nations were carrying, it would have done little to insure perma- nent peace. The President's conference on unemployment which held its sessions just before the Conference on the Limitation of Armament spent considerable time in con- sidering what the industry of the country might do to prevent industrial crises. Among the principles it laid down was one quite as applicable to international as to business affairs. "The time to act is before a crisis has be- come inevitable." That was the real reason for the exist- ence of the coming Conference to act be- fore the jealousies and misunderstandings around the Pacific had gone so far that there was no solution but war. Let us sup- pose that in 1913 say, England, France, Germany, Austria and Kussia had held a conference over an agenda parallel to the one now laid down for the Washington Con- 21 PEACEMAKERS ference one that not only considered limit- ing their armies and navies but boldly and openly attacked the fears, the jealousies, the needs, and the ambitions of them all might it not have been possible that they would have found a way other than war? Are governments incapable in the last anal- ysis of settling difficulties save by force and exhaustion, or are they made impotent by the idea that no machinery and methods for handling international affairs are possible save the ones which have so often landed their peoples in the ditch? In his farewell words to this country at the end of his recent visit, the late Viscount Bryce remarked that anybody could frighten himself with a possibility but the course of prudence was to watch it and esti- mate the likelihood that it would ever en- ter into the sphere of probability. It is just here that governments have fal- len down worst. They might watch the war possibilities, but they have refused or 22 PKE-CONFEBENCE REFLECTIONS not been able to evaluate them. They seemed to have felt usually that closing their eyes to them or at least refusing to admit them was the only proper diplomatic attitude. As a rule, it has been the non-responsible outsider that has exploited war possibili- ties. Sometimes this has been done from the highest motives, with knowledge and restraint. More often it has been done on half-knowledge and with reckless indiffer- ence to results. There are always a number of people around with access to the public ear who love to handle explosives never quite happy unless their imaginations are busy with wars and revolutions. There are others possessed by the pride of prophecy their vanity is demonstrating the inevitable strife in the situation. They are the makers of war scares the breeders and feeders of war passions. Sometimes war possibilities are the materials for skillful national propaganda the agent of one na- 23 PEACEMAKERS tion working on a second to convince it of the hostile intent of a third. It is the governments concerned that should be handling this sort of stuff and handling it in such a way that they would cut under the malicious and the wanton, get at the real truth and get at it in time and get it out to the world. One of the chief reasons for some sort of active association of nations is that there should be a permanent central agency al- ways working over war possibilities, esti- mating them, heading them off. Present diplomacy does not do it. Could the coming Conference find a way for just this service in the Pacific situation? How could the public be sure the Confer- ence was really seeking these ends? Only by openness and frankness. Could one really expect that? No one of sense and even a very little knowledge of how men achieve results, whether in statecraft or in business, would think for a moment that the 24 PRE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS Conference must sit daily in open session with a public listening to all that it said. There was only one practical way of han- dling the agenda. The Conference must form itself into groups, each charged with a subject on which it was to arrive at some kind of understanding. The report must be presented at the Conference. But when this was done there should be free, open discussion. To handle the plenary sessions of the present Conference as they were handled in Paris in 1919 would be a tragic mistake. These plenary conferences were splendidly set scenes. No one who looked on the gath- ering at which the Covenant of the League of Nations was presented would ever forget it. Nor would he forget how the gloved- and-iron hand of Clemenceau never for a moment released its grip; how effectively, for example, the incipient revolt against the mandate system aimed at making na- tions the protectors and not the exploiters of the German territories to be disposed of 25 PEACEMAKEES was soft-pedaled. Nor would lie ever for- get certain sinister faces in the great pic- ture that chilled at their birth the high hopes whieh the Conference championed. Free discussion, running, if you please, over days at this juncture, might have in- sured an easier, straighter road for the treaty of Versailles and particularly for the League of Nations. Frankness would be the greatest ally of all who looked on the great mission of the coming Conference as preventing the Pacific crisis from ever ending in war. Frankness would break the war bubbles that the irre- sponsible were blowing so gayly. It would be the surest preventive of the fanatical and partisan drives which are almost cer- tain to develop if there was unnecessary secrecy. Naturally, those on the outside would look on a failure to take the public in as proof that sinister forces were at work in the Conference, that dark things were brewing which must be kept out of sight. As a matter of fact, one look inside would FEE-CONFERENCE REFLECTIONS probably show a group of worn and anx- ious gentlemen honestly doing their best to find something on which they could agree with a reasonable hope that the coun- tries that had sent them to Washington would accept their decisions. After one good look the public might change suspi- cion to sympathy. There was always the argument from the conventionally minded that "it isn't done," that diplomacy must be secret. John Hay didn't think so. He told his friend Henry Adams in the course of his efforts to establish the "open door" in China that he got on by being "honest and naif !" The point in this policy at which most people, in and out of the present Confer- ence, would stick is that word "naif." They would prefer to be thought dishonest rather than simple-minded. However, if everybody who had a part in the gathering could be as simple-minded as he was in fact, would pretend to know no more than 27 PEACEMAKEES he did in truth and would be as honest as it was in his nature to be, there would be a good chance of keeping Mr. Hay's door in China open. And if that could be done along with the other things it implied, the Conference would have actually contributed to the chances of more permanent peace in the world and could cut down its arma- ments, because it had less need of them, not merely because it wanted temporarily to re- duce taxation. CHAPTER II ARMISTICE DAY IT was the Unknown Soldier Boy that put an end to the doubt, the faultfinding, the cynicism that was in the air of Wash- ington as the day for the opening of the Conference approached. It all became vanity, pettiness, beside that bier with its attending thousands of mourning people. They carried the body to the capitol where for a day it lay in state. Busy with my attempts to learn something of what it was all about, it was not until late in the afternoon that I thought of the ceremony on the hill, and made my way there for my daily walk. It had been a soft, sunny day, the air full of gray haze. Everything around the great plaza the Capitol, the 29 PEACEMAKERS library, the trees, the marble Senate and House buildings right and left was tender in its outline. There were no crowds, but as I looked I saw massed four abreast from the entrance door to the rotunda, down along terraces of steps, across the plaza as far as I could see, a slowly moving black mass, kept in perfect line by soldiers stand- ing at intervals. I made my way across. Where was its end? I went to find it. I walked the width of the great plaza and turned down the Avenue. As far as I could see the people were massed one block, two blocks, three blocks, four and from every direction you could see men and women hurrying to fall in line. I had had no idea of joining that line, of passing through that rotunda. My only notion was to take a glimpse of the crowd. But to have gone on, to have been no part of something which came upon me as tremendous in its feeling and meaning, would have been a withdrawal from my kind of which I think 30 AEMISTICE BAY I should always have been ashamed. And so I fell in. The mass moved slowly, but very steadily. The one strongest impression was of its quietness. Nobody talked. Nobody seemed to want to talk. If a question was asked, the reply was low. We moved on block after block turned the corner now we faced the Capitol amazingly beautiful, proud and strong in the dim light. I never had so deep a feeling that it was something that belonged to me, guarded me, meant something to me, than as I moved slowly with that great mass toward the bier. The sentinels stood rigid, as solemn and as quiet as the people. The only murmur that one heard was now and then a low singing, "Nearer My God to Thee." How it began, who suggested it, I do not know; but through all that slow walk, the only thing that I heard was women's voices, now be- hind me, now before me, humming that air. It took a full three-quarters of an hour to 31 PEACEMAKEES reach the door and pass into the rotunda. It took strong self-control not to kneel by the bier. They told me that there were women, bereft mothers, to whom the appeal was too much mothers of missing boys. This might have been hers. Could she pass? The guards lifted them very gently, and in quiet the great crowd moved for- ward. I fancy there were thousands that passed that place that day that will have always before their eyes that great dim cir- cle with bank upon bank of flowers, from all over the earth flowers from kings and queens and governments, from great leaders of armies, from those who labor, from the mothers of men, and hundreds upon hundreds from those who went out with the dead but came back. The only sound that came to us as we passed was the clear voice of a boy, one of a group, once soldiers. They came with a wreath. They carried a flag. The leader was saying his farewell to their buddy. 32 AEMISTICE DAY A hundred thousand or more men and women made this pilgrimage. A hundred thousand and many more packed the streets of Washington the next day when the bier was carried from the Capitol to the grave at Arlington. The attending ceremony was one of the most perfect things of the kind ever planned. It had the supreme merit of re- straint. Every form of the country's serv- ice had a place not too many a few but they were always of the choicest from the President of the United States down to the last marine, the best we had were chosen to follow the unknown boy. There was an immense sincerity to it all. They felt it the vast, inexpressible sorrow of the war. And no one felt it more than the President of the United States. What he said at Arlington, what he was to say the next day at the opening of the Confer- ence, showed that with all his heart and all his mind the man hated the thing that 33 PEACEMAKEKS had brought this sorrow to the country, and that he meant to do his part to put an end to it. The ceremony was for the dead sacrifice, but the feature of it which went deepest to the heart and brought from the massed crowds their one instinctive burst of sym- pathy and greeting was the passing, almost at the end of the procession, of the War's living sacrifice Woodrow Wilson. The people had stood in silence, rever- ently baring their heads as the bier of the soldier passed, followed by all the official greatness of the moment the President of the United States, his cabinet, the Supreme Court, the House, the Senate, Pershing, Foch. And then, quite unexpectedly, a car- riage came into view two figures in it a white-faced man, a brave woman. Un- conscious of what they were doing, the crowd broke into a muffled murmur "Wil- son!' 7 The cry flowed down the long ave- nue a surprised, spontaneous recognition. 34: AEMISTICE DAY It was as if they said: "You you of all living men belong here. It was you who called the boy we are honoring you who put into his eye that wonderful light the light that a great French surgeon declared made him different as a soldier from the boys of any other nation." "I don't know what it is," he said, "whether it is God, the Monroe Doctrine or President Wilson, but the American soldier has a light in his eye that is not like any- thing that I have ever seen in men." Wood- row Wilson, under God, had put it there. His place was with the soldier. The crowd knew it, and told him so by their uncon- scious outburst. His carriage left the procession at the White House. Later the crowd followed it. All the afternoon of Armistice Day men and women gathered before his home. All told there were thousands of them. They waited, hoping for his greeting. And when he gave it, briefly, they cheered and cheered. 35 PEACEMAKERS But they did not go away. It was dark be- fore that crowd had dispersed. But this expression of love and loyalty and interest in Woodrow Wilson is no new thing in Washington. For months now, on Sundays and holidays, men, women and children have been walking to his home, standing in groups before it, speaking to- gether in hushed tones as if something solemn and ennobling stirred in them. Curiosity? No. Men chatter and jibe and jostle in curiosity. These people are silent gentle orderly. You will see them be- fore the theater, too, when it is known that he is within, quietly waiting for him to come out one hundred, two hundred, five hun- dred even a thousand sometimes, it is said. They cheer him as he passes and there are chokes in their voices and always tenderness. Let it be known that he is in his seat in a theater, and the house will rise in homage. Let his face be thrown on a screen, and it will receive a greeting that 36 AKMISTICE DAY the face of no other living American will receive. It requires explanation. The people at least recognized him as be- longing to the Conference. And, as a mat- ter of fact, the Conference never was able to escape him. Again and again, he ap- peared at the table. The noblest words that were said were but echoes of what he had been saying through the long struggle. The President's great slogan Less of arma- ments and none of war was but another way of putting the thing for which he had given all but his last breath. The best they were to do their limitation of armaments, their substitute to make it possible, were but following in the path that he had cut. The difficulties and hindrances which they were to meet and which were to hamper both program and final settlements were but the difficulties and hindrances which he had met and which hampered his work at Paris. From the start to the finish of the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, 37 PEACEMAKERS the onlooker recognized both the spirit and the hand of Woodrow Wilson as the crowd recognized him on Armistice Day. There was another figure in the memorial procession which deeply touched the crowd and which stayed on, uninvited. She came with the dead soldier boy. She stood by him night and day as he lay in state, fol- lowed him to the grave in which they laid him away at Arlington, a symbol of the nation's grief over all its missing sons. She did not go with the crowds. She took her place at the door of the Conference, and there, day by day, her solemn voice was heard. "I am the mother of men. Never before have I lifted my voice in your councils. I have been silent because I trusted you. But to-day I speak because I doubt you. I have the right to speak, for without me mankind would end. I bear you with pain, such as you cannot know. I rear you with sacrifice, such as you cannot understand. I am the 38 AEMISTICB DAY world's perpetual soldier, facing death that life may be. I do not recoil from my great task. God laid it on me. I have accepted it always. I give my youth that the world may have sons, and I glory in my harvest. "But I bear sons for fruitful lives of labor and peace and happiness. And what have you done with my work? To-day I mourn the loss of more than ten million dead, more than twenty million wounded, more than six million imprisoned and missing. This is the fruit of what you call your Great War. "It is I who must face death to replace these dead and maimed boys. I shall do it. But no longer shall I give them to you un- questioning as I have in the past, for I have come to doubt you. You have told me that you used my sons for your honor and my protection, but I have begun to read your books, to listen to your deliberations, to study your maneuvers; I have learned that it is not always your honor and my 39 PEACEMAKEES protection that drives you to war. Again and again it is your own love of glory, of power, of wealth; your hate and contempt for those that are not of your race, your color, your point of view. You cannot longer have my sons for such ends. I ask you to remold your souls, to make effective that brotherhood of man of which you talk, to learn to work together, white and black and brown and yellow, as becomes the sons of the same mother. "I shall never leave your councils again. My daughters shall sit beside you voicing my command you shall have done with war." 40 CHAPTER III NOVEMBER 12, 1921 WE shall have to leave November 12, 1921, the opening day of the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, to History for a final appraisement. Arthur Balfour told Mr. Hughes after he had had time to gather himself together from the shock of the American program that in his judgment a new anniversary had been added to the Re- construction Movement. "If the llth of November," said Mr. Balfour, "in the minds of the allied and associated powers, in the minds perhaps not less of all the neutrals if that is a date imprinted on grateful hearts, I think November 12 will also prove to be an anniversary welcomed and thought of in a grateful spirit by those who in the 41 PEACEMAKEES future shall look back upon the arduous struggle now being made by the civilized nations of the world, not merely to restore pre-war conditions, but to see that war con- ditions shall never again exist." Whatever place it may turn out that No- vember 12 shall hold on the calendar of great national days, this thing is sure; it will always be remembered for the shock it gave Old School Diplomacy. That insti- tution really received a heavier bombard- ment than War, the real objective of the Conference. The shelling reached its very vitals, while it only touched the surface of War's armor. Diplomacy has always had her vested in- terests. They have seemed permanent, im- pregnable. What made November 12, 1921, portentous was its invasion of these vested interests. Take that first and most impor- tant one Secrecy. When Secretary Hughes followed the opening speech of wel- come and of idealism made by President 42 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 Harding, not with another speech of more welcome and more idealism, as diplomacy prescribes for such occasions, but with the boldest and most detailed program of what the United States had in mind for the meet- ing, Diplomacy's most sacred interest was for the moment overthrown. To be sure, what Secretary Hughes did was made pos- sible by John Hay's long struggle to edu- cate his own countrymen to the idea of open diplomacy ; by what President Wilson tried to do at the Paris conference. Mr. Wilson won the people of the world to his prin- ciple, but his colleagues contrived to block him in the second stage of the Paris game. Mr. Hughes, building on that experience, did not wait for consultation with his col- leagues. On his own, in a fashion so unex- pected that it was almost brutal, he threw not only the program of the United States on the table, but that which the United States expected of two two only, please notice of the eight nations she had in- vited in, Great Britain and Japan. 43 PEACEMAKERS His proposals came one after another ex- actly like shells from a Big Bertha! "It is now proposed that for a period of ten years there should be no further construc- tion of capital ships." One after another the program of destruction followed. The United States : to scrap all capital ships now under construction along with fifteen old battle- ships, in all a tonnage of 845,740 tons; Great Britain: to stop her four new Hoods and scrap nineteen capital ships, a tonnage of 583,375 tons; Japan: abandon her program of ships not laid down, and scrap enough of existing ones, new and old, to make a tonnage of 448,928 tons. I once saw a huge bull felled by a sledge hammer in the hands of a powerful Czecho- Slovac farm hand. When Mr. Hughes be- gan hurling one after another his revolu- tionary propositions the scene kept flash- ing before my eyes, the heavy thud of the blow on the beast's head falling on my ears. I felt almost as if I were being hit myself, and I confess to no little feeling of regret that Mr. Hughes should be putting his proposals so bluntly. "It is proposed that Great Britain shall," etc. "It is pro- 44 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 posed that Japan shall," etc. Would it have been less effective as a proposal and would it not have been really more acceptable as a form if he had said "We shall propose to Great Britain to consider so and so." But, after all, when you are firing Big Berthas it is not the amenities that you consider. Mr. Balfour and Sir Auckland Geddes, sitting where I could look them full in the face, had just the faintest expression of "seeing things." I would not have been surprised if they had raised their hands in that instinctive gesture one makes when he does "see things" that are not there. The Japanese took it without a flicker of an eyelash neither the delegates at the table nor the rows of attache's and secretaries moved, glanced at one another, changed ex- pression. So far as their faces were con- cerned Mr. Hughes might have been con- tinuing the Harding welcome instead of calling publicly on them for a sacrifice un- precedented and undreamed of. 45 PEACEMAKEES The program was so big its presentation was so impressive (Mr. Hughes looked seven feet tall that day and his voice was the voice of the man who years ago arraigned the In- surance Companies) that one regretted that there were omissions so obvious as to force attention. There was a singular one in the otherwise admirable historical introduction Mr. Hughes made to his program. He re- viewed there the efforts of the first and second Hague Conferences to bring about disarmament explained the failure and jumped from 1907 to 1921 as if in 1919, at the Paris Peace Conference, man's most valiant effort to bring about disarmament had not been made. He failed to notice the fact that to this effort scores of peo- ples had subscribed, including all of the na- tions represented at the council table; that these nations had been working for two years in the League of Nations, under cir- cumstances of indescribable world confu- sion and disorganization, to gather the in- 46 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 formation and prepare a practical plan not only to limit the world's arms but to regu- late for good and all private traffic in arma- ments. Before Mr. Hughes sat M. Viviani of France who had been serving on the Commission charged with this business. Before him, too, was man after man fresh from the discussions of the second annual Assembly of the League. Disarmament and many other matters pertaining to world peace had been before them. They came confident that they had done something of value at Geneva however small it might be compared with the immense work still to be done. Arthur Balfour of England, Viviani of France, Wellington Koo of China, Senator Schanzer of Italy, Sastri of India, Van Karnebeck of Holland were among those that heard Mr. Hughes jump their honest efforts, beginning in 1919, to bring* the armaments of the world to a police basis. It must have bewildered them a little but they are gentlemen who are 4T PEACEMAKERS forced by their profession to take hints quickly they understood that as far as the American Conference on Limitation of Armament was concerned, the League of Nations was not to exist. From that day, if you wanted information on the League from any one of them you had to catch him in private, and he usually made sure no- body was listening before he enlightened you as to his opinions, which invariably were "not for publication." One could not but wonder if Mr. Bal- four had this omission in mind when at a later session he said in speaking of Mr. Hughes' review of past disarmament ef- forts that "some fragments" had been laid before the Conference. What Mr. Hughes really did in ignoring the work for disarma- ment carried on at Paris and Geneva in the last three years was to call attention to it. After all, was it not petty to be irritated when something so bold and real had been initiated? Was it not yielding to the de- 48 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 sire to "rub in" the omission as bad or worse than the omission? As a matter of fact, the thing going on at the moment was so staggering that one had no time for more than a momentary irritation. Mr. Hughes swept his house on November 12 swept it off its feet. If secret diplomacy was given by him such a blow as it never had received before, diplomatic etiquette was torn to pieces by the Senate and the House of the United States, each of which had a section of the gallery to itself. Possibly their ac- tion was due to a little jealousy. They are accustomed to holding the center of the de- liberative stage in Washington, and they always have, possibly always will resent a little the coming of an outside deliberative body which for the time being the public regards as more interesting than them- selves. They made it plain from the start that they were not awed. The House of Representatives particularly was a joy to see if it did make a shocking exhibition of 49 PEACEMAKEES itself. It looked as if it were at a ball game and conducted itself in the same way. It hung over the gallery, lolled in its seats, and when the President struck his great note, the words which ought to become a slogan of the country "Less of Armament and None of War" it rose to its feet and cheered as if there had been a home run. Having once broke out in unrestrained cheers, they gave again and again what Wil- liam Allen White called "the yelp of de- mocracy." Even after the program was over and the remaining formalities cus- tomary on such occasions were about at an end, they took things into their own hands and finished their attack on diplomatic eti- quette by calling for Briand as they might have called for Babe Kuth. "It isn't done, you know," I heard one young Britisher say after it was over. But it had been done, and the chances are that there will be more of it in the future. If this day does work out to be porten- 60 NOVEMBEK 12, 1921 tous in history, as it possibly may, the time will come when every country will hang great historical pictures of the scene in its public galleries.. We should have one, what- ever its fate. And I hope the artist that does it will not fail to give full value to the Congress that cracked the proprieties. Let him take his picture from the further left side of the auditorium. In this way he can bring in the House of Representatives. He can afford to leave out the diplomatic gal- lery, as he would have to do from this posi- tion. The diplomatic gallery counted less than any other group in the gathering. Secrecy and etiquette were not. the only vested interests attacked on November 12, 1921. There was a third that receiver! a blow lighter to be sure, but a blow all the same and a significant one. The exclusive vested right of man to the field of diplomacy was challenged. Not by giving a woman a seat at the table, but by introducing her on the floor, in an official capacity, a new 51 PEACEMAKERS official capacity, rather problematical as yet as to its outcome a capacity which if it ranks lower than that of delegate is still counted higher than that of expert, since it brings the privilege of the floor. Behind the American delegation facing the hall and inside the sacred space devoted to the principals of the Congress, sat a group of some twenty-one persons, the rep- resentatives of a new experiment in diplo- macy a slice of the public brought in to act as a link between the American delegates and the public. Four of these delegates were women well-chosen women. They are the diplomatic pioneers of the United States. Who were those people, why were they there? I heard more than one puzzled for- eign attach^ ask. When you explained that this was an advisory body, openly recog- nized by the government, they continued, "But why are women included?" They understood the women in the diplomatic 52 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 gallery, the women in the boxes. It was a great ceremony. It was quite within estab- lished diplomatic procedure that the ladies of the official world should smile upon such an occasion. They understood the few women scat- tered among the scores of men in the press galleries but women on the floor as part of the Conference? What did that mean? It meant, dear sirs, simply this, that man's exclusive, vested interest in diplomacy had been invaded its masculinity attacked like Its secrecy and propriety. What would come of the invasion no one could tell. It is doubtful if ever a program has re- ceived heartier acclaim from this country than that of Mr. Hughes. It stirred by its boldness, its breadth. "Scrap!" Whoever had said that word seriously in all the long discussion of disarmament. Ten years! the longest the most sanguine had suggested was five. It caught the imagination had the ring of possibility in it. It might be 53 PEACEMAKEKS putting the cart before the horse, as I had been complaining, but it made it practically certain that the horse would be acquired even if you had to pay a good round sum for him, so desirable had the cart been made. And then the way the nations addressed picked it up! Three days later their for- mal acceptances were made. For England, Arthur Balfour accepted in principle, de- claring as he did so : "It is easy to estimate in dollars or in pounds, shillings and pence the saving to the taxpayer of each of the nations con- cerned which the adoption of this scheme will give. It is easy to show that the relief is great. It is easy to show that indirectly it will, as I hope and believe, greatly stimu- late industry, national and international, and do much to diminish the difficulties under which every civilized government is at this time laboring. All that can be weighed, measured, counted; all that is a 64 NOVEMBEK 12, 1921 matter of figures. But there is something in this scheme which is above and beyond numerical calculation. There is some- thing which goes to the root, which is concerned with the highest international morality. "This scheme, after all what does it do? P. rn-'kes idealism a practical proposition. It takes hold of the dream which reformers, poets, publicists, even potentates, as we heard the other day, have from time to time put before mankind as the goal to which human endeavor should aspire." "Japan/' declared Admiral Baron Kato, "deeply appreciates the sincerity of purpose evident in the plan of the American Gov- ernment for the limitation of armaments. She is satisfied that the proposed plan will materially relieve the nations of wasteful expenditures and cannot fail to make for the peace of the world. "She cannot remain unmoved by the high aims which have actuated the American 55 PEACEMAKEES project. Gladly accepting, therefore, the proposal in principle, Japan is ready to proceed with determination to a sweeping reduction in her naval armament." Italy, through Senator Schanzer, greeted the proposal as "The first effective step toward giving the world a release of such nature as to enable it to start the work of its economic reconstruction." France her Premier, Briand, spoke for her slid over the naval program. France, he said, had already entered on the right way the way Mr. Hughes had indicated; her real interest was elsewhere. "I rather turn/ 7 said M. Briand, "to another side of the problem to which Mr. Balfour has alluded, and I thank him for this. Is it only a question here of economy? Is it only a question of estimates and budgets? If it were so, if that were the only pur- pose you have in view, it will be really unworthy of the great nation that has called us here. 56 NOVEMBER 12, 1921 "So the main question, the crucial ques- tion, which is to be discussed here, is to know if the peoples of the world will be at last able to come to an understanding in order to avoid the atrocities of war. And then, gentlemen, when it comes on the agenda, as it will inevitably come, to the question of land armament, a question par- ticularly delicate for France, as you are all aware, we have no intention to eschew this. We shall answer your appeal, fully con- scious that this is a question of grave and serious nature for us." What more was there to do? England, Japan and the United States had accepted "in principle" a program for the limitation of navies, much more drastic than the ma- jority of people had dreamed possible. To be sure the details were still to be worked out, but that seemed easy. Had not the Conference finished its work? There were people that said so. No. Mr. Hughes had simply awakened the country to what was 57 PEACEMAKERS possible if the reasons for armament could be removed. So far as we, the United States, were con- cerned, these reasons were fourfold: (1) Our Pacific possessions. Until we felt rea- sonably sure that they were safe from possible attack by Japan, we must keep our navy and strengthen our fortifications. (2) The England-Japan pact. We suspected it. It might be a threat. So long as it existed could we wisely limit our navy ? (3) Our Open Door policy in China. We meant to stand by that. It had been invaded by Japan in the Great War; could we reaffirm it now and secure assurances we trusted that there would be no further encroachments? If not, could we limit our arma- ment? (4) Our policy of the integrity of nations China and Russia. We had announced a "moral trustee- ship" over both. No more carving up. Let them work it out for themselves. How were we going to back up that policy? That is, we had possessions and policies for which we were responsible. Could we protect them without armament? That de- pended, in our judgment, upon England and Japan. Would they be willing to make agreements and concessions which would convince us that they were willing to respect 68 WVEMBEK 12, 1921 our possessions and accept our policies in the Pacific? If so, what assurances could we give them in return that would convince them that we meant to respect their possessions and poli- cies? How could we prove to them that they need not fear us? It was within the first month of the Con- ference that the answers to these questions were worked out "in principle" again. 59 CHAPTER IV THE FRENCH AT THE CONFERENCE THE morale of an international conference is easily shaken in the public's mind. Seeming delay will do it. Those who look on feel that whatever is to be done must be done quickly, that things must go in leaps. They mistrust days of plain hard work work which yields no headlines. It must be, they repeat, because the negotiators have fallen on evil times, are intriguing, bargaining. Two days after Mr. Hughes had laid out his plan for ship reduction, and it had been accepted in principle and turned over to the naval committee, I heard an eager, sus- picious young journalist ask Lord Lee who, at the end of eight hours of committee 60 THE FRENCH AT THE CONFERENCE work grilling business always was con- ducting a press conference, if they were really "doing anything." His tone showed that he doubted it, that in his judgment they must be loafing, deceiving the public; that if they were not, why, by this time the program ought to be ready for his news- paper. Lord Lee was very tired, but he had not lost his sense of humor. He made a patient answer. But one understood that there had already begun in Washington that which one saw and heard so much two years and a half before in Paris a feeling that taking time to work out problems was a suspicious performance. The calm of steady effort on the part of the Conference was brief. Mr. Hughes in closing the second plenary session where his naval program had been so generously accepted "in principle," had said "I express the wish of the Conference that at an op- portune time M. Briand will enjoy the opportunity of presenting to the Conference 61 PEACEMAKERS most fully the views of France with regard to the subject of land armaments which we must discuss." Mr. Hughes kept that promise, fixing November 21, nine days after the opening, as the "opportune time." The Conference went into M. Briand's open session serene, confident, self-compla- cent. It came out excited, scared, ruffled to the very bottom of its soul. In an hour one-third of Mr. Hughes' agenda had been swept away. Could this have been avoided? I am inclined to think that it would have been if there had been a larger sympathy, a better understanding of the French and their present psychology. If we are to carry on the world cooperatively, as seems in- evitable, we must have a much fuller knowl- edge of one another's ways and prejudices and ambitions than was shown at the out- set of the Washington Conference. Back of the commotion that M. Briand stirred up on November 21 lay the idiosyn- crasies and experiences of France. To un- 62 THE FRENCH AT THE CONFERENCE derstand at all the crisis, for so it was called, one must understand something of France that she is a land which through the centuries has held herself apart as something special, the elite of the nations. The people of no country in the civilized world are so satisfied with themselves and their aim. There are no people that find life at home more precious, guard it so care- fully, none who care so little about other lands, and it might be said, know so little of other lands. It is only within the last twenty years that the Frenchman has come to be any- thing of a traveler. To-day, in many parts of France, the young man or young woman who comes to America has the same pres- tige on returning that thirty years ago the person in towns outside of the Atlantic border had in his town when he returned from a trip abroad. I was living in Paris in the early 90's when Alphonse Daudet made a trip to England. It was a public 63 PEACEMAKEES event. Peary discovered the pole with hardly less newspaper talk. Now this country, so wrapt up in itself and the carrying out of its notions of life among the most precious notions in my judgment that mankind have finds itself for a long period really the center of the world's interests. It makes a superhuman effort, is valiant beyond words, practically the whole civilized world rallies to its help. It comes off victorious, and when it gathers itself together and begins to examine its condition it finds the ghastly wounds of a devastated region ; the work of centuries so shattered that it will take centuries to re- store the fertility, beauty, interest. It finds itself with an appalling debt ; with a popu- lation depleted at the point most vital to a nation, in its young men, threatening the oncoming generation. It sees its enemy beaten, to be sure, but with its land practi- cally unimpaired. France not only had her condition in her 64 THE FKENCH AT THE CONFERENCE mind, she had all her past: reminiscences of invasions, from Attila on. Old obses- sions, old policies revived: the belief that she would never have safety except in a weak Central Europe a doctrine she had repudiated broke out. She came to the peace table in Paris under an accepted program which said: Separations, but no indemnities. And her bitterness so overwhelmed her that she for- got the principle pledge and demanded in- demnities in full. She forgot her pledge to annex nothing and called for the Rhine Border. Every effort to reason with her, to persuade her not to ask the impossible of her beaten enemy, she interpreted as lack of sympathy, and pointed to her devastated region, her debts, her shrunken population. She accused of injustice those who felt that mercy is the great wisdom. Justice became her great cry. Intent on herself, her dread- ful woes, her determination to have the last pound, she magnified her perils, saw com- 65 PEACEMAKEES binations against her, and went about in Europe trying to arm other peoples, to build up a pro-France party. Any effort to persuade her that the spirit which under- lay the Versailles Treaty was pro-humanity and not pro-French embittered and antag- onized her. She resented the English ef- fort to bring some kind of order into the Continent. She resented the conclusion of the world slow enough though it was to let Kussia work out her own destiny. No lover of France has any right to over- look or encourage this attitude. It is the most dangerous course she could take. She is building up anti-French antago- nisms in beaten Europe, and she is alienat- ing countries that want to bring the world onto a new basis of Good Will and who be- lieve it can be done. When M. Briand came to the Washington peace table, he left behind him a country in this abnormal mood her thoughts cen- tered on herself her needs, her dangers. 66 THE FKENCH AT THE CONFEKENCE M. Briand knew well enough that she would not see the program that Mr. Hughes had thrown out as it was intended a tremen- dously bold suggestion for world peace a call to the sacrifice that each country must make if order was to be restored, the awful losses of recent years repaired. M. Briand knew that what France expected him to get at Washington was recognition, sympathy, guarantees. The last thing that she wanted brought back was a request to join in a program of sacrifice. Moreover, M. Briand came to the Confer- ence at considerable peril to himself. He was Premier, and in this office he had been doing as much as he seems to haye thought possible to hold down the military trend of the country. His policy had been fought for a year by a strong party, intent on demonstrating that France was the most powerful nation on the continent of Eu- rope, that it was her right and her ambition to hold first place there. M, Briand's 67 PEACEMAKERS friends thought that he should not come to the United States. But, as he publicly said, he wanted to come in order to persuade the Conference that France was not as military in spirit as much of the world seemed to believe, that she did want peace, that her refusals to disarm came from the fact that she was still threatened by both Germany and Russia and must either have arms or guarantees. M. Briand knew the line of argument that the Hughes program would awaken in France. This argument was admirably set forth early in the Conference by the semi- official Le Temps: