.-.■■•NJ- .'■mm Ku; At tflartnkn |resj Series CICERO WA TSON a Honlron HENRY FROWDE OXFORD TJNIVEBSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE PATERNOSTER ROW ClarcntJou ^vt^$ Series? CICERO SELECT LETTERS WITH ENGLISH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, AND APPENDICES BY ALBERT WATSON, M.A. FELLOW AND FORMERLY TUTOR OF BRASENOSE COLLEGE, OXFORD Third Edition # * f r b AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1881 [All rights rescfved] FA A 2 i ^%\ PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. I UNDERTOOK the preparation of an edition of Select Letters of Cicero for the Clarendon Press Series at the suggestion of the late Professor Conington, to whose advice and criticisms I was much indebted in the earlier part of my work. The text which I have adopted is that of Baiter and Kayser's edition, Leipzig, 1860-69. In cases where I have departed from it, I have always referred to the departure in a note, and in the majority of them I have merely substituted the reading of the MS.^ which Baiter recognizes as of sole or highest authority. I have not always adopted Baiter's punctuation, and have de- parted at times from his spelling, for the sake of clearness or of uniformity. A list of the principal works which I have consulted in illustra- tion of the letters will be found on p. xxii. foil. : and my obligations 1 For tbe letters 'Ad Familiares' the Medicean MS. Plut. XLIX, No. IX is, according to Baiter, the sole authority, except one page of a Turin palimpsest. Hof- mann, however, considers a Parisian MS., Notre Dame 178, to be of independent authority for the books which it contains — Ad Familiares i. i to 8. 8, 6. The Medicean (M.) is of the eleventh century, and was discovered by Petrarch at Vercelli. A copy of it by his hand exists in the same collection as the original (Plut. XLIX, No. VII). For the letters 'Ad Quintum Fratrem' and 'Ad Atticum' another Medicean MS. (Plut. XLIX, No. XVIII), a copy of an original found by Petrarch at Verona in 1345 but since lost, seems to have the highest authority, but readings seem to have been preserved from another early MS. in the margin of Cratander's edition of 1528 (C). Both the Medicean MSS. apparently contain suggestions from later hands. They are now kept in the Laurentian library at Florence. For the letters to Atticus a small portion of another MS. of the eleventh century, of which the greater part has been lost (W.), is also available. It exists in two portions, one at Munich, and one at Wiirzburg, and contains portions of books 11 and 12. Its text is reported to coincide to a great extent with C. Cp. Baiter's Prefaces to vols. IX and X of his edition; and Hofmann's Appendix, p. 219 of his edition of Select Letters of Cicero, Part I. See p. xxiii. 'i/iif;^!^/! vi PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. to many of them will also appear from my notes. This, how- ever, is perhaps the proper place to acknowledge the great assistance which I have derived from Mommsen's history in preparing my introductions — especially on pp. 3,4; I3<5-I39 ; and to Bruckner's Life of Cicero in Appendix V. I regret that Mr, J. R. King's notes ^ only refer to a small though very im- portant part of Cicero's life. Of works which may be less known to English students, I wish to mention the edition of all the letters in chronological order by Billerbeck ; that of the letters to Atticus by Boot, with Latin notes ; and those of select letters, with German notes, by Hofmann and Siipfle ; also the works of A. W. Zumpt, Suringar, Drumann, Abeken, Rein, and the Onomasticon attached to Orelli's edition. The copious references given by Drumann and Suringar have been of great service. I have carefully verified almost all of them^, and have given the source whence I have taken the very few that I have been unable to verify. The edition of select letters with Latin notes by Matthiae and Miiller is, I believe^ tolerably well known to English students. That with German notes by Frey has coincided with mine less than the other editions mentioned in the letters chosen, and I have therefore found it less useful than might otherwise have been the case. The first volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum published under the superintendence of Theodor Mommsen (Berlin, 1863), will be found very useful in determining some questions of chronology; and M. Boissier's work, Ciceron et ses Amis (8vo. Paris, 1H65), gives a very lively and interesting sketch of Cicero's public and private life. In my selection of letters I have been principally guided by consideration of their historical importance or of their value as illustrating Cicero's character. Notwithstanding the absence of any letters of the important year 63 B.C., and their comparative paucity for the years 56-52 B.C., Cicero's correspondence fur- nishes, I think, the most detailed and trustworthy commentary on a very interesting period of Roman history, and the materials which it provides for an estimate of his own character are so * The Philippic Orations of M. TulHus Cicero, with English notes, by the Rev. J. R. King (Clarendon Press Series), 8vo, Oxford, 1868; [Second Edition, 1878]. * i.e. of those used. Note to Second Edition. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. vii abundant that their very abundance causes difficulty. His changing states of mind are so accurately reproduced in his letters that it is difficult to form a judgment with confidence as to the motives which had permanently most influence with him. Among ancient works those which throw most light on the letters of Cicero are naturally his other works, especially his speeches. Though not so trustworthy as his letters with regard to matters of fact, they are still very valuable both as supple- menting and as illustrating his correspondence. Next in value to these I should place the writings of Caesar, and the epitomes of the lost books of Livy, so far as they illustrate the life of Cicero. The 'Catiline' of Sallust, though its historical character has been seriously questioned (cp. p. lo), may be added ; and the second book of the history of M. Velleius Paterculus, though the latter seems to have been rather pre- judiced. Later writers, such as Appian, Dion Cassius, Plutarch, and Suetonius^ are of course to be followed with caution except when they name their authorities. They had access, however, to inde- pendent contemporary, or nearly contemporary, sources of in- formation ; e.g. the public Acta; lost letters or speeches of Cicero, and of his correspondents ; and the works of Libo \ Livy, Oppius^, Pollio^, Tanusius Geminus^, and others. My introductions and notes will shew that I accept in the main Professor Mommsen's^' view of the party struggles of Rome during the last century of the Commonwealth's existence. I do not, however, agree with all his judgments upon persons. References to the contents of this book made in the notes are either to the pages or to the numbers of letters or of sections of Introductions and Appendices in this edition. But in notes to the Introductions and Appendices, where references are very » App. Bell. Civ. 3. 77. 2 Plut. Caes. 17. => App. 2. 82 ; Plut. Caes. 46. ♦ Plut. Caes. 22. ^ As far as the struggle between Caesar and Pompey is concerned, Dean Merivale and the majority of recent English writers on Roman history have anticipated or con- curred with Mommsen in maintaining that Caesar's triumph was expedient. Friendly but candid biographical notices of some of Caesar's principal opponents will be found in Professor Goldwin Smith's article on ' The Last Republicans of Rome ' in Mac- millan's Magazine for April 1868. viii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. numerous, I have, to avoid confusion, referred uniformly to the letters as arranged in the ordinary editions. I wish now to acknowledge my obligations to the Delegates of the University Press for undertaking the publication of my book, and especially to the Dean of Christ Church, and to the late Canon Shirley, for suggestions on various points ; and to the Rev. E. L. Hicks, Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi College, for his notes on the letters of the fourth period, and comments upon passages in the remainder of the work. I had hoped that Mr. Hicks would have been able to give me his valuable aid to a still greater extent, and regret very much that the state of his health, and his other engagements; have made it impossible for him to do so. Brasenose College, Oxford, 1870. PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. The text of this edition does not differ from that of the second edition, except that some errors have been corrected. I have added, however, partly in the notes and partly in the list of additions and corrections, some various readings derived from sources mentioned below. Since the publication of the second edition of this book our knowledge of three important MSS. has been much increased. I. The Turonensis contains Ad Familiares i. i to 7. 32, i 'me conferri,' except the portion from 2. 16, 4 ' hac orbis terrarum ' to 4. 3, 4 ' appareat cum me co '. It is kept in the library at Tours, and has been collated at Paris by or for M. Charles Thurot, who has published the collation with instructive comments. M. Thurot assigns the MS. to the latter part of the 12th century, but argues that it cannot have been derived from the Medicean (M). Both are derived, he thinks, from a common original. Readings from the Turonensis are quoted as from T. 2. Har- leianus 2682 contains Ad Familiares 9-16, apparently only wanting the fragment ' Parmenses miserrimos' which Baiter calls II. 13, b. F. Riihl (Rhein. Mus. xxx, 1875, pp. 26 and 135) assigns it to the nth century. It is quoted as H. 3. Har- leianus 2773 contains Ad Familiares i. i to 8-9, 3 ' puto etiam si ullam spem ' except the portion between i, 9, 20 after ' exarsi ' and 2. I, 2 ' dignitate es consecutus.' This is quoted as B. F. Riihl assigns it to the 12th century, but it, as well as H, is stated in the British Museum Catalogue to belong to the loth. I owe to the kindness of a friend a very careful report on the readings of both MSS. in a number of passages. My knowledge of MS. readings is derived mainly, except where other sources are specified, from the Adnotatio critica of Baiter (1866-67) and from that of Orelli (1845). I have also mentioned some suggestions of G. C. Cobet in Mnemosyne (8. 182-200, 1880), and of Professor Tyrrell. X PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. My obligations to Professor Tyrrell, to Mr. G. E. Jeans, and to MM. Hofmann and Andresen will appear frequently in the notes, but I wish to acknowledge them here also. I have read with great interest some notes by M. Cobet in Mnemosyne VII (1875) on Cicero's Philippics, the general drift of which is to shew that the friends of Antony were much more influential in the senate during the war of Mutina than would be gathered by a hasty reader of those orations. I do not find it needful to alter what I have said in the Introduction to Part V ; but M. Cobets remarks deserve to be carefully considered by students of the period there referred to. A paper by L. Gurlitt discusses at some length the nature of the collection of letters ' Ad Familiares.' He believes that all the letters written by or to Cicero which we now possess, except those to Atticus, form part of one single collection made by Tiro, of which large portions have perished ; that the seventy letters mentioned Ad Att, 16. 5, 5 were probably all contained in the thirteenth book ' Ad Familiares ;' and that the collection was probably published after the final breach between Antony and Octavian, when attacks upon Antony would no longer give offence to the party dominant in Italy. I need hardly refer to Mr. Froude's ' Caesar ' and to Mr. Trollope's Life of Cicero. I am glad that writers of such estab- lished popularity should have employed themselves in making the great names of Roman history more familiar to English readers. These two books have furnished, wholly or partly, occasion for the appearance of articles in the Edinburgh Review for October, 1879, and in the Quarterly Review for October, 1879, and October, 1880, which I must regard as valuable con- tributions to Roman history without professing complete agree- ment with either of them. I can hardly leave unnoticed the very able and unsparingly hostile criticism of Cicero's career and character prefixed by Mr. Pretor to his edition of the first book of the letters to Atticus. My introductions and occasional remarks will shew that I do not altogether agree with Mr. Pretor. As a more general comment I will here add that every candid reader must allow that Cicero was vain, excitable, egotistical, and often wanting in penetration and foresight as a statesman. But it should also, PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. xi I think, be remembered that his private Hfe and his provincial administration were pure ; that the state of pubHc affairs threw extraordinary difficulties in the way of one who, while sincerely attached, as I believe Cicero to have been, to the old constitution of the Commonwealth, could not be blind to the selfishness and impracticability of most of its supporters ; that if he was egotist- ical and exacting he was also ready to exert himself on behalf of others — on behalf, for instance, of members of the defeated party during the government of Caesar ; and lastly that in more than one important political crisis he chose the more dangerous but honourable side when he might have secured safety and influence by submission. In preparing either the second or the third edition I have been indebted in various ways to Professor Nettleship, to the Rev. M. Creighton of Merton College, to the Rev. C. W. Boase and to Mr. H, F. Pelham of Exeter College, to the Rev. J. R. King of Oriel College, to Mr. A. O. Prickard of New College, to the Rev. W. W. Merry and to Mr. W. W. Fowler of Lincoln College, to the Rev. W. Lock of Magdalen and Keble Colleges, and to the Rev. J. Wordsworth, Mr. C. B. Heberden, and Mr. F. Madan of Brasenose College. I have read with pleasure a friendly but discriminating notice of the second edition of this work by Professor Ivvan Muller in C. Bursian's Jahresbericht, 1874-5, p. 705. The following are, I think, the most important alterations in the third edition as compared with the first : repeated from the second, those in the notes B, E, and F ; in the notes on ' faenus,' p. 194,1.3 ; 'Aristotelio more,' p. 214; 'lex curiata,' p. 217 ; 'Trans- padani,' p. 222, 1. 8 ; the intercalary month, p. 244, 1. 9 ; the punishment of slaves, p. 476, 1. 14, note ; the mention of the 'lex lulia municipalis,' p. 492 ; and the alterations in the twelfth Appendix : appearing first in the third editioji. the fuller account of the Saturnalia on p. 483, and the increased number or length of the notes on Part V generally: especially on ' illis triumviris,' P- 55^ ; ori the dates of letters 139 and 140, see pp. 590 and 594; and on the position of Cularo, p. 593- Brasenose College, Oxford, 1 88 1. CONTENTS. Preface Explanation of Signs and Abbreviations Order of Letters in this selection . . Names of correspondents . . List of books used . . Chronological list of Cicero's writings Table of the principal events of Cicero's life Introduction to Part L . . Letters (1-19) and notes of Part L, 106-57 b.c. Note A. Optimates „ B. Provincia „ C. Roman Letters and means of Correspondence „ D. Origin of the collection of Cicero's Letters . „ E. On the meaning of the words ' Imperium' and * Impe- 1 Rior •• •• •• •■ •• Appendix L State of the Roman Empire about the time of Cicero's entrance into public life . . „ IL Campaigns of Pompey in the East „ in. Life of Atticus „ IV. On the Legality of the execution of Lentulus and his Accomplices „ V. On Cicero's Estates and other Property . . Introduction to Part II. . . Letters (20-45) and notes of Part IL, 57-49 b.c. Note F. On the Commission granted to Pompey in September, 5Y B.C. .» •• •• •• •• Appendix VI. On the legal question at issue between Caesar and the Senate ,, VII. Distribution of the Roman forces at the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey PAGE V xiv xvi XX xxii xxvii xxxii I 25 120 120 121 121 122 124 127 128 133 135 160 286 287 291 CONTENTS. xiu Introduction to Part III. . . Letters (46-78) and notes of Part III., 49-48 b.c. Introduction to Part IV, , . Letters (79-104) and notes of Part IV., 48-45 b.c. Appendix VIII. On the Calendar „ IX. Caesar's laws, enacted from 49-44 b c. „ X. On the honours voted to Caesar Introduction to Part V. . . Letters (105-148) and notes of Part V., 44-43 b.c Appendix XL State of the Roman provinces and armies death of Caesar to that of Cicero „ XII. On the meaning of the words ' Colonia, cipium,' and ' Praefectura ' . . Index I. Of Greek words and phrases . . „ 11.^ Of Latin words and phrases explained in the notes „ III. Of proper names Additions and Corrections from the ' Muni- PAGE 293 393 405 487 489 492 497 515 611 614 621 624 648 663 * [I have been rather doubtful at times whether to insert a word in II or III.] EXPLANATION OF SIGNS AND ABBREVIATIONS. * or . . in the text shews that words are wanting to complete the sense. t shews that the words following it are corrupt. [ ] shews that the words enclosed are considered l)y Baiter to be an interpo- lation. Italics are used in the text where words or syllables have been added by Baiter. I have referred to the Latin grammars of Madvigand Ramshom,and occasionally to that of C. G. Zumpt, merely by the author's name. a. d. = ante diem, abl. or ablat. = ablative, abs. or absol. = absolute, ace. or accus. = accusative, adj. = adjective. Alt. Alter. = Alterthiimer. ap. = apud. App. = Appendix. App. =Appiani Alexandrini. „ Bell. Civ. = De Hello Civili. „ Mithr. = De Bello Mithridatico. „ Parth. = De Rebus Parthicis. A spur- ious work, and apparently in great measure almost a literal transcript of some chapters of Plutarch's Life of Crassus. Cp. Long's note on Plut. Crass. 15. „ Pun. = De Rebus Punicis. ,, Syr. = De Rebus Syriacis. Ascon. = Q. Asconii Pediani Comment- arius in Ciceronis Orationes, in Orelli's collection of Scholia to Cicero. Those portions of the Commentary which are not considered genuine I have quoted as Pseud. Ascon. Att. = Atticus. Bell. Afric. =Auctor de Bello Africano, a treatise usually published with Cae- sar's works. Bell. Alex. = Auctor de Bello Alexandrino. ,, Hisp.= „ Hispano. Billerb. = Billerbeck. Caes. = C. lulii Caesariis Commentarii. „ Bell. Gall. =:De Bello Gallico. „ „ Civ.= „ Civili. cans. = causae. Cic. = M. Tullii Ciceronis. „ Brut. = Brutus sivede Claris Oratoribus. ,, Div. in Caec. = Divinatio in Caecilium. ,, Divin. = de Divinatione. ,, In Clod. et. Cur. = Oratio in Clodium Curionem. „ Pro Dom. or De Dom. — Oratio pro Domo Sua. ,, Fani. or Ad Fam. = Epistolae ad Familiares. „ De Fin. or Fin. = De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum. „ Orat. = Orator. „ De Orat. = De Oratore. „ Part. Orat. = Partitiones Oratoriae. „ Prov. Cons. = De Provinciis Consulari- bus. „ Ad Q. F.= Epistolae ad Quintum Fratrem. ,, Pro C. Rab. or Rab. = Pro C. Rabirio, perduellionis reo. „ „ Rab. Post. = Pro C. Rabirio Postumo. ,, Rhet. ad Herenn. = Rhetoricorum ad Herennium. ,, Somn. Scip. = Somnium Scipionis, in De Rep. 6, 9. „ In Vat. = Interrogatio in P. Vatinium testem '. Q. Cic. de Pet. Cons. = Q. Ciceronis de Petitione Consulatus liber. conj. = conjunction, or conjunctive mood, according to the context, constr. = construction. Com. Nep. = Cornelii Nepotis vitae excel- lentium Imperatorum. , I have generally referred to Cicero's works without mentioning the author's name SIGNS AND ABBREVIATIONS. XV COS. = consul. cp. = compare. d. at the beginnings of letters = (licit ; at the end, data or dabam. def., defin. = definitivus. Diog. Laert. = Diogenes Laertius de Vitis Philosophorum. Dionys. = Dionysii Halicarnassensis Anti- quitates Romanae. e. q. V. = ego quidem, or quoque, valeo ; e. V. = ego valeo. Ep., Epp. = Epistle, Epistles. Epit. = Epitome. Fest. = Sex. Pompeius Festus de verborum significatione (ed. Miiller, Lipsiae, 1830). A. or Aul. Gell. = Auli Gellii. ,, N. A. = Noctes Atticae. gen. = genitive. Hofm. = Hofmann. ind., indie. = indicative mood. inf., infin. = infinitive mood, instr., instrum. =instrumenti. loseph. = Flavii losephi. ,, Antiq. = Antiquitates ludaicae, 'XovhaiKT] dpXdioKoyta. „ Bell. Iud. = De Bello ludaico, TTfpi Tov 'lovScuKov no\ifJLOV. K., Kal. = Kalendae. L. G. = Latin Giammar. Lamprid. = Aelius Lampridius, among the Historiae Augustae Scriptores. Macrob. = Aurelii Ambrosii Theodosii Macrobii. ,, Sat. = Saturnalia, metaph. = metaphorical, mil. = militum. obj. = objectivus. obs , obss. = observation, observations. Onom., Onomast. = Onomasticon. Oros. = Orosii, Pauli, Historiarum adver- sus Paganos libri vii. P. and B. = Messrs. Prichard and Bernard's edition, pi. = plebis. pL, plur. = plural ; also plurimam (in ad- dresses of letters). Pliny = C. Plinii Secundi. „ H. N. = Historia Naturalis. „ Epp. = Epistolae. Plut. = Plutarchus. „ De Defect. Orac. = De Defectu Oraculorum. poss. possess. = possessive. pr. = praetor: also pridie. prep. = preposition, procos. = proconsul, propr. = propraetor, q. -= quod. Quint. = M. FaV)ii Quintiliani. ,, Inst. Orat. = Institutio Oratoria. reff. = references, s., sal. = salutem. s. V. b. or b. e. = si vales bene or bene est. Sail. = C. Sallustii Crispi. „ Cat. = De Catilinae Coniuratione. „ lug. = De Bello lugurthino. sc, scil. = scilicet. Schol. Bob. = Scholiasta Bobiensis in Ciceronem. In Orelli's Collection of Scholia, sing. = singular. Soph. = Sophocles. Stob. = Ioannis Stobaei. „ Floril. = Florilegium {av6o\ij-^iov). Strab. — Strabonis. „ Geogr. = Geographica. .Suet. = C. Suetonii Tranquilli, „ Claud. = Claudius. „ lul. = lulius. „ Oct. = Octavius. ,, Tib. = Tiberius, sup., supp. = supply, sup., supr. = supra, tr. = tribunus, tribuni. Val. Max. M. (or P.)^Valerii Maximi Factonim et Dictorum Memorabilium libri ix. v. = vide. Varr. = M. Terentii Varronis. „ L. L. = De Lingua Latina. „ R. R. =De Re Rustica. Vell. = M. Velleii Paterculi ex Historiae Romanae libris duobus quae supersunt. voc, voce = voce, vocibus. Wiel. = Wieland and Grater's translation. Zumpt, A. W. „ C. E. = Commentationes Epigra- phicae. ,, S. R. = Studia Romana. This list does not comprise all the abbreviations used, perhaps ; but I hope that those which do not appear in it will be easily intelligible. ORDER OF THE LETTERS IN THIS SELECTION COMPARED WITH THE ORDINARY ARRANGEMENT. THIS SELECTION. THIS SELECTION. I Ad Att. I. I. 39 Ad Fam. 15- 5- 2 n I. 2. 40 )) 15- 6. 3 Ad Fam. 5- 7- 41 )) 8. 14. 4 >> 5- I. 42 Ad Att. 6. 6. 5 )) 5- 2. 43 Ad Fam. 14. 5. 6 Ad Att. I. 13- 44 Ad Att. 7- 7- 7 5J I. 14. 45 » 7- 9- 8 >> I. 16. 46 >j 7- 10. 9 JJ 2. X. 47 » 7- II. lO J> 2. 16. 48 it 7- 13- II J> 2. 18. 49 » 8. II A. 12 JJ 2. 19. 50 » 8. II B. 13 J1 2. 24. 51 » 8. 1 2D. 14 >) 2. 25- 52 Ad Fam. 16. 12. 15 Ad Q. F. I. 2. 53 5) 16. 15- i6 Ad Att. 3- 15- 54 Ad Att. 8. 3- I? Ad Fam. 14. 2. 55 5> 8. 9- i8 )) 14. I. 56 J> 8. II. 19 Ad Att. 3- ?3- 57 » 8. 13- 20 )? 4- I. 58 » 8. 15 A. 21 Ad Fam. I. I. 59 >r 8. 16. 22 )> I. 2. 60 » 9- 6 A. 23 Ad Q. F. 2. 3- 61 >» 9- 7. 24 >> 2. 4- 62 » 9- 9- 25 Ad Att. 4- 5. 63 » 9- 10. 26 Ad Fam. I. 7. 64 >i 9- II A. 27 » 7- 5- 65 » 9- 12. 28 Ad Att. 4- 15- 66 j> 9- 16. 29 Ad Fam. I. 9- 67 5> 9- 18. 30 )> 2. 6. 68 >> 10. I. 31 Ad Att. 5. II. 69 Ad Fam. 8. 16. 32 v 5- 16. 70 )' 2. 16. 33 Ad Fam. 8. 4- 71 Ad Att. 10, 8. 34 )) 8. 8. 72 S) 10. 8 A. 35 » 8. 6. 73 >» 10. 8 B. 36 Ad Att. 5- 21. 74 5) 10. 16. 37 Ad Fam. 2. 13- 75 Ad Fam. 14. 7. 38 Ad Att. 6. 2. 76 )> 8. 17- ORDER OF LETTERS. xvu THIS SELECTION. THIS SELECTION. 77 Ad Fam. 9- 9- 113 Ad Fam. I I. 27. 78 Ad Alt. 1 1. 4- 114 )) I I. 28. 79 3> 1 1. 5- 115 Jl 12. I. 80 J> 1 1. 6. 116 n I I. 3- 81 J> 1 1. 9- 1x7 Ad Att. 16. 7- 82 5) 1 1. 12. 118 Ad Fam. 12. 2 . 83 Ad Fam. 15- 15- 119 )) 12. 23- 84 Ad Att. 12. I. 120 )^ I I. 4- 85 >5 12. 2. 121 Ad Att. 16. 8. 86 Ad Fam. 9- 3- 122 n i6. 1 1. 87 j> 9- 18. 123 Ad Fam. I I. 5- 88 j> 7- 3- 124 5) 12. 22. 89 )> 9- 17- 125 ^) I I. 8. 90 >> 4- 4- 126 J) 12. 4- 91 )) 6. 6. 127 11 10. 28. 92 )) 6. 7- 128 )) 12. .3- 93 J) 13- 1 1. 129 >) 10. 31- 94 )> 4- 14. 130 !> 10. 6. 95 It 4- 1 1. 131 )) 10. 27. 96 Ad Att. 12. 21. 132 )> 10. 8. 97 Ad Fam. 13- 16. 133 11 10. 10. 98 )» 4- 5- 134 11 12. 6. 99 )) 4- 6. 135 11 10. 30- 100 )) 6. 2. 136 11 I I. 9- lOI >) 4- 12. 137 11 I I. 10. 102 J) 13- 4- 138 11 12. 12. 103 )> 12. 18. 139 11 10. II. 104 Ad Att. 13- 52. 140 J) lO. If)- 105 J) 14. I. 141 M 10. 34- 106 )) 14. 2. 142 11 10. 13- 107 Ad Fam. II. I. 143 11 I I. 23- 108 Ad Att. 14. 12. 144 11 10. 3.5- 109 J) 14. 13 A. 145 11 II. 13 ' no )J 14. 13 B. 146 11 10. 2 3- in Ad Fam. 9- 14. 147 11 12. 10. 1 12 Ad Att. 14. 21. 148 11 10. 24. ORDER OF THE LETTERS IN THE ORDINARY ARRANGEMENT COMPARED WITH THAT ADOPTED IN THIS SELECTION. AD ATTICUM. THIS SELECTION. AD ATTICUM. THIS SELECTION I. I. I 8. 15 A . 58 I. 2. 2 8. 16. 59 I. 13. 6 9. 6 A. . 60 I. 14. 7 9- 7- 61 I. 16. 8 9. 9. 62 2. I. 9 9. 10. 63 2. 16. 10 9. 11 A. . 64 2. 18. II 9. 12. 65 2. 19. 12 9. 16. 66 2. 24, 13 9. 18. 67 2. 25. 14 10. I. 68 3- 15- 16 10. 8. 71 3- 23. 19 10. 8 A. .. 72 4. I. 20 10. 8 B. 73 4. 5- 25 10. 16. 74 4. 15. 28 II. 4- 78 5. II. 31 II. 5- 79 5. 16. 32 II. 6. 80 5. 21. 36 II. 9- 81 6. 2. 38 II. 12. 82 6. 6. 42 12. I. 84 7. 7. 44 12. 2. 85 7. 9- 45 12. 21. 96 7. 10. 46 13- 52. 104 7. II. 47 14. I. 105 7- 13- 48 14. 2. 106 8. 3- 54 14. 12. 108 8. 9. 55 14. 13 A. .. 109 8. II. 56 14. 13 B. . no 8. II A. . 49 14. 21. 112 8. II B. 50 16. 7. 117 8. 12 D. . 51 16. 8. 121 8. 13, 57 16. II. 122 ORDER OF LETTERS. XIX AD FAMILIARES. THIS SELECTION. AD FAMILIARES. THIS SELECTION I. I. 21 10. 30. 135 I. 2, 22 10. 31. 129 I. 7. 26 10. 34. 141 I. 9. 29 10. 35. 144 2. 6. 30 II. I. 107 2. 13. 37 II. 3. 116 2, 16. 70 II. 4. 120 "; 4. 4. 90 II. 5. 123 4. 5- 98 II. 8. 125 4. 6. 99 II. 9. 136 4. II. 95 II. 10. 137 4. 12. lOI II. 13 a. . 145 4. 14. 94 II. 23. 143 5. I. 4 II. 27. "3 5. 2. 5 II. 28. 114 5- 7- 3 12. I. 115 6. 2. 100 12. 2. 118 6. 6. 91 12. 4. 126 6. 7. 92 12. 5. 128 7. 3. 88 12. 6. 134 7. 5. 27 12. 10. 147 8. 4. 33 12. 12. 138 8. 6. 35 12. 18. 103 8. 8. 34 12. 22. 124 8. 14. 41 12. 23. 119 8. 16. 69 13. 4. 102 8. 17. 76 13. II. 93 9. 5. 86 13. 16. 97 9. 9. 77 14. I. 18 9. 14. III 14. 2. 17 9. 17. 89 14. 5- 43 9. 18. 87 14. 7. 75 10. 6. 130 15- 5- 39 10. 8. 132 15. 6. 40 10. 10. 133 15- 15- 83 10, II. 139 16. 12. 52 10. 13. 142 16. 15. 53 10. 15. 140 10. 23. 146 AD QUINTUM FRAT REM. 10. 24. 148 I. 2. 15 10. 27. 131 2. 3. 23 10. 28. 127 2. 4, 24 b2 NAMES OF THE CORRESPONDENTS OF CICERO AND HIS FRIENDS (LETTERS FROM OR TO WHOM ARE INCLUDED IN THIS SELECTION), ARRANGED IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER. Names. M. Aemilius Lepidus M. Antonius C. Asinius Pollio Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer A, Caecina M, Caelius Rufus C. Cassius Longinus M. Claudius Marcellus P. Cornelius Dolabella P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther L. Cornelius Balbus Q. Cornificius C. lulius Caesar D. lunius Brutus M. lunius Brutus A. Manlius Torquatus M. Marius C. Matius L. Munatius Plancus L. Papirius Paetus Cn, Plancius Cn. Pompeius Magnus M. Porcius Cato Letters addressed to. no; 116. 5- 91. 37; 70- (83; 107; 115; 118; \ 126; 128; 134; 147 III. 21; 22 ; 26 ; 29. 103; 119; 124. 27; 64; 97. 123; 125. 93; 107. 100. 88. 113- 130; 133; 142. 87; 89. 94. 3; 50. 40. Letters avritten by, 141 ; 144. 72; 109. 129. 4- 92. ( 33:34; 35;4i; 1 69; 76. 1 116; 138. 95- 77- 58. 60 ; dd ; 73, 107; 120; 136; 137; 143; 145- 116. 114. 132; 139; 140; 146; 148. 49; 5' 39- Names, C. Scribonius Curio Ser. Sulpicius Galba Ser. Sulpicius Rufus Terentia M. Terentius Varro C. Trebonius Q. TuUius Cicero M. Tullius Tiro Q. Valerius Orca NAMES OF CORRESPONDENTS. xxi Letters ivritten by. Letters addressed to. 90; 99. 17; 18; 43; 75- 86. 127. 15; 23; 24. 52; ■2 • 53- 102. 135- 98; lOI. The rest of the letters, including part of the 66thj are from Cicero to T. Pomponius Atticus. EDITIONS OF CICERO'S EPISTLES, AND OTHER BOOKS USED IN PREPARING THE PRESENT SELECTION. TEXT. Epistolae, recensuit J. G. Baiter. 2 vols. 8vo. Lipsiae. 1 866-1 867, being vols. IX, X of a complete edition of Cicero's works, by J. G. Baiter and C. L. Kayser, in 11 vols. Leipzig. 1 860-1 869. Epistolae, recognovit A. S. Wesenberg, 2 vols. i2mo. Lipsiae. 1872-3. Opera, volumen tertium epistolas continens, curaverunt I. C. Orellius et I. G. Baiterus, imp. 8vo. Turici. 1845. Cobet, C. G., de locis quibusdam in Ciceronis epistolis. Mnemosyne, 8. 182-200. 1880. Madvig, I. N. Adversaria Critica, vol. ii. 8vo. Hauniae. 1873. Riihl, F. Rheinisches Museum, Ed. xxx. 1875, pp. 26 and 135. „ Wissenschafdiche Monatsblatter (Konigsberg) 1878, pp. 25 and 85. On the Harleian MSS. 2682 and 2773. Thurot, Charles. Ciceronis Epistolae ad Familiares, notice sur un manuscrit du Xlle siecle. Bibliotheque de I'dcole des hautes etudes. Dix-septieme fascicule. Paris. 1874. Emendationes alterae ad Ciceronis Epistolarum editionem, scripsit A. S. Wesenberg, 8vo. Lipsiae. 1873. COMMENTARIES. M. Tullii Ciceronis Scholiastae, ediderunt I. C. Orellius et I. G. Baiterus, imp. 8vo. Turici. 1833. Billerbeck, Julius, Epistolae temporis ordine dispositae, 4 vols. 8vo. Hannover. 1836. Boot, I. G. Epistolarum ad Atticum libri xvi. Recensuit et adnotatione illustravit I. C. G. Boot, 2 vols, royal 8vo. Amstelod. 1 865-1 866. Frey, Joseph. Ausgewahlte Briefe Cicero's fiir den Schulgebrauch erklart, 8vo. Leipzig. 1864. LIST OF BOOKS USED. xxiii Hofmann, Friedrich. Ausgewahlte Briefe von M. Tullius Cicero, I Bandchen, 8vo. Berlin, i860; 2 do., bearbeitet von Georg Andresen. Berlin. 1878. Matthiae, Aug., and Miiller, E. H. Epistolae selectae. Editio 4ta. 8vo. Lipsiae. 1849. Parry, E. St. J., M.A. Ciceronis Epistolarum Delectus, i2mo. London. 1867. Pretor, Alfred, M.A., Fellow of St. Catherine's College, Cambridge. The Letters of Cicero to Atticus, Book I, with notes, and an essay on the character of the Author, sm. 8vo. London and Cambridge. 1873. ' Prichard, Constantine E., the late, and Bernard, E. R., M.A. Selected Letters of Cicero, for the use of Schools (Clarendon Press Series), 12 mo. Oxford. 1872. Ross, Joannes, A. AL Epistolas ad Familiares edidit et commentario Anglico instruxit, 2 vols. 8vo. Cantab. 1749. Siipfle, K. F. Epistolae selectae, 6te Auflage, 8vo. Karlsruhe, 1866. Tyrrell, Robert Yelverton, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College and Pro- fessor of Latin in the University of Dublin. The Correspond- ence of Cicero, vol. L Dublin and London. 1879. Yonge, J. E., M.A. The Letters of Cicero, Part I, containing Books I, II, and III. New edition, sm. Svo. London. 1872. I have also occasionally referred to the notes of Manutius and to the edition of Schiiltz. TRANSLATIONS. Jeans, Rev. G. E., M.A. The Life and Letters of M. Tullius Cicero, being a new translation of the letters included in Mr. Watson's selection, with notes. London. 1880. Metzirer, K. L. F. M. Tullius Cicero's Sammtliche Briefe iibersetzt, Bandchen 1-5, i2mo. Stuttgart. 1859-1S63. Wieland, C. M. M. Tullius Cicero's Sammtliche Briefe ubersetzt und erlautert: vollendet von F. D. Grater, 12 vols. i8mo. Leipzig. 1840-1841. WORKS ILLUSTRATING THE LIFE OF CICERO. Abeken. Life and Letters of Cicero translated by C. Merivale, 8vo. London. 1854. ' Referred to in the Notes as P. nnd B. XX Iv LIST OF BOOKS USFD. Boissier, Gaston. Ciceron et ses amis, 8vo. Paris. 1865. Bruckner, C. A. F. Leben des M. TuUius Cicero, Svo. Gottingen. 1852. Forsyth, W., Q.C. Life of Cicero, 2 vols. Svo. London. 1864 Gurlitt, L. De M. TuUii Ciceronis epistulis earumque pristina collec- tione. Dissertatio inauguralis. Fribergae Sax. 1879. Middleton, Conyers, D.D. Life of Cicero, 2 vols. Svo. London. 1823. Nake, Bruno. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Cicero und D. Brutus. In Jahrbiicher fiir Ckxssische Philologie. VIIL Supplement Bd. 1875-6, pp- 649-700. „ De Planci et Ciceronis epistulis, in Jahresbericht iiber das Luisen- stadtische Gymnasium in Berlin. Berlin. 1866. Onomasticon Tullianum, curaverunt L C. Orellius et L G. Baiterus, J vols, royal Svo. Turici. 1 836-1 838. Quarterly Review, article on Cicero, October 1880. Suringar, W. H. D. M. Tullii Ciceronis commentarii rerum suarum ; accesserunt annales Ciceroniani, Svo. Leidae. 1854. „ M. Caelii Rufi et I\L Tullii Ciceronis epistolae mutuae. Lugd. Bat. 1846. Trollope, Antony. Life of Cicero, 2 vols. London. 1880. WORKS ON THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE TIME. Arnold, Thomas, D.D. History of the later Roman Commonwealth, 2 vols. Svo. London. 1845. Champagny, Le Comte Franz de. Les Cesars, 3eme Edition, 3 tomes, i2mo. Paris. 1859. Cobet, C. G. Annotationes ad Plutarchi vitam M. Bruti, Mnemosyne, VII, I and 225 (1879). ,, Ad Epistolas Ciceronis et Bruti, ib. 262. „ Ad Ciceronis Philippicas, ib. 113. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, consilio et auctoritate academiae litte- rarum regiae Borussicae edilum, vol. i, folio. Berolini. mdccclxiii. Drumann, W. Geschichte Roms, oder Pompeius, Caesar, Cicero und ihre Zeitgenossen, 6 vols. Svo. Konigsberg. 1 834-1 844. Edinburgh Review. Article on Froude's Caesar, October 1879. Fischer, E. W. Romische Zeittafeln, 4to. Altona. 1846. Froude, J. A. Caesar, a sketch. London. 1879. Guiraud, Paul, Le differend entre Cdsar et le sdnat. Paris. 1878. Liddell, Dean. History of Rome, 2 vols. Svo. London. 1855. LIST OF BOOKS USED. xxv Long, George, jM.A. Civil Wars of Rome. Select Lives translated from Plutarch, with notes, 5 vols, in 2, i2mo. London. 1 844-1 848, „ Decline of the Roman Republic, vols. 3-5, 8vo. London. 1869- 1874. Merivale, Rev. C, B.D. History of the Romans under the Empire, vols. 1-3, 8vo. London. 1850-1851. Mommsen, Theodor. De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum, 8vo. Kiliae. 1843. „ History of Rome, translated by Rev. W. P. Dickson, vol. 4, parts 1-2, i2mo. London, 1866. „ Die Rechtsfrage zwischen Caesar und dem Senat, 4to. Breslau. 1857. „ Romische Forschungen, vol. i, 8vo. Berlin. 1864. Napoldon HL Histoire de Jules Cesar, tomes 1-2, imp. 8vo. Paris. 1865-1866. Peter, Carl. Romische Geschichte, 2te Auflage, vol. 2, 8vo. Halle. 1866. Quarterly Review, article on Caesar, October 1879. Zumpt. A. W. Commentationes Epigraphicae, 2 vols. 4to. Berolini. 1850-1854. „ Studia Romana, 8vo. Berolini. 1859. GRAMMARS. Madvig, L N., translated by Woods, 4ih edition, 8vo. Oxford and London, 1859. Nagelsbach, C. F. Lateinische Stilistik fiir Deutsche, 4te Auflage, 8vo. Niirnberg. 1865. Ramshorn, Ludwig, Lateinische Grammatik, 2te Ausgabe, 8vo. Leipzig. 1830. Zumpt, C. G., translated by Schmitz, 6th edition, 8vo. London. 1861. DICTIONARIES. Forcellini et Facciolati totius Latinitatis Lexicon, 4 vols, in 2, 4to. Editio in Germania prima. Lipsiae. 1839. Smith, Dr. William. Latin-English Dictionary, 8vo. London. 1855. „ Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 2nd edition, 8vo. London. 1856. „ Dictionary of Biography and Mythology, 3 vols. 8vo. London. 1844-1849. „ Dictionary of Geography, 2 vols. 8vo. London. 1856-1857. xxvi LIST OF BOOKS USED. LAW AND ANTIQUITIES, BESIDES THE ABOVE. Becker, W. A., and Marquardt, J. Handbuch der Romischen Alter- thiimer, 3ter Theil, 8vo. Leipzig. 1851. Lange, Ludwig. Romische Alterthiimer, vol. i, 2te Auflage, Svo. Berlin. 1863; vol. 2. Berlin. 1862; vol.3. Berlin. 1871. Madvigii, I. N., Opuscula Academica, Svo. Hauniae. 1834; vol. 2. ib. 1842. ^ Marquardt, J. Romische Staatsverwaltung, vols 1-3. Leipzig. 1873- 1878. ^ Mommsen, Theodor. Romisches Staatsrecht, vols, i, 2, Svo. Leipzig. 1871-1875. Rein, W. Criminalrecht der Romer, Svo. Leipzig. 1844. „ Privatrecht der Romer, Svo. Leipzig. 1858. ' These two works form part of a new edition of Becker and Marquardt's Hand- book of Roman Antiquities. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF CICERO'S WRITINGS. * Defective. * * Very fragmentary. + Lost. B.C. about 86 De Inventione Rhetorica libri ii. (cp. De Orat. i. 2, 5 ; Quintil. Inst. Orat. 3. 6, 58). ** Translations of Aratus' Phaenomena, and of other poems of Aratus (cp. De Deor. Nat. 2. 41, 104). ** Translations from Homer (De Fin. 5. 18, 49). * Translation of the Oeconomics of Xenophon (De Off. 2. 24, 87), and of t various Dialogues of Plato. 81 ^* Oratio pro P. Quinctio (cp. A. Gell. N. A. 15. 28, 3). 80 „ „ Sex. Roscio Amerino (A. Gell. 1. c. ; Quintil. Inst. Orat. 12. 6, 4). ** „ „ L. Vareno. 79 t „ „ Muliere Arretina (Pro Caec. 33, 97). + „ „ Titinia (Brut. 60, 217). 75 t „ „ Patriciis Adulescentibus apud Sex. Peducaeum (Plut. Cic. 6). 74 ** 9> Quaestoris decedentis, habita Lilybaei (Pseud. Ascon. Argum. in Divin. in Caec). 7 1 „ pro M. Tullio. ? t „ „ C. Mustio (In Verr. 2 Act. i. 53, 139). 70 Divinatio in Caecilium ; and In Verrem, Actio i ; Actio 2. 1-5. 69 * Oratio pro M. Fonteio. „ „ A. Caecina. 68 First Letter to Atticus (Ad Att. i. 5). ^ Mr. Trollope (Cicero i. 90 foil.) has given some reasons for placing the speech Pro P. Quinctio after that Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino. xxvi LIST OF BOOKS USED. LAW AND ANTIQUITIES, BESIDES THE ABOVE. Becker, W. A., and Marquardt, J. Handbuch der Romischen Alter- thiimer, 3ter Theil, 8vo. Leipzig. 1851. Lange, Ludwig. Romisciie Alterthiimer, vol. i, 2te Auflage, 8vo. Berlin. 1863; vol. 2. Berlin. 1862; vol.3. Berlin. 1871. jNIadvigii, L N., Opuscula Academica, 8vo. Hauniae. 1834; vol. 2. ib. 1842. ^Marquardt, J. Romische Staatsverwaltung, vols 1-3. Leipzig. 1873- 1878. ^Mommsen, Theodor. Romisches Staatsrecht, vols, i, 2, 8vo. Leipzig. 1871-1875. Rein, W. Criminalrecht der Romer, 8vo. Leipzig. 1844. „ Privatrecht der Romer, 8vo. Leipzig. 1858. ' These two works form part of a new editici of Becker and Marquardt's Hand- book of Roman Antiquities. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF CICEROS WRITINGS. * Defective. * * Very fragmentary. + Lost. B.C. about 86 De Inventione Rhetorica libri ii. (cp. De Orat. i. 2, 5 ; Quintil. Inst. Orat. 3. 6, 58). ** Translations of Aratus' Phaenomena, and of other poems of Aratus (cp. De Deor. Nat. 2. 41, 104). ** Translations from Homer (De Fin. 5. 18, 49). * Translation of the Oeconomics of Xenophon (De Off. 2. 24, 87), and of t various Dialogues of Plato. Oratio pro P. Quinctio (cp. A. Gell. N. A. 15. 28, 3). „ „ Sex. Roscio Amerino (A. Gell. 1. c. ; Quintil, Inst. Orat. 12. 6, 4). „ „ L. Vareno. „ „ Muliere Arretina (Pro Caec. 33, 97). „ „ Titinia (Brut. 60, 217). „ „ Patriciis Adulescentibus apud Sex. Peducaeum (Plut. Cic. 6). 74 ** » Quaestoris decedentis, habita Lilybaei (Pseud. Ascon. Argum. in Divin. in Caec). 7 1 „ pro M. Tullio. ? t „ „ C. Mustio (In Verr. 2 Act. i. 53, 139). 70 Divinatio in Caecilium ; and In Verrem, Actio i ; Actio 2. 1-5. 69 * Oratio pro M. Fonteio. „ „ A. Caecina. 68 First Letter to Atticus (Ad Att. i. 5). ^ Mr. Trollope (Cicero i. 90 foil.) has given some reasons for placing the speech Pro P. Quinctio after that Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino. 81 1 >t 80 ** 79 t t 75 t xxviii LIST OF CICERO'S WRITINGS. B.c about * Oratio pro Q. Roscio Comoedo. 67 ** Oratio pro P. Oppio. 66 „ de Imperio Cn. Pompeii, seu pro Lege Manilia (lb. i ; 24, 69). „ pro A. Cluentio (cp. lb. 53, 147). ** „ „ M. Fundanio et t C. Orchivio (cp. Q. Cic. de Pet. Cons. 5, 19). ** „ „ C. Manilio (cp. Plut. Cic. 9). t „ „ Q. Mucio (cp. Orat. in Tog. Cand. 6). 65 ** Orationes Duae pro C. Cornelio (Ascon. in Cornel. 93, 94). 64 ** Oratio in Toga Candida (Ascon. Argum. pp. 109 ; no). ** „ pro Q. Gallio (Ascon. ad Orat. in Tog. Cand. p. 113; Q. Cic. de Pet. Cons. 5, 19). 63 Orationes Consulares (cp. Ad Att. 2. i. 3). Oratio in Senatu, Kal. Ian., de Lege Agraria. „ ad Quirites contra P. Rullum. ** „ de Othone. * „ pro C. Rabirio. ** „ de Proscriptorum Filiis. t „ cum Provinciam in Contione deponeret. „ in Catilinam Orationes Quatuor. Orationes duae, breves, de Lege Agraria (one no longer extant). Oratio pro L. Murena (not mentioned Ad Att. 1. c.) t „ C. Pisone (Pro Flacco 39, 98). 62 t ,, contra Contionem Q. Metelli (cp. Ad Fam. 5. 2, 8). „ pro P. Sulla. „ ,, Archia Poeta (Schol. Bob. on 2, 3, of that speech), t Letter to Pompey on his consulship (Pro Plane. 34, 85, and Schol. Bob. thereon). First Letter ' Ad Familiares' (5. 7), 61 ** Oratio in Clodium et Curionem (Schol. Bob. Argum. : cp. Ad Att. I. 16, i). 60 t Commentarius consulatus sui, Graece scriptus (Ad Att. i. 19, 10). ** Poem on his consulship (Ad Att. 2. 3, 3). Translation of Aratus' Prognostica (Ad Att. 2. i, 11). t Oratio pro P. Scipione Nasica (Ad Att. 2. i, 9). 59 t „ „ C. Antonio (De Domo 16, 41 ; Dion Cassius 38. 10). LIST OF CICERO'S WRITINGS. xxix B.C. about t Oratio pro A. Thermo (Pro Flacco 39, 98). * „ „ L. Flacco (Ad Att. 2. 25, i). 59 ? ** Chorographia, a geographical work (cp. Ad Att. 2. 6, i ; Priscian. 6, 83, ap. Baiter, xi. 76). 57 .'' Oratio Post Reditum in Senatu (Ad Att. 4. i, 5), ? „ „ „ ad Quirites (Ad Att. 4. i, 6). ? „ de Domo Sua (lb. 4. 2, 2). 56 ** „ „ Rege Alexandrino (Ad Q. F. 2. 2. 3). „ pro P. Sestio (lb. 2. 4, i). „ in P. Vatinium (Ad Q. F. 2. 4, i ; Ad Fam. i. 9, 7). t „ pro L. Calpurnio Bestia (Ad Q. F. 2, 3, 6). ? „ de Haruspicum Responsis. „ „ Provinciis Consularibus (Pro Balbo 27, 61 ; Ascon. Argument, in Pisonian. ; cp. Ad Fam. 1. 7, 10). ? „ pro P. Asicio (Pro Gael. 10. 23, 24). „ M. Caelio (Ad Q. F. 2, 13 [11 Bait.], 2 ; Pro Gael. 13, 32). „ „ L. Gornelio Balbo. + „ „ M. Gispio (Pro Plane. 31, 75)- 55 „ in L. Pisonem (Ascon. in Pisonian. Intr.). t „ pro L. Ganinio Gallo (Ad Fam. 7. i, 4). De Oratore, libri iii. (Ad Fam. i. 9, 23). p ** ])g Temporibus Suis libri iii. versibus scripti (Ad Fam. i. 9, 23)- 54 + Oratio pro M. Grasso (Ad Fam. i. 9, 20). t „ de Reatinorum Gausa (Ad Att. 4. 15, 5). t „ pro G. Messio (Ad Att. 4. 15, 9). t „ „ Druso (Ad Att. 1. c. ; Ad Q. F. 2. 16, 3). ** „ „ Vatinio (Ascon. in Scaurian. p. 131 ; Ad Q. F. 2. 16, 3)- * „ „ Scauro (Ascon. 1. c. ; Ad Q. F. 3. i, ir). „ Gn. Plancio (Ad Q. F. 1. c. ; Schol. Bob. ad Plancian. sub init.). t „ „ A Gabinio (Pro. Rab. Post. 12, 32; Dion Gassius 39- 55)- „ „ G. Rabirio Postumo. t „ „ Tenediorum Libertate (Ad Q. F. 2. 11, 2). * De Re publica libri vi. (cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 2). 53 t Oratio de Acre Alieno Milonis (Schol. Bob. Argum). XXX LIST OF CICERO'S WRITINGS. B.C. about 52 Oratio pro T. Annio Milone (Ascon. in Milonian. p. 140). t „ ,, M. Saufeio (Ascon. 1, c. 159). + „ in T. Munatium Plancum Bursam (Dion Cassius 40, 55 : cp. Ad Fam. 7. 2, 2). ? De Optimo Genere Oratorum, as a preface to a translation of Aescli. in Ctesiph. and Demosth. de Cor. (cap. 4, 10). * De legibus libri iii. (Suringar, p. 721). ? Orationes duae pro P. Dolabella (Ad Fam. 3. 10, 5). 46 Oratio pro M. Marcello (Ad Fam. 4. 4, 4). Paradoxa. Brutus, sive De Claris Oratoribus. Laus Catonis (Ad Att. 12. 4, 2 ; 12. 5, 2). Orator (cp. 10, 35 ; Ad Att. 12. 6, 3). ? Partitiones Oratoriae. Oratio pro Q. Ligario (Ad Farn. 6. 14, 2 ; Ad Att. 13. 12, 2). 45 ** Consolatio, sive De Luctu Minuendo (De Divin. 2. i, 3 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. Praef. § 22). ** Hortensius (Tusc. Disp. 3. 3, 6 ; 2. 2, 4). * Academicorum libri iv. (Ad Att. 13. 12, 3 ; Tusc. Disp. 2. 2, 4). De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum libri v. (Ad Att. 13. 12, 3 ; 13. 21, 4). t Laudatio Porciae (Ad Att. 13. 37, 3). Oratio pro Rege Deiotaro (Ad Fam. 9. 12, 2). + Epistola ad Caesarem de Ordinanda Re publica {a-vn^ovXev- TiKou : cp. Ad Att. 12. 40, 2). 44 ? * Timaeus, sive de Universe. Tusculanae Disputationes V. (Ad Att. 15. 4, 3). De Deorum Natura libri iii. (De Divin. i. 5, 8; 2. i, 3). De Divinatione libri ii. De Fato (i. i and 2 : cp. Ad Att. 15. i, 3). De Gloria libri ii. (Ad Att. 16. 11, i ; 16. 6, 4). Cato Maior, sive De Senectute (Ad Att. 14. 21, 3; 16. 11, 3; Divin. 2. I, 3). Laelius, sive De Amicitia. De Officiis libri iii. (Ad Att. 16. 11, 4 ; 15. 13, 6). Topica (Ad Fam. 7. 19). Oratio de Pace (Philipp. i. i, i). Orationes Philippicae 1-IV. Ad Atticum 16. 1 5 \ Dec. ' The last letter written to Atticus that has been preserved. ** Incerto anno LIST OF CICERO'S WRITINGS. xxxi B.C. about 43 Orationes Philippicae V-XIV. Ad Familiares 12. 10 \ Quintil. Ineimte. „ „ 10. 24^. V. Kal. Sext. > Oratio pro Popilio Laenate (Val. Max. 5. 3, 4). Translation from the Protagoras of Plato. ** Marius, a poem (De Leg. i. i ; De Divin. i. 47, 106). The above list has been compiled from notices of Cicero's life in Orelli's Onomasticon, in Baiter's Leipzig edition of Cicero, and in Suringar's Annales Ciceroniani. ' The last letter written by Cicero that has been preserved. 8 „ M to Cicero PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF CICERO \ Age of Cicero. Birth of Cicero, Jan. 3 . . . . 17 He serves under Cn. Pompeius Strabo in the Marsic war ...... 18 Murder of P. Sulpicius. Flight of C. IMarius 19 Sulla goes to the East. Civil war. Return of Marius .... 20 Cicero writes the treatise ' De Inventione.' Death of C. Marius ..... 23 Return of Sulla. Civil war renewed . 25 Speech ' Pro Quinctio.' Legislation of Sulla 26 Speech ' Pro Sex, Roscio Amerino' . 27-28 Cicero travels in Greece and Asia Death of Sulla ...... 29 Cicero returns to Rome and marries Terentia (?) 31-32 Serves as quaestor for a year for Lilybaeum 36 Accuses Verres. First consulship of Pompey and Crassus . . . ^ . . 37 Curule aedileship .... 40 Praetorship. Speech ' Pro Lege Manilla' 41 Birth of his son Marcus 42 Election as consul .... 43 Consulship. Speeches against Catiline 45 Quarrel with Clodius 47 First consulship of Caesar. (First triumvirate) 48-49 Exile of Cicero. He returns to Italy Aug. 5, 57 50 Reconciliation with Pompey and Caesar 53 Defeat and Death of Crassus 54 Murder of Clodius. Third and sole consulship o Pompey ...... Date B c. 106 89 88 87 86 83 81 80 79-78 78 77 75-74 70 69 66 65 64 63 61 59 58-57 56 53 ^ I have not thought it necessary to give the authorities for these dates. Those re- lating to Cicero's personal history will be found either on pp. xxvii-xxxi, or in the Introductions to the various Parts. PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN CICERO'S LIFE, xxxiii Age of Cicero. Date b.c. 55-56 Government of Cilicia. Cicero returns to Italy Nov. 24, 50 B.C. ...... 51-50 57-58 Civil war. Cicero joins Pompey in Greece, but returns to Italy after the battle of Pharsalus. Death of Pompey ..... 49-48 59 Cicero is restored to Caesar's favour . . . 47 60 War in Africa. Death of Cato. Cicero divorces Terentia and marries Publilia ... 46 61 Death of TuUia. War in Spain. Battle of IMunda 45 62 Murder of Caesar. Cicero sets out for Greece, but returns. Delivers the first four Philippics . 44 63 Cicero delivers the last ten Philippics. War of Mutina. Death of Cicero, Dec. 7 . . 43 SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART I. From Cicero's birth to his return to Rome from EXILE, 57 B.C. INTRODUCTION. § I. M. TuLLius Cicero was born at Arpinum Jan. 3, ro6 b.c' His father bore the same name, and was a Roman knight of considerable landed property; his mother, Helvia, is said^ to have belonged to a good family. Cicero calls the poet Archias, who went to Rome in 102^, one of his earliest teachers*; and hence it is probable that the family removed to Rome about that time. Both the greatest orators of the time — L. Crassus and M. Antonius — took an interest in Cicero's education^; and his uncle Lucius accom- panied Antonius, who received about this time a commission to suppress piracy, to the East*. After completing his earlier studies'^ Cicero began to attend the lessons of a Latin rhetorician, L. Plotius, for which, however, he afterwards sub- stituted those of Greek teachers^ At the age of seventeen he often listened to the answers given on points of law by Q. Mucins Scaevola, the augur ' ; but his legal education was interrupted by the Social War, in which he^** served under the consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and Scaevola died about this time. Cicero, however, resumed his studies under another Scaevola, cousin of his late teacher, and pontifex maximus. Among his teachers in philosophy were the Academic Philo and the Stoic Diodotus ; in rhetoric, ApoUonius, surnamed Molon, of Rhodes, who was then at Rome, and whose precepts were illustrated by the speeches of the elo- quent tribune P. Sulpicius ". • Aul. Gell. N. A. 15. 28, 3 ; Plut. Cic. 2. ' Plut. Cic. i. = p^o Arch. 3, 5. < lb. i. ^ De Orat. 2. I, 3. « lb. ' Suringar p. 533. * Fragm. 222 ap. Nobbe. / Brut. 89, 306. '" Philipp. 12. II, 27. " Brut. 89, 90. i B a INTRODUCTION § 2. Cicero mentions, as early works of his, a translation^ of the Economics of Xenophon, and a treatise on rhetoric ; but whether the latter was any of the works now extant under his name, is doubtful ^. He seems to have remained neutral during the civil wars of Marius and Sulla and their partisans or successors. After the final triumph of Sulla, he delivered the first of his speeches which has come down to us, that on behalf of P. Quinctius'', and resumed, apparently*, his attendance upon Molon's teaching. At the age of 26, in 80 b.c, he boldly undertook the defence of Sex. Roscius, of Ameria, whom some of Sulla's creatures had con- spired to accuse of parricide '" ; and, shortly afterwards, pleaded on behalf of a woman of Arretium, in a case involving the validity of Sulla's harsh measures with respect to that place *'. Partly, perhaps, to avoid the hostility aroused by these acts, partly to rest from exertions which he was told were injuring his health, Cicero left Rome in 79 b.c After spending six months at Athens, where he studied under Antiochus, a philosopher of the old Academy, he travelled in Asia, and found an opportunity of again receiving instruction from Molon, who had returned to Rhodes^. Cicero was absent from Rome about two years in all ; and returned much stronger in health and taught how to husband his powers in speaking. He was now 29 years old: his first marriage^ must have taken place in this year at latest. His wife, Terentia, was apparently a woman of good family, and certainly possessed a respectable landed property^. Q. Hortensius Hortalus and C. Aurelius Cotta enjoyed the highest reputation as orators at this time ^°. § 3. In the year 76 b.c, Cicero was elected one of the quaestors by a large majority", and was assigned to the department of Lilybaeum^^ Sex. Peducaeus being propraetor of Sicily. During his residence in the island, Cicero discovered the tomb of Archimedes ", and before returning to Rome delivered a speech to the Sicilians at Lilybaeum'*. He seems to have discharged the duties of his office with zeal and honesty, and to have won the regard both of the Sicilians and of his own countrymen, to whom his diligence in supplying the capital with corn at a time of scarcity was most welcome ^^. From 73 to 71 b.c, Sicily was oppressed by C. Verres, while public 1 De Off. 2. 24, 87. 2 pg Orat. i. 2, 5. ^ Pro Quinct. 24, 76. * Or began it: cp. Brut. 90, 312, with Suringar p. 565. ' Aul. Gell. N. A. 15. 28. ^ Pro Caec. 33. 97. ^ Brut. 91, 316. * Baiter, and Orelli, Chronology of Cicero's life. ^ Ad Fam. 14. i, 5 ; Plut. Cic. 8. ^^ Brut. 92, 317. " In Pis. I, 2 ; Brut. 92, 318. ^- Div. in Caec. I, 2, Ascon. Comment.: cp. Pro Plane. 27, 65. ^-^ Tusc. Disp. 5. 23, 64. " Ascon. Comment, ad Div. in Caec. i. ^ Pro Plane. 26, 64; Plut. Cie. 6. TO THE FIRST PART. 3 attention was engrossed at Rome by the wars with Sertorius, Spar- tacus, and Mithridates. The war with Sertorius was brought to an end in 72, that with Spartacus in 71; but these triumphs of the Roman government were followed by dissensions among its supporters. The only speech delivered by Cicero between the years 75 and 71 b.c. which has been preserved to us, is that on behalf of M. TuUius, spoken apparently in 71^; but the next year witnessed the memorable prose- cution of Verres, with which Cicero's political career may be said to have begun. He was elected curule aedile during the proceedings ^. § 4. Eight years had elapsed since the death of Sulla, and no alter- ations of importance had been made in his institutions : the tribunes of the people were still deprived of their old power of initiating legisla- tion; the courts of criminal justice were still exclusively composed of senators ; and the appointment of censors had been discontinued for several years. Moreover, many important cities in Italy were still occupied by his military colonists ; and their old inhabitants, with many others, were suffering from the effects of his proscriptions and confis- cations. Nor had the efforts of the popular party to effect a counter revolution by arms been successful. Yet the aspect of affairs can have given little satisfaction to the more far-sighted members of the victorious party. Sulla had attempted to establish the supremacy of the senate both over the people and over all public officers ; and his constitution required, for its successful working, wisdom and firmness on the part of the governing body, and obedience and self-sacrifice on the part of the highest civil and military officers. Now, there seem to have been few men in the senate of real foresight, even as to the interests of their own order ; the majority were selfish, and, if not themselves criminal, inclined to look with indulgence on crimes committed by members of their own body^. And high officers were litde inclined to respect either the letter or the spirit of the constitution. Usage required that a provincial governor should be, or should have been, consul or praetor ; but Pompey, without having held either office, advanced a claim successfully for the government of one of the Spanish provinces. Further, a minority in the senate had never approved the violent measures of Sulla. The equites were, probably, exasperated by the loss of their control of the courts of criminal justice. The exclusiveness of the government drove men like Cicero into the ranks of the oppo- sition. Many Italian communities, especially in Etruria, had suffered loss of lands, or of local franchises, at the hands of Sulla, and the ^ Suringar, Annal. Cic. sub ann. * In Verr. Act. i. 9, 25 ; 13, 37. ^ Even Verres hoped for an acquittal by the aid of his influential connections : v. infra, § 6. B 2 4 INTRODUCTION inhabitants of such places must either have gone to Rome to swell the turbulent and needy population of the capital, or have formed a dangerous element in the country districts, where their ranks were soon reinforced by numbers of bankrupt military colonists. Lastly, the metropolitan populace, composed in great measure of foreigners and freedmen, and the numerous slaves in Italy, many of them trained as gladiators, required the control of a far more effective police than the government had at its disposal. § 5. Pompey returned from Spain in 71 B.C., and seems to have put himself in communication with Crassus, with the more moderate party in the senate, and with the leaders of the democrats. He was anxious to obtain the distinctions of a triumph and consulship, and could not legally enjoy either ^ The motives of Crassus in supporting him are not very clear; but to the democrats the aid of the greatest general of the time was invaluable. The results of this powerful combination, which seems to have been effected in the summer of 71 b.c, speedily appeared. Pompey and Crassus were elected consuls for 70 b.c Pompey obtained the triumph he desired, and, with his colleague, proposed or supported the measures desired by the democrats, namely, — 1. The abolition of the restrictions imposed by Sulla on the power of the tribunes, which were now removed by a Lex Pompeia tribunicia '^. 2. A remodelling of the courts of criminal justice. They were hence- forth to be composed of senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii. This change was effected by a Lex Aurelia, proposed by L. Cotta, brother of the consul in 75 b.c, and bears the marks of compromise''. 3. A re-establishment of the censorship*. These measures reversed all the more important political changes of Sulla. But they did little for the direct mitigation of the social and economical evils from which Rome and Italy were suffering. § 6. The prosecution of Verres took place during the summer of 70 B.C. The friends of the accused were anxious, first, to deprive Cicero of the conduct of the prosecution ; secondly, to delay the trial till the next year, when Verres' advocate Hortensius would be consul, and the composition of the court might be more favourable. But Cicero's vigilance baffled them. He made only a short speech in opening the case, and then summoned the witnesses, whose disclosures were so ' Not the triumph, for he had held no magistracy ; not the consulship, for he was too young, and had not been praetor or aedile. Cp. Cic. Philipp. 5. 17, 48 ; App. Bell. Civ. I. 100. 2 App. Bell. Civ. I. 121 ; Cic. De Legg. 3. 9, 22 : 3. 11, 26. ' Ascon. in Pison. p. 129, §94; Ad Att. i. 16, 3. * Div. in Caec. 3, 8; Schol. Gronov. ad loc. Fasti Consulares for 70 E.g. TO THE FIRST PART. r ovenvhelming that Hortcnsius gave up the defence, and Verres went into exile. The affair may have contributed to the enactment of the Lex Aurelia mentioned above ; and, to deepen the impression which it made, Cicero published five speeches which he might have dehvered had the case gone on, and in which he summed up the evidence at great length ^ During the three following years, 69-67 b.c, Cicero seems to have taken little part in politics. In his aedileship he received presents from the Sicilians, and applied them to the public service; an oppor- tunity of winning popular favour which was the more welcome, as the moderate extent of his own fortune prevented his offering the usual entertainments to the people on a splendid scale -. In 69 he defended M. Fonteius on a charge of misgovernment in Gaul ; and parts of his speech^ diminish our respect for the spirit he shewed in accusing Verres. The speech on behalf of A. Caecina very likely be- longs to the same year. In the next, 68, Cicero lost his father, and his first cousin Lucius *. His brother Quintus married Pomponia, sister of Atticus, about the same time. The earliest of Cicero's letters which have been preserved date from the same year, but contain little of general interest '\ The speech Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo was probably delivered in 68 or 67 b.c. Roscius had previously given Cicero lessons in elocution ^ § 7. In the year 67 b.c, having reached the age required by law of candidates for the praetorship, Cicero sued for that office ; and such was his popularity, that though the comitia were twice adjourned, he was at the head of the poll on all three occasions ^ Various measures of more or less importance were carried during this year. C. Cornelius, one of the tribunes, proposed and carried laws restricting the powers of the senate to grant exemptions from the opera- tion of particular laws, and binding the praetors to publish their edicts at once on coming into office, and to adhere to them*. His supporters be- haved with great turbulence. L. Roscius Otho, another tribune, carried a law assigning to the equites special places in the theatre. Cicero was of an equestrian family, and, both on personal and public grounds, he approved this measure", as calculated to draw the equites nearer to the senate. He also approved of a far more important law of the same date '°, that of A. Gabinius commissioning Pompey to act against the pirates of Cilicia with very extensive powers. The foreign history of Rome had been very chequered during the few * The five books of the second Actio in Verrem. ^ Pro Muren. 19, 40; De Off. 2. 17. 59- ^ Cp. Pro Font. 3 ; lo ; 14. * Ad Att. 1. 5, i ; i. 6, 2. ^ lb. i. 5-7. ^ Drumann. 5. 346; Plut. Cic. 5. ' Ad Att. i. 11, 2; Pro Leg. Man. I, 2. * Dion Cassius 36. 22 ; 23. ^ Pro Muren. 19, 40; Ad Att. 2. i, 3. " Pro Leg. M.an. 17, 52. 6 INTRODUCTION past years. In October 69 b.c, L. Lucullus had gained a splendid victory over Tigranes of Armenia, and had taken Tigranocerta ; but he was unpopular with his army, and ill-supported by the home government. His lieutenants, also, in Armenia and Pontus, were defeated by Mithri- dates, and he was successively deprived of the government of Asia and Cilicia, and of the conduct of the war. The officer named to succeed him in the last duty, M'. Acilius Glabrio, declined, however, to act ; but Lucullus could only stand on the defensive near the Upper Halys ^ Pompey, on the other hand, executed his commission to suppress piracy with brilliant success, and passed the winter of 67-66 b.c in Cilicia, preparing, apparently, to act against Q. Metellus in Crete ^ who declined to recognise the supremacy granted to Pompey, by the law of Gabinius, over all provincial governors. § 8. Such was the position of affairs when Cicero entered on his praetorship in the beginning of 66 e.g. He presided in the court which tried cases of extortion (quaestio repetundarum), and appears to have acted with integrity^, especially on the trial of the wealthy C. Licinius Macer *. He delivered various speeches before other tribunals ; among others, that on behalf of A. Cluentius Habitus. The most important event of the year 66 e.g., both for Rome and for Cicero, was the enactment of the Lex Manilla, transferring to Pompey the command against Mithridates, with the government of Pontus, Bithynia, and Cilicia, while he was to retain the commission he held to act against the pirates. Cicero earnestly supported this measure, in a speech still extant^, and his attachment to the great general had so important an influence on his subsequent career, that we may pause to consider briefly its nature and grounds. Pompey had done more than any contemporary to reverse the measures of Sulla. Though not, like Cicero, a ' novus homo,' he was by no means of high nobility ; and his supporters were mainly to be found among the equites, the middle classes in the country districts, and at times among the populace of the capital, as w^as the case, to a great extent, with Cicero himself. Both in Spain and in Asia Pompey had displayed courage and judgment; and he was a good husband and father. Thus, as a successful general, a moderate politician, and a Roman of old-fashioned morality, Pompey acquired an ascendancy over Cicero, which the errors and inconsistencies of his later conduct never entirely destroyed. ^ Dion Cassius 35 ; Veil. 2. 33 ; App. Mithr. 90 ; 91 ; Plut. Lucull. 35. ^ He was cousin of Q. Metellus Pius, and had gained victories in Crete in 68-67. Dion Cassius 36. I ; 2 ; 28 ; Veil. 2. 34; Plut. Pomp. 29. ^ pj^t. Cic. 9. * Ad Att. I. 4, 2. 5 Pro Lege Manilla, or De Iniperio Cn. Pompeii. TO THE FIRST PART. 7 Tullia was betrothed in 66 b.c. to C. Calpurnius Piso, but apparently not married for some years ^ It appears that Cicero's brother, Quintus, was elected curule aedile for 65 B.c.'^ P. Sulla and P. Autronius were elected consuls for the same year, but were convicted of bribery, which annulled their election. They then combined with Cn. Piso and L. Sergius Catilina to murder L. Cotta and L. Torquatus, who had been elected to fill their places. The plot was to be carried out on Dec. 31 ^ but failed, owing to some misunder- standing. Catiline had just returned from governing Africa as propraetor, and probably feared a prosecution, envoys from the province having arrived at Rome to complain of his conduct. - - In the year 65 b.c, Cicero defended C. Cornelius, the tribune of 67 *; and perhaps delivered the speech * de rege Alexandrino ' of which some fragments have been preserved^. Having declined the administration of a province as propraetor", he began to prosecute his canvass for the consulship, which, however, he could not legally hold till 63 ■^. The election for 64 resulted in favour of L. lulius Caesar, maternal uncle of M. Antonius, the triumvir, and of C. Marcius Figulus ^ Cicero mentions among his own antagonists, Catiline, C. Antonius, and two more respect- able men, P. Galba and Q. Cornificius. He begged Atticus, who was then at Athens, to come to Rome to help him in his canvass, and to do all he could for him with the friends of Pompey ^ Nor did he shrink from more questionable electioneering manoeuvres. For he thought of defending Catiline, of whose guilt he had no doubt, on a charge of extortion ; hoping that, if acquitted, he would coalesce with his advocate ^°. Opinions differed, even among writers living within a century of Cicero's death, whether he actually defended Catiline or not ". Moreover, he declined to support Caecilius, uncle of Atticus, in a just suit against one Caninius Satyrus, out of regard both for Caninius himself, and for his powerful friend L. Domitius ^^ Catiline was acquitted, owing to the corruption of the judges and the treachery of his accuser, P. Clodius '■\ Cicero's son Marcus was born on the day of election of consuls for 64 B.C." Atticus, in compliance with Cicero's request, returned to Rome from Athens, where he had Hved 2 2 years ^^ In the next year, 64 b.c, Cicero's attention must have been mainly occupied by his canvass for the consulship. We have no letters of this date, nor does he seem to have made any remarkable speeches, with the ^ Ad Att. I. 3, 3. For an account of Piso, cp. infra, § 22. ^ Ad Att. i. 4, 1. 3 In Cat. I. 6, 15 ; Sail. Cat. 18. * Ascon. In Cornelian. 93. = Cp. Mommsen 4. i, 166, note. « Pro Muren. 20, 42. ' De Off. 2. 17, 59. » Ad Att. i. 2, i. » lb. i. i, 2. " lb. I. 2, I. '1 lb. I. 2, 2, note. '^ lb. I. I, 3. " lb. I. 2, i ; Q. Cic. De Pet. Cons. 3, 10: in Pison. 10, 23. " Ad Att. i. 2, I. " Appendix 3, § 1. 8 INTRODUCTION exception of that ' in toga Candida/ which we possess in fragments. It contained a violent attack on Catiline. Atticus seems to have been at Rome throughout the year. It must have been about this time that Cicero received from his brother Quintus the letter ' de Petitione Consulatus.' He was elected consul by a large majority, in spite of the support which both Caesar and Crassus are said to have given to Catiline and C. Antonius. Antonius was elected by a small majority over Catiline \ 63 B.C. § 9. Cicero had now attained the summit of his desires : he entered on his consulship Jan. i, 63 b.c. On that day he addressed the senate against an agrarian law proposed by P. Rullus, and followed up this speech by one addressed to the people on the same subject ; in which, however, he did not venture to attack the principle of an agrarian law, and spoke with respect of the Gracchi ^ It has been already remarked, that little had been done to remedy the social distress and disorder which had resulted from Sulla's legislation. But the restoration of the old powers of the tribunate had made an opening for attempts to reheve it ; and P. Servilius Rullus, one of the tribunes for 64-63 B.c.^ made a proposal for the division of the state lands in Campania among the people, and for the purchase of other lands for a similar purpose *. This proposal respected private property, and might have created a valuable class of proprietors, while relieving the capital of its superfluous population ^ But Rullus proposed to entrust the carrying out of the law to a commission armed with very extensive powers, of which Pompey should not be a member, and which should be appointed by a novel mode of election. All these provisions might give offence ; and Cicero's declamations against the formidable powers to be given to the commission, and his appeals to popular jealousy of Capua, were sufficient to defeat the measure. It is possible that Rullus may have acted in concert with Caesar and others, and that the commission may have been intended to form a counterpoise to the power of Pompey. But such a supposition seems needless to ' Ascon. ad Orat. in Tog. Cand. ii8. ^ De Leg. Agrar. 2. 5, 10. ^ I have occasionally described the tribunes' year of ofBce thus, for the sake of clearness, as they entered on their functions in December and so held office during parts of two years. Where only one year is mentioned, that in which they passed the greater part of their term is re- ferred to. * De Leg. Agrar. 2. 28, 76; 24-27. * The objects of an agrarian law cannot be better described than in Cicero's own words on another occasion : ' et sentinam urbis exhauriri et solitudinem Italiae frequentari posse arbitrabar.' Ad Att. I. 19, 4, He protests, however, against the propriety of similar language when used by Rullus. Cp. de Leg. Agr. 2. 26, 70. TO THE FIRST PART. 9 account for the introduction of a measure thoroughly in accordance with the policy of the popular party \ Cicero also opposed a measure for removing the political disabilities which Sulla had imposed on the children of proscribed persons ^ He may have justified his opposition by the danger to be feared from the removal ; but it can hardly be doubted that the failure of these two proposals turned the thoughts of many towards revolution. The popular leaders succeeded, however, in reversing one of Sulla's reactionary enactments ; for the tribune T. Labienus carried a law restoring the mode of appointing augurs, which Sulla had abolished, and by which candidates for admission into the college were nominated by two members of it, elected by 17 tribes chosen by lot out of the 35, and, finally, admitted by the college itself. It appears that this law also restored the election of the pontifex maximus to the people ^ Cicero advocated in the senate a grant of unusual honours to Pompey. A ' supplicatio ' of twelve days was voted in honour of . his eastern victories *. Of the other speeches delivered by Cicero in this year, before his attention was engrossed by Catiline's conspiracy, the two most important were, one spoken to reconcile the people to the precedence enjoyed by the equites in the theatre under the law of L. Roscius Otho ^ and one in defence of C. Rabirius ^. This man had taken an active part in suppress- ing the insurrection of Saturninus in the year 100 b.c, and was prose- cuted for murder, or ' perduellio,' by Labienus. This trial involved the question whether the senate could invest the consuls with absolute powers of Hfe and death ; and Rabirius would probably have been condemned, if means had not been found to evade a decision ^ when the case came on appeal before the comitia centuriata. Cicero introduced a measure relieving the provinces of a considerable burden, by limiting the duration of ' legationes liberae ' to one year *. § 10. It does not appear how soon Cicero became aware of the resumption of the treasonable designs of Catiline. He lost no time, however, in securing his colleague Antonius to the cause of order. Macedonia and Cisalpine Gaul had been assigned as the provinces to be governed by the consuls for 63 b.c, on the expiration of their year of office. Cicero allowed his colleague to obtain Macedonia ^, which he desired, and, renouncing his own claim to govern a province at all, * Cp. A. W. Ziinipt, Comment. Epigraph, i. 372, 273, with Mommsen 4. i, 170-172, and both with the second Oration De Leg. Agrar., passim. ^ Ad Att. 1. I, 3. ^ Dion Cassius 37. 37; Cic. De Leg. Agrar. 2. 7. * De Prov. Cons. II, 27; Ad Fam. 1. 9, II. ' Ad Att. 2. I, 3. ^ lb. '' Dion Cassius 37. 27 and 28; Merivale i. 124-127 ; Mommsen 4. i, 159. « Cic. De Legg. 3. 8, 18, * Ad Att. 2. I, 3, note; Ad Fam. 5. 5; Dion Cassius 37. 33. 10 INTRODUCTION contrived that Cisalpine Gaul should be secured to Q. Metellus Celer, one of the praetors for 63. Cicero addressed the people on the subject \ It is uncertain how far the conspirators were supported by men of high position discontented with the government. Both Caesar and Crassus were seriously suspected ; but, if the latter was really privy to the plot, the anarchical designs of Catiline must have been represented by Cicero with much exaggeration, which is in any case probable ^. Cicero was well informed by a spy among the conspirators, Q. Curius, of their proceedings^; and invited Catiline in the senate to clear himself. Catiline replied in language of obscure menace *, but Cicero complained that the senate did not pass decrees sufficiently strong to meet the danger and left him to provide for his own safety at the consular comitia, which appear to have been held a few days afterwards, and at which D. lunius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena were elected consuls for 62 B.C. Metellus Celer went to raise forces in Picenum and Gaul for the government, while Catiline, to avoid suspicion, offered himself for free custody in the house of some eminent senator. On October 21 the senate by a decree commissioned the consuls to provide for the safety of the state ; and a plot of Catiline to murder Cicero and other eminent men on October 28 failed. He was not, however, discouraged ; and at a meeting at the house of M. Porcius Laeca, on the night of Nov. 6-7, a fresh plot was formed to murder Cicero, but failed through timely information being conveyed to the intended victim. On the 8th Cicero denounced the conspirators before the senate^, and CatiUne left Rome that night. Next day Cicero addressed the people in terms of mingled exultation and warning ^. § II. The next decisive step followed the disclosure of intrigues * Ad Att. 1. c. ; Ad Fam. 5. 2, 3 : cp. De Leg. Agrar. i. 8, 26. ^ I am aware that high authorities speak more decidedly on this question. Lord Macaulay (Miscellaneous Works, I. 257 ; Essay on History). Mr. De Quincey (Cicero, vol. vi. of Collected Works, pp. 231-233, and The Caesars, vol. ix. of Collected Works, p. 43). and Professor Beesly (Fortnightly Review, for May 30, 1865), all consider that the plot was a genuine popular movement, and state or imply a belief that Caesar supported it. Mommsen accepts in the main the ordinary view of the conspiracy, but thinks that the popular party, in its abasement and fear of Pompey, was willing to co-operate with the conspirators. Some of the evidence he produces is very striking (cp. vol. iv. I, 1S1-1S3), but hardly, perhaps, conclusive. The nature of the conspiracy has been probably somewhat misrepresented, and the character of the conspirators blackened, by Cicero; but, in my judgment, the safest course is, with Meri- vale (i. 86), to call the reader's attention to the suspicious nature of the evidence, as derived mainly from Cicero, and to leave him to form his own conclusions. Sallust, indeed, supports Cicero in the main ; but considerable doubt has been thrown upon the historical character of his work by Mommsen (4. I, 184), Merivale (History i. 87 ; 2. 88), and by a reviewer of Dean Merivale's work in the Edinburgh Review for July i8fo. ^ Sail. Cat. 26. * Cic. Pro Muren. 25, 51. Lange, 3. 241, has made it probable that the scene here re- ferred to took place some days earlier than I stated previously; perhaps on Sept. 22. Cp. Suet. Octav. 5; 94. * In Cat. I. ^ lb. 2. The principal authorities for the preceding paragraph arc Cic. In Cat. i. 3-5 ; pro Muren. 25 ; pro Sulla 18; Sail. Cat. 26-32. TO THE FIRST PART. ii between the conspirators and some envoys of the Allobroges then at Rome, The envoys disclosed the offers made to them, and were arrested on the night of Dec. 3-4. Documents were found upon them compromising Lentulus, Cethegus, and others, whereon the latter were also arrested. The senate, on Dec. 4, voted that they should be committed to custody, and that Cicero should be honoured by a ' supplicatio.' He addressed ^ the people on the same day, congratu- lating them on the virtual suppression of the plot. Next day, Dec. 5, the punishment of the conspirators was discussed in the senate, and, in spite of the efforts of C. Caesar, a majority voted for their execution, Cicero supported this course, though not very decidedly, in his fourth speech against Catiline. The execution took place that evening : Lentulus, Cethegus, and three others, were strangled in a dungeon near the Capitol ^ At an earlier period of the year, Cicero had proposed and carried a law ^ increasing the penalties for bribery and other illegal practices at elections. Ser. Sulpicius, M. Cato, and others, prosecuted L. Murena, one of the consuls elect, under this law ; but Cicero defended him, and he was acquitted. The speech is strangely omitted in a list given by Cicero of those of his consulate *. It was delivered after Catiline's flight from Rome ^ On Dec. 31, one of the new tribunes, Q. Metellus Nepos, prevented Cicero from addressing the people on going out of office, saying that he had put Roman citizens to death without trial, Cicero declared, amid the applause of the people, that he had saved his country". The incident was significant, for Metellus was a decided adherent of Pompey. It is evident that, before the close of his consulship, Cicero had definitely quitted the popular party ; even during his year of office a change of tone may be noticed^. Various causes may have con- tributed to produce this result ; satisfied ambition and the flatteries of the leading nobles; the estrangement of the popular party from Pompey ; and the suspicions under which its leaders lay of complicity with Catiline. The same causes naturally tended to strengthen the dominant party in the senate generally. But Cicero saw that the senate could only maintain its position by keeping up a good understanding with the equites and with Pompey; and he worked hard to maintain such an understanding. His letters show how his exertions were baffled by the selfishness and personal jealousy of some senators, and by the ill-timed rigour of Cato **. 1 In Cat. 3. 2 ji,_ ^. saji q^^ ^g. ^j ^^^ ^ j^ -^ . ^^ 31, i. ^ Yxo Muren. 23; 32, 68. * Ad Att. 2. I, 3, where that Pro C. Pisone is also omitted. ^ Pro Muren. 37, ^ Ad Fam. 5. 2, 7. '' Compare his language about the Gracchi in January and November; De Leg. Agrar. 2. 5, 10; In Cat. i. i, 3 and I. 2, 4. * Ad Att. I. 17; I. iS; 2, I. 12 INTRODUCTION C. Octavius, afterwards emperor, was born on Sept. 23 in this year^ and C. Caesar was elected one of the praetors for 62 b.c. He was also elected pontifex maximus, though Q. Catulus was brought forward against him ^. 62 B.C. § 12. Catiline, on hearing of the execution of his accomplices, had attempted to make his way into Cisalpine Gaul, with the forces which his partisan Manlius had collected at Faesulae. But Metellus Celer was prepared to meet him, and he accordingly turned upon the consul C. Antonius. A desperate battle followed, in which the loyal forces under M. Petreius, legate of Antonius, destroyed the rebels. Catiline himself fell ■'. Many men were brought to trial at Rome as his accom- plices, and Cicero defended one of them, P. Sulla. He also spoke in the senate in defence of his late colleague, C. Antonius ; and, in a court presided over by his brother Quintus, defended the claim of the poet Archias to Roman citizenship, which had been questioned *. Q. Cicero and C. Caesar were among the praetors. By the advice, probably, of the latter, the popular party seems to have sought a recon- ciliation with Pompey. Caesar proposed to transfer to him from Q. Catulus the dedication of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus ^ but without success; and attempts made by Caesar, and by the tribune Metellus Nepos, to procure a popular vote entrusting Pompey with the command against Catiline, failed also, principally owing to the energetic resistance of Cato. Much rioting, however, followed; and both Metellus and Caesar were suspended from their functions by the senate, Nepos fled to the camp of Pompey ; but Caesar, by a judicious mixture of deference and firmness, induced the senate to re-instate him in his office. He was soon afterwards denounced by L.Vettius and Q. Curius as an accomplice of Catiline; but Cicero declared the charge to be groundless, and its authors were disgraced or punished ". Cicero bought a large house on the Palatine from M. Crassus, for which he paid about £30,000 (XXXV.HS.) He had to borrow large sums of money from P. Sulla and from 'Teucris^' and, in a letter* to P. Sestius, said that he would rather join in a conspiracy than suppress one, as he owed so much money. § 1 3. The series of his letters begins anew, after a considerable interval, 1 Suet. Octav. 5 ; Veil. 2. 36. * Veil. 2. 43 ; Dion Cassius 37. 37 ; Ovid. Fasti 3. 415. 3 Sail. Cat. 60. * Schol. Bob. in Orat. Pro Archia 2,3. Mt had been burned in 83 B.C.; cp.Tac. Hist. 3. 72. « Plut.Cic. 23; Cat. Min. 36-29; Suet. lul. 15-17 ; Dion Cassius 37. 43 and 44; Abeken 54-61 ; Merivale i. 147-149: 155-159: Mommseu 4. I, 191 and 192. T Aul. Gell. N. A. 12. 12, 2; Ad Att. i. 13, 6, note ; Ad Fam. 5. 6, 2. ' Ad Fam. 1. c. TO THE FIRST PART. 13 with one written to Pompey early in this year. Cicero had already sent him a detailed account of his consulship, and was vexed at receiving in reply what he thought an insufficient acknowledgment of his public services. This vexation is expressed frankly enough in a second letter^; the first and longer one has been lost. About the same time Cicero received an unreasonable letter^ from Q. Metellus Celer, governor of Cisalpine Gaul, complaining of his behaviour to Metellus Nepos. Cicero's reply ^ was a temperate and dignified expostulation, shewing that he had not been the aggressor. The two Metelli were probably brothers *. Q. Metellus Celer, praetor in 63 B.C., and afterwards governor of Cisalpine Gaul, had contributed, as has been said ^, to the suppression of Catiline's rebellion. He was generally on good terms with Cicero, but was a more uncompromising politician, being a determined member of the party of the optimates, and not inclined to make concessions either to the equites or to Pompey. He married a sister of P. Clodius, nicknamed Quadrantaria ; was consul in 60 B.C., and died next year, as some believed, poisoned by his wife". Q. Metellus Nepos, tribune in 63-62 B.C., has been already men- tioned ''. He subsequently gave up his quarrel with Cicero, and pro- moted, as consul, his restoration from exile in 57 ^ Towards the close ^ of the year, it was generally believed that P. Clodius had been detected in the house of C. Caesar while the yearly sacrifice to the Bona Dea was going on, prompted, it was supposed, by a passion for Caesar's wife Pompeia. Caesar refused to take any steps against Clodius, but divorced Pompeia, saying his wife must be * above suspicion ^°.' A law proposed by the consuls (Lex lunia Licinia) provided for proper publicity in the registration of laws — ' ne leges clam in aerarium inferri liceret ".' 61 B.C. § 14. The new consuls were M. PupiusPiso and M.Valerius Messalla. Cicero was satisfied with Messalla, but not with his colleague, who slighted him in the senate, and opposed a motion for enquiry into the scandalous affair of Clodius ^^. Cicero seems to have been rather despondent as to the issue of that transaction, and relaxed his own exertions ". 1 Ad Fam. 5. 7, 3. * lb. 5. I. ^ lb. 5. 2. * lb. 5. i, note. * supra, § 12. * Pro Gael. 24, 59; Schol. Bob. In Sest. 62. "^ supra, §§ li ; 12, * infra, §§ 21 ; 23: cp. Oral. Post Red. In Sen. 10, 25; Post Red. Ad Quir. 6. 15 ; De Prov. Cons. 9, 22. ^ See, however, Ad Att. i. 13, 3, note. '" Ad Att. 1. 13, 3: cp. Suet. lul. 74. 1' Schol. Bob. ad Cic. Pro Sest, 64, note 6 ; Cic. Philipp. 5. 3, 8. " Ad Att. I. 13, 3. " lb. 14 INTRODUCTION He also suspected Pompey of jealousy and insincerity ^ It was from the camp of that general that Metellus Nepos had come to Rome to sue for the tribuneship; and, as has been mentioned^, Metellus took refuge with Pompey when suspended by the senate. Pompey lingered need- lessly in Asia, and when he landed in Italy (Jan., 6i b.c) order had been restored there. He disbanded his forces accordingly, and returned to Rome with few attendants ^ His first address to the people satisfied no party *, and, subsequently ^, he would not commit himself to a definite approval either of the prose- cution of Clodius, or of the proceedings of Cicero's consulship. He off"ended Metellus Celer by divorcing his wife, Mucia, half-sister of Metellus, on suspicion of an intrigue with Caesar ; and Metellus joined many other senators in opposing the confirmation of Pompey's ' acts ' in Asia. The increasing isolation of Pompey led him to court Cicero ®. Meanwhile the trial of Clodius had taken place. It had been pro- posed that the judges who were to try him should be named by the praetor ; but a tribune threatened opposition '', and Hortensius advised the senate to give way, and allow the judges to be chosen by lot, as was usual, saying that no court could acquit where the case was so clear. The senate complied, and the result was that, owing to the grossest bribery, Clodius was acquitted by 31 votes to 26^. Cicero had given evidence ® which contradicted a plea of alibi put forward by Clodius, and the latter determined to have revenge. He was of high patrician nobility, brother of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, and his three sisters were married to L. Lucullus, Q. Metellus Celer, and Q. Marcius Rex ^'^. Towards the close of September, Pompey celebrated his triumph over Mithridates for two days ^^. He secured the election of one of his ad- herents, L. Afranius, as one of the consuls for 60 b.c; but from the other, Q. Metellus Celer, he had only hostility to expect. Somewhat later, the equites applied to the senate for an alteration of the hard terms on which they had farmed the revenues of Asia. Cicero supported their request from considerations of policy; but it was opposed by Cato and Metellus Celer, and, though the senate seemed disposed for concession, no decision seems to have been arrived at, and an unfriendly feeling between the senate and the equites remained ^^. Among the propraetors for this year were Q. Cicero in Asia^^, * Ad Att. I. 13, 4. ^ supra, § 12. ^ Plut. Pomp. 43. * Ad Att. i. 14, i. " lb. I. 14, 2. * lb. I. 16, II ; Dion Cassius 37. 49. ' Ad Att. i. 16, 2. * lb. 5. 3 lb. 2. I, 5, note; Plut. Cic. 29. " Ad Att. 2, I, 5; Ad Fam. i. 9, 15, notes. " Plut. Pomp. 45; Veil. 2. 40, 3. ^^ Ad Att. i. 17; 18; 2. i, 7 and 8. " Ad Q. F. i. i. TO THE FIRST PART. 15 C. Pomptinus^ in Transalpine Gaul, and C. Caesar in Farther Spain. Pomptinus had to repress a revolt of the Allobroges, who had already risen against C. Piso in (i6 b.c.^ Caesar was very successful, not only in reducing hostile tribes to submission, but in his financial measures for mitigating the distress of the provincials ^ \ 60 B.C. § 15. Pompey renewed his efforts to escape from his unsatisfactory position, and, in particular, to obtain grants of land for his soldiers, which he had promised them. With this object L. Flavins, one of the tribunes, brought in an agrarian law, which Cicero revised and supported, but without success*. Meanwhile the discussion in the senate about the petition of the equites continued, and Cato, much to Cicero's vexation, not only opposed it, but proposed measures of increased severity against judicial corruption, a proposal naturally unpleasant to the equites, from whom one-third of the judges were taken. In both cases the senate followed Cato's advice, and the equites, in consequence, regarded the behaviour of L. Flavins with indifference, even when he ordered the consul Metellus to be imprisoned for opposing his agrarian law ^. Cicero, disgusted by the frivolity" of some of the nobles, and the perversity of others, and much courted by Pompey, inclined to the latter, Atticus seems to have criticised his conduct''. About this time Caesar returned from Spain, and began at once to sue for the consulship, without risking his chance of success by waiting outside the walls to claim a triumph. Cicero speaks of his popularity ^. He had not yet reached the age required by law for the consulship, but this seems not to have been urged against him ^ ; the law had been already broken in Pompey's case. P. Clodius seems to have wished already to become a plebeian, as a qualification for holding the office of tribune; he had secured the services of one of the tribunes of this year, C. Herennius, but others frequently interposed ^°. The optimates " lost one of their wisest leaders in the spring, by the death of Q. Catulus. Cicero deeply lamented him ^^ Rumours had reached Rome early in the year, of movements in Gaul ^ Dion Cassius 37. 47 ; 48. ^ Ad Att. i. 13, 2. * Dion Cassius 37. 52 ; 53 ; Plut. Caes. II ; 12 ; Merivale I. 173-176. ^ Dion Cassius 37. 49; Ad Att. I. 19, 4. « Dion Cassius 37. 50; Ad Att. I. 18, 3; 2. i, 8. * lb. 2. I, 7 and 8. "^ lb. 6. * lb. : cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 8. ' That age was 43 (cp. § 8) ; and Caesar was born in 100 B.C. Suet. Iiil. 88. Pompey was 35 when first elected consul. '* Ad Att. i . 18, 4; I. 19, 5 ; 2. I, 4-5, notes. " See note A. •* Ad Att. i. •20, 3. 1 6 INTRODUCTION which might make an intervention necessary. The Aedui and Sequani were at war ; the Helvetii were meditating a migration westwards, and the senate decreed that the two consuls, after their year of office had expired, should govern the two Gaulish provinces. INIeanwhile envoys were sent to enquire into the state of affairs, and hinder other states of Gaul from joining the Helvetii. The senate complimented both Cicero and Pompey, by regarding their presence as indispensable at Rome, and did not allow them to serve as envoys \ The war rumours seem subsequently to have died away, to the satisfaction of every one except the consul Metellus, who had wished to earn a triumph in Gaul ^. § 1 6. About the summer, the celebrated combination of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus, usually known as the first triumvirate, was effected. Cicero seems at first to have thought that he might exercise great influence over Pompey, and even over Caesar^, and he was evidently flattered by some tempting offers which Balbus made him in Caesar's name * ; but he feared the reproach of inconsistency. The triumvirs succeeded in securing the election of Caesar as one consul for 59 B.C. ; but the optimates, by a prodigal expenditure of money, procured the election of M. Calpurnius Bibulus, a decided member of their party, as his colleague, instead of L. Lucceius, whom the triumvirs had supported^. Cicero seems to have occupied the early months of 6o b.c. in writing a Greek history of his consulship, which excited the envy of Posidonius, he says, by the correctness of its style ®. He also revised a translation of parts of Aratus, which he had written ^ in early youth, and wrote a long letter to his brother Quintus, who was still governor of Asia. It might be called an Essay on the Duties of Provincial Governors **. 59 B.C. § 17. Caesar lost no time in fulfilling what was probably his portion of the compact between the triumvirs. He proposed an agrarian law, with the object of providing both for Pompey's veterans and for needy citizens. The state lands in Campania seem to have been exempted' from the operation of the law in its original form, and the land required was probably to be provided by purchase. The proposal, however, met with violent opposition in the senate, before which Caesar laid it in the first instance ; and he seems to have been provoked into bringing it 1 Ad Att. I. 19, 1-3. Caes. Bell. Gall I. 2. ^ Ad Att. i. 20, 5. ^ \\^ ,_ 1, 6. * lb. 2. 3, 3. 5 App. Bell. Civ. 2, 9 ; Suet. lul. 19. ^ Ad Att. 2. i, 2. '' lb. 2. I, II ; De Nat. Deor. 2. 41, 104. * Ad Q. F. i. i. « Ad Att. 2. 16, 2; Dion Cassius 38. i ; A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigr. i. 288. TO THE FIRST PART. 17 forward again in a more sweeping form, the exemption of Campania being removed. A clause ^ was also appended, binding all senators and all candidates for any magistracy to take an oath publicly that they would respect its provisions. The law was to be executed by a commission of twenty, of which both Pompey and Crassus were to be members. Cicero scornfully remarks, that P. Clodius was not thought worthy of a place in so numerous a body -. The optimates naturally disapproved of this law, and the senate was still under their control. But, in spite of the vehement opposition of the consul Bibulus and of some of the tribunes, the law was sanctioned by the people, and was followed by another ratifying the acts of Pompey in Asia^ Other laws of the same date were : — One making concessions to the equites with regard to provincial taxation *. One stating the liability to prosecution for extortion (repetundae) of all who should in any way share the spoils of a guilty provincial governor. This was the 'Lex lulia de repetundis;' but Cicero says that it introduced no novelty ^. One recognising the title of Ptolemy Auletes to the throne of Egypt. He was not of legitimate descent, and is said to have bought his recog- nition from the triumvirs for 6000 talents". His brother, who ruled in Cyprus, was less fortunate ''. Caesar also provided that the senate's proceedings and other news should be published in the ' acta,' or gazette ^. But by far the most important event of this year was the enactment of the Lex Vatinia, assigning to Caesar the government of Cisalpine Gaul with Illyricum, and the command of three legions, for five years. P. Vatinius, one of the tribunes, brought this measure before the people *. The senate had attempted to prevent Caesar's obtaining such a posi- tion, by assigning to the two consuls for 59 b.c. the duty of repair- ing roads in Italy on the expiration of their year of office. But the manoeuvre had failed; and now, to avoid affording another triumph to the popular party, the senate itself added to Caesar's province Transalpine Gaul, with a fourth legion '^^. § 18. Caesar, about this time, gave his daughter Julia in marriage to Pompey, and himself married Calpurnia, daughter of L. Piso, one ' Ad Att. 2. iS, 2. 2 lb. 2. 7, 3 ; Dion Cassius 38. i. ' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 10-12 ; Veil. 2. 44; Dion Cassius 38. 4-7. * Ad Att. 2. 16, 2; Pro Plane. 14, 35. ^ Pro Sest. 64, 135; Pro Rab. Post. 4. ^ Ad Att. 2. 16, 2 ; Momnisen 4. i, 153 : cp. 207. '^ V. infra, § 20. * Suet. lul. 20. ' See Appendix 6, § i. '" Suet. lul. 22 ; Dion Cassius 38. 8. 1 8 INTR OD UC TION of the consuls elect. The other was A. Gabinius, a dependent of Pompey ^ P. Clodius, having been adopted into a plebeian family with questionable legality ^ was elected tribune for 58 b.c. He seems to have imposed on Cicero with regard to his intentions ^ Notwithstanding the strength of their combination, and the promised support of the consuls elect, the triumvirs were afraid of serious oppo- sition, and anxious to remove some of the more eminent optimates from Rome. A mysterious plot, disclosed in one of Cicero's letters, was supposed to have been formed with this object*. L. Vettius, a man whom Cicero had employed as an informer ^ told the younger Curio that he had determined to kill Pompey, and was arrested on Curio's denunciation. He then charged several of the leading nobles with complicity, but he contradicted himself so much that he was not believed, and was committed to prison, where he was shortly afterwards found dead. He was probably murdered by the contrivers of the plot. Cicero charges '' Vatinius both with suborning and with murdering Vettius ; and both INIommsen '' and Abeken ^ regard the whole affair as an intrigue prompted by the triumvirs. Merivale®, however, urges that if such had been the case, Vettius would hardly have named M. Brutus, whose mother, Servilia, was a favourite of Caesar. He therefore suspects that some of the more violent optimates were the true authors of the affair. Cicero was much vexed by the behaviour of Pompey'" at times. Of M. Bibulus he speaks with respect, not unmixed, however, with irony ". Before the close of the year he seems to have become thoroughly aware of the designs of Clodius '-, but to have been encouraged partly by the assurances of Pompey '^ partly by the evident unpopularity of the trium- virs ". He declined, therefore, an offer of Caesar to take him to Gaul as his legate, and also one of the ' legatio libera,' though the former tempted him considerably '^ His principal speeches were, — one for his old colleague, C. Antonius, accused of misgovernment in Macedonia, who, however, was con- demned '■; two for A. Thermus, who was acquitted"; and one, still extant, for L. Valerius Flaccus, accused of misgovernment in Asia, but acquitted. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 14; Dion Cassius 38. 9; supra, § 7. ' Cic. pro Dom. 13. ^ Ad An. 2. 12, 2. * lb. 2. 24. ^ lb. sect. 2 : q). supra, § 12. « In Vat. 10; II. ■' 4. I, 206. « p. III. 9 I. 196. For the view of the emperor Napoleon III. cp. Ad Att. 2. 24, 2, note. '" Ad Att. 2. 16, 2. " lb. 2. 19, 2. ^ lb. 2. 21, 6. " lb. 2. 24, 5. " lb. 2. 19, 4. " lb. 2. 18, 3; 2. 19, 5. »« Pro Dom. 16, 41 ; Pro Gael. 31, 74. " Pro Flacco 39, Q8. TO THE FIRST PART. 58 B.C. 19 § 19. The new consuls, as has been said', were connected with the party of the triumvirs ; and Clodius, now tribune, relying on their aid, prepared for his attack on Cicero. He previously, however, carried a number of measures intended to win the favour of various classes of citizens. He proposed : — 1. To abolish the small payment hitherto made by recipients of the public dole of corn ^. 2. To repeal the Lex Aelia Fufia, which secured that the auspices should be respected at the time of holding the comitia'. 3. To repeal a decree of the senate against the formation of collegia — clubs, or guilds *. 4. To curtail the powers of the censors ^. These proposals would, taken together, find some support from almost all classes; for the powers of the censors were regarded with dislike by many of the nobles, and after Sulla's legislation the appoint- ment of such officers had been discontinued for several years ^ Having thus secured his position, Clodius proposed two more laws : — 5. Assigning Syria to Gabinius, and Macedonia, apparently with Achaia, to Piso, on the expiration of their consulship ''. 6. Enacting, ' That any one who had put Roman citizens to death without trial, should be forbidden fire and water *.' § 20, The last measure was evidently directed against Cicero, and caused great consternation. The senators, the equites, and many thousand citizens, put on mourning, which the senators, however, were obliged to lay aside. L. Ninnius, a tribune, and L. Lamia, one of the equites, were active in support of Cicero. Opinions differed as to what he ought to do. He was not named in the law, and some advised him to stay till a more direct attack was made upon him. L. Lucullus, in particular, was eager to resort to force in his defence. To have done so would perhaps have been in the end the best policy for the optimates ; in no other cause could they have won so much support from the mass of moderate and peaceable citizens ; the country towns especially were devoted to Cicero ^ But Pompey, to whom earnest appeals were made * supra, § 18. ' Dion Cassius 38. 13 ; Ascon. in Pisoiiian. 4. 9. ^ In Pis. 4, 9; 5, 10; In Vat. 2, 5 ; 7, 18. According to some, the Lex Aelia and Lex Fufia were different laws. * In Pis. 4, 9. On the nature of such ' collegia ' cp. Ad Att. 3. 15, 4, note; Merivale, History i. 202; Mommsen 4. 2, 296. * In Pis. 4, 9. * Div. in Caec. 3, 8 and Schol. Gronov. ad loc. ' Pro Dom. 23, 60; In Pis. 16. « Veil. 2. 45. ' Ad Att. 3. 15, 7; Plut. Cic. 31. C 2 30 INTRODUCTION on his behalf, declined to interfere, except at the request of the consuls ' ; and the counsels of Cato and Hortensius, which Cicero's own family supported, prevailed. He left Rome, accordingly, towards the end of IMarch^. On the very day of his departure, Clodius carried a law^ banishing Cicero by name ; but Cicero's friends got a clause inserted, allowing him to live anywhere beyond the Hmit of 400 miles from Rome*. After his departure, his house on the Palatine, and his villas at Formiae and Tusculum, were pillaged and destroyed ; the consuls appropriated a good deal of the spoil, and Clodius dedicated the site of the house on the Palatine to Liberty ^. Clodius then carried another law, giving Cato a commission to manage the annexation of Cyprus, which Cato accepted, though unwillingly ". Caesar, who had lingered near Rome, now hastened across the Alps to meet the Helvetii, whom he completely defeated '^ near Bibracte. He afterwards also defeated Ariovistus *. The legality of the execution of Lentulus, Cethegus, and their asso- ciates, depends on the extent of the powers conferred by the senate's vote commissioning the consuls to provide for the safety of the state. Cicero maintained ' that he might have ordered Catiline's execution by virtue of that decree ; but the prosecution of Rabirius had shewn that some of the popular leaders thought diiferently, and Cicero himself, by consulting^" the senate as to the punishment to be inflicted on Lentulus and his accomplices, had seemed to doubt the extent of his own powers as consul. Cp. Appendix IV. § 21. After leaving Rome, Cicero repaired at first to the neighbour- hood of Vibo, in Bruttium, where he had a friend named Sicca ; and there he heard of the enactment forbidding him to live within 400 miles of Rome ". He was refused an asylum in Sicily by its propraetor, C. Vergilius ^^, who, though a friend of Cicero, was afraid of offending the dominant party at Rome. Cicero decided, therefore, on going to Macedonia ^^ decHning an invitation " to the estate of Atticus in Epirus, and avoiding Greece for fear of meeting some of the accomplices ^^ of Catiline who lived there. He went, accordingly, to Thessalonica ^^, where, under the protection of the propraetor L. Appuleius — which appears, how- ever, not to have been very heartily given " — and in the house of his own 1 In Pis. 31, 77 ; Ad Att. 10. 4, 3. = Ad An. 3. i ; 2. ^ In the comitia tributa : cp. Pro Sest. 30, 65. * Ad Att. 3. 4. 500 from Italy, according to Plutarch, Cic. 32 ; 3750 stadia from Rome, Dion Cassius 3S, 17. See too Mr. Tyrrell's notes on Ad Att. 3. 2 and 4. ^ On the facts mentioned above, cp. Ad Fam. 14. 2, 3 ; Ad Att. 4. I, 7, note ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 15 ; Dion Cassius 38. 14-17; Plut. Cic. 30-3^. « Pro Sest. 28. ^ Caes. Bell. Gall. I. 25; 26. ^ » lb. 51-53. ^ In Cat. I. 2, 4. 10 supra, § II. 11 Ad Att. 3. 4. '^ Pro Plane. 40. 96. " lb. 41. " Ad Att. 3. 7, I. " lb. " 15. 3. 8, I ; Pro Piano, il, 28. " lb. 41, 98. TO THE FIRST PART. 21 devoted friend the quaestor, Cn. Plancius, he lived in security, though in deep dejection. He apprehended that his brother Quintus, then return- ing from his administration of Asia, might be persecuted for his sal^e ^ ; suspected false dealing on the part of Hortensius and others ^ ; and was tormented by fears for his wife and children. He earnestly dissuaded Terentia from selling part of her property to aid him in his exile ^. Towards the close of the year his prospects brightened. On Caesar's departure from Rome, Pompey shewed himself unable to keep Clodius in order; and the ill-feeling between the two was increased by the escape of Tigranes* — an Armenian prince whom Pompey had brought to Rome as a hostage, but whom Clodius helped to escape — and by an alleged attempt of Clodius to procure the assassination of Pompey ^. INIoreover, eight ^ at least of the new tribunes were friendly to Cicero ; and of the consuls elect, one '', P. Lentulus Spinther, was a warm friend, the other, Q. Metellus Nepos, was much under the influence of Pompey, and proved a placable enemy ^. Various attempts were made, even before the close of 58 b.c, to repeal the act banishing Cicero. Atticus, and his friend, Q. Terentius Culleo, one of the tribunes, thought of attacking it as a ' privilegium,' or law enacted against an individual, such laws being prohibited by the Twelve Tables. This course, however, did not seem advisable to Cicero ^. L. Ninnius Quadratus, one of the tribunes for 59-58 b.c, had brought in a bill for his direct recall on June i ; but, though it met with the unanimous approval of the senate, one of the tribunes, P. (.?) Aelius Ligus, interposed his veto ^°. On October 29, eight of the tribunes brought in a bill for Cicero's restoration, on which Atticus asked his opinion. It was not favourable ; some of its clauses seemed to shew either negligence or treachery in its framers '^. Cicero wrote from Dyrrhachium, whither he had gone, both to avoid meeting L. Piso's soldiers and to be nearer to Italy '^. The new tribunes came into office on Dec. 10, after the consuls had already departed for their provinces ^^ T. Annius Milo, T. Fadius, and P. Sestius, were prominent among the tribunes ^*, and the whole college promised to support Cicero. Two, however. Sex. Atilius Serranus and Q. Numerius Rufus ^^, subsequently went over to his enemies. In this year M. Scaurus, son of the celebrated princeps senatus, v/as » Ad Att. 3. 9, I ; Ad Q^ F. i. 3, 4. 2 ^^j ^^^^ ^ ^^ ^_ 3 ^j p^m. 14. i, 5. * Ad Att. 3. 8, 3 ; Dion Cassius 38. 30. ^ Pro Sest. 32, 69. * Ad Fam. 14. I, 2 : cp. Ad Att. 4. I, 6; Pro Sest. 33, 72. ' Ad Fam. i. 1-9, passim. >* Pro Sest. 33, 72; 62, 130. " Ad Att. 3. 15, 5. 1" Pro Sest. 31, 68. " Ad Att. 3. 23, 2. 12 jb_ 3. 22, I and 4. ^^ p^o Sest. 33, 71. i' AJ Att. 3. 23, 4; Post Red. in Sen. 8. ^'^ Pro Sest. 33. 72 ; 43, 94. 22 INTRODUCTION curule aedile, and distinguished himself by the splendour of his shows ', which exhausted his fortune ". § 2 2. Cicero's letters during this year do not shew him in a favourable light. We find him indulging in unmanly lamentations ^ ; suspecting his best friends of lukewarmness or treachery without adequate grounds * ; regretting the course he had been persuaded to take when it was too late to alter it ^; and stooping to unworthy artifices in order to regain the favour of men whom he had offended ^ It must be remembered, however, that he had been wounded in two most tender points, — his aff"ection for his family and his love of fame. The patriotism which had nerved him for the really magnanimous resolution to leave Rome, rather than expose it to the chances of a civil conflict, did not support him under the daily weariness and annoyances of a life in exile. Moreover, the prospect of return was uncertain, and his life was insecure, except when he was under the direct protection of some official. In spite of the favourable signs already " mentioned, he was very despondent at the close of the year, especially on account of the departure of Atticus from Rome ^ Of the men referred to in his letters of this date, the most important, besides those already mentioned, were M. Terentius Varro and Cicero's son-in-law, C. Piso. The former, an eminent antiquary, will be often mentioned. He had been on good terms with Cicero ^, who looked for his support against Clodius, but afterwards suspected him of duplicity '*•, and only partially regained confidence in him ". C. Calpurnius Piso, a connection of Cicero's enemy, the consul L. Piso, shewed the greatest devotion to his father-in-law, both by trying to conciliate the consul, his kinsman ^", and by declining to go into a pro- vince as quaestor, in order that he might watch over Cicero's interests at Rome ^^ He seems to have died soon after Cicero's return from exile '*. Cicero always speaks of him in the highest terms ^^ 57 B-C- § 23. The consul Lentulus proposed Cicero's recall on the ist of January. He was supported by Pompey and by L. Cotta, and a decree would have passed on that very day, but that Sex. Atilius Serranus, one 1 Pro Sest. 47, loi ; 54, 116; De Off. 1. 16, 57: Pliny, H. N. 36, 15. ^ Ascon. ad Oral, pro Scaur. 131. ^ ^j p^^, j^ j ^^^j ^ 4 ^j ^jj ^ ^^ ^ 5 jj^^ 3. 15, 4. s lb. 3. 12, 2. ■^ supra, § 21. » Ad Att. 3 25. » ji,. 2. 20. I. ^o lb. 2. 25. I. " lb. 3. 15, 3. '2 p^o Sest. 24, 54. 13 Post Red. in Sen. I5> 38. " Pro Sest. 31, 68. " Brut. 78, 272, alib. TO THE FIRST PART. 23 of the tribunes, demanded a night for consideration ^ The decree seems afterwards to have been regarded as legally passed ^. Various difficulties prevented a renewal of the discussion till Jan. 23, when Cicero's friends brought a bill for his recall before the popular assembly. Clodius, how- ever, interfered with his armed rabble, and Q. Cicero was grievously hurt^. No further steps seem to have been taken in Cicero's behalf for some months ; in July, Clodius appears still to have been master of the streets of Rome \ The senate subsequently passed a series of decrees in favour of Cicero, but their precise number and dates are not easy to determine. Perhaps three may be distinguished. 1. Summoning the Italians to Rome for Cicero's protection ; thanking the allies for attentions shewn him, and recommending his safety to officials in the provinces and to foreign princes ^ This was passed, apparently, in the ' monument of Marius •"',' and was followed by a great demonstration at the theatre in honour of Cicero ''. 2. Declaring that Cicero's counsels had saved the state, and, perhaps, directing the consuls to propose a law for his recalP. This decree was passed apparently in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. 3. One passed on the day following, which contained expressions of gratitude to all who had come to Rome for the sake of supporting Cicero's recall ; threats against any who should hinder the passing of a law in his favour " ; and an invitation to himself to return if such a law did not pass within five days '". On this occasion the consul INIetellus Nepos declared himself reconciled to Cicero ". This decree perhaps passed ^- on August 4, on which day a law for Cicero's recall was sanctioned by the comitia centuriata ^^. Milo, who had already indicted Clodius for riot, brought armed men into the Forum to protect the voters from disturbance ". § 24. Cicero left Dyrrhachium, where he had been since the end of November, 58 B.C., on the very day on which the law passed. He landed next day at Brundisium, where he found Tullia awaiting his arrival ; and, on the 8th, heard from his brother Quintus that the law for his restoration had passed. He then travelled to Rome, receiving every- where a warm greeting, and reached the capital on Sept. 4. He was 1 Pro Sest. 34, 74. 2 Ad Att. 3. 26. ^ Pro Sest. 35. * Pro Mi!on. 14. 38 and A.scon. thereon. ^ Pro Sest. 60, 128. " lb. 54, 116. It was the temple of Hoiios and Virtus. Lange, 3, 305. places this in June. ' lb. 54-58. * lb. 61. Lange, 3. 306, places this in July. ^ lb. ; Post. Red in Sen. II, 27. " Pro Sest. 61. " lb. 62, 130. '2 lb. 61, 129; Post Red. in Sen. 11. 27 ; Ad Att. 4. 1,4. " Ad Att. 4. I, 4. ^* Post Red. in Sen. 8, 19 ; Dion Cassius 39. 8. 24 INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST PART. enthusiastically welcomed, and next day addressed the senate, thanking them for his recall, possibly in the speech which we now possess ^. Only three of his letters belong to the first eight months of 57 B.C.; two to Atticus, one^ apparently written about the middle of January, saying that he would return on the strength of the senate's expression of opinion, even if anything prevented the passing of a law ; the other ^, an outburst of utter despair after the events of Jan. 2 3 were known to him. The third* was to the consul Metellus, appealing to him to forget his private grudges, and promising gratitude. § 25. The foreign affairs of this year were important. A. Gabinius, pro-consul of Syria, had to make war on the Jews, who had revolted against the government of Hyrcanus, which the Romans had set up. He governed ably, but was covetous and unscrupulous, and, if Cicero is to be believed, met with some serious reverses ^ His late colleague, Piso, governed Macedonia rapaciously and disastrously ^. Meanwhile Caesar was prosecuting his conquests in Gaul. He re- duced most of the Belgian tribes to submission, defeating the Nervii in a great battle. He then sent P. Crassus against some of the north- western tribes ''. Ptolemy Auletes had been dri\en from Egypt by his subjects in 58 B.C., and went to Rome to intrigue for his restoration. His subjects, on their part, sent envoys to protest against it ; but Ptolemy had some of them murdered on their journey, and employed his money to prevent the survivors getting an audience before the senate. In 57 a decree of the senate directed that the next governor of Cilicia (the actual consul, P. Lentulus) should restore Ptolemy **. ^ The Orat. Post Red. in Sen. : cp. Ad Att. 4. i, 5. ^ Ad Att. 3. 26. ^ ]{,. 3. 27. * Ad Fam. 5. 4. ^ De Prov. Cons. 1-7; In Pis. 21 : cp. Mommsen 4. I, 153 and 154; 4. 2, 329 : Joseph. Antiq. 14. 6. * De Prov. Cons. 1. c. ; In Pis. 17 foil. ' Caes. Bell. Gall. 2. * Dion Cassius 39. 12 and 13; Plut. Cat. Min. 35. Cicero's biography is resumed in the Introduction to the Second Part. SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART I. 1. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. I. i). Rome, July, 6^ b.c. (689 a.u.c.) I. With regard to my canvass for the consulship, I am resolved not to injure my prospects by putting myself forward too soon, but to wait for the 1 7th. Galba, Anto- nius, and Catiline will be among my competitors, if the last named escape the convic- tion which is his due. 2, Of the candidates for 7ieA-i year, Caesar is thought safe ; I hope Thermus may be his colleague, as I should then be relieved of a formidable rival. I shall exert myself to the utmost here, and shall perhaps employ my first leisure in visiting Cisalpine Gaul, to conciliate its inhabitants. Do you urge Pompey's friends to attend at the election. 3. I have to ask your forgiveness for denying your uncle Caecilius a request, viz. that I would support his claims upon my friend A. Cani- nius. 4. I in vain represented to your uncle that he would be supported efficiently by men who had similar claims to his own upon Caninius ; he still seemed somewhat offended, but you will find a sufficient excuse for my conduct in my present position. 5. I am glad you are so much pleased with your ' Hermathena.' CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 PETITION IS nostrae, quam tibi summae curae esse scio, huius modi ratio est, quod adhuc coniectura provideri possit. Prensat unus P. Galba ; sine fuco ac fallaciis, more maiorum, For an account of Atticus, see Appendix 3. present.' On the mood of 'possit' after a 1. Petitionis nostrae . . . ratio est, relative limiting the verb, cj). Madv. 364, ' matters stand thus with regard to my Obs. 2. canvass for the consulship.' Op. ' rationem 3. Prensat unus P. Galba, 'Galba tenipestatum ' Pro Muren. 2, 4. alone is canvassing personally.' According 2. Q.uod adhuc . . . possit, 'so far to Manutius the term • prcnsare ' applied to as we can look forward by conjecture at a preliminary testing of public feeling, be- 36 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. negatur, Ut opinio est hominum, non aliena rationi nostrae fuit illius haec praepropera prensatio ; nam illi ita negant volgo, ut mihi se debere dicant. Ita quiddam spero nobis profici, cum hoc percrebrescit, plurimos nostros amicos inveniri. Nos autem 5 initium prensandi facere cogitaramus eo ipso tempore, quo tuum puerum cum his htteris proficisci Cincius dicebat, in campo, comitiis tribuniciis, a. d. XVI. Kalend. Sextiles. Competitores, qui certi esse videantur, Galba et Antonius et Q. Cornificius : puto te in hoc aut risisse aut ingemuisse. Ut frontem ferias, lo sunt qui etiam Caesonium putent. AquiHum non arbitramur, fore the formal ' petitio ' began. The trans- lations of Wieland and Metzger both give 'unus' its usual sense here; but some have thought that such a meaning is inconsisient with the mention of more competitors a few lines below, and either suppose that a new letter begins with 'competitores qui certi' foil., or translate ' unus ' by ' especially.' May not the meaning be that Galba alone was actively canvassing, though others al- lowed their names to be mentioned ? For the word ' prensare,' cp. Livy I. 47 'cir- cumire et prensare patres.' P. Sulpicius Galba is well spoken of b}' Cicero, cp. In Verr. Act. I. 10, 30 ; Pro Muren. 8, 17; De Harusp. Resp. 6, 12. Sine fuco ac fallaciis, 'without any deceitful fine words.' Cp. ' fucosi suffraga- tores' Q^ Cic. de Pet. Cons. 9, 35. More maiorum negatur, 'men say no with old-fashioned frankness.' Prof. Nettleship has pointed out to me a parallel passage in Plautus; cp. Trucul. Prol. 6 — 'En mehercle in vobis resident mores pristini Ad denegandum ut celeri lingua utamini.' 1. Rationi, ' interest.' Cp. 'si rationes meas saluti vestrae anteposuissem' Post Red. ad Q^iir. i, i. 2. Ita negant . . . ut . . . dicant, 'in refusing him their support profess them- selves under obligations to me.' On the constr. cp. Zumpt. L. G. 726. 3. Quiddam spero nobis profici . . . . inveniri, 'I hope it is proving of some use to me, that my friends are being found numerous.' For the pres. infin. with •spero,' cp. Madv. 395, Obs. 3 ad fin. And for this sense of ' proficere,' cp. ' ad summam profectum aliquid puto,' Ep. 48, 1. Cum . . . percrebrescit = ' percrebre- scere.' Cp. Ep. iii, 3, note, and Madv. 358, Obs. 2. 5. Cogitaramus . . . dicebat = 'cogi- tavimus . . dicit.' The past tenses are used because the) would be true of the time when the letter would reach its destination. Atticus would say, 'when Cicero wrote this, Cincius was saying.' Cp. Madv. 345. 6. Puerum, sc. ' tabellarium.' Proficisci, for 'profecturum esse.' Cp. ' quando te proficisci istinc putes fac ut sciam ' Ad Att. 2. 6, 2; Ter. Phorm. 3. 2, 47 ; Ep. 36, 1 1 ' negavi me audire.' Cincius. (L.) Agent, apparently, of Atti- cus, and often mentioned in Cicero's letters to him : e.g. I, 7 • 6. 2, I. In campo, sc. Martio. 7. a. d. xvi. Kal Sext. This would be about a year before the day of election. The formal ' professio ' of the candidates gener- ally took place a ' trinundinum,' or 17 days before the election : cp. Ep. 52, 3 ; Livy 3. 35 ; but the canvass, as we see from this p.jssage, might begin much sooner. 8. Qui certi .... videantur. For the mood, see on this sect. ' quod . . possit,' line 2. ' Certi ' appears to mean ' certain to stand.' Antonius. (C.) Cicero's colleague in his consulship. He afterwards governed Macedonia, and on his return to Rome was condemned for misgovernment. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 18. Q^ Cornificius. Spoken of with great respect by Cicero: cp. In Verr. Act. 1. 10, 30. His son was appointed to govern Africa by Caesar. Cp. Epp. 119; 124. 9. In hoc, sc. ' Cornificio,' * at the last name.' Risisse. At the pretensions of a 'new man ' with no great personal qualifications ; ingemuisse, at the impending defeat of a man of good character. Ut frontem ferias; ' prae admiratione et dolore ' Schiitz. Cp. 'frons non percussa' Brut. 80, 278. 10. Caesonium. M. Caesonius was colleague of Cicero as curule aedile, and one of the judges on the trial of Verres. Cp, In Verr. Act. i. 10, 29. EP. I.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM I. i. 27 qui denegavit et iuravit morbum et illud suum regnum iudi- ciale opposuit. Catilina, si iudicatum erit meridie non lucere, certus erit competitor. De Auli filio et de Palicano non puto 2 te exspectare duni scribam. De iis, qui nunc pctunt, Caesar certus putatur. Thermus cum Silano contendere existimatur, 5 qui sic inopes et ab amicis et ab existimatione sunt, ut mihi videatur non esse ahvva-rov Curium obducere. Sed hoc praeter me nemini videtur. Nostris rationibus maxime conducere vide- A qui Hum. C. Aquilius Gallus was a celebrated jurisconsuU, author of the formula ' de dolo malo,' and teacher of the cele- brated Servius Sulpicius. As the latter was Cicero's contemporary, Aquilius was pro- bably somewhat older than Cicero, though praetor in the same year with him. Cp. Brut. 42, 153 and 154. Non arbitramur, sc. ' competitorem fore.' 1. Iuravit morbum, 'protested that his health would not allow him to be a can- didate.' Cp. ' perpetuum morbum iurabo ' Ad Att. 12. 13, 2. Regnum iudiciale opposuit, 'pleaded his sovereignty in the law courts,' i.e. his great business. Cp. ' omnis dominatio reg- numque iudiciorum,' said of Hortensius, In Verr. Act. i. 12, 35. 2. Catilina : cp. Intr. to Part I, § 8. Si iudicatum erit meridie non lu- cere. 1 cannot find that this expression is elsewhere used. Apparently it means, ' if the judges decide that black is white.' 3. De Auli filio. L. Afranius, consul in 60 B.C., is said to have been called 'Auli filius' on account of his own insignificance; 'quasi terrae filius,' says Drumann (l. 35), but it seems a strange expression. Mr. Tyrrell retains the MS. reading 'Aufidio,'and refers to T. Aufidius once praetor in Asia : cp. pro Flacco 19, 45. Mr. Tyrrell remarks that Cicero does not call Afranius A. filius before 61 b.c. Afranius was a devoted adherent of Pompey; commanded his forces in Spain, with M. Petreius, in 49 B.C., and perished in the African campaign three years later. Cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 8 ; IV, § 10. Palicano. M. Lollius Palicanus, tribune for 72-71 B.C., is mentioned In Vcrr. Act. 2. 2. .41, 100. He seems to have been held in great contempt, and it is said that the consul Piso declared in 67 b.c. that he would not announce Palicanus as elected even if he obtained a majority of the votes. Cp. Val. Max. 3. 8, 3. 4. Nunc, ' for this year's election,' i.e. to hold office in 64 b.c. L. lulius Caesar, consul 64 b.c. His sister Julia married (i) M. Antouius Cre- ticus, to whom she bore the celebrated triumvir, (2) P. Lentulus, the associate of Catiline. Notwithstanding this near con- nection, Caesar voted, in December, 63 b.c, for the execution of Lentulus. See Ep 96, I. After the murder of the dictator Caesar, Lucius tried to mediate between the senate and Antony; was proscribed by the triumvirs, and narrowly escaped death. Cp. Philipp. 8. I. i; 12, 7, 18; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 12; 4. 37. Certus, ' certain of success.' 5. Q^ Minucius Thermus. Said to have become C. Marcius Figulus, by adoption, and so to have been consul in 64 b.c. But I cannot find any evidence for this, beyond the probability arising from a comparison of this passage with Ep. 2. I, Drumann (5. 405) is satisfied with the probability. Silano. D. lunius Silanus, consul for 62 B.C. When consul elect, he proprised in the senate that Lentulus and his accomplices should be punished with death (cp. In Cat. 4. 4, 7), but afterwards supported a motion for delay. Thermus cum Silano. foil., ' the strug- gle is thought to lie between Thermus and Silanus.' 6. Ab amicis, ' in respect of friends.' See Madv. 253, Observations, for the ablat. 7. Curium obducere, 'to bring for- ward Curius against them.' Boot says this is the only passage in Cicero where the word occurs in this sense. Manutius says ' con- tra illos in Campum Martium ducere.' Asconius (ad Orat. in tog. cand. 118) quotes from C. Licinius Calvus the words ' et talis Curius pereruditus' in illustration of Curius' love of gambling. The Curius referred to may have been the Q^ Curius who betrayed to Cicero the secrets of Catiline and his associates. The context shows that he was a man of little consequence. Cicero's slight- ing mention of Thermus seems inconsistent with his wish not to have him for a com- petitor. 8. Rationibus : see note on sect. I, p. 26. 28 M. TULLII CICERO NIS [part I. tur Thermum fieri cum Caesare ; nemo est enim ex iis, qui nunc petunt;, qui, si in nostrum annum recident, firmior candi- datus fore videatur, propterea quod curator est viae Flaminiae, tquae cum erit absoluta sane facile eum libenter nunc ceteri 6 consuli acciderim. Petitorum haec est adhuc informata cogi- tatio. Nos in omni munere candidatorio fungendo summam adhibebimus diligentiam et fortasse, quoniam videtur in sufifra- giis multum posse Gallia, cum Romae a iudiciis forum refrixerit, excurremus mense Septembri legati ad Pisonem, ut lanuario lo revertamur : cum perspexero voluntates nobilium, scribam ad te. Cetera spero prolixa esse, his dumtaxat urbanis competitoribus. Illam manum tu mihi cura ut praestes, quoniam propius abes, 2. Si . . . reciderit, 'if he shall be left over for my year.' Firrnior, 'more likely to succeed.' 3. Curator . . viae Flaminiae, 'com- missioner for repairing the Flaminian road.' The Flaminian was the great north road, leading to the Adriatic by Ocriculum and Narnia ; and the office of Thermus would give him opportunities of gaining influence with the population of the districts through which the road ran. 4. Quae cum erit .... acciderim. 1 have given the reading of the best MS. but it is not intelligible. Of conjectures, that of Manutius, ' quae turn erit absoluta, sane facile. Eum libenter nunc Caesari con- suiem addiderim,' keeps nearest to the MS.; that of Kayser, ' quae turn erit absoluta sane facile. Eum libenter municipia consulem ac- cipient,* perhaps suits the context best. Mr. Tyrrell gives ' sane facile : eo libenter Ther- mum Caesari consulem accuderim' as an improvement on that of Manutius, and sug- gests himself ' eo libenter Thermum Ciceri (a lupine to a vetch) consulem accuderim.' 5. Petitorum .... cogitatio, 'this is the general impression which I have formed about the candidates up to the present time.' Informo =i'7roTi/7rua). For- cell. 8. Gallia Cispadana : for the franchise of theTranspadane Gauls was not thoroughly recognized till after Caesar's victory over Pompey. Cp. Ep. 31, 2, note. On the importance of the support of the Gallic dis- trict to candidates, cp. 'municipia colonias- que Galliae a qua nos tum . . . petere con- sulatum solebamus ' Philipp. 2. 30, 76. Cum . . . refrixerit, 'when the heat of business shall have grown less intense in the courts at Rome.' In the autumn many days were taken up with the celebration of different public games, and were therefore unavailable for judicial business. Cp. In Verr. Act. i. 10, 31. ' Refrigere' is opposed to ' calere.' Cp. Ep. 9, 6. 9, Ad Pisonem. C. Calpurnius Piso was consul in 67 b.c, and afterwards governor of Gallia Narbonensis. He pro- posed a law against bribery in his consul- ship, and it was carried. On his return from his province, he was accused of mal- administration by C. Caesar ; defended by Cicero, and acquitted, in 63 B.C. If he did not combine the government of Cisalpine with that of Narbonensian Gaul, Cicero may have visited the farther province as an ex- cuse for canvassing the Cispadane Gauls on his way. Legati. Cicero would probably apply for the ' legatio libera,' a titul ir office which would enable him to visit the province with more dignity. Cp. Ep. 11,3; Philipp. I. 2, 6. 11. Prolixa, ' clear,' from the sense of flowing or streaming freely ; hence ' favour- able.' Forcell. Cp. ' rebus secundis atque prolixis ' Cat. ap. Aul. Gell. 7 (or 6), 3. Urbanis, either ' who are now at Rome ' (Casaub. ap. Billerb.), or ' whose claims rest on civil services'^Boot, following Gronovius). Either version may, perhaps, be justified by the expression ' urbana militia' Pro Muren. 9. 19. The whole passage means, 'if I have only to deal with these competitors.' On the abl. abs. 'his,' see Madv. 277. 12. Manum. The friends and depend- ents of Pompey, who was now in Asia. Atticus, who was now at Athens, might have more opportunities for intercourse with the East, than Cicero in Italy. Boot, how- ever, explains ' nianus ' as meaning ' opera, auxiliura.' EP. I.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT I CUM I. i. 2^ Pompeii, nostri amici : ncga me ei iratum fore, si ad mea 3 comitia non venerit. Atque hacc huius modi sunt. Sed est quod abs te mihi ignosci pervelim : Caecilius, avunculus tuus, a P. Vario cum magna pecunia fraudaretur, agere coepit cum eius fratre A. Caninio Satyro de lis rebus, quas eum dolo malo 5 mancipio accepisse de Vario diceret ; una agebant ceteri cre- ditores, in quibus erat L. Lucullus et P. Scipio et is, quern putabant magistrum fore, si bona venirent, L. Pontius. Verum hoc ridicuJum est de magistro. Nunc cognosce rem. Rogavit me Caecilius, ut adessem contra Satyrum : dies fere nullus est lo quin hie Satyrus domum meam ventitct ; observat L. Domitium I. Ei, Pompeio. Boot. 3. Qiiod . . . pervelim, 'for which I should be very glad of your forgiveness.' 'Pervelim' recurs Ad. Att. ii. 14, 3. For the mood, see Madv. 3i;o b, Obs. 1. Caecilius. (Q:.) Uncle of Atticus, and, like him, a great money-lender. He adopted Atticus by his will. Cp. Ad Att. I. 12, i; 2. 19, 5; 3. 20, I. 4. P. Vario. Varius is not apparently mentioned elsewhere. Agere coepit cum eius fratre, 'began legal proceedings against the brother of Varius.' If ' fratre' has its usual meaning, one of the two brothers must have changed his name by adoption, or they may have been brothers on the mother's side. 5. Dolo malo mancipio accepisse, 'to have fraudulently purchased,' i.e. so as to defraud the creditors, by giving less than the real value. There was a Iccfal action for 'dolus malus' (cp. § i, note), which is defined (Digest 4, tit. 3, § l) ' omnis calli- ditas, fallacia, machinatio ad circumvenien- dum, fallendum, decipiendum alterum adhi- bita.' The action seems to have been pro- vided for cases of fraud which could not be brought under any more specific head. Cp. De Offic. 3. 14, 60. 6. Diceret ='ut dicebat ' wiih ' acce- pisset,' or 'accepisset' might stand alone. See Madv. 3570, Obs. 2, and examples. Una agebant, 'are acting in concert with Caecilius.' 7. L. Lucullus. So Baiter, but without giving any reason for his insertion of L. Boot follows Manutius in believing Marcus Lucul- lus to be referred to, but on the erroneous sup- position that Lucius was at this time engaged in the Mithridatic War, whereas he left Asia in 66 B.C., and seems to have waited 'ad ur- bem,' three years for his triumph. Cp. Acad. Pr. 2.1,3; Drumann 4. 16 1. For an account of L Lucullus, see Tntr. to Part L § 7 ; Ap- pendix I, § I ; and of Marcus, Ep. 31, § 3. P. Scipio. Nasica. probably, adopted by C^. Metellus Pius subsequently. His daughter, Cornelia, was Pompey's third wife. He commanded a considerable force for Pompey in the campaign of 48 B.C., and was after- wards general of the army of the optimates in Africa. Some days after the battle of Thapsus, in 46 b.c, he killed himself, being hotly pursued by Caesar's partisans. See Intr. to Part IV, §§4; 10; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 37, alib. ; Bell. Afric. 96 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 100; Livy, Epit. 114. 8. Magistrum, sc. ' auctionis.' If a debtor's property had to be sold, the ' ma- gister ' presided at the sale in the interest of the creditors. Cp. Pro Qiiinct. 15, 50 ; Ad Att. 6. I, 15; 9. II, 4: also Rein, Privat- recht, 944. L. Pontius Aquila. A friend of Cicero. As tribune of the people, in 44-4.=; b.c , he offended Caesar by his independence. Cp. Ep. 112, 3, note. He was one of the con- spirators against Caesar ; after whose death he did good service to the senate in the war of Mutina, and was killed in one of the battles which obliged Antony to raise the siege of that place. See Philipp. 13. 13, 27; Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4. Verum hoc .... magistro, ' it is ridiculous to dwell on the appointment of a " magister." ' 9. Rem, 'the affair for which I wish you to forgive me.' II. Observat, 'courts.' Cp. Ad Fam. 6. 10, 2, alib. L. Domitium Ahenobarbum. This nobleman is mentioned as a witness against Verres. In Verr. Act. 2. i. 53, 139. He was consul 54 B.C., and afterwards named as Caesar's successor in Transalpine Gaul by the senate. He supported the cause of the 30 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. maxime, me habet proximum ; fuit et mihl et O. fratii magno Usui in nostris petitionibus. Sane sum perturbatus cum ipsius 4 Satyri familiaritate, turn Domitii, in quo uno maxime ambitio nostra nititur. Demonstravi haec Caecilio ; simul et illud 5 ostendi, si ipse unus cum illo uno contenderet, me ei satis facturum fuisse ; nunc in causa universorum creditorum, homi- num praesertim amplissimorum, qui sine eo, quem Caecilius suo nomine perhiberet, facile causam communem sustinerent, aequum esse eum et officio meo consulere et tempori. Durius so accipere hoc mihi visus est quam vellem et quam homines belli Solent, et postea prorsus ab instituta nostra paucorum dierum consuetudine longe refugit : abs te peto, ut mihi hoc ignoscas et me existimes humanitate esse prohibitum, ne contra amici summam existimationem miserrimo eius tempore venirem, cum 15 is omnia sua studia et officia in me contulisset. Quod si voles in me esse durior, ambitionem putabis mihi obstitisse ; ego autem arbitror, etiam si id sit, mihi ignoscendum esse: eTret o^x Upi'fiov ovhe ^oeCrjv. Vides enim, in quo cursu simus et quam omnes gratias non modo retinendas, verum etiam acquirendas 20 putemus. Spero tibi me causam probasse, cupio quidem certe. Hermathena tua valde me delectat et posita ita belle est, ut 5 optimates in the civil war with zeal, but ii. Ab instituta . . . consuetudine, without much skill or success, and was killed ' from our intimacy which had begun a few after Pharsalus, Cicero says by Antony. See days before.' Intr. to Part III, § ii. 13. Ne contra . . . venirem, 'from 1. Me habet proximum, 'gives me appearing against a friend in his time of the next place in his regard.' greatest need, and when his whole repu- 2. Petitionibus. M. Ci'cero had been tation was at stake.* For a conviction for quaestor, aedile, and praetor. His brother 'dolus malus' seems to have implied ' infa- Quintus had been aedile, and in all proba- mia.' Rein, Criminajrecht, 916. bility quaestor. 17. It6i ovx Ifpri'iov ovht Poeiijv 3. Ambitio nostra nititur, 'my can- apvvaOrfv, are Ttoaalv aiQKia yiyfeTai vass rests its hopes of success.' dvSpuii', 5. Illo, sc. ' Satyro.' dA.A(i irtpl 'fvxv^ 6ioy "Europos Inno- 6. Nunc in causa .... et tempori, Sapioio. — II. 22, 159. ' but under existing circumstances, seeing i.e. 'no small interests are at stake.' that all the creditors were interested, and 18. In quo cursu simus, 'in what a they, too, men of distinction, able to take career I am embarked.' Perhaps with an care of themselves, even without the aid of allusion to the passage from the Iliad quoted any advocate produced by Caecilius indi- above, about the ' running ' of Hector. On vidually, it was fair that Caecilius should the conjunctive in dependent questions, see consider my obligations and my position,' Madv. 356. i. e. not insist on my accusing a friend and 19. Omnes gratias. With this use of an influential supporter. ' Adhibere ' is more the plural, cp. ' niultas bonas gratias' Pro common than ' perhibere,' in the sense of Muren. 20, 42. ' to produce in one's support.' 20. Me causam probasse, ' that I have 10. Belli =' humani.' Forcell. ' of good made good my plea,' 'shewn sufficient grounds breeding.' Rare in Cicero, but occurs in for my conduct.' Ep- 75' 3; ^6 f^'"' 2. 31. 102. 21. Hermathena. A statue with two EP. 2.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM L 2. 31 totum gymnasium eius avdOi]ixa esse videatur. Multum te amamus. 2. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. I. 2). Rome, July or August, 6^ b.c. (689 a.u.c.) 1. You will be pleased to hear that Terentia bore me a son on the day that Caesar and Figulus were elected consuls, and that she is doing well. I am anxious to hear from you. I think of pleading for Catiline on his trial, and, if I succeed, shall hope for his support at the election. 2. Please take care to be at Rome in January ; I shall need your influence with certain nobles, who are supposed not to look with favour on my claims, CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Figulo consulibus filiolo me auctum scito salva Terentia. Abs te tarn diu nihil litterarum ? ego de meis ad te rationibus scripsi antea diligenter. Hoc 5 tempore Catilinam, competitorem nostrum, defendere cogitamus ; iudices habemus, quos voluimus, summa accusatoris voluntate. faces, one of Hermes, one of Athene ; so we hear of a ' Hermeracles,' Ad Att. i. 10, 3. I. Gymnasium. Used of a place dedi- cated to literary and philosophical discussions, from the older philosophers having used the Greek gymnasia for such purposes. Forcell. Eius dvdOrjfia, 'an offering to it,' ' dedi- cated to it.' 3. L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Fi- gulo consulibus. Cicero amuses himself by expressing in one sentence the result of the consular comitia for 64 B.C., and the birth of his child. He must refer to the day of election, not to that of the new consuls coming into office, for he speaks of the trial of Catiline as not yet concluded, and it took place in 65 B.C. Cp. Fragm. Oral, in Tog. Cand. ' In iudiciis quanta vis esset didicit cum est absolutus si aut illud iudicium aut ilia absolutio nominanda est,' with Asconius' Com- ment. III. See, too, Suringar, Annales, 601. Filiolo. Ciceros namesake Marcus. He accompanied his father to Cilicia, and studied there, together with his cousin Quintus, but seems to have been slow in learning. He commanded a body of cavalry under Pompey in the civil war, cp. De Off". 2. 13, 45, and his father sent him, in 45 B.C., to study at Athens. Cp. Ad Att. 12. 32,2; De Off. 1.1,1. When M. Brutus ap- peared in Greece, after Caesar's murder, the young Cicero did him good service against Dolabellaand C. Antonius. Cp. Philipp. 10. 6, 13; Phit. Brut. 26, 3. After the battle of Philippi, he escaped to Sex. Pompeius, in Sicily, and perhaps returned to Italy by virtue of the amnesty which was one of the condi- tions of the peace of Misenum. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 5. 72. He was consul 30 b c, when the senate ordered the destruction of Antony's images. Dion Cassius 51. 19; Pint. Cic. 49. He was famous for his vio- lent temper, and love of the pleasures of the table (cp. M. Seneca Suasor. 7; Pliny H. N. 14. 22, 28), and died, apparently, without male issue. 4. Auctum, 'enriched,' 'blessed.' Salva Terentia, 'and that Terentia is doing well.' Nihil litterarum, sc. 'accepero.' 6. Catilinam . . . cogitamus. It is doubtful if Cicero carried out this intention. Perhaps, if he had done so, he would hardly have spoken with such contempt of a court which had decided in his favour, as is shewn in the passage quoted above from the ' Oratio in Toga Candida.' But Asconius' argument, that if he had pleaded for Catiline, he would afterwards have charged the latter with in- gratitude, is not convincing. Catiline was apparently brought to trial in this year on a charge of misgovernment arising out of his administration of Africa as propraetor. Cp. Ascon. ad Orat. in Tog. Cand. III. 7. Quos voluimus, 'such as I wanted.' Summa accusatoris voluntate, 'with the greatest good will on the part of the 32 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. Spero, si absolutus erit, coniunctiorem ilium nobis fore in ratione petitionis ; sin aliter accident, humaniter feremus. Tuo adventu nobis opus est mature ; nam prorsus summa hominum est opinio tuos familiares, nobiles homines, adversaries honori nostro fore : ad eorum voluntatem mihi conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fore video. Qua re lanuario mense, ut consti- tuisti, cura ut Romae sis. 3. To POMPEY (AD FAM. V. 7). Rome, 62 B.C. (692 a.u.c.) I. I rejoice over the contents of your despatches, which seem to hold out a good prospect of peace. Your new friends, so long your enemies, are confounded by the news. 2. I am not much annoyed by the tone of your private letter to me, 3. though I think you might have added your testimony to that of others, as to the value of my services. I allow you are greater than Africanus ; do not place me much below Laelius. M. TULLIUS M. F. CICERO S. D. CN. POMPEIO CN. F. MAGNO IMPERATORI. 5. T. E. 0. V. B. E. Ex litteris tuis, quas publice misi.sti, 1 cepi una cum omnibus incredibilem voluptatem ; tantam enim 10 spem otii ostendisti, quantam ego semper omnibus te uno fretus pollicebar ; sed hoc scito, tuos veteres hostes, novos amicos, vehementer litteris perculsos atque ex magna spe deturbatos accuser.' On the abl. (abs.\ see M.idv. 277. M.F., CN.F. = 'Marci filius, Cnaei filio.' The accuser was P. Clodius, and he seems Magno. Pompey is said to have been to have left several judges unchallenged, who greeted by Sulla with the title Magnus on were likely to favour the accused. See Rein, his victorious return from Africa in B.C. 81. Criminalrecht, 658, 659. In Pison. 10, 23. See Plut. Pomp. 13 ; Drumann 4. 335. 1. In ratione, ' in the matter of.* Cp. 8. S.T. E. Q. V. B. E. = ' si tu exercitus- De Prov. Cons. 14, 35. que valetis bene est.' Cicero does not use 2. Humaniter, 'with equanimity.' this greeting often when he writes confiden- Forcell. tially. Cp. note C on Part I. Tuo adventu .... maturo. ' my Litteris tuis . . . misisti. The offi- interests require your speedy return.' For cial despatches of Pompey, announcing his the abl., see Madv. 266, Obs. ; and for the successes over Mithridates. On which, and adject, used as an adverb, lb. 300b. on Ponipey's proceedings in the East in 4. Tuos familiares. Probably Horten- general, see Intr. to Part I, § 7; Appendix 2. sius was one of them (cp. Ep. 14. i), and 10. Spem otii, 'hope of peace,' in the perhaps L. Lucullus and M. Crassus were East, or perhaps ' of tranquillity at Rome.' others. Cicero had offended many of the Pompey's despatch may have announced an nobles, by arguing for the grant of excessive intention of supporting the senate. See powers to Pompey. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § S. Siipfle's notes on this letter. Honori, ' my election to the consulship.' 11. Pollicebar. Especially in the Oration 6. lanuario . . . sis. Atticus seems to de Imperio Cn. Pompeii, or Pro Leg. Man. have complied with this request, and to have Veteres hostes, novos amicos. These remained three years at Rome. Cicero's next words probably refer to the Roman demo- letter to him is dated 61 B.C. crats, though Manutius thinks that M. Crassus EP.3] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES V. 7. 33 iacere. Ad me autcm littcras, quas misisti, quamquam exiguam significationem tuae erga me voluntatis habcbant, tamen mihi scito iucundas fuisse ; nulla enim re tam laetari solco quam meorum officiorum conscientia, quibus si quando non mutue respondetur, apud me plus officii residere facillime patior : illud 5 non dubito, quin, si te mea summa erga te studia parum mihi adiunxerint, res publica nos inter nos conciliatura coniunc- 3 turaque sit. Ac ne ignores, quid ego in tuis litteris desiderarim, scribam aperte, sicut et mea natura et nostra amicitia postulat : res eas gessi, quarum aliquam in tuis litteris et nostrae necessi- 10 tudinis et rei publicae causa gratulationem exspectavi ; quam ego abs te praetermissam esse arbitror, quod vererere ne cuius animum offenderes. Sed scito ca, quae nos pro salute patriae gessimus, orbis terrae iudicio ac testimonio comprobari ; quae, cum veneris, tanto consilio tantaque animi magnitudine a me 15 gesta esse cognosces, ut tibi multo maiori, quam Africanus fuit, me non multo minorem quam Laelium facile et in re publica et in amicitia adiunctum esse patiare. and L. Lucullus are meant. Pompey had served the optimates effectively in Italy, Africa, and Spain, but had afterwards com- bined with the democratic leadeis, and wiih Crassus to reverse some of Sulla's most important measures. Intr. to Part I, § 5. The democrats had been alarmed, apparently, afterwards by the prospect of Ponipey's vic- torious return from the East. Mr. H. F. Pelham thinks that the words ' veteres hostes ' apply to Crassus and Caesar in re- gard to their supposed intrigues against Pompey in 65-63 B.C., and their possible complicity with RuUus and with Catilina: and that the words ' novos amicos' refer to the steps taken by Caesar and Q^ Metellus Nepos in favour of Pompey. Cp. Intr. to Part I, p. 12. 1. Iacere, ' are prostrate.' Littcras, quas misisti. Cicero appears to have written to congratulate Pompey on his successes, and to have added an account of his own consulship. Ponipey's reply seems to have been rather cold, and any uncertainty as to his feelings would be very alarming to Cicero. Cp. Pro Sulla 24, 67; Pro Plane. 34, 85. On the ace. ' litteras,' attracted to ' quas,' see Madv. 319. 2. Significationem, ' expression.' Cp. Pro Sest. 49, 105. 4. Si . . . non mutue respondetur, ' if no fair return is made.' ' Muluo ' is the more common form. ' Mutue respondere ' = ' par pari reftrre.' Forcell. 5. Apud nie . . facillime patior, 'I am well content that the balance of services done should be on my side.' With this use of ' facile patior,' cp. below, § 3, and Ep. 29, 21. 6. Mea summa erga te studia. Cicero had supported, as praetor, the proposal of Manilius (cp § l), and had proposed, as con- sul, a thanksgiving of twelve days in honour of Pompey 's victories. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 8 : also De Prov. Cons. 11.27; ^p. 29, 11. TO Res eas gessi . . . . expectavi, ' I have performed achieveinents of which I expected some acknowledgment.' On the ind , see Madv. 362 a, and 366. 12. Quod vererere. The conjunctive is used to express the thoughts of Pompey. See Madv. 369. Cuius. Qi Metellus Nepos, one of Poni- pey's most active associates, was on bad terms with Cicero ; but it is needless to suppose a reference to any particular person. Ne . . animum offenderes, ' lest yon should give offence to.' Cp. ' ne Divitiaci animum offenderet' Caes. de Bell. Gall. I. 19. 13. Ea quae nos . . gessimus. Cicero refers especially to the detection and suppres- sion of Catiline's conspiracy. 16. Africanus. Probably the younger, who took Carthage. Billerb. ij. Quam Laelium. Accusative at- D 34 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part I. 4. O. METELLUS CELER to CICERO (AD FAM. V. i). Cisalpine Gaul, Early in 63 b.c. (692 a.u.c.) I. I regret both your unexpected insult to myself, and your attack on my unhappy brother. I am surprised that you shewed so little consideration for the dignity of my family, and for the claims of our former friendship. 2. One who, like me, is at the head of a province and an army, ought to have been spared this humiliation. You must not be surprised if you have to repent such a departure from old usage. How- ever, no insult shall prevent me from discharging my duty to the State. Q. METELLUS Q. F. CELER PROCOS. S. D. M. TULLIO CICERONI. Si vales, bene est. Existimaram pro mutuo inter nos animo i et pro reconciliata gratia nee absentem vie ludibrio laesum iri nee Metellum fratrem ob dictum capite ac fortunis per te op- pugnatum iri ; quern si parum pudor ipsius defendebat, debebat 5 vel familiae nostrae dignitas vel meum studium erga vos remque publicam satis sublevare. Nunc video ilium circumventum, me desertum, a quibus minime conveniebat. Itaque in luctu et 2 tracted to 'me.' It might be ' quam Laelius fuit.' See Madv. 402 b ; and cp. Ep. 64, 2. The friendship between Scipio and Laelius was, like that of Pompey and Cicero, one between a general and a statesman and man of letters. 4. Q, METELLUS. For an account of Q. Metellus Celer, see Intr. to Part I, § 13. PROCOS. Q^ Metellus Celer had not been consul, but seems to have been called pro-corisul as guvernitig a consular province. Cp. § 2 of this letter, note. 1. Bene est. On the adverb as a pre- dicate, cp. Madv. 209 b, Obs. 2. Mutuo inter nos animo, 'our mutual regard ' = 'voluntate.' Forcell. 2. Reconciliata gratia. In the fol- lowing letter Cicero does not allow that there had been a quarrel. Ludibrio. Apparently Metellus had re- ceived an exaggerated account of the amuse- ment caused in the senate by Cicero's com- plaints of his silence. Cp. Ep. 5, 2. 3. Fratrem. The two Metelli, Celer and Nepos, notwithstanding the identity of praenomen, were probably brothers. Dru- mann (2. 25") gives from Manutius the fol- lowing conjecture : that they were both sons of Q^ Metellus Nepos, consul in 9S b.c. ; that his eldest son and namesake died after his second son, the writer of this letter, had been adopted by Q^ Metellus Celer, consul in yo B.C.; an^d that he had then a third son, who bore both his praenomen and cosnomen. Ob dictum. See § 8 of the next let- ter. Capite ac fortunis On the ablat., see Madv. 253. ' In his personal rights and pro- perty.' ' Poenae capitales' inckided in the largest sense, all penalties affecting a man's life, liberty, citizenship, or reputation. But this use of the term was rather popular than legal. Strictly speaking, under the republic, the term 'poena capitalis' could only be ap- plied to penalties involving loss of life, free- dom, or citizenship ; and, under the empre, it was usually restricted to capital punish- ments in our sense. See Rein, Criminalrecht, 2S6. 4. Si parum pudor ipsius defendebat, ' if he did not find a sufficient protection in the respect due to him.' Billerb. But Metzger translates, ' if his own attitude was deficient in modesty.' The last rendering suits the words best, I think ; the first the context. Debebat, so. 'defendere.' On the indie, see Madv. 348 e. 5. Vos. Either 'the senate,' or 'Cicero's own party.' 6. Sublevare =' iuvare.' Forcell. Circumventum, 'oppressed,' 'endan- gered.' 7. Conveniebat, sc. ' me deseri.' In luctu et squalore sum. ' Squalore' EP. 4.5-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES V. 2. z^-) squalore sum, qui provinciae, qui exercitui praesum, qui bellum gero : quae quoniam nee ratione nee maiorum nostrorum de- mentia aclministrastis, non erit mirandum, si vos paenitebit. Te tam mobili in me meosque esse animo non sperabam : me interea nee domesticus dolor nee cuiusquam iniuria ab re publica 5 abducet. 5. To METELLUS CELER (AD FAM. V. 2). Rome, Early in 62 b.c. (692 a.u.c.) I. I am not quite clear to what you refer as an insult. It is true that I remarked with regret in the senate, that you had allowed your relations to estrange you from me ; 2. but the amusement which followed was principally caused by my disappointment. 3, 4. As for our ' mutual regard,' ask yourself if your behaviour on your last visit to Rome was a fitting return for my constant anxiety to promote your honour. I resigned my claim to a province, no doubt, in the State's interest ; but it was from regard to you that I contrived you should have one. 5. I do not allow that there has betn any quarrel between us. 6. I admire your affection for your brother, but you should not be offended by my opposition to him on public grounds, nor by my resistance to his attacks on myself. 7. He did me great wrong on December 31 ; yet 8. I was still anxious for a reconciliation, but your brother replied by a censure of my best services as consul, and by further insults a few days afterwards, to which I could not help replying. 9. After all the provocations I had received, however, I took no active part in the proceedings against your brother ; on the contrary, I supported the mildest proposals made. 10. I repeat, that I not only make allowance for your indignation, but admire it : I only ask you to consider my position impartially, as I have always thought of you as of a friend. M. TULLIUS M. F. CICERO Q. METELLO Q. F. CELERI PROCOS. S. D. 1 Si tu exercitusque valetis, bene est. Scribis ad me te existi- masse pro mutuo inter nos animo et pro reconciliata gratia is not, perhaps, to be taken literally. The against the relics of Catiline's forces. Metel- writer's brother was threatened with depriva- lus had been commissioned to prevent them tion by the senate, and Metellus Celer says from penetrating northwards. Sail. Cat. 57. that such a demonstration put him in mourn- 2. Q_uae refers to ' circimiventuni ' and ing, as for a relative against whom a criminal ' desertum.' for the use of pronouns re'er- charge had been brought. ring to the contents of a sentence, cp. Madv. I. Provinciae. That of Cisalpine Gaul, 312 b, and 315 b; and for the r.iative, in- which he owed to Cicero's renunciation of a stead of the demonstrative with a particle province. See the next letter, § 3. Metel- of transition, lb. 448. The sentence quae lus bad commanded a force in Umbria and . . . administrastis, may be rendered, Picenum during the year 63 B.C., and seems 'since your management of these affairs has to have entered on his provincial govern- been neither reasonable nor in accordance ment, with the command of a force of three with our ancestors' lenity.' legions, at the beginning of 62 B.C. Cp. 5. Domesticus dolor, 'indignation for In Cat. 2. 3, 5 ; Merivale i. 143; A. W, the slight to my family.' Zumpt, Studia Romana 57-60. Cuiusquam iniuria, 'any one's wrong Bellum gero. Either against the Salassi doing.' Gen. poss., Madv. 2S0 and 2S3, and other barbarians (Siipfle, Matth.), or Obs. i. D 2 S6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part i. numquam te a me ludibrio laesum iri. Quod cuius modi sit, satis intellegere non possum, sed tamen suspicor ad te esse adlatum, me, in senatu cum disputarem permultos esse qui rem publicam a me conservatam dolerent, dixisse a te propinquos 5 tuos, quibus negare non potuisses, impetrasse ut ea quae sta- tuisses tibi in senatu de mea laude esse dicenda reticeres. Quod cum dicerem, illud adiunxi, mihi tecum ita dispertitum officium fuisse in rei publicae salute retinenda, ut ego urbem a domesticis insidiis et ab intestine scelere, tu Italiam et ab lo armatis hostibus et ab occulta coniuratione defenderes, atque banc nostram tanti et tam praeclari muneris societatem a tuis propinquis labefactatam, qui, cum tu a me rebus amplissimis atque honorificentissimis ornatus esses, timuissent ne quae mihi pars abs te voluntatis mutuae tribueretur. Hoc in sermone cum 2 15 a me exponeretur, quae mea exspectatio fuisset orationis tuae quantoque in errore versatus essem, visa est oratio non iniu- cunda, et mediocris quidam est risus consecutus, non in te, sed magis in errorem meum et quod me abs te cupisse laudari aperte atque ingenue confitebar. lam hoc non potest in te 20 non honorifice esse dictum, me in clarissimis meis atque am- plissimis rebus tamen aliquod testimonium tuae vocis habere voluisse. Quod autem ita scribis, ' pro mutuo inter nos animo,' 3 quid tu existimes esse in amicitia mutuum, nescio ; equidem hoc arbitror, cum par voluntas accipitur et redditur. Ego si 25 hoc dicam, me tua causa praetermisisse provinciam, tibi ipse levior videar esse ; meae enim rationes ita tulerunt atque eius I. Qiiod cuius modi sit, 'what you 17. Mediocris.. risus. This Metellus mean thertby.' Billerb. seems to have considered an insult to him- 4. Propinquos tuos. Cicero probably self. Cp. § I of the preceding letter, means Metellus Nepos, and perhaps also 23. Mutuum, ' reciprocity.' P. Clodius, whose sister Claudia was wife of 24. Ego si hoc dicam. On the inser- Metellus Celer. tion of the personal pronoun, see Madv. 482. 7. Quod cum dicerem. 'in saying this, 25. Praetermisisse provinciam. In however.' See Madv. 358 for the mood. a speech delivered, apparently, late in the 12. Rebus amplissimis. These words summer, or early in the autumn of 63 B.C. refer, probably, to the important commis- Cicero had renounced his claim to govern a sions which Cicero had procured for Metellus province after the expiration of his year of Celer. office at Rome (cp. Ep. 9. 3). and thus 13. Ne quae mihi . . . tribueretur, Metellus, one of the praetors for 63 B.C., ' lest you should show me some good will in obtained the government of Gallia Cisalpina. return.' See Intr. to Pan I, § 10. 15. Orationis tuae, ' of a speech from 26. Levior videar esse, ' should seem you,' 'of some declaration on your part.' to make foolish pretensions.' ' Levis ' = On this use of the possessive pronoun, see ' vaniloquus.' Forcell. On the tense of Madv. 297 a. ' dicam, videar,' see Madv. 347 b. EP 5-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES V. 2. 37 mei consilii maiorem in dies singulos fructum voluptatemque capio : illud dico, me, ut primum in contione provinciam depo- suerim, statim, quern ad modum earn tibi traderem, cogitare coepisse. Nihil dico de sortitione vestra : tantum te suspicari volo, nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse 5 factum. Recordare cetera ; quam cito senatum illo die facta sortitione coegerim, quam multa de te verba fecerim, cum tu ipse mihi dixisti orationem meam non solum in te honorificam, 4 sed etiam in collegas tuos contumeliosam fuisse. lam illud senatus consultum, quod eo die factum est, ea perscriptione 10 est, ut, dum id exstabit, officium meum in te obscurum esse non possit. Postea vero quam profectus es, velim recordere, quae ego de te in senatu egerim, quae in contionibus dixerim, quas ad te litteras miserim : quae cum omnia collegeris, tum ipse velim indices, satisne videatur his omnibus rebus tuus ad- 15 5 ventus, cum proxime Romam venisti, mutue respondisse. Quod scribis de reconciliata gratia nostra, non intellego, cur recon- 6 ciliatam esse dicas, quae numquam imminuta est. Quod scribis non oportuisse Metellum fratrem tuum ob dictum a me oppug- nari, primum hoc velim existimes, animum mihi istum tuum 20 Meae rati ones, ' my interests.' See Ep. 15. Adventus. Probably Metellus drew I, 1, note, p. 26. near to Rome in the winter of 63-62 b.c , 2. Illud dico, 'this I do say,' refer- as a demonstration in support of his brother, ring to wh^it follows. Madv. 485 b. He could not have entered the city without Deposuerim. ' Deponere ' seems to forfeiting his imperium ; and perhaps this have been a technical word for waiving a consideration suggested Siipfle's rendering of claim to the government of a province. proxime Romam, 'to the immediate Forcell. Cp. Ep. 9, 3. neighbourhood of Rome.' On the ace , see 4. De sortitione vestra. The prae- Madv. 172, Obs. 4. But more probably tors for 63 B c. had to cast lots, apparently, 'proxime' means 'just lately.' 'Romam for the government of Cisalpine Gaul, which venire' and ' Romae esse' could be said of had become vacant by Cicero's renunciation ; an officer visiting or remaining in the imme- and C. Antonius, who presided at the allot- diate neighbourhood of Rome. Cp. Ep. 46, ment, probably contrived at Cicero's sugges- note; In Verr. Act. 2. 2, 6, 17; 'Romae tion thatit should result in favour of Metellus. et ad urbem ;' and Mr. Long's note on Act. 9. Contumeliosam. As exalting Me- i. 15,45. 'Roma' included the suburbs tellus at the expense of his colleagues. without, as well as the 'urbs' within the lam illud. ' lam transitionibus inservit ' ' pomoeriuni.' Cp. Paulus, Digest 50.16, = ' praeterea.' Forcell. Cp. ' iam hoc non 2; ap. Long. The visit of Metellus is not potest ' in § 2. elsewhere mentioned, apparently. 10. Perscriptione, 'form.' Cp.Nagelsb. 16. Mutue respondisse, 'to have Stiiistik, § 9, p. 38. shewn a similar spirit in return.' 12. Postea vero quam profectus es 17. De reconciliata gratia. Cicero . . egerim, 'I should like you to remember will not allow that there had been a quarrel, how 1 pleaded your cause in the senate after The misunderstanding must, apparently, have your departure ' for Picenum to act against arisen before the struggle between Cicero Catiline. and Catiline had definite'y begun, for Cicero 14. Collegeris, 'have put together,' and Metellus seem to have co-operated cor- taken into account.' dially against the conspirators. 38 M. TULLII CICERONI S [parti. vehementer probari et fraternam plenam humanitatis ac pietatis voluntatem ; deinde, si qua ego in re fratri tuo rei publicae causa restiterim, ut mihi ignoscas ; tam enim sum amicus rei publicae, quam qui maxima ; si vero meam salutem contra 5 illius impetum in me crudelissimum defenderim, satis habeas nihil me etiam tecum de tui fratris iniuria conqueri : quem ego cum comperissem omnem sui tribunatus conatum in meam perniciem parare atque meditari, egi cum Claudia, uxore tua, et cum vestra sorore Mucia, cuius erga me studium pro Cn. lo Pompeii necessitudine multis in rebus perspexeram, ut eum ab ilia iniuria deterrerent. Atqui ille, quod te audisse certo scio, 7 pr. Kal. lanuarias, qua iniuria nemo umquam in minimo magis- tratu improbissimus civis adfectus est, ea me consulem adfecit, cum rem publicam conservassem, atque abeuntem magistratu 15 contionis habendae potestate privavit ; cuius iniuria mihi tamen honori summo fuit : nam. cum ille mihi nihil nisi ut iurarem permitteret, magna voce iuravi verissimum pulcherrimumque ius iurandum, quod populus item magna voce me vere iurasse iura- vit. Hac accepta tam insigni iniuria, tamen illo ipso die misi s 20 ad Metellum communes amicos, qui agerent cum eo, ut de ilia mente desisteret ; quibus ille respondit sibi non esse integrum : etenim paulo ante in contione dixerat ei, qui in alios animum advertisset indicta causa, dicendi ipsi potestatem fieri non opor- tere. Hominem gravem et civem egregium ! qui, qua poena 2r senatus consensu bonorum omnium eos adfecerat, qui urbem 3. Ut mihi ignoscas. After ' velim.' 9. Mucia. Half-sister of the two Meteili, ' Ut ' woul 1 more usually be omitted. See and wife of Pompey. Madv. 372 b, Obs. 2. Pro . . . necessitudine, ' in consider- 4. Quam qui maxime, so. ' est.' Madv. ation of my intimacy with Pompey.' 310, Obs. 4. 15. Contionis habendae, 'of address- Si .. . defenderim. 'supposing that I ing the people on the events of the year,' as defended.' ' Si' = 'etiamsi.' Cp. Forcell. On was usual with magistrates retiring from 'defenderim,' see Zumpt, L. G. 524 and ofhce. Hofm. note. It is nearly = ' defendi' 17. Ius iurandum. Cicero swore ' rem 5. Satis habeas, ' be content.' Conj. for publicam atque banc urbem mea unius opera imperat. Madv. 3S5, Obs. esse salvam.' Cp. In Pis. ^, 6. 6. Nihil . . . conqueri, 'that I ab- 20. Qui agerent cum eo, ' to entreat stain from making a complaint to you, as him,' a favourite use of the expression, see well as to the senate.' above, 1. 8 7. Omnem . . . conatum . . . medi- 21. Sibi non esse integrum, ' thatlie tari, 'that he was laying his plans, and pre- had no choice,' 'that he was committed ;' paring the whole resources of his office, for a common expression. Cp. Pro Muren. 4, 8. my destruction.' 22. Qui in alios . . causa Refer- 8. Claudia. Eldest sister of P. Clodius, ring to Cicero's treatment of Lentulus and and wife I if Cicero's correspondent ; a woman his associates. See Intr. to Part I, § 11; of bad reputation. Cp, Ep. 9, 5. also Appendix 4. EP. 5.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES V. 2. 39 incendcre et magistratus ac senatum trucidare, bellum maximum conflare voluissent, eadem dignum iudicaret eum, qui curiam caede, urbem incendiis, Italiam bello liberasset. Itaque ego Metello, fratri tuo, praesenti restiti : nam in senatu Kal. lanuaiiis sic cum CO de re publica disputavi, ut sentiret sibi cum viro 5 forti et constanti esse pugnandum. A. d. III. Non. lanuar. cum agere coepisset, tertio quoque verbo orationis suae me appella- bat, mihi minabatur ; neque illi quicquam deliberatius fuit quam me, quacumque ratione posset, non iudicio neque disceptatione, sed vi atque impressione evertere. Huius ego temeritati si 10 virtute atcjue animo non restitissem, quis esset qui me in con- sulatu non casu potius existimaret quam consilio fortem fuisse? 9 Haec si tu Metellum cogitare de me nescisti, debes existimare te maximis de rebus a fratre esse celatum ; sin autem aliquid impertivit tibi sui consilii, lenis a te et facilis existimari debeo, 15 qui nihil tecum de his ipsis rebus expostulem. Et, si intellegis non me dicto Metelli, ut scribis, sed consiHo eius animoque in me inimicissimo esse commotum, cognosce nunc humanitatem meam, si humanitas appellanda est in acerbissima iniuria re- missio animi ac dissokitio : nulla est a me umquam sententia 20 dicta in fratrem tuum ; quotienscumque aliquid est actum, 2. Voluissent .... liberasset. In against his successes being attributed to ' voluissent' the conj. expresses the grounds chance. Cp. Ad Att. I. 20, 3; In Cat. 3. of another's (Cicero's) conduct; in ' liberas- 12, 29; and, on the meaning of ' casus,' Ep. set,' expresses the character suggested in loi, i, note. 'eum.' See Madv. 369 and 364, Obs. i. 14. Celatum, ' kept in the dark.' Cp. Cicero almost quotes the very words of a Philipp. 2. 13, 32; Madv. 228 a. decree of the senate in his honour. Cp. In 17. Non me dicto. On the position of Cat. 3. 6, 15. the negative, see below, 'non ego oppugnavi 4. Restiti. Probably in the Oratio fratrem tuum ' § 10. Metelliua referred to Ep. 6, 5. 19. Remissio animi ac dissolutio, 7. Agere, ' to argue for his proposal,' ' carelessness and indifference.' With this which was that Pompey should be recalled meaning of 'dissolutio' cp. De Oft". I. 2S, from the East, to restore order in Italy. 99, ' neglegere quid de se quisque sentiat Cp. Plut. Cato Min. 26. It does not ap- non solum arrogantis est sed etiam omnino pear whether this speech of Metellus was dissoluti.' delivered in the senate or in the as- 20. Nulla est . . . sententia dicta, senibly. Cicero, as a consular, would be asked his 8. Neque illi quicquam .... fuit, opinion individually by the presiding officer ' and he had not resolved more definitely on in the senate's debates. This would give anything.' Nagelsb. Stihstik 72, 191. See, him an opportunity either of arguing at too, Ad Att. 15. 5, 3. length in favour of some proposal already 9. Non iudicio neque disceptatione, before the senate, or of originating one of 'by no trial in a court of law.' his own; but, in the case of Metellus, he 10. Impressione, 'by an attack.' For- does not seem to have taken advantage of cell. Tyrrell renders ' vi atque impressione,' either privilege. ' violent browbeating.' 21. Qjiotienscumque aliquid est 12. Casu. Cicero protests elsewhere actum, 'whenever his behaviour was dis- 40 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. sedens iis adsensi, qui mihi lenissime sentire visi sunt. Ad- dam illud etiam, quod iam ego curare non debui, sed tamen fieri non moleste tuH atque etiam, ut ita fieret, pro mea parte adiuvi, ut senati consulto meus inimicus, quia tuus frater erat, lO 5 sublevaretur. Qua re non ego oppugnavi fratrem tuum, sed fratri tuo repugnavi, nee in te, ut scribis, animo fui mobili, sed ita stabili, ut in mea erga te voluntate etiam desertus ab officiis tuis permanerem. Atque hoc ipso tempore tibi paene minitanti nobis per litteras hoc rescribo atque respondeo : ego 10 dolori tuo non solam ignosco, sed summam etiam laudem tribuo ; meus enim me sensus, quanta vis fraterni sit amoris, admonet. A te peto ut tu quoque aequum te iudicem dolori meo prae- beas ; si acerbe, si crudeliter, si sine causa sum a tuis oppug- natus, ut statuas mihi non modo non cedendum, sed etiam tuo 15 atque exercitus tui auxiho in eius modi causa utendum fuisse. Ego te mihi semper amicum esse volui ; me ut tibi amicissimum esse intellegeres, laboravi. Maneo in voluntate et, quoad voles tu, permanebo citiusque amore tui fratrem tuum odisse desinam quam illius odio quicquam de nostra benevolentia detraham. cussed m the senate.' For the measures 5. Sublevaretur, ' be relieved,' 'released taken against Metellus Nepos, see Intr. to from his perilous position.' Part I, § 12; Suet. lul. 16. Non . . . oppugnavi . . . repugnavi, I. Sedens. A senator seems only to 'I did not attack your brother, but resisted have risen if he wished to speak at length, his attacks.' or to bring a new motion forward. 7. Etiam desertus ab officiis tuis, Addam illud etiam, ' I will add this, 'though you have ceased to pay me any too, that I regarded with favour, and even attentions.' Cp. 'a ceteris oblectationibus supported, a decree of the senate relieving deseror ' Ad Att. 4. 10, I. 'Ab' may either yi;ur brother from some of the penalties he mean 'in respect of,' cp. Ep. i. 2, note; or had incurred ; though, after what had passed it may personify the ' officia,' cp. Zumpt, (iam), I had no reason to trouble myself L. G. 451. about it.' On 'illud' see above, § 3, note. 8. Paene minitanti : see the close of 4. Ut senati consulto . . sublevare- the preceding letter, tur. The construction seems irregular here. is. Exercitus tui auxilio. An iron- "-& though Siipfle says that these words depend ical answer to Metellus' boast of his corn- upon ' fieri non moleste tuli.' The sentence manding position. See § ■2 of the preceding seems to be resumed in a new form after the letter. The riots which took place at Rome parenthetic clause 'non . . . debui,' and early in 62 b c, hardly required an army of then a fresh subordinate clause, ' atque . . . three legions to repress them. Cp. Intr. to adiuvi,' is introduced. Prof Tyrrell makes Part I, § 12. Cicero has adopted many the final sentence depend on ' curare.' One expressions from Metellus' letter (' dicto would expect to find(i) 'metulisse' and Metelli,' ' snblevare'ur,' ' oppugnavi,' ' deser- ' me adjuvisse,' or (2) ' nieum ininiicum sub- tus,' 'animo mobili'), and retorts Metellus' levatum esse,' or (3) ' quod meus inimicus reference to his army. sublevatusest.' The form 'senati' is archaic. 19. Detraham. Fut. indie. On the See Madv. 46, Obs. 2, and cp. Ad Fam. 2. constr.. cp. Pro Ligario 5, 16 'suam citius ab- 7, 4- iiciet humanitatem quam extorquebit tuam.' EP. 6.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM I.io^. 4^ 6. To ATTIC US (AD ATT. I. 13). Rome, Jan. 25, 6 c b.c. (693 a.u.c.) 1. I have received three letters from you, but uncertninty as to your movements, and the want of a faithful messenger, have interfered with my promptitude in replying, 2. though interesting events have happened since our parting. The consul Piso has rather slighted me, but I am not sorry to be relieved from the need of shewing him any respect ; his colleague honours me, and is devoted to the good cause. 3. The disagreement of the consuls is unfortunate, and I fear its effects may be aggravated by an affair of which you have probably heard, viz. that P. Clodius has been detected in the house of C. Caesar when the rites of the Bona Dea were being celebrated, and that Caesar has divorced his wife in consequence. Proceedings against Clodius are in progress, but are not pressed with the energy one could wish. 4. I cannot say that a certain friend of yours is behaving honestly or straightforwardly just now. 5. The praetors' provinces have not yet been allotted. I am obliged to you for your remarks and criticisms on various works which I have sent you. 6. A purchase lately made by the consul Messalla, shows that I have not made a bad one in my house. Teucris still keeps me waiting. I hope soon to write with more freedom. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Accept tuas tres iam epistolas : unam a M. Cornelio, quam Tribus Tabernis, ut opinor, ei dedisti, alteram, quam mihi Canusinus tuus hospes reddidit, tertiam, quam, ut scribis, ancora soluta de phaselo dedisti ; quae fuerunt omnes, nt rhetorum pueri loquuntur, cum humanitatis spansae sale, turn insignes 5 amoris notis : quibus epistolis sum equidem abs te lacessitus ad rescribendum, sed idcirco sum tardior, quod noii invenio fidelem tabellarium ; quotus enim quisque est, qui epistolam paulo gra- viorem ferre possit, nisi eam pellectione relevarit ? accedit eo, quod mihi non*, ut quisque in Epirum proficiscitur : ego enim 10 1. A M. Cornelio. This man seems 4. De phaselo: cp. Ad Att. 14 16, i, not to be mentioned elsewhere by Cicero. 'pljaselum tpicopum.' 2. Ut opinor. Atticus had not dated Rhetorum pueri = prjTopaiv TrafSfy, his letter, so Cicero had to guess whence it 'pupils of rhetoricians.' Prof. Tyrrell thinks was written, and thought of one of the that the word describes 'the class or pro- stages near to Rome on the Appian Wav. fession.' Tres Tabernae was about 35 miles from S. Tabellarium, cp. Ep. iS, 6. note. Rome. For another explanation of ' ut Paulo graviorem, 'conveying news opinor,' cp. Ep. 40, I. note. of more than ordinary weight.' I owe this 3. Canusinus tuus hospes, ' the friend translation of 'paulo graviorem' to a notice with whom you lodged at Canusium,' on of my book by Mr. J. R. King in the your way to Greece. Academy for Feb. 15, 1871. Ut scribis. These words call attention 9. Pellectione, 'by reading it through.' to the unusual phrase ' ancora soluta.' dira^ Xeyofievov apparently. ' Ancoram tollere ' is the usual phrase lor Relevarit, ' have lii^hiened it,' as if by weighing anchor. Perhaps there w,is a con- taking out some money which weighted it. fusion with ' navem solvere.' Cp. Hor. An allusion to ' paulo graviorem ' above. Carm. 3.2, 29. Prof. Tyrrell has ' ora soluta.' 10. Noa *, ut. Various 4- M. TULLII CICERONIS [part r. te arbitror caesis apud Amaltheam tuam victimis statim esse ad Sicyonem oppugnandum profectum ; neque tameii id ipsum certum habeo, quando ad Antonium proficiscare aut quid in Epiro tem- poris ponas : ita neque Achaicis hominibus neque Epiroticis paulo 5 liberiores litteras committere audeo. Sunt autem post discessum 2 a me tuum res dignae litteris nostris, sed non committendae eius modi periculi, ut aut interire aut aperiri aut intercipi possint. Primum igitur scito primum me non esse rogatum sententiam praepositumque esse nobis pacificatorem Allobrogum, idque ad- lo murmurante senatu neque me invito esse factum ; sum enim et ab observando homine perverso liber, et ad dignitatem in re publica retinendam contra illius voluntatem solutus, et ille secundus in dicendo locus habet auctoritatem paene principis et voluntatem have been made for amending this passage. Orelli's 'non perinde est,' 'it is not indifferent to me,' seems tautologous. Others are ' non notum est,' ' I am not aware of;' 'non pro- dest,' ' I derive no benefit from,' the various departures for Epirus. I. Amalthea, or AmaUheum. A villa in Epirus belonging to Atiicus, so called, apparently, from containing a room deco- rated with pictures from the story of Amal- thea. Cp. Epp. 8. i8; 9, 10. Cicero says, in sport, that Atticns only went there to sacrifice before his campaign against the Sicyonians, i.e. before pressing on them his demands for repayment of debts they owed him. 3. Antonium. C. Antonius was now governor of Macedonia. Cicero had quar- relled with him, but had subsequently written to ask him to aid Atticus in recovering the money owing to him in that province. Cp. Ad Fam. 5, 5. 4. Ponas. 'Ponere' is properly used of money, 'to lay out,* ' invest ;' hence of time, 'to spend.' On the tense of 'ponas' and proficiscare,' with a fuiure signification, see Madv. 378 a, Obs. 3; and for the mood, lb. 356. Ita, 'on account of my uncertainty where you are.' Neque Achaicis . . neque Epiroti- cis, 'neither to residents in Achaia nor to residents in Epirus,' who would be the most obvious letter carriers to those countries. 5. Sunt autem . . . nostris, 'affairs have, however, happened since your depar- ture from me, important enough to form the subject of one of my letters to you.' 7. Interire, 'be lost or destroyed.' Possint. The subject of this is in con- struction the 'res,' but in reality the 'lit- terae.' 8. Primum . . . rogatum. Cicero had probably been used to be asked his opinion first in the senate during the consuLship of Silanus and Murena, 62 b.c, and was now ve.xed because the consul Piso gave prece- dence to a relative, C. Calpurnius Piso. The latter had been consul in 67 b c, and had afterwards governed Gallia Narbonensis (cp. Ep. I, 2, note), still barely pacified after a revolt of the Allohroges. ' Civitas male pa- cata,' are words Cicero uses of the district. In Cat. 3 9. 22. If Piso's colleague Mes- sall.i was present as is probable (see the end of this section) Piso probably presided as having been returned first at the election. This case would then shew that a plebeian consul might preside even if his colleague were a patrician. Cp. Manut. ad loc. 9. Pacificatorem, a rare word, appar- ently. Ad murmurante senatu, 'amidst hostile murmurs from the senate.' Forcell. says of the verb 'admurmuro,' 'in utramque partem accipitur.' Cp. in Pis. 14, 31. 10. Neque me invito, 'yet without reluctance on my part.' On the omission of an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt, L. G. 781. Ab observando . . . perverso, 'from paying attention to a perverse man,' i.e. the consul Piso. 11. Ad dignitatem . . . solutus, 'at liberty to maintain a dignified political posi- tion, even if he (Piso) does not wi^h it.' 13 Principis.sc' loci,' 'of the first place.' Et . . . devinctam, foil., 'while it leaves one's feelings free from any excessive sense of obligation,' EP. 6.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM I. 13. 43 non nimis dcvinctam beneficio consulis. Tertius est Catulus, quartus, si etiain hoc quaeris, Hortensius. Consul autem ipse parvo animo et pravo, tantum cavillator genere illo moroso, quod etiam sine dicacitate ridetur, facie magis quam facetiis ridiculus, nihil agens cum re publica, seiunctus ab optimatibus, a quo nihil 5 speres boni rei publicae, quia non volt, nihil [speres] mali, quia non audet. Eius autem collega et in me perhonorificus et partium 3 studiosus ac defensor bonarum. Qui nunc leviter inter se dis- sident ; sed vereor ne hoc, quod infectum est, serpat longius : credo enim te audisse, cum apud Caesarem pro populo fieret vcnisse eo 10 I. Beneficio consulis, 'arising from a compliment paid by the consul.' Q^ Lutatiiis Catulus was perhaps the most upright and consistent member of the Roman aristocracy. He had taken an active part in resisting the seditious movement of Lepidus in 78 b c, and afterwards opposed the proposals made by A. G.ibinius and C. Manilius, for investing Ponipey with extra- ordinary powers in the East. He voted f >r the execution ofLentulus and his associates, in the debate of Dec. 5, 63 b c. See, fur notices of him, Pro Leg. Man. 20 and 21; Epp. 13, 4; 96, I. He seems to have died 6o b.c. I. Q. Hortensius, consul 69 B.C., was the leading orator at Rome before Cicero attained that position. He was a decided supporter of the optimates, and defended Verres. He incurred Cicero's suspicions after- wards, about the time of the latter's exile ; but the two orators were presently recon- ciled, and lived on good terms till Hortensius' death in 50 B.C. See the Orations against Verres, passim; Epp. 7, 5; 8, 2-4; 14. i ; 21, 3; 42, 2. It was usual for the magistrate who presided in the senate, to ask the opi- nions (i) of the consuls elect (this would only apply to the later months of the year), (2) of the princeps senatus, (3) of any other consular whom he might choose. The order adopted at the beginning of the year was generally prestrved throughout it. Cp. Ep. 96, I, note; Philipp. 5. 13, 55; Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 1020. 3. Cavillator = (T/fa;7rT7;y, 'a scoffer:' apparently here only in Cicero. Genere illo moroso, 'of the (well- known) perverse kind.' On the ablative (' qualitatis'), see M.idv. 272. Cicero ex- presses a different opinion about Piso else- where. Cp. Pro Plancio 5, 12. 4. Dicacitate, 'wit.' 'Dicta' seem to have been distinguished from ' facetiae ; ' in the former the point lay in the expression, in the latter in the substance. Cp. Cic. de Orat. 2. 60, 243, and 2. 66, 264. Facie, 'by his grimaces.' 5. Nihil agens cum re publica, 'not busying himself about the State's interest,' 'not taking any part in politics.' It is an unusual expression, but may be explained by supposing the 'res publica' to be person .fied. Bo.t. 7. Collega. iVI. Valerius Messalla Niger. See the next letter, § 6. Partium . . bonarum. For the order of words, see Madv. 466 ; 467 : and for the difference of 'et' and ' ac,' ibid. 433. Studiosus seems to be used as a substantive, ' a partisan.' Cp. Ep. 8, 8. 9. Sed, 'but,' i.e. in spite of Messalla's energy. Hoc quod infectum est. 'this disorder,' or 'contagion.' Matth. supposes Cicero to fear lest Messalla should be corrupted by his colleague. Or is he afraid lest the dispute of the consuls should be aggravated by dif- ference of opinion as to the affair of Clodius? This would explain 'enim' below. Prof. Tyrrell explains ' sed ' ' (to this I am in- different) but I am afraid the contagion of these bad feelings towards each other will spread ; ' Mr. Pretor, ' in spite of my satis- faction at their rupture.' 10. Cum . . . fieret, ' when sacrifice was bein" offered' to the Bona Dea. The house o of one of the consuls or praetors was chosen for the performance of this rite, and only women could lawfully be present. Caesar was now one of the praetors, and pontifex maximus. The time of the sacrifice is doubtful. According to Ovid (Fasti 5. 148), it took place in the spring ; but Asconius (in Miloiiian. I5^>) speaks of Clodius as 'quaestor designatus ' at the time, which would fix the date in one of the later months of the year, elections generally taking place in sunniier. Cicero's letters are hardly to 44 M, TULLII CIC FRONTS [part I. muliebri vestitu virum, idque sacrificium cum virgines instaur- assent, mentionem a Q. Cornificio in senatu factam — is fuit princeps, ne tu forte aliquem nostrum putes — ; postea rem ex senatus consult© [ad virgines atque] ad pontifices relatam idque 6 ab iis nefas esse decretum ; deinde ex senatus consult© consoles rogationem promulgasse ; uxori Caesarem nuntium remisisse. In hac causa Piso amicitia P, Clodii ductus operam dat ut ea rogatio, quam ipse fert et fert ex senatus consult© et de reli- gi©ne, antiquetur : Messalla vehementer adhuc agit severe. Boni 10 viri precibus Clodii removentur a causa; operae comparantur ; n©smet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a principi© fuissemus, qu©tidie demiti- gamur ; instat et urget Cat©. Quid multa ? vere©r ne haec, neglecta a b©nis, defensa ab improbis, magn©rum rei publicae mal©rum causa sit. Tuus autem ille amicus — scin quern dicam ? — 4 be quoted for either view, as he supposes Atticus to hive heard of the affair already. 1. Instaurassent, 'had resumed' on another day. 2. A Q. Cornificio: cp. Ep. I, I, note. He was probably of praetorian rank; Tyrrell, Pretor. 3. Princeps, 'the first to take notice of the affair." A reproach against the more eminent senators, especially against the con- sulars, ' nostrum.' Ne tu . . . putes. An ellipse for 'hoc dico ne.' 4. Idque . . decretum, 'they decreed that the occurrence was an offence against religion.' For the gender of ' id,' referring to a sentence, see Madv. 312 b, 315 b. 6. Rogationem. This proposal prob- ably was that an enquiry should be made about the transaction. Corradus ap. Boot. A special law was needed for the trial of Clodius because apparently no statute pro- vided a penalty for the offence of which he had been guilty. Cp. Ferrat. Ep. 2, 9, 106; ap. Drumann 2. 207. Uxori. To Pompeia, daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus. Her mother was a daughter of Sulla ; her paternal grandfather had been Sulla's colleagi;e in his first consulship, 88 BC. Nuntium remisisse, 'has sent notice of divorce.' For the phrase, cp. De Orat. I. 40, 183 ; Topica, 4. An equivalent ex- pression seems to have been ' repudium re- nuntiare,' cp. Ter. Phorm. Act. 4. Sc. 3, 72. On the force of re- in ' remittere ' cp. Epp. 92, I ; 98. 1, notes. It appears that at Rome in Cicero's time either husband or wife could ordinarily procure a dissolution of marriage by simply giving or sending such a notice as that mentioned in the text. Cp. Ad Fam. 8. 7, 1. A common form seems to have been ' tuas res tibi habeto,' cp. Cic. Philipp. 2. 28, 69 : and on the whole sub- ject. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. art. ' Divortium,' 418 ; Rein, Privatrecht, 445-457. 7. P. Clodii. For an account of this demagogue, see Intr. to Part I, §§ 13 ; 14; 19-23- 8. Q.uam ipse fert. Id est cuius lator futurus est nam rogationi ferendae nondum dies venerat. Manut. 9. Adhuc. This word, perhaps, conveys a suspicion as to Messalla's firmness. 10. Removentur a causa, 'are being induced to take no part in the matter.' Boni viri, according to Boot, is here = optimates. Operae, 'bands of men hired to shout and riot.' Cp. Philipp. 1.9, 22. 11. Nosmet . . . fuissemus, ' I myself, though I had been rigorous enough at first ' For the conj. 'fuissemus,' expressing an op- position to the leading proposition, see Madv. 366, Obs. 3. Lycurgei. A reference, either to the Spartan lawgiver, or, as Billerb. thinks, to an Athenian statesman, contemporary with Demosthenes. Cp. Brut. 34, 130. Demitigamur, 'feel my anger diminish- ing.' The word seems only to occur here. 12. Cato. M. Porcius, tribune for 63-62 B.C. For notices of him, see Intr. to Parts I, §§ii ; 15; II, §8; III, §10; IV, § 10. Haec, 'this outrage.' On the sing, sit cp. Madv. 216. 14. Amicus, Pompey. With the account here given of him, cp. ' solet aliud sentire et EP. 6.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM I \^. 45 de quo tu ad me scripsisti, postea quam non auderet reprehcndere laudare coepisse, nos, ut ostendit, admodum diligit, amplectitur, amat, aperte laudat ; occulte, sed ita, ut perspicuum sit, invidet. Nihil come, nihil simplex, nihil iv rots TroAtrtKois- honestum, nihil illustre, nihil forte, nihil liberum. Sed haec ad te scribam alias 5 subtilius ; nam neque adhuc mihi satis nota sunt et huic terrae filio nescio cui committere epistolam tantis de rebus non audeo. 5 Provincias praetores nondum sortiti sunt : res eodem est loci, quo reliquisti. TOTioOeaiav, quam postulas, Miseni et Puteolorum, includam orationi meae. A. d. ill. Non. Decembr. mendose fuisse lo animadverteram. Quae laudas ex orationibus, mihi crede, valde mihi placebant, sed non audebam antea dicere ; nunc vero, quod a te probata sunt, multo mihi aTTiKoorepa videntur. In illam orationem Metellinam addidi quaedam : liber tibi mittetur, 6 quoniam te amor nostri philorhetora reddidit. Novi tibi q\iid- 15 nam scribam ? quid ? etiam. Messalla consul Autronianam loqui, neque tantum valere ingenio ut non appareat quid cupiat' Ad Fam. 8. I, 3; also Ad Att. 4. 9, I. I. De quo . . . scripsisti. 'Quern scripsisti ' would be a more common con- struction, but cp. Madv. 395, Obs. 7 ; also Ad Fam. 10. 20, I 'de te fama constans nee decipi posse iiec vinci ;' also Tusc. Disp. 5. 20, 57, and Kuhner's note. Reprehendere. sc. ' me.' Cp. Ep. 7, 3. 4. Nihil come . . . liberum, ' no courtesy, frankness, political honour, eleva- tion (illustre), energy, generosity.' 6. Subtilius, 'with more precision.' Nam neque . . . et. For the combi- nation of negative and affirmative panicles, see Madv. 458 c. Terrae filio, 'the mean and unknown fellow,' who bears this letter. Cp. ' tuus familiaris sumnio genera natus (iron.) terrae filius' Ad Fam. 7. 9, 3. 8. Provincias . . . sortiti sunt. I cannot find any explanation of the delay in the allotment of the praetorian provinces. Cicero was interested in the matter, because his brother Quintus was one of the praetors for 62 B.C. Cp. ' Asiam Quinto suavissimo fratri obtigisse audisti' Ad Att. I. 15, I. Res eodem . . . reliquisti, ' the mat- ter remains as you left it.' ' Eodem loci pro ibidem ponitur.' Forcell. Cp. ' eodem loci potentiam et concordiam esse' Tac. Ann. 4'4- 9. TOTToOeaiav, 'topographical descrip- tion.' Liddell and Scott. Puteolorum. Drumann, 6, 393, infers from this passage that Cicero already pos- sessed a villa at Puteoli, cp. Appendix, v. 7. 10. Orationi meae. What speech this was does not appear. Siipfle. Prof. Tyrrell can find no example of 'includere' with the dative, meaning 'to insert in,' or, as Mr. Pretor says, 'to enclose in.' Prof Tyrrell suggests ' incudam.' A. d. III. Non . . . animadverteram, ' I had noticed, before you told me, that the date, Dec. 3, was wrong.' I cannot find as to what work Cicero makes this confes- sion. 13. cLTTiKojTfpa. Apparently = ' more classical,' ' more correct,' with an allusion, perhaps, to Atticus' name. I cannot find that the word is used quite in this sense in classical Greek. 14. Metellinam. Against Metellus Ne- pos. Cp. Epp. 4 ; 5, 2. 15. Philorhetora, ' a lover of oratory.' The word seems only to be found here. Novi tibi . . . etiam, 'shall I write you any more news? any? Yes.' Cp. 'aliud quid ? etiam, quando te proficisci istinc putes, f.TC ut sciam ' Ad Att. 2. 6, 2. 16. Autronianam, 'of P. Autronius Paetus.' This man had been elected consul for 65 B.C., but a conviction for bribery had prevented him from holding office, and he subsequently joined Catiline's conspiracy ; was tried and condemned ' de vi,' and went into exile in 62 B.C. 46 AI. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. domum emit HS. CXXXIIII. ' Quid id ad me ? ' inquies. Tantum, quod ea emptione et nos bene emisse iudicati sumus et homines intellegere coeperunt, licere amicorum facultatibus in emendo ad dignitatem aliquam pervenire. Teucris ilia lentum negotium est, 5 sed tamen est in spe. Tu ista confice. A nobis liberiorem epistolam exspecta. VI. Kal. Febr. M. Messalla M. Pisone coss. 7. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. I. 14). Rome, Feb. 13, 61 b.c. (693 a.u.c) I. I have already told you how Pompey's first speech after his return satisfied nobody. He was afterwards asked in public what he thought of the senate's provision for the trial of Clodius, 2. and answered by dwelling at some length upon his respect for the senate. He renewed his declaration a few days later in that body, and 3. was followed by Crassus, who spoke in the highest terms of my services ; rather, I thought, to Pompey's annoyance. 4. I then rose, and enlarged on the satisfactory position of affairs brought about by the union of parties 5. The senate's energy and firmness have been admirable. When some young nobles and their dependents had riotously inter- rupted the proceedings against Clodius in the assembly, the senate, by an overwhelm- ing majority, instriicted the consuls to urge upon the people the acceptance of the bill providing for his trial. 6. All the magistrates, except the consul Piso and the tribune Fufius, are behaving very well ; and Piso's sloth makes him the less dangerous 7. Teu- cris has fulfilled her promise. My brother Quintus is anxious to buy a new house. I should be glad to see you reconciled to Lucceius. Let me hear what you are doing, and how affairs stand in Epirus. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Vereor ne putidum sit scribere ad te, quam sim occupatus, i 1. HS. cxxxnn = ' centies tricies quad- ringentis,' or 13,400.000 sesterces, between ^110, coo and £120.000 accortJing to vari- ous estimates. The sum seems enormous, as compared with 3,500,000 sesterces which Cicero had paid for his house. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 6. 2. 2. Bene, ' cheaply.' Homines intellegere . . pervenire. These words probably mean, ' men begin to see that there is no discredit in borrowing from one's friend to buy a house suited to one's aspirations.' It is implied that Mes- salla's house was bought in part with bor- rowed money. 4. Teucris. Many suppose C Antonius, Cicero's colleague, to be meant. But another suggestion is, that Cicero refers to a rich woman from whom he had borrowed money. Mr. Pretor's note on Ad Att. I. 12, induces me to look with more favour than I did previously on the identificatifin of ' Teucris' with C. Antonius. A passage in Persius (l. 4.) may be quoted in illustration of the use of such a term for an effeminate Roman. Negotium, 'creature.' Cp. 'varium et mutabile semper Femina ' Virg. Aen. 4. 569, and the Greek \pTiyLa. 5. Est in spe, 'there is hope that she will fulfil her promise.' The sentence is elliptical. For the phrase ' in spe esse,' cp. Ep. 19, 4: Ad Att. 8. II D, 8. Tu ista confice: cp. ' tu mandata effice quae recepisti,' § 7 of the next letter, I cannot explain the allusion in either letter, but, from the context in both passages, it seems likely that Cicero is referring to his transactions with Teucris. Manutius, how- ever, believes that in this passage Cicero is urging Atticus to get in the money owing him as soon as possible, that he may return to Rome the sooner. 7. Putidum, 'formal,' hence 'in bad taste.' Cp.'nolo exprimi litteras putidiusnolo obscurari neglegentius ' De Oral. 3. 11, 4I. EP. 7.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC U3I I 14. 47 sed tamen distinebar, ut huic vix tantulae epistolae tempus habuerim atquc id ereptum e summis occupationibus. Prima contio Pompeii qualis fuissct, scripsi ad te antea : noii iucunda miseris, inanis improbis, beatis non grata, bonis non gravis ; itaque frigebat. Tum Pisonis consulis impulsu levissimus tri- 5 bunus pi. Fufius in contionem producit Pompeium — res agebatur in circo Flaminio et erat in eo ipso loco illo die nundinarum TtavriyvpL'i — ; quaesivit ex eo, placeretne ei indices a praetore legi, quo consilio idem praetor uteretur : id autem erat de Clodiana 2 religione ab senatu constitutum. Tum Pompeius iiaX' apia-TOKpa- 10 TiKwj locutus est senatusque auctoritatem sibi omnibus in rebus maximi videri semperque visam esse respondit et id multis verbis. Postea Messalla consul in senatu de Pompeio quaesivit, quid de religione et de promulgata rogatione sentiret : locutus 1. Distinebar, 'I am so busy.' Cp. Ep. I, 1, p. 26, note, for the tense, and 'quanta occupatione distinear' Ad Att. 2. 23, I, for the meaning. ' Ita ' before 'dis- tinebar ' would bring the passage more into accordance with usage. 2. Prima contio Pompeii. Pompey's first speech after his return from Asia. 3. Scripsi. In a letter now lost; per- haps the ' liberior epistola ' promised at the close of the last. 4 Miseris, 'to the poor;' improbis, 'to the democrats;' beatis, 'to the wealthy; ' bonis, ' to the well disposed or optimates.' See Mommsen, E. T. 4. I, 194. 5. Frigebat, ' was coldly received.' The word is used of a flute-player, Brut. 50, 187 ; and see Niigelsb. 134, 388. Tum, 'subsequently.' 6. Fufius. Q. Calenus. See Ep. il, i, note. In contionem producit Pompeium, ' brings Pompey forward to address the peo- ple,' or perhaps ' causes Pompey to mount the rostra.' A Roman could cnly address a meeting of the people with the leave of a magistrate who had the power of convening it. ' Contio' was an assembly of the people for discussion, not for voting, and apparently, could be convened anywhere in or near Rome. See Smith, Diet, of Antiq. 348. 7. In circo Flaminio. This was in the Campus Martins, and so Pompey did not lose his imperium and his claim to a triumph by attending the meeting, as he would have done by entering the city. See Ep. 5, 4, note, and note E. Nundinarum iravfiyvpis, 'a solemn assembly— on market-day.' There is some irony in applying the term Travi'jjvpts to a concourse on such an ordinary occasion. The ' nundinae ' were always 'dies fasti' fur plebeians, and, after some time, became so for patricians also. Cp. Smith's Diction- ary of Antiquities, sub voc, pp. 815. S16. lulius Caesar (ap. Macrob. Sat. i. 16, 29) ' negat nundinis contionem advocari posse ; ' but this passage seems to contradict his statement. Cp. Lange, Riim. Alt. 2. 100. 8. Ex eo. sc. 'Pompeio.' Indices . . . legi. Usually the judges were chosen by lot, for a particular trial, from the whole list, or ' album iudicum : ' but, if corruption was to be apprehended, it was sometimes desired that they should be specially appointed by a consul or prae- tor. Cp. Pro Muren. 23, 47 ; Pro Milone 8, 21. 9. Quo consilio . . uteretur, 'whom the said praetor should employ at his coun cil." § 5 of the next letter Id autem erat . . constitutum, 'that, you must know, was the proposal of the senate as to the sacrilege of Clodius.' 'Autem' simply continues the narrative. See Madv. 437 b. For this sense of ' re- ligio,' cp. Philipp. I. 6, 13. 10. ixd\' dpiaroKpar iKuJs locutus est, ' held the language of a thorough aristo- crat.' 13. De Pompeio, 'o/Pompey.' 14. De promulgata rogatione, 'about the proposal which had been made for the trial of Clodius.' See the last words of the previous section. Locutus ita est . . ut, foil. A pleon- asm. Cp. Madv. 481 b. On the meaning of ' consiUum,' see on 48 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. ita est in senatu, ut omnia illius ordinis consulta yez-cKcS? lau- daret, mihique, ut adsedit, dixit se putare satis ab se etiam de istis rebus esse responsum. Crassus postea quam vidit ilium 3 excepisse laudem ex eo, quod suspicarentur homines ei consul- 5 atum meum placere, surrexit ornatissimeque de meo consulatu locutus est, ut ita diceret, se, quod esset senator, quod civis, quod liber, quod viveret, mihi acceptum referre ; quotiens con- iugem, quotiens domum, quotiens patriam videret, totiens se beneficium meum videre. Quid multa? totum hunc locum, 10 quern ego varie meis orationibus, quarum tu Aristarchus es, soleo pingere, de flamma, de ferro — nosti illas \r]Kvdovs — , valde graviter pertexuit. Proximus Pompeio sedebam : intellexi homi- nem moveri, utrum Crassum inire eam gratiam, quam ipse prae- termisisset, an esse tantas res nostras, quae tarn libenti senatu 15 laudarentur, ab eo praesertim, qui mihi laudem illam eo minus deberet, quod meis omnibus litteris in Pompeiana laude per- I. -yeviKws, ^ in general terms.' Schiitz, Billerb., Matih. But Orell. and Metzger render ' without exception.' The first meai'int< seems most probable, for Pompey wi>hed not to break wilh any party, which he would have done by unreserved approval of the senate's measures. 3. De istis rebus. Boot thinks the actual words of Pompey are quoted, who might Jay, on resuming his seat, ' satis a me de islis rebus responsum puto.' If the words are Cicero's, they may mean either ' on the two points upon which Messalla questioned him,' or 'on the affairs you (Atticus) know about,' i. e. my proceedings as consul. Crassus. M. Licinius, afterwards trium- vir. For notices of him, see Introd. to Part I, §§ 5: 16. Ilium excepisse . . placere, 'that Pompey had won praise, because n\tn fa?icied he approved of my consular measures.' Boot remarks on 'excipere,' that it is said, ' de rebus quae forte offeruntur. Minus aliquanto est quam accipere.' 6. Ut . . . diceret = ' saying,' explains ' ornatissime.' 'Ita' is used pleonastically and refers to what follows. Cp. Ep. lOO, i ; Zumpt, L. G. 748. 8. Patriam, ' his own city.' Cp. Ep. 47, I, note. 9. Quid multa? sc. ' dicam,' 'enough,' See Madv. 4:9 d, Obs. I. 10. Aristarchus. A critic of proverbial severity. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 450 ; Cic. in Pis. 30, 73. He lived at Alexandria, about the middle of the S'..cond century before Christ. II. Pingere, 'to embellish.' Translate est ornare. Forcell. Cp. Ep. 25, 3. XrjKvOovs. Literally, ' oil flasks.' For- cell, Liddcll and Scott, Matth., and Boot, think it has the same meaning as 'ampul- lae' in Hor. A. P. 97, 'swelling phrases.' Manutius thinks it means 'paint pots' = ' familiar rhetorical passages.' Cp. ' pingere' above, and 'pigmenta' Ep. 9, I, note. For examples of such passages, cp. In Cat. pas- sim ; Pro Muren. 39, 85. Mr. Jeans renders ' paillettes ' = ' spangles ; ' both he and Pro- fessor Tyrrell deny that the word is here equivalent to 'ampullae.' Prof. Tyrrell thinks that it means ' flasks for holding pigments.' Valde graviter pertexuit, 'narrated with much dignity.' Cp. Lucret. 6. 42, ' inceptum pergam pertexere dictis.' 13. Moveri =' moleste ferre.' On the infin. after such verbs, see Madv. 397. Utrum. . praetermisisset, an, ' pos- sibly at Crassus' establishing a claim for gratitude which he had failed to secure ; pos- sibly—' 16. Meis omnibus litteris, 'in all my literary efforts.' Cp. ' te neque illos (versus) neque ullas omnino litteras nosse' Phiiipp. 2.8,20; and for the abl., Madv. 253. Prof. Tyrrell denies the sense which I have given to • litteris.' and reads ' meis orationibus, om- nibus litteris,' taking the last two words to mean ' in every letter of the words I spoke.' On the plural sense of ' litterae,' cp. Ep. 79.3- In Pompeiana . . esset, 'had had his praises curtailed,' ' had been censured, that EP. 7.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM I. 14. 49 4 strictus esset. Hie dies me valde Crasso adiunxit, et tamen ab illo aperte tecte quicquid est datum libenter accepi. Ego autem ipse, di boni ! quo modo eyeTrepTTepevaajuryy novo auditor! Pompeio ! si umquam mihi TreptoSot, si Kap-noL, si h-dvixruxara, si KaTaaKcval suppeditaveruiit, illo tempore. Quid multa ? clamores. 5 Etenim liaec erat v-noOecns : de gravitate ordinis, de equestri Concordia, de consensione Italiae, de intermortuis reliquiis con- iurationis, de vilitate, de otio. Nosti iam in hac materia sonitus nostros : tanti fuerunt, ut ego eo brevior sim, quod eos 5 usque istinc exauditos putem. Romanae autem se res sic 10 habent : senatus "Apetos Trdyos. Nihil constantius, nihil severius, nihil fortius : nam cum dies venisset rogationi ex senatus con- sulto ferendae, concursabant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille grex Catilinae, duce filiola Curionis, et populum, ut antiquaret, roga- Pompey might be praised.' e.g. Cicero had praised Pompey as the conqueror of Sparta- cus, whose insurrection had been suppressed almost entirely by Crassus. Cp. Pro Leg. Man. II, 30. 2. Ab illo. Pompeio. Aperte tecte, 'whether directly or in- directly.' Boot. Matth. 3. iViirip-mpivaonirjv, 'sounded my own praises.' Epictetus uses the verb, but it is not found in classical Greek. Novo auditori. Pompey had only re- cently returned from Asia. See above § i, note, and Manut. 4. -rrepioSot, ' well-turned periods.' Cp. Arist. Rhet. 3. 9 ; Cic. Orat. 61, 204. KapTToi. I cannot explain this word in such a connection, but it is apparently the reading of the best MS. Kafiirai, which has been suggested, might mean ' transitions,' and occurs in Demet. Phal. ap. L. and S. (v6vfj,rjiJ.aTa, 'conclusions from contra- ries,' 'antitheses.' Cp. Cic. Top. 13, 55, and for illustration. Pro Milon. 29, 79, quoted by Quintilian, Inst. Or. 5. 14, 2. 5. KaTaffKevai, 'figures.' Mr. Pretor quotes Gronovius for the sense ' figurae elo- cutionis' and Ernesti for the sense ' construc- tive arguments,' confirmationes. See also Liddell and Scott, sub voc. Especially confirmation of what has gone before. Cp. Quintil. Inst. Or. 2. 4. Boot, quoting from J. C. T. Ernesti, says that the two first words refer to style, the two last to modes of proof. Illo tempore, sc. ' suppeditarunt.' Clamores, sc. ' secuti sunt,' ' cheers fol- lowed.' 6. vTTo Oeais, 'my subject,' = ' argu- mentum.' Cic. Top. 21, 79. De gravitate ordinis, ' about the dig- nified conduct of our [the senatorian] order,' which it had pursued in punishing Catiline's accomplices. 7. Intermortuis reliquiis. These words seem to refer to the surviving accom- plices of Catiline, who were for the present harmless. ' Intermortuus ' is a term used in cases of suspended animation or activity. Cp. Pro Muren. 7, 16. 8. Vilitate, 'the cheapness of provi- sions,' supposed to have resulted from Pom- pey's appointment as praefectus annonae, which had been made at Cicero's suggestion, in 63 B.C. In hac materia, 'on this topic' 9. Sonitus nostros, 'my thunders.' 10. Usque istinc, 'even from Epirus, where you are.' 11. ■'A petos IT ay OS, ' a. true Areopagus.' Cp. dpfiOTTayiTat, used ironically in § 5 of the next letter, and Ep. 28, 4. The high character of the Areopagus at Athens was proverbial, and is much dwelt upon in the Eumenides of Aeschylus. 13. Barbatuli, 'with small, delicate beards.' Cp. ' bene barbatos ' In Cat. 2. 10, 22. To wear such a beard after coming of age was a mark of foppishness. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq., sub voc. Barba, 197. 14. Filiola Curionis. TheyoungerCurio, notorious for his debauchery. Cp. Ep. II, I ; Philipp. 2. 18, 44. For an account of his subsequent career, see note on Ep. 30, and Intr. to Part II, § 26, and to Part III, §9- E 50 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part I. bant ; Piso autem consul, lator rogationis, idem erat dissuasor. Operae Clodianae pontes occuparant ; tabellae ministrabantur ita, ut nulla daretur VTI ROGAS. Hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, convitium Pisoni consuli mirificum facit, si id est convitium, 5 vox plena gravitatis, plena auctoritatis, plena denique salutis ; accedit eodeni etiam noster Hortensius, multi praeterea boni ; insignis vero opera Favonii fuit. Hoc concursu optimatium comitia dimittuntur ; senatus vocatur. Cum decerneretur fre- quenti senatu, contra pugnante Pisone, ad pedes omnium singil- lo latim accidente Clodio, ut consules populum cohortarentur ad rogationem accipiendam, homines ad quindecim Curioni nullum senatus consultum facienti adsenserunt ; ex altera parte facile CCCC. fuerunt. Acta res est. Fufius tribunus tum concessit. Clodius contiones miseras habebat, in quibus Lucullum, Horten- 15 slum, C. Pisonem, Messallam consultm contumeliose laedebat; me tantum ' comperisse omnia ' criminabatur. Senatus et de 2. Operae Clodianae: see § 3 of the preceding letter, and note thereon. Pontes. Narrow passages leading to and from the enclosures ('saepta') in the Campus Martins, where the tribes or centuries assem- bled sepa lately before giving their votes. If the comitia were convoked for legislation, each voter ought to be furnished with two voting tablets (tabellae), one marked V.R. (' uti rogas'), afhrmutive, the otlier A. 'anti- quo'), negative; and he would give his vote by throwing one of these into a basket ('cista') as he passed out of his 'saeptum.' But on the present occasion, owing to intimidation ap- parently, no tablets marked V.R. were sup- plied. See, on the mode of voting, Cic. de Leg. 3. 17, 38; Festus, sub voc. Sexagenarii, (334, Miiller) ; Smith's Diet, of Antiq., sub voce. Comitia 336; Tabella 1090. 3. Tibi. Dativus ethicus. See Madv. 248. 4. Convitium .. facit : cp. Ep. 121, 2. 5^ Salutis, ' of beneficial advice,' 'patriotism.' 7. Favonii. M. Favonius was a deter- mined aristocrat, jealous of Pompey, and a great admirer of Cato. He opposed the triumvirs in 59 B.C.; was aedile in 53 B.C., and probably praetor in 49 B.C. ; served under Pompey in the civil war, and was par- doned by Caesar after the battle of Pharsalus. He did not conspire with Brutus and Cassius against Caesar, but joined them in the war which ensued, and was put to death after the battle of Philippi. He is frequently mentioned in Cicero's letters. See, too. Suet. Oct. 13. II. Curioni. C. Scribonius Curio, father of the young man mentioned above, is pro- bably here referred to, for his son can hardly have been of senatorial age. The father was consul in 76 B.C. ; he afterwards governed Macedonia, and won victories over the Dar- dani. He generally supported the optimates, and his defence of Clodius on this occasion may have been dictated by hostility to Caesar, who had received a grievous wrong from Clodius. Cicero delivered a speech about this time, ' In Clodium et Curionem,' of which portions are extant. Curio died in 53 B.C. Nullum senatus consultum facienti, ' who suggested that no decree of the senate should be made.' 13. Acta res est, ' the affair was settled.' Concessit, 'yielded,' did not press his opposition.' 14. Lucullum. L. Lucullus, the famous general, is probably meant : on whom cp. Ep. I, 3, note, and Pro Milon. 27, 73. 15. Pisonem : see the preceding letter, § 2, and note. 16. Comperisse omnia. Cicero seems often to have used this expression about the information he had procured as to Catiline's conspiracy, instead of publishing his proofs, and to have given offence thereby. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 5, 2. De provinciis praetorum : cp. § 5 of the preceding letter, and note. EP. 7.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM I. 14. 51 provinciis praetorum et de legationibus et de ceteris rebus decer- nebat, ut ante, quam rogatio lata esset, ne quid ageretur. Habes 6 res Romanas. Sed tamen etiam illud, quod non speraram, audi : Messalla consul est egregius, fortis, constans, diligens, nostri laudator, amator, imitator ; ille alter uno vitio minus vitiosus, 5 quod iners, quod somni plenus, quod imperitus, quod airpaKTo- TUTos, sed voluntate ita KaxeKrrjs, ut Pompeium post illam con- tionem, in qua ab eo senatus laudatus est, odisse coeperit ; itaque mirum in modum omnes a se bonos alienavit, neque id magis amicitia Clodii adductus fecit quam studio perditarum 10 rerum atque partium. Sed habet sui similem in magistratibus praeter Fufium neminem. Bonis utimur tribunis pi., Cornuto - 7 vero Pseudocatone. Quid quaeris? Nunc ut ad privata redeam, TevKpts promissa patravit. Tu mandata effice, quae recepisti. O. frater, qui Argiletani aedificii reliquum dodrantem emit 15 HS. DCCXXV., Tusculanum venditat, ut, si possit, emat, Pacilia- nam domum. Cum Lucceio in gratiam redi : video hominem valde 1. Legationibus. In this passage, embassies to and from foreign states are probably referred to ; they were usually received and appointed in February. Cp. Ad Att. I. 18, 7 ; Ad Fam. i. 4, i. 2. Ut . . ne : see Madv. 456, for this combination. Habes res Romanas, 'there is an ac- count of Roman affairs for you.' See note on § 6 of the next letter. 3. Illud, 'this,' referring to what fol- lows. See Ep. 5, 9, note. 5. Uno . . vitiosus, 'has one fault which cancels some of the rest ; he is lazy.' 6. aTtpaKToraros, 'most indolent.' 7. Kaxe/CTTjs, 'ill-affected.' Originally a medical term. Cp. Polyb. i. 68. Contionem: see the second section of this letter. 12. Cornuto. C. Cornutus was praetor in 57 B.C. Cp. Post Red. in Sen. 9. 23. 13. Pseudocatone. Does this word mean * a second Cato,' or ' a sham Cato ? ' Perhaps the second version is nearest to Cicero's meaning. Quid quaeris? 'enough.' The expres- sion seems to be borrowed from conversa- tion, and to be suggested by surprise ex- hibited on the face of the person with whom one is talking. Cp. also Ep. 8, 4, note. 14. Tevicpis . . recepisti : see on § 6 of the preceding letter. E 15. Argiletani. The Argiletum seems to have been near the Forum lulium, north of the Forum Romanum. See Smiih's Diet, of Geogr. 2. 79^, and cp. Virg. Aen. 8. 345- Reliquum dodrantem. Q. Cicero was previously owner of one quarter of the house, and seems to have bought up the shares of the other joint owners. See, for the use of 'dodrans' and similar words, Madv. Suppl. II, B. 2. 16. Venditat, ' offers for sale.' Forcell., and cp. Pliny Ep. I. 24. Pacilianam domum. I can find no explanation of this allusion. 17. Lucceio. L. Lucceius was a man of eminent literary attainments and great wealth. He coalesced with Caesar at the election of consuls for 59 B.C., but failed to secure his own election. He then seems to have devoted himself to literature, and Cicero wrote him a remarkable letter, ask- ing for a flattering description of his own services. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 12. The quarrel between Atticus and Lucceius seems to have been partly caused by Lucceius, as arbitrator, giving his decision against Atticus in some affair. Cp. Ad Att. I. II, I. That letter, however, was written six years previously, and Wesenb. agrees with Madv. (Adv. Crit. 2. 234") in proposing to substitute 'redii' for ' redi,' arguing that Cicero is more likely to inform Atticus of a reconciliation between 52 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. petiturire, Navabo operam. Tu, quid agas, ubi sis, cuius modi istae res sint, fac me quam diligentissime certiorem. Idibus Febr. 8. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. I. i6). Rome, June or July, (?) 6i b.c. (693 a.u.c.) 1. I will explain to you my comparative inactivity of late, and the result ofClodius' trial. As long as there was any hope of success, I exerted myself to the uttermost ; 2. but when Hortensius had made his fatal concession as to the appointment of the judges, I withdrew, not sharing his confidence as to the result. 3. Yet, even after the challenge of the judges, which went very much in favour of the accused, 4. in all the earlier stages of the trial everything looked promising for the prosecution ; and, when I appeared to give evidence, I had a most flattering reception from the judges. 5. How- ever, bribery and corruption of the most atrocious kind secured a slight majority for an acquittal. 6. This has been a heavy blow to the commonwealth, 7. but I am glad to say that bad citizens do not exult so much in their victory as one might have expected. 8. I have exerted myself to reassure the senate and all well-disposed citizens, and have attacked the corrupt judges, the consul Piso, and Clodiiis. 9. I said, on May 15, that the acijuittal ofClodius only reserved him for heavier punishment, and (10.) completely silenced him in a lively altercation which followed my speech. 11. On the whole, I think my position is as good as ever in the regard of the well disposed, while my un- popularity with the populace has diminished, and I evidently enjoy Pompey's esteem in a high degree. 12. We look forward with much interest to the consular comitia. Pompey is actively supporting Afranius, and systematic corruption is feared. Special measures are being taken against it. 13. The election of Afranius would throw dis- credit on the consulship. 14. I regret that you will not attend Quintus in Asia, 15. am content with the inscriptions in your Amaltheum, 16. and have written to thank C. Antonius for his services to you. 17. I will attend to the affairs of Cincius. 18. Let me know all about your Amaltheum. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Ouaeris ex me, quid accident de iudicio, quod tarn praeter i 5 opinionem omnium factum sit, et simul vis scire, quo modo ego minus, quam soleam, proeliatus sim : respondebo tibi wrepoy himself and Lucceius, both being at Rome, than to exhort Atticus, who was absent, to be reconciled t j Lucceius. I hardly think we are sufficiently acquainted with the circum- stances to justify adoption of the suggestion. Homiuem. Instead of a pronoun. It expresses no contempt, and is used of Pom- pey in the third section of this letter. 1. Petiturire, 'is very anxious to be a candidate' tor the consulship, probably. Cp. Ad Att. I. 17, II ; Ad Fam. 5. 12-15, for notices of L. Lucceius. 2. Istae res, 'the affairs you are en- gaged in.' Cp. Ep. 6, I, notes, for an ac- count of them. 4. De iudicio, 'in the matter of Clo- dius' trial.' Quod . . factum sit, ' that it has ended in a way so contrary to general expectation.' The conjunctive is used be- cause the sentence is a question quoted from Atticus. See Ep. 6, 1, note. 6. Minus . . proeliatus sim, 'took less part in the struggle than usual.' Appa- rently the word is only here used metaphor- ically, and Boot thinks it is adopted from Atticus' own letter. vffTepov TTporepov = ' ordine prae- postero,' ' I will answer your last question first.' EP. 8.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC CM I. i6. 5^ irpoTepov, 'Oixiiplk5)s. Ego enim, quam diu senatus auctoritas mihi defendenda fuit, sic acriter et vehementer proeliatus sum, ut clamor concursusque maxima cum mea laude fierent : quod si tibi umquam sum visus in re publica fortis, certe me in ilia causa admiratus esses ; cum enim ille ad contiones confugisset 5 in iisque meo nomine ad invidiam uteretur, di immortales ! quas ego pugnas et quantas strages edidi ! quos impetus in Piso- nem, in Curionem, in totam illam manum feci ! quo modo sum insectatus levitatem senum, libidinem iuventutis! saepe, ita me di invent ! te non solum auctorem consiliorum meorum, lo verum etiam spectatorem pugnarum mirificarum desideravi. 2 Postea vero quam Hortensius excogitavit, ut legem de reli- gione Fufius tribunus pi. ferret, in qua nihil aliud a consulari rogatione differebat nisi iudicum genus — in eo autem erant omnia — , pugnavitque ut ita fieret, quod et sibi et aliis persua- 15 serat nullis ilium iudicibus eftugere posse, contraxi vela perspi- ciens inopiam iudicum, neque dixi quicquam pro testimonio, nisi quod erat ita notum atque testatum, ut non possem prae- I. 'OfirjpiKois, ' after the manner of Ho- mer,' who 'in medias res Non secus ac notas auditorem rapit.' Hor. Ars. Poet. 148, 149. Auctoritas. Perhaps the resolution mentioned in the fifth section of the preced- ing letter. 5. Ille : Clodius, Contiones, 'addresses to the populace.* 6. Meo nomine . . uteretur, 'used my name to exasperate the people against me.' See § 5 of the preceding letter. 7. Quas ego . . edidi! 'in what bat- tles I engaged, and how I overthrew my foes.' He keeps up the metaphor of ' proe- liatus sim,* and is probably alluding to de- bates in the senate. Pisonem. The consul of this year. 8. Manum, 'crew.' 9. Levitatem, 'want of principle, worth- lessness.' Cp. Philipp. 2. 31, 77; A. Gell. N. A, 6 (7), II quoted by Mr. Mayor in his note on the passage in the Philippics. In later Latin it meant 'inconstancy.' Prof. Tyrrell remarks that 'senum' refers especially to Piso and Curio the elder; ' iuvenum' espe- cially to Curio the younger. Cp. Ep.7, 5-6. 10. Auctorem, 'as an adviser,' 'suggester.' 13. A consulari rogatione: see § 5 of the preceding letter. 14. Genus, 'mode of appointment.' The consuls had suggested that the praetor who presided at the trial should name the judges (cp. Ep. 7, i), while the tribune Fufius Cale- nus proposed that the usual practice should be followed. The motives of Hortensius in supporting the latter proposal are explained presently. Professor Beesly (Fortnightly Review, June I, 1866) believes that the real question in dispute between Fufius and the senate was, whether the court should be established by a vote of the centuries or of the tribes, and thus, indirectly, whether it should have power to pronounce sentence of death. Cp. Maine, Ancient Law, p 388. But this coijjecture seems needless to me. We learn from the oration Pro Murena 23, 47, that the selection of judges by a magistrate was thought more likely to lead to convictions than their appointment by lot, and this v/ould account for the enemies of Clodius preferring the first way of appointment. In eo . . erant omnia, 'on that every- thing depended.' 15. Ut ita fieret, 'that such a measure should be passed.' 16. Nullis ilium., posse, 'that Clo- dius could not escape, whoever the judges might be.' On the abl., see Ep. i, 2, note. Contraxi vela, 'I reefed my sails,' ' checked myself.' Cicero is fond of nauti- cal metaphors. 17. Inopiam, ' the neediness:' common in this sense in Cicero. 18. Ita notum atque testatum, 'so well 54 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. terire. Itaque, si causam quaeris absolutionis, ut iam Trpo? to TTporepov revertar, egestas iudicum fuit et turpitudo ; id autem ut accideret, commissum est Hortensii consilio, qui, dum veritus est ne Fufius ei legi intercederet, quae ex senatus consulto 5 ferebatur, non vidit illud, satius esse ilium in infamia relinqui ac sordibus quam infirmo iudicio committi ; sed ductus odio pro- peravit rem deducere in indicium, cum ilium plumbeo gladio iugulatum iri tamen diceret. Sed indicium si quaeris quale 3 fueritj incredibili exitn, sic, uti nunc ex eventu ab aliis, a me lo iam ex ipso initio consilium Hortensii reprehendatur. Nam ut reiectio facta est clamoribus maximis, cum accusator tam- quam censor bonus homines nequissumos reiiceret, reus tamquam clemens lanista frugalissumum quemque secerneret, ut primum iudices consederunt, valde diffidere boni coeperunt ; non enim 15 umquam turpior in ludo talario consessus fuit : maculosi sena- tores, nudi equites, tribuni non tam aerati quam, ut appellantur, aerarii ; pauci tamen boni inerant, quos reiectione fugare ille known and attested.' Cp. ' testatam rem abjiciunt,' according to one reading in Pro Miiren. 21, 45, and 'ut quasi testata esset nostra gratia,' Ep. 29, 20. On Cicero's evidence cp. Introduction to Part I, p. 14 and references. 1. Trpos T^ irporepov, 'to your first question.' Cp. vartpov itpurepov p. 52, 1. 6 ; 2. Id autem . . consilio, 'the mistake which made the choice of such judges possi- ble, was owing to the advice of Hortensius.' 5. Satius esse . . sordibus, 'that it was better that Clodius should be left in disgrace and danger' of a trial. ' Sordes' means the mourning worn by persons accused. 7. Plumbeo . . tamen, 'that a leaden sword would be sharp enough to stab him.' For this use of 'tamen' with the corre- sponding particle suppressed cp. ' Cethegus qui paulo antea aliquid tamen respondisset ' In Cat. 3. 5, 10. 8. ludicium, 'the trial.' 9. Incredibili, 'extraordinary,' because the judges shewed such a rigorous disposi- tion at first. For the omission of ' fuit' after ' exitu,' see Madv. 478, 2. Sic, uti nunc . . . reprehendatur. We might express this, 'so much so, that all disapprove tl e advice of Hortensius after the event, as I did before it.' ' Sic ' = ' tale,' cp. Pro Rose. Amer. 30. 84. II. Reiectio, 'challenge.' A larger number of judges than was actually required for the trial was chosen by lot from the whole register or 'album iudicum,' and then reduced by names being struck off by the prosecutor and defendant. Cp. below in this section: also cp. InVerr. Act. 1.6, 16; 10, 30. Facta est. On the tense, see Madv. 3.58b. Clamoribus maxim is, 'amid the loudest outcries.' Perhaps from the friends of both parties. Though Clodius was a favourite with the populace, his anxiety to get rid of upright judges may have disgusted many. On the abl., see Ep. i, 2, note. Accusator. L. Lentulus Crus, consul in 49 B c. He was supported by two other Lentuli. Cp. Schol. Bob. ad Orat. in Clo- dium et Curionem 5, 3. 13. Clemens lanista. A trainer of gladiators, when asked to furnish combatants for a public show, would be glad to reserve his best men for future service, if possible. Prof. Tyrrell thinks that these words refer to the behaviour of a ' lanista ' when buying slaves for service as gladiators, who might show his kindness bypassing over the more respectable. 15. In ludo talario, 'in a gambling house.' Consessus, ' company.' Maculosi, ' under a stigma.' Cp. Tac. Hist. I, 7, 'Capitonem ut avaritia et libidine foedum et maculosum.' It need not reftr to the ' iiota censoria.' 16. Nudi, ' needy,' ' beggared.' Tyrr. Aerati, 'men of property.' 17. Aerarii. This word is here used with EP. 8.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM I. i5. SS non potuerat, qui inaesti inter sui dissimiles et maerentes scde- 4 bant et contagione turpitudinis vehementer permovebantur. Hie, ut quaeque res ad consilium primis postulationibus referebatur, incredibilis erat severitas, nulla varietate sententiarum ; nihil impetrabat reus ; plus accusatori dabatur, quam postulabat ; 5 triumphabat— quid quaeris? — Hortensius se vidisse tantum ; nemo erat qui ilium reum ac non miliens condemnatum arbi- traretur. Me vero teste producto credo te ex acclamatione Clodii advocatorum audisse quae consurrectio iudicum facta sit, ut me circumsteterint, ut aperte iugula sua pro meo capite lo P. Clodio ostentarint : quae mihi res multo honorificentior visa est quam aut ilia, cum iurare tui cives Xenocratem testimonium dicentem prohibuerunt, aut cum tabulas Metelli Numidici, cum eae, ut mos est, circumferrentur, nostri iudices aspicere nolue- a double meaning ; its proper one is ' paj'- masters ' when used with ' tribuni,' to de- scribe one of the three orders of judges; but there seems to be in this case an aUusion to the corruption of the court which tried Clo- dius, Cp. 'nummariis' in § 8. Prof. Tyrrell suggests ' non tani aerarii ut appellantur quam aerati ' (bribed). 2. Contagione turpitudinis, 'their contact with corruption.' 3. Ad consilium. See next page. Primis postulationibus, 'in the first requests' made by the two parties to the judges, e.g. to have witnesses compelled to attend. 6. Triumphabat : metaph. Cp. Ad Fam. 2. 12, 3, and Ep. 66, 2. Quid quaeris? 'enough.' '"Noli quaerere" et "quid quaeris ' sunt formulae quibus utimur cum rem ejusmodi diciuri sumus quae exspectatione major sit, quasi dicamus " ne plura quaeras " "sit hoc satis quod iam dicam."' Forcell. Cp. p. 51, note on 1. 13. Se vidisse tantum, 'that he had shewn such penetration.' 7. Reum, 'a man accused' only. Ac non, 'and not much rather.' See Madv. 458 a, Obs. I. 8. Credo te . . facta sit, 'I think you must have heard how the judges rose after the outcries made by the partisans of Clo- dius.' The natural order of the words would be, ' quae consurrectio iudicum facta sit ex acclamatione.' Mr. Pretor and Mr. Jeans both understand the passage as meaning 'the outcries of the partisans of Clodius must have told you,' and refer in illustration of the hyperbole to Ad Att. i. 14, 4, ad fin. 9. Advocatorum: cp. Ep. 12. 3; Philipp. 1. 7, 16. 10. Ut me circumsteterint. On the mood, see Madv. 356. 12. Iurare, 'to take an oath' when giving his testimony. Tui cives. The Athenians, who had offered Atticus the rights of citizenship amongst them. See Appendix 3, § I. Xenocratem. Xenocrates was a fellow- student of Aristotle. Cp. Diog. Laert. 4, 2-4. Cicero (De Off. i. 30) calls him ' philosophorum severissimum,', and often mentions him in his philosophical works. The incident here referred to is mentioned again by Cicero (Pro Balbo 5, 12). 13. Tabulas, ' his accounts,' which, on a charge of extortion or peculation, would be important documents. Metelli Numidici. Q. Metellus Numi- dicus is more than once mentioned by Cicero, as an example of firmness and high principle. He commanded in the war against Jugurtha, 109-108 b.c, and did good ser- vice, but incurred the hostility of C. Marius, one of his principal ofhcers, and was obliged, during the sixth consulship of Marius, to go into exile, for refusing to take an oath im- posed by the consul on the senate. See Ep, 29, 16. It is doubtful when the occurrence to which Cicero here refers took place. Rein (Criminalrecht 649) says that Metellus was accused by a C Curio after either his praetor- ship, 112 B.C., or his consulship, 109 b c. 14. Circumferrentur, 'were banded round among the judges for inspection.' '^6 o M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. runt ; multo haec, inquam, nostra res maior. Itaque iudicum 5 vocibus, cum ego sic ab iis, ut salus patriae, defenderer, fractus reus et una patroni omnes conciderunt ; ad me autem eadem frequentia postridie convenit, quacum abiens consulatu sum f domum reductus. Clamare praeclari Ariopagitae se non esse venturos nisi praesidio constituto. Refertur ad consilium : una sola sententia praesidium non desideravit. Defertur res ad senatum : gravissime ornatissimeque decernitur ; laudantur iu- dices ; datur negotium magistratibus ; responsurum hominem 10 nemo arbitrabatur. ^cttt^tc pvv ijlol, Movaat., ottttoos brj TTp&rov irvp e[XTT((T€. Nosti Calvum, ex Nanneianis ilium, ilium laudatorem meum, de cuius oratione erga me honorifica ad te scripseram : biduo per unum servum, et eum ex gladiatorio ludo, confecit totum negotium ; arcessivit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit. 15 lam vero — o di boni rem perditam ! — etiam noctes certarum mulierum atque adulescentulorum nobilium introductiones non nullis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fuerunt. Ita summo dis- cessu bonorum, pleno foro servorum, xxv. indices ita fortes tamen fuerunt, ut summo proposito periculo vel perire malu- I. Haec . . nostra res, 'this reception of mine,' 'this incident in my life.' Iudicum vocibus, 'owing to the ex- pressions of the judges : ' abl. caus., see Madv. 255. 3. Conciderunt, 'lost all confidence.' C|i. §§ 9, 10, notes; and Livy 28. 26,omnis ferocia concidit. 4. Frequentia, ' crowd.' Abiens consulatu, 'at the expiration of my consulate.' See Iiitr, to Part I, § II- 5. Ariopagitae, ironical. Cp. rpicxaptio- ■nayiras Ep. 28, 4. 6. Refertur ad consilium, ' the votes of the court are taken.' 'Consilium,' 'gene- rally, ill passages relating to the administra- tion of justice, means the body of judges acting under a praetor in any case. And perhaps that may be its meaning here; the judges, having previously signified their wishes by acclamation, may have declared, them by a formal vote. Boot, however, considers the ' consilium ' to have con- sisted of the praetor's legal advisers, not of the ' indices.' Mr. Tyrrell agrees with Boot. 7. Sententia, ' vote.' 9. Datur negotium magistratibus, ' the protection of the court is entrusted to the magistrates.' Responsurum hominem, 'that Clo- dius would make any defence.' 10. ecrireTe vvv fMOt, k.t.\.: cp. Hom. II. 16. 112, 113. 11. Calvum. M. Crassus is probably meant. A Nanneius, or Nannius, was among the victims of Sulla's proscription, and Cras- sus seems to have bought some of his pro- perty under the name of Calvus. So Manu- tius. Cp. Plut. Crass. 2 and 6, with Q. Cicero De Pet. Cons. 2, 9. Mr. Tyrrell points out how much conjecture there is in this, and suggests that a Greek word gave rise to ' ex Nanneianis.' He adds 'possibly "callidum ilium, ilium laudatorem meum " is wiiat he (Cicero) wrote.' Laudatorem meum : see § 3 of the preceding letter. I3- Ex gladiatorio ludo, i.e. 'not one of the more educated of his class.' 14. Arcessivit ad se, sc. ' iudices.' Intercessit, 'gave security.' Cp.Philipp. 2. 18, 45. 17. Cumulo, ' addition.' Summo dificessu bonorum, 'when the well-disposed spectators had altogether retired.' For this use of the adj., see Na- gelsbach 78 a, 4, p. 213. On the abl., see Ep. I, 2, note on p. 28. 19. Periculo. From the disorderly sup- porters of Clodius. EP. 8.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM I, 16. 57 erint quam perdere omnia : XXXI. fuerunt, quos fames magis quam fama commoverit ; quorum Catulus cum vidisset quendam, ' quid vos ' inquit ' praesidium a nobis postulabatis r an ne nummi 6 vobis eriperentur [timebatis] ?' Habcs, ut brevissime potui, genus iudicii et causam absolutionis. Quaeris deinccps, qui nunc sit 5 status rerum ct qui meus : rei publicae statum ilium, qucm tu meo consilio, ego divino confirmatum putabam, qui bonorum omnium coniunctione et auctoritate consulatus mci fixus et fundatus videbatur, nisi quis nos deus respexerit, elapsum scito esse de manibus uno hoc iudicio, si indicium est, triginta homi- 10 nes populi Romani levissimos ac nequissimos nummulis acceptis ius ac fas omne delere et, quod omnes non modo homines, verum etiam pecudcs factum esse sciant, id Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam et ceteras huius modi quisquilias statuere numquam 7 esse factum. Sed tamen, ut te de re publica consoler, non ita, 15 ut sperarunt mali, tanto imposito rei publicae volnere alacris exsultat improbitas in victoria ; nam plane ita putaverunt, cum religio, cum pudicitia, cum iudiciorum fides, cum senatus auc- toritas concidisset, fore ut aperte victrix nequitia ac libido poenas ab optimo quoque peteret sui doloris, quem improbis- ao 8 simo cuique inusserat severitas consulatus mei. Idem ego ille ■ — non enim mihi videor insolenter gloriari, cum de me apud I. Quos fames . . commoverit, 'who feared famine more than infamy.' 4. Habes, sc. ' expositum.' 'Habere dicitur qui quippiam audiit intellexitque.' Forcell. Cp. Epp. 7, 5 ; 36, 10; 29, 20. Ut brevissime potui, sc. ' exponere.' On the elhpse, see Madv. 479 d. 9. Nisi quis nos deus respexerit: cp. ' nisi idem deus . . respexerit lem pub- lican) ' Ad Att, 7. I, 2. Elapsum . . de manibus: cp. Pro Mur. 39' 8.=;. 10. Uno hoc iudicio. For the abl., see on § 5. Si indicium est . . delere, 'if the overthrow of all law and justice, by thirty worthless men for wretched pelf, deserve the name of a trial.' The words populi Romani are governed by the following superlatives. See Madv. 284. 'The most worthless men ia the whole Roman people.' Boot. 13. Sciant. For the mood, cp. Ep. 5, 8, and note (p. 39) Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam. These seem to be names given in derision to the judges. Orell. Onom. 14 Quisquilias, 'refuse.' Cp. Pro Sest. 43. 94- 15. Non ita . . in victoria, 'the un- scrupulous are not so active and exulting in their triumph as the badly affected had hoped.' 16. Tanto imposito . . . volnere: cp. ' volueribus quae sunt imposita provin- ciae' Ad Att. 5. 17, 6. Improbitas and mali seem to be different designations of the same people = ' the disaffected and dis- orderly.' 18. Fides, ' integrity.' 19. Nequitia ac libido, 'criminal pas- sion.' 20. Poenas . . . doloris. Cp. Ep. 108, I, for the expression in a slightly different sense; also Pro Milone, 13, 35, punitor doloris sui. 21. Inusserat: cp. 'cur hunc dolorem cineri eius atque ossibus inussisti ' In Verr. Act. 2. 1. 44, 113. Idem ego ille, 'I a/^o.' See Madv. 488. 58 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part I. te loquor, in ea praesertim epistola, quam nolo aliis legi — idem, inquam, ego recreavi adflictos animos bonorum, unum . quemque confirmans, excitans ; insectandis vero exagitandisque nummariis iudicibus omnem omnibus studiosis ac fautoribus 5 illius victoriae Trapprjo-Lav eripui, Pisonem consulem nulla in re consistere umquam sum passus, desponsam homini iam Syriam ademi, senatum ad pristinam suam severitatem revocavi atque abiectum excitavi, Clodium praesentem fregi in senatu cum oratione perpetua, plenissima gravitatis, tum altercatione huius lo modi ; ex qua licet pauca degustes — nam cetera non possunt habere neque vim neque venustatem remoto illo studio conten- tionis, quem ayoypa vos appellatis — : nam, ut Idibus Mails in 9 senatum convenimus rogatusque ego sententiam multa dixi de summa re publica^ atque ille locus inductus a me est divinitus, 15 ne una plaga accepta patres conscripci conciderent, ne defice- I. Aliis legi, 'to be read to others.' Boot. Madvig. on Cic. de Fin. I. 4, II, says that the words must mean this, and that the insertion of 'ab' would be required if they were to mean 'read by others.' 3. Confirmans, excitans, ' encourag- ing and arou.sing.' 4. Nummariis, 'corrupt.' Cp. In Verr. Act. 2. 3. 57, 131. Studiosis ac fautoribus : see Ep. 6, 2, note. 5. Trapp-qaiav eripui, 'I deprived of all freedom of speech.' Nulla in re . . sum passus, ' I gave no rest to him in anything,' ' deprived him of his self-conmiand.' Cp. Ep. 23, 2. 6. Desponsam, 'promised,' hut probably informally, not decreed. Cp, De Prov. Cons. ^5' 37' where the irregular ' desponsio ' is contrasted with the formal ' decretum.' Syria only became a province after the suc- cesses of Pompey in the East. See Appendices I, § I and 2. Now to avoid favouritism it was usual to assign provinces to the consuls of each year before their election took place ; hence the provinces for the consuls of 61 B.C. would be fixed in the first half of 62 B.C. Syria appears not to have been one of them, but Piso may have hoped, by his personal influence, to procure a change of the arrange- ments. See, on the general question of the allotment of the provinces, Appendix 6, § 4 ; Ep. 26, 10. 8. Abiectum, 'in its humiliation.' F re g i = ' domui' (Forcell.), ' overpowered.' 9. Perpetua, ' set,' ' continuous.' Altercatione, ' a dispute ' carried on in short alternate speeches. 10. Degustes, 'have a taste of.' Cp. ' et tu Galba quandoque degustabis impe- rium ' Tac. Ann. 6. 20. Nam cetera . , venustatem, a few passages only, ^for the rest would have no interest.' Non . . neque. The general negative is not cancelled by the two which follow, but is applied to two distinct ideas. See Madv. 460, Obs. 2. 11. Studio contentionis, ' the heat of dispute.' 12. afSjva. Not quite classical in this sense, for it seems to be given as an equiva- lent for ' studium contentionis.' Quem, For its gender, see Madv. 316. Vos, 'you Athenians.' See note on § 4, P- .=;5- Nam, ' namely,' ' then.' Cp. ' enim,' in § I, and Madv. 435, Obs. 4. 14. Ille locus, ' the following topic' Cp. Ep 5, 3. P- 37. note, for this sense of ' ille.' Divinitus, ' with marvellous appropriate- ness.' Mr. Pretor, following Casaubon, renders 'by inspiration;' Prof. Tyrrell, 'by a happy inspiration,' or ' with wondert"ul effect.' 15. Conciderent: cp. 'concidit,' § 10. ' Concidere' = ' ruere, perire, deficere.' For- cell., who gives several examples from Cicero, EP. 8.] EP IS TOLA RUM AD ATTIC UM I. \6. 59 rent ; volnus esse eius modi, quod mihi nee dissimulandum nee pertimescendum videretur ; ne aut ignorando stultissimi aut rnctuendo ignavissiini\\xd^\Z7iX&\\'\wx\ bis absolutum esse Lentulum, bis Catilinam ; hunc tcrtium iam esse a iudicibus in rem publi- cam immissLim. ' Erras, Clodi ; non tc indices urbi, sed carccri 5 reservarunt, neque te retinere in civitate, sed exsilio privare voluerunt. Guam ob rem, patres conscripti, erigite animos, retinete vestram dignitatem. Manet ilia in re publica bonorum consensio ; dolor accessit bonis viris, virtus non est imminuta ; nihil est damni factum novi, sed, quod erat, inventum est : in lo 10 unius hominis perditi iudicio plures similes reperti sunt.' Sed quid ago? Paene orationem in epistolam inclusi. Redeo ad altercationem : surgit pulchellus puer, obiicit mihi, me ad Baias fuisse. Falsum, sed tamen quid huic ? ' Simile est ' inquam, quasi dicas in operto fuisse.' 'Quid' inquit 'homini Arpinati 15 cum aquis calidis T ' Narra ' inquam ' patrono tuo, qui Arpinatis 2. Ignorando, 'by affecting ignorance.' Cp. 'ignoro causam, detestor exitum' Philipp. 8. 2, 7. 3. Lentulum. P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, the accomplice of Catiline. Cp. Plut. Cic. 17. Lentulus had been charged with peculation in 8l or 80 B.C., and again in some later year ; he seems on both occa- sions to have been acquitted, but the censors, L. Gcllius and Cn. Lentulus Clodianus, ex- pelled him from the senate in 69 B.C. See Rein, Criminalrecht 689. 4. Catilinam. In 65 b.c. for ' repe- tundae' (see Ep. 2. i, note), and in 64 b.c. for the murder of M. Marius Gratidianus (Ascen. in Orat. in Tog. Cand. p. 116); perhaps also for incest with a Vestal (cp. Oros. 6, 3) in 73 b.c. Cp. Long, Decl. of Rom. Rep. 3. 226, 237. 5. Immissum, 'let loose upon,' like a wild beast. Career i. The Roman prison at this time was more a place of execution than of penal detention, though occasionally used for the custody of prisoners before trial. 6. Exsilio privare, ' to deprive you of the power of going into exile,' which appears from this passage to have been the penalty Clodius would have suffered for sacrilege. Cicero implies that, if he went on as he had begun, he would incur the last penalty of the law, and not be allowed to evade it by going into voluntary exile. For instances of such evasion, cp. Livy 3. 13; 26, 3. 8. Ilia, 'the former:' that which had prevailed in his own consulship. 9. Dolor accessit bonis viris, 'the well-disposed have been made indignant.' Boot ; ' have now the added stimulus of in- dignation ' Tyrrell. 10. Nihil est damni factum novi, ' no new mischief has befallen us, but that which already existed has been brought to light.' 13. Pulchellus: cp. Ep. 11,3. An allu- sion, perhaps, to the Claudii Pulchri, to whose family Clodius belon2;ed, with an ironical notice of his personal apipearance. Cp. ' postquam speculum tibi adlatum est, longe te a pulchris abesse sensisti ' Orat. in Clod, et Cur. 5, 4. Me ad Baias fuisse. The luxury and dissipation of Baiae were notorious, and Clodius said a rustic from Arpinum ought not to have gone there. See note on 1. 15 below. 14. Falsum, a remark to Atticus. Simile est .. in operto f\iisse, 'this is as serious a charge (iron.) as if you had said I had been in hiding like yourself.* Boot. ' In operto ' = ' in adyto Bonae Deae.' 15. Quid . . . homini Arpinati . . , calidis? cp. 'quid homini Arpinati cum Baiis, agresti et rustico' Orat. in Clod, et Cur. 4. 16 Patrono. The elder Curio. See note on § 5 of the preceding letter. Curio is Slid to have bought an estate once belong- 6o M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. aquas concupivit ; nosti enim marinas.' ' Quousque ' inquit 'hunc regem feremus?' ' Regem appellas,' inquam 'cum Rex tui mentionem nullam fecerit?' — I lie autem Regis hereditatem spe devorarat. — 'Domum' inquit 'emisti.' ' Putes ' inquam 5 ' dicere, indices emisti/ ' luranti ' inquit ' tibi non crediderunt.' ' Mihi vero ' inquam ' XXV. indices crediderunt, XXXI., quoniam nummos ante acceperunt, tibi nihil crediderunt.' Magnis clamo- ribus adflictus conticuit et concidit. Noster autem status est ii hie : apud bonos iidem sumus, quos reliquisti, apud sordem urbis lo et faecem multo melius nunc, quam cum reliquisti : nam et illud nobis non obest, videri nostrum testimonium non valuisse : missus est sanguis invidiae sine dolore ; atque etiam hoc magis, quod omnes illi fautores illius flagitii rem manifestam illam re- demptam esse a iudicibus confitentur ; accedit illud, quod ilia 15 contionalis hirudo aerarii, misera ac ieiuna plebecula, me ab hoc Magno unice diligi putat, et hercule multa et iucunda con- suetudine coniuncti inter nos sumus^ usque eo, ut nostri isti ing to C. Marius at Baiae, which might be called ' aquae marinae.' 2. Rex. Q. Marcius Rex was brother-in- law of Clodius, who had expected a legacy from him apparently. 4. Spe devorarat, 'had already swal- lowed in his hopes.' Cp. Pro Domo 23, 60. Domum . . emisti, ' you have bought a palace,' a censure on Cicero's extravagance, as unbecoming in a ' new man.' Cp. Epp. 6, 6; 25, 2. Putes . . dicere, 'suppose you say.' ' Idem valet atque illud simile est quasi dicas.' Boot. 'Putes' seems to have the force of a potential. ' One would suppose.' Tyrrell. ,S. luranti . . non crediderunt, 'the judges did not believe you on your oath.' Cicero gave evidence to disprove Clodius' plea of alibi, and, as the judges acquitted the defendant, it is argued that they did not believe Cicero. See Intr. to Part I, § 14- . 7. Nihil crediderunt, 'gave you no credit.' A play on ' crediderunt.' 8. Concidit, 'lost heart.' Cp. § 5 of this letter, note ; Philipp. 3. 9, 24 ' mente concidit.' 9. Iidem sumus, quos reliquisti, ' I have as much influence as when you left me.* 10. Nam et illud . . confitentur. The construction of this passage is rather con- fused ; perhaps the following version will give its general force. 'I do not suffer from the ineffectiveness of my testimony, and profit more (etiam hoc magis, sc. 'non obest') by the general confession that the court was bribed.' Or 'hoc' may be the abl., and then the meaning will be ' all the more as.' In the latter case, accedit illud may be substituted for the more natural 'et illud nobis prodest,' because of the long pas- sage intervening between 'non obest' and ' accedit.' So Boot. 11. Nostrum testimonium, ' my evi- dence against Clodius.' 12. Missus est sanguis invidiae,' my swelling unpopularity has been reduced by bleeding.' ' Materia subtracta est invidiae nostrae.' Forcell. Cp. ' Appius cum l£ a(paipiaioj'S provinciam curarit sanguinem miserit ' Ad Att. 6. i, 2. 13. Rem manifestam . . a iudicibus, ' that the case was clear, and that the judges were bought off.' 15. Contionalis hirudo aerarii, 'the mob who drain the treasury' by demands for corn, &c. ; ' the hundred headed leech,' Prof Netlleship ; ' that bloodsucker of the treasury the wretched starveling mob.' Tyr- rell. Plebecula, 'rabble,' apparently only occurs here in Cicero. 16. Magno. Porapey, then, must have been popular at this time. EP. 8.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM 1. j5. 61 comissatores coniurationis, barbatuli iuvenes, ilium in sermoni- bus Cn. Ciceronem appellent ; itaque et ludis et gladiatoribus 12 mirandas eTrto-r^juao-tas sine ulla pastoricia fistula aufcrcbamus. Nunc est exspectatio comitiorum, in quae omnibus invitis trudit noster Magnus Auli filium, atque in eo neque auctoritate neque 5 gratia pugnat, sed quibus Philippus omnia castella expugnari posse dicebat [in quae modo asellus onustus auro posset ascen- dere] ; consul autem ille deterioris histrionis similis suscepisse negotium dicitur et domi divisores habere ; quod ego non credo. Sed senatus consulta duo iam facta sunt odiosa, quod in con- 10 sulem facta putantur, Catone et Domitio postulante, unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cuius domi divisores 13 habitarent, adversus rem publicam, Lurco autem tribunus pi, 1. Comissatores coniurationis, 'the boon companions of the conspiracy,' who joined it merely to gratify theii taste for sensual pleasures. ' Qui inter vinum de coniuratione egerunt.' Gronov. ' Consortes conjurationis Catilinariae quae per comissa- tiones inita erat.' Force!!. Barbatuli : see on § 5 of the preceding letter. 2. Ludis et gladiatoribus, 'at the games and gladiatorial shows.' Abl. of the date, see Mad v. 276. Obs. 2. 3. eiTiar] fiaaias, 'demonstrations of opinion,' here ' applause.' Cp. Polyb. 6, 6. Sine ulla . . fistula, 'without any sound of the shepherd's pipe,' i, e. hissing. Pastoricius is found Pro Gael. 11, 26, and Varro, R. R. 2. 1, i ; but ' pastoralis ' is more common. 4. In quae . . trudit . . Auli filium, ' into which contest Pompey is pushing Afranius, against everybody's wishes.' For- cell. does not give another instance of the use of ' trudere ' in quite this sense. Prof, Nettleship suggests that Afranius may be compared to the ass alluded to in the saying quoted below from Philip. Cp. Hor. Epp. I. 20, 15 for such a use of 'trudere.' 5. A. filium : cp. Ep. i, 1, note. In eo, 'in his cause.' 6. Quibus, sc. ' subsidiis.' For Philip's saying, cp. Plut. Apophthegm. Regum. (Philipp. 14.) 8. Ille. Piso. Deterioris histrionis, either ' playing a subordinate part to Pompey,' or ' inferior.' After what Cicero has said in Ep. 6, 2, he may now compare Piso to a bad actor in a farce. Another reading is ' Doterionis,' which may mean ' an actor charged to dis- tribute presents in a play;' or as Mr. Jeans thinks there may be an allusion to Aristode- mus and Neoptolemus, two actors mentioned by Demosthenes (de. fals. leg. pp. 314,419, 442) as agents of Philip. 9. Negotium, sc. ' sufFragiorum emen- dorum.' Matth. Divisores, 'bribery agents.' Cp. Pro Muren. 26, 54. 10. Odiosa. To Pompey and his friends, or perhaps to the public. 11. Domitio : see Ep. i, 3, note. Postulante. On this use of the sing., see Madv. 213 a, and Obs. Ut apud magistratus . . liceret, ' that there should be power to search in the houses of magistrates,' for money supposed to be deposited there, or for corrupt agents. I presume that, without such a decree, the magistrates' houses would be exempt from search. 12. Cuius domi . . rem publicam, sc. ' fa cere,' 'any magistrate at whose house corrupt agents should be detected, should be held guilty of an offence against the State.* 13. Lurco. M. Auiidius Lurco was lame, and Cicero remarks ironically, that his pro- posal might have been thought inauspicious, but for the suspension of the Aelian and Fufian laws. These laws were carried about 154 B.C. (Lange, Rom. Alt. i, 295 ; 2. 277), and gave to the tribunes, and to all magis- trates, as against others of no higher rank than their own, the right of 'spectio' and ' obnuntiatio.' They also forbade the pro- posal of laws on the days appointed for elective meetings of the comitia. As the object of these laws, probably, was to limit the legislative activity of the tribunes, the postponement of the comitia on this occa- 62 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part I. qui magistratum simul cum lege Aelia iniit, solutus est et Aelia et Fufia, ut legem de ambitu ferret, quam ille bono auspicio claudus homo promulgavit : ita comitia in a. d. VI. Kal. Sext. dilata sunt. Novi est in lege hoc, ut qui nummos 5 in tribus pronuntiarit, si non dederit, impune sit ; sin dederit, ut quoad vivat singulis tribubus HS. CID Clo CID debeat. Dixi hanc legem P. Clodium iam ante servasse ; pronuntiare enim solitum esse et non dare. Sed heus tu ! videsne consulatum ilium nostrum, quem Curio antea cnroOeMcnv vocabat, si hie lo factus erit, fabam mimum futurum.^ qua re, ut opinor, cfytho- ao(pr]T€ov, id quod tu facis, et istos consulatus non flocci facteon. Quod ad me scribis, te in Asiam statuisse non ire, equidem 14 mallem ut ires, ac vereor ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat ; sed tamen non possum reprehendere consilium tuum, prae- 15 sertim cum egomet in provinciam non sim profectus. Epigram- 15 matis tuis, quae in Amaltheo posuisti, contenti erimus, praesertim sion, to enable Lurco to bring forward his proposal, was an evasion of their spirit. Claudus. Apprehensions of disaster were felt at Sparta in connection with the succes- sion of Agesilaus, who was lame. Cp. Plut. Ages. 3. I. Simul cum lege Aelia, ' under the obligations of the Aelian law.' Hofm. sug- gests ' insimulatus lege alia ;' Boot suggests ' qui magiitratus simul cum lege Aelia cor- ruit;' Mr. Munro, whom Prof Tyrrell fol- lows, ' insimulatum lege Aelia.' Matth. omits 'cum lege Aelia;' Wesenb. suggests ' cum iis,' i.e. Catone et Domitio. 3. a. d. VI Kal. Sext, July 27th. 4. Novi est in lege hoc, 'the law contains the following novelty.' It was not carried. Cp. facto senatus consulto de ambitu . . . nulla lex perlata' Ad Att. i. 18, 3- 5. Pronuntiarit, ' promised.' Cp. ' pe- cuniam quam pro reo pronuntiasset * Pro Cluentio 29, 78, and Pro Plancio 18, 45. 6. HS. CIO CIO CIO = 3000 sesterces, or nearly /J25 for each tribe. The whole sum to be paid (in each year apparently, quoad vivat) would be about £875. 9. dnoOfcoaiv. Frequent in Cicero, and used by Strabo. Hie. Afranius. 10 Fabam mimum. Billerbeck ex- plains as meaning ' a joke,' like the election of a king at the Saturnalia, when boys elected a king, using beans to vote with. 'A Twelfth Night Royalty.' Cp. ' pueri ludentes. Rex eris aiunt ' Hor. Ep. I. I, 59; Tac. Annal. 13, 15. Hofm. suggests 'fabae hilum ;' Orell. ' Famam mimum, a miino aliquo Fama inscripto ;' Schiitz ' fabulam mimum ;* Wesenb. ' fabulam ac mimum,* but thinks that ' fabulam ' may be a gloss. tpi\o(TO(f>rjTfov, 'one must turn philo- sopher :' quite classical. 11. Istos consulatus, 'those consulships which some prize so highly.' Facteon. A Greek form for 'facien- dum,' suggested by (piXoaofprjTiov. 12. Quod . . scribis, 'as to the fact that you write,' ' as to your writing.' See Madv. 398 b. Obs. 2. Te . . non ire, 'that you have de- cided not to go to Asia ' as legate to Quintus. See Appendix 3, § 2. 13. Mallem ut ires, ' I should have pre- ferred your going.' ' Ut ' is more usually omitted in such cases. See Madv. 372 b, Obs. 2. On the tense of ' mallem,' lb. 350 b, Obs. I. In ista re, 'in the administration of Quintus. He was hasty, and inclined to harshness. Cp. Ep. 15, 6. 15. Epigrammatis, 'inscriptions.' Un- der the statues of eminent Romans in his Amaltheuni in Epirus (cp. Corn. Nep. Att. 18), Atticus had verses inscribed, giving a short account of their exploits. 16. Posuisti, 'have placed under my statue.' EP. 9.] EP IS TOLA R UM AD A TTICUM II. i . 6^, cum et Thyillus nos reliquerit et Archias nihil de me scripserit, ac vereor ne, Lucullis quoniam Graecum poema condidit, nunc 16 ad Caecilianam fabulam spectet. Antonio tuo nomine gratias egi eamque epistolam Mallio dedi ; ad te ideo antea rarius scripsi, quod non habebam idoneum, cui darem, nee satis scie- 5 17 bam^ quo darem. Valde te venditavi. Cincius si quid ad me tui negotii detulerit, suscipiam ; sed nunc magis in suo est occupatus, in quo ego ei non desum. Tu, si uno in loco es futurus, crebras a nobis litteras exspecta ; ast plures etiam ipse 18 mittito. Velim ad me scribas, cuius modi sit ' rs.\ia\QCwv tuum. m quo ornatu, qua ToTrodeala, et quae poemata quasque historias de ^AjjLaKOeM habes ad me mittas : lubet mihi facere in Arpinati. Ego tibi aliquid de meis scriptis mittam : nihil erat absoluti. 9. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. II. i). Rome, June, 60 e.g. (694 a.u.c.) I. I am glad that I had sent you my account of my consulship in Greek before re- ceiving yours ; I thus escape the suspicion of plagiarism, though perhaps difference of style would in any case have prevented its arising. 2. My book has won the applause of Posidonius and others : if you like it, try to promote its circulation in Greece. 3. You shall have the speeches you ask for, and others also ; I am forming a collection of my speeches as consul, which I will send you. 4. I do not want to hurry your return, though I wish you had arranged your movements differently : if Clodius becomes more I. Thyillus. Apparently a Greek poet. in Macedonia: for an account of which Cp. Ad Att. I. 9, 2 ; I. 12, 2. request cp. Ad Fam. 5. 5. Nos reliquerit, 'has deserted us,' 4. Mallio. Of this Mallius little seems ' not finished his promised inscriptions.' to be known. L. Manlius of Neapolis is Matth. mentioned (Ad Fam. 13. 30, i), and T. Archias. A. Licinius Archias, a poet Manlius, a 'negotiator' at Thespiae(Ad Fam. of Greek extraction, for whose claims to the 13. 22, i). Roman franchise Cicero pleaded afterwards. 6. Quo, ' with what address.' See Intr. to Part I, § 12. Archias wrote a Venditavi, 'praised you.' Boot thinks heroic poem in praise of the Luculli (cp. Pro the name of the person to whom Cicero re- Arch. 9, 21), and another in praise of Cicero, commended Atticus has been lost. Cicero Atticus seems to have asked for anything may mean, 'to Antonius,' as Matth. thinks, Thyillus or Archias might have written though the long passage intervening since the about Cicero. mention of his name is rather against this. 3. Caecilianam fabulam, ' a poem on Cincius : see Ep. i, i, note on p. 26. the Meteili ' probably. Archias was intimate 11. roTro^ecr/a : cp.Ep. 6,5,note, p. 45. both with Q: Metellus Numidicus and with 12. 'AfiaXOda, the Amalthea off my- his son Pius. Cp. Pro Arch. 3. Others thology. think there is a reference to Statins Caeci- Facere, sc. 'simile quid,' Billerb., 'a lius, a freedman of the Meteili, and an early similar apartment to your Amaltheum.' Latin poet, whose language is criticised by In Arpinati, 'onmy estate at Arpiiium.' Cicero, Brut. 74, 258. Cp. Ep. 10, 4. Antonio. C. Antonius seems to have 13. Nihil erat absoluti, ' I have no- complied with a request of Cicero that he thing finished.' For the tense, see Ep. i, 1, would interest himself in the affairs of Atticus note, p. 26. 64 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part I. violent, I shall summon you at once. Metellus is an excellent consul. 5. Clodius is eager to become tribune of the people ; I attacked him lately in the senate, but we are on fair terms with each other, notwithstanding my jokes about him. 6. You complain of my intimacy w ith Pompey, but I hope to influence both him and Caesar for the public good. 7. In any case I should be disposed for conciliation ; but now that some of our nobles think only of indulging frivolous tastes, while 8. others by ill-timed obstinacy have estranged the senate and the equites from each other, and so increased the power of the populace — such a policy as mine is all the more necessary. 9. Favo- nius has failed to secure his election, and did not make a very good impression as accuser of Scipio Nasica. 10. Cato's ill-timed rigour is the cause of your difficulties at Sicyon. 1 1. I take much pleasure in my different country estates, though their pur- chase has rather embarrassed me. We hope that Gaul is tranquil. When may we expect you at Rome? 12. Please take care of Paetus' legacy of books, and see that I get them safe. I wrote to Octavius on your behalf. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Kal. luniis eunti mihi Antium ct gladiatores M. Metelli cupide 1 relinquenti venit obviam tuus puer : is mihi litteras abs te et commentarium consulatus mei Graece scriptum reddidit ; in quo laetatus sum inc aliquanto ante de isdem rebus Graece item 5 scriptum librum L. Cossinio ad te perferundum dedisse : nam, si ego tuum ante legissem, furatum me abs te esse diceres. Ouam- quam tua ilia — legi enim libenter — horridula mihi atque incompta visa sunt, sed tamen erant ornata hoc ipso, quod ornamenta neglexerant, et, ut mulieres, ideo bene olere, quia nihil olebant, 10 videbantur. Meus autem liber totum Isocrati myrothecium atque omnes eius discipulorum arculas ac non nihil etiam Aristotelia pigmenta consumpsit; quern tu Corcyrae, ut mihi aliis litteris 1. Gladiatores M. Metelli, 'the gla- 5. L. Cossinio. This Cossinius was a diatorial show which M. Metellus was about friend of Cicero and Varro. He belonged to to provide.' Cicero had no taste for such the same tribe (Lenionia) with Ser. Sulpi- amusements. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. i, 2 and 3. cius, to whom Cicero recommends him in The Metellus here mentioned was brother of Ad Fam. 13. 23. Q^ Metellus Creticus, and one of the praetors 6. Quamquam, 'and yet,' correcting in 69 B.C. Cicero mentions him as a friend the previous remark. See Madv. 443. The of Verres. In Verr. Act. 1.9,26. It does roughness of Atticus' style would prevent not appear with what object he was now Cicero's being suspected of plagiarism, going to exhibit gladiators. 9. Ideo . . olebant: cp. ' mulier recte Cupide relinquenti. Prof. Tyrrell has olet ubi nihil olet.' Plaut. Mostell. I. 3. 116. 'cupido reliuquendi.' He also remarks, ' we lo. Isocrati. A common form for the may gather from Ad Att. 4. 4b, 2 that it genitive. See Madv. 42. 2. was a practice with wealthy Romans to buy Myrothecium. Apparently the word gladiators as a speculation, and to give a only occurs here. It seems to mean much show as a specimen of their powers.' the same as ' arcula.' 3. Commentarium consulatus mei, 11. Arculas, 'jewel-, or scent-boxes.' •a memoir of my consulship written in Aristotelia pigmenta, 'colours,' orna- Greek' by Atticus. Cp. 'tuum' a few lines ments, such as Aristotle recommends in his below, and Corn. Nep. Atticus 18. Rhetoric. EP. 9.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC VM II. i. ^5 significas, strictim attigisti, post autem. ut arbitror, a Cossinio accepisti ; quern tibi ego noii essem ausus mittere, nisi eum lente 2 ac fastidiose probavissem. Ouamquam ad me scripsit iani Rhodo Posidonius se, nostrum illud vTT6iJLri]ixa cum legeret, quod ego ad eum, ut ornatius de isdem rebus scriberet, miseram, non modo 5 non excitatum esse ad scribendum, sed etiam plane pcrtcrritum. Quid quaeris ? conturbavi Graecam nationem : ita, volgo qui instabant ut darem sibi quod ornarent, iam exhibcrc mihi mole- stiam destiterunt. Tu, si tibi placuerit liber, curabis ut et Athenis sit et in ceteris oppidis Graeciae ; videtur enim posse aliquid 10 3 nostris rebus lucis adferre. Oratiunculas autem et quas postulas et plures etiam mittam. quoniam quidcm ea, quae nos scribimus adulescentulorum studiis excitati, te etiam delectant. Fuit enim mihi commodum, quod in eis orationibus, quae Philippicac nomi- nantur, enituerat civis ille tuus [Demosthenes], et quod se ab 15 hoc refractariolo iudiciali dicendi gcnere abiunxerat, ut (xe/nrorfpos 1. Strictim, •hastiIy,' = 'obiter.' Schiitz. The book seems to have been published be- ft're Atticus received a special revised copy. 2. Lente ac fastidiose, 'deliberately and with pedantic rigour.' 3. Probavissem, 'had tested,' 'revised.' Cp. ' villam publicam probare,' said of the censors. Or perhaps ' approved after re- vision.' 4. Posidonius. A pupil of Panaetius, born at Apamea in Syria about 135 B.C. After spending some time at Athens and Rhodes, he removed to Rome, 51 B.C., and died there shortly afterwards. In mental philo- sophy he is said to have been eclectic, with a leaning towards the Stoics ; in physics he rather followed Aristotle. virofxvrjijia, 'a memoir,' = ' commenta- rius.' The word is used in this sense by Polyb. I, I, 6. None of the memoir referred to has been preserved. 7. Qui instabant. Some Greek con- temporaries of Cicero probably. 8. Exhibere='face5sere,' ' creare,' For- cell. Cp. de Nat. Deor. i. 17, 45. 9. Ut . . sit, ' that it be in circulation.' 10. Aliquid . . lucis adferre, 'to give some distinction to.' Billerb. 11. Oratiunculas, ' my little speeches.* Billerb. supposes Cicero to refer to short declamations, written for young students to practise oratory with : but is not he speak- ing of his political orations with affected modesty? Cp. ' fuit enim mihi conmiodum' etc. below. 12. Qiiae . . scribimus. 'which I com- mit to writing, urged by the eageriuss of young men to have them.' Cicero :iftects to suppose that only the young would care to have copies of his speeches. Cp. ' oratio iuventuti nostrae dtberi non potest ' Ad Att. 4. 2, 2. 13. Fuit enim . . nominarcntur. The substance of this passage may be thus slat<.d ; ' I will comply with your request, for I have found it suit my purpose to combine the orations of my consulship in one collection, just as Demosthenes did his Philippics.' Enim, I think, explains ' plures.' Atticus had apparently only asked for some of the consular speeches; Cicero promises all. Prof. Tyrrell follows Orelli in suspecting the paS' sage from 'Fuit enim,' 1. 13, to ' offerebani' on the next page to be spurious. Orelli, in- deed, suspects the preceding passage begin- ning with ' Oratiunculas.' 14. Quod . . enituerat. The indicative is used as giving a real reason. See Madv. 357. The eminence of Demosthenes dated from his exchange of the position of a legal advocate for that of a political leader ; Cicero hopes tlat his consulship will form a similar epoch in his own career. 16. Refractariolo, 'quarrelsome.' For- cell. The word is only found here apparently. Ut at fxvortpis . . videretur, 'that he might assume a more dignified and statesmanlike position. iroXiTiKwrf poi is often used in this sense by Cicero, as by the Greeks. 66 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part I. ris et TioXLTLKU)T€pos vidcretur, curare ut meae quoque essent ora- tiones, quae consulares nominarentur ; quarum una est in senatu Kal. lanuariis, altera ad populum de lege agraria, tertia de Othone, quarta pro Rabirio, quinta de proscriptorum filiis, sexta, 5 cum provinciam in contione deposui, septima, qua Catilinam emisi, octava, quam habui ad populum postridie quam Catilina profugit; nona in contione, quo die Allobroges f invocarunt, de- cima in senatu, Nonis Decembribus. Sunt praeterea duae breves, quasi a-nocr-nacTjxaria legis agrariae. Hoc totum aSuxa curabo ut 10 habeas ; et quoniam te cum scripta, turn res meae delectant, isdem ex libris perspicies et quae gesserim et quae dixerim : aut ne po- poscisses ; ego enim tibi me non ofiferebam. Quod quaeris, quid 4 sit quod te arcessam, ac simul impeditum te negotiis esse significas, neque recusas quin, non modo si opus sit, sed etiam si velim, I. Ut meae quoque . . nominaren- tur, 'that there should be a collection of my speeches also, under the title "consulares."' •2. Una est. This was on the agrarian law of RuUus apparently. Only the begin- ning has been preserved. 3. Altera, the second against Rullus. De Othone. Spoken to reconcile the mass of the citizens to the precedence which the law of L. Roscius Otho granted to the equitfs in the theatre. The people raised an outcry against Otho when he appeared in the theatre, but Cicero invited them to attend him to the temple of Bellona, and there appeased them. The law of Otho had been carried in 67 B.C. Pliny (H.N. 7. 30) refers to this speech of Cicero, which has been lost, as have the fifth and sixth here mentioned, with one of the two short ones on the agrarian law. 4. Pro Rabirio: cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9; also Merivale i. 124; Mommsen 4, I, 159 (E. T.). De proscriptorum filiis. Sulla's laws had excluded the sons of proscribed citizens from high office, and the repeal of this pro- vision was discussed in Cicero's consulship. Cicero persuaded the people, apparently, that the repeal would do more harm than good. Cp. In Pis. 2,4; and a fragment of the speech itself, quoted by Quinctii. Inst. Orat. 11. 1,85. 5. Cum provinciam . . deposui, 'when I publicly renounced my claim to govern a province.' The two provinces to be administered by the consuls for 63 B.C., after their year of office had expired were apparently Macedonia and Gallia Cisalpina. Cicero seems first to have allowed his col- league Antonius to choose Macedonia, and then to have waived his own claim to Gallia Cisalpina, which was allotted to Q. Metellus Celer. Cp. Ep. 5, 3 and 4. Septima. This and the three following are the four orations against Catiline which we now possess. 6. Emisi : cp. In Cat. 2. 1,1; Pro Sull. 5- 7. Invocarunt. Manutius suggests 'in- dicarunt,' ' made their disclosures.' Cp. In Cat. 3. 3-5 for the facts. 8. Duae breves. One of these is extant as the third against Rullus. 9. air oauaa nana, 'fragments.' The word occurs here only apparently. awfxa, 'collection.' Not, apparently, class- ical quite in this sense. 11. Aut ne poposcisses, 'oryou should not have asked for them.' Cp. ' forsitan non nemo vir fortis . . . dixerit restitisses ' Pro Sestio 20, 45 ; also Zumpt L. G. 529, note ; Niigelsbacii 98, a 2, 267. 12. Ego enim . . offerebam, 'for I did not want to force myself upon you.' Cp. Pro Rose. Am. 38, 112. Quod quaeris . . significas, 'as for your enquiry about the reason for my asking you to come, which you couple with a reference to your business engage- ments.' 13. Qiiod te arcessam, an indirect ques- tion. See Ep. 6, i, note, on p. 42. Prof. Tyrrell follows the Medicean MS. and Klotz in reading 'quo' = 'in quam rem' for 'quod.' 14. Neque recusas, 'and yet do not refuse.' We might expect 'tamen' to fol- low ' neque.' EP.9.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM II. i, 67 accLirras, nihil sane est necesse ; verum tamen videbarc mihi tem- pera peregrinationis commodius posse discribere : nimis abes diu, praesertim cum sis in propinquis locis, neque nos te fruimur et tu nobis cares. Ac nunc quidem otium est, sed, si paulo plus furor Pulchelli progrcdi posset, valde ego te istim excitarem. Verum 5 praeclare Metellus impedit ct impediet. Quid quaeris r est consul 5 (jiiXoTTarpL^ et, ut semper iudicavi, natura bonus. Ille autem non simulat, sed plane tribunus pi. fieri cupit ; qua de re cum in senatu ageretur, fregi hominem et inconstantiam eius reprehendi, qui Romae tribunatum pi. peteret, cum in Sicilia aedilitatem se petere 1° dictitasset, neque magno opere dixi esse nobis laborandum, quod nihilo magis ei liciturum esset plebeio rem publicam perdere, quam similibus eius me consule patriciis esset licitum. lam, cum se ille septimo die venisse a freto neque sibi obviam quemquam prodire potuisse et noctu se introisse dixisset in eoque se in contione 15 iactasset, nihil ei novi dixi accidisse, ex Sicilia septimo die Romam : tribus horis Roma Interamnam ; noctu introisse : item I. Nihil . . est necesse, sc. ' te ac- currere.' For tlie use of 'nihil' for 'non' see Madv. 455, Obs. 4. Videbare . . discribere, 'I thought )'ou might have arranged the times of your residence abroad more conveniently than you proposed to do.' 3. In propinquis locis. Atticus was in Epirus probably. 4. Cares, 'feel the want of me,' 'have to do without me.' 5. Pulchelli : see Ep. 8, 10, note on p. 59- Posset. 'Non poterat impediente Me- tello.' Boot. Valde . . excitarem, 'I should press you earnestly to come hither from where you are.' 6. Metellus. The consul Q. Metellus Celer. Cp. Ep. 4, i, note. 7. (piXoTTarpis, 'patriotic' Polyb. I. 14. Natura bonus, 'naturally well disposed,' though set against me formerly by his bro- ther. Cp. Epp. 4 and 5. Cicero's satisfac- tion with the conduct of Metellus probably arose from the latter's resistance to a pro- posal of C. Herennius for transferring Clo- dius to the piebs. Cp. Ad Att. i. 18, 4; Pro Gael. 24, 60; Dion Cass. 37. 51. Ille, P. Clodius. Non simulat, 'does not merely pretend to desire the office : ' supp. ' cupere.' ' It is not a mere pretence to frighten me.' Prof. Tyrrell. Manutius thinks that the words mean 'makes no false pretences as to his reason for wishing to become a plebeian.' 9. Fregi, 'humbled.' Qui Romae . . dictitasset. Clodius had been quaestor, and in Sicily had said, apparently, that the next office for which he should stand would be the aedileship. But on his return to Rome he changed his mind and expressed anxiety to be tribune. As a patrician he could only become tribune by renouncing his order and going over to the plebs. II. Neque : see note on § 4. Magno opere . .laborandum, 'that we should have any serious cause for anxiety.' 13. Similibus eius .. patriciis. Cati- line, Lentulus, and Cethegus were patricians. Cum se ille . . iactasset. Clodius look credit for activity shewn in his travelling rapidly from the straits to Rome, and for his modesty in avoiding a public reception. 14. A freto, 'from the straits' of Messina. 15. In eo, ' on that account,' 'in' = 'ob, propter.' F'orcell. 17. Tribus horisRoma Interamnam, sc. 'isse.' Clodius affirmed that he was at Interamna on the night when the outrage at the rites of the Bona Dea occurred at Rome, but Cicero swore that he had seen him at Rome three hours before that event happened. Interamna on the Nar was more than sixty miles from Rome; Interamna on the Liris was still more distant. F Z 68 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. ante ; non esse itum obviam : ne turn quidem, cum iri maxime debuerit. Quid quaeris? hominem petulantem modestum reddo non solum perpetua gravitate orationis, sed etiam hoc g-enere dictorum ; itaque iam familiariter cum ipso cavillor ac iocor ; quin 5 etiam, cum candidatum deduceremus, quaerit ex me, num con- suessem Siculis locum gladiatoribus dare? Negavi. 'At ego' inquit ' novus patronus instituam ; sed soror, quae tantum habet consularis loci, unum mihi solum pedem dat.' ' Noli ' inquam ' de uno pede sororis queri ; licet etiam alterum tollas/ ' Non lo consulare' inquies ' dictum :' fateor ; sed ego illam odi male con- sularem : [ea] est enim seditiosa, [ea] cum viro bellum gerit, neque solum cum Metello, sed etiam cum Fabio, quod eos f in hoc esse moleste fert. Quod de agraria lege quaeris, sane iam videtur 6 refrixisse. Quod me quodam modo molli brachio de Pompeii 15 familiaritate obiurgas, nolim ita existimes, me mei praesidii causa cum illo coniunctum esse, sed ita res erat instituta, ut, si inter nos esset aliqua forte dissensio, maximas in re publica discordias versari esset necesse : quod a me ita praecautum atque ita pro- 1. Non esse itum obviam, 'he did not have a public reception.' Ne turn quidem, 'no, nor on his entry into Caesar's house.* Cum iri . . debuerit. Prof. Tyrrell remarks that there is a play on two senses of ' obviam ire,' ' to go to meet,' and ' to check.' 3. Perpetua gravitate orationis = 'perpetuae orationis,' 'with a serious set speech.' 4. Dictorum, 'repartees.' Cp. Ep. 6, 2, note. Cavillor, ' saepe sumitur pro " iocari," " dicteria dicere." ' Forcell. 5. Deduceremus, 'were attending to or from his home ; ' an honour paid to can- didates by their friends. Cp. Q. Cic. dePet. Cons. 9, 36 ; Cic. pro Muren. 34, 70. 6. Siculis, ' my Sicilian clients.' Cicero and Clodius hid both been quaestors in Sicily, and both apparently were regarded as patrons by the natives of that province. Cp. Div. in Caec. I, 2. On the relation in general cp. Cic. de Off. I. II, 35. Gladiatoribus, 'at the gladiatorial games.' See on theabl. Ep. 8, 1 1, note, on p. 6 r . 7. Tantum . , loci, 'so much of her husband's space, ' so much room at her disposal as a consul's wife.' A sister of P. Clodius had married CL Metellus Celer, but seems to have been notoriously unfaith- ful to him. Cicero says of Clodius ' qui non piuris fecerat Bonam Deam quam tres sorores' Ep. 29. 15. See, too, Ep. 5, 6, note. 10. Male consularem, 'so unworthy to be the wife of a consul.' Boot. Or per- haps ' so little of a consul's wife.' 12. Fabio. This Fabius is said to have been a previous lover of Claudia. In hoc esse='hoc agere ; operam dare ne P. Clodius tribunus fiat.' Boot. 13. De agraria lege. L. Flavins, tri- bune for 61-60, proposed an agrarian law which Pompey supported, as one of its ob- jects was to provide lands for his veterans. See Intr. to Part I, § 15; Dion Cass. 37. 50: Ad Att. I. 18, 6; Mommsen 4. i, 195; Men" vale i. 181. 14. Refrixisse, ' to have lost interest.' Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 17, 2. Molli brachio, 'with a gentle touch, or hand.' Cp. ' levi brachio ' Ad Att. 4. 16, 6. 15. Mei praesidii causa, 'for the sake of my own safety.' Compare with Cicero's profession here the following passage, ' mu- nitur quaedam nobis ad retinendas opes nostras tuta ut spero via . . utor Pompeio familiarissime' Ad Att. I. 17, lO. 16. Ita res erat instituta, 'matters had taken such a shape.' Billerb. Cp. ' rem aliter institutam offendissem ' Ad Fam. 5. 17, 2. 18. Ita praecautum . . deponeret, Er.9.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM 11. i. 69 visum est, non ut ego de optima ilia mea ratione decederem, sed ut illc asset melior et aliquid de popular! levitate deponeret ; quem de meis rebus, in quas eum multi incitarant, multo scito gloriosius quam de suis praedicare ; sibi enim bene gestae, mihi conservatae rei publicae dat testimonium. Hoc facere ilium mihi 5 quam prosit nescio ; rei publicae certe prodest. Quid, si etiam Caesarem, cuius nunc venti valde sunt secundi, reddo meliorem, 7 num tantum obsum rei publicae? Quin etiam, si mihi nemo invideret, si omnes, ut erat aequum, faverent, tamen non minus 1° esset probanda medicina, quae sanaret vitiosas partes rei publicae, quam quae exsecaret. Nunc vero, cum equitatus ille, quem ego in clivo Capitolino te signifero ac principe collocaram, senatum deseruerit, nostri autem principes digito se caelum putent attin- gere, si mulli barbati in piscinis sint, qui ad manum accedant. ' my precautions and forethought do not imply my abandoning my principles, but have his improvement in view.' For this use of ita . . ut, see Zumpt L. G, 726, and Ep. 50, I, note. 1. De optima ilia . . ratione, 'from my former constitutional policy.' 2. Ille, Pompeius. De popular! levitate, 'of his weak subserviency to the populace.' Cp. Philipp. 5. l8, 49. Pompey had perhaps suggested the seditious proceedings of Metellus Nepos; had not held consistent language about the suppression of Catiline's conspiracy; and was now intriguing with Caesar and Crassus. See Intr. to Part I, § 16. 3. In quas, 'to attack which.' Multo . . . gloriosius, 'in far more flattering terms.' Cp. 'indices gloriosi' Ep. 28,9. 5. Hoc . . mihi quam prosit. The prominence given to Cicero might bring him into trouble, though the appearance of a good understanding between him and Pompey was beneficial to the state. 7. Caesarem. This is the first passage in Cicero's letters in which the future dic- tator is mentioned as a prominent politician. Cuius . . . venti . . . sunt secundi, 'who has the wind in his sails now;' 'whose prospects are very good.' Cp. Ep. 30, 4, note. 8. Tantum, 'so much as you hint by your remonstrances.' Manut. Quin etiam . . medicina, 'even if my position were more secure than it is, my present policy would be the best.' Cp. Ep. 39, 31. 9. Ut erat aequum, 'as they ought.' For the indie, see Madv. 348 e. 10. Medicina, 'a treatment.' 11. Equitatus is substituted for the more common ' equester ordo.' 12. In clivo, on the sloping road from the forum to the Capitol. The equites assembled there in large numbers to protect the senate when it sat in the temple of Con- cord to deliberate on the fate of Lentulus and his accomplices. Te signifero ac principe. Atticus was one of the equites. The metaphors in this passage are throughout military. Cp. ' cum princeps, cum signifer esset iuventutis ' pro Sull. 12, 34; 'belli princeps,' Philipp. 2. 29, 71. I owe these references to Prof. Nettleship. 13. Deseruerit. For the causes of this breach between the two orders, see Intr. to Part I, §§ 14, 15. Principes. Especially Lucullus and Hor- tensius. The frivolity of the nobles is de- scribed in similar terms, Ad Att. i. iS, 6. Digito . . caelum . . attingere. Appa- rently this phrase is not found elsewhere. Forcell. explains it ' summe beatum et velut diis proximum se putare.' 14. Mulli barbati, 'mullets,' barba geinina insigniuntur inferiori labro ' Pliny, H. N. 9. 17, 30. Mr. Jeans remarks tliat ' the nmllus barbatus of naturalists is the plain red mullet, distinguished from our common or striped red mullet (mullus surnmletus). All kinds of mullet have two long barbules on the under jaw.' Qui ad manum accedant, ' tame enough to come when called.' 70 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. alia autem neglegant, nonne tibi satis prodesse videor, si perficio ut nolint obesse qui possunt ? Nam Catonem nostrum non tu amas 8 plus quam ego ; sed tamen ille optimo animo utens et summa fide nocet interdum rei publicae : dicit enim tamquam in Platonis 5 TToAtret'o, non tamquam in Romuli faece, sententiam. Quid verius quam in iudicium venire qui ob rem iudicandam pecuniam acce- perit? censuit hoc Cato, adsensit senatus : equites curiae bellum, non mihi ; nam ego dissensi. Quid impudentius publicanis re- nuntiantibus ? fuit tamen retinendi ordinis causa faciunda iactura : lo restitit et pervicit Cato ; itaque nunc, consule in carcere incluso, saepe item seditione commota, aspiravit nemo eorum, quorum ego concursu itemque ii consules, qui post me fuerunt, rem publicam defendere solebant. Quid ergo ? istos, inquies, mercede conductos habebimus ? Quid faciemus, si aliter non possumus ? an libertinis [5 atque etiam servis serviamus? Sed, ut tu ais, aAts aT;ovhr\s. Favo- 9 nius meam tribum tulit honestius quam suam, Lucceii perdidit. 2. Obesse (rei publicae) qui possunt (obesse). Cicero refers especially to Caesar and Pompey. Nam introduces and answers an objection. Cp. Philipp. II. 8, 18. 5. 7roA.(T€ja, 'the ideal commonwealth' of Plato. Faece, 'rabble.' Cp. Ep. 8, ii, apud sordem urbis et faecem. Prof. Tyrrell thinks that it is a strange expression, and suggests ' Roniulea faece,' or 'Romulae' of our de- generate Rome. Verius, = ' aequius.' Forcell. 6. In iudicium venire, 'should be brought to trial.' 1 do not know what cases of corruption are here referred to ; probably some among the equites acting as judges. Cp. Ad Att. i. 17, 8 '[equites] graviter tulerunt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto fuisse, ut de eis, qui ob iudicandum ■pecuniam accepissent, quaereretur.' Boot thinks that the decree referred to the court which tried Ciodius. So, too, Long, Decl. of Rom. Rep. 3. 388. 7. Bellum, sc. ' indixerunt.' On the ellipse, see Madv. 479 d. 8. Renuntiantibus, 'giving up their contract. For the fact, cp. note on § 7, and Ad Att. I. 17, 9. 9. Fuit tamen . . iactura, 'it would have been wise to submit to the public loss,' which would result from modifying the terms of the contract, for they had been very favourable to the state. 10. In carcere incluso. The tribune Flavius ordered Metellus Celer to be arrested for his opposition to the agrarian law. But the interposition of the other tribunes and of Pompey procured his release, after a detention of a few houis. See Merivale i. 183. II. Aspiravit, 'shewed himself even in the distance.' Nagelsb. 152, 382. 'Shewed any inclination to support Metellus.' 'Aspi- rare,' according to Forcell., is a weaker word than ' accedere.' Eorum, 'of the equites.' 13. Istos . . habebimus, ' shall we buy the support of the equites?' 14. Quid faciemus . . possumus, 'what shall we do if we cannot get their support in any other way ? ' Cicero answers. An libertinis . . serviamus? 'shall we be dependent on freedmen and even on slaves?' of whom the popular assemblies in great measure consisted. A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigraph. I. 276, note 2, thinks that the reference is to the dependents of the nobles. Cp. ' pedisequorum nostrorum' Ep. 10, I, note. 15, aXis (TttovStjs, ' enough of serious topics.' Favonius : see Ep. 7, 5, note. 16. Meam tribum. Cicero, as an Arpi- nate, voted in the Cornelian tribe. Cp. Livy 38. .^6. Tulit honestius, 'carried by a larger majority.' Lucceii. What tribe this was does not appear. On Lucceius, see Ep. 7, 7, note. EP.9.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM IT. i, 71 Accusavit Nasicam honeste, ac moleste tamen dixit, ita ut Rhodi videretur molis potius quam Moloni operam dedisse ; mihi, quod defendissem, leviter succcnsuit. Nunc tamen petit iterum rei publicae causa. Lucceius quid agat, scribam ad te, cum Caesarem 10 videro, qui aderit biduo. Quod Sicyonii te laedunt, Catoni et eius 5 aemulatori attribues Servilio. Quid ? ea plaga nonne ad multos bonos viros pertinet ? sed, si ita placuit, laudemus ; deinde in discessionibus soli relinquamur ! Amalthea mea te exspectat et 11 indiget tui. Tusculanum et Pompeianum valde me delectant, nisi I. Nasicam. For an account of P. Scipio Nasica, see on Ep. i, 3. The present prosecution may have been for bribery prac- tised against Favonius. Honeste, 'from honourable motives.' Moleste. Does this word mean 'spite- fully,' or ' to the annoyance of his hearers ?' As it seems to be used to discredit Favo- nius' training, I should prefer the second version. Prof. Nettleship suggests 'laboured,' 'strained,' as versions of ' molestus,' re- marking that it means 'affected' in CatuU. 42, 8; Ovid Art. Amat. 1. 6. Prof, "ryrrell retains the MS. ' inhoneste,' 'shab- bily,' and ' modeste.' Ita ut . . molis . , operam dedisse, ' so that it seemed he must have Vi'orked in a mill at Rhodes, and not studied under Molon.' There is a play on the words 'moleste,' 'molis,' 'Moloni.' Apollonius, surnamed Molon, a native of Alabanda, was a rhetorician of considerable reputation at Rhodes. See Intr. to Part I, §§ I, 2; also Brut. 90, 312 ; Schol.Bob.in Orat.Pro Plane. 34, 3. Mr. Long, however, in a note on Plut. Caes. 3, expresses a doubt of the identity of Molon and Apollonius. Civil Wars of Rome, vol. iii. p. 223. 3. Petit iterum, 'he is again a candi- date.' Boot conjectures that after having failed in a contest for the praetorship he stood for the tribuneship. Rei_ publicae causa, 'solely for the public good.' Slightly ironical. 5. Aderit biduo. Caesar was on his return from Lusitania, where he had been propraetor. Laedunt, sc. 'by not paying their debts.' Cp. Ad Att. I. 19, 9. A decree seems to have been passed, on the motion of Servi- lius, for checking the employment of violence in the exaction of debts alleged to be owing to Roman citizens from provincials and citi- zens of allied states. Sicyon was, apparently, an ' urbs libera.' Prof. Tyrrell on Ad Att. I. 19, 9 thinks that the decree perhaps pro- vided that debts incurred by populi liberi were not cognizable in Roman courts of law. The Servilius here mentioned is P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, son of the first who bore the name Isauricus. He was praetor 54 B.C., and then apparently an opponent of the triumvirs, but sided with Caesar in the civil war, and was his colleague as consul in 48 B.C. After Caesar's death he acted gene- rally with Cicero, and with the consuls Hirtius and Pansa ; but afterwards was re- conciled to Antony and Octavian. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 12, 2-4 ; 12. 2, i ; Philipp. 11. 8, 19; II. 10, 25. 6. Ea plaga nonne . . pertinet? 'does not that blow "affect the interests of" many good citizens ?' Cicero refers to the decree of the senate mentioned above, which would be unwelcome to the moneyed diss at Rome: or perhaps to the general estrange- ment of the equites from the senate. Prof. Nettleship remarks that 'pertinere ad' means ' to reach to.' Cp. Pro Rose. Amer. 33, 94 ne ad plures oratio mea pertinere videatur. 7. Si ita placuit, 'if such was the senate's pleasure.' Laudemus, 'let us approve what has been done.' Deinde . . relinquamur, ' and then be left alone ' — i.e. unsupported by the equites — ' in all future dissensions.' ' Discessiones ' is not apparently used here in the technical sense, of divisions in the senate. Billerb. Wesenb. and Prof. Tyrrell retain the MS. ' dissensionibus ' in their texts, but Prof. Tyrrell thinks 'discessionibus 'a good con- jecture. 8. Amalthea mea. Apparently a gym- nasium attached to Cicero's villa at Arpi- num, which he had named after that of Atticus in Epirus. Cp. Ep. 6, I ; 8. 15. 9. Indiget tui, 'wants you to set it in order.' Tusculanum et Pompeianum. Ci- cero's villas near Tusculum and Pompeii, which are often referred to in his letters. Cp. Appendix 5, i. 72 M. TULLII CICERO N IS [part I. quod me, ilium ipsum vindicem aeris alieni, aere non Corinthio, sed hoc circumforaneo obruerunt. In Gallia speramus esse otium. Prognostica mea cum oratiunculis propediem exspecta ; et tamen, quid cogites de adventu tuo, scribe ad nos : nam mihi Pomponia 5 nuntiari iussit, te mense Ouintili Romae fore ; id a tuis litteris, quas ad me de censu tuo miserasj discrepabat. Paetus, ut antea 12 ad te scrips!, omnes libros, quos frater suus reliquisset, mihi donavit. Hoc illius munus in tua diligentia positum est : si me amas, cura ut conserventur et ad me perferantur ; hoc mihi nihil lo potest esse gratius, et cum Graecos, turn vero diligenter Latinos ut conserves velim. Tuum esse hoc munusculum putabo. Ad Octavium dedi litteras ; cum ipso nihil eram locutus : neque enim ista tua negotia provincialia esse putabam, neque te in tocullio- nibus habebam ; sed scripsi, ut debui, diligenter. 1. Vindicem aeris alieni, ' maintainer of credit,' ' protector of creditors.' Smith ; Forcell. Cicero might claim this title on the ground both (i) of his opposition to the anarchical plots of Catiline, and (2) of a measure for an equitable settlement of debts, which seems to have been introduced during his consulship. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 6, 2 ; In Cat. 2. 8, 18; Sail. Cat. 21. Aere, used in a double sense. On the bronze of Corinth, cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. Aes, p. 25. Cicero's build- ings had burdened him with debts to the money-lenders who lived near the forum : 'aere circumforaneo.' 2. In Gallia . . otium, 'we hope that tranquillity prevails in Gaul.' Cp. ' spero enim . . etconfido te iam ut volumus valere' Ad Att. 6. 9, I ; and see Elp. I, I, note, on p. 26. Prof. Tyrrell thinks that ' esse ' may stand for ' futurum esse,' and may be one of Cicero's Plautinisms. The peace of Gaul was endangered or disturbed by the inten- tion of the Helvetii to emigrate, and by quarrels between the Aedui and Ariovistus. Cp. Caes. de Bell. Gall, i ; and Mommsen 4. I, 235-237. 3. Prognostica mea, ' my translation of the Prognostica of Aratus.' Passages from this work are quoted or referred to, Ad Att, 15, 16 b ; and De Divin. I. 7, 13. Et tamen, 'and yet,' without waiting for their arrival. 4. Pomponia, sister of Atticus, and wife of Qi Cicero. The marriage was not very happy ; cp. Ad Att. 5. i ; 6. 2, i and 2. 6. De censu tuo. Boot compares ' ne absens censeare curabo . . sub lustrum autem censeri germani negotiatoris est' Ad Att. i. 18, 8. Paetus. For an account of L. Papirius Paetus, see Ep. 87, note. His kinsman Ser. Claudius, had died, leaving a handsome library, apparently in Epirus. Ut antea . . scripsi : cp. Ad Att. i. 20, 7. 7. Quos . . reliquisset, 'which his brother, as he (Paetus) believed, had left ;' or ' which his brother might have left.' See Madv. 368. Frater, 'half-brother,' 'cousin,' or per- haps a brother who had passed by adoption into the Claudian family. 8. Hoc illius . . positum est, 'it de- pends on your care whether I ever profit by liis gift.* Cp. Ad Att. I. 20, 7 for Cicero's anxiety that Atticus should serve him in this matter. 10. Cum Graecos, tum vero . . Lati- nos, 'both the Greek books, and more especially the Latin :* ' cum . . tum ' brings the second member of the comparison more prominently forward than ' tum . . tum.' See Zumpt L. G. 723. 11. Tuum esse . . putabo ,' I shall con- sider myself indebted to you for the books.' Ad Octavium . . putabam, 'I have written to recommend you to Octavius : I did not speak to him on the subject, for before he left Rome I did not know that your business had to do with his province.' 13. Provincialia means apparently 'in the province of Octavius,' ' in Macedonia.' Wiel. Metzg. C. Octavius, father of the emperor Augustus, succeeded C. Antonius as governor of Macedonia. He had been praetor, EP. lo.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM 11. \6. 73 10. To ATTIC US (AD ATT. II. 16). FORMIAE, EARLY IN MaY, 59 B.C. (695 xV.U-C.) I. I was at first much disturbed by your news about the Campanian domains, but regained my composure on considering that the proposed measure will not satisfy the populace, and will arouse the indignation of good citizens as threatening ruin to our finances. 2. I do not understand Pompey's language. Hitherto he has avoided committing himself to all Caesar's measures, but now seems inclined to throw off the mask. 3. I do not wish to take any part in politics at present, and think of devoting myself to literature. 4. My letter from Quintus shewed as much inconsistency as yours. He does not seem to have received one from me, as to the exaction of certain duties in his province. If I have to express an opinion on the subject here, I must declare against the publicani, but I had rather be silent. I hope that the quaestors will pay Quintus in our currency. Come to me at Arpinum. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Cenato mihi et iam dormitanti pridie K. Maias epistola est ilia reddita, in qua de agro Campano scribis. Quid quaeris ? primo ita me pupugit^, ut somnum mihi ademerit, sed id cogitatione magis quam molestia ; cogitanti autem haec fere succurrebant : primum ex eo, quod superioribus litteris scripseras, ex familiari te i illius audisse prolatum iri aliquid, quod nemo improbaret, maius aliquid timueram ; hoc mihi eius modi non videbatur. Deinde, ut me egomet consoler, omnis exspectatio largitionis agrariae in agrum Campanum videtur esse derivata, qui ager, ut dena iugera but was never consul. Cicero expresses a 5. Primum . . scripseras, 'first from very high opinion of him (Ep. 15, 7), and a statement in your last letter.' says that he would have been consul but for Ex familiari . . illius, 'from some in- his premature death, Philipp. 3. 6, 15. timate friend of Caesar.' Neque . . habebam, 'nor did I class 6. Prolatum . . improbaret, that you among petty usurers.' some proposal would be made which would Tocullionibus. This word maybe a satisfy everybody:' i.e. probably, from the diminutive from To/foy, but seems not to context, every partisan of an agrarian law. occur elsewhere. Prof. Tyrrell suggests 'a Maius aliquid, 'some more sweeping bit of an usurer ' thinking that the diminu- measure.' live has a softening force. 7. Hoc mihi . . videbatur, ' this does not (see Ep. i, i, note) seem to answer to 2. De agro Campano. One of Caesar's your description.' It would satisfy too few, agrarian laws proposed the assignation of Cicero means. this district to the people. See Intr. to Eius modi refers either to 'maius ali- Part I, § 17. quid' or to 'quod nemo improbaret.' Quid quaeris: see Ep. 7)6, note, on 8. Largitionis agrariae, 'of gratuitous p. 51- assignation of land.' 3. Pupugit, 'excited.' The verb is often 9. Derivata, 'diverted, or directed, to ;' used metaphorically by Cicero. 'concentrated on' Tyrrell. Cogitatione. .molestia, * more from Ut dena iugera sint, ' supposing each the thoughts it suggested than from vexa- settler to get ten jugera ' only. It would tion. not be a large allowance. For ' ut ' = 74 31. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part I. sint, non amplius hominum quinque milia potest sustinere : re- liqua omnis multitudo ab illis abalienetur necesse est. Praeterea, si ulla res est, quae bonorum animos, quos iam video esse com- motos, vehementius possit incendere, haec certe est, et eo magis, 6 quod portorlis Italiae sublatis, agro Campano diviso, quod vectigal superest domesticum praeter vicensimam ? quae mihi videtur una contiuncula clamore pedisequorum nostrorum esse peritura. 2 Gnaeus quidem noster iam plane quid cogitet nescio : cf)vaa yap ov crfMiKpoiaiv avKlcrKois eVt, 10 aXX' aypiais (^ixraiai, (popl^eias arep' qui quidem etiam istuc adduci potuerit. Nam adhuc haec €(ro(f)L- (ero, se leges Caesaris probare, actiones ipsum praestare debere ; agrariam legem sibi placuisse, potuerit intercedi necne, nihil ad se pertinere ; de rege Alexandrino placuisse sibi aliquando confici ; ' supposing that,' see Madv. 440 a, Obs. 4- I. Reliqua . . multitudo, 'the rest of the numerous expectants.' Caesar did pro- vide for 20,000 settlers, by dividing both the ager Stellatis and the ager Campanus among them. See above ; also Velleius 2. 44 ; Suet. lul. 20. 3. Bonorum, 'of the friends of the constitution.' 4. Vehementius, 'more violently, or seriously, than another.' 5. Portoriis. Customs-duties had been abolished in the Italian ports in 60 B.C. Cp. Dion Cass. 37, 51. But, according to Suet. lul. 43, Caesar reimposed them on foreign goods : after he acquired supreme power, probably. 6. Domesticum, ' levied in Italy.' Vicensimam manumissorum. A tax of five per cent, on the value of slaves emanci- pated. It was first imposed by a Lex Manlia, passed 357 b.c. Cp. Livy 7. 16 for the details. Una contiuncula . . . nostrorum, ' will be abolished by the outcries of the rabble after one popular harangue.' ' Con- tiuncula ' seems not to be found elsewhere. The ablative here expresses the more re- mote cause, clamore, the instrument, of what Cicero feared. See Madv. 255 and 254- 7. Pedisequorum, 'lackeys,' as the po- pulace was so largely composed of freed- men. Cp. Ep. 9, 8, and note. 9. (pvaa -yap k.t,\. Soph. Fragm. 753 ap. Dind. avkicTKOis, 'pipes.' 10. (pvaaiai, 'blasts,' lit. 'bellows.' It was usual for pipers to wear a mouth-band for compressing their cheeks while playing, called (popPeia or ' capistrum.' Cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq. p. 238. (poppdds drep, ' wildly.' 11. Qui quidem . . potuerit, 'seeing that it was found possible to bring him even to the position you describe,' of advocating the agrarian law in its original shape. For the position of ' quidem ' in such passages, see Madv. 471 ; and for an account of Caesar's legislation in this year, Intr. to Part I, § 17. Adhuc, opposed to nunc vero below. Haec eaotpi^fTo, 'he resorted to the following evasions.' 12. Actiones . . debere, ' tliat Caesar must himself be responsible for the means he took to carry them.' 13. Agrariam legem: see Intr. as above. Potuerit intercedi necne, 'whether a veto was possible or not.' Three tribunes did interpose. See Mommsen 4. i, 202, E.T. 14. De rege Alexandrino. The re- cognition of the title of Ptolemy XII Auletes to the throne of Egypt had been brought about by the influence of the triumvirs: see Mommsen 4. i, 152, 153; Merivale I. 371, 376, 397. Cicero seems to have been offered an embassy to this prince. See Ad Att. 2. 5, I. Placuisse sibi . . confici, 'that he had approved of a settlement being made at length,' EP. lo.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM II. 16. n Bibulus de caelo turn servasset necne, sibi quaerendum non fuisse ; de publicanis, voluisse sc illi ordini commodare ; quid futurum fuerit, si Bibulus turn in forum descendisset, se divinare non potuisse. Nunc vero, Sampsicerame, quid dices? vectigal to nobis in monte Antilibano constituisse, agri Campani abstulisse? quid, 5 hoc quern ad modum obtinebis ? ' Oppressos vos ' inquit ' tenebo exercitu Caesaris.' Non mehercule me tu quidem tam isto exer- citu quam ingratis animis eorum hominum, qui appellantur boni, qui mihi non modopraemiorum,sed ne sermonum quidem umquam 3 fructum ullum aut gratiam rettulerunt. Quod si in eam me partem 10 incitarem, profecto iam aliquam reperirem resistendi viam : nunc prorsus hoc statui, ut, quoniam tanta controversia est Dicaearcho, familiari tuo, cum Theophrasto, amico meo, ut ille tuus rov 1. Bibulus de caelo . . . servasset iiecne, 'whether Bibulus had watched for omens in the sky or not.' A magistrate could suspend public business at Rome by declaring ' se servasse' — or ' servaturum ' — 'decaelo.' Cp. Philipp. 2. 32 and 33. Tum, 'when the agrarian law was being discussed.' See below. M. Calpurnius Bibulus, one of the consuls for this year, was one of the most obstinate of the optimates. For notices of his conduct as consul, see Intr. to Part I, §§ 17, 18, and reff. He governed Syria at the same time that Cicero was governing Cilicia, and excited Cicero's jea- lousy on various grounds. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 8, 5 ; 7-2,6. In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, Bibulus commanded a fleet for the latter in the Adriatic, and died in con- sequence of his great exertions. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 18. 2. De publicanis . . . commodare, ' as for the publicani, he had been willing to do that order a service.' See Intr. as above ; also Ad Att. i. 17, 9 ; Pro Plancio 14. 35- 3. Fuerit. For the tense, see Madv. 381. Tum='on the day when the agrarian law was brought forward.' Bibulus was then driven by violence from the forum. Cp. Dion Cass. 38, 6. 4. Nunc vero . . abstulisse? 'but now,' after the sacrifice of the Campanian domains, 'what will you say? that you have increased our resources in the East, while diminishing them in Italy ? ' If Pompey did say this he used a good argument ; the improvement of the Roman revenues by conquests in the East rendered the produce of the Campanian domains less indispensable to the treasury. Sampsiceramus, a prince of Emesa. Here a nickname for Pompey. Vectigal . . in . . Antilibano consti- tuisse, ' that you have established a source of revenue for us on Antilibanus,' by making Judaea and Syria tributary. Antilibanus was a mountain range running to the east of Coele Syria. 5. Quid . . obtinebis, 'how will you defend, or make good, this ? ' ' Quid ' seems pleonastic. See Zumpt 769, and cp. Madv. 449, and 395, Obs. 7. 7. Exercitu Caesaris. Caesar's army would threaten the capital from Cisalpine Gaul, and recruits or soldiers on leave of absence might mingle with the populace at Rome. Quidem : see note on p. 74, 1. 11. 9. Qui mihi . . rettulerunt, 'who, far from showing their gratitude by material rewards, have not even thanked me in words.' Praemiorum . . sermonum are in- stances of the genitivus definitivus. See Madv. 286, Obs. 2. Cicero's meaning seems to be that he should not fear Caesar's army if he were sure of the support of the nobles. Or perhaps that he did not care to exert himself for so ungrateful a faction. 10. Si in eam .. incitarem, 'if I aroused myself to oppose that party,' i.e. the party of the triumvirs. On this use of ' in,' see Ep. 9, 6, note on p. 69. 12. Dicaearcho. Dicaearchus of Messana was a philosopher of the Peripatetic school, and is often mentioned by Cicero. He was one of .A.ristotle's younger pupils, and lived about 350-285 B.C. 13. Theophrasto. Theophrastus of 76 M. TULLII CICERONIS [parti. TTpaKTiKov ^Lov loiige omnibus anteponat, hie autem tov ^ecopjjriKoi', utrique a me mos gestus esse videatur ; puto enim me Dicaearcho adfatim satis fecisse, respicio nunc ad banc familiam, quae mihi non modo, ut requiescam, permittit, sed reprehendit, quia non 5 semper quierim. Qua re incumbamus, o noster Tite, ad ilia praeclara studia et eo, unde discedere non oportuit, aliquando revertamur. Quod de Quinti fratris epistola scribis, ad me quoque 4 fuit Trpoade Aecoy, oindev be — . Quid dicam nescio : nam ita deplorat primis versibus mansionem suam, ut quemvis movere lo possit ; ita rursus remittit, ut me roget, ut annales suos emendem et edam. Illud tamen, quod scribit, animadvertas velim, de por- torio circumvectionis ; ait se de consilii sententia rem ad senatum reiecisse : nondum videlicet meas litteras legerat, quibus ad eum re consulta et explorata rescripseram non deberi. Velim, si qui 15 Graeci iam Romam ex Asia de ea causa venerunt, videas et, si tibi vadebitur, iis demonstres, quid ego de ea re sentiam. Si possum discedere, ne causa optima in senatu pereat, ego satis Eresus succeeded Aristotle as the head of the Peripatetic school. Cicero derives the terms it paKriKos and OecoprjrtKos fiios from Aristotle. Cp. Arist. Eth. 1.5; 10, 7: Polit. 7, 2. 3. Familiam, 'school of philosophy." Forcell. 5. Ilia praeclara studia, 'our old and noble pursuits.' The study of philosophy is referred to. 6. Eo, 'to a life of study and retire- ment.' Oportuit. On the mood, see Ep. 9, 7, note. 8. -npoaOi \faiv ontOev 5« hpaKwv /xfcrffT) be x't/xaipa. II. 6. 181. Cicero com- plains of the inconsistency of his brother's letter, and Atticus seems to have received one, to which he made the same objection : hence quoque, ' as to you.' 9. Mansionem. His prolonged resi- dence in Asia as governor. 10. Remittit, 'grows less earnest;' 'tones down.' Prof. Tyrrell. Annales. Perhaps Quintus was referring to his official journals ; perhaps to some his- torical work. 11. De portorio circumvectionis. These words are variously explained. Bil- lerb. supposes them to mean a tax on goods conveyed Irom one town of the province to another : Boot that the portorium was a duty levied on goods re-exported in default of a purchaser. 12. De consilii sententia, ' with the approval of his legal advisers.' See Ep. 8, 5, note, and Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' conventus,' 14. Re consulta, 'having considered the matter.' Forcell. Cp. Livy 2. 28. Non deberi, 'that there is no obligation to pay.' Si qui . . venerunt, 'I beg you to see such Greeks as have already come.' Cicero often uses ' videre ' in this sense in his letters. 17. Discedere, sc. ' de sententia' 're- nounce my opinion on the case.' Schiitz. If this be the meaning of ' discedere,' 'si possum ' must mean 'if I can consistently with my duty,' cp. supr. § 2, ' potuerit intercedi necne.' But perhaps ' discedere ' has the same sense as in Ep. 15, 16, and the general sense may be 'if I can get out of the affair on any terms which will save the best of causes from ruin,' Prof. Net- tleship suggests that ' de re ' may have drop- ped out after ' discedere,' if I can get out of the matter.' Causa optima. The cause of the con- stitution, which depended on a good under- standing being maintained between the senate and the equites. The denial of the obligation of the provincials to pay the tax referred to would annoy the equites, for their gains as farmers of the revenue would de- pend in part on its payment. Pereat, 'should be lost.' EP. 1 1 .] EPISTOLARUM AD A TTICUM II. 1 8. 'j'j faciam publicanis, ei h\ \j.rj, — vere tecum loquar — in hac re malo universae Asiae et negotiatoribus ; nam corum quoquc vehem enter interest. Hoc ego sentio valde nobis opus esse. Sed tu id viclebis. Quaestores autem, quaeso, num etiam de cistophoro dubitant ? nam si aliud nihil erit, cum erimus omnia experti, ego ne illud 5 quidem contemnam, quod extremum est. Te in Arpinati vide- bimus et hospitio agresti accipiemus, quoniam maritumum hoc contempsisti. 11. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. II. 18). Rome, May or June, 59 b.c. (695 a.u.c.) I. Your letters show great anxiety to hear the news. I can only say that we live under great restraint. Curio's opposition to our masters is very popular, and their tool, Fufius, is insulted wherever he appears. 2. Tyranny cannot put down all ex- pression of opinion, which, indeed is rather freer than it was just lately. The law about the Campanian domains, prescribes an oath to be taken by all candidates for office : Laterensis has won great credit by refusing to take it. 3. I reproach myself with want of independence, yet cannot prevail upon myself to accept Caesar's offers of protection, 4. Various circumstances trouble me ; come at once if I send for you. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Accept aliquot epistolas tuas, ex quibus intellexi, quam sus- pense animo et sollicito scire averes, quid esset novi : tenemur 10 1. Male, sc.'satisfacere.' On the ellipse, Greek coin, stamped with the cistus, vanniis, see Madv. 478, Obs. 3. and other emblems. According to Hultsch, 2. Asiae. The province of Asia, which Metrologie, 270 (Berlin 1862), the cisto- comprehended the districts on the coast of phorus was worth three denarii. Q^ Cicero the Aegean, with part ofPhrygia. Cp. Smith, wished to have his official stipend in denarii. Diet, of Geogr. i. 238, 239. but the quaestors preferred to give him orders Negotiatoribus. This word generally on Asiatic money-changers for cistophori, of means bankers, or money-lenders ; but it is which Pompey had a great many struck be- difficult to see how they should have a dif- fore leaving Asia. Cp. Ad Att. 2. 6, 2. ferent interest from the equites, unless the 5. Nam si . . extremum est, 'if we exaction of the ' portorium ' was likely to can get nothing better, I shall not corn- make their provincial debtors insolvent. See plain of the last resource,' i.e. payment in Smith, Diet, of Antiq. 794. the cistophorus. Quintus apparently would 3. Hoc ego . . opus esse . . videbis, 'I lose on the exchange into Roman currency, see that this is a matter of great importance the nominal value of the cistophorus being to us, but I leave it to your judgment.' higlier than the real. Nobis, either 'to my brother and me,' 7. Hospitio agresti, ' entertainment in or 'to our party.' Boot suggests 'bonis,' a country house.' which would give the same sense as the Maritumum. Cicero was now at his last version. 'Opus esse' is less strong than villa near Formiae. •necesso esse,' it means only 'very desirable,' not ' indispensable.' Cp. Ep. 29, 25. lo. Scire averes. Atticus was probably 4. Etiam ..dubitant? * are they still in Epirus. hesitating?' as to the mode of payment. Tenemur undique, 'we are hemmed Cistophoro. The cistophorus was a in on all sides.' See Mommsen 4. 1, 205. 78 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. undique, neque iam quo minus serviamus recusamus, sed mortem et eiectionem quasi maiora timemus, quae multo sunt minora ; atque hie est status, qui una voce omnium gemitur neque verbo cuiusquam sublevatur : (rnoTrbs est, ut suspicor, illis, qui tenent, 5 nullam cuiquam largitionem relinquere. Unus loquitur et palam adversatur adulescens Curio : huic plausus maximi, consalutatio forensis perhonorifica, signa praeterea benevolentiae permulta a bonis impertiuntur ; Fufium clamoribus et convitiis et sibilis consectantur. His ex rebus non spes, sed dolor est maior, cum 10 videas civitatis voluntatem solutam, virtutem alligatam. Ac ne 2 forte quaeras Kara X^tttov de singulis rebus, universa res eo est deducta, spes ut nulla sit aliquando non modo privatos, verum etiam magistratus liberos fore. Hac tamen in oppressione sermo in circulis dumtaxat et in conviviis est liberior, quam fuit ; 15 vincere incipit timorem dolor, sed ita, ut omnia sint plenis- sima desperationis. Habet etiam Campana lex exsecrationem 1. Neque . . recusamus . . minora, ' we no longer object 'to be slaves, and fear death and exile as greater evils than slavery, whereas they are really not nearly so great.' 2. Eiectio seems not to be used else- where as simply equivalent to banishment. 3. Hie est status . . sublevatur, 'our position is one which all only lament, and no one says a word to relieve.' A word meaning ' only ' is often omitted in such passages. See Nagelsb. 84, 231. 4. (jKOTtos, ' the aim.' Qjii tenent, sc. 'rem publicam;' or per- haps 'nos,' 'our masters.' Cp. ' tenemur,' above. For the more absolute use, cp. ' iis me dem qui tenent' Ad Att. 7. 12, 3. 5. Nullam . . relinquere, 'to leave no one else any opportunity of giving.' Cp. Suet. Jul. 20, quoted by Prof. Tyrrell. Florus 3. 17, where M. Livius Drusus says, ' nihil se ad largitionem ulli reliquisse nisi si quis aut caenum dividere vellet aut caelum,' 6. Adulescens Curio; cp. Ep. 7, 5, note. Consalutatio, ' multorum salutatio,' Forcell. A rare word apparently. 7. Forensis, 'when he appears in the forum.' Forcell. 8. Fufium. Q^ Fufius Calenus was tri- bune 62-61 B.C., and employed his influence on behalf of Clodius He seems to have been praetor in this year (59 b.c), and served under Caesar in the Gaulish and civil wars. During the war of Mutina, Antony's wife and children found a refuge in his house, and he often pleaded for conciliation in the senate, to Cicero's annoyance. See Intr. to Part V, § 13 ; Philipp. 12, I, I, alib. 10. Voluntatem . . alligatam, ' that the people's wishes are free, but their power for action is under restraint.' Ac ne .. quaeras, supp ' I will tell you.' Cp. ' ut ne quid praetermittam, Caesonius ad me litteras misit ' Ad Att. 12, II. 11. Kara Kcnrov, 'bit by bit.' The ex- pression does not seem to be used by classical Greek authors. Universa . . deducta, 'in general things have come to this.' 14. Circulis, 'clubs,' 'coteries.' Dumtaxat qualifies the previous state- ment : ' speech is freer in social gatherings at least.' 15. Ita, ut . . desperationis, 'without preventing a general despondency' from pre- vailing. For this use of ' ita, ut,' see Ep. i, I, note. 16. Habet . . luliis. 'The law about the Campanian domains, prescribes an oath to be taken publicly by all candidates for any magistracy, " that they will not suggest any other mode of occupation than that which the Julian laws direct.'" Billerb. On the Julian laws see Intr. to Part I, § 17. E t i a m, = ' moreover.' Exsecrationem. An oath, in which the juror imprecates curses on himself if he breaks it. Forcell. Boot thinks the words 'in contione' suspicious. See upon them, A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigraph. I. 284, foil, and Intr. as above. I have translated EP. 1 1 .] EP IS TO LA R UM AD A TTICUM II. 1 8. 79 in contione candidatorum, si mentionem fecerint, qua aliter ager possideatur atque ut ex legibus luliis : non dubitant iurare ceteri ; Laterensis existimatur laute fecisse, quod tribunatum 3 pi. petere destitit, ne iuraret. Sed de re publica non libet plura scribere : displiceo mihi nee sine summo scribo dolore. Me 5 tueor, ut oppressis omnibus, non demisse, ut tantis rebus gestis, parum fortiter. A Caesare valde liberaliter invitor [in lega- tionem illam], sibi ut sim legatus, atque etiam libera legatio voti causa datur. Sed haec et praesidii apud pudorem Pulchelli non habet satis et a fratris adventu me ablegat ; ilia et munitior lo est et non impedit quo minus adsim, cum velim : banc ego teneo, sed usurum me non puto ; neque tamen scit quisquam. them ' publicly.' Prof. Tyrrell thinks they refer to the orations ' in toga Candida ' made by the candidates. 3. Laterensis. M. luventius. He ac- cused Cn. Plancius in 54 b.c, and was praetor next year. In 44-43 b.c. he was legate to M. Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis, and served the Commonwealth faithfully in that capacity till, in despair at the dissimu- lation and treason of his general, he slew himself. See Ep. 146, 4. Laute, apparently 'admirably,' a rare meaning of the word. Prof. Nettleship suggests ' to have kept his hands clean.' He remarks that ' lautius is contrasted with 'sordes,' Philipp. i. 8, 20. But I think that the contrast in that passage is hardly direct enough, and doubt if it was thought of by Cicero. 5. Displiceo . . dolore. According to some, a quotation from Lucilius. Boot thinks the verse escaped Cicero by accident. ' Displiceo mihi,' ' I am out of humour.' Cp. Philipp. I. 5, 12. Me tueor, 'I maintain my position,' ' behave myself.' 6. Ut oppressis omnibus, 'consider- ing the general oppression.' Non demisse, 'without humiliation.' 8. Sibi ut sim legatus. Cp. Ad Fam, 14. 3, I. Caesar was annoyed by Cicero's refusal of his offer. Cp. Ad Att. 9. 2 a, i. Libera . . datur, 'a titular legation, for the sake of discharging a vow, is offered me.' 'Libera' means ' free from the usual limitation to a particular province.' This privilege was granted either to enable a Roman who had business in the provinces to travel with more cheapness and comfort, or, as here, to afford an honourable retire- ment from public life. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 11, 4. The burden of providing for such legati was severely felt by the provinces, and Cicero, in his consulship, limited the dura- tion of the privilege to one year (cp. De Legg. 3. 8, 18), a limitation afterwards sanctioned by Caesar apparently (cp. Ad Att. 15, 1. c). 9. Haec, ' the legatio libera.' Apud pudorem Pulchelli, 'in presence of, or against, the moderation (ironical) of Clodius.' Cicero would still be legally a private person if he accepted this office, and so liable to prosecution. Prof. Tyrrell ren- ders ' resting as it does on the honour of Clodius.' Professor Nettleship suggests that ' pudorem ' may be corrupted from ' furo- rem * which, as Baiter remarks, ' alii ' read : but Boot thinks that if Cicero had written ' furorem ' he would have written ' adversus,' or ' contra' ' furorem.' 10 A fratris . . ablegat, 'removes me from Rome just about the time of my brother's return.' Q. Cicero left Asia in 58 B.C. Cp. Ad Q. F. I. 3, 4. Munitior, 'safer,' for it would secure him Caesar's protection. 11. Non impedit . . cum velim. Cicero might spend a short time in Gaul as Caesar's legate, and then return to Rome. Matth. Hanc . . teneo, ' I cling to this post,' of legate to Caesar. Cicero after all refused it. He seems to have wavered much as to his conduct at this crisis. Prof. Tyrrell renders 'I have already got the legatio libera (hanc).' 12. Scit quisquam. If these words are genuine, ' quid facturus sim,' or words to that effect, must be supplied. Orell. sug- gests ' scio quid sequar.' 8o M. TULLII CICERONIS [part i. Non lubet fugere, aveo pugnare. Magna sunt hominum studia. Sed nihil adfirmo, tu hoc silebis. De Statio manu misso et non 4 nullis ahis rebus angor equidem, sed iam prorsus occallui. Tu vellem ego vel cuperem adesses : nee mihi consihum nee con- 5 solatio deesset. Sed ita te para, ut, si inclamaro, advoles. 12. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. II. 19). Rome, July, 59 b.c. (695 a.u.c.) I. Nothing, even in these troubled times, disquiets me more than the manumission of Statius. I care less for the threats of Clodius, but should be glad of your presence and advice. 2. The present state of things is generally odious; no one can be more unpopular than the so-called popular leaders. Bibulus is the idol of the populace ; Pompey has lost all hold on its affections. I try to avoid offending our rulers, without discrediting my previous life. 3. At all public entertainments people shew their feelings ; this was the case especially when the actor Diphilus attacked Pompey at the games of Apollo. The younger Curio had an enthusiastic reception on the same occa- sion, and it is said that our masters meditate measures of retaliation, both against the equites and against the populace. 4. Clodius threatens me, but Pompey promises his protection. I am not inclined, however, to accept a place on the Commission of Twenty, 5. nor even the post of legate to Caesar. I prefer to meet force by force, but have not made my final decision. In future I shall only write distinctly if I can quite depend on my messenger ; otherwise I shall substitute other names for yours and mine. I shew proper attention to your uncle. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Multa me sollicitant et ex rei publicae tanto motu et ex iis l pericuhs, quae mihi ipsi intenduntur, et sescenta sunt ; sed mihi nihil est molestius quam Statium manu missum : 1. Aveo pugnare, i.e. 'to resist the the word is used by an author of the best attack which Clodius threatened, instead of period metaphorically ; but Forceil. quotes evading it.' passages from Pliny the younger and Colu- Magna . . studia, 'people are zealous mella, where it has a similar meaning, in my cause.' Boot, who quotes Ad Att. 2. 4. Vellem ego vel cuperem, 'I 22, 3 ' renovatur memoria consulatus, studia should wish, or rather earnestly desire.' significantur.' Orel), suggests 'vellem ego accurreres.' The 2. Nihil adfirmo, 'I say nothing for MS. has 'vellem ego ve cuperem.' On certain.' ' vellem,' and on the conj. mood after it, see Silebis = ' sile.' See Madv. 384, Obs. Ep. 8, 14, note, on p. 62. Statio. Statius was a slave, for whom Q^ Cicero was thought to have too much 7. Intenduntur, 'are threatened.' regard, and whose manumission caused un- Sescenta, 'very numerous.' friendly remarks. Cp. Epp. 12, i; 15, i. 8. Quam Statium manu missum. sc. 3. Occallui. 'have grown thick-skinned-' 'esse,' 'than the nianun.ission of Statius.' Apparently this is the only passage in which For more about him, cp. Ep. 15, i. EP. 12.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM II. 19. 81 Nee meum imperium : ac mitto imperium : non simultatem meam Revereri saltern ! Nec quid faciam scio, neque tantum est in re, quantus est sermo. Ego autem ne irasci possum quidem iis quos valde 5 amo : tantum doleo, ac mirifice quidem. t Cetera in magnis re- bus ; minae Clodii contentionesque, quae mihi proponuntur, modice me tangunt : etenim vel subire cas videor mihi summa cum dignitate vel declinare nulla cum molestia posse. Dices fortasse : 'dignitatis aAt?, tamquam hpvos : saluti, si me amas, 10 consule.' Me miserum ! cur non ades? nihil profecto te prae- teriret ; ego fortasse rix/jAcorrco et nimium rw kuAw TrpoaTr^iTovdo,. Scito nihil umquam fuisse tam infame, tam turpe, tam perae- 2 que omnibus generibus, ordinibus, aetatibus offensum, quam hunc statum, qui nunc est, magis mehercule, quam vellem, non 15 modo quam putaram. Populares isti iam etiam modestos homines sibilare docuerunt. Bibulus in caelo est, nec qua re scio, sed ita laudatur^ quasi Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. I. Nec meum imperium . . saltem, ' does he not regard my orders ? or at least fear a quarrel with me?' a quotation from Terence, Phorm, II. I, 2. Mitto, ' I say nothing of.' On the infin. revereri, expressing surprise, see Madv. 399- 3. Neque . . sermo, 'however, there is not as much in the affair as people say.' 5. Cetera in magnis rebus, ' my other causes of annoyance have to do with im- portant matters.' In appos. with minae. Kayser suggests ' ceterum in magnis rebus minae.' 6. Quae mihi proponuntur, 'with which I am threatened.' 8. Declinare, 'to avoid.' Cp. Ad Att. 8. iiD, 7. 9. dpvos. Quoted, apparentl}', from a proverb about men leaving off acorns when they could get corn. ' You have had enough of dignity, think of safety.' Cp. Orel!. Onomast. sub voc. Mr. Jeans renders by a French proverb ' le siecle du gland est passe,' which he quotes from Voltaire. See a letter of Voltaire to M. de la Chalotais written on November 3, 1762, in the ' Cor- respondence generale de Voltaire.' " Le siecle du gland est passe, vous donnerez du pain aux hommes." ' 11. TvcpXwTTOj, 'I am blind,' i. e. to my true interest. Cp. Polyb. 2. 61. Nimium . . irpoffTTitrovOa, 'am too passionately devoted to.' Cp. Ph)t. Sert. 26. 12. Peraeque, 'quite equally.' Cp. In Verr. Act. 2. 3. 52, 121. 13. Generibus, perhaps 'parties,' cp. Pro Sest. 45, 96 ; perhaps ' professions,' cp. A. VV. Zumpt's Excursus on the Lex Curiata de Imperio, in his edition of Cicero's ora- tions on the agrarian law of Rullus, p. 170. Offensum, 'odious,' 'offensive.' Prof. Tyrrell suggests ' distasteful.' 14. Quam vellem, ' than I should wish.' Cp. Ep. 8. 10. note. 15. Putaram, i.e. before his return to Rome. Not, I think, the epistolary tense. Populares, 'the chiefs of the popular party, the triumvirs.' 16. In caelo est,' is exalted to the skies.' Cicero seems to have appreciated properly the foolish obstinacy of Bibulus, who only opposed a passive resistance to the triumvirs. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 18. But he afterwards called him ' praestantissimum civem' Philipp. 2. 10, 23. 18. Unus homo . . rem. A quotation fiom Eunius, on Q^FahiusCunctator ; hence the indicative ' restituit' is retained. 82 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part I. Pompeius, nostri amores, quod mihi summo dolori est, ipse se adflixit : nemincm tenet voluntate ; ne metu necesse sit iis uti, vereor. Ego autem neque pugno cum ilia causa propter illam amicitiam, neque approbo, ne omnia improbem, quae s antea gessi : utor via. Populi sensus maxime theatro et spec- 3 taculis perspectus est : nam gladiatoribus qua dominus qua advocati sibilis conscissi ; ludis ApoUinaribus Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum Pompeium petulanter invectus est : Nostra miseria tu es magnus — 10 millies coactus est dicere ; Eandem virtutem istam veniet tempus cum graviter gemes totius theatri clamore dixit itemque cetera. Nam eius modi sunt ii versus, uti in tempus ab inimico Pompeii scripti esse videantur. 1. Nostri amores, 'my favourite:' common enough in Cicero in this sense. Se adflixit, ' has ruined himself.' 2. Neminera tenet voluntate, ' he can reckon on no one's voluntary support,' lit. ' controls none by their own choice,' 'holds no one by any bonds of good will.' Tyrrell. 'Voluntate ' = ' voluntarie.' For- cell. Cp. 'sentiunt se nullius partis volun- tatem tenere.' Ad Att. 2. 21, 5. lis, 'for the populares.' 3. Cum ilia causa, 'with the cause referred to,' that of the men in power. 4. Illam amicitiam, 'my friendship for Pompey.' Cp. ' nostri amores ' above. 5. Utor via, ' I go straight on' (Matth.), i. e I presume, without turning to support either side. Theatro et spectaculis, ' at the theatre and at public shows.' The con- junction seems rather harsh, for 'theatro,' if it stood by itself, would rather be ex- plained as the local ablative. On the abla- tives ' spectaculis, gladiatoribus,' see Ep. 8, II, note. The gladiatorial show referred to was perhaps that exhibited by A. Gabinius. Cp. Ep. 13, 3. 6. Qua . . qua, 'both . . and.' Cp. Ep. 65, I, and Forcell. who gives ' cum . . turn ' as equivalents. Dominus, ' the man who gave the enter- tainment.' Cp. ' dominus epuli ' In Vat. 13, 31. Or perhaps more probably ' our master ' Caesar. Prof. Tyrrell thinks that Pompey is meant. 7. Advocati, ' partisans.' See Ep. 8, 4. Conscissi, 'abused,' lit. 'torn,' 'pelted.' Cp 'consciudi' Ep. 59^ i. Ludis ApoUinaribus. These games dated from 212 B.C., and were celebrated on July 5 by the praetor urbanus. Cp. Livy 25. 12 \21. 23. Diphilus seems not to be elsewhere men- tioned. According to Valerius Maximus (6. 2, 9), he pointed to Pompey when de- livering these passages. Valerius Maximus quotes the passage ' Miseria nostra magnus es,' which Prof. Tyrrell says is more rhythmical, and suggests as an alternative ' nostra miseria tu magnus es.' He would also omit ' neque ' before ' leges ' in another quotation below, supposing both passages to form part of trochaic tetrameters. 9. Nostra miseria, 'at the cost of our misery.' On the ablative, cp. Madv. 258. 11. Virtutem istam, 'that valour (Cae- sar's) which you praise.' Boot. Manutius says 'virtutem.' Opes, facultates, vires in civitate. Prof. Tyrrell says ' the spectator would refer "virtutem" to the victories of Pompeius, and "gemes" to himself.' 12. Itemque cetera. ' and the rest of the passage likewise.' The lines here quoted are placed by Ribbeck among the fragments 'ex incertis incertorum fabulis.' Nam eius modi . . videantur, 'are such as to seem written to suit the present time by some enemy of Pompey.' The ex- pression is elliptical. ' This was not strange, for ' cp. Madv. ad Cic. de Fin. Excursus, p. 791, who, however, thiuks that ' et eius modi' would be more in accordance with Cicero's usage; in which case I presume that there should be only a comma after ' videantur.' Prof. Tyrrell has a colon. EP. 12.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM 11. 19. 83 Si neque leges neque mores cogunt — Et cetera magno cum frcmitu et clamore sunt dicta. Caesar cum venisset mortuo plausu, Curio filius est insecutus : huic ita plausum est, ut salva re publica Pompeio plaudi solebat. Tulit Caesar graviter : litterae Capuam ad Pompeium volare 5 dicebantur. Inimici erant equitibus, qui Curioni stantes plause- rant, hostes omnibus ; Rosciae legi, etiam frumentariae, mini- tabantur : sane res erat perturbata. Equidem malueram, quod erat susceptum ab illis, silentio transiri, sed vereor ne non liceat : non ferunt homines, quod videtur esse tamen ferendum. 10 Sed est iam una vox omnium, magis odio firmata quam prae- 4 sidio. Noster autem Publius mihi minitatur, inimicus est ; impendet negotium, ad quod tu scilicet advolabis. Videor mihi nostrum ilium consularem exercitum bonorum omnium, etiam satis bonorum, habere firmissimum. Pompeius significat 15 studium erga me non mediocre ; idem adfirmat verbum de me ilium non esse facturum ; in quo non me ille fallit, sed ipse 1. Cogunt, ' have any constraining force,' i. e. over tyrants. 2. Caesar . . plausu, 'Caesar having arrived when the applause (called forth by the passage given above) had ceased.' It is implied that no applause greeted him. 3. Curio : see on § i of the preceding letter. 5. Capuam. Ponipey was probably at Capua, employed as one of the commission of twenty charged with the execution of Caesar's agrarian laws. 6. Dicebantur is not, probably, the epistolary imperfect. Prof. Tyrrell takes a different view, however. Erant, so. 'populares isti.' Cp. § 2. The demeanour of the equites seems curious, considering what the triumvirs did to conciliate them. Cp Ep. lo, 2, note ; Intr. to Part I, § 17. Mr. Long (Dec), of Rom. Rep. 3. 429, 430) thinks that Cae- sar's law for releasing the 'publicani' from their bargain had not yet been introduced ; but this seems hardly probable. May not the equites present in the theatre have been carried away by a momentary impulse ? Mr. H. F. Pelham suggests that the ' equites ' here referred to may be the ' equi- tum centuriae,' mainly consisting of young patricians. 7. Hostes omnibus, 'open enemies to all their countrymen.' Rosciae . . minitabantur, ' they were threatening to abrogate the Roscian law, and even that providing corn for the people.' On the Roscian law, see Ep. 9, 3, note. Its repeal would of course offend the equites, as that of the other law would offend the populace. The Lex Frumentaria here referred to was probably the Le.x Cassia Terentia, enacted 73 B.C. (cp. Orell. Ono- mast.), which provided for the sale of coin at low fixed rates. 8. Malueram. On the indie, see Madv. 348 c. 9. Ab illis, 'by Pompey and Caesar.' 11. Magis . . praesidio, 'emboldened by hatred rather than by the possession of any real force.' 12. Noster . . Publius, ' our friend Pub- lius,' i. e. Clodius, who is often spoken of simply by his praenomen. 13. Impendet, 'threatens us.' The threat would be fulfilled when Clodius should be tribune. Scilicet, 'of course.' Forcell. gives ' nimirum ' as one of the equivalents for ' scilicet,' and says ' habet vim afhrm:indi.' 14. Nostrum ilium . . firmissimum, ' to be able to place full reliance in that force of well-disposed, or even fairly well-dispc sed, citizens which my consulate embodied.' 17. Ilium, ' Clodium.' Non me ille . . fallitur. Cicero thought that Pc.mpcy was kept in the dark as to the attack planned against himself by Clodius. Cp. Ad Att. 2. 21, 6. G 2 84 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. fallitur. Cosconio mortuo sum in eius locum invitatus : id erat vocari in locum mortui ; nihil me turpius apud homines fuisset, neque vero ad istam ipsam ao-^aAetay quicquam alienius ; sunt cnim illi apud bonos invidiosi, ego apud improbos meam 5 retinuissem invidiam, alienam adsumpsissem. Caesar me sibi 5 volt esse legatum. Honestior declinatio haec periculi ; sed ego hoc non repudio. Quid ergo est? Pugnare malo. Nihil tamen certi. Iterum dico, utinam adesses ! sed tamen, si erit necesse, arcessemus. Quid aliud ? quid ? Hoc opinor : certi sumus lo perisse omnia ; quid enim aKKiCp\L^Qa tam diu ? sed haec scripsi properans et mehercule timide. Posthac ad te aut, si perfidelem habebo, cui dem, scribam plane omnia, aut, si obscure scribam, tu tamen intelleges. In iis epistolis me Laelium, te Furium faciam ; cetera erunt Iv aiviyixols. Hie Caecilium colimus et 15 observamus diligenter, Edicta Bibuli audio ad te missa : iis ardet dolore et ira noster Pompeius. 1. Cosconio. We may perhaps infer from this passage compared with Ad Att. 9. 2 a, I, and Veil. 2, 45, that Cicero was in- vited to succeed Cosconius as a member of the Com.mission of Twenty appointed to divide the public lands in Campania. C. Cosconius was praetor in 63 B.C., and after- wards governor of Farther Spain. Cp. Pro Sulla. 14, 42; In Vat. 5, 12. Id erat . . mortui, 'that was an invi- tation to take a dead man's place,' ' to pass from political existence.' A play on the words 'in locum mortui,' which might merely mean 'to succeed a dead man.' 2. Apud homines. So Boot and Orell. Baiter has ' apud homineni,' which, I pre- sume, must mean ' in the eyes of Pompey.' 3. Ad istam ipsam daipaXeiav, ' with a view to that very security you advise me to think of.' For this sense of ' isle,' cp. Ep. 7, 2, note. 4. Illi, 'the commissioners' probably. 6. Honestior . . periculi, 'this is a more honourable way of avoiding the dan- ger' than the acceptance of a place among the Xx viri would be. For Caesar's oflFer, cp. § ^ of the previous letter. 7. Hoc non repudio, ' I do not shrink from danger.' Boot. Wesenb. denies that ' repudio ' can have this meaning, and sug- gests ' refugio.' Quid ergo est ?' what then do I mean.' 9. Quid aliud . . omnia, 'what more have I to say ? This, I think ; that we are sure that all is lost.' Cicero's agitation shews itself in the abruptness of the style. Billerb. 10. aK K I (6 fJ,e da, ' dissemhle.^ See Plat. Gorg. 497 A. 11. Perfidelem. This word seems not to occur elsewhere. 12. Obscure, 'under a disguise.' Cp. ev alvLjfioTs a few lines below. It is opposed to ' plane.' 13. Me Laelium . . faciam, ' I shall call myself Laelius, and you Furius. ' Facio' is often used by Cicero in this sense. The name Furius was perhaps suggested by the younger Laelius having had a friend of that name, L. Furius Philus, who was consul 136 B.C. Cicero has compared himself to Laelius once before ; see Ep. 3, 3. 14. aivijuois. a'iviyfxa is the more common form, but alviy/xos is found, Eur. Rhes. 754; Aristoph. Ranae 61. Caecilium. Atticus had an uncle named Q^ Caecilius, who afterwards adopted him. Cp. Ep. I, 3, note. 15. Edicta, ' proclamations.' Bibulus, during the last six months of his consulship, shut himself up in his house, and merely issued proclamations declaring Caesar's acts void. Cp. App. Bell, Civ. 2. 12; Dion Cassius 38, 6. lis, ' at,' or ' about them.' On the abl., see Madv. 255. 16. Pompeius. There is more about the behaviour of Pompey at this time, in Ad Att. 2. 21, 3. EP. 13-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM 11.%^. 85 13. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. II. 24). Rome, August, 59 b.c. (695 a.u.c.) [Baiter]. I. I sent you a most pressing summons by Numestius, but do not be anxious ; the affair for which I wanted you will not, I hope, turn out so ill as I feared. 2. Vettius, my old agent, has contrived a plot for the ruin of the younger Curio and others. He charged Curio with conspiring for the murder of Pompey, but had in reality suggested that crime to Curio, who warned PomjDcy through his own father. 3. Vettius was guilty of many contradictions, and was imprisoned, but afterwards brought before the people by Caesar. He made several changes in the list of alleged conspirators, and hinted that I was one of them, without naming me. 4. He now awaits his trial for ' vis,' and, if convicted, will probably ask to be allowed to inform against others. In that case there must be more trials, but I do not fear their result. I receive many promises of support, but am sick of life, so wretched are the times. The bold lan- guage of Considius has dispelled our fears of a massacre, but I have still reason enough to envy Catulus. I show no weakness, however. 5. Pompey bids me not to fear Clodius, and is generally most friendly in his language. I am most anxious for your advice and sympathy. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Quas Numestio iitteras dedi, sic te iis evocabam, ut nihil acrius neque incitatius fieri posset : ad illam celeritatem adde etiam, si quid potes. Ac ne sis perturbatus ; novi enim te et non ignore, quam sit amor omnis sollicitus atque anxius, sed 2 res est, ut spero, non tarn exitu molesta quam auditu. Vettius 5 ille, ille noster index, Caesari, ut perspicimus, pollicitus est sese curaturum, ut in aliquam suspitionem facinoris Curio filius adduceretur ; itaque insinuatus in familiaritatem adulescentis 1. Numestio. Numerius Numestius is tried to establish the complicity of Caesar mentioned Ad Att. 2. 20, l; 2. 22, 7. in Catiline's plot (Suet. lul. 17; Abeken, Cicero received him as a friend on the p. 61). The plot described in this letter is recommendation of Atticus. also mentioned at less length in the orations Litteras perhaps refers to Ad Att. 2. Pro Sest. 63, 132, and In Vatin. 10. Momm- 23. On quas . . litteras, see Ep. 3, 2, sen (4. i. 206) accepts Cicero's account of note, on p. 33. this affair ; the Emperor Napoleon III (Cesar 2. Acrius . . incitatius, 'more earnest i. 399 foil.) suggests, not, improbably, that and pressing.' Forceli. the plot was devised by some adherents of Ad illam celeritatem, 'to the speed I the triumvirs, without the knowledge of then requested.' See Madv. 485. their chiefs; Merivale (i. 196) thinks that 3. Ac ne sis perturbatus, 'but do not there was a real plot among some of the be alarmed at my vehemence.' violent young nobles against the trium- Enim, supp. ' as you will naturally be, if virs. I do not reassure you.' 6. Ille noster index. Atticus had been 5. Res, 'the affair in which I want your in Rome during Cicero's consulship, and his aid.' familiarity with the events of that year Exitu, ' in its actual result.' would make any further description of Vet- Vettius. One L. Vettius had been em- tius needless. ploved by Cicero as an informer during his 8. Insinuatus. The verb is both act, consulship (cp. Dion Cassius 37, 41), and had and neut. Cp. Forcell. 86 M. TULLIl CICERO N IS [part I. et cum eo, ut res indicat, saepe congressus rem in eum locum deduxit, ut diceret sibi certum esse cum suis servis in Pompeium impetum facere eumque occidere. Hoc Curio ad patrem detulit, ille ad Pompeium ; res delata ad senatum est. Introductus 5 Vettius primo negabat se umquam cum Curione constitisse ; neque id sane diu : nam statim fidem publicam postulavit ; recla- matum est. Tum exposuit manum fuisse iuventutis duce Curione, in qua Paulus initio fuisset et Q. Caepio hie Brutus et Lentulus, flaminis filius, conscio patre ; postea C. Septimium, scribam lo Bibuli, pugionem sibi a Bibulo attulisse : quod totum irrisum est, Vettio pugionem defuisse, nisi ei consul dedisset, eoque magis id eiectum est, quod a. d. III. Idus Mai. Bibulus Pompeium fecerat certiorem, ut caveret insidias ; in quo ei Pompeius gratias egerat. Introductus Curio filius dixit ad ea, quae Vettius dixerat, 3 15 maximeque in eo tum quidem Vettius est reprehensus, quod dixerat adulescentium consilium, ut in foro [cum] gladiatoribus 1. Rem in eum locum deduxit, 'went so far as to say.' Boot. Cp. ' queni in locum res deducta sit, vides' Ad Fani. 4. 2, 3. 2. Sibi certum esse, 'that he was resolved.' 5. Negabat. By appearing to fear a disclosure of what had passed between him and Curio, Vettius hoped to bring suspicion upon Curio. Manut. Cum Curione constitisse, 'that he had had interviews with Curio.' Cp. In Verr. Act. i. 7, 19. 6. Fidem publicam, 'indemnity for his disclosures.' Cp. In Cat. 3. 4, 8. Reclamatum est, 'there were outcries against it.' Cp. Ep. 22, 2. We must sup- pose that Vettius persevered in his statement, though conscious that he did so at his own peril. 8. Paulus. L. Aemilius Paulus was son of M. Lepidus, consul in 78 B.C. Paulus was quaestor in Macedonia in 59 b.c, praetor in 53 B.C., consul in 50 B.C. He at first was one of the optimates, and is often praised by Cicero; but Caesar bought his services in the year 50 b c. for a sum of 1500 talents (Plut. Caes. 29). Though brother of the triumvir Lepidus, he was among t'ne proscribed in 43 B.C., but escaped to the camp of M. Brutus, and was afterwards pardoned. His basilica was cele- brated among the great public buildings of the time. Fuisset, orat. obi. : see Ep. 3, 3, note. Q_ Caepio . . Brutus. More com- monly known as M. Brutus, Caesar's mur- derer. He had been adopted by his mater- nal uncle, Qi Servilius Caepio. For more notices of him, cp. Ep. 36, lo, and Intr. to Part IV, § 13 ; to Part V, §§ 2 ; 4; 7 ; 1 1 ; 13. The words ' hie Brutus' are probably inserted to distinguish him from other men named Q_ Caepio. Manut. Lentulus. L. Lentulus Niger is men- tioned (Philipp. 3. 10, 25) as a friend of Antony, who disapproved of his policy. He survived the battle of Actium. His father, who bore the same name, was flamen of Mars; accused Clodius 61 B.C.; stood for the consulship against Piso and Gabinius in 59 B.C. ; and was one of the court before which Cicero pleaded ' De Domo Sua.' He died 56 B.C. 12. Id eiectum est. A theatrical ex- pression =' explosum,' ' discredited.' 13. In quo, ' in which matter.' Forcell. explains ' in ' in this sense as equivalent to ' quod attinet ad.' Cp. Ep. 9, 5, note, on p. 67. 14. Ad ea . . dixerat, ' in answer to the charges of Vettius.' 15. In eo . . quod, 'because.' Tum quidem, 'on that occasion.' Vet- tius may have been guilty of other mis- statements equally serious at other times. 16. Consilium, supp. 'fuisse' from the next clause. Cp. Madv. 478. On 'ut' with the conj. after 'consilium fuisse,' cp. lb. 372 a. Gladiatoribus: seeEp. 12, 3. Billerb. retains 'cum,' but explains it as meaning 'at the time of.' EP. J 3.] EPISTOLARUM AD A TTICUM II. 24. 87 Gabinii Pompeium adorirentur, in eo principem Paulum fuisse, quern constabat eo tempore in Macedonia fuisse. Fit senatus consultum, ut Vettius, quod confessus esset se cum tclo fuisse in vincula coniiceretur ; qui eum emisisset, eum contra rem publicam esse facturum. Res erat in ea opinione, ut putarent 5 id esse actum, ut Vettius in foro cum pugione et item servi eius comprehcnderentur cum telis, deinde ille se diceret indi- caturum, idque ita factum esset, nisi Curiones rem ante ad Pompeium detulissent. Tum senatus consultum in contione recitatum est. Postero autem die Caesar, is, qui olim, praetor 10 cum esset, O- Catulum ex inferiore loco iusserat dicere, Vettium in rostra produxit eumque in eo loco constituit, quo Bibulo consuli aspirare non liceret. Hie ille omnia, quae voluit, de re publica dixit, ut qui illuc factus institutusque venisset. Primum Cae- pionem de oratione sua sustulit, quern in senatu acerrime nomi- 15 narat, ut appareret noctem et nocturnam deprecationem inter- cessisse ; deinde, quos in senatu ne tenuissima quidem suspitione attigerat, eos nominavit : Lucullum, a quo solitum esse ad se mitti C. Fannium, ilium, qui in P. Clodium subscripserat, L. I. Gabinii. A. Gabinius was consul 58 B c, and may have exhibited gladiatorial shows the 3'ear before, in order to win favour with the populace. For further notices of him, cp. Intr. to Part I, §§ 7; 18; 19; to Part II, §§ 6; 7; 10; to Part IV, § 4. 3. Cum telo. It was illegal, apparently, to bear arms in Rome. Cp. In Cat. i. 6, 15 ; Ascon. in Milonian. p. 145. 4. Emisisset, sc. 'e vinculis,' 'should have procured his release.' This decree was passed to prevent, if possible, an appeal to the tribunes on behalf of Vettius. Cp. Caesar's proposal, quoted In Cat. 4. 4, 8, and 4. 5, 10. 5. Res erat . . putarent, 'the general impression about the occurrence was that people thought.' On the pleonasm, cp. Madv. 481 b; Zumpt 750. 6. Id esse actum, that it had been intended, or arranged. Item : cp, Ep. 12, 3, note. 10. Olim. Caesar was praetor in 62 B.C., when Catuius came forward to speak about the rebuilding of the Capitol. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 12 ; Suet. Jul. 15. II. Ex inferiore loco, opposed to *e rostris.' 12. Produxit. But this was actually done by Vatinius. On the practice, cp. Ep. 7, i, note, and Livy 8. 33. 13. Aspirare, ' to approach.' Cp. Ep. 9, S, note. Voluit. 'Non Vettius, sed Caesar.' Manut. Orell. ap. Billerb. and Boot pro- pose ' hie omnia, ille quae voluit.' Prof. Tyrrell approves, but takes 'hie' as an adverb = ' in the rostra.' 14. Factus, ' schooled,' ' prepared.' Cp. De Orat. 3. 48, 184; Hor. Sat. I. 10, 58. Caepionem . . sustulit, 'removed the name of Caepio from his statement.' 15- Acerrime, 'with the greatest ear- nestness, or decision.' Nominarat. Perhaps 'nominare' was a technical term for a denunciation or in- formation. Cp. Suet. lul. 17; Livy 39. 17 ' qui nominatus profugisset.' 16. Deprecationem. Intercession from Brutus' mother, Servilia, reported to be on intimate terms with Caesar. 18. Lucullum. Probably L. Lucullus is meant, Solitum esse, supp. 'dixit' from 'nomi- navit.' See Madv. 402 a ; 403 a. 19. C. Fannium. Either a tribune of the year 59 B.e. (cp. Pro Sest. 53, 1 13), who was afterwards killed about the time of the battle of Pharsalus, fighting on the side of Ponipey (cp. Ep. 80, 6), or, if his not being called tribune here makes a difficultv, perhaps a C. Fannius who went as envoy 88 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. Domitium, cuius domum constitutam fuisse, unde eruptio fieret ; me non nominavit, sed dixit consularem disertum, vicinum consulis, sibi dixisse Ahalam Servilium aliquem aut Brutum opus esse reperiri ; addidit ad extremum, cum iam dimissa con- 5 tione revocatus a Vatinio fuisset, se audisse a Curione his de rebus conscium esse Pisonem, generum meum, et M. Laterensem. Nunc reus erat apud Crassum Divitem Vettius de vi et, cum 4 esset damnatus, erat indicium postulaturus ; quod si impetrasset indicia fore videbantur : ea nos, utpote qui nihil contemnere 3 soleamus, iton contcmnebamus, sed non pertimescebamus. Homi- num quidem summa erga nos studia significabantur, sed prorsus vitae taedet : ita sunt omnia omnium miseriarum plenissima. Modo caedem timueramus, quam oratio fortissimi senis, Q. Con- froni Lepidus to Sextiis Poiiipeius in 43 B.C. (cp. Philipp. 13. 6, 13"); afterwards joined Sextus, but finally deserted him. Subscripserat. Indie, as a remark of Cicero's own. ' Subscribere in ' means to act as subordinate accuser, 'junior counsel for the prosecution.' Mr. Tyrrell thinks that the word is used of the chief accuser as well, but I think it is more commonly used as above. L. Domitium. For an account of him, see Ep. I, 3, note. 1. Eruptio, 'the attack on Pompey.' 2. Vicinum. Cicero's house stood on tie Palatine (see Intr. to Part I, § 12), and so would be near the official residence of Caesar, who, as pontifex maximus, lived in the Via Sacra. Cp. Suet. lul. 46. 3. Ahalam Servilium . . Brutnm, 'some one like Servilius Ahala or Brutus.' C. Servilius Ahala, as master of the horse to L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, killed Sp. Maelius. Cp. Livy 4. 14. The Brutus referred to is of course the L. Brutus who expelled the second Tarquin. 4. Opus esse reperiri, ' it was desirable should be discovered.' On the constr., see MHdv. 266, and Obs. For the meaning of 'opus esse,' cp. Ep. 10, 4, note; Ep. 29, 25, note. 5. Revocatus, 'recalled for further ex- amination.' Cp. In Vat. II, 26. Vatinio. For an account of P. Va- tinius, see Intr. to Parts I, §§ 17; 18; II, §52; 8; 10; IV, § 4. 6. Pisonem. C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi married Cicero's daughter TuUia in 64 B.C., after a betrothal of four years : see the close of Ad Att. I. 3, 3. He is often men- tioned in connection with Cicero's banish- ment. Cp. Intr. p. 22; Epp. 17, 2; 18. 4. He was quaestor in 58 B.C., and apparently died next year, before Cicero's return from exile. M. Laterensem : see Ep. 11, 2, note. 7. Reus erat. Here 'erat' is the epis- tolary tense, and the following tenses must be altered accordingly in translation. Apud Crassum Divitem. This man seenis to have been one of the praetors for 59 B.C. But according to Mommsen Staatsrecht 2. i, 548, the ' quaestio de vi' was not presided over by a praetor but by a quaesitor taken from among the judges who might be changed often in the year, Matth. says the praenonem of this Crassus was Publius. Little seems to be known of him, except that some suppose him to have been a Crassus reduced from great wealth to poverty. See Val. Max. 6. 9, 12. De vi. Carrying weapons in a public place seems to have been a violation of the statutes ' de vi.' See Smith, Diet, of Antiq. p. 1209; Rtin, Criminalrecht 734. Cum esset damnatus, ' after condem- nation.' 'Cum' seems here to have nearly the force of ' si.' 8. Indicium, 'leave to act as informer.' Forcell. 9. ludicia, 'a number of prosecutions.' 10. Soleamus, in the present, is a general remark. 'Pertimescebamus' imperf., as referring to the time of writing. See Madv. 345. The MS. has ' solemus,' but Orell. and Baiter both substitute the conj., which is more in accordance with usage after utpote qui. Prof. Tyrrell reads 'soleremu?.' 11. Quidem. On the position of this word, see Madv. 471. 13. Modo, 'lately.' EP. 14.] EPISTOLARUMADATT.II.^^. 89 sidii, discusserat ; ea, quani quotidie timere potueramus, subito exorta est. Quid quacris? nihil me infortiinaiucs, niliil fortu- natius est Catulo, cum splendore vitae, t turn hoc tempore. Nos tamen in his miseriis erecto animo et minime perturbato sumus, honestissimeque dignitatem nostram et magna cura tuemur. Pom- 5 5 peius de Clodio iubet nos esse sine cura et summam in nos benevolentiam omni oratione significat. Te habere consihorum auctorem, sollicitudinum socium, omni in cogitatione coniunctum cupio ; qua re, ut Numestio mandavi tecum ut ageret, item atque eo si potest acrius te rogo, ut plane ad nos advoles : respiraro, si \o te videro. 14. To AT TIC US (AD ATT. II. 25). Rome, August, (?) 59 b.c. (695 a.u.c.) I. I shall be obliged if, in future, when I praise any of your friends in a letter to you, you will let him know what I have said. In particular, I should like you to tell Varro that I am satisfied with him, though I can hardly say so truly : you know his disposi- tion. Hortensius, on the contrary, was most eloquent in praise of me when he spoke of the praetorship of Flaccus. Please let him know what I think of his speech. 2. I expect you soon, and am anxious for your support. My personal prospects are pretty good ; the commonwealth is in a desperate position, and those who have ruined it are thoroughly detested. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Cum aliquem apud te laudaro tuorum familiarium, volam ilium scire ex te me id fecisse, ut nuper me scis scripsisse ad te de Varronis erga me officio, te ad me rescripsisse cam rem Caedem, 'a massacre,' like those of 'massacre' caeiles, before referred to as Marius and Sulla. To explain ea, some possible. word suggested by 'caedes' must be sup- 3. Catulo. Catulus died 60 B.C. Cp. plied. The context seems to require 'danger.' Ad Att. 1.20,3. Such a case of zeugma is not uimatural in a Tum hoc tempore, sc. 'mortis,' ' in letter. having died when he did.' Orel!, suggests Q. Considii. Q. Considius Gallus 'turn quod tempore,' sc. ' opportuuo mortem reproached Caesar in the senate with his obiit.' Boot, after Lambinus, ' mortis tem- violent proceedings, and Caesar apparently pore.' Cp. De Orat. 3. 3, 12. behaved with more moderation afterwards. 9. Tecum ut ageret : cp. Ep. 5, 8, Cp. Plut. Caes. 14. Verres rejected Cousi- note, on p. 38. dius as a judge. In Verr. Act. 2. i. 7, 18. Item, 'again,' 'in like manner.' I. Discusserat, 'dispelled our fears of,' 10. Eo . .acrius, 'with more vehemence ' got rid of.' Forcell. still, if possible.' The best MS. has apparent!}' ' ea inquam.' Wesenb. suspects that the in- of inquam 13. Me . . scripsisse: cp. ' Varro mihi conceals a substantive, which may refer to satis facit ' Ad Att. 2. 21, 6. a plot for assassination, contrasted w'th the 14. Varronis. M. Terentius Varro, the 90 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. summae tibi voluptati esse ; sed ego mallem ad ilium scrlpsisses mihi ilium satis facere, non quo faceret, sed ut faceret. Mira- biliter enim moratus est, sicut nosti, kXiKxa koI ovMv — . Sed nos tenemus praeceptum illud, ra^ tQ>v KpuTovvToiv. At hercule alter tuus familiaris, Hortalus, quam plena manu, quam ingenue, 5 quam ornate nostras laudes in astra sustulit, cum de Flacci praetura et de illo tempore Allobrogum diceret ! sic habeto, nee amantius nee honorificentius nee copiosius potuisse dici : ei te 2 hoc scribere a me tibi esse missum sane volo. Sed quid tu scribas ? quem iam ego venire atque adesse arbitror ; ita enim 10 egi tecum superioribus litteris. Valde te exspecto, valde desidero, neque ego magis, quam ipsa res et tempus poscit. His de negotiis quid scribam ad te, nisi idem, quod saepe? re publica nihil desperatius, iis, quorum opera, nihil maiore odio : nos, ut opinio et spes et coniectura nostra fert, firmissima benevolentia ho- 15 minum muniti sumus. Qua re advola : aut expedies nos omni molestia aut eris particeps. Ideo sum brevior^ quod, ut spero, celebrated antiquary, author, amongst other works, of the treatises 'De Re Rustica,' and ' De Lingua Latina.' For other notices of him, see Intr. to Part III, § 8, and Ad Fam. 9. 1-8. 2. Non quo . . faceret, 'not that he really did so, but that he might.' 'Quo' = 'quia.' On its force with the conj., see Madv. 357 b, Obs. It introduces a reason not the real one. 3. Moratus est. Either from ' moror,' ' he has interposed strange delays,' or from ' mos,' ' he is strangely constituted.' Cp. De Part. Orat. 23, 82. The passage which follows means, ' whose thoughts are all crooked, and not honest or straightfor- ward.' It is from Euripides, who (Androm. 44S -449) says of the Spartans, iXiKTci, KovSiV iijiii dWa irav ntpi^ fppOVOVVTtS. 4. Nos tenemus, 'I remember.' Forcell. Tas Tojv KpaTovvTOJv afiaOias n p. 42. 3. Spero fore . . ut vi resistamus. On the first ablat. see Ep. 12, 3, note; on the second, Ep. 4, 2, note. ' I hope the zeal of niy friends will enable me to resist force with force.' On the position of ' ut,' see Madv. 465 b. 6. Nostra antiqua manus, 'my old supporters.' Cp. ' consularis exercilus ' Ep. 12, 4. 8. Horum regum, i.e. the triumvirs. 9. Quibus ego ita credo . . ut demi- nuam, ' but I do not allow my confidence in them to suspend my own preparations.' On ' ita . . ut,' see Ep. 9, 6, note. ' Com- paratio' seems not to be common in this sense without an objective genitive follow- ing. 10. Tribuni plebis designati. Among them were L. Ninnius Quadratus, P. (?) Ae'ius Ligus, perhaps Q. Terentius Culleo, P. Clodius. Cicero can hardly have meant to include the last among his friends, and P. Aelius also proved hostile. Cp. Pro Sestio, 31, 68. The complete list given in previous editions was taken from Biller- beck's note, but I have not been able to find authority for most of the names. 11. Consules, sc. 'designati.' L. Piso and A. Gabinius. Cicero's hopes were not well founded. Se optime ostendunt, 'shew them- selves very well disposed.' Cp. the use of the adverb in such expressions ' as dicta im- pune erant ' Tac. Ann. i. 72, and Ep. 4, I, note. Wesenb., however, suggests ' optimos.' Praetores, sc. ' designatos,' Manut. ' among the praetors,' elect, ' for praetors.' See Madv. 227 a. 12. Domitium. L. Ahenobarbum. See Ep. I, 3, note. Nigidium. P. Nigidius Figulus was a senator of philosophical tastes. Cp. Ad Fam. 4. 13, 3. He was one of the senators chosen to report on the informations laid against Lentulus and others in 63 B.C. Cp. Pro Sulla 14, 42. He was subsequently banished by Caesar, and seems to have died in exile. 13. Memmium. C. Memmius Gemellus was a man of talent, but of bad character. He was quaestor to Pompey in Spain (cp. Pro Balbo 2, 5), and afterwards curule aedile in 60 B.C. (cp. Ad Att. I. 18, 3), when he summoned Vatinius before him for trial (cp. In Vat. 14). Memmius attacked Caesar, was reconciled to him for a short time, and quarrelled with him again (cp. Ad Att. 4. 15, 7 ; 4. 16, 6), was accused of bribery, and banished in 54 or 53 B.C. Cp. Ad QL F. 3. 2, 3 ; Ad Att. 6. i, 23; Ad Fam. 13. I. Lucretius dedicated to him his poem ' de rerum natura.' Cp. Lucr. de Rer. Nat. 1.27, 43. Lentulum. L. Lentulus Crus interceded for Cicero with the consul Piso in 58 B.C. EPP. 15, 16.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM 111. 15. 103 qua re magnum fac animum habeas et spem bonam. De singulis tamen rebus, quae quotidie gerantur, faciam te crebro certiorem. 16. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. III. 15). Thessalonica, August 17, 58 b.c. (696 a.u.c.) I. I have received four letters from you, which I will answer in order. 2. In the first, you exhort me to be firm ; I am really ashamed of my own composure, consider- ing what I have lost and what I suffer. I willingly accept your defence of Cato and others. 3. I do not think the freedman of Crassus, whom you mention in your second, was honest in what he said. The proceedings in the senate, of which you speak in your third, were satisfactory — but other accounts d'ffer from yours. Varro's language, quoted in your fourth, gives hopes of Caesar. 4. If you will serve me now, I will make amends for past neglect. Had you been thoroughly devoted to my cause, you would have advised me to resist Clodius ; I allow, however, that I did not shew more penetration or resolution than yourself. 5. What occurred to you and Culleo is worth consideration, but I think a repeal of the act of banishment would be preferable to a mere declaration of its illegality, and not subject to more difficulties. The first law of Clodius would have done no harm, if I had been wise. 6. I fear you are concealing some facts from me. How do my friends propose to evade the provisions made by Clodius against the repeal of his law ? I shall wait at Thessalonica for the gazette of Aug. I. 7. I again appeal to you, either to do me real and effective service, or to let me know the worst. I only charge you with want of zeal, not with perfidy. 8. Let me then have accurate news, and write in my name to those who you think wish to hear about me. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Accepi Idibus Sextilibus quattuor epistolas a te missas : unam, qua me obiurgas, ut sim firmior ; alteram, qua Crassi libertum ais tibi de mea sollicitudine macieque narrasse ; tertiam, qua de- 5 monstras acta in senatu ; quartam de eo, quod a Varrone scribis 2 tibi esse confirmatum de voluntate Pompeii. Ad primam tibi hoc (InPis. 3i),andafterwardssupportedhisclaim resulted, on the whole, unfavourably for the to a triumph (Ad Fam. 16. 11,3). He was triumvirs; it is not probable that any of consul ill 49 B.C., and fought on the side of their decided adherents were among the Pompey in the civil war. Cp. Epp. 80, 6 ; number of successful candidates, except per- 87, 2. He fled to Egypt after the battle of haps Flavius and Nonuis. Pharsalus, and was put to death by order of I. Fac . . habeas : see Madv. 372 b, Ptolemy XIII, Dionysius, or of his advisers. Obs. 4. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 104. 2. Gerantur. On the mood, see Ep. 5, Alios, 'others among the nunibei.' The 8, note; Madv. 369. four other praetors were L. Flavius, T. Am- pins Balbus, M. Terentius Varro, M. Nonius 4. Obiurgas ut sim firmior. Con- Sufenas. The election of praetors had thus dcnsed for ' obiurgas et rogas ut ' B jot. 104 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. scribo, me ita dolere, ut non modo a mente non deserar, sed id ipsum doleam, me tarn firma mente ubi utar et quibuscum non habere. Nam si tu me uno non sine maerore cares, quid me censes, qui et te et omnibus? et, si tu incolumis me requiris, quo 5 modo a me ipsam incolumitatem desiderari putas? nolo comme- morare, quibus rebus sim spoliatus, non solum quia non ignoras, sed etiam ne ;rscindam ipse dolorem meum : hoc confirmo, neque tantis bonis esse privatum quemquam neque in tantas miserias incidisse. Dies autem non modo non levat luctum hunc, sed 10 etiam auget ; nam ceteri dolores mitigantur vetustate, hie non potest non et sensu praesentis miseriae et recordatione praeteritae vitae quotidie augeri : desidero enim non mea solum neque meos, sed me ipsum. Quid enim sum ? Sed non faciam ut aut tuum animum angam querelis aut meis volneribus saepius manus ad- 15 feram. Nam quod purgas eos, quos ego mihi scripsi invidisse, et in eis Catonem, ego vero tantum ilium puto ab isto scelere afuisse, ut maxime doleam plus apud me simulationem aliorum quam istius fidem valuisse. Ceteros quod purgas, debent mihi purgati esse, tibi si sunt. Sed haec sero agimus. Crassi libertum 3 20 nihil puto sincere locutum. In senatu rem probe scribis actam. 1. Ita dolere, ut . . non deserar: see Cp. the quotation from Ovid on 1. 7, F.p. 9, 6, note. And on ' ut non ' as distin- above. guished from ' ne,' see Madv. 456. 15. Qjiod purgas: see Ep. S, 14, note. 2. Ubi utar et quibuscum, 'a sphere Quos ego mihi scripsi invidisse. and society in which to show my firmness.' He refers especially to Horlensius. Cp. Ad 3. Quid me censes, sc. ' facere.' See Att. 3. 9, 2, where he says of Hortensius Ep. 8, 0, note. ' nondum perspicis . . quorum scelere perie- 4. Omnibus, sc. 'careo.' For the omis- rimus?' also Ad Q^ F. i. 3, 8. sion, see Madv. 478 and Obs. 5. 16. Ego vero, ' I certainly.' See Madv, Incolumis, 'whose position is unim- 454, and cp. ' ego vero libenter desino ' Pro paired ;' used in a political sense often by Muren. 4, 9. Cicero, as is ' calamitas.' Tantum . . afuisse, 'so far do I think 7. Rescindam, 'tear open, as if a half- he was from sharing that crime.' healed wound. Cp. Ovid. Trist. 3. 11, 63, 17. Simulationem aliorum, 'the pre- 64 tended friendship of others.' Perhaps of the 'Ergo quicumque es rescindere crimina consuls and of Pompey. Cp. Epp. 12, 4; nol 15, 16. De que gravi duras vulnere tolle 18. Debent mihi .. si sunt, ' I ought manus.' to acquit their conduct of blame if you do.' 9. Dies, 'lapse of time.' Cp. 'ipsa Prof. Tyrrell finds a difficulty here. Do not die quae debilitat cogitationes.' Ad Fam. the words simply illustrate Cicero's confi- !• 6, I. dence in his friend's judgment ? 13. Sed me ipsum. Cp. for the thought 19. Crassi . . locutum, ' I do not think 'non enim vidisses frairem tuum, non eum the freedman of Crassus spoke honestly.' quern reliqueras ' Ad Q^ F. I. 3, i, and Fam. Cicero comments in order on the four letters 14- ^' 3- he had received from Atticus. Cp. § i. Non faciam ut, pleonastic. See Madv. The allusion to the freedman of Crassus is 4°^ ^' obscure. 14. Manus adferam, 'feel,' 'handle.' 20. Rem .. actam. These words refer EP. 16.] EPISTOLARl'M AD ATTIC UM III. 15. 105 Sed quid Curio? an illam orationem non legit? quae unde sit prolata nescio. Sed Axius, eiusdem diei scribens ad me acta, nou ita laudat Curionem. At potest illc aliquid praetermittere ; tu, nisi quod erat profecto non scrip^isti. Varronis sermo facit exspectationem Caesaris, atque utinani ipse Varro incumbat in 5 causam ! quod profecto cum sua spontc, turn te instante faciet. 4 Ego, si me aliquando vestri et patriae compotem fortuna fecerit, certe efficiam ut maxime laetere unus ex omnibus amicis, meaque officia et studia, quae parum antea luxerunt — fatendum est enim — , sic exsequar, ut me aeque tibi ac fratri et liberis nostris 10 restitutum putes. Si quid in te peccavi, ac potius quoniam peccavi. ignosce ; in me enim ipsum peccavi vehementius. Neque liaec eo scribo, quo te non meo casu maximo dolore esse adfectum sciam, sed profecto, si, quantum me amas et amasti, tantum amare deberes ac debuisses, numquam esses passus me, quo tu 15 abundabas, egere consilio, nee esses passus mihi persuaderi utile nobis esse legem de collegiis perferri. Sed tu tantum lacrimas to a debate in the senate on June i, when P. (?) Aelius Ligus interposed to prevent a decree being passed in Cicero's favour. Probe = ' bene,' (ForcelL), 'satisfactorily.' 1. Curio. The elder, probably. The younger is generally distinguished by the epithet ' meus,' ' adulescens,' or 'filius.' An illam . . non legit? Cicero com- posed a speech against Curio, which got published by some mistake (cp. Ad Att. 3. 12, 2), and so Cicero was surprised. to hear that Curio had spoken in his behalf. The speech to which Cicero refers was perhaps a revised edition of that ' In Clodium et Cu- rionem ' of which considerable fragments are extant. 2. Axius : see Ep. 28, 5, note. Acta, 'the occurrences.' Non ita, 'not so very much.' See Madv. 462 a. Prof. Tyrrell suggests ' does not quote Curio to that effect.' 3. Ille, sc. Axius. 4. Nisi quod erat, 'except what really happened.' Varronis sermo .. Caesaris, 'what Varro told you gives me hopes of Caesar.' 'Caesaris:' gen. obj. See Madv. 283. 5. Incumbat in causam, 'exert him- self in support of my cause.' Cp. Ep. 19, 5, note. 9. Parum . . luxerunt, 'were not so remarkable as they should have been.' 10. Exsequar, ' will discharge or fulfil.' 11. Ac potius, ' or rather.' 12. In me enim . . vehementius, 'I was guilty of a worse offence against my- self,' in not trying by all means to attach you. Cicero means that the friendship of Atticus was more valuable to him than his to Atticus. Neque haec . . quo te non . . sciam, ' my reason for writing is not that I am not aware of your grief.' On ' quo non ' with the conjunct., see Ep. 14, 1, note. 14. Si, quantum .. debuisses. If the text is genuine the meaning must be, ' if your affection for me had rested on an obligation to me.' So in substance Hofm., Tyrrell, Jeans. Boot accepts the reading of Pius given as that of ' prisci codices,' ' si tantum amorem re exhibuisses.' 15. Q_uo tu . . consilio, ' to lack the advice you were so abundantly qualitied to give.' 17. De collegiis, 'about the clubs.' Probably the 'collegia compitalicia,' clubs for celebrating the ' ludi compitalicii,' are especially referred to. Such bodies might easily be employed for political purposes, and many of them had been abolished by a law, or by a decree of the senate, passed apparently in 64 B.C. Clodius, however, had restored these clubs, and had founded others consisting, according to Cicero, of the lowest of the people. The organization of the populace was improved, and the io6 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part I. praebuisti dolori meo, quod erat arnoris, tamquam ipse ego ; quod mentis meis pcrfectum oportuit, ut dies et noctes, quid mihi faciendum esset, cogitares, id abs te meo, noii tuo scelere praeter- missum est. Quod si non modo tu, sed quisquam fuisset, qui me 5 Pompeii minus liberali responso perterritum a turpissimo consilio revocaret, quod unus tu facere maxime potuisti, aut occubuissem honeste aut victores hodie viveremus. Hie mihi ignosces : me enim ipsum multo magis accuso, deinde te quasi me alterum ; et simul meae culpae socium quaero, ac si restituor, etiam minus lo videbimur deliquisse, abs teque certe, quoniam nullo nostro, tuo ipsius beneficio diligemur. Quod te cum Culleone scribis de pri- 5 popularity of Clodiiis increased by this measure. Cp. In Pis. 4, and Asconius' com- ment; Pro Sest. 25, 55; Mommsen 4. 2, 296 (cp. 503), and De Collegiis, etc., pp. 73-78; Long, Decl. ol Rom. Rep. 3. 214; 215- Tantum lacrimas, 'only tears and not advice,' but you did as much for me as I did for myself. I. Tamquam ipse ego, so. ' praebui.' Quod . . perfectum oportuit, 'what I ouglit to have earned by a pioper display of affection to you.' See a few lines above, ' si . . deberes.' On the mood of ' oportuit,' see Ep. 4, I, note. On the omission of ' esse ' after ' perfectum,' see Madv. 407, Obs. I. 3. Scelere, 'neglect' (Tyrr.). 4. Quod si . . fuisset, 'but if there had been found — 1 do not say you, but any one.' 5. Pompeii .. perterritum. Cicero in one place represents Pompey as replying to representations made to him on behalf of Cicero, ' thit he could not oppose a tribune without the authority of the consuls and of the senate' (In Pis. 31, 77); in another place, ' that he could do nothing displeasing to Caesar' (Ad Att. 10. 4, 3). The last reply probably expressed the real state of the case. Turpissimo consilio, i.e. 'that of re- tiring from Rome to avoid a conflict.' 7. Hie, = 'in hac re' (Forcell.), 'for my remonstrances on this subject.' Ignosces : see Ep. 11,3, note. 8. Te quasi me alterum : cp. Ep. 20, 7. 9. Etiam minus . . deliquisse, 'shall seem to have deserved even less than the moderate amount of blame with which I have visited our joint offence.' Cicero only charged himself with want of penetration, and Atticus with that and want of zeal. Compare with this passage § 7 of this letter. If Cicero were restored, their shortcomings wo'.ild be thought less serious than if he re- mained in exile. 10. Quoniam nullo nostro . . dili- gemur, 'shall be dear to you for services done, if not received, by you.' On the abl. ' beneficio,' cp. Madv. 255. With the sentiment, cp. Thucyd. 2. 40 ; Arist. Eth. Nic. 4. 3, (7,) 25. 'Nullus,' = ' non.' See Ep. 1 5, 3, note. 11. Quod te . . locutum, 'your con- versation with CuUeo as to the law against me being a " privilegium" may do some good.' ' Your or his suggestion may be of some value.' Prof. Tyrrell suggests ' tecum Culleonem,' remarking th.it there could be no reason for the mention of CuUeo if the suggestion did not originate with him. On 'quod . . scribis,' see Ep. 8, 14, note. Cum Culleone. Q^ Terentins CuUeo was one of the tribunes for 59-58 B.C., and also one of the pontifices minores. Cp. De Harusp. Resp. 6. 12. After the battle of Mutina he left Antony and joined Lepidus, but probably acted as a go-between. Cp. Ep. 141, notes. De privilegio. The laws of the Twelve Tables forbade all legislation against indi- viduals, and all capital trials except before the people assembled in the comitia centu- riata. Cp. Cic. de Legg. 3. 19, 44. Now Cicero had been banished by a law, naming him individually, and passed in the comitia tributa ; thus doubly illegal. Atticus, or CuUeo, seetns to have argued that it inight be declared void by a simple decree of the senate ; but Cicero remarks that such a decree would be as open as a law to the veto of a tribune (sin erit . . intercedet). According to the oration De Domo, 18, the law for Cicero's banishment ran ' velitis EP. 1 6.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM III. 15. 107 vilegio locutum, est aliquid, sed multo est melius abrogari : si enim nemo impediet, quid est firmius? sin erit, qui ferri non sinat, idem senatus consulto intercedet. Nee quicquam aliud opus est abrogari : nam prior lex nos nihil laedebat ; quam si, ut est promulgata, laudare voluissemus aut, ut erat neglegcnda, 5 neglegere, nocere omnino nobis non potuisset. Hie mihi primum meum consilium defuit, sed etiam obfuit. Caeci, cacci, inquam, fuimus in vestitu mutando, in populo rogando, quod, nisi nomi- natim mecum agi coeptum esset, fieri perniciosum fuit. Sed pergo praeterita ; verum tamen ob banc causam. ut, si quid agetur, 10 6 legem illam, in qua popularia multa sunt, ne tangatis. Verum est stultum me praecipere, quid agatis aut quo modo : utinam modo agatur aliquid! Multa occultant tuae litterae, credo, ne vehementius desperatione perturber. Quid enim vides agi posse aut quo modo? Persenatumne? ast tute scripsistiad me, quoddam 15 caput legis Clodium in curiae poste fixisse, NE REFERRI NEVE Dici LICERET. Quo modo igitur Domitius se dixit relaturum? quo iubeatis ut M. Tullio aqua et igni inter- dictum sit.' 1. Sed multo . . melius abrogari, ' but a regular repeal is much more de- sirable.' 2. Qui ferri non sinat, 'if there be any tribune disposed to prevent the enact- ment of a law' recalling Cicero. 3. Nee quicquam . . abrogari, ' nor does anything else require repeal,' except the special law for my banishment. 4. Prior lex : see Intr. to Part I, § 19. It is the sixth law there mentioned. 5. Laudare. Cicero might have praised a law drawn up in such general terms, espe- cially as he held that Lentulus and his ac- complices had been, not citizens, but public enemies. Cp. in Cat. 4. 5, 10; Intr. to Part I, § 20; Appendix 4. 7. Defuit, sed etiam obfuit. Orell. would insert ' non solum ' before ' defuit ; ' Baiter thinks that after ' defuit ' ' nee solum defuit' may have dropped out.* Boot, how- ever, argues from the omission of ' non solum ' by the MSS. in similar passages, that 'sed etiam' may be equivalent to ' quin- etiam,' cp. especially Ad Q. F. I. I. 15, 44. Forcell. agrees with Boot. 8. In vestitu . . rogando, 'in putting on mourning and supplicating the people.' The senate did so too. Cp. Pro Sest. II, 26. Q_uod nisi . . fuit, 'which was a mis- chievous step, unless (as was not the case) proceedings had been begun against me by name.' On the indie. ' fuit,' see Madv. 348 b. On mecum agi, see Ep. i, 3, note. 9. Pergo praeterita, sc. 'commemo- rare.' ' I continue to harp on the past.' See Ep. 8, 6, note, and cp. 'perge reliqua' Ad Att. 4. II, I. 10. Ob banc causam . . ne tangatis, ' I do so to prevent your meddling with the law mentioned above which contains many popular provisions. 'The 'prior lex' asserted sound constitutional doctrine. Ut . . ne ; see Ep. 7, 5, note. Si quid agetur, ' if any steps are taken on my behalf.' 15. Q.uoddam caput legis, ' a certain section of his law ' for my banishment. 16. Ne referri . . liceret, ' that no mo- tion should be brought forward, and no speech made.' Cp. In Cat. 4. 4, 8 for a similar proviso. A speech might be made in the senate upon a point not directly com- prised in the motion under discussion. To make such a speech was called ' egredi re- lationem.' Cp. Tac. Ann. 2. 38. For instances of the practice, see Philipp. 3. 5, 13; ;• I. 1- 17. Domitius: see Ep. 15, 16, note. Se relaturnm. Domitius could hardly do this in the presence and in spite of the opposition of the consuls. He may have io8 M.TULLII CICERONIS [parti. modo autem iis, quos tu scribis, et de re dicentibus et, ut refer- retur, postulantibus Clodius tacuit ? Ac, si per populum, poteritne nisi dc omnium tribunorum pi. sententia? Quid de bonis? quid de domo? poteritne restitui? aut, si non poterit, egomet quo 5 modo potero ? Haec nisi vides expediri, quam in spem me vocas? sin autem spei nihil est, quae est mihi vita? Itaque exspecto Thessalonicae acta Kal. Sext., ex quibus statuam in tuosne agros confugiam, ut neque videam homines, quos nolim, et te, ut scribis, videam et propius sim, si quid agatur — idque intellexi cum tibi, 10 tum O. fratri placere — , an abeam Cyzicum. Nunc, Pomponi, 7 quoniam nihil impertisti tuae prudentiae ad salutem meam, quod aut in me ipso satis esse consilii decreras aut te nihil plus mihi debere quam ut praesto esses, quoniamque ego proditus, inductus, coniectus in fraudem, omnia mea praesidia neglexi, totam Italiam 15 [in me] erectam ad me defendendum destitui et reliqui, me meosque meis tradidi inimicis inspectante et tacente te^ qui, si non plus ingenio valebas quam ego^ certe timebas minus : si potes, erige adflictos et in eo nos iuva ; sin omnia sunt obstructa, id ipsum fac ut sciamus et nos aliquando aut obiurgare aut comiter 20 consolari desine. Ego si tuam fidem accusarem, non me potis- simum tuis tectis crederem : meam amentiam accuso, quod a te tantum me amari, quantum ego vellem, putavi ; quod si fuisset, fidem eandem, curam maiorem adhibuisses, me certe ad exitium praecipitantem retinuisses, istos labores^ quos nunc in naufragiis reckoned on their being absent, or departing property of Atticus in Epirus, which is often for their province before the end of the year. mentioned in his letters. 1. lis. Among these L. Ninnius was 13. Ut praesto esses, ' to be at hand,' prominent. Cp. Post Red. in Sen. 2, 3. ready to give advice if asked. 2. Per populum, sc. ' agetur," 'if the Inductus, ' cajoled,' ' deceived.' matter shall be brought forward in the as- 14. In fraudem, 'into a snare.' senibly of the people.' 17. Timebas minus, 'wtrelessalarmed,' Poteritne, sc. ' agi.' and so ought to have given better and cooler 4. Restitui, 'be rebuilt.' Cp. Intr. to advice. Parti, § 20; to Part II, § I. 18. Erige adflictos, 'raise me up in 5. Potero, sc. ' restitui,' ' be restored to my deep fall.' Metzg. my old position.' Cp. Ep. 17, 3. In eo, ' in this matter.' See note on ' in Haec .. expediri, 'unless you see that quo ' Ep. 13. 2, p. 86. these points are in the way of being settled.' Sin . . obstructa, 'but if all paths to safety Cp. Ep. 26, 10 'adsequi.' are closed.' 7. Thessalonicae. For Cicero's move- 20. Non me .. crederem, ' I should not ments, see Intr. to Part I. § 21. choose your roof in preference to all others Acta Kal. Sext., 'the gazette of the as a refuge.' first of August.' The publication of the pro- 22. Me amari. Perhaps the insertion of ceedings of the senate and of other news 'me' is needless. See Madv. 401. dated from Cat sar's first consulship, 59 b.c. 24. Praecipitantem. The verb is not See intr. to Part I, § 17. uncommonly used miransitively. Cp. de Tuos . . agros. Cicero refers to the Rep. 6, 19 ace. to one reading; Forcell. EPP. 16, 17.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XIV. 2. i 09 8 nostris suscipis, non subisses. Qua re fac ut omnia ad me pcr- specta et explorata perscribas, mcque, ut facis, velis esse aliquem, quoniam, qui fui et qui esse potui, iam esse non possum, et ut his litteris non te, sed me ipsum a me esse accusatum putes. Si qui erunt, quibus putes opus esse meo nomine litteras dari, velim 5 conscribas curesque dandas. Data Xllii. Kal. Sept. 17. To HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN (AD FAM. XIV. 3). Thessalonica, Oct. 5, 58 b.c. (696 a.uc.) I. I do not write longer letters to any one than to you, unless it is absolutely neces- sary. 2. Piso deserves my warmest thanks, and I have written to him. The support of the new tribunes will be effectual if we can count on Pompey ; but I am afraid of Crassus. Your embarrassments distress me very much, and I wish you would allow me to rely on the aid of others, instead of impoverishing yourself. 3. The restoration of the site of our house will be most important if we can obtain it. I beg you will be careful of your health. 4. I will not go to a more distant asylum, as you wish me to stay here. I hope you will write frequently. TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE ET TULLIOLAE ET CICERONI SUIS. 1 Noli putare me ad quemquam longiores epistolas scribere, nisi si quis ad me plura scripsit, cui puto rescribi oportere ; nee enim habeo quod scribam, nee hoc tempore quicquam difficilius facio. Ad te vero et ad nostram TulHolam non queo sine plurimis lo In naufragiis nostris, 'in the wreck practice of employing secretaries would of my fortunes.' An instance of the nieta- prevent the handwriting exciting suspicion, phorical use of the word is found also and perhaps Cicero had left his seal with 2 Philipp. 36, 92. Terentia. See Ep. 81,2. Forcell. however 1. Non subisses, 'would not have sub- explains meo nomine as = 'on my account.' jected yourself to.' For if Cicero had not been banished, Atticus would not have had For an account of Terentia and Tullia, so much trouble in trying to procure his see Intr. to Parts I, §§ 2; 24; II, § 26; restoration. IV, §§ I ; 7. 2. Explorata, =' cerfa.' Cicero sus- 7. Nisi si, almost = ' nisi,' but is used pected that Atticus coloured his prospects when the exception is a conditional clause. too brightly, and requests accordingly that Force!!. See also IVIadv. 442 c. Mr. King only trustworthy news may be sent him. in his note on Philipp. 2. 28, 70 remarks Esse aliquem, 'to be of some conse- that 'nisi si' is most commonly thus used quence;' 'somebody.' Cp. luv. 1. 74 'Si with indefinite pronouns and adverbs, vis esse aliquis.' 8. Nee . . habeo quod scribam. 3. Potui. On the indie, see note on 'Non habeo quod scribam ' = ' nihil habeo,' § 5 ' fuit.' or ' mihi deest quod scribam ; ' ' non habeo Ut.. putes. These words depend on' fac : ' quid scribam ' = ' nescio quid scribam,' im- the expression is pleonastic. See note on §2. plying a dependent question. See Madv, 4. Si qui erunt . . dari . . dandas, 'if 363, and Obs 2 ; Zumpt 562. there be any men to whom you think letters 9. Difficilius, owing to his dejection, ought to be written in my name.' The Manut. 1 lO M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. lacrimis scribere ; vos enini video esse miserrimas, quas ego beatissimas semper esse volui idque praestare debui, et, nisi tarn timidi fuisscmus, praestitissem. Pisonem nostrum merito eius 2 amo plurimum : eum, ut potui, per litteras cohortatus sum gra- 5 tiasque egi, ut debui. In novis tribunis pi. intellego spem te habere : id erit firmum, si Pompeii voluntas erit, sed Crassum tamen metuo. A te quidem omnia fieri fortissime et aman- tissime video, nee miror, sed maereo casum eius modi, ut tantis tuis miseriis meae miseriae subleventur : nam ad me P. Valerius, 10 homo officiosus, scripsit, id quod ego maximo cum fletu legi, quem ad modum a Vestae ad tabulam Valeriam ducta esses. Hem, mea lux, meum desiderium, unde omnes opem petere solebant ! te nunc, mea Terentia, sic vexari, sic iacere in lacri- mis et sordibus ! idque fieri mea culpa, qui ceteros servavi, ut 15 nos periremus ! Quod de domo scribis, hoc est de area, ego vero 3 2. Praestare, ' guarantee. Tarn timidi. Cicero still dwells on his supposed error in avoiding a struggle with Clodius. The change from the plural ' fuis- senius ' to ' praestitissem ' may be made to avoid monotony. 3. Pisonem : see Ep. 13, 3, note. Merito eius: see Madv. 255, and cp. 'merito tuo feci' Ep. 31, 6. 5. Novis tribunis plebis. Cicero re- fers to those elected for 58-57 B.C., of whom Milo was one of the most active. See Intr. to Part 1, § 21. 6. Si . . voluntas erit, sc. 'firnia' (Hofm., Billerb.), ' if the friendly disposition of Pompey shall continue.' Crassum : cp. Ad Alt. 2. 22, 5, and Ad Q^ F. I. 3, 7, from which it would seem that Cicero had been disappointed in Crassus, but di 7. De Cicerone. His son Marcus was treacherous "like Arrius and Hortensius born 65 B.C. Cp. Ep. 2, 1. (Ti'rr.). Q_ui cum primum . . percepit, 'who 13. Beatissimi. On the adject, as ad- since he beg;in to notice anything, has verb, see Ep. 2, 2, note on p. experienced nothing but the most bitter 14. Ne mea . . desit, 'to prevent the sufferings.' state of my health making j'our exertions 9. Fato, 'in the natural course of things' fruitless.' That the state of my health may as often. not ' fail to second )'our exertions.' Tyrr. 10. Ab iis, 'by his rivals among the ' Ut valeam, ne tu pro mea salute frustra optimates.' Manutius thinks that Horten- laborem suscipias.' Manut. sius, Arrius, and Pompey are referred to. Cp. Valetudo is a neutral word, meaning as to Hortensius Ad Att. 3. 9, 2. Cicero either good or ill-health, Forcell. suspected Cato at one time : cp. Ep. 16, 2. EP. i8.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XIV. i. 113 facilius manere domi quam rcdire ; sed tamen, si omnes tribunes pi. habemus, si Lentulum tarn studiosum, quam videtur, si vero 3 etiam Pompeium et Caesarem, non est desperandum. De familia, quo modo placuisse scribis amicis, faciemus ; de loco, nunc qui- dem iam abiit pestilcntia, sed quam diu fuit, me non attigit. 5 Plancius, homo officiosissimus, me cupit esse secum et adhuc retinet. Ego volebam loco magis deserto esse in Epiro, quo neque Hispo veniret nee milites, sed adhuc Plancius me retinet ; sperat posse fieri, ut mecum in Italiam decedat : quem ego diem si videro et si in vestrum complexum venero ac si et vos et 10 me ipsum recuperaro, satis magnum mihi fructum videbor per- 4 cepisse et vestrae pietatis et meae. Pisonis humanitas, virtus, amor in omnes nos tantus est, ut nihil supra possit : utinam ea res ei voluptati sit ! gloriae quidem video fore. De Q. fratre nihil ego te accusavi, sed vos, cum praesertim tam pauci sitis, 15 5 volui esse quam coniunctissimos. Ouibus me voluisti agere gratias, egi et me a te certiorem factum esse scripsi. Quod 1. Si omnes tribunos: cp. § 2 of the previous letter, 2. Lentulum. P. Lentulus Spinther had been elected consul for 57 B.C. For more particulars about him, see Epp. 21 ; 22 ; 26; 29, and Intr. to Part II, § 2. Si vero, 'if moreover,' ' certainly if.' See Madv, 437 d. 3. D e familia, ' about our slaves.' Ap- parently Cicero had been advised to emanci- pate them, and Terentia was anxious as to the bearing this step might have on her interests. Cp. Ad Fam. 14. 4, 4. 4. De loco, ' as to the state of this place,' Thessalonica. 5. Attigit, 'attacked.' 6. Cn. Plancius was now quaestor to L. Appuleius in Macedonia, and rendered Cicero great services, giving him an asylum in his official residence. Cp. Pro Plane. 41, 42. He was tribune in 57-56 B.C., and next year was elected curule aedile, but ac- cused of bribery by M. luventius Laterensis. Cicero defended him successfully in a speech still extant. He is mentioned as living in exile during the civil war. Cp. Ad Fam. 4. 14; 15 ; and Pro Plane, passim. Me cupit esse : see Ep 15, 1 1, note. 8. Hispo. Supposed by Orell. (Ono- mast. s. V.) to have been an officer sent by the consuls to watch Cicero in exile. Wesenb. suggests ' Pisn,' i.e. the consul of 58 B.C., who went to Macedonia as proconsul. Veniret, 'might come.' See Ep. 5, 8, note on ' liberasset.' 11. Me ipsum, ' my former self,' 'my eld position.' Cp. ' milii restitutus ' in § 3 of the preceding letter, and ' dcsidero. . me ipsum ' Ep. 16, 2. 12. Vestrae pietatis et meae, 'of your devotion to me, and of mine to my country.' 13. Ut nihil supra possit, sc. ' esse.' See Madv. 478, Obs. 3. 14. Voluptati. Referring to the pleasure Piso would derive from Cicero's return. Maimt. 15. Nihil . . accusavi, 'I made no com- plaint of your conduct.' Apparently tliere had been a misunderstanding between Q. Cicero and Terentia, and Cicero had written to his wife urging her to a reconciliation, in terms which she thought implied a censure upon her. 16. Qjiibus . . gratias. Terentia had probably mentioned the names of some men who had been active in trying to secure Cicero's recall. 17. Me a te certiorem factum, ' that I had been informed by you of their ser- vices.' Cicero was very anxious to gain credit for his own courtesy in such cases. Cp. Ep. 14, I. Qjiod . . scribis. On the constr., see Ep. 8, 14, note. JJ4 M.TULLII CICERONIS. [parti. ad me, mea Terentia, scrlbis te vicum vendituram, quid, obsecro te, me miscrum ! — quid futurum est ? et, si nos premet eadem fortuna, quid puero niisero fiet? Noii queo reliqua scribere — tanta vis lacrimarum est—, neque te in eundem fletum addu- 5 cam. Tantum scribo : si erunt in officio amici, pecunia non deerit ; si non erunt, tu efficere tua pecunia non poteris. Per fortunas miseras nostras, vide, ne puerum perditum perdamus. Cui si aliquid erit, ne egeat, mediocri virtute opus est et mediocri fortuna, ut cetera consequatur. Fac valeas et ad me 6 10 tabellarios mittas, ut sciam, quid agatur et vos quid agatis. Mihi omnino iam brevis exspectatio est. Tulliolae et Ciceroni salutem die. Valete. D. a. d. vi. K. Decemb. Dyrrhachii. Dyrrhachium veni, quod et libera civitas est et in me officiosa 7 et proxima Italiae ; sed si offendet me loci celebritas, alio me 15 conferam, ad te scribam. 19. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. III. 23). Dyrrhachium Nov. 29, 58 b.c. (696 a.u.c.) 1. I have received your three letters. In the first you encourage me to await the new year with fortitude, an 1 state the grounds of your hope ; in the next you mention the bill promulgated by eight tribunes. I will notice some points that have occurred to me on thi:, subject. 2. The bill of the present tribunes had three heads : one as to my I. ViLuni. Probably a village (or country 13. Dyrrhachium. A postscript begins seat, Tyrr.) forming part of Terentia's here. Dyrrhachium, on the coast of Epirus, portion. was previously called Epidamnus, and is now 3. Quid puero . . fiet? 'what will called Durazzo. On its importance in the become of our boy?' See Madv. 267. civil war between Caesar and Pompey, cp. 5. Erunt in officio, 'do their duty.' Iiitr. to Part III, §§ 10; 11. It was much Forcell. attached to Cicero. Cp. Pro Plane. 41, 97 6. Efficere, 'bring about my restora- ' Dyrrhachium quod erat in fide mea.' tioii.' Or perhaps, as Manutius thinks, ' ut Libera civitas. The free towns en- ego in hac misera fortuna ne egeam.' joyed certain municipal privileges, which 7. Perditum perdamus, 'ruin utterly.' will be found enumerated by Marquardt Manutius says 'perditum, calamitate nostra ; Staatsverwaltung I. 351, 352: see also perdamus, vico vendito.' Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' Provincia.' 8. Cui si aliquid . . consequatur, esp. p. 966. Among them was that of ' for whom, if he has enough to save him settling disputes by their own laws and be- from positive need, even moderate merit and fore their own magistrates. Cp. A. W. good fortune will do the rest.' Ziimpt, Comment. Epigr. 2. 156 ; Ep. 38, 4, 10. Tabellarios, 'letter carriers,' freq. note. Prof. Tyrrell remarks that a Roman Quid agatur, 'what is going on in exile would there be more ' sui iuris.' general,' 'the news.' 14. Celebritas, 'the busy, crowded Vos quid agatis, ' what you are doing,' nature of the place.' 'how you are getting on.' 15. Ad te scribam. Wesenb. thinks II. Jam brevis exspectatio est, 'my that something has fallen out, and sug- su?pense must soon end,' as I expect soon to gests the insertion of ' quod cum faciam ' hear from you. Manut. after ' conferam,' EP. 19.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM III. 23. 115 restoration, which was not sufficiently comprehensive ; another, the usual provision for indemnity; a third, and very mischievous one, 3. declaring that the bill should be in- valid so far as it was inconsistent with previous legislation. 4. There was no necessity for such a provision, and Clodius seems to have appreciated its value to him. I should be glad if you could discover how my friends failed to see its import. I hope the new tribunes will be more careful. 5. In your third letter you point out the causes which delay my restoration. If there is any hope, try to effect our object at one blow; if none, as I rather believe, support my family to the best of your ability. I shall go to Epirus as soon as I hear of the first measures taken ; let me know how the new tribunes begin. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 A. d. V. Kal. Decembr. trcs epistolas a te accepi : unam datam a. d. VIII. Kal. Novembres, in qua me hortaris, ut forti animo mensem lanuarium exspectem, eaque, quae ad spem putas perti- nere, de Lentuli studio, de Metelli voluntate, de tota Pompeii ratione, perscribis. In altera epistola praeter consuetudinem 5 tuam diem non adscribis^ sed satis significas tempus ; lege enim ab octo tribunis pi. promulgata scribis te eas litteras eo ipso die dedisse, id est a. d. Illl. Kal. Novembres, et, quid putes utilitatis eam promulgationem attulisse, scribis : in quo si iam haec nostra salus cum hac lege desperata erit, velim pro tuo 10 in me amore banc inanem meam diligentiam miserabilem potius quam ineptam putes, sin est aliquid spei, des operam ut maiore 3. Ad spem pertinere.sc. 'faciendam,' to be given by the proposer of a law, at ' to be hopeful signs.' Boot. Cp. 'siista.. least seventeen days, or three uundines, . . quicquam ad spem explorati haberent ' before it first came on for discussion, was Ad Att. II. 20, I. called ' promulgatio.' Cp. 'ubi proniulgatio 4. Lentuli: see on § 2 of the preceding trinum nundinum ' Philipp. 5. 3, 8. letter. 8. a. d. an. Kal. Nov. = Oct. 29. Metelli, ' of Qi Metellus Nepos,' consul 9. Utilitatis. Manutius suggests that elect for 57 B.C. He had been on bad terms this step of the eight tribunes might have with Cicero (see Epp, 4 ; 5, notes), who some influence on their successors, and that wrote to deprecate his hostility (cp. Ad it shewed a change of feeling in their body, Fam. 5. 4). as earlier in the year none of them had Voluntate, 'good will.' ventured to veto the proposals of Clodius. 5. Ratione, 'attitude,' 'policy.' See Attulisse = ' contulisse,' 'has contri- Ep. 9, 6, note. buled.' Perscribis, 'write carefully.' Forcell. In quo . . desperata erit, 'in which Praeter, ' contrary to.' matter, if my prospects and the enactment 6. Sed . . tempus, 'but indicate the of the law (which seeks to secure them) are date clearly enough.' already hopeless when this reaches you.' Lege . . promulgata. A proposal for On in quo, cp. Ep. 13, 2, note on p. the recall of Cicero, which seans to have 85. been brought forward by eight of the tri- 11. Hanc . . diligentiam . . putes, bunes for 59-58 B.C., but not to have 'that you will think the useless troubk I am passed. The two dissentient tribunes were about to expend in examining the law de- probably P. Clodius and P. (?) Aelius Ligus. serving of pity rather than of ridicuL-.' Cp Ep. 16, 6. 12. Maiore diligentia, ' with more 7. Promulgata. The notice which ought consideration.' I % ii6 M, TULLII CICERONIS [part I. diligentia posthac a nostris magistratibus defendamur. Nam 2 ea veterum tribunorum pi. rogatio tria capita habuit, unum de reditu meOj scriptum incaute ; nihil enim restituitur praeter civitatem et ordinem, quod mihi pro meo casu satis est, sed, 5 quae cavenda fuerint et quo modo, te non fugit. Alterum caput est tralaticium de impunitate, SI QVID CONTRA ALIAS LEGES EIVS LEGIS ERGO FACTVM SIT. Tertium caput, mi Pom- poni, quo consilio et a quo sit inculcatum, vide : scis enim Clodium sanxisse, ut vix aut omnino non posset nee per senatum nee per lo populum infirmari sua lex. Sed vides numquam esse observatas sanctiones earum legum, quae abrogarentur : nam, si id esset, nulla fere abrogari posset ; neque enim ulla est, quae non ipsa se saepiat difficultate abrogationis. Sed, cum lex abrogatur, illud ipsum abrogatur, quo modo eam abrogari oporteat. Hoc, quod 3 15 re vera ita est, cum semper ita habitum observatumque sit, octo nostri tribuni pi. caput posuerunt hoc : SI QViD IN HAG ROGA- 1. Nostris, 'inclined to support me:' cp. 1. 16, below. Prof. Tyrrell approves the conjecture of Manutius, ' novis.' 2. Veterum tribunorum. The tri- bunes for S9-58 B.C. : Clodius' colleagues. 4. Ordinem, ' my rank as a senator.' Pro meo casu, 'considering my mis- fortune.' 5. Quae cavenda fuerint, ' what should have been provided for.' Cicero refers especially to the restoration of the site of his house, and to indemnity for his losses. 6. Tralaticium, 'ordinary,' 'universally adopted.' Forcell. De impunitate, 'indemnifying the pro- posers.' It is explained just below. Si q,vid . . FACTVM SIT, 'in case the carrying out of this law involves the breach of any others.' ERGo = 'causa.' Forcell. On the tense of 'factum sit,' see Madv. ^^^o. The apodosis of the sentence is omitted ; it would run ' id ei qui fecerit ne fraudi esto.' Boot. 8. A quo sit inculcatum, 'by whom its insertion was procured.' Cicero suspected that Clodius got the obnoxious clause in- serted, apparently. 9. Sanxisse .. sua lex, 'added a sanc- tion, with a view to [or 'such as to,' (Tyrr.)] prevent, or render very difficult, the repeal of his law.' For a similar sense of 'sancire,' cp. ' sancit m posterum,' etc. In Cat. 4. 5, 10. The words from ut vix to sua lex express the object rather than the precise form of the clause in question. Vix aut omnino non=' vix aut ne vix quidem.' On the repeated negatives, non . . nee .. nee, see Ep. 8, 8, note. 12. Quae non ipsa . . abrogationis, 'which does not try to guard itself by in er- posing difficulties in the way of its repeal.' On the mood of 'abrogarentur' and 'sae- piat,' see Madv. 364, and Obs. i. 13. Illud ipsum, 'that very provision against repeal.' 14. Q.UO modo . . oporteat, 'in the way in which the law itself must be repealed.' Prof. Tyrrell says that this would need ' oportet,' and suggests 'quo minus' — 'the sanction forbidding its abrogation.' Cicero means that it would be as easy to repeal the protecting clause as the law which it protected. Wesenb. reads ' quo non . . oporteat,' words which must be taken as explanatory of "illud ipsum,' and as equivalent to those suggested by Prof. Tyrrell. Hoc, quod re vera . . observa- tumque sit, ' though this is really the practice, and has been always maintained and observed,' i.e. ' though men proposing to repeal a law are never deterred from doing so by a clause intended to prevent its repeal.' 15. Habitum = 'actum,' 'practised.' For- cell. 16. Nostri : cp. 1. i, above. EP. 1 9.] EPISTOLA RUM AD A TTICUM III. 23. 117 TIONE SCRIPTVM EST, QVOD PER LEGES PLEEISVE SCITA, hoc est quod per legem Clodiam, PROMVLGARE^ ABROGARE, DERO- GARE, OBROGARE SINE FRAVDE SVA NON LICEAT, NON LICVERIT, QVODVE EI QVI PROMVLGAVIT, DEROGAVIT, OB EAM REM POENAE 4 MVLTAEVE SIT, E. H. L. N. R. Atquc hoc ill illis tribuiiis pi. noil 5 laedebat ; lege enini collegii sui noii teiiebaiitur ; quo niaior est suspitio malitiae alicuius, cum id, quod ad ipsos nihil per- tinebat, erat autem contra me, scripserunt, ut novi tribuni pi., si essent timidiores, niulto magis sibi eo capite utendum puta- rent. Neque id a Clodio praetermissum est ; dixit enim in 10 contione a. d. III. Nonas Novembres hoc capite designatis tri- bunis pi. praescriptum esse, quid liceret ; tanien in lege nulla esse eius modi caput te non fallit, quo, si opus esset, omnes 1. Hoc est quod per legem Clodi- am. Cicero's remark, to shew how the proposal of the eight tribunes had been marred by carelessness or treachery. For of course its object was to repeal the law of Clodius, and any clause saving the provisions of that law would make the new one nuga- tory. It is possible that the tribunes did not consider the 'privilegium ' against Cicero as a law. 2. Abrogare, 'to repeal altogether.' Derogare, 'to repeal in pari.' Cp. De Inv. Rhet. 2. 45, 134; Rhet. ad Herenn. 2. 3. Obrogare, 'to pass a new law in opposition to an old one ;' ' legis prioris in- firmandae causa,' cp. Paulum Diaconum, excerpt, in lib. Pomp. Fest. lib. xiii. p. 187, Miiller. Sine fravde sva, 'without incurring a penalty.' Non LICEAT, NON LICVERIT, ' IS (at the time of voting on the law), or was (at the time of its promulgation), illegal.' Hofm. 4. PoENAE MULTAEVE SIT, 'may in- volve punishment or fine.' The more gene- ral term is put first. 5. E. H. L. N. R. ' Eius hac lege nihil rogatur ' (Boot), ' this law is so far void.' Hoc in illis . . non laedebat, 'the violation of the law of Clodius could do no harm as far as those tribunes (of 59-58 B.C.) were concerned.' Ontheimperf. 'laedebat,' see Madv. 337, Obs. I. ' Hoc ' refers to ' si quid ' of the passage quoted at the end of the previous section. 6. Lege enim . . non tenebantur, • for they were not bound by a law sanc- tioned by their body,' ' there was no law sanctioned by their body to bind them,' i.e. Clodius' law had not been sanctioned by the majority of their body, and could not be treated as their act, or bind them as such. Boot, Wiel. Corradus (ap. ed. Graev, 1684) whom Wesenb. follows, ap- proves of the substitution of ' collegae' for ' collegii, thinking that the meaning is that an enactment originating with Clodius could not bind his own colleagues : cp. ' soluti cum essent' below. Perhaps ' collegii,' may mean ' originating with one of their own body.' Prof. Tyrrell, ' eman- ating from their own college.' Hofmann thinks that Clodius only provided against the repeal of his law by tribunes who should hold office in svbsequent years, because he relied on his right of ' intercessio ' to frus- trate any attempt of his colleagues to re- peal it. 7. Malitiae, 'tricker}',' 'foul play.' Cum id . . scripserunt, ' in their having added a clause needless for their own safety and injurious to me.' See, on the constr., Ep. i, i, note. 8. Ut novi . . putarent, ' so that the new tribunes would think it far more needful for them to insert that clause.' With this use of ' ut,' expressing result, cp. Ep. 15, 15, note, and ' ut odia . . erumperent' Pro Muren. 23. 47. 10. Neque id a Clodio praeter- missum est, 'nor did Clodius fail to see the significance of their action.' Tyrr. 11. Hoc capite . • quid liceret, 'that the limits of the powers of the tribunes elect were defined by this clause.' 13. Quo si . . uterentur. The MS. has ' quod,' which might be rendered, ' yet if that clause were necessary.' [In the reading ii8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part I. in abrogando iiterentur. Ut Ninnium aut ceteros fugerit inves- tiges velim et quis attulerit et qua re octo tribuni pi. ad senatum de me referre non dubitarint— scilicet quod observandum illud caput non putabant— , iidem in abrogando tarn cauti fuerint, 5 ut id metuerent, soluti cum essent, quod ne lis quidem, qui ^ leo-e tenentur, est curandum. Id caput sane nolim novos tri- bunes pi. ferre, sed perferant modo quidlubet : uno capite, quo revocabor, modo res conficiatur, ero contentus. lam dudum pudet tam multa scribere ; vereor enim ne re iam desperata 10 leo-as, ut haec mea diligentia miserabilis tibi, aliis irridenda videatur. Sed si est aliquid in spe, vide legem, quam T. Fadio scripsit Visellius : ea mihi perplacet ; nam Sestii nostri, quam tu tibi probari scribis, mihi non placet. Tertia est epistola 5 pridie Idus Novembr. data, in qua exponis prudenter et dili- 15 genter, quae sint quae rem distinere videantur, de Crasso, de Pompeio, de ceteris: qua re oro te ut, si qua spes erit, posse studiis bonorum, auctoritate, multitudine comparata, rem confici, adopted in the text, ' eo,' must be supplied with opus esset ; in the MS. reading, with ' uterentur.'] Prof. Tyrrell retains ' quod.' For the two constructions of opus est, see Madv. 266. 1. In abrogando, 'in proposing the repeal of other laws.' If the clause were needful, Cicero says it would be always used in proposals similar to t' at of the eij;ht tri- bunes, whereas it had not been found in any. Ut, ' how.' On the mood of ' fugerit,' see Ep. 6, i, note. Ninnium. L. Ninnius Quadratus, tri- bune for 59-58 B.C., was active in promoting Cicero's recall. He is mentioned Ep. 74, 4; Pro Sest. 31, 68; De Domo 48, 125. Ceteros, ' his seven colleagues.' See on § I. 2. Quis attulerit, ' to whom we owe it,' 'who it was who added the saving clause.' Tyrr. 3. Scilicet, ' no doubt.' Illud caput. The clause by which Clodius had tried to prevent the repeal of his law. Cp. § 2, and Ep. 16, 6. 4. Iidem . . fuerint, 'and yet have been so cautious in proposing a repeal.' For this use of 'idem,' see Madv. 488. 5. Soluti: cp. the first words of this section, and note there. Qui lege tenentur. 'Aliorum col- Itgiorum tribunes plebis intellegit.' Manut. 9. Ne . . legas, ' that you may read this letter after my prospects are already ruined.' 11. Si est aliquid in spe: see Ep. 6, 6, note on p. 46. Quam . . Visellius, 'which Visellius has drawn up for T. Fadius,' i.e. for Fadius to propose as tribune. T. Fadius Gallus was quaestor 63 B.C., and tribune in 58-57 B.C. Cp. Post Red. in Sen. 8. He must have been elected before this letter was written, and Visellius seems to have advised him as to the best form in which to draw up a proposal for Cicero's recall. In 52 B.C., probably, Cicero wrote to console Fadius in exile. Cp. Ad Earn. 5. 18. C. Visellius Varro was son of a sister of Cicero's mother; his father's name was C. Visellius Aculeo. He was a friend of Caesar (cp. De Prov. Cons. 1 7, 40), and is mentioned as a learned jurisconsult (Brut. 76, 264\ 12. Perplacet seems only to be found here in Cicero's writings. Sestii. P. Sestius, quaestor in 63 B.C., supported Cicero zealously against Catiline and his associates. He was one of the tri- bunes for 58-57 B.C., and took an active part in promoting Cicero's restoration. See the oration Pro Sestio, passim. He appears to have been with Pompcy at the beginning of the civil war, but to have been received into favour by Caesar. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 17, 2, with Ad Att. II. 7, I, and Bell. Alex. 34. 15. Rem distinere, ' to delay a measure for my recall.' Cp. Philipp.12. 12, 28. 17. Auctoritate. I am not sure whether this word has here the technical meaning EP. 19.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM III. 23. T19 des operam ut uno impetu perfringatur, in earn rem incumbas ceterosque excites ; sin, ut ego perspicio cum tua coniectura, turn etiam mea, spei nihil est, oro obtestorque te, ut Q. fratrem ames, quem ego miserum misere perdidi, neve quid eum patiare gravius consulere de se, quam expcdiat sororis tuae filio, meum 5 Ciceronem, cui nihil misello relinquo praeter invidiam et igno- miniam nominis mei, tueare, quoad poteris, Terentiam, unani omnium aerumnosissimam, sustentes tuis officiis. Ego in Epirum proficiscar, cum primorum dierum nuntios excepero : tu ad me velim proximis litteris, ut se initia dedcrint, perscribas. Data 10 pridie Kal. Deccmbr. of ' a resolution of the senate,' or if it means ' by the influence of leading men.' Prof. Tyrrell takes the latter view. Cp. Philipp. 13. 13, 28, where Cicero says, that if some of his eminent contemporaries had been alive, Antony would have been less agres- sive. 'Auctoritati cessisset audacia.' Multitudine comparata. Either ' by the help of a large number of voters from the country districts,' where Cicero was very popular (see Intr. to Part I, §§ 20 ; 24) : or, ' by a force of gladiators and others,' hired to oppose Clodius in street fighting. Such a body, under Milo's direction, contributed effectively to secure Cicero's recall (Intr. ubi supra). I. Ut . . perfringatur, 'that we may break through all obstacles,' ' carry the mat- ter through ' at once. In earn rem incumbas, ' exert your- self to that end.' 4. Miserum misere perdidi. Cicero had borrowed considerable sums from his brother, and had drawn part of his official income from the treasury. Quinius seems to have been much embarrassed in conse- quence (cp. Ad Q^ F. 1.3,7), and his brother was alarmed lest he should take some hasty resolution. 5. Filio. The younger Q^ Cicero. His mother was Pon;ponia, sister of Atticus. 6. Misello: rare. Forcell. 7. Unam omnium. These words strengthen the following superlative. Cp. Madv. 310, Obs. 2. 9. Primorum dierum, the first days after the new tribunes came into office, which they would do on Dec. 10. Cp. ' spes reliqua est in novis tribunis plebis, et in priinis quidem diebus' Ad Fam. 14. 3. 3- 10. Ut se initia d ede rint, ' how the new tribunate begins.' Cp. ' prout tempus ac res se daret' Livy 28. 5, 9, according to some editors. On the couj., see Ep. 8, 4, note. I30 NOTE B. NOTE A. Optimates. At the risk of seeming pedantic, I have often used this word to describe one of the parties of the later Roman Commonwealth; that for which Sulla had conquered, which opposed the concession of extraordinary powers to Pompey, supported Cicero in his consulship, struggled in vain against the first triumvirate, and finally coalesced with Pompey against Caesar. It cannot properly be called conservative, for some of its members were reactionary; nor aristocratic, for many of the noblest families in Rome were well represented among its ad- versaries ; nor republican, for many of Caesar's supporters were probably long ignorant of the scope of his plans, and not less devoted than their opponents to a republican form of government. The most prominent optimates between 63 and 49 B.C. were Q^ Catulus, L. Lucullus, Q. Hortensius, Q. Metellus Celer, M. Bibulus, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, M. Cato, and M. Marcellus. The senate seems to have been under the control of the leaders of the optimates till about 57 on the whole, though Pompey had many personal adherents among its members. Hence, in notes to the letters of the first period, the senate is often spoken of as identical with that party ; but such identification would be a mistake for the years following Cicero's return from exile. See Intr. to Part II, § 3, foil. NOTE B. Provincia. This word, of which the derivation is uncertain, seems originally to have meant ' a de- partment of the public service;' or, as Mommsen (Rechtsfrage 4, cp. Staatsrecht, I, 81) and Marquardt (Staatsverwaltung, i, 339) maintain, a special department allotted for the exer- cise of the ' imperium.' Thus the conduct of the war against a particular enemy might be called 'provincia.' Cp. Livy 2. 40 ad fin. ; 31. 6. After the institution of the praetorship, ' iuris dictio' would probably be called the praetor's 'provincia ;' and when a second praetor was added to administer justice between citizens and foreigners, his duties would form a seccnd ' provincia.' Now, when at the close of the First Punic War the Romans acquired considerable territory in Sicily, the government of such territory was entrusted to a new praetor, and called his ' provincia ; ' and so the word was applied in general to any adminis- trative district of the Roman empire, (i) having definite boundaries, (2) subject to direct taxation, and (3) ruled by a Roman governor. (Marquardt, I, 340.) The old meaning was, however, retained side by side with the new. Cp. Ad Q. F. i. i, 43: Pro Muien. 20, 41. The provinces, in the later sense, were probably from the first distinguished from Italy, and after the Roman franchise had been granted to most of the inhabitants of Italy south of the Po — as it had been before Cicero entered upon public life (cp. Smith, Diet, of Geogr. I, 945, sub voc. Gallia Cis.) — the distinction must have become more marked. Land was generally held on different terms in Italy and in the provinces, except in specially privi- leged districts of the latter, and the inhabitants of the provinces were subject, generally speak- ing, to personal taxes and to arbitrary punishments from which Italians were exempt. Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 2-5 passim; esp. 5. 66, 169. The Roman or Latin franchise might how- ever be conferred either on individuals or on communities in the provinces (cp. Ep. 108, I ; Dion Cassius 41, 24) but neither appears to have necessarily implied the exemption of those who enjoyed it from the usual provincial burdens (Marquardt I, 360, notes). Nor am I aware of any grant of the Roman or Latin franchise on a great scale before the time of the dictator Caesar, except in the case of genuine Roman or Italian colonies. The case of the Transpa- dani (cp. Appendix 1, § 2 ; Ep. 31, 2, notes) hardly forms an exception, as the province of Cisalpine Gaul held a peculiar position. Other towns in the provinces differed considerably NOTE D. 121 in their privileges ; probably according to their services to Rome, and the circumstances under which they had subtiiitted to her supremacy. Cp. Epp. l8, 7 ; 38, 4, notes. Cisalpine Gaul, in the year 43 B.C., was a province, but most of its inhabitants were Roman citizens. Cp. A. W. Zumpt, Studia Romana, 30-37. Perhaps the term 'provincia' was applied to it in a sense intermediate between the older political or military and the later local meaning, as seems to have been the case with Cilicia before 64 B.C. The general authorities for this note, besides the passages already quoted, have been, Mommsen, Die Rechtsfrage zwischen Caesar und dem Senat, pp. i-ii ; Romisches Staatsrecht, I, 70-88. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, sub voce, ' colonia,' 'provincia,' 'Latinitas;' Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, 1. 338-365; Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. 78; y6 foil. NOTE C. Roman Letters and means of Correspondence. The letter was written either (cp. Ad Att. 12. 1, i) with a stylus on ' tabulae,' thin slips of wood or ivory covered with wax and folded together with the writing inwards, which was protected from defacement by the tablets having projecting rims — or (cp. Q^F. 2. 15 b, l) with a reed pen and ink on papyrus or parchment. In either case it was secured by a thread passing round it and sealed. As letters were usually dictated to a secretary, the seal was often the only guarantee for genuineness, and was preserved unbroken; the receiver cut the thread when he opened the letter. The outside address of the letter was very simple (cp. Ad Att. 8. 5, 2). The letter began with a friendly wish from the writer to the receiver, ' salutem dicit,' or 'salutem plurimam dicit;' sometimes simply 'salutem.' These words were generally expressed by their initial letters. The use or omission of the full names and titles of the writer and receiver depended naturally on the degree of formality which the writer wished to observe. The greeting was often followed by the words ' si vales bene est,' but Cicero rarely uses these words in confidential letters, except to Terentia. Letters often ended with the word ' vale,' but this was frequently dispensed with. There was no regular post at Rome ; officials might employ attendants named ' statores ' to carry their letters (cp. Ad Fam. 2. 17, i ; 2. 19, 2), but Cicero speaks in another passage of employing the messengers of the publicani or tax-gatherers, who would naturally keep up a constant comnmnication between the capital and the provinces (cp. Ad Att. 5. 16, l). Private people had to trust to their own or their friends' slaves or freedmen ; letter-carriers were called ' tabellarii.' Cicero often expresses apprehensions that his letters may be tam- pered with — (e.g. Ad Att. i. 13, I ; 4. 15, 7), and occasionally disguises his meaning, — writing in Greek or substituting fictitious for real names (Ad Att. 2. 19, 5; cp. I. 13, 4; 6. 4 and 5). Cp. Siipfle, Einl. 36-38 ; Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, sub voce. ' atra- mentum,' ' calamus,' ' liber,' ' stilus,' ' tabellarius,' ' tabulae.' NOTE D. Origin of the collection of Cicero's Letters. Cicero, writing to Atticus in 44 B.C., says that there was no regular collection of his letters, but that Tiro had collected about seventy, and that he himself meant to add to and publish them. Ad Att. 16. 5, 5. Perhaps the letters Ad Familiares and Ad Qnintum Fratrem were published by Tiro, having been procured in part from copies existing in Cicero's house, in part from those who had received them. The title Ad Familiares is modern, or at least post-classical ; in ancient times each book was distinguished by the name of the person to whom the first letter in it was addressed, e.g. book I. was called Ad P. Lentulum. 122 NOTE E. The letters to Atticus were probably published either by Atticns himself or after his death by his orders. Cornelius Nepos, writing shortly before the death of Atticus, mentions II — or according to a suggestion, i6 — books of them ; Vit. Att. i6. Letters of Cicero are quoted or referred to by Seneca, Epp. 97, 4; 118, I ; Quintil. Inst. Orat. 6. 3, 109; 8. 3, 35; Suet. lul. 9; Octav. 3 ; Tib. 7. Cp. Hofmann, 10-13; SiipAe 39, 40 ; Boissier, Recherches sur la manifere dont furent recueiilies et publi^es les lettres de Ciceron 8-35. NOTE E. On the meaning of the words ^ Imperiiim'' and ^ Iinperator.^ 'Imperiuni' differed from ' potestas ' both in the powers which it comprised, and in the fact that it could only be regularly granted by a distinct vote of the people (cp. Paul. Diac. Excerpt, p. 50), the 'le.x curiata de imperio ' — which, however, does not seem in Cicero's time to have been universally regarded as necessary: cp. Ep. 29, 25, note. In the time of the kings, ' Imperium ' seems to have comprised military, judicial, and administrative prero- gatives, and to have passed into the hands of the first consuls, subject only to two limita- tions ; that it was made annual, and divided between two persons. According to Momm- sen (Staatsrecht 1. 48-50), 'potestas' when the word is not used pleonastically (as by Cicero in Verr. Act. i. 13, 37), nor as including 'imperium,' expresses merely a negative notion, that of official power without 'imperium.' ' Imperium' he explains as describing the power of those magistrates on whom the supreme authority formerly possessed by the kings had devolved. The view of Lange (Rom. Alt. I. 232-241 ; 264-269) — that 'potestas,' de- scribed the patriarchal powers of the king or magistrate, considered as a ' paterfamilias,' on a great scale, while ' imperium ' described the powers conveyed to him by the voluntary act of a body of independent ' patres familias' — is ingenious and plausible, but hardly demon- strable. The constitutional history of Rome is, to a great extent, a history of the further limita- tion of the ' Imperium ' by subdivision, by direct legislation, and by the increasing strictness of the senate's control over public officers. The institution of the praetorship in 366 B.C. was an important step in this direction. ' luris diciio' was apparently regarded as an exercise of the 'imperium' (see p. 120) and was then transferred from the consuls to the praetor. Before considering the meanings which the word ' Imperium ' bore in Cicero's time, it will be convenient to point out an important change which had taken place in the system of Roman administration. For many years the foreign provinces of Rome were governed by praetors during their year of office, unless a formidable war happened to be going on in or near to any of them, in which case the conduct of the war was often entrusted to a consul. But a change was made during the later years of the commonwealth's existence, owing to the gradual in- crease in the number of the provinces, and to the greater demand for the services of the praetors at Rome. These two causes made it necessary to entrust the government of pro- vinces often to proconsuls or propraetors; and, after Sulla had organized six permanent criminal courts, these, together with the two civil courts, required the superintendence of all the praetors, though their number was at that time increased to eight. Cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq. sub voce. ' index,' ' praetor.' They might, however, be employed on military service in case of extreme need ; and Q. Metellus Celer was so employed in 63 b c. Cp. Ep. 4, notes and references. At some time during Cicero's hfe it became usual for the consuls also to remain in Italy during their year of office. Mommsen thinks that this change dated from the legislation of Sulla, but allows that there were many exceptions during the following twenty years. Rom. NOTE E. 123 Hist. 3. 367; Rechtsfrage 9-1 1 ; 29-34. Others have fixed on the year 74 B.C. as that with which ihe new system began ; A. W. Zuiupt thinks that it dated from 59 B.C. Cp. Sludia Roniana, pp. 72, 73. In the time then of Cicero's poHtical activity we can recognize two kinds of ' Imperiuni,' (i) that held by consuls or praetors' during their year of ofEce at Rome (cp. In Verr. i Act. ^3' 37; In Pis. 13, 29; Messalla ap. A. Gell. 13, 15): (2) that held by provincial governors, or by commissioners specially invested with it : in Mommsen's words the ' imperium domi ' and 'imperium miUtiae:' terms which do not so much perhaps define the quality of the ' imperium ' as the sphere of its exercise. Cp. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, pp. 95 ; 100. The military ' Imperium'- was not ordinarily exercised by the consuls in Italy after the change above referred to had taken place, nor indeed, was there ordinarily occasion for its exercise. Sallust (Cat. 29) seems to have thought that a special vote of the senate was needed to hivest a consul with it. As the more important judicial functions had been long since transferred to the praetors and permanent courts, the ordinary ' Imperium ' of the consuls must have consisted, apparently, in practice of little more than the right of convoking the ' comitia centuriata ' for elections and for legislation ; a right which probably rested upon the 'Imperium.' Cp. A. Gell. 13, 15 ; 15, 27; Varro L. L. 6, 88-93. The 'Imperium ' of provincial govtrnors comprised, like that of the old Roman kings, military, administrative, and judicial powers; and was probably only liniited locally while the governor's term of office lasted. After that term had expired, he might of course be prose- cuted for misgovernnient. He seems to have entered on the exercise of his ' Imperiuni' in a certain sense when he left Rome with proper ceremony (' paludatus'); but not to have held it in its entirety till he reached his province. Cp. Mommsen Rechtsfrage 34; 35. He lost it altogether, except for the day of a triumph, when he recrossed the pomoerium, or ancient sacred limit of the city of Rome. Cp. Ep. 29, 25; Philipp. 3. 11, 27 and iVIr. King's note; Uipian, Digest. I. 16, 16. It could be granted to private persons by the people — as more than once to Pompey (cp. Inlr. to Part I, §§ 4; 7; 8); — and was apparently conferred by the senate, though with some irregularity, on various persons in 49 b c, (cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 1. 6> and on Octavian in 43 B.C. (cp. Philipp. 5. 16, 45). The unconstitutional combination of powers in the hands of Pompey during his third con- sulship was altogether exceptional. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 14; 15; Mommsen 4. 2, ■324, 325- The title 'Imperator' seems during the republican period to have been of a purely military character. Perhaps it could legally be assumed by any officer who had been invested with the military 'Imperium.' Cp. Dion Cassius 43, 44; A.W. Zumpt, S.R. 232, 233. In prac- tice, however, I think that it seems only to have been borne by officers possessed of ' Imperium' who had obtained successes in war, and had consequently been greeted as 'Impe- ratores' by their soldiers. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 3; Tac. Ann. 3. 74; Mommsen, Rom. Staatsrecht, 105. It was often confirmed by a vote of the senate. Cp. Philipp. 14, 4 ; 5 ; In Pis. 19, 44. For an account of the title ' Imperator ' prefixed to the names of the emperors, cp. Dion Cassius (53. 17), who considers it equivalent to that of king or dictator; also Monmisen 4. 2. 470 ; 471 ; A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 232 ; 233. ' It is doubtful if the possession of ' imperium ' was necessary for the praetors who presided in the criminal courts, or ' quaestiones perpetuae,' Cp. Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, p. 10, note. ■ I use this term as the nearest equivalent for 'Imperium militiae ' in Mommsen's work, though admitting that it is not quite accurate. 124 APPENDIX I. APPENDIX I. State of the Roman Empire about the time of Cicero's entrance into public life. § I. In the East, Nicomedes III. of Bithynia had died in 74 B.C., and had bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans. In the same year, however, Mithridates renewed hostihties, and at first obtained consider- able successes, till the arrival of L. Lucullus in Asia changed the aspect of affairs. Mithridates was defeated, and driven to seek a refuge with his son-in-law, Tigranes of Armenia. The Roman frontier, however, was still fluctuating ; on the whole, it may have nearly coincided with the course of the Halys. The Romans had three provinces in the East ; Asia, comprising Mysia, Lydia, most of Caria and part of Phrygia (cp. Cic. pro Flacco 27, 65); Bithynia, bounded on the north-west by the Propontis and the Thracian Bosphorus and ending at the mouth of the Sangarius, while its eastern frontier was advanced during the Mithridatic war from the Sangarius to the Halys or even somewhat further; and Cilicia, which, however, can have comprised little or none of Cilicia proper as a permanent possession before the suppression of piracy by Pompey (cp. Intr. to Part I, § 7 ; Appendix 2). Lycia had received its freedom from Sulla as a reward for its attachment to Rome. In the district between the Adriatic and the Euxine, the Romans had exerted themselves to secure their frontier, and to conquer or bridle the robber-tribes of Dalmatia and Thrace, and great, though not complete, success had attended their efforts. This they owed in great measure to the ability of M. Lucullus, governor of Macedonia in 73-71 B.C. Mace- donia, to which Illyricum was probably long annexed, was the only Roman province in this region; Thrace was still governed nominally by its own princes, and Dalmatia was only watched by the governors of Cisalpine Gaul, to which Illyricum was subsequently attached. § 2. Farther west were the two Gaulish provinces. The Cisalpine, though treated as a part of Italy for some time after its conquest by the Romans, and though its southern districts were inhabited by Roman citizens, seems to have been organized as a province at some time before 63 b.c.^ (cp. pp. 9; 10; 35; 36); it extended from the Alps ' Cp. however, A. W. Zumpt, Studia Roniana, pp. 45-72, who places its organization as a province in 59 b.c. APPENDIX I. 125 to the Rubicon and the Macra. Many of the towns in the northern, or Transpadane, district had received the Latin franchise in 89 b.c., and were eager to exchange it for the Roman. They thus naturally became allies of the democratic party at Rome, which, they hoped, would gratify their wishes. The Transalpine province, or Narbonensis, consisted of a broad strip of land stretching from the Alps to the Pyrenees, and encircling the nominally independent territory of Massilia. Its outposts seem to have been — on the west, Lugdunum Convenarum (St. Bertrand) and Tolosa (Toulouse) ; on the north and north-east, Vienna (Vienne) and Genava (Geneva). An unruly spirit prevailed in considerable districts of this territory, especially among the Allobroges. The two provinces into which the Roman conquests in Spain were divided had just been reorganized by Pompey, after the death of Serto- rius and the dispersion of his followers. The influence of Pompey was predominant, at least in the Hither province, for many years. § 3. In Africa the Roman frontier might be occasionally, but not seriously, threatened by the tribes of the interior. The province called Africa consisted mainly of the territory which Carthage had retained just before the third Punic war, which had perhaps been increased after the war with Jugurtha by the addition of the Tripolis (Leptis, Aea, and Sa- brada), and was very important from its fertility, which enabled it to supply Rome with much corn. The neighbouring kings of Numidia could hardly be formidable, unless aided by dissensions or corruption among the Romans. Gyrene, with the four neighbouring towns of Apollonia or Sozusa, Teucheira or Arsinoe, Euesperides or Berenice, and Barca or Ptolemais, had been bequeathed to the Romans by Apion, an Egyptian prince, in 95 B.C., and reduced to a province, probably in 75 or 74 b.c. Cp. A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 48, who refers to a fragment of Sallust, 2. 47, ap. Kritz. The three great islands of the western Mediterranean had long been subject directly to Rome. Sicily had been seriously impoverished by three years of misgovernment under C. Verres, and its important supplies of corn must have been much diminished. Sardinia, with which Corsica was combined as one province, also pro- duced much corn. These islands had principally to fear insurrections of slaves and depredations of pirates. Greece was probably subject to the governors of Macedonia ; the organization of a distinct province of Achaia belonging to a later period. Cp. Epp. 34, 8 ; 90, 2, notes. 126 APPENDIX 7. Crete was conquered in 67 h.c. by Q. INIelollus, and was annexed, accordint^ to some, to Cvrene, according to otlicrs, to Macedonia. A. W. Zumpt holds the latter view (C. E. 2. 187-189, and 240). Cp. Ad Fam. 8. 8. 8, note. ^ 4. 'riius it will be noticed, that while the extent of the Roman dominions was imposing, the frontier was almost everywhere ill-defined, and the communications insecure. Transalpine Gaul was exposed to great danger from armed migrations, such as diose of the Cimbri and Teutones in 106 B.C., of Ariovistus and the Suevi in 71, and of the Helvetii somewhat later. In Spain, the most prosperous theatre of Roman colonization, the work of conquest was by no means completed. The frontier of Macedonia was threatened by northern tribes, who after- wards combined into the formidable and well-organized kingdom of Dacia. In the East, INIithridates was not yet subdued; and even the subsequent defeat of his son-in-law Tigranes only made the Parthian monarchy of the Arsacidae the more formidable. But these dangers were infinitely aggravated by three evils, for which the Roman government was directly or indirectly responsible ; the mis- government of the provinces ; the excessive development of slave culti- vation in Italy ; and the spread of piracy in the INIediterranean. Mithri- dates, Sertorius, and afterwards Catiline, relied in no small degree on the discontent of the provincials ; Spartacus, with an army of slaves and gladiators, ravaged Italy for nearly three years (73-71 b.c), and the pirates, in spite of partial reverses, were long masters of the INIediterra- nean, and even threatened the coasts of central Italy. Seldom had the Roman empire been in greater danger than when these corsairs kept up a communication between the Spanish insurgents and INIithridaies. and encouraged the revolted slaves in Italy. It was a most fortunate circumstance for Rome that, when the insurrection of Spartacus began, die war with Sertorius had passed its most critical moment. The ancient authorities consulted for the facts mendoned in this Appendix are: Livy, Epitt. 70 and 91-97; Plutarch's Lives of Lucullus, Pompcy, Crassus, Sertorius; Velleius 2. 29-31; Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 107-121; IMithridatica 61 ; 67-96; Dion Cassius 35; 36. 1-6, The modern: ^lerivale i, 21-66 ; IMommsen 4, chaps, i and 2 ; Zumpt, Com- ment. Epigr. 2. 157-241 ; Studia Romana, pp. 1-57; IMr. King's notes on the Tenth Philippic ; the articles on the various provinces in Smith's Dictionary of Geography; Fischer's Romische Zeittafeln; and Mar- quardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, i. 90-337. APPENDIX 11. 127 APPENDIX II. Campaigns of Pompey in the East. After executing, with complete success, his commission to suppress piracy (cp. Intr. to Part I, § 7), Pompey had passed the winter of 67- 66 B.C. in Cilicia, where he received the news of the extended powers conferred upon him by the law of Manilius (supra, § 8). He levied a considerable force, and with it met Lucullus at Danala ', in Galatia, where, after a warm discussion, he amalgamated that general's forces with his own. Before the close of the year he had completely defeated Mithridates at Nicopolis, and driven him across the Phasis, while Tigranes sued for peace, and obtained it on paying a large sum of money, and surrendering all his possessions except Armenia Proper. The close of 66, and nearly the whole of 65, were occupied with success- ful campaigns against the Albanians and Iberians ; the close of 65, and the beginning of 64, with the suppression of the last efforts at resistance in Pontus. Pompey then marched southwards, to complete the conquest of Syria which some of his officers had begun. By the end of 63 b c. the Roman sovereignty was completely established there, and Pompey then began to organize his conquests. Two new provinces, Syria and Crete *, were formed ; three older ones, Asia, Bithynia, and Cilicia, were reconstituted, Bithynia received part of Pontus ; the new province of Cilicia com- prised, besides Cihcia proper, which had been won by Pompey, Pam- phylia, Pisidia, Isauria, Lycaonia, and part of Phrygia. Pompey founded many towns in Cilicia, Cappadocia, and elsewhere, and gave a corporate existence to others. Many of the captive pirates were settled in these towns. He had also in 63 b.c defeated the Jews under Aristobulus, and taken Jerusalem, but he did not reduce Judaea to the condition of a Roman province, preferring to leave its government to Hyrcanus, a rival of Aristobulus. Meanwhile, INIithridates tried to organize means of resistance in the Tauric Chersonese, but his suspicious cruelty caused a revolt, headed by his son Pharnaces, and he died by his own hand in 63 B.C. Thus, towards the end of 63 b.c, Pompey had completed his task. The Parthians were probably indignant at the advance of the Roman power, but showed no disposition to begin hostilities. Cp. Veil. 2. 33; * Cp. Strab. 12. 5, 2. ^ Cp. Appendix i, § 3. 128 APPENDIX III. 37-40; Appian, Milhridatica 97-115; Syriaca 50-51; Plut. Pomp. 30-42; Dion Cassius 36, 28-37; 37, 1-20; Mommsen. 4. i, chap. 4; Drumann, 4. 429-475; Fischer, Romische Zeittafeln, pp. 213-226; Smith's Dictionary of Geography; Marquaidt, 1. 179; 191-193; 236-239. APPENDIX III. Life of Atticus. § I. T. Pomponius Atticus was born apparently about 109 b.c, and consequently was about three years older than Cicero. He studied with Cicero, C. Marius the younger, and L. Torquatus, the consul of 65. He lent money to C. Marius and others, to help them in escaping from Italy. About 86 or 85 apparently he left Rome, and stayed twenty-two years at Athens, where his liberality made him generally popular, and the rights of citizenship were offered him by the Athenians. Atticus declined the offer, though Cicero speaks of the Athenians as his fellow citizens ^. When Sulla visited Athens in 84 b.c. he was much pleased with Atticus, who declined, however, to follow him to Italy. In 79 B.C. Cicero went to Athens, and the two friends listened in company to Antiochus, Phaedrus, and Zeno ^. The length of time which Atticus spent at Athens may account for his cognomen. He returned to Rome in 65 b.c at Cicero's request, to support him in his canvass for the consulship. No letters addressed to him during the years 64-62 have been preserved, but it does not follow that he was at Rome all that time. In December, 63, he induced the equites to make a demonstration in support of Cicero ^ — a service for which his position as a member of an old equestrian family gave him great advantages. At the end of 62 or beginning of 61 he embarked at Brundisium for Epirus *. § 2. He declined to attend Quintus Cicero to Asia as his legate, and was not on very good terms with him, thinking that Quintus did not treat his sister well (v. infr. § 7). Private affairs mainly occupied his thoughts, but he seems to have warned Cicero against forming too close an union with Pompey^. He returned to Rome for a few months at the end of 60 B.C. ^, but went back to Epirus in May, 59 ^. Cicero frequently begged him to return. But Atticus stayed in Epirus till November, and when he returned to Rome, Cicero thought that he did not shew sufficient zeal in ^ Ad Att. I. 16, 4 ; but cp. 6. 6, 2. ^ Intr. to Part I, § 2. ^ Add Att. 2. I, 7- * lb. I. 13. I. = lb. 2. I, 6. « lb. 2. 2. ' lb. 2. 18, I and 4 ; 2. 20, 2. APPENDIX III. 129 his service '. Atticus was liberal, however, both to Cicero and to his family during the time of his exile, and tried to console him by holding out hopes of a speedy return, which Cicero hardly shared "-. Atticus was adopted by the will of his uncle about this time, and inherited ten million sesterces from him^ He left Rome about the end of 58, and presently met Cicero at Dyrrhachium *. § 3. After Cicero's restoration from exile, Atticus seems for some time to have taken little part in politics. He returned to Rome early in 56 B.C., and married Pilia'', with whom he seems to have lived very happily. Atticus again left Rome about May 10, 54®, and after a short stay in Epirus went to Asia, and wrote to Cicero from Ephesus '^. He returned to Italy in the winter, apparently, and remained there about three years ^. He had a daughter born to him in 51^. Cicero, during his proconsulate, requested the aid of Atticus in various matters — especially to prevent his being detained in Cilicia'*^. He was also anxious to defend his own behaviour to Brutus ^\ Atticus returned to Rome suffering from a fever, September 19, 50 b.c.^^ § 4. During the civil war, which began in the next year, Atticus seems not to have given Cicero any very distinct advice, and was probably guided by what seemed his friend's inclinations ^^. He was liberal to Cicero, and to his family", but remained neutral in the struggle — an attitude which satisfied Caesar more than Pompey. After Cicero's return to Brundisium, Atticus was his confidant in the trouble caused by the unnatural conduct of his brother and nephew ^", and by the alleged selfishness of Terentia '^. About this time, probably, Atticus interceded for Buthrotum, which had incurred Caesar's displeasure, and saved its lands from con- fiscation by giving security for the payment of a considerable sum of money", § 5. During the year 45 b.c. Atticus and Cicero generally lived apart, but kept up a constant correspondence ^^ After Caesar's death Atticus took no decided part in politics, but lent large sums to Brutus privately. He was again anxious about Buthrotum, and entreated Cicero to intercede with various people on behalf of its inhabitants ^®. Atticus seems to have approved of Caesar's murder, and of the 1 Ad Att. 3. 15, 4 and 7. ^ lb. 3. 9, 2 ; 3. 23, 5. ^ jj,. 3. 20, i * lb. 3. 25 and 27. * Ad. Q. F. 2. 3, 7. ® Ad Att. 4. 14, i. ' lb. 4 15, 2 ; 4. 17, 3. 8 lb. 5. 21, I. " infra, § 7 ; Ad Att. 5. 19, 2 '* Ad Att. 5. 15, I ; 5. 11, 3. '^ lb. 5. 21, 10-12. '- lb. 6. 9, i '^ lb. 9. 10, 4-10. " lb. II. 2, 4 ; II. 3, I. '° lb. II. 15, 2 ""' lb. II. 24, 3. 1' lb. 12. 6 4; 16. 16 A, 4 and 5. " lb. 12. 12 to 13. 52 '' lb. 15. 14, I ; 16. 16, with the letters appended. K 130 APPENDIX III. vigorous acts of Dolabella^ — and to have been adroit, as before^, in anticipating what advice Cicero wished him to give. When, however, the war of IVIutina had gone decidedly against Antony, Atticus assisted his wife Fulvia — a service in return for which Antony exempted not only Atticus himself, but two of his friends, from proscription. After the battle of Philippi, Atticus kept up a friendly correspondence both with Antony and with Octavian ; the latter often consulted him on poetical and antiquarian questions. Atticus' health had generally been very good, but when about 77 years old he was visited by a painful dis- order, aggravated perhaps in the first instance by maltreatment. He abstained from food, thinking the case desperate, and died March 31, 32 BC. § 6. He was extremely wealthy ; besides his uncle's legacy, he had inherited two million sesterces from his father. About the year 69 b.c. he had bought a considerable estate near Buthrotum in Epirus, and he had perhaps properties at Sybota and in Corcyra', and large sums at interest in Sicyon, Macedonia, and Delos*. He seems to have been moderate in his demands of interest, but prompt in exacting repayment. His expenditure, both on his houses and on his table, was moderate — at least compared with that of other wealthy Romans; he had a fine house with gardens on the Quirinal, a villa close to Rome, and estates at Ardea, at Nomentum, and near Lucretilis. On his estate at Buthrotum stood the Amaltheum — an apartment or shrine containing groups of mythological personages, and busts of eminent Romans, with a few lines of poetry under each, of his own composition. Cicero's was among them. Cicero asked Atticus to collect works of art for him in Greece ®. The slaves of Atticus were valuable as copyists or readers ; some of them seem to have been trained as gladiators ®. His knowledge of and fondness for Hterature were remarkable; he wrote a Greek account of Cicero's consulship, a compendium of Roman history, and various genealogical works. He spoke and wrote both Greek and Latin with great elegance and propriety. His knowledge of dates and of antiquities generally was remarkable, and his power of rapid calculation still more so''. In philosophy he seems to have inclined to Epicureanism *. ' Ad Att. 14. 14, 2 ; 14. 16, 2 ; Ad Fam. 9. 14. ^ Ad Att. 16. 7, 3-5. Cp. supra, § 4. 3 Ad Att. I. 5, 7 ; 4. 8 a, I ; 5. 9, l. * lb. i. 13, i ; 9. 9, 4 ; Ad Fam. 5. 5. * Ad Att. I. 6-9. ® lb. 4. 4 b, 2 ; 4. 8 a, 2. '' lb. 5. 21, 13. * lb. 14. 20, 5, alib. APPENDIX IV. 131 § 7. He was placable and affectionate as a son, husband, and father, and an honest, if not very energetic, friend. He was on intimate terms with many of his eminent contemporaries ; traces may be found of an intimacy between him and the Claudii * ; and among his acquaintance were Pompey-, Q. Hortensius, M. Varro, Q. Gellius Canus, A. Torquatus, Q. Metellus Celer. Caesar was pleased by his not leaving Italy during the first civil war ^ His sister Pomponia married Q. Cicero, but the marriage was not happy, and seems to have been terminated by a divorce about 45 or 44 B.C.* Atticus had a daughter — Pomponia or Caecilia Attica — born 5 1 b.c. •' She married M. Agrippa, at Antony's suggestion, about 36; their daughter Vipsania Agrippa was betrothed when hardly a year old to Tiberius Nero, afterwards emperor, whom she subsequently married, and lived happily with him till Augustus required him to separate from her ®. The authorities for the above biography, besides the passages quoted in the notes, have been the Hfe of Atticus by Cornelius Nepos, and that by Drumann in the fourth volume of his Roman history. APPENDIX IV. On the Legality of the Execution of Lentulus and his Accomplices. The Lex Porcia, enacted, probably, in the year 197 b.c, provided that no Roman citizen should be scourged or put to death by the sentence of a magistrate. Cp. Livy 10. 9 ; Sail. Cat. 51 ; Cic. pro Rab. 4, 12. Subsequently, a Lex Sempronia (C. Gracchi) provided that no com- missions should be appointed, without the consent of the people, for trying cases in which the ' caput' of a Roman citizen was endangered. Cp. Pro Rab. 1. c, and the quotation from Ahrens in Orelli's Index Legum, Onomast. vol. 3. Neither of these laws, of course, would interfere with the old capital prosecutions for ' perduellio,' before the people assembled in the comitia centuriata ; but such prosecutions were very rare in the later years of the Commonwealth. * Ad Att. 2. 9; 2. 15, 2; 2. 22, 4; 10. 8, 3. 2 lb. 3. 13, I. 3 supra, § 4. * Ad Att. I. 17. 1-4 ; 5. I, 3 ; 6. 2, 1-2 ; 14. 13, 5 ; 14. 1 7. 3- ^ supra, § 3. * Suet. Tib. 7; Tac. Ann. i. 12 ; 2. 43. K 2 132 APPENDIX IV. It is clear that the execution of Lentulus and his accomplices was in direct violation of the Porcian law, and of others probably, unless the decree by which the senate invested the consuls with extraordinary powers (viderent consules ne quid detrimenti res publica caperet) deprived those who should subsequently be guilty of seditious practices of their rights as citizens. Cicero argues that such was the legal effect of that decree, and that Lentulus and his associates were outlaws. Cp. In Cat. I. II, 28; 4. 5, 10; Pro Rab, 7-1 1. And Sallust (Cat. 29) says of the effect of that decree, ' ea potestas per senatum more Romano magis- tratibus maxima permittitur . . . coercere oiimibus modi's socios atque cives.' These words, however, do not assert the strict legality of punish- ments inflicted by virtue of the decree, and Sallust makes Caesar (cap. 51) plead energetically that Lentulus could not be put to death by the senate's order. The senate does not seem to have had the power of disfranchising Roman citizens (cp. In Verr. 2 Act. i, 5, 13); according to the author of the speech ' De Domo ' (29, 30), no one could be deprived of citizenship, even by a vote of the people, without his own consent. Still less had the senate the power of sentencing citizens to death. The question is, whether it could invest the consuls with such power. In practice, its right to do so had not passed unquestioned. L. Opimius had been accused before the people for his severities in putting down the insurrection of C. Gracchus ; he was, however, acquitted (cp. Livy Epit. 61) ; and C. Rabirius had been prosecuted, in the very year of Cicero's consulship, for having killed a man when co-operating in the suppression of the revolt of Saturninus (cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9). The truth seems to be, that the senate had usurped illegal powers ; that its usurpation had been largely, though not universally, approved, and that therefore it is an exaggeration to speak, as Mommsen does, of the execu- tion of Lentulus as a 'judicial murder' (4. i, 179 and 181); and that opinions seem to have been much divided at Rome, as among modern scholars, on the question. In addition to Mommsen, Rein, Criminal- recht, p. 562; Lange, Rom. Alt. i. 615 and 616; Arnold, Later Roman Commonwealth, i. 331 ; Drumann 5. 553 ; all maintain the illegahty of the act, and Dean Liddell (2. 398) implies the same view. Niebuhr (Lectures, 2. 25), decidedly, and the authors of the articles 'consul' and ' dictator' in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, doubtfully, take the other side; Merivale (i. 84) is doubtful. APPENDIX V. 133 APPENDIX V. On Cicero's Estates, and other Property. § I. I. At Arpinum. This was inherited by Cicero from his father^; it was retired, and Cicero stayed there, seems to have found it an agree- able residence in spring or summer ^ He had there an Amaltheum ^. His brother Quintus had two estates near it, called Arcanum and Laterium ^ 2. At Tusculum. This had formerly been the property of Sulla, then of Q. Catulus^. The villa was richly adorned with statues and pictures, and had a gymnasium attached to it^. Cicero offered this property for sale "^ in 57 b.c, but afterwards changed his mind, for we find him in possession of it ** at a later period. 3. At Antium. This was an agreeable and retired spot^ Cicero seems to have sold it before 45 B.C. to M. Lepidus ^''. 4. At Formiae. This was one of his oldest possessions. He spent some money upon it, but found the situation bustling ". 5. At Pompeii. He spent much on the decoration of his villa there, and seems to have kept possession of it till his death ^^ 6. At Cumae. A delightful spot, but in too crowded a neighbour- hood ^^ It is first mentioned after his return from exile ". The treatise ' De Republica ' was partly written there ^■'. 7. At Puteoli. Only mentioned in his later letters^*'. Cicero com- posed the ' Academica ' there, and was perhaps visited there by Caesar " towards the end of 45 b.c 8. At Astura. This is not mentioned before 45 b.c, and perhaps was purchased in that year ". Cicero had also several houses at which he could lodge for a night, in travelling from one estate to another (' deversoria '), e.g. at Tarracina ''■' perhaps, Sinuessa ^°, Cales '^^, Anagnia ■'^'-. § 2. He parted with his father's house at Rome to his brother^'', and 1 De Leg. Agrar. 3. 2, 8. ^ Ad Att. 9. 6, 1 : cp. Ad Fam. 14. 7, 3. ' Ad Att. 1. 16/18; 2. I, II. * lb. 5. I, 3 ; 10. I, 1 ; Ad Q. F. 2. 7. ^ Pliny H. N. 22. 6 ; Ad Att. 4. 5, 2. ^ lb. i. i, 5, note ; i. 3-11. '' lb. 4. 2, 7. 8 lb. 12. 41, I. " lb. 2. 6. '" lb. 13. 47 b, I. " lb. 2. 14, 2 ; 4. 2, 7. " lb. 2. I, II ; 14. 16, I. " lb. 5. 2, 2 ; 14. 16, i. " lb. 4. 9, i. 15 Ad CL F- 3- 5, I- '^ Ad Att. 14. 7, i ; but cp. lb. 4. 10, i, and 1. 13, 5. Per- haps, as Mr. Jeans thinks, (intr. to Ep. 109) it was a bequest froin M. Cluvius, — see next page and Ad Att. 14. 7, I ; 14. 9, i. " Ad Att 13. 52 ; Pliny H. N. 31. 2, 3. '» Ad Att, 12. 19, I. 19 Ad Fam. 7. 23 3. -» lb. 12. 20. '^^ Ad Att. 8. 3, 7. -^ lb. 12. I, I. =3 ^(i Q F. 2. 3, 7 ; Plut. Cic. 8. 3 34 APPENDIX V. bought, for three millions and a half of sesterces, a magnificent one on the Palatine, which had belonged to M. Livius Drusus, and afterwards to M. Crassus ^ It was destroyed by Clodius in 58 b.c, and the money oranted by the consuls for its restoration in 57 was insufficient, especially as the rebuilding went on slowly, and was hindered by violence ^. § 3. The dowry which Cicero received with Terentia, amounted to 400,000 sesterces, and a legacy bequeathed to him tolerably early in life, amounted to 360,000 '•. In 68 b.c. he already owned the estates at Formiae and Tusculum, and paid 20,400 sesterces for statues*. The Stoic Diodotus, who had lived some time in his house, left him ten million of sesterces in 59 b.c.'^ But his exile caused him great embarrassments, from which he seems never altogether to have extri- cated himself*^, and he subsequently borrowed money from Milo, Ves- torius, and Caesar^. He suspected Philotimus, a freedman of Terentia, of culpable mis- management or peculation ^ Cicero received a legacy during his absence in Cilicia, which he calls ' Preciana ' ^ He made 2,200,000 sesterces by his government of CiHcia, but Pompey took this money ^°, and the war gave rise to other embarrass- ments ", owing partly to the depreciation of landed property, partly to the extravagance of Dolabella ; partly, perhaps, to the mismanagement of Terentia ^^. He received, however, various legacies : one from Galeo ^^, one from Fufidius ", and one from M. Cluvius '° which produced at first 80,000, and afterwards 100,000 sesterces a year. This was in the summer of 45 B.C. His divorce from Terentia in 46 b.c, and the expense of his son's education, led to fresh, but not very serious, embarrassments^®. His property seems still to have been substantially unimpaired in the summer of 44 ". He needed Atticus' help at times, owing to his difficulty in getting in money owed him, e.g. from Faberius^*. This Appendix gives the substance of the 40th section of Bruckner's Life of Cicero. ' Ad Fam. 5. 6, 2 ; Veil. 2. 14; Intr. to Part I, § 12. ^ ^d Att. 4. 5, 3 ; 4. 7. 3 ; Ad Q. F. 2. 3, 7. 3 piut. cic. 8. * Ad Att. i. 4, 3 ; i. 5, 7 ; 1.7. ^ lb. 2. 20, 6. " Ad Fam. 14. i, 3 ; 14. 4, 4. ' Ad Att. 5. 10, 4 ; 4. 6, 4, » lb. 6. 4, 3. 8 lb. 6. 9, 2. 1" lb. II. I, 2 ; Ad Fam. 5. 20, 9. " Ad Att. II. 2, 2 and 3; II. 4, I. 12 ^jj Y^iu. 9. 18, 4 ; Ad Att. 11. 23, 3; II. 24, 3. i-Mb. II. 12, 4. » lb. n. 14, 3. 'Mb. 13. 46, 3; 14. 9, I ; 14. 10, 3. i« Intr. to Part IV, § 7 ; Ad Att. 16. 1, 5. i' lb. 16. 6, 2. " lb. 12. 21, 2. PART II. From Cicero's return from exile, Sept. 4, 57 b.c, to THE outbreak OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN CAESAR ' AND POMPEY, EARLY IN JANUARY, 49 B.C. INTRODUCTION. § I. Cicero returned from exile Sept. 4, and returned thanks next day to the senate and people for his restoration. The enthusiasm of his reception, probably, did much to encourage the optimates. On Sept. 7, wishing, Plutarch ' says, to promote a better understanding between Pompey and the leaders of the optimates, he proposed that a commission should be given to the former for supplying Rome with corn. Pompey's term of office was to be five years, and he was to have power to name fifteen legates. C. Messius ^ proposed to invest him with far more extensive powers, but it does not appear that his proposal was adopted. On Sept. 29 Cicero pleaded before the pontifices — perhaps in the speech ' De Domo Sua,' which we still possess — against the legality of the consecration of the site of his house by Clodius. The court decided in his favour ' ; and the senate, on the two following days, passed votes empowering the consuls to reimburse him for the destruction both of his house and of his villas. The work of rebuilding was speedily begun ; and though interrupted by Clodius, was protected by Milo. About the same time Cicero removed from the Capitol the tablets recording the acts of Clodius' tribunate. This displeased Cato, who had received an honourable commission from Clodius ^ 1 Op. Plut. Pomp. 49. 2 Aj Ajt ^ i^ J, 3 II, 4, 2, 2. * Plut. Cic. 34. Dion Cassius (39, 21) speaks of 'the pillars that were set up about Cicero's exile.' 136 INTRODUCTION Caesar, during this summer, subdued the Belgae, of whom the Nervii were the most famous ^ tribe, and received the submission of several tribes on the north-west coast. Towards the close of the year his legate, Ser. Galba, was employed in reducing the Veragri, Nantuates, and Seduni, near the lake of Geneva ^ to submission. In honour of these victories, Cicero supported a vote of fifteen days thanksgivings — an unprecedented distinction ^. Thus far Cicero, since his return to Rome, had done nothing to displease, and a great deal to gratify, the triumvirs. The next few months witnessed a change of his political attitude. We have seen that Pompey had quarrelled with Clodius. Cicero's restoration could only increase the latter's animosity, and he affected to support Crassus, who had always been jealous of Pompey, and was perhaps anxious to be sent on a public commission to Alexandria ^ The curious result followed, that a temporary good understanding was effected between the leaders of the optimates ^ and Clodius. This was promoted by the interest which Cato had in maintaining the legality of the acts of Clodius*'. But it must have tended to bring Milo and Pompey into a closer union. 56 B.C. § 2. Our knowledge of the events of the early months of this year is derived mainly from letters to P '. Lentulus Spinther, now governor of Cilicia, and to Q. Cicero ^ now in Sardinia, and acting as legate to Pompey. Clodius had been elected curule aedile ^ and so escaped for a year any danger of prosecution, from which magistrates were exempt during their year of office ^°. In January, Cicero argued in the senate, that P. Lentulus Spinther should be allowed to restore Ptolemy XII. at " Alexandria. But opinions in the senate were much divided ; a passage from the Sibylline books, forbidding the employment of an army in the transaction, was circulated not without effect ; Cicero himself was probably somewhat distracted by the rival claims of Pompey and Lentulus, and the affair was adjourned indefinitely'^. Next month Clodius accused Milo of riotous proceedings ('vis'^''). ' Caes. Bell. Gall. 2. '' lb. 3. 1-3. 3 jb. 2. 35; Cic. De Prov. Cons. ". 27- ' Ad Q_F. 2. 3, 2 ; cp. Plut. Pomp. 48. = ^d Fam. i. 9, 19. « supra, pp. 20; 135. ' Ad Fam. i. 1-6. s Ad Q^ F. 2. 2-4. » Pro Sest. 44, 95. 10 Cp., however, Varro ap. A. Gell. 13. 13. " Ad Fam. i i and 2. 12 Ad Q^F. 2. 2, 3. is y^_ 2. 3, I ; Pro Sest. !. c. The accusation seems to have been preftrred before the ' comitia tributa.' Cp. Ep. 23, 2, note. Peter 2 237- TO THE SECOND PART. 137 We have no account of the issue of the trial, but it seems unlikely that a conviction should have passed unnoticed. On Feb. 3, Cicero defended L. Bestia on a charge of bribery before the praetor Domitius ; the trial gave him an opportunity of sounding public feeling by political ^ allusions. Still more was this the case on the trial of P. Sestius for riot, in iVIarch. He had been active the year before in promoting Cicero's restoration, and the charge was no doubt based in part upon his conduct at that time. Other experienced advocates spoke for the defence; Cicero last, as usual. His speech was a political manifesto. He still treated Pompey and Caesar with courtesy on the whole - ; but professed unlimited respect for the senate ^, and during the course of the proceedings found an opportunity of inveighing bitterly against Vatinius, one of the witnesses for the pro- secution, especially on account of his behaviour in 59 b.c. * This cannot have been agreeable to Caesar, though Cicero affected^ not to consider him responsible for the measures of Vatinius. Sestius was unanimously acquitted ^ ; and this may have encouraged Cicero to shew greater independence for a time. He soon came again into collision with Clodius. Various prodigies were reported, and the opinion of haruspices was taken as to what they portended, and what was the cause of the divine displeasure intimated by them. The haruspices reported, among other causes, that the gods were displeased because sacred rites were treated as profane; and Clodius instantly, in a speech to the people, applied this to the rebuilding of Cicero's house. Cicero thought it necessary to argue in the senate against this interpretation. His speech ' De Haruspicum Responsis,' is mainly an attack upon Clodius, and he hints ' that the optimates should not be deluded by his flatteries. The answer of the haruspices seems, however, to have been procured in the interest of the optimates, and not of Clodius only. It contained a warning against dissensions among the nobles which might lead to the concentration of all powers in the hands of one man *, with reference perhaps to the proposal of C. IMessius. The confused state of parties was shewn by the acquittal of Sex. Clodius, prosecuted by IMilo at the instance of Pompey; for he owed his acquittal to the votes of the senatoriaP portion of his judges. § 3. A political crisis had been for some time approaching. Various * Ad Q. F. 2. 3, 6. ^ There is an exception : 33, 71. ' Especially 65, foil. * Intr. to Part 1, § 18. '" In Vat. 9, 22. « Ad Q^ F. 2. 4, I. ' De Har. Resp. 23, 48. ^ lb. iq, 40: cp. supra, § I. '» Ad Q^ F. 2. 6, 6. 138 INTRODUCTION circumstances had raise 1 the spirits of the optimates, as we have seen ; the enthusiasm with which the Itahans had greeted Cicero's return ; the election of consuls favourable, or not adverse, to the old constitution ; the acquittal of Sestius, indicating the temper of the tribunals ; the quarrels among the triumvirs and their instruments. Even Cicero was inspired with unwonted confidence and decision, and became for a moment the spokesman of the optimates ^ The revenue was in an unsatisfactory state, and ill able to meet the heavy demands made upon it for the supply of corn to the capital, and for the pay of Caesar's army. Now a considerable income had been sacrificed by the allotment of the Campanian domain under the agrarian laws^ of 59 B.C., and Cicero, on April 5, proposed that the senate should, on May 15, discuss the legality of such allotment. No doubt the object of this motion was the repeal of the laws of 59, and it was thus a direct challenge to Caesar. It is probable that Cicero hoped too much from a suspected estrangement of Pompey from Caesar. The conduct of the former, with respect both to the proposal of Messius^ and to the restoration of Ptolemy*, betrayed eagerness to obtain an important military command ; and he was probably jealous of Caesar. Thus Cicero seems not to have been surprised when, at an interview shortly after his own proposal had been made in the senate, Pompey shewed ^^ no sign of displeasure. But he failed to consider that the agrarian laws of 59 had been as much Pompey's work as Caesar's ; that the friendship of those two leaders was secured by a marriage connection ; and that several of the optimates (especially Favonius, M. Bibulus, and Curio) disliked Pompey, and would not abstain from their offensive patronage of Clodius. Caesar, probably warned of the state of affairs at Rome, had left his Transalpine province and was now at Ravenna, where Crassus ", among others, waited on him. The result of their representations seems to have been that Caesar was much incensed against Cicero, and probably some- what disturbed by the doubtful behaviour of Pompey. The latter, how- ever, would not submit to so decided an attack on his past policy as that made by Cicero's motion. He left Rome for a visit to Sardinia and Africa, and, on his way to one of the northern ports of Italy, had a con- ference with Caesar at Luca. Many senators and men holding high office were drawn to the place by this important meeting. § 4. Both Pompey and Caesar had reason to wish for a re-establish- * Ad Fam. i. 9, 8. 2 j^f^ t^, p^^t I, § 17. ^ Ad Att. 4. i, 7, * Ad Fam. 1.1,3; i- 2, 3. * lb. i. 9, 9. ^ lb. i. 9, 9. TO THE SECOND PART. 139 ment of friendly relations. Pompey, unable to conduct affairs at Rome by himself, had to choose between a reconstruction of the triumvirate and a surrender to the optimates, who had shewn little consideration for him. As for Caesar, his provincial government would expire in March, 54 B.C. ; he would then have either to resign it or to declare war on the government. The conquest of Gaul was not completed, and it was probably doubtful if, without Pompey's aid, he could get his govern- ment prolonged. An understanding between the two leaders was soon arrived at, and its objects seem to have been two ; to check the rising spirit of independence in the capital and in Italy, and to secure the position of Pompey and Caesar. The support of Crassus had perhaps been already promised at Ravenna.' Pompey and Crassus were to sue for the consulship for 55 b.c, and so to prevent the election of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who might have proved a formidable enemy. Caesar's government of Gaul was to be prolonged for five years, and Pompey and Crassus were to have other governments for a like period. The position of Crassus had always been a subordinate one, but his wealth and connections made him a valuable ally, and, as he could never aspire to the first place, he might be of much use as a mediator between his more eminent colleagues. The measures necessary to carry out these stipulations were only proposed in the next year, but it is reasonable to suppose that they were settled now. The first intimation which Cicero received of the new compact, seems to have been from Quintus, with whom Pompey remonstrated in Sar- dinia on his brother's ^ conduct. This placed Cicero in a position of great difficulty; he had to choose between submission to the triumvirs, and an opposition in which most of his allies would be factious, selfish, and impracticable, which would probably be fruitless, and might dismiss him to a second and more hopeless exile. He chose submission ; withdrew, apparently, his motion on the Cam- panian domains ^, and made some apology to Caesar for his recent * opposition. § 5. No part of Cicero's career seems to have caused him more regret and vexation ; he attempted to justify it by elaborate ^ excuses and petulant recrimination ^ Personal fear and jealousy no doubt influenced him to a considerable extent, but other considerations should not be lost sight of. He had never professed an absolute devotion to the optimates ; he had more than once argued in favour of investing Pompey with 1 Ad Fam. i. 9, 9. 2 ^j q p 2. 8, 2. » Ad Att. 4. 5, I. * Ad Fam. I. 9, 9 to 18. * Ad Att. 4. 5. 140 INTRODUCTION extraordinary powers ; and the main object of his political life had been to maintain a good understanding between him, the optimate leaders, and the equites. Now this seemed impracticable ; and, if the events of 59-58 B.C. might detach Cicero from Pompey, what had happened since his return to Rome was hardly likely to put him on good terms with the optimates. Even his exile seems to have inspired him with almost as much resentment towards his irresolute supporters as towards his more open enemies \ After all, however, he can hardly be acquitted of rashness in his defiance, and of weakness in his recantation ; and the next few years form, perhaps, the part of his career which his biographer will regard with least pleasure. It was, however, a time of great activity for Cicero as an orator, especially in the law courts ; and the speeches which have been pre- served, numerous as they are, give no adequate notion of his exertions. The speech in defence of M. Caelius Rufus, accused of sedition and of attempted poisoning, seems to belong to this spring or summer, but it is not easy to fix its precise date. It was successful, and seems to have led to a lasting friendship between Cicero and his client. Intimacy with Catiline had been made a charge against Caehus, and, in replying to it, Cicero introduced a portrait of Catiline more favourable than those with which we are most familiar ^ § 6. About this time Cicero argued' in the senate in favour of a grant of money for the pay of Caesar's troops, and of his being allowed to name ten legates. Shortly afterwards he had to attest his recantation by a still more decided step. A discussion took place in the senate about the assignation of pro- vinces to the consuls of 55 b.c, provision for which was generally made beforehand. Some proposed that either Cisalpine or Transalpine Gaul should be one, which of course would imply the withdrawal of one province from Caesar. Cicero, however, notwithstanding the remon- strances of some of* the optimates, and of the consul ° Philippus, opposed the suggestion successfully, saying that it was essential that Piso and Gabinius ^ should be recalled as soon as possible, and that difficulties would arise if one of Caesar's provinces were assigned to one of the consuls '' for 55. He also extolled the successes of Caesar^, and attacked the inconsistency of those optimates who questioned the validity of the Julian laws while defending that of the Clodian I In a letter '° written to * Ad Att. 3, 9, 2 ; Ad Fam. i. 9, 13. ^ Pro Caelio 5 and 6, ^ pg Prov. Cons. II, 28. * lb. 8, 18, foil. Mb. 9, 21. « infra, §§ 8 ; 9. ' De Prov. Cons. 7, 17. * lb. 13 ; 14 ; cp. Intr. to Part I, § 25. ^ De Prov. Cons, 19. 1" Ad Fam. I. 7, 10. TO THE SECOND PART. 141 P. Lentulus Spinther about this time, Cicero describes the debate as though he had taken no prominent part in it himself. Either in the summer or autumn he pleaded for the rights of citizen- ship of L. Cornelius Balbus, which had been conferred by Pompey in Spain. The validity of the act depended on strictly legal points, but the trial enabled Cicero to shew his devotion to Pompey by panegyric ^ The confidence which Pompey derived from the renewal of his alliance with Caesar seems to have removed his anxiety to be employed in Egypt ; and he authorized Cicero to write to Lentulus, in terms ^ which must be considered as a cautious encouragement to intervention. During the last few months of the year, little of importance happened at Rome. Cicero suffered a severe loss in the death ^ of L. Lentulus Niger, flamen of INIars, for whom he had felt much esteem. He was also much annoyed by the humiliating position to which he had been reduced, and seems to have avoided the capital as much as possible. In a curious letter* to L. Lucceius, Cicero entreated him to write an eulogistic account of his services and sufferings, and not to confine himself strictly to the truth. Tullia was betrothed ■ in the spring to Furius Crassipes, but a marriage does not seem to have ensued. Atticus married Pilia on Feb 12^, and Cicero often notices her in his later letters. § 7. In Gaul, Caesar reduced the Veneti, and afterwards the Morini and Menapii. P. Crassus, one of his officers, conquered the Aquitani, and another, Sabinus, the Unelli ^ In Syria, Gabinius seems to have gained successes over Aristobulus, who had escaped from Italy ^. He thought himself entitled to a ' supplicatio,' but the senate, greatly to Cicero's satisfaction, refused it on May^ 15. Cicero accuses ^° him of corruption and extortion, very possibly with good grounds ; but the unpopularity of Gabinius with the ' publicani ' may have arisen from his consulting the interests of the pro- vincials — the Jews and Syrians, of whom Cicero speaks as ' born for slavery.' Piso had been as unscrupulous, and less successful, in Macedonia. He had oppressed and despoiled the subjects of Rome, and Cicero says " that his army melted away without meeting an enemy. Perhaps this was the reason why he was recalled sooner than Gabinius. The senate resolved that Piso should be succeeded, at the beginning of 55 b.c, by 'ProBalboi. ^ Ad Fam. i. 7, 4-6. ^ Ad Att. 4. 6, i. * Ad Fam. 5. 12. 's Ad Ci,F. 2. 4, 2; Ad Fam. I. 7, II. •> Ad Q. F. 2. ?, 7. ■^ Caes. Bell. Gall. 3. 7, foil. « Joseph. Antiq. 14. 6; Wars I. 8. ' Ad Q. F, 2. 8, I. ^" De Prov. Cons. 4 and 5. " lb. 3. 143 INTRODUCTION Q. Ancharius Priscus, apparently ^ one of the praetors for 56 ; while Gabinius was to be succeeded by (the consul) M. Crassus at the begin- ning of 54. It appears that C. Cato, one of the tribunes, interfered with the election of consuls for 55 B.C.; hence an interregnum ^ intervened, followed by a very turbulent election, at which Pompey and Crassus were chosen. Their most formidable opponent was L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. 65 B.C. § 8. The new consuls applied themselves at once to securing their position. The election of praetors took place without delay, and, owing to gross bribery, Vatinius was elected and Cato defeated ^. A law was proposed by C. Trebonius, assigning to the consuls the government of Spain and Syria for five years. Pompey obtained Spain, and Crassus Syria. Another law* prolonged Caesar's government of Gaul for five years. It was perhaps proposed by the consuls ^ Cicero declares ® that he earnestly dissuaded Pompey from sanctioning this enactment. About the same time Crassus, with the approval of his colleague, carried a law against illegal political combinations — •' sodalicia.' These clubs were now probably strongholds of the optimates, and seem to have been skilfully managed, as the election for curule officers for 57 and 56 B.C. had been, on the whole, adverse to the triumvirs. The judges in trials under the new law were to be taken from three tribes, the accuser naming four, of which the accused might reject one '^. L. Piso, after his return from INIacedonia, had inveighed bitterly against Cicero, Avho replied by the speech ' In Pisonem,' still extant. It consists principally of mere abuse ; but in chap. 2 1 we find the important fact recorded, that Gabinius had already occupied Alexandria and restored Ptolemy, Shortly afterwards Pompey opened his new theatre, with shows of extraordinary splendour. Cicero expressed ^ great disgust for the more cruel parts of the entertainment, and the sensibility of the spectators generally was aroused by the slaughter of eighteen elephants. ^ In Pis. 36, 89 ; Pro Sest. 53, 113. = ^^ ^^ ^ 1^, \. ^ Plut. Cat, Min. 42 ; Dion Cassius 39, 32 ; Livy, Epit. 105. * Cp. Appendix 6, § I. Dion Cassius (39. 33) represents tiiat Caesar's friends threatened opposition if this were not done; but it seems more likely that the whole of this legislation was carried on in concert. ^ Appendix 6. § I, notes. * Philipp. 2. 10, 24. '' Schol. Bob. ad orat. Pro Plane, c. 15 ; Dion Cassius 39, 37. ^ Ad Fam. 7. i, 3 : cp. Ad Att. 2. I, I. TO THE SECOXD PART. 143 Cicero, about the same time, was prevailed ^ upon to defend L. Cani- nius Gallus, the turbulent tribune of 57-56 b.c, a task for which he seems to have felt great repugnance -. In November, apparently, Crassus set out to assume the government of his province ^. Cicero had been at variance with him earlier in the year ; they were now, however, reconciled by the intervention of Caesar and Pompey, and Crassus accepted Cicero's hospitality just before his departure * Cicero refers ® to this time as one of great literary activity on his part. Its most important results seem to have been the three books '' ' De Oratore.' A ' Lex Pompeia ' of this year seems to have fixed a higher pecu- niary'' qualification for the office of judge than had previously existed, and perhaps ^ refused exemptions to those who desired them. At the election of praetors for 54 b.c, M. Cato''^ was one of the successful candidates. The election of aediles was disturbed by riot and bloodshed; Pompey's toga was stained with blood, and the sight of^" it gave his wife, Julia, a shock from which she never altogether recovered. She died next year. § 9. The events of the war in Gaul were important. The campaign opened with the destruction of the Usipetes and Tencteri, who had crossed the Rhine, and were attacked rather " treacherously by Caesar. He was anxious to deepen the impression thus made, threw a bridge over the Rhine, and spent some days on its right bank with the inten- tion of striking terror into the population. Afterwards he received the submission of the Morini, and made his first expedition ^- into Britain, which, however, produced no decisive results '^. In Syria, Gabinius, after restoring Ptolemy XII. at Alexandria, had returned to his province, and was preparing for war with Parthia. A family quarrel in the Arsacid dynasty gave him a pretext for interference. Phraates, king of Parthia, had been murdered by his sons Mithridates and Orodes ; and, when the latter seemed likely to secure the throne, Mithridates fled to " Gabinius, who, however, could not assist him at once, as his intention was diverted by the affairs ^° of Egypt. * By Pompey, probably. ^ Ad Fam. 7. i, 4. ^ Ad Att. 4. 13, 2. * Ad Fam. i. 9, 20. ' lb. i. 8, 3. ^ Ad Att. 4. 13, 2 ; Ad Fam. i. 9, 23. ' Philipp. 1.8, 20; Ascon. in Pisonian. 39. 94, p. 129. * In Pison. 39, 94; Mommsen 4. 2, 317, foil. ^ Plut. Cat. Min. 44. *" Id. Pomp. 53. 1' Caes. Bell. Gall. 4. 4 ; 13 and 14. '^ i^ 20-37. " Ad Q. F. 3. i, 9 and 10. ^* Dion Cassius 39, 56. *^ Cp. preceding page. 144 INTRODUCTION 54 B-c. § lo. The consuls for this year were L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Appius Claudius Pulcher. The former was one of the most obstinate and determined of the optimates ; the latter an incapable and covetous man of no definite political convictions. The extraordinary commands, however, now held by the triumvirs, made it the less important who held the ordinary political offices. Cicero seems still to have acquiesced completely in the government of the triumvirs. Among his forensic speeches, of which he delivered an unusual number in this year, we read of one ^ in July on behalf of C. Messius, now a legate of Caesar ; of one ^ delivered somewhat later, for Vatinius, whom Cicero had denounced so bitterly at the time of Sestius' trial; and even of one^ delivered in the autumn for Gabinius, whom he had considered his worst enemy. Gabinius had been accused somewhat earlier by a Lentulus, and acquitted by a bare majority, to the great disgust of Cicero, who bore testimony * against him. Gabinius had attacked Cicero ^ violently in the senate, but on his trial expressed a wish for reconciliadon. The speech ' Pro Rabirio Postumo,' now extant, was delivered on a trial which grew out of that of Gabinius, whose unjust gains Rabirius was accused of sharing. Of Cicero's other speeches of this date, that ^' delivered in the senate on behalf of M. Crassus must have possessed much political interest. The consuls and other eminent senators attacked Crassus, probably for his measures "^ against the Parthians. The speech still extant on behalf of Cn. Plancius, Cicero's old friend and protector in exile, supplies good illustrations of the proceedings at a Roman election. Plancius had been accused of bribery by another friend of Cicero, M. luventius Laterensis. A third, in which Cicero pleaded for the people of Reate against the people of Interamna, in a case relating to the management of the course of the Velinus, shews that a friendly connection was still ^ maintained between Cicero and the people of Reate. § II. The letters belonging to this year are — several in the Fourth Book to Atticus, and in the end of the Second and beginning of the Third Book to his brother Quintus, with various others, of which the most interesting are — a laboured ^ defence of his recent political conduct, and a recommendation '° of a friend to Caesar. ' Ad Att. 4. 15, 9. * Ad Q^F. 2. 16, 3. ' Pro Rab. Post. 12, 32. * Ad Q. F. 3. 4, "1. * lb. 3. 2, 2. ^ Ad Fam. 5. 8, i. ' Dion Cassius 40, 12 ; Plut. Crassus 16. * In Cat. 3. 2, 5 : cp. Ad Att. 4. 15, 5. 9 Ad Fam. 1.9. i" lb. 7. 5. TO THE SECOND PART. 145 Quintus Cicero seems, at the beginning of this year, to have trans- ferred his services from Pompey to Caesar ^ apparently without opposi- tion from Pompey. He became one of Caesar's most efficient officers, and his presence was a security for his brother's good behaviour. The general tone of the letters of Marcus to Quintus at tl}is time is one of great political despondency, and he repeatedly warns his brother to be cautious in writing ^. He feared the possible results of an inter- regnum, followed by a dictatorship ; expressed interest in Messalla, as a candidate for the consulship for 53 b.c, and in Milo for 52 ^ though regretting the latter's extravagance and estrangement from Pompey. He received a letter of Caesar's * from Britain, and expressed generally great regard for him, and admiration for the firmness with which he bore his daughter's^ loss. Cicero's leisure was occupied to a great extent in the composition of the six books on the * Commonwealth, which we possess in a frag- mentary state. A poem, in '' three books, on his exile and return, may also belong to this year, and he addressed another ^ to Caesar on his victories in Gaul. The political corruption now prevailing at Rome was illustrated by the proceedings of the candidates for the consulship in this year, two of whom made a scandalous bargain with the actual consuls, which was presently disclosed in the ^ senate. No election took place till the seventh month of 53 b.c, according to Dion Cassias ^". In the summer of this year, as has been mentioned by anticipation ^^, Pompey's wife, Julia, died, and received a splendid funeral. Her death was a great blow to Caesar, both as a father and as a poHtician. § 12. In the East, Crassus replaced Gabinius as proconsul of Syria, and prepared for war with the Parthians. Mithridates ^^ had been de- feated and killed during the absence of Gabinius in Egypt, but there was still much dissension in Parthia. Crassus, however, employed his first summer in levying heavy contributions on the provincials, and in plundering the temples of Syria and Palestine. His only military measure was a march into Mesopotamia, in which he met with few enemies, and secured some positions of importance for the next year's campaign ^^ Caesar, meanwhile, after visiting Illyricum, made a second expedition 1 Ad An. 4. 17, 3. 2 Ad CLF. 3. 8, 2; 3. 9, 3. Mb. 3. 8, 6; 3. 9, 2. * lb. 3. 1, 25. = lb. 3. 1, 10; 3. 5 and 6, 4; 3. 8, i and 3. « lb. 2. 14, I ; 3. 5, I ; Ad Att. 4. 14, I ; De Legg. 3. 2, 4. ' Ad Fam. i. 9, 23 ; where, however, Baiter (xi. 130 foil.) supposes that Cicero refers to the poem on his consulship. 8 Ad Q. F. 3. 8, 3 ; 3. 9, 6. ' Ad Att. 4. 15, 7, note. " 40. 17. " supra, § 8. ^^ supra, § 9. ^^ Dion Cassius 40. 12 ; Plut. Crass. 17. L 146 INTRODUCTION to^ Britain. It was on a much larger scale than the first, but seems only to have secured a nominal recognition of Roman supremacy from the British prince Cassivellaunus, who consented to pay tribute and to give hostages. Towards the end of the year a formidable - insurrec- tion broke out in Gaul, one of its principal leaders being Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, who lived between the Rhine and the Meuse. The scattered Roman legions were exposed to great peril. 53 B.C. § 13. This year, as a previous statement implies, opened with a series of interregna ^ Pompey at length * employed his influence to bring about an election of consuls, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messalla were chosen, both of whom afterwards supported Caesar. Much confusion prevailed before the election, some urging that military tribunes should be appointed, others that Pompey should be dictator. By far the most important event of the year was the defeat of Crassus, followed, on June 9 ®, by his murder. This was a terrible blow to Caesar, for it deprived him, at a very critical moment, of a counterpoise to Pompey's ascendancy. Caesar was engaged during the greater part of the year in a desperate struggle with the Belgae, who destroyed two legions, and reduced a third, commanded by Q. Cicero, to great extre- mities *. At the end of the year he had, however, restored the supremacy of the Roman arms, and was able to return, as usual, to North Italy for the winter "^ , in order to watch the course of political events. Pompey was still on good terms with him, and allowed him to form a legion out of men of Cisalpine Gaul who had taken the military oath of obedience to Pompey himself. Cicero was probably little affected by the death of Crassus ^ whom he seems never to have regarded with cordial affection. Crassus' son Publius, who perished a day or two before his father, had, however, always shewn great respect for Cicero'", who was chosen to fill the place in the college of augurs which had become vacant by Publius' death ". Cicero was much interested in Milo's prospects as a consular candi- » Caes. Bell. Gall. 5. 8-23. « lb. 5. 25, foil. ^ jup^a, § n : cp. Ad Fain. 7. 11, 1. * Plut. Pomp. 54; Dion Cassius 40. 45. = Qv. Fast. 6, 465 ; Mommsen 4. 2, pp. 336, 337. 6 Q^es. Bell. Gall. 5. 25 to 6. 44. ' lb. 6. 44. 8 lb. 6. I ; 8. 54; Ad Fani. 8. 4, 4. » De Divin. 2. 9, 22- " Ad Fam. 5. 8, 4. " lb. 3. 10, 9 ; Philipp. 2. 2, 4 ; Plut. Cic. 36. TO THE SECOXD PART. 147 date, and recommended him to Curio ^ But this year, like its prede- cessor, closed without any election of consuls having been made, and was followed by an interregnum. Atticus seems to have spent the year at Rome, otherwise we should hardly be without some letters to him. Cicero's main correspondents at this time were the younger Curio '^j now quaestor in Asia, and C. Trebatius Testa ^, a lawyer who had gone, with Cicero's recommenda- tion, to push his fortunes in Caesar's camp. 52 B.C. § 14. Great turbulence and corruption prevailed during this winter; the partisans * of the consular candidates, P. Plautius Hypsaeus, T. An- nius Milo, and Q. Metellus Scipio, were all active. P. Clodius was a candidate for the praetorship, but was killed by Milo's retinue in an affray near Bovillae® on Jan. 17 or 18. Much rioting followed, and the senate-house was burnt at Clodius' funeral. Milo did not renounce his hopes of the consulship ; but to stop the violence which still prevailed, the senate, at the suggestion of M. Bibulus, proposed that Pompey should be appointed sole consul. This election took place on the 24th of an intercalary month, inserted between February and March. Pompey was created consul ' absens et solus quod nuUi alii umquam contigit '',' and became virtually dictator. Nor was he required to lay down his government of Spain, which was administered by his legates. He could not wish for a more exalted position, and a growing estrangement may now be traced between him and Caesar, whose alliance he no longer thought necessary. Pompey refused Caesar's proposal of a new mar- riage connection, and married Cornelia'', the daughter of Q. Metellus Scipio. Her father became his colleague for the last five months of his consulship. Pompey now proposed and carried a series of important measures. 1. Laws against riot ('vis') and corruption ('ambitus'), which prescribed a briefer and stricter process and heavier penalties. Perhaps ^ that on * vis ' declared it illegal to keep arms in Rome. 2. A law ' de iure magistratuum *,' providing that candidates must attend to canvass in person, and that five years ^° should elapse between holding office at Rome and the government of a province ^*. Pompey ^ Ad Fam. 2. 6. ^ lb. 2. 1-6. The elder Curio seems to have died about this time. ^ lb. 7. 10-18. * Livy, Epit. 107. Argum. ad orat. De Acre Alieno Milonis. ° Ascon. Argum. in Milonianam. ^ Livy, Epit. 107. ' Plut. Pomp. 55 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 341, 347, 348. ' Pliny H. N. 34. 39. Cp. Merivale 2. 51. ^ A. W. Zumpt, Comm. Epigr. 2. 204, 205. " Suet. lul. 28; Dion Cassius 40. 56. ■"■ Perhaps these provisions were embodied in two distinct laws. Cp. App. VI. § 3, notes. L 2 148 INTRODUCTION violated this law, however, in his own case, by procuring an enactment which 3. Secured him the ^ government of Spain for five years more. The general effect of these measures was — i . To limit ^ the freedom of forensic oratory. 2. To check the activity of political clubs by the greater probability of the punishment of illegal practices. 3. To place the provincial governments^ more directly under the control of the senate. 4. To embarrass Caesar, by requiring him to sue for the con- sulship in person, as he would thus abandon the protection of his army, and would be exposed to great danger. For 5. the operation of the laws against riot and corruption was extended retrospectively to the year 70 B.C.*; and thus the proceedings of Caesar in 60-59 b.c. might be called in question under it. Pompey had, however, approved of a law brought in by the ten tri- bunes, among whom M. Caelius was prominent, dispensing in Caesar's favour with the necessity of a personal canvass for the consulship ; and when it was pointed out to him that the law 'de iure magistratuum ' withdrew this concession, Pompey granted it again by an appended clause ^ of questionable validity. Cicero attached great importance ® to this concession, but is inconsistent in the account '' he gives of his own behaviour in the matter. § 15. Milo was accused of riotous proceedings ('vis') early in April by Ap. Claudius Pulcher (major), P. Valerius Nepos, and M. Antonius. Cicero spoke in Milo's defence on April 8th, but without his usual ability and success. The court was beset by a turbulent rabble, and guarded by soldiers ; and the unusual sight seems to have terrified Cicero. Milo was condemned by 38 to 13^ votes. He went into exile at Massilia, and Cicero sent him there a copy of the speech we now possess. Milo acknowledged it by an ironical compliment ". Cicero succeeded better in two speeches delivered on behalf of M. Saufeius, who had been at the head of Milo's followers in the affray'" at Bovillae, and was brought to trial on two charges in consequence. M. Caelius Rufus joined Cicero in his defence ; having already interested himself in " that of Milo. Cicero was also much gratified by the con- * This period would probably date from some day in 52 B.C., and thus Pompey would have in reality about three additional years. For the Lex Treboiiia already gave him the government of Spain from 55-50 B.C.: cp. supra, § 8. ^ Brut. 94, 234; De Fin. 4. i, i ; Tac. Dial, de Orat. 38. ^ Appendix 6, § 3. * App. Bell. Civ. 2. 23; Mommsen 4. 2, 341, 342 : cp., however, Merivale 2. 50. But I cannot dis- cover Dean Merivale's authority for limiting the retrospective operation of the law to 55 B.C. ^ Suet. lul. 28; Cats. Bell. Civ. i. 32 ; Dion Cassius 40. 56; Mommsen 4. 2, 349. * Philipp. 2. 10, 24. '' Ad Att. 7. I, 4 ; Philipp. 1. c. ^ Ascon. in Milonian. p. 158. * Dion Cassius 40. 54. " Ascon. in Milonian. 159. '^ Pro Milone 33, 91. TO THE SECOND PART. 149 demnation of T. Munatius Plancus Bursa ', one of the violent supporters of Clodius. Pompey tried in vain to protect Bursa, whose trial took place in December, after his year of office as tribune had expired. Cicero seems to have had much occupation in the courts of law 2, but probably found leisure to begin his work ' De Legibus ^' and possibly to compose a short treatise ' De Optimo Genere Oratorum *,' as a preface to a translation of Demosthenes' and Aeschines' speeches ' De Corona.' The fourth book, ' De Finibus •\' professes to have been written now, but really belongs to a later time. Few of the letters of this date have been preserved, and these have little political interest. At some time early in the year, before Pompey was named sole consul, the senate declared the country in danger, and empowered the interrex, the tribunes, and Pompey, to provide for its safety"; authorizing Pompey to bind the military population of Italy by an oath of obedience to him- self. He had already a considerable force at his disposal, consisting of men levied nominally for service in Spain ^ He seems to have retained his proconsular imperium since 55 B.C., but to have been authorized to enter the city without forfeiting his proconsular * imperium ^' Tacitus' says that Pompey was in this year ' auctor idem et sub- versor ' of his own laws ; referring probably to his getting his govern- ment of Spain prolonged ; to the exemption in Caesar's favour above ^" referred to ; to his having sent into court an eulogy of Plancus " ; and to his interposing ^2 to prevent the conviction of his father-in-law Scipio for bribery. In the two last cases he violated the rules prescribed by his own laws against riot and corruption. § 16. In Gaul, Caesar was occupied in dealing with a most formidable insurrection, at the head of which stood Vercingetorix, king of the Arverni. It began with a massacre of the Romans setded at Genabum (Orleans), and was marked by the capture of Avaricum by the Romans, and by a repulse of Caesar before Gergovia, followed by a revolt of the Aedui, old friends of the Romans. Finally, however, Vercingetorix was obliged to shut himself up in Alesia, where Caesar blockaded him. A vast force of Gauls marched to the relief of the place, but failed to force the Roman lines, and Vercingetorix was compelled to sur- render. Caesar spent the rest of the year at Bibracte '^ (Autun). * Ad Fam. 7. 2, 2 : Philipp. 6. 4, 10 alib. ; Ascon. in Milonian. Argiim. T45 foil. 2 Ad Fam. 7. 2, 4. = Suringar 721. * De Opt. Gen. Oiat. 10. = De Fin. 4. I, I ; Ad Att. 13. 12, 3; 13. 21, 5. * Ascon. in Milonian. § 67, p. 157 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 325. '' Caes. Bell. Gall. 6. I ; Mommsen 4. 2, 31 1 and 325. * Ascon. in Milonianam, p. 148; Dion Cassius 40. 53; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 23. ^ Ann. 3. 28. '" above, § 14. " above, 1. 2 ; Dion Cassius 40. 55. '^ Mommsen 4. 2, 326; Plut. Pomp. 55. ^* Caes. Bell. Gall, 7. i5o INTRODUCTION His successes were rewarded by the senate with a thanksgiving of twenty days ^ In the East, little of importance had happened. The Romans had lost their hold on Mesopotamia and Armenia, but the Parthians made no serious attack upon the Roman provinces; thus C. Cassius, who had been quaestor in Crassus' army, and now commanded in Syria, was able to reorganize the remains of the Roman army, and, with the help of Herod Antipater, to subdue a rising of the Jews, who were enraged by Crassus' plunder of their temple ^ 51 B.C. § 17. The consuls for this year were M. Claudius Marcellus, a leader of the optimates and a man of high personal character, and Servius Sul- picius Rufus, an eminent and upright jurist, but no politician. At some time early in the summer, Marcellus ordered a citizen of Novum Comum to be scourged ^ wishing to shew his contempt for Caesar, by whom that town had been reconstituted. Sulpicius, on the other hand, pleaded for moderation ■*, and pointed out the calamities which must attend civil war. It has been mentioned that Pompey's law 'de iure magistratuum' pro- vided that provinces should be governed by ex-magistrates, not imme- diately after their year of office at Rome, but after an interval of five years ". This law does not seem to have been retrospective ; but the senate, acting in its spirit, decreed that all men qualified by office, who had not yet governed provinces, should assume snch governments, appa- rently according to seniority ^ Cicero accordingly had to cast lots for a consular province, and obtained Cilicia, while Bibulus subsequently obtained Syria. Cicero's province comprised", besides Cilicia proper, Pisidia, Pamphylia, Cyprus, Isauria, Lycaonia, and three other districts north of Taurus, of which the capitals appear to have been Cibyra, Synnada and Apamea ^. The senate recommended Ariobarzanes^ of Cappadocia to his protection. He succeeded Appius Claudius Pulcher, brother of P. Clodius, and had to complain of much discourtesy, especially of the unwillingness ^° of Appius to grant him a meeting. Cicero had Uttle taste for his new functions, especially as the forces allotted for the defence of his province seemed inadequate ", and a Parthian invasion was not improbable. He ' Caes. Bell. Gall. 7. 90. ^ Dion Cassius 40. 28 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 339. 2 Ep. 31, 2, note; A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigraph, i. 308 foil. * Ad Earn. 4. 3, I and 2. * above, § 14: cp. Dion Cassius 40. 56. ^ Cp. Ad Earn. 3. 2, 2 and 8. 8, 8. ^ Ep. 36, 6 and 9. « gp ^6, 9. » Ad Earn. 2. 17, 7 ; cp-15-5, I- 1Mb. 3. 6, 3 ; Ad Att. 5. 16, 4. " lb. 5. 15, i. TO THE SECOND PART. 151 had, however, able officers among his legates ; his brother Quintus, C. Pomptinus, M. Anneius, and L. Tullius ^ are mentioned. As quaestor he had L. Mescinius Rufus ^ afterwards succeeded by C. Caelius Caldus ^. Cicero's son and nephew also accompanied him with their tutor Dionysius **. § 18. He started from a villa near Pompeii on May 10, and passing through Beneventum and Venusia spent three days at Tarentum, where he had a conversation with Pompey '". He then went to Brundisium, where he met some officers of Appius ". He was very anxious that the force in Cilicia should not be diminished by disbandment, and wrote to Appius on the subject. After a detention of some days at Brundisium, owing to ill health and the non-arrival of his legate Pomptinus ', he reached Actium June 14, and Athens June 24, where he spent ten days^ Thence he sailed by Gyarus, Scyrus, and Delos to Ephesus '\ where he arrived July 22. During the earlier part of the voyage he had suffered considerably from stormy weather, for which the light Rhodian vessel on which he sailed was ill suited. He had been able when at Athens to do a service ^° to the heads of the Epicurean school there by writing to C. Memmius, then an exile at Mytilene. About the same time an affair connected with Milo's exile gave Cicero much annoyance. Milo's property had been sold for the benefit of his creditors, and Philotimus, a freedman of Terentia, was one of the pur- chasers. Cicero heard that Milo was offended at this ; but represented that he had acted on good advice for the benefit of Milo, and would gladly get out of the business '\ § 19. After a stay of three days at Ephesus, Cicero reached Tralles July 27, and there received a despatch from his predecessor^'^. He then entered his province, and arrived at Laodicea on ^'^ July 31. He found the country in a deplorable state, owing to the exactions of Appius", and at once applied himself to redress some of its more serious grievances ^^ The change made a great impression on the provincials, but Appius was offended ^^, and thought that Cicero might have some sinister motive for his reforms. Cicero was especially vigilant in repressing all exactions by" his retinue, but was perhaps less^^ successful than he supposed. 1 Ad An. 5. 4, 2; 5. 20, 5; 5. 21, 9 ; Ad Fam. 13. 55, i. - lb. 5. 20; 13. 26; Ad Att. 6. 3, I. 3 lb. 6. 2, 10; 6. 6, 3; Ad Fam. 2. 15, 4. * Ad Att. 6. I, 12. 5 lb. 5. 2, I ; 5. 6, i ; 5. 7. ' « Ad Fam. 3. 3, i ; 3- 4' I- ■^ Ad Att. 5. 8, I. Mb. 5. 11,4. ''5.13,1. '» lb. 5. II, 6 ; Ad Fam. 13. i. " Ad Att. 5. 8. ^^ Ad Fam. 3. 5, i. '^ Ad Att. 5. 15. I. ''4 lb. 5. 16, 2. 1^ lb. 5. 16, 3: 5. 20, I. '" Ad Fam. 3. 7, 3 ; 3. 8, 5 ; Ad Att. 6. i, 2. " lb. 5. 16, 3 ; 5. 20, 6 ; 5. 21, 5. IS lb. 7. I, 5. 153 INTRODUCTION He had directed M. Anneius, one of his legates, to assemble his forces at Iconiuin \ He himself appeared in the camp on Aug. 24. His ad- ministration had conciliated'^ the subjects and allies of Rome, and he raised a large force of retired soldiers — ' evocati.' He thus felt tolerably secure when on Sept. i news arrived ^ that a large Parthian army had crossed the Euphrates. He decided to leave Cilicia to its natural de- fences, and to take up a position at Cybistra on the borders of Cappa- docia, whence he might watch the wavering princes of the neighbour- hood*. He there received an offer from Deiotarus, king of Galatia, under whose protection ^ the young Ciceros were staying, to support him with all his forces. This offer Cicero gladly accepted ; but having heard first that the Parthians w^ere threatening Cilicia, and afterwards that they had retired from Antioch, he sent to Deiotarus to say that he need not come. § 20. The protection of Cicero's army had emboldened some of the accomplices in a plot against Ariobarzancs of Cappadocia to make dis- closures^ which led to its frustration. Cicero now marched southwards, and entered Cilicia proper, arriving at Tarsus on'^ Oct. 5. Shortly after- wards he attacked with success the mountaineers of the Amanus between Cilicia and Commagene, and was saluted Imperator. The year's opera- tions ended with the capture of the strong town of Pindenissus, which surrendered Dec. 17, after a siege of 57 days*. Cicero allowed his sol- diers to retain all the plunder except the horses, and sold his prisoners for the benefit of the treasury, apparently^. Then, leaving his brother in command for the winter, he went to Laodicea. He rejected all ^° offers of statues and temples to be raised in his honour. The dreaded Parthian invasion had taken place, but with little result. Surenas, the victor of Charrae, had incurred the suspicion of King Orodes, who ordered his execution; and Pacorus, son of Orodes, ad- vised by a chief named Osaces, now commanded. The Parthians were repulsed near Antioch by Cassius, and Osaces was mortally wounded '\ But Cicero did not think much of the success, and Bibulus, who pre- sently arrived in Syria, suffered some losses. He was successful, however, in fomenting discord in the Parthian royal family ^^ Cicero was kept well informed about the course of events at Rome by his correspondents there, especially by M. Caelius, who was elected ' Ad Fam. 15. 4, 2 and 3. 2 Ad Att. 5. 18, 2. =* lb. 5. 18, i ; Ad Fam. 15. 4, 3. ^ lb. 15. 4, 4. s yq 15. 4, 7. « lb. 15. 2, 6-8. ' Ad Att. 5. 20, 3. 8 Ad Fam. 15. 4, 10. » Ad Att. 5. 20, 5. i" Ad Att. 5. 21, 7. 11 lb. 5. 20, 3 ; Ad Fam. 2. lo, 2 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 339. Merivale (i. 520) thinks that Surenas 'was a title, not an appellative' : Mommsen (4. 2, 329-3^") speaks simply of ' the vizier.' '^ Ad Fam. 8. 6, 4; Ad Att. 5. 20, 4 ; Dion Cassius 40. 30. TO THE SECOND PART. 153 curule aedile ^ for 50 b.c. Cicero complained -, however, that Caelius did not write enough on serious subjects. He was very anxious that the confusion caused by the debates on the consular provinces should not lead to a prolongation of his own government ; and the letters of Caelius ^ and Atticus did not remove this apprehension. He wrote to congratulate * L. Paulus and C. Marcellus on their election as consuls — though his real opinion ^ of Paulus was not favourable— and C. Curio « on his election as tribune. § 21. On Sept. 29 an important discussion took place in the senate as to the recall of Caesar from his provinces ; but the interposition of two tribunes, C. Caelius and C. Vibius Pansa, prevented the adoption of any decisive resolution. The question was to be resumed in 50 b.c, after March i ^ The estrangement of Pompey from Caesar was no secret, and was attested by various remarks*' of the former. Curio had an- nounced his intention of attacking Caesar, but the first days of his tribunate were not marked by any active steps ^ M. Caelius complained^" that both consuls shewed little energy, and that Paulus was anxious for a provincial government. Cicero urged all his correspondents to do their best to prevent his being detained in Cilicia. He was importuned by Caelius to send " him panthers for his shows as aedile, but did not like to impose on the provincials the burden of providing them 'I His long correspondence ^'^ with Appius Claudius, already alluded to, must have been annoying. Appius had shewn little consideration for him ", in avoiding an interview which Cicero desired, and in detaining some of his forces. Yet he afterwards spoke like an injured man ^^ P. Lentulus Spinther triumphed this year for successes in Cilicia^". § 22. Caesar had to subdue many desultory risings in Gaul. He brought the Carnutes and Bituriges to submission with little difficulty, but had to wage a more obstinate struggle with the tribes of the north- east. There the Atrebates under Commius, and the Bellovaci under Correus, took up arms and were aided by Ambiorix with the remnant of the Eburones. Correus, however, fell, and the Bellovaci submitted ; whereon Caesar, sending Labienus against the Treviri, himself marched to the West, where the Carnutes and others were again in arms. They soon, however, submitted ; and the last resistance in the West was 1 Ad Fam. 2. 9, I. 2 jt, 2 3^ , 3 ih. 8. 5, 2 ; Ad An. 5. 21, 3. * Ad Fam. 15. 7; 15. 12. ^ ^d Att. 6. i, 7. « Ad Fam. 2. 7. ' lb. 8. 8, 5 : cp. A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigr. 2. 208-211. * Ad Fam. 8. 4, 4 ; 8- 8, 9. 3 lb. 8. 4, 2 ; 8. 6, 3 ; 8. 8, 10 ; 8. 10, 3. '» lb. 8. 10, 3. " lb. 8. 4, 5 ; 8. 6, 5, alib. »2 ^j Att. 6. I, 21. » Ad Fam. 3. 18, esp. 6 and 8. »* above, § 17 ; Ad Fam. 3. 6, 4. " above, § 19 : Ad Fam. 3- 8,4. i« Ad Att. 5. 21,4. 154 INTRODUCTION offered by a mixed crowd collected at Uxellodunum, probably on the Oltis (Lot), under Drappes and Lucterius. Caesar, however, forced the place to surrender, and treated his prisoners with great severity. Mean- while Labienus had subdued the Treviri, and Caesar wintered at Neme- tocenna (Arras) in the country of the Atrebates. There he received promises of submission from Commius, against whom he had sent M. Antonius '. In the summer Caesar had sent back one legion to North Italy, per- haps to shew that he did not want all his men north of the Alps ^. 50 B.C. § 23. The consuls for this year were C. Marcellus, cousin of the consul of the preceding year, and L. Aemilius Paulus. Both were reputed stanch optimates. Cicero left Tarsus on Jan. 5 ^ for his northern districts, where his arrival was eagerly looked for, A frequent mode of extortion practised by previous governors had been to require money for exempting cities from the burden of receiving soldiers during winter; this practice was discontinued by Cicero. He continued to provide for the interests of the Roman publicani, and, by expostulation with the magistrates of various towns, enabled those communities to made good some arrears of taxes which had been left unpaid, owing to gross peculation *. He occupied the greater part of the spring ® in administering justice at Laodicea to his northern and western districts, and declares that he shewed patience, lenity, and affability, both on the bench and in his own house. His temperate representations to the corn dealers caused them to bring out their hoards, and so to relieve the distress which a failure of the harvest had brought about " ; and he shewed such respect for the laws of the different communities that they thought, he says, that they had regained their independence '^. Various circumstances, however, disquieted him. He was uneasy about the provision made for a successor in his province, especially as one of his best officers, Pomptinus, left him * about this time. M. Caelius was still teasing him to send panthers to Rome ; and he was compelled by his sense of justice to refuse M. Brutus ^ a favour. To a modern reader Cicero will seem rather to have erred on the side of indulgence in 'o^ 1 Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 1-48 ; Mommsen 4. i, ?82. ^ Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 24. = Ad Att. 5. 21, 7. * lb. 6. 2, 5. 5 peb 12 to May i. Ad Att. 5. 21, 9 ; 6. 2, 4 and 5. « lb. 5. 21, 8. "^ lb. 6. 2, 4. * lb. 5. 21, 9. ^ lb. 5. 21, 10-13; 6. 2, 7-9. TO THE SECOND PART. 155 the last-mentioned affair; but perhaps few of his contemporaries would have shewn so much firmness as he did. He was again alarmed by the prospect of a Parthian invasion, and had little confidence in his neigh- bour Bibulus, but seems to have had some hope ^ that Pompey might take the command in the East. The rumour of invasion, however, died away ; and he was thus relieved of some of his difficulty in selecting a temporary successor. He chose his quaestor ^, C. Caelius Caldus, though with some hesitation on account of his youth and want of firmness. § 24. On May 7, Cicero set out for Cilicia proper, and seems to have spent the month of June there, arriving at Tarsus on the 5th ^. He found brigandage prevalent in the province, but there was nothing to hinder his return to Rome, and he made up two copies of his accounts to be deposited at Apamea and Laodicea, as he was required by the Julian law^ to deposit them at two towns in his province. He seems to have amassed a considerable sum of money during his proconsulship, but his officers were offended by his paying into the treasury the surplus of his year's allowance for expenses ^. He was still at Tarsus on July 1 7 ^ and seems to have embarked at Sida'^ in Pamphylia on Aug. 3. Thence he sailed to Rhodes ^ to enable his son and nephew to see the island, and was much distressed there by hearing of the death of Q. Hortensius. From Rhodes he sailed to Ephesus, where, on Sept. 29', he received very alarming political reports from Rome, and embarked next day. He landed at the Piraeus on Oct. 141°. From Athens, where he made no long stay, he wrote to Terentia, begging her to come as far as she could without injury to her health to meet him ". He then went to Patrae, where he arrived early in November, and left Tiro, his favourite freedman'^, there. After visiting Alyzia", near Leucas, he reached Actium in Corcyra^* Nov. 7, and Corcyra two days later. He spent about a week there, and after being much detained by storms, landed at Brundisium on Nov. 24. Terentia arrived there by land the same day^'*. He was very anxious about Tiro's health ", also about political prospects " at Rome ; and was eager to urge his claim to a triumph ''^. § 25. At Brundisium he learned^' that Atticus was convalescent from 1 Ad Att. 6. I, 14. 2 lb, 6. 6, 3. =• lb. 6. 4, I. * Ad Fam. 5. 20, 2. * Ad Att. 7. I, 6 ; II. I, 2 ; Ad Fam. 5. 20, 9. ^ lb. 2. 17, i. ' lb. 3. 12, 4. « lb. 2. 17, I ; Ad Att. 6. 7, 2 ; Brut, i, i. ^ Ad Att. 6. 8, 2. " lb. 6. 9, I. " Ad Fam. 14. 5, i. i' lb. 16. 6, 2 ; i6. 9, i, " lb. 16. 2. ^' lb. 16. 6, 2 ; 16. 9, I. — This was, I now think, the well-known Actium in Acarnania, not the 'Actium Corcyrae' mentioned ad Att. 7. 2. 3. ** Ad Att. 7. 2, 2. 16 Ad Fam. 16. 1-15. " Ad Att. 7. I. ^^ lb. 7. I, 5 ; Ad Fam. 16. i, i. " Ad Att. 7. 2, 2. ir-6 INTRODUCTION 'v> a serious illness. Political news became more and more alarming'; and Cicero seems to have wished for vigorous war with Parthia, to divert men's minds from domestic troubles. From Brundisium he went to Aeculanum ^ in Samnium on Dec. 6 ; and thence to an estate ^ of L. Pontius in northern Campania, where, probably, he had a conver- sation* on political affairs with Pompey, who spoke of civil war as inevitable. They met again near Formiae, when Pompey again ex- pressed his apprehensions, and spoke of a violent attack made upon himself on Dec. 2 1 by M. Antonius, one of the new tribunes ^ Cicero asked Atticus his" opinion on the crisis; denounced'' the short- sightedness which had allowed Caesar to grow so powerful ; expressed his longing for peace ; but said * that if war began he should probably side with Pompey, rather against his reasonable convictions. He was anxious^ therefore to pay his debts to Caesar before taking up arms against him. At the conclusion of the year he was probably at Tarracina ^'*. § 26. The affairs at Rome in which Cicero had taken most interest during this year were : — (i.) The marriage of his daughter. He thought of Tiberius Claudius'^ Nero for her, but heard that she and Terentia both preferred P. Cor- nelius Dolabella — a dissipated man who had just divorced his own wife, but of good family and agreeable manners ^^. This match was rather embarrassing to Cicero ; for he had recently been reconciled to Appius Claudius, and was now doing his best to serve him; whereas Dolabella accused " Appius of treasonable conduct. Dolabella had been elected '* one of the ' quindecimviri sacris faci- undis,' defeating L. Lentulus Crus, contrary to general expectation. (2.) The discussion on the honours due to his successes in Cilicia. The senate voted him ' supplicationes' early in this year^^; both the consuls ^^ with M. Caelius and Curio, supported the grant, but Cato " opposed it ; and his artful defence of his conduct naturally excited Cicero's indignation, when he learned that Cato had supported the claims of Bibulus to a like honour. Caesar^- seems to have been pleased at the estrangement of Cicero and Cato. Cicero seems to have hoped that the vote would be followed by an * Ad An. 7. 2, 8. 2 lb. 7. 3, I. ' lb. 7. 3, 12. * lb. 7. 4, 2; cp. 7-3.12. Mb. 7. 8, 4 and 5. Mb. 7. 9. Mb. 7. I, 3-4; 7. 7, 6. « lb. 7. 3, 4-5 ; 7. 6. 2 : 7. 7, 7. ^ lb. 7. 8, 5. » lb. 7. 5, 3. 11 lb. 6. 6, i. ** Ad Att. 6. 6, I ; Ad Fam. 8. 6, I and 2. '•'' cp. Ad Ati. and Ad Fam. II. cc, with Ad Fam. 3. II, 2 and 3; 3. 12, I. '* lb. 8. 4, I ; it was in 51 B.C. ^' Perhaps not before May or June. Cicero knew of the vote before he left his province at the end of July or beginning of August ; cp. Ad Att. 6. 7, 2 ; Ad Fam. 3. 12, 4. '^ Ad Fam. 2, 15, I ; 15. II, 1 ; 8. II, I. " lb. 15. 5 ; Ad Att. 7. 2, 7. '^ Yo^ \^ ^ « TO THE SECOND PART. 157 acknowledgment of his claims to a triumph. His exploits may hardly seem to have justified such a hope, but very likely they were as great as those of Lentulus Spinther, who triumphed^ in 51 b.c. Cicero was especially anxious for a triumph, as a means of restoring him to the dignity he enjoyed before his exile '^. § 27. (3.) The progress of the discussion in the senate about the measures to be taken against Caesar. At the beginning of the year both consuls and the tribune Curio passed for decided enemies ^ of Caesar ; but he managed to secure at least the neutrality of the consul Paulus by a bribe of 1500 talents, and the active support of Curio by a still larger one. Hence, when it was proposed in the senate ^ that Caesar should be required to lay down his command, Curio praised the proposal, but suggested, amid great ap- plause, that a similar demand should be addressed to Pompey ^. The discussion began, apparently, on or soon after March i *', but, owing to the interposition of Curio, the senate came to no decision ''. Nor were the optimates more successful when the measures to be adopted against Curio were discussed soon afterw'ards ^. Towards the close of the year, shortly before the tribunes went out of office, the senate adopted, by an immense majority. Curio's proposal that both Pompey and Caesar should be required to lay down their commands ; but the consul Marcellus angrily declared the sitting at an end— apparently before a formal decree had been passed ^ Presently afterwards a rumour reached Rome " that a large part of Caesar's army had crossed the Alps. Such a movement might have been lawfully carried out by Caesar as proconsul ; but with- out even waiting to ascertain the truth, the consul Marcellus hastened " out of the city with Lentulus, consul elect, to Pompey, who was in the suburbs; placed a sword in his hand, and bid him levy troops for the defence of the constitution. Under the pretext that men were wanted for the Parthian war, the senate required Caesar and Pompey to furnish one legion each for that service. Pompey required the 15th, which he had lent to Caesar. Thus Caesar was rather unfairly deprived of two legions. He obeyed, how- ever, the senate's orders. The two legions were stationed at Capua, but were not well satisfied with the transfer ^^ Pompey now left Rome for a tour in central and southern Italy ; during which, as before men- tioned", he met Cicero. ^ Ad Att. 5. 21, 4. 2 lb. 6. 6, 4. 3 App_ Btll. Civ. 2. 26 ; Ad Fam. 8. 6, 5; 8.11,1. * App. Bell. Civ. 2. 27. Mb. « Ad Fam. 8. 8, 5. ■^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 29. 8 p^^ fam. 8. 13, 2. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 30. '" lb. 2. 31 ; Ad Att. 6. 9, 5. *' App. Bell Civ. 2. 31 ; Pint. Pomp. 58, 59. '^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 29; Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 54, 55 ; Ad Att. 7. 13, 2. " above, § 25. 158 INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND PART. Curio, after the close of his tribunate, hastened to Caesar at Ravenna, to lay before him an account of the state of affairs, and returned to Rome, bearing Caesar's final proposals, on Jan. i \ 49 b.c. Among the new tribunes, Q. Cassius Longinus and M. Antonius were devoted to Caesar; Antonius had been chosen augur in the room of Q. Hor- tensius in 50 ^. § 28. (4.) The trials of Appius Claudius Pulcher, Cicero's predecessor in Cilicia. Appius was acquitted both of treason^ and of corruption*, and presently afterwards was elected censor. He exercised his functions with great vigour ^, expelling the historian Sallust, among others, from the senate. Caesar was able to devote much time this year to the work of pacify- ing Transalpine Gaul, which he effected in great measure by indulgence**. He visited Cisalpine Gaul, however, to recommend M. Antonius to the inhabitants as a candidate for the augurship, and himself for the consul- ship '' in 48 B.C. His progress through the different towns was trium- phant. He then returned to Nemetocenna, and concentrated ten legions** on the frontiers of the Treviri. The 15th he had left south of the Alps, and when Pompey required it, Caesar replaced it by the 1 3th ®. Of the rest of his army, four legions under C. Fabius wintered among the Aedui, and four under C. Trebonius among the Belgae. Caesar himself went to Ravenna " for the winter. Labienus had been in charge of Cisalpine Gaul, and Caesar would not" listen to rumours of his intended desertion. The result of the election of consuls for 49 e.g. had disappointed Caesar. He had hoped that Ser. Sulpicius Galba ^^, one of his officers, would be chosen ; but the two successful candidates were L. Lentulus Crus and C. Claudius Marcellus, both decidedly hostile to Caesar. Marcellus was cousin of his namesake, the consul of the previous year_, and brother of M. Marcellus, the consul of 51 ^^ ' App. Bell. Civ. 1. 31 and 32. * Ad Fam. 8. 13, 1 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 50 ; Cic. Philipp. 2. 2, 4. ' Ad Fam. 3. 11, 2. * lb. 3. 12, I. ' lb. 8. 14, 4; Dion Cassius 40. 63: cp. Hor. Satt. i. 6, 20 'censorque moveret Appius.' * Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 49. ' lb. 8. 50. ® He had all his army except one legion, which was south of the Alps. Now he subsequently furnished two legions to Pompey, and had still nine in all. 9+2 = 11 — 1 = 10: cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 52 and 54. Mb. 8. 54. "» Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 5. " Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 5 z. ** lb. 8. 50. *^ Mommsen 4. 2. p. 358 ; Fasti Consulates sub ann. ; Drumann 2. 398. SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART II. 20. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. IV. i). Rome, September, 57 b.c. (697 a.u.c.) I. I write immediately after my return, to say that, while I think I had previously some reason to complain, your late services have made me ample amends; 2. and I wish you were here to share my satisfaction. In future I will make up for past neglect. 3. I have regained my old position to a greater extent than I could have hoped, but my property has been seriously impaired. 4. I left Dyrrhachium on August 4, and arrived next day at Brundisium, where TuUia met me, and I presently learned that the law for my recall had been carried. Both at Bnmdisium and along the road to Rome I received the warmest congratulations from every one, 5. and on my arrival literally every one of the slightest importance came to meet me, while the parts of the city through which I passed to the Capitol were thronged by a vast multitude. Next day, Sept. 5, I returned thanks to the senate. 6. Two days afterwards there were disorders, caused by the dearness of corn. I suggested, in accordance with Pompey's known wishes, that he should be entrusted with a commission to supply it ; and the senate passed a decree to that effect. I then addressed the people. 7. Next day, in a full senate, a bill was drawn up giving Pompey the management of the supply of corn for five years, with power to name fitteen legates, of whom he named me first. Messius proposed that he should have still more ample powers. The way in which I shall re- ceive compensation for my house will depend on the judgment of the pontifices. 8. You see my position. I am in difficulties, as you know, about my properly, and have some family troubles which I do not mention. My brother is most devoted to me. Pray come speedily; some of those who lately served me are already beginning to fall away. i6o M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. CICERO ATTICO SAL. CUM primum Romam veni, fuitque cui recte ad te litteras i darem, nihil prius faciendum mihi putavi, quam ut tibi absent! de reditu nostro gratularer ; cognoram enim — ut vere scribam — te in consiliis mihi dandis nee fortiorem nee prudentiorem quam 5 me ipsum, me etiam propter meam in te observantiam nimium in custodia salutis meae diligentem, eundemque te, qui primis temporibus erroris nostri aut potius furoris particeps et falsi timoris socius fuisses, acerbissime discidium nostrum tulisse plurimumque operae, studii, diligentiae, laboris ad conficiendum 10 reditum meum contulisse : itaque hoc tibi vere adfirmo, in 2 maxima laetitia et exoptatissima gratulatione unum ad cumu- landum gaudium conspectum aut potius complexum mihi tuum defuisse ; quem semel nactus si umquam dimisero, ac nisi etiam praetermissos fructus tuae suavitatis praeteriti temporis omnes 15 exegero, profecto hac restitutione fortunae me ipse non satis dignum iudicabo. Nos adhuc in nostro statu, quod difficillime 3 recuperari posse arbitrati sumus, splendorem nostrum ilium foren- sem et in senatu auctoritatem et apud viros bonos gratiam magis, quam optaramus, consecuti sumus ; in re autem familiari, quae I. Recte, 'with prudence.' See Ep. 6, I , note. 3. Cognoram, 'I had known' before my exile. 5. Me etiam. Most MSS. have ap- parently ' ncc etiam,' which Wesciib. retains. Propter meam in te observantiam, ' on account of my regard for your advice.' Cicero had complied with Atticus' advice not to risk a struggle with Clodius in 58 B.C., and thought afterwards that his comphance shewed timidity. 6. Eundemque te, 'but that you not- withstanding.' See Madv. 488. 7. Erroris nostri, 'my mistake' in retiring from Rome. See Intr. to Part I, §§ 20; 22. The whole passage is a delicate I'L-proof of Atticus for the want of penetra- tion and zeal which he had shewn, in Cicero's opinion, early in 58 B.C. A similar mixture of praise and blame may be found, Ep. 16. 7. 13. Q\]em = 'te,' implied in 'tuum.' See Matlv. 317 a. Si umquam. This is a conjecture adopted by Baiter. ' N umquam ' seems to have some MS. authority. Nisi . . exegero, ' unless I shall reclaim and enjoy even those delights from your friendliness, which I failed to grasp in past time.' 14. Praetermissos suggests a fault on Cicero's part, and is not therefore superfluous. On the double genitive, ' suavitatis, tempo- ris,' see Madv. 2S8, and cp. Ad Fam. 9. 8, 2 ' superiorum temporum fonuna reipubli- cae.' ' Exigere ' is a word used for the ex- action of arrears of taxes, frequent in the writings of Cicero and Caesar. 16. In nostro statu, 'with regard to my political position.' Billerb. Quod . . sumus. There seems to be a confusion between ' quod difficillimum arbi- tral i sumus,' and ' quae difficillime recuperari arbitrati sumus.' 17- Forensem. In foro partam, mul- torum causis defendendis. Manut. 19. In re . . familiari, 'with regard to my property.' It had suffered mainly from the demolition of his house at Rome, and the plunder of his villas. His losses must have amounted to at least £20,000. ' Vicies DCCL milha H.S.' Ad Att. 4. 2, 5. EP. 20.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM 1V.\. i5i quern ad modum fracta, dissipata, direpta sit, non ignoras, valde laboramus tuarumque non tarn facultatum, quas ego nostras esse iudico, quam consiliorum ad colligendas et constituendas reli- 4 quias nostras indigemus. Nunc, etsi omnia aut scripta esse a tuis arbitror aut etiam nuntiis ac rumore perlata, tamen ea 5 scribam brevi, quae te puto potissimum ex meis litteris velle cognoscere. Pr. Nonas Sextiles Dyrrhachio sum profectus, ipso illo die, quo lex est lata de nobis ; Brundisium veni Nonis Sextilibus : ibi mihi Tulliola mea fuit praesto natali suo ipso die, qui casu idem natalis erat et Brundisinae coloniae et tuae 10 vicinae Salutis ; quae res animadversa a multitudine summa Brundisinorum gratulatione celebrata est. Ante diem VI. Idus Sextiles cognovi, [cum Brundisii essem,] litteris Quinti, mirifico studio omnium aetatum atque ordinum, incredibili concursu Italiae legem comitiis centuriatis esse perlatam : inde a Brun- 15 disinis honestissimis ornatus iter ita feci, ut undique ad me 5 cum gratulatione legati convenerint. Ad urbem ita veni, ut nemo ullius ordinis homo nomenclatori notus fuerit, qui mihi obviam non venerit, praeter eos inimicos, quibus id ipsum [se inlmicos esse] non liceret aut dissimulare aut negare. Cum 20 venissem ad portam Capenam, gradus templorum ab infima plebe completi erant, a qua plausu maximo cum esset mihi gratulatio significata, similis et frequentia et plausus me usque ad Capitol ium celebravit^ in foroque et in ipso Capitolio miranda multitudo fuit. Postridie in senatu, qui fuit dies 25 3. Constituendas, 'setting in order.' 'having received attentions from the most 4. Omnia, 'all Roman news.' respectable men of Brundisium?' Cp. Pro 8. Lex, the law for his rec;ill. See Intr. Reg' Deiot. i, 2 ' regem queni ornare antea to Part I, § 23. cuncto cum senatu solebam.' 10. Natalis. The colony of Brundisium 17. Legati, 'deputies from the various was founded 244 b.c. Boot, however, re- towns.' ferring toA.W. Zumpt (Comment. Epigraph. Ita . . ut, ' in such style that.* I. 239), thinks that the date of its reconsti- 18. Nomenclatori : see Ep. 15,9, note. tution by Drusus, the rival of C. Gracchus, 19. Id ipsum,' that very fact' of their in 122 B.C., is referred to. hostility. Hofm., Billerb. 11. Salutis. The temple of Salus, on the 21. Templorum. Among the temples Quirinal, and near the house of Atticus, was near that gate were two, or one with tw o vowed by C. lunius, consul, in 311, built 'cellae' of Honos and Virtus. The cele- 307, and dedicated 303 B.C. SeeLivyio. I. brated M. Claudius Marcellus ordered the 13. Cum Brundisii essem. If these building in 208 b.c; having originally vowed words are genuine I think, with Mr. Jeans, one temple in the Gallic wars, 222 b.c. Cp. that they mean 'being,' or, ' as I was,' 'still Livy 27, 25 ; Smith's Diet, of Geogr. 2. at Brundisium,' and so did not miss the 8ig. letter. Ab infima plebe, on the force of the 16. Ornatus. Orell. proposes to add preposition cp. Ep. 104, i, note. ' decretis.' But may not the words mean, 24. Celebravit, ' attended.' Metzg. M 1 62 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part II. Nonarum Septembr., senatui gratias egimus. Eo biduo cum 6 esset annonae summa caritas et homines ad theatrum primo, deinde ad senatum concurrissent, impulsu Clodii mea opera frumenti inopiam esse clamarent, cum per eos dies senatus 5 de annona haberetur et ad eius procurationem sermone non solum plebis, verum etiam bonorum Pompeius vocaretur idque ipse cuperet^ multitudoque a me nominatim, ut id decernerem, postularet, feci et accurate sententiam dixi. Cum abessent consulares, quod tuto se negarent posse sententiam dicere, prae- lo ter Mesallam et Afranium, factum est senatus consultum in meam sententiam, ut cum Pompeio ageretur ut eam rem susci- peret lexque ferretur ; quo senatus consulto recitato continue cum more hoc insulso et novo plausum meo nomine recitando dedissent, habui contionem ; omnes magistratus praesentes prae- 15 ter unum praetorem et duos tribunos pi. dederunt. Postridie 7 1. Gratias egimus : see Intr. to Part II, § I. On the plural 'egimus' after ve- nissem, cp. Ep. 17, i, note. Eo biduo, 'two days afterwards.* Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. i, 41 ' eo biduo Caesar cum equitibus in castra pervenit.' 2. Ad theatrum. The Ludi Magni were celebrated Sept. 4-10. Siipfle. 3. Ad senatum, 'before the senate house.' Concurrissent . . clamarent. For the omission of a conjunction, cp. Ep. 54, 7 • etsi Scipionem cum cohortibus duabus prae- miserat, legionem a Fausto conscriptam in Siciliani sibi placere a consule duci scripse- rat.' More curious is the want of a conjunc- tion between cum esset and cum . . ha- beretur, with which, cp.Philipp. 2. 43, 1 10, ' supplicationes . . . contaminari passus es, pulvinaria noluisti?' Mea opera, 'by my fault.' Perhaps Clodius meant, ' owing to the crowds that had come to greet Cicero.' Boot. 7. Ut id decernerem, 'that I should vote for that measure.' Cp. In Cat. 4. 5, 10, 8. Feci, 'I complied.' Accurate, ' elaborately.' 9. Q_uod . . negarent . . dicere, 'be- cause, as they said, they could not express their opinions in safety.' See Mad v. 357 a, and Obs. 2. On Afranius, see Ep. i, 1, note; on Messalla, Ep. 6, 2, note. 11. Ut . . ageretur . . ferretur, ' that Pompey should be entreated to undertake the business, and that a law should be pro- posed.' See Madv. 372 a. 12. Recitato, ' having been read to the assembly.' The names of the senators who suggested or approved the course adopted would be read (to the assembly) probably. 13. Meo nomine recitando, 'while my name was being read.' The gerundive in passages like this seems to supply the place of a present passive participle. Hofm. Baiter inserts 'in' before 'meo,' but perhaps unnecessarily. Cp. ' partis honoribus eos- dem in fori gessi labores quos petendis' Philipp. 6. 6, 17 ; also Ep. 23, i ; Madv. 416, Obs. 1 ; Nagelsb. 96, 260. 14. Dedissent, sc. 'qui adstabant.' The MSS. have ' dedisset,' and Siipfle suggests ' cum contio' for ' continuo.' Wesenb. sug- gests the insertion of ' quam ' before ' omnes.' Contionem. Perhaps the Oratio Post Red. ad Quirites. Omnes magistratus . . dederunt, sc. ' contionem,' ' all the magistrates were pre- sent, and agreed in inviting me to speak, with the exception of one praetor and two tribunes of the plebs.' ' Contionem dare,' = ' in contionem producere,' on which phrase cp. p. 47, note on 1. 6. The praetor referred to is supposed to have been Ap. Claudius Pulcher, the tribunes Q^ Numerius Rufus and Sex. Atilius Serranus. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 2, 4; Pro Sestio 33, 72 ; 34, 74; In Pison. 15' 35; Ascon. in Pisonian., p. 126. Livy (2. 56) makes Appius Claudius refuse to the tribunes of the commons the title of ' magis- tratus populi ; ' cp. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, I. 46-48 and notes. But the present pas- sage agrees with one in De Orat. I. 7, 25 ; and the distinction between ' populus ' and ' plebs ' had lost much of its importance in Cicero's time. See the notes of Manutius EP. 20.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IV. i. 163 senatus frequens ; et omnes consulares nihil Pompeio postu- lanti negarunt ; ille legates quindecim cum postularet, me prin- cipem nominavit et ad omnia me altcrum se fore dixit. Legem consules conscripserunt, qua Pompeio per quinquennium omnis potestas rei frumcntariae toto orbe terrarum daretur ; alteram 5 Messius, qui omnis pecuniae dat potestatem et adiungit classem et exercitum et mains imperium in provinciis, quam sit eorum, qui eas obtineant : ilia nostra lex consularis nunc modesta vide- tur, haec Messii non ferenda. Pompeius illam velle se dicit, familiares hanc. Consulares duce Favonio fremunt ; nos tacemus. 10 et eo magis, quod de domo nostra nihil adhuc pontifices respon- derunt : qui si sustulerint religionem, aream praeclaram habe- bimus ; superficiem consules ex senatus consult© aestimabunt : sin aliter, demolientur, suo nomine locabunt, rem totam aesti- 8 mabunt. Ita sunt res nostrae, ut in secundis, fluxae, ut in 15 adversis, bonae. In re familiari valde sumus, ut scis, pertur- bati. Praeterea sunt quaedam domestica, quae litteris non and of Mr. J. E. Yonge on Ad Fam. I. 7, 2 ; and my own on Ep. 34, 5. 1. Senatus frequens, sc. 'fuit,' 'there was a full meeting of the senate.' On the ellipse, see Madv. 479 a. Wesenb. suggests the insertion of ' fuit.' 2. Me principem . . . dixit, 'named me first, and said I should be a second self to him in everything.' 5. Toto orbe terrarum, ' throughout the world.' See Madv. 273 c. 6. C. Messius was now tribune. For another notice of him, cp Epp. 28, 9. His proposal would have given Pompey enormous power, and would have placed Caesar under his command. 8. Nostra . . . consularis, 'that law proposed by the consuls, and based on my suggestion.' Boot. 10. Hanc, sc. ' eum velle.' Duce Favonio. Favonius, for an ac- count of whom see notes on Ep. 7, 5, had only been quaestor, but his energy probably induced men of higher position to accept his guidance. Fremunt, 'raise an outcry.' Cp.AdAtt. 2. 7,3 'Arrius consulatum sibi ereptum freniit.' 11. Pontifices. Cicero pleaded before them on Sept. 29 (cp. Ad Att. 4. 2, 2), and on the two following days the senate passed decrees for the restitution of his property. His uncertainty as to the decision of the pontifices made him unwilling to offend any M powerful party that might be represented in their body. 12. Sustulerint religionem, 'declare against the religious character of the place,' 'declare the consecration by Clodiiis null.' 13. Superficiem, 'the building which had stood there.' The consuls would make an estimate how much Cicero ought to have for rebuilding what had been destroyed. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 2, 5 'nobis superficiem aedium consules de consilii sententia aestimarunt H. S. vicies.' 14. Sin aliter . . aestimabunt, 'but if they decide otherwise, the consuls will demolish Clodius' buildings, contract for a new temple in their own names, and fix the amount of my whole losses,' i.e. provide me with a site, as well as with compensation for the buildings. Hofm. This proceeding would inflict a slight on Clodius ; for, while recognizing the validity of his dedication of the site, the consuls would pull down his temple of Liberty. 15. Ita sunt . . bonae, 'such is my position : shaken, for a prosperous man ; good, for one who hns suffered reverses.' 16. In re . . perturbati, ' my property, as 3'ou know, is in great disorder.' 17. Qjiaedam domestica. These words refer, perhaps, to disputes with Terentia. In another letter he mentions the affection of his brother and daughter, but says nothing of his wife. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 2, 7. 1 64 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. committo. Q. fratrem insigni pietate, virtute, fide praeditum sic amo, ut debeo. Te exspecto et oro ut matures venire eoque animo venias, ut me tuo consilio egere non sinas. Alte- rius vitae quoddam initium ordimur. lam quidam, qui nos 5 absentes defenderunt, incipiunt praesentibus occulte irasci, aperte invidere : vehementer te requirimus. 21. To P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (AD FAM. I. i). Rome, Jan. 13, ^6 b.c. (698 a.u.c.) I . I wish I could serve you as effectively as you served me ; but the money of the king's envoys, the hypocritical plea of a religious difficulty, and the eagerness of the king's friends to serve Poinpey are obstacles in my way. 2. I am always warning Pompey to have regard to his own honour, but indeed he hardly seems to need any w^arnings, and serves you zealously. Marcellinus, you know, has a quarrel with you ; but, except on this question, promises you his support. 3. On Jan. 13 the subject was discussed in the senate. Hortensius, Lucullus, and I, advised that you should be em- powered to restore the king, but not by force of arms. Crassus and others proposed in substance that Pompey should restore him ; Bibulus desires to exclude Pompey from the commission ; Servilius thinks there ought to be no restoration at all. There is a general impression that Pompey would like to be employed, 4. My opinion carries the less weight with the public, because of my obligations to you, which are thought to prejudice me in your favour. M. CICERO S. D. P. LENTULO PROCOS. Ego omni ofificio ac potius pietate erga te ceteris satis facio i omnibus, mihi ipse numquam satis facio ; tanta enim magnitude est tuorum erga me meritorum, ut, quia tu nisi perfecta re de me 10 non conquiesti, ego, quia non idem in tua causa efficio, vitam mihi esse acerbam putem. In causa haec sunt : Hammonius, 3. Eoque animo . . . sinas. Perhaps regard Cicero's approaches to Pompey with a fresh allusion to Atticus' alleged indiifer- suspicion. ence just before Cicero's exile. Cp. § i. Alterius vitae . . ordimur, 'I am now 7- Omni . . pietate, 'in the satisfaction beginning, in a certain sense, a second life,' of every claim of duty — I might say of •a new career.' Cicero means, either (i) affection.' that he has to build up his fortunes again 9. Meritorum, i.e. in promotingCicero's (cp. Ep. 42, 4, where he speaks of his TraKi-^- restoration from exile. Cp. Intr. to Part I, ^ei/sffm), or (2) that he intends to act in §§ 21-23; fro Sest. 33, 72. concert with Pompey and Caesar, or (3) that Nisi perfecta re, 'til! my restoration he will henceforth renounce politics. Cp. had been effected.' Ad Att. 4. 6, 2. Boot prefers the first of these 10. In tua causa, in tuo negotio, in re- three explanations, I think with reason, for ductione regis. Manut. Cicero does not seem to have given up an 11. In causa haec sunt, 'the causes of independent political career yet. Cp. Epp. my ill-success are as follows.' 25 ; 29, 5-20. Hammonius seems not to be elsewhere 4. Q_uidam probably refers to some of mentioned, the leaders of the optimates, who might EP. 2 1 .] EP IS TO LA RUM AD FA MI LI A RES I, i . 16.T regis legatus, aperte pecunia nos oppugnat ; res agitur per eosdem creditores, per quos, cum tu aderas, agebatur. Regis causa si qui sunt qui velint, qui pauci sunt, omnes rem ad Pompeium deferri volunt ; senatus religionis calumniam non religione, sed male- 2 volentia et illius regiae largitionis invidia comprobat. Pompeium 5 et hortari et orare, etiam liberius accusare et monere, ut magnam infamiam fugiat, non desistimus ; sed plane nee precibus nostris nee admonitionibus relinquit locum : nam cum in sermone quoti- diano, tum in senatu palam sic egit causam tuam, ut neque eloquentia maiore quisquam nee gravitate nee studio nee conten- lo tione agere potuerit, cum summa testificatione tuorum in se officiorum et amoris erga te sui. Marcellinum tibi esse iratum scis : is hac regia causa excepta ceteris in rebus se acerrimum tui defensorem fore ostendit. Quod dat, accipimus : quod in- stituit referre de religione et saepe iam retulit, ab eo deduci 15 3 non potest. Res ante Idus acta sic est ; — nam haec Idibus mane scripsi : — Hortensii et mea et Luculli sententia cedit religioni de exercitu — teneri enim res aliter non potest — , sed ex illo senatus 1. Regis. Ptolemy XII. Auletes is the king referred to. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §2. 2. Creditores; men who perhaps were hostile to Lentulus, and furnished Hammo- nius with the money which he employed in bribing senators. Cicero makes a similar statement, Ad Q^ F. 2. 2, 3. His client, C. Rabirius Postunms (cp. sup. p. 144), seems to have been one of the ' creditores.' Cp. Pro Rab. Post. 2 ; 3. Regis causa . . velint, 'those who may be interested in the king's cause.' Cp. Ad Fam. 7, 17, 2 ' si me aut sapere aliquid aut velle tua causa putas.' 4. Calumniam, 'the plea maliciously set up.' Cp. Ad Fam. i . 4, 2 ' nomen in- ductum fictae religionis,' Ad Q^ F. 2. 2, 3 ' calumnia extracta res est,' Non religione . . invidia, 'not from religious feeling, but from ill-will to the king, and under the influence of the odium which his largesses have aroused.' 7. Infamiam. Pompey would be charged both with ingratitude and ambition if he opposed the claims of Lentulus. Cp. ' tuo- rum in se officiorum ' a few lines below. 12. Officiorum. Cp. Epp. 20, 7; 26, 3, note. Marcellinum. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus is thought to have been the son of a P. Lentulus who had passed by adoption from the family of the Marcelli into that of the Lentuli. The paternal grandfather of the Marcellinus here mentioned seems to have been M. Marcellus iEserninus (cp. Cic. Brut. 36, 136), who commanded at Aesemia in the Marsic war, and was forced to surrender that place to the revolted allies. Cp. Livy, Epit. 73; Drumann 2, 404; 405. The grandson had supported, as patron of Sicily, the prosecution of Verres (Div. in Caec. 4. 13). He was consul in 56 B.C. with L. Marcius Philippus, and showed a decided hostility to Clodius. 14. Quod instituit . . non potest, ' he cannot be diverted from his intention of bringing the religious question before the senate.' On this use of the pronouns, see Madv. 398 b. 17. Hortensii . . exercitu, 'Hortensius, Lucullus, and I are for respecting people's scruples as to the employment of an army, otherwise our end [the restoration of Pto- lemy by you] cannot be obtained at all.' For this sense of ' tenere ' see Forcell. The Lucullus here referred to was M. Lucullus, adopted by M. Terentius Varro. He was consul 73 B.C. ; did good service as governor of Macedonia, and supported Cicero's mea- sures in 63 B.C. In Pis. 19,44; Philipp. 2. 5, 12. His more celebrated brother Lucius seems to have died in 57 or 56 B.C. 18, Ex illo senatus consulto. Appa- 1 65 31. TULLII CICERONI S [part II, consulto, quod te referente factum est, tibi decernit, ut regem reducas, quod commodo rei publicae facere possis ; ut exercitum religio tollat, te auctorem senatus retineat, Crassus tres legatos decernit, nee excludit Pompeium ; censet enim etiam ex iis, qui 5 cum imperio sint ; Bibulus tres legatos, ex iis, qui privati sunt. Huic adsentiuntur reliqui consulares praeter Servilium, qui om- nino reduci negat oportere, et Volcatium, qui, Lupo referente, Pompeio decernit, et Afranium, qui adsentitur Volcatio. Quae res auget suspitionem Pompeii voluntatis, animadvertebatur Pompeii lo familiares adsentiri Volcatio. Laboratur vehementer ; inclinata res est : Libonis et Hypsaei non obscura concursatio et contentio rently a decree providing that the proconsul of Cilicia should restore Ptolemy. 2. Quod . , . possis, 'so far as you can do it without injury to the state.' On the mood, cp. Madv. 364, Obs. 2, and far the abl. commodo, Ad Fam. 4. 2, 4 'quod tuo commodo fiat.* Ut exercitum . . retineat, 'so that while we do without an army, in obedience to religious scruples, the senate should retain you as manager of the business.' For the omission of an adversative conjunction be- fore ' retineat,' see Madv. 437 d, Obs. 3. Legatos, 'commissioners,' for the restoration of Ptolemy. 4. Ex iis qui . . sint . , sunt. Tlie change of mood is curious. In the first clause Cicero probably intends to describe a class, in the second to state a fact. ' From such as may be invested with " imperium" . . from men in a private station.' Wesenb. reads ' sint ' in both clauses. Mr. J. E. Yonge follows Kleyn in preferring ' sunt ' in both. Pompey was now chief commissioner for supplying the capital with corn. Cp. Ep. 20, 7, and Mommsen 4. 2, pp. .^03, 304. 6. Servilium. P. Servilius Vatia Isau- ricus supported the government against tlie insurrection of Saturninus in the year 100 B.C. ; was consul in 79 b.c, and served with distinction against the pirates. He generally acted with the optimates, but voted for the Manilian law. He reconciled Q^ Metellus Nepos to Cicero in 57 B.C., and is often mentioned in Cicero's letters. Cp. Pro Rab. 7, 21 ; Pro Leg. Man. 23, 68 ; Post Red. in Sen. 10, 25. 7. Volcatium. L. Volcatius TuUus, con- sul in 66 B.C., is said to have intended to refuse any votes which should be offered for Catiline as candidate for the consulship. He remained neutral in the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. Cp. Fragm. Oral, in Tog. Cand. II ; Ad Att. 7. 3, 3 ; 9. 10, 7 ; 9.19.2. Lupo. P. Rutilius Lupus, one of the tribunes for this year, is mentioned Ad Q^F. 2. I, I. He was praetor in 49 b.c, and at first supported Pompey, but afterwards went over to Caesar. Cp. Ad Att. 9. I, 2. Referente. It seems doubtful if a tri- bune could force a question to a division in the senate in spite of the opposition of the consuls or other presiding magistrates. From § 2 of the following letter, from Ad Fam. 10. 16, I ; and from Pro Sest. 1 1, 26 ; 31, 68; 32, 70, we might infer the affirmative — but the statement in Caes. Bell. Civ. i, i seems inconsistent with such a supposition. The last passage refers, however, to a session in which great irregularities were certainly tolerated, and, on the whole, the affirmative appears most probable. For the date of the motion of Lupus, cp. §§ I, 2 of the follow- ing letter. 8. Quae res. periphrastic for 'quod.' On the relative referring to the contents of a sentence, see Madv. 315 b, Zumpt L. G. 678. With the account here given of Pompey's behaviour, cp. Cicero's remarks in Ep. 20, 7. He seems to have expected people to divine his thoughts when not expressed, and to have been disappointed when they took his words literally. See below. 10. Laboratur . . res est. I am now, having regard to the word ' laboraremus ' at the end of the letter, inclined to agree with Manutius, who says of laboratur,' 'difficultas negotii non sine quadam animi sollicitudine ostenditur,' and of' inclinata res est' that the expression is used when things ' aliter se habent ac volumis.' Prof. Nettleship treats both words as military expressions, and would I think nearly agree with Manutius. 11. Libonis. L. Scribonius Libo, now tribune, and consul in 34 b.c, was intimate EP. 23.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 2. 167 omniumque Pompeii familiarium studium in earn opinion em rem adduxerunt, ut Pompeius cupere videatur ; cui qui nolunt, idem 4 tibi, quod eum ornasti, non sunt amici. Nos in causa auctori- tatem eo minorem habemus, quod tibi debemus ; gratiam autem nostram exstinguit hominum suspitio, quod Pompeio se gratificari 5 putant. Ut in rebus multo ante, quam profectus es, ab ipso rege et ab intimis ac domesticis Pompeii clam exulceratis, dcinde palam a consularibus exagitatis et in summam invidiam adductis, ita versamur. Nostram fidem omnes, amorem tui absentis prae- sentes tui cognoscent. Si esset in iis fides, in quibus summa esse 10 debebatj non laboraremus. 23. To P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (AD FAM. I. 2). Rome, Jan. 15, ^6 b.c. (698 a.u.c.) I. A dispute between Marcellinus and Caniniiis prevented the senate from coming to any decision on the 13th, but a speech of mine made a great impression in your favour. Next day part of the proposal of Bibulus was approved; 2. that of Hortensius with Cicero, M. Varro, and M. Brutus, but Cicero does not seem to have thought well of him. His daughter married Sextus Pom- peius, and he commanded a fleet in the Adriatic against Caesar in the civil war. He is afterwards mentioned as corresponding with his son-in-law Sextus Pompeius. Cp. Acad. Post I. I, 3; Ad Att. 8. 11 B, 2 ; 9. II, 4; 16. 4, 2 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 16; 3- 24- Hypsaei. P. Plautius Hypsaeus, quaestor to Pompey in the Mithridatic war, had pro- moted Cicero's restoration from exile. Cp. Pro Flacco 9 ; Ad Att. 3. 8, 3. He was subsequently a candidate for the consulship in 52 B.C. ; but was convicted of bribery and exiled: cp. sup. p. 147; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 24. Concursatio. Forcell gives as an equi- valent for this word ' discursio petendi causa,' ' canvassing.' 2. Cui qui nolunt, ' and those who do not wish him we)!,' that is, Bibulus and his friends. Cp. above, § 3. Forcell. explains ' nolunt * by ' non favent : ' cp. p. 98, 1. 7, note. 3. Ornasti, ' honoured.' Cp. Ep. 20, 4, note. Lentulus had proposed that Pompey should be at the head of a commission for supplying corn. Cp. Ep. 20, 6 and 7. 4. Debemus, absol. 'are indebted to.' Cp. Pro Plane. 28, 68. 5. Suspitio, 'people's suspicion that Pompey wants to undertake the business himself' Cicero's influence would be prin- cipally with men wlio would be unwilling to offend Pompey. Quod . . . putant. I had thought that these words meant, ' do Pompey a favour by declining to support me.' But Metzger and Mr. J. E. Yonge understand the whole pas- sage as referring to the unpopularity of Pompey. ' People suspect that Pompey would be pleased if they supported my pro- posal on your behalf and therefore decline to support it.' Mr. Jeans seems to take the same view. 6. Ut in rebus . . ita versamur, 'we have to deal with a case embittered long before your departure by the king himself, and by the intimate associates of Pompey, and afterwards thrown into confusion ("openly opposed," J. E. Y.) and put in an odious light by men of consular rank.' Wiel. explains ' exagitatis ' by ' pushed on,' ' hitzig betrieben;' Forcell. by ' tractatis.' With the general structure of the sentence Niigelsbach, 156, 440, compares w? ovv TOIOVTOV TOV TTpdyfM,TOS OVTOS oi'oV OVTOl 6^ (pw K.T.X. Cicero gives a slightly dif- ferent account of his conduct in this matter to his brother Quintus. Cp. Ad CL F- -• 2, 3 ' nos et officio erga Lentulum mirifice et voluntati Pompeii praeclare satis fecinius.' 10. In iis. In some of Pompey 's friends? or in Bibulus and his associates ? Manutius says ' videtur consulares indicate.' On the indie. ' debebat,' cp. Ep. 4. 1, note. 1 68 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. never went to a division, owing to the difficulties interposed by Lupus. 3. I spent the evening with Pompey ; nothing could sound fairer than his own language ; but when I hear what his friends say, I suspect some underhand dealing. 4. 1 write on January 15 ; the senate meets to-day, and I hope we shall be able to maintain a good position there, and also to prevent any resolution unfavourable to you being legally taken by the people. I will write you word how things go on, and will do my best to secure that they shall go on well. M. CICERO S. D. P. LENTULO PROCOS. Idibus lanuariis in senatu nihil est confectum, propterea quod 1 dies magna ex parte consumptus est altercatione Lentuli consulis et Caninii tribuni pi. Eo die nos quoque multa verba fecimus maximeque visi sumus senatum commemoratione tuae voluntatis 5 erga ilium ordinem permovere. Itaque postridie placuit, ut bre- viter sententias diceremus ; videbatur enim reconciliata nobis voluntas esse senatus, quod cum dicendo, tum singulis appellandis rogandisque perspexeram. Itaque cum sententia prima Bibuli pronuntiata esset, ut tres legati regem reducerent, secunda Hor- 10 tensii, ut tu sine exercitu reduceres, tertia Volcatii, ut Pompeius reduceret, postulatum est, ut Bibuli sententia divideretur. Qua- tenus de religione dicebat, cui quidem rei iam obsisti non poterat, Bibulo adsensum est ; de tribus legatis frequentes ierunt in alia I. Confectum, ' settled.' Cp. Ad Att. 'in addressing and making requests to indi- 12. 19, I ' tu . . confice de columnis.' viduals.' Cp. Forcell. sub voce. 3. Caninii. L. Caninius Gallus was 8. Prima; used adverbially. Cp. Madv. one of the tribunes for this year. He was a 300 b. friendof M. Varroand of M. Marius. Cicero g. Pronuntiata esset, ' had been read pleaded for him in 55 B.C., but does not seem out for discussion.' Cp. Forcell. to have approved his conduct as tribune. He II. Divideretur, 'should be submitted was praetor in 53 B.C., governed Achaia, per- in separate votes.' In this caje the questions haps combined with Macedonia, next year, would be: (i) Are religious scruples to pre- and died in 44 B.C. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 2, I ; vent the employment of an armed force? 7. I, 4 ; Ad Q^ F. 2 2, 3; Ad Att. 16. 14, and, (2) Are three commissioners chosen 4. A. W. Zumpt, C. E. 2. 201-202. from men not invested with 'imperium,' to Nos quoque. Cicero here means him- restore Ptolemy? Cp. Pro Milon. 6. 14, self alone, but 'diceremus' in the next clause and Asconius' note, seems to refer to the senate at large. 13. Frequentes ierunt in alia om- 5. Itaque . . diceremus, 'and so next nia, 'rejected the motion in a full house,' or day it was resolved that our opinions should perhaps, ' by a large majority.' The pre- be expressed briefly.' This would be in siding officer in submitting a motion to the favour of Lentulus, whose friends desired a senate, used, according to Pliny (Ep. 8. 14, speedy decision. It does not appear whether 19), the following words, ' qui haec sentitis a formal vote is implied in placuit. in banc partem; qui alia omnia, in illam 6. Nobis, 'to you and me.' partem ite, qua sentitis.' Those who were 7. Dicendo, 'during my speech.' Cp. in favour of the motion went to the side of Ep. 20, 6, note. But Madvig (Advers. the mover ; those who were against it, to the Crit. n. 233) thinks that the sense here re- other side: thus ' in alia omnia ire' became quires that 'in' should be prefixed to ' di» a technical expression for voting against a cendo.' motion. Cp. Forcell. sub voc. ' eo' and Singulis appellandis rogandisque, Festus, 261, Muller. EP. 22.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 2. 169 2 omnia. Proxima erat Hortensii sententia, cum Lupus, tribunus pi., quod ipse de Pompeio retulisset, intendere coepit, ante se oportere discessionem facere quam consules. Eius orationi vehe- menter ab omnibus reclamatum est ; erat cnim et iniqua et nova. Consules neque concedebant neque valde repugnabant, diem con- 5 sumi volebant ; id quod est factum : perspicicbant enim in Hortensii sententiam multis partibus plures ituros, quamquam aperte Volcatio adsentirentur. Multi rogabantur, atque id ipsum consulibus invitis ; nam ii Bibuli sententiam valere cupierunt. 3 Hac controversia usque ad noctem ducta scnatus dimissus est. 10 Ego eo die casu apud Pompeium cenavi nactusque tempus hoc magis idoneum quam umquam antea, quod post tuum discessum is dies honestissimus nobis fuerat in senatu, ita sum cum illo locutus, ut mihi viderer animum hominis ab omni alia cogitatione ad tuam dignitatem tuendam traducere : que^n ego ipsum cum 15 audio, prorsus eum libero omni suspitione cupiditatis ; cum autem eius familiares omnium ordinum video, perspicio, id quod iam omnibus est apertum, totam rem istam iam pridem a certis homi- 1. Proxima erat, 'stood next for dis- cussion.' For its substance, see § 3 of the preceding letter. 2. Quod ipse . . . retulisset, ' because he had himself opened a debate on the ques- tion whether Pompey should go.' Perhaps Lupus had taken this step towards the close of 57 BC, after the consuls for that year had departed for their provinces, when we know that he was active in the senate. He might on this ground claim priority for the motion of Volcatius, as having been first brought before the senate. Cp. § 3 of the preceding letter; Ad Q^ F. 2. I, I. Ross in his note on the present passage says, 'Lupus claimed the privilege of dividing the house upon liis qiJestion, because he was a magis- trate, before the consuls divided it upon that of Hortensius, who was a private senator.' Intendere coepit, ' began to maintain strongly,' = ' contendere.' Forcell. 3. Discessionem facere, 'to divide the house,' said of the presiding officer. Cp. Philipp. 14. 7, 21. 4. Nova, ' unprecedented.' 5. Diem consumi volebant. On the constr.. cp. Madv. 3S9, Obs. 4. The con- suls wished the day to be spent in a debate, not concluded by a fresh division. 6. Enim refers to ' volebant.' 8. Adsentirentur. The conjunctive is used because the words express the view of the consuls. Cp. Madv. 3C9. Rogabantur, ' were asked their opi- nion.' Id ipsum introduces an addition to the previous proposition, 'and that too.' Cp. Madv. 484 c; Zumpt L.G. 698-9. Wesenb. inserts ' non ' before 'invitis,' supposing, I presume, that the consuls were glad of the delay caused by the debate on Lupus' motion. 9. Valere cupierunt, 'were eager for the success of.' As part of the motion of Bibulus had Ijeen rejected (sup. § i, note), Madvig. (Advers. Crit. 11. 233) thinks that the sense here requires ' cupierant.' So, too, Wesenb. The powers of the consuls and tribunes in controlling the debates of the senate do not seem to have been accurately defined. See a previous note on this section, and one on § 3 of the preceding letter. H. Hoc magis: ' hoc ' is here the abla- tive, 'so much the more.' It corresponds to quod . . fuerat a few lines below. 12. Umquam, = 'ullum.' Discessum, 'your departure for your province,' which seems to have taken place towards the close of 57 B.C., for Cicero, writing to his brother in the December of that year, mentions a meeting of the senate, in terms implying that no consuls were present at it. Ad Q^ F. 2. i, i. 16. Cupiditatis, 'of selfish ambition.' 18. Totam rem . . corruptam, 'that the whole affair has been ruined by certain people.' Cp. Sail. lugurth. 64 'res familiares 170 M.TULLII CICERONIS [PART ir. nibus, non invito rege ipso consiliariisque eius, esse corruptam. Haec scripsi a. d. xvi. Kal. Februarias ante lucem : eo die senatus 4 erat futurus. Nos in senatu^ quem ad modum spero, dignitatem nostram, ut potest in tanta hominum perfidia et iniquitate, retine- 5 bimus ; quod ad popularem rationem attinet, hoc videmur esse consecuti, ut ne quid agi cum populo aut salvis auspiciis aut salvis legibus aut denique sine vi posset. De his rebus pridie, quam haec scripsi, senatus auctoritas gravissima intcrcessit ; cui cum Cato et Caninius intercessissent, tamen est perscripta : earn ad 10 te missam esse arbitror. De ceteris rebus, quicquid erit actum, scribam ad te, et, ut quam rectissime agatur, omni mea cura, opera, diligentia, gratia providebo. 23. To HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (AD Q. F. II. 3). Rome, Feb. 15, ^6 b.c. (698 a.u.c.) I. The audiences to foreign envoys have been postponed, and C. Cato has proposed to put an end to the government of Lentuhis. 2. Milo appeared on the 2nd, and again on the 7th; Pompey wished to speak in his defence, but the uproar raised by Clodius' partisans drowned his voice, and a scene of riot and confusion followed. 3. On the 9th the senate passed a resolution censuring some of these proceedings. C. Cato praised me, while inveighing against Pompey ; and the latter, in replying to him, attacked Crassus and said he would take care of his own life. 4. I understand from Pompey that Crassus and others are supporting Clodius and C. Cato against him. He is pre- paring for defence, and many people will come from the country, both to support him and to oppose C. Cato's attacks upon Lentulus and Milo. 5. I have promised my support to Sestius, who has been indicted both for bribery and riot. The senate is corruperat.' 76 'praeda corrupta.' Cicero in- laws or disregard of the auspices, nor even sinuates that Pompey was playing an under- without a breach of the peace.' Cicero hand game by means of his friends. Cp. § 3 means that he and his friends had secured of the previous letter. tribunes to veto any such measure, and other I. Consiliariis. Cp. Ep. 29, 2. magistrates to declare ' se servaturos de 3. Erat, epistolary tense. = ' est.' caelo ' — on which p< wer cp. Ep. 10, 2, note. 4. Ut potest, sc. 'fieri,' 'as far as is The tribunes on whom he most relied were, possible.' Forcell. apparently, L. Racilius, Cn. Plancius, and Perfidia et iniquitate. Is the doubt- Antistius Vetus. Cp. Ad Q^ F. 2. I, 3. On ful policy of Pompey's friends referred to? the pleonastic use of ut ne, cp. Madv. Cp. § 4 of the preceding letter, and note. 372 b; see also p. 51, 2. note. 5. Popularem rationem, ' the plan of 7- D^ his rebus, ' on these points,' i.e. bringing the question before the people,' possible irregular proceedings in the assembly, entertained probably by Pompey's adherents. 8. Auctoritas, 'a resolution of the Caninius, one of the tribunes, was hostile to senate.' The term was used when a tri- Lentulus (cp. infr. § 4; Ep. '26,3, note), bune's veto had prevented a regular decree, and C. Cato proposed to deprive Lentulus 'consultum,' from being passed. Cp. Ep. of his 'imperiuni.' Ep. 23, I, note. The 26, 4. latter, however, does not seem to have been Intercessit, merely 'was passed.' Cp. a friend of Pompey. Ep. 29, 21. Hoc videmur . . posset, 'I think we 9. Cato, C. Porcius Cato. Cp. p. loi, secured that no measure should be brought 1. 8, note, before the people without violation of the Est perscripta, 'wasregularly drawn up.* EP. 23.] EPISTOLARUM AD QUINT. FRAT. II. 3. 171 trying to check popular corruption. 6. On Feb. ii, I defended Bestia, and took the opportunity of saying something in praise of Sestius. 7. Thus far I wrote on Feb. 12, My position is influential, and I owe it in great measure to your devotion. I have hired you a house, but hope your own will be ready in a few months. Good tenants have taken that in the Carinae. I have not had a letter since that you wrote from Olbia- Be careful of your health, and remember that you are in Sardinia. MARCUS QUINTO FRATRI SALUTEM. 1 Scrips! ad te antea superiora ; nunc cognosce, postea quae sint acta: a Kal. Febr, legationes in Idus Febr. reiiciebantur ; eo die res confecta non est. A. d. Illl. Non. Febr. Milo adfuit ; ei Pom- peius advocatus venit ; dixit Marcellus, a me rogatus ; honeste discessimus. Prodicta dies est in vii. Idus Febr. Interim reiectis 5 legationibus in Idus referebatur de provinciis quaestorum et de ornandis praetoribus ; sed res multis querelis de re publica inter- ponendis nulla transacta est. C. Cato legem promulgavit de 2 imperio Lentuli abrogando : vestitum filius mutavit. A. d. Vll. 1. Superiora, the events of Dec, 57 B.C. and Jan., 56 B.C. Cp. Ad Q. F. 2. i ; 2. 2, and Intr. to Part II, §§ i ; 2. 2. Legationes, ' the audiences given to foreign envoys, and discussion of their re- quests.' Reiiciebantur = 'difrerebantur ' (For- cell.), 'were put oft'.' The imperfect is used to describe what was actually passing on that day. Cp. Madv. 337. Eo die, 'on the first of February.' 3. Res, 'the question who should restore Ptolemy.' Cp. Epp. 21; 22. Adfuit, ='coniparuit in iudicio' (For- cell.), 'appeared to stand his trial.' Cp. sup. p. 136; and for other notices of Milo, see Intr. to Part I, § 23; to Part II, §§ 14; 15 ; and to Part III, § 12. 4. Advocatus, 'as a supporter,' one who aided by his presence or by his counsel on points of law, differing from the ' patronus ' who pleaded. Cp. Forcell. and Pseudo Ascon. ad Div. in Caec. sect. 11. Dixit, 'spoke in his defence.' It does not appear to which of the Marcelli Cicero refers. Honeste discessimus, 'we got honour- ably out of the atfair.' Manutius thinks the words mean ' left the place of trial without suffering insult:' whereas on the next day of the court's sitting there was much disorder. Cp. Ad Att. 2. 21, 6; Ad Q. F. 2. 4, i. As proceedings in a criminal trial, and not in the senate, are referred to, the technical meaning of ' discedere ' seems out of place here. 5- Prodicta dies est, 'the trial was ad- journed.' Cp. the expression ' diem dicere,' which is frequent in Livy, for giving notice of a trial. 6. De provinciis quaestorum, 'to which provinces the quaestors should be assigned.' We read elsewhere of an allot- ment of provinces among the quaestors, but perhaps the arrangement depended very much upon the senate. Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. I. 13, 34; Pro Muren. 8. 18; Philipp. 2. 20, 50. According to Mommsen and Mar- quardt it is not strictly accurate to speak of the 'provinces ' of the quaestors as they had no ' imperium.' Cp. note B. p. 1 20. De ornandis praetoribus. ' Provin- ciam ornare ' is a more common expression, meaning, to supply with the proper officers and forces. The meaning appears to be the same as if Cicero had written ' de provincii.Ko- 10 voixrjaaixrjv quiddam evKaipms de iis, quae in Sestium adparabantur crimina, et eum ornavi veris laudibus, magno adsensu omnium. Res homini fuit vehementer grata : quae tibi eo scribo, quod me de retinenda Sestii gratia litteris saepe monuisti. Pridie Idus Febr. haec scripsi ante lucem ; eo die apud Pom- 15 1. lure succensere. Perhaps Sestius had shown some of his ill-temper (see § i of the following letter) in his behaviour to Cicero. Or perhaps Cicero thought that he, like the consuls for 57 b.c, had been luke- warm (cp. sup. p 134) in securing him re- imbursement for his losses. Ut . . videremur. The conjunctive here expresses consequence rather than design, and depends on ' fecimus praeter opinionem.' Cp. Madv. 355. 2. Itaque faciemus, 'and so will I be- have myself.' ' I will do as I said ' (Manut.). For 'itaque,' meaning not 'therefore,' but 'and so,' cp. Pro Cluent. 19, 51 ; Pro Reg. Deiot. 7, 19. 3. Ad adligatos, 'in addition to the other accused.' Metzg. 'Ad' seems rarely to have quite this sense in Cicero's writings : cp. however, in Vat. 8, 20 : also Livy 24. 45. For this sense of 'adligati,' cp. Pro Cluentio 13, 39, and Prof. Ramsay's note. If ' adlegatos' be read, it may mean ' to the deputies appointed to receive informations.' Forcell. Weseiib. suggests ' edidit alligatos,' ' reported as implicated.' Cn. Lentulus Vatia seems not to be mentioned elsewhere. C. Cornelius was tribune in 68-67 ^■'^• He brought in bills for removing abuses in the procedure of the senate and of the prae- tors* courts, which were carried, and others which were not. Thus he incurred the enmity of the optimates, was accused in 65 B.C., and defended by Cicero. Cp. Ascon. in Cornel. 93. 4. Ista ei. Orell. suggests 'itaque rei facti sunt.' 5. Sodalitates, clubs formed for influ- encing elections, probably. Cp. Q^ Cic. de Pet. Cons. 5. 19; Pro Plancio 18; 19; De Senect. 13. 45 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 317. They were originally religious or social clubs. Cp. p. 105, note on 1. 17, on collegia. Decuriati. Men organized — perhaps in companies of ten — for corruption and inti- midation. Cp.Pro Sest. 15, 34; Pro Plancio 18. Discederent, sc. 'de campo.' Billerb. 6. Tenerentur, = ' obnoxii essent,' ' should be liable to the penalties of.' Forcell. 7. Bestia. L. Calpurnius Bestia is men- tioned, Philipp. II. 5, II. 8. Cn. Domitium. Cn. Domitius Cal- vinus was consul 53 b.c. He commanded one wing of Caesar's army at Pharsalus, and was afterwards, at the head of a rather mis- cellaneous army, defeated by Pharnaces. Cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 1 1 ; IV, § 3, and Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 89. Maximo conventu, ' amid a great con- course.' On the abl., cp. § 3 of this letter, and note. Incidique in enm . . cum, ' I came in my speech to the topic of Sestius' escape.' ' Cum ' = ' quod.' Cp. De Fin. 3. 2, 9. The affair to which Cicero refers took place on Jan. 23, 57 B.C. See Intr. to Part I, § 23. 10. TTpoqiKovofJ.rja'dfnjv, not a classical word. The sense seems to require ' dealt with beforehand ;' or as Manutius says, ' tanquam bonus causae Sestianae gubernator praemunivi quiddam opportune.' 15. Haec, ' thus far.' The postscript ap- pears to begin with ' cetera sunt.' But Wesenb. thinks that all the passage from 176 M.TULLII CICERONIS [part II. ponium In eius nuptiis eram cenaturus. Cetera sunt in rebus nostris huius modi, itt tu mihi fere diffidenti praedicabas, plena dignitatis et gratiae ; quae quidem tua, mi frater, patientia, vir- tutc, pietate, suavitate etiam, tibi mihique sunt restituta. Domus 5 tibi ad lucum Pisonis Luciniana conducta est ; sed, ut spero, paucis mensibus post K. Ouintiles in tuam commigrabis. Tuam in Carinis mundi habitatores Lamiae conduxerunt. A te post illam Olbiensem epistolam nullas litteras accepi. Quid agas et ut te oblectes, scire cupio maximeque te ipsum videre quam primum. 10 Cura, mi frater, ut valeas et, quamquam est hiems, tamen Sardi- niam istam esse cogites. XV. K. Martias. 24. To HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (AD Q. F. II. 4). Rome, March, ^6 b.c. (698 a.u.c.) I. Sestius has been unanimously acquitted, and during the trial I inveighed bitterly against his enemy Vatinius, amid general applause. I think Sestius must be quite satisfied with me. 2. Your son Quintus is pursuing his studies, as well as I could wish, under Tyrannio. I hope I have formed a satisfactory engagement for TuUia with Crassipes. The ' feriae Latinae ' are at an end, but to-day and to-morrow are still considered holidays. 'Pridie' to 'cogites' was written on the spot, nor can I discover the meaning of Luc i- I2th, and that Cicero did not find a mes- niana, for which Lucceiana and Liciniana Sanger till the 14th. have been suggested as emendations. Pomponium. Atticus should properly 6. Paucis mensibus. It does not ap- have been called Caecilius now. Cp. Ad pear whether these months were calculated Att. 3. 20. He married Pilia, who is not from the date of the letter, or from July I, unfrequently referred to in Cicero's later which seems to have been an usual term for letters. house-letting. Cp. Suet. Tib. 35. Perhaps I. Cetera sunt .. praedicabas, 'my Baiter's punctuation is in favour of the latter position in all particulars not here referred date, and so are the words ' ante hiemem' in to is one of the same dignity and influence § 2 of the next letter. (huiusmodi) as you often told me it would In tuam, 'to your own on the Palatine,' be when I was inclined to distrust your cp. ep. 24, 2. statements.' Cp. Zumpt. 531, L. G., note. 7- I" Carinis. The Carinae was one ' Huiusmodi' refers to the account given of of the finest situations in Rome, on the slope his position earlier in the letter. Cp. Madv. of the Esquiline. 485. Mundi habitatores Lamiae, respect- 4. Suavitate etiam. 'Etiam' expresses able tenants of the family of the Lamiae.* surprise; Quintus was naturally harsh and 8. Olbiensem, 'from Olbia' in Sardinia, passionate. The good qualities here praised This place was situated on the east coast of were probably shown in negotiations with the island, not far from its north-east corner, various political leaders for his brother's and had a good harbour. It is now called recall from exile. Terranova. Domus .. conducta est. The house 10. Quamquam .. cogites, ' though it of Q. Cicero on the Palatine was now being is winter, and therefore the least dangerous rebuilt. Cp. Ad Q. F. 2. 2, 2; 2. 4, 2. season, remember that your (istam) resi- 5. Ad lucum Pisonis, 'near the plea- dence is in Sardinia,' a notoriously unhealthy sure grounds (?) of Piso.' It does not appear island, who the Piso was who gave his name to the EP. 24.] EPISTOLARUM AD QUINT. FRAT. II. 4. 177 MARCUS OUINTO FRATRI SALUTEM. 1 Sestius noster absolutus est a. d. v. Idas Martias, et, quod vehementer interfuit rei publicae, nullam videri in cius modi causa dissensionem esse, omnibus sententiis absolutus est. Illiid, quod tibi curae saepe esse intellexeram, ne cui iniquo rclin- queremus vituperandi locum, qui nos ingratos esse diceret, nisi 5 illius perversitatem quibusdam in rebus quam humanissime ferre- mus, scito hoc nos in eo iudicio consecutos esse, ut omnium gratissimi iudicaremur ; nam defendendo moroso homini cumu- latissime satis fecimus, et, id quod ille maxime cupiebat, Vati- nium, a quo palam oppugnabatur, arbitratu nostro concidimus 10 dis hominibusque plaudentibus. Quin etiam Paulus noster cum testis productus esset in Sestium^ confirmavit se nomen Vatinii delaturum, si Macer Licinius cunctaretur, et Macer ab Sestii subselliis surrexit ac se illi non defuturum adfirmavit. Quid quaeris? homo petulans et audax [Vatinius] valde perturbatus 15 2 debilitatusque discessit. Quintus tuus, puer optimus, eruditur egregie : hoc nunc magis animum adverto, quod Tyrannio docet I. Quod refers to the following sentence, nullam . . esse. Cp. Madv. 449, last example. 3. Dissensionem, ' difference of opinion among the judges.' I Hud refers to the sentence ne cui . . locum. 4. Ne cui . . ferrenius, 'lest I should le.ive ill-natured people an opportunity of blaming me as ungrateful, unless in some things I put up with Sestius' perversity as good humouredly as possible.' 8. Defendendo, ' in my defence of him.' Cp. Ep. 20, 6, note. Moroso: ' morosus ' = 6iJ(tko\os (For- cell.), ' peevish,' * cross-grained.' Cumulatissime, 'most abundantly.' The word recurs in the same sense, Ad Fam. 10. 29. 9. Ille, Sestius. Vatinium. P. Vatinius appeared as a witness against Sestius, and Cicero took advantage of his appearance to attack him in an invective, which takes its place among Cicero's speeches as the ' Interrogatio in P. Vatinium testem.' Cp. Intr. to Part II, §2. 10. Arbitratu nostro, 'as one could wish.' Concidimus. Forcell. explains 'conci- dere' as = 'evertere.' II. Paulus. L. Aemilius, consul 50 B.C. 13. Licinius Macer seems to be only mentioned here. Ab Sestii subselliis, ' from the benches where the friends of Sestius were seated.' Billerb. Cp. Ep. 34, i, note ; Pro Cluent. 19, 54 ; 24. 65. 14. Illi non defuturum, 'would satisfy the wishes of Paulus.' 16. Discessit, 'left the court,' or 'got out of the affair.' Cp. § i of the precedmg letter. Quintus tuus. The younger Q.Cicero, a youth of good abilities, but passionate and changeable. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 2, 2 ; 10. 4, 5 and 6. 17. Tyrannio. Usually identified with a teacher of Amisus named Theophrastus, and surnamed Tyrannio for his overbearing demeanour to his fellow pupils : cp. Suidposal.' Lentulus might connive at Ptolemy's raising men in his pro- vince, without being personally compromised. 8. Eam esse depends on some verb to be supplied from ' placebat,' and mean'ug ' we thought.' Regionem, 'the situation.' The word hardly seems to be used elsewhere in quite this sense. 9. Ut illius reditum . . impedires, ' that your aid would secure his return, and your neglect hinder it.' The imperfects seem to have almost the force of ' con- firmare vel inipedire posses.' 10. Quid res . . ferat, 'what the nature of the case, the king's interest (cp. Ep. 21,1), and the course of events suggest." Siipfle proposes to render res, 'the case in itself;' causa, ' its relation to other people ;' tem- pus, ' the crisis.' 13. De nostro statu. For an account of Cicero's position at this time, cp. lutr. to Part II, §§ 3-6. De Milonis famil iaritate. Milo had exerted liimself nmch in Cicero's cause during his banishment, and Cicero was now doing his best to requite him. Cp. Intr. to Part I. § 23 ; Ep. 23, I, note. Levitate et imbeci llitate, 'the un- principled, but futile efforts.' On the mean- ing of 'levitas,' cp. supra, p. 53, note on 1. 9. 14. Te tuis . . laetari : cp. Intr. to Part I, § 23, for Lentulus' services to Cicero ; also Ep. 18, 2. 15. Qjiamquam, ' and yet.' Cp. Madv. 443- 16. Hominum perversitas : cp, Epp. 20, 8 ; 25, I for similar complaints. 1 86 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. nos, quos favendo in communi causa retinere potuerunt, invi- dendo abalienarunt ; quorum malevolentissimis obtrectationibus nos scito de vetere ilia nostra diuturnaque sententia prope iam esse depulsos, non nos quidem ut nostrae dignitatis simus obliti, 5 sed ut habeamus rationem aliquando etiam salutis. Poterat utrumque praeclare, si esset fides, si gravitas in hominibus con- sularibus ; sed tanta est in plerisque levitas, ut eos non tarn constantia in re publica nostra delectet, quam splendor offendat. Quod eo liberius ad te scribo, quia non solum temporibus his, 8 lo quae per te sum adeptus. sed iam olim nascenti prope nostrae laudi dignitatique favisti; simulque quod video, non, ut antehac putabam, novitati esse invisum meae ; in te enim, homine om- nium nobilissimo, similia invidorum vitia perspexi, quem tamen illi esse in principibus facile sunt passi, evolare altius certe 15 noluerunt. Gaudeo tuam dissimilem fuisse fortunam ; multum enim interest, utrum laus imminuatur an salus deseratur. Me meae tamen ne nimis paeniteret, tua virtute perfectum est ; curasti enim, ut plus additum ad memoriam nominis nostri quam demptum de fortuna videretur. Te vero emoneo cum 9 20 beneficiis tuis, tum amore incitatus meo, ut omnem gloriam, ad quam a pueritia inflammatus fuisti, omni cura atque indus- tria consequare magnitudinemque animi tui, quam ego semper sum admiratus semperque amavi, ne umquam inflectas cuius- 3. Sententia, 'principle' or 'maxim,' did not, however, object to your being apparently. among the chief men, though they did to 4. Non nos quidem . . obliti, 'not your btmg pre-eminent zraon^ tlieni.' For indeed so far as to have forgotten my dig- evolare in this sense, cp. De Orat. 2. 52, nity.' For the position of ' quidem,' cp. 209. Cicero means that Lentulus' enemies Madv. 489 b. had been more moderate than his own.' 5. Poterat, sc. ' iieri,' 'both objects 16. Utrum laus .. deseratur. Cicero might have been secured very well.' For had been allowed to go into exile; Lentulus the ellipse, cp. Ep. 22, 4; and for the mood was merely left unsupported in his desire to and tense, 4, i, note. win fame by restoring Ptolemy. 9. Temporibus his, ' my present for- 17. Meae, sc. ' fortunae.' tunes.' Cp. Forcell. Madvig (Advers. 18. Curasti enim . . videretur. The Crit. II. 233) thinks the passage unintel- decrees passed for Cicero's recall at the sug- ligible as it stands, and suggests ' tempo- gestion of Lentulus had done more good to ribus Us quum per te salutem sum adeptus.' his reputation than his exile had done injury 10. Jam olim. Our notices of Cicero's to his fortune. life do not inform us to what he here refers. 19. Emoneo, ' I urgently recommend.' Perhaps to services rendered him before his The word only occurs here, apparently, and consulship. Wesenb. suggests either ' et moneo et rogo' 11. Non . . invisum meae, 'that it or ' admoneo.' was not my want of nobility which excited 23. Inflectas, 'change' or 'renounce.* dislike.' Cp. Pro Caec. 26, 73 ' ius civile . . quod 13. Quem tamen . . noluerunt, 'they ueque inflecti gratia . . possit.' EP. 26.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I.^. 187 quam iniuria. Magna est hominum opinio de te, magna com- mendatio liberalitatis, magna memoria consulatus tui : haec profecto vides quanto expressiora quantoque illustriora futura sint, cum aliquantum ex provincia atque ex imperio laudis accesserit. Quamquam to ita gerere volo quae per exercitum 5 atque imperium gerenda sunt, ut haec multo ante meditere, hue te pares, haec cogitcs, ad haec tc exerceas sentiasque — id quod quia semper sperasti, non dubito quin adeptus intellegas — te facillime posse obtinere summum atque altissimum gradum civitatis. Quae quidem mea cohortatio ne tibi inanis aut sine 10 causa suscepta videatur, ilia me ratio movit, ut te ex nostris eventis communlbus admonendum putarem, ut conslderares, in 10 omnI rellqua vita quibus crederes, quos caveres. Quod scribis te velle scire, qui sit rei publlcae status, summa dissensio est, sed contentio dispar ; nam qui plus opibus, armis, potentials valent, profecisse tantum mihi videntur stultitia et Inconstantia adversariorum, ut etiam auctoritate iam plus valercnt, Itaque perpaucis adversantibus omnia, quae ne per populum quidem sine seditlone se adsequi arbltrabantur, per senatum consecuti sunt ; nam et stipendium Caesari decretum est et decem legati, 20 et ne lege Sempronia succederetur facile perfectum est. Quod Cuiusquam iniuria, 'owing to any one's Lentulus should always keep Rome in view, wrong-doing.' Ablat. caus., cp. Madv. 255. 11. Ilia me ratio movit, foil.: cp. for I. Magna . . commendatio liberal- the constr., Ep. 1 1, 2, note. ' I wiil till you itatis, ' your liberality does much to recom- that my reason was, that I thought you mend you.' Lentulus, as aedile, had given ought to be warned by our cemmon expe- splendid entertainments. Cp. Cic. de Off. rience to be wary in the rest of your life.' 2. 16, 57- For the force of 'ut' in tl.e clause explaining 3. Expressiora, 'more visible.' 'Ex- 'ilia ratio,' cp. Madv. 372 b, Obs. 6, and pressus ' = ' manifestus.' Forcell. 374) also Ad Att. I. 19, 4 ' unam rationem 6. Ut haec multo ante meditere, non reiiciebam, ut ager . . . emeretur.' ' without forgetting to reflect on the impres- 15. Contentio dispar, ' the dispute is sion your success will produce here.' See between parlies unequally matched.' the preceding sentence. Mr. Jeans, however, Qjii plus . . valent, i.e. the triumvirs. if I understand him rightly, seems to refer 19. Adsequi seems to have the force of 'haec' to the advice given above, §§ 4-6. 'adsequi posse' or ' adsecuturos.' Cp. ' ex- 7. Hue te pares, 'make your prtp:ira- pediri ' Ep. 16,6. tions with a view to this.' Cicero probably 20. Stipendium, 'money for the pay- means, ri^k no fiiilure which may endanger ment of his troops.' your prospects at Rome. Decem legati, the power of naming ten Sentiasque . . intellegas, 'and feel legates, an unusual, y large number. Perhaps what, as you have always hoped for it, I this was connected with an increase of Cae- doubt not you perceive after success, that sar's army to ten legions. Cicero supported you can with the greatest ease' — i.e. without these votes in favour of Caesar. Cp. Intr. any perilous miliiary exploits — 'maintain the to Part II, § 6. highest position in the State.' I have been 21. Lege Sempronia. C. Gracchus remintied of the usual force of 'obtinere' by had got a law enacted, providing that the a note in Mr. Yoiige's edition. senate should in each year assign provinces 10. Cohortatio. His exhortation that to thd'consuls who should be elected for the i88 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. eo ad te brevlus scribo, quia me status hie rei publicae non delectat : scribo tamen, ut te admoneam, quod ipse, litteris omnibus a pueritia deditus, experiendo tamen magis quam dis- cendo cognovi, tu ?// tuis rebus integris discas neque salutis 5 nostrae rationem habendam nobis esse sine dignitate neque dignitatis sine salute. Quod mihi de filia et de Crassipede n gratularis, agnosco humanitatem tuam speroque et opto nobis banc coniunctionem voluptati fore. Lentulum nostrum eximia spe summae virtutis adulescentem cum ceteris artibus, quibus ic studuisti semper ipse, tum in primis imitatione tui fac erudias ; nulla enim erit hac praestantior disciplina : quem nos, et quia tuus et quia te dignus est filius et quia nos diligit semperque dilexit, in primis amamus carumque habemus. 27. To C. lULIUS CAESAR, Proconsul of Gaul (AD FAM. VII. 5). Rome, February or March, 54 B.C. (700 a.u.c.) 1. I am going to give you a proof of my confidence, by recommending Trebatius to you, whom I should certainly have taken with me had any foreign service been assigned me. 2. I recommend him the more readily, as while I was talking over the matter with Balbus, a letter from you arrived, inviting me to recommend any friend to you. 3. I can assure you honestly, that you will find him a man of blameless character and eminent legal attainments. I do not presume to suggest what you should do for him ; only admit him to your friendship. CICERO CAESARI IMP. S. D. Vide^ quam mihi persuaserim te me esse alterum non modo 1 15 in iis rebuS; quae ad me ipsum, sed etiam in iis, quae ad meos next year, before their election. Cp. Pro 4. Tuis rebus integris, 'before you Balbo 27, 61. Hence, in this case, it might have suffered any disaster.' provide that the two Gaulish provinces should 6. De Crassipede : cp. Ep. 25, 3, note; be given to the consuls for 55 b.c, on the and the note on the date of this letter, p. 1 81. conclusion of their year of office at Rome. 8. Lentulum, son of Cicero's present This would of course imply Caesar's recall correspondent. Cp. Ep. 23, i, note, at the end of 55 b.c. No one could sup- 9. Artibus, 'accomplishments.' Cp. Ad pose from Cicero's language here, that he Fam. i. 8, 3 'nostra .. sludia .. litterarum.' had actively supported Caesar's claims. Cp. Intr. ubi supra. IMP. Caesar had probably been greeted Qjaod . . brevius . . . salute, 'I write as ' Imperator ' by his soldiers in Gaul, and on this topic briefly, because of my discon- the senate may have confirmed the title. Cp. tent; but I do write, that you may learn De Prov. Cons. 13, 32; note E. p. 123. from my warning to neglect neither dignity 14. Te me esse alterum, ' that you are nor safety : a lesson I, with all my reading, a second self to me.' Cp. De Amic. 21, 80 have learned more from experience than 'tanquam alter idem,' and Aristot. Eih. Nic. from books.' 9- 9' 1° 'irepos avTos. EP. 27.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VTI. $. 189 pertinent : C. Trebatium cogltaram, quocumque exirem, mecuni ducere, ut eum meis omnibus studiis, beneficiis quam ornatissi- mum domum reducerem. Sed postea quam et Pompeii commo- ratio diuturnior erat, quam putaram, ct mea quaedam tibi non ignota dubitatio aut impedire profectionem meam videbatur aut 5 certe tardare, vide, quid mihi sumpserim : coepi vcllc ea Treba- tium exspectare a te, quae sperasset a me, neque mehercule minus ei prolixe dc tua voluntate promisi, quam eram solitus 2 de mea polliceri. Casus vero mirificus quidam intervenit quasi vel testis opinionis meae vel sponsor humanitatis tuae : nam 10 cum de hoc ipso Trebatio cum Balbo nostro loquerer accuratius domi meae, litterae mihi dantur a te, quibus in extremis scrip- tum erat: ' M. f itfiuium, quem mihi commendas, vel regem Galh'ae faciam^ vel hunc f Leptae delega, si vis : tu ad me alium mitte, quem ornem.' Sustulimus manus et ego et Balbus : 15 tanta fuit opportunitas, ut illud nescio quid non fortuitum, sed I.e. Trebatium. This man is mentioned again (Ep.62, 4; Ad Att. 9. 15, 6; 9. 1 7, i), and there are several letters to him in this seventh book Ad Familiares. During the civil war between Caesar and Ponipey, he seems to have tried to induce Cicero to be neutral. Quocumque exirem. Cicero was legate to Pompey, and may have expected to have had some foreign service assigned him. Pompey still held his commission to supply Rome with corn (cp. Ep. 20, 7), and had been invested with the government of the two Spanish provinces, by a Lex Trebonia of this year (cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ i ; 8). 2. Studiis, beneficiis. On the asyn- deton, cp. Madv. 434. 3. Commoratio,'delayin!eavingRome.' 4. Q_uaedam . . dubitatio, 'a certain hesitation, of which you know the grounds.' Cicero was unwilling to renounce his close observation of Clodius. 5. Videbatur, apparently, 'seemed likely.' 7. Exspectare. For the infin. after *velle' and similar verbs, cp. Madv. 396. 8. Minus . . prolixe, 'in less ample terms.' Verbs of promising are not uncom- monly used intransitively with an adverb, or with an ablative after ' de,' instead of tran- sitively, with an accusative. Nagelsbach (116, 319; 145, 415) gives several in- stances. Cp. also Siipfle's note. 10. Opinionis, 'my opinion of your feel- ings." Humanitatis, 'friendliness.' II. Balbo. L. Cornelius Balbus the elder is probably meant. He was a native of Gades, and acquired Roman citizenship by an act of Pompey, the validity of which Cicero maintained in a speech still extant. Balbus acquired great wealth in Caesar's service, and was now his financial agent at Rome. He was afterwards, in 40 B.C., the first consul of provincial extraction. Accuratius, 'with much interest and care.' Forcell. 13. M. itfiuium. Wesenb. suggests ' Titinium.' A letter of Cicero to M. Titinius is quoted by Suetonius De Clar. Rhet. 2. Various names have been sug- gested — Furium, Rufum, Fulvium, Orfiuni, but it is difficult to identify any of them. 14. Leptae delega, 'refer him to Lepta for care and protection.' Wesenb. suggests ' delegabo,' and connects 'si vis' with what follows. Forcell. Q. Lepta is mentioned as ' praefectus fribrum ' to Cicero in Cilicia (Ad Fam. 5. 20, 4: cp. Ad Att. 5. 17, 2), and may possibly have accompanied Q^ Ciceio from Caesar's camp to his brother's. Letters from Cicero to Lepta are found, Ad Fam. 6. 18 and 19. 15. Sustulimus manus, i.e. in wonder. 16. Tanta . . opportunitas . . vide- retur, 'so happy was the coincidence, that it seemed, shall I say ? the proverbial inter- vention of Providence, not of fortune.' Cp. Philipp. 3. 10, 24 for the thought, though the expression is there used ironically. For this use of illud, cp. Madv. 4.S5 b. c. I90 M. TULLII CICERONIS [PART II. divinum videretur, Mitto igltur ad te Trebatlum atque ita mitto, ut initio mea sponte, post autem invitatu tuo mittendum duxerim. Hunc, mi Caesar, sic velim omni tua comitate com- 3 plectare, ut omnia, quae per me possis adduci ut in meos con- 5 ferre velis, in unum hunc conferas ; de quo tibi homine haec spondeo, non illo vetere verbo meo, quod, cum ad te de Milone scripsissem, lure lusisti, sed more Romano, quo modo homines non inepti loquuntur, probiorem hominem, meliorem virum, pudentiorem esse neminem ; accedit etiam, quod familiam ducit 10 in iure civili singulari memoria, summa scientia. Huic ego neque tribunatum neque praefecturam neque ullius beneficii cer- tum nomen peto ; benevolentiam tuam et h'beraHtatem peto, neque impedio, quo minus, si tibi ita placuerit, etiam hisce eum ornes gloriolae insignibus ; totum denique hominem tibi 15 ita trado, de manu, ut aiunt, in manam tuam istam et victoria et fide praestantem. Simus enim putidiuscuH, quam per te vix hcet ; verum, ut video, licebit. Cura, ut valeas, et me, ut amaSj ama. 2. Invitatu. A word apparently found ducit,' and Manutius on this passage, here only. ii. Tribunatum, ' the post of military 4. Possis. For the mood, cp. onEp. 21, tribune.' 3. Praefecturam, sociorum, castrorum, 6. Non illo . . sed more Romano, fabrorum. ' not with that old form which you rightly Ullius beneficii certum nomen = made sport of in Milo's case, but with Roman ' ullum beneficium certum,' 'any definite sincerity.' Cicero appears to have tried to distinction.' For the gen, defin. ' beneficii,' reconcile Caesar to Milo, perhaps with a cp. Madv. 286. view to Milo's pretensions to the consulate. 14. Gloriolae, ' of a little glory. Cp. In writing to Caesar on the subject, he seems Ad Earn. 5. 12, 9. to have given Milo credit for qualities he did 15. De manu . . in manum, 'from not possess, and to have been laughed at by my hand direct to yours.' ' Quod in iis fit Caesar for doing so. For the expression quae cara sunt et studiose servamus.' For- 'more Romano,' cp. Ad Fam. 7. 16, 3; 7. cell. Cp. Plant. Trin. 4. 2, 57. 18,3. 16 Simus enim . . licebit, 'let me 9. Quod familiam ducit, 'that he is be somewhat exacting, which your kind- the head of his profession,' or ' of a school.' ness ought to prevent, but will, I see, tole- Cp. Philipp. 5. II, 30. With a different rate.' punctuation the words might mean, ' which PutidiuscuH seems only to be found is most important.' Cp. de Fin. 4. 16,45 here. 'Putidum' means, 'in bad taste.' 'illam vestram sentcntiam quae familiam Cp. Ep. "J, i. EP. 28.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IV. \s. 191 28. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. IV. 15). Rome, July, 54 b.c. (700 a.u.c.) I. T am glad you have rewarded Euty chides with his freedom. 2. I approve of your journey to Asia, but be sure to return by the promised day. .^. I have written to you often and fully, but you suem not to have received all my letters, and I write so freely that this makes me raiher uneasy. 4. The corruption of our courts has been lately shewn on the trials of Sufenas, Cato, and Procilius. I did not defend Procilius, out of consideration for TuUia, who feared a fresh breach with Clodius, his accuser. 5. A dispute between the citizens of Reate and Interamna took me lately to the former place ; 6. on my return to Rome I was very well received in the theatre. 7. The great demand for money to be spent in bribery has actually doubled the rate of interest, and the result of the consular elections is very doubtful. 8. I will inform you of it if I hear in time. 9. I have plenty to do in pleading for clients of distinction. 10. Quintus, I suppose, is in Britain, and I feel rather anxious on his account, but his presence in Caesar's camp assures me the latter's friendship. Bid Dionysius come to me as soon as he can. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 De Eutychide gratum, qui vetere praenomine, novo nomine T. erit Caecilius, ut est ex me et ex te iunctus Dionysius M. Pomponius. Valde mehercule mihi gratum est Eutychidem tua erga me benevolentia cognosse suam illam in meo dolore avix-na- 2 Qeiav neque turn mihi obscuram neque post ingratam fuisse. Iter 5 Asiaticum tuum puto tibi suscipiendum fuisse ; numquam enim tu sine iustissima causa tam longe a tot tuis et hominibus et rebus carissimis et suavissimis abesse voluisses. Sed humanita- tem tuam amoremque in tuos reditus celeritas declarabit ; sed vereor ne lepore suo te detineat diutius rhetor Clodius et homo 10 pereruditus, ut aiunt, et nunc quidcm deditus Graecis Htteris Pituanius. Sed, si vis homo esse, recipe te ad nos, ad quod 1. De Eutychide. Eutychides wns a to look after some money owing to Atlicus slave emancipated by Atticus, who took his in Asia. master's old praeuomen Titus with the 10. Rhetor Clodius : so Orell. The best nonien Caecilius which Atticus received on MS., which Baiter follows, has ' praetor,' adoption by his uncle. but that seems unintelligible. A Sicilian Gratum, sc. 'est quod fecisti.' rhetorician named Sex. Clodius is mentioned 2. Dionysius, another freedman of At- (Philipp. 2. 17, 43; cp. 2. 39, loi), but ticus (see § 10, note), received the name why he should accompany Atticus on this Marcus Pomponius on emancipation, out journey it is hard to see. of compliment to Cicero. II. Graecis litteris. Boot thinks that 3. Tua . . benevolentia, 'by your Cicero refers to accounts, which would granting him his freedom as a favour to me.' naturally be drawn up in Greek often in the 4. av/xvaOfiav. I do not know to what East; or it may mean 'Greek papers,' as Cicero here refers ; perhaps to some services referring to business with Greeks. of Eutychides at the time of his exile. 12. Pituanius. Nothing seems to be 5. Iter Asiaticum. Probably a journey known of this man. 192 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. tempus confirmasti ; cum illis tamen, cum salvi venerint, Romae vivere Hcebit, Avere te scribis accipere aliquid a me litterarum : 3 dedi, ac multis quidem de rebus, rjixepokeyhov perscripta omnia ; sed, [ut coniicio,] quoniam mihi non videris in Epiro diu fuisse, 5 redditas tibi non arbitror. Genus autem mearum ad te quidem litterarum eius modi fere est, ut non libeat cuiquam dare, nisi de quo exploratum sit tibi eum redditurum. Nunc Romanas res 4 accipe: a. d. ill. Nonas Quinctiles Sufenas et Cato absoluti, Procilius condemnatus ; ex quo intellectum est rpto-apetoTraytras 10 ambitum, comitia, interregnum, maiestatem, totam denique rem publicam flocci non facere. Debemus patrem familias domi suae occidere nolle, neque tamen id ipsum abunde ; nam absolverunt XXII., condemnarunt XXVIII. Publius sane diserto epilogo crimi- nans mentes iudicum commoverat. Hortalus in ea causa fuit, 15 cuius modi solet. Nos verbum nullum. Verita est enim pusilla, quae nunc laborat, ne animum Publii offenderem. His rebus 5 Homo, ' a man of your word.' 'Homo' is here used as a term of praise. Cp. ' quo- niam est homo et nos diligit ' Ad Att. lo. II, 5 ; also Ep. 104. 2. I. Cum illis, 'with Clodius and Pitua- nius.' Tamen, 'even if you leave them behind you in Asia.' Cum salvi venerint, 'after their safe return to Rome.' ' Cum ' almost = ' si.' Cp. Ep. 58, I, note. 3. ■fjfxfpoXeySoi', 'day by day.' Cp. Aesch. Pers. 63. 8. Sufenas. A cognomen of the 'gens Nonia.' The man here mentioned was perhaps the same as one whose name occurs Ad Att. 8. 15, 3 as that of a man who then held ' imperium.' A M. Nonius is men- tioned Att. 6. I, 13 as holding some office in the provinces in 50 B.C. For an account of C. Cato, cp. Ep. 15, 15, note. 9. Procilios was colleague of the two former as tribune in 57-56 B.C., but nothing further seems to be known of him. All three seem to have been brought to trial for the violence of their official conduct, by which they had caused a postponement of the election of consuls, and rendered an interregnum necessary. Cp. Dion Cassius 39, 27; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 17; Abeken. p. 169. Cato, in particular, was charged with a violation of the Le.x lunia Licinia, which provided for due publicity in legislation, and of the Lex Fufia, which required due regard to be paid to the auspices. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 5; 4. 17, 2. He was defended by C. Licinius Calvus and M. Aemilius Scaurus. Procilius was accused by P. Clodius, whose eloquence seems to have secured his convic- tion. I cannot find any explanation of the allusion in patrem familias . . nolle. Tpiaapeionay IT as, 'our right rigorous judges.' rpiff- seems more commonly used with adjectives than with substantives in this sense, in classical Greek. But rpiadvOpamos is found, Diog. Laert. 6. 47. ' Ariopagitae' is used ironically, Ep. 8, 5. 11. Debemus . . . nolle. Wesenb. omits ' debemus ' on some MS. authority apparently, and suggests 'occidi' for 'oc- cidere.' This would improve the sense, by making rptaapeioTTajiras the subject of ' nolle ' as well as of ' facere,' thus stating the inference as to the disposition of the judges which might be drawn both from the acquittal of others and from the condemna- tion of Procilius. ' Our judges deal leniently with bribery, but do not wish to leave murder unpunished.' 12. Abunde, ■ decidedly.' 13. Publius, Clodius. Often so called in Cicero's letters. Cp. Ep. 12, 4. Epilogo = ' peroratione.' The word* is used in various passages by Cicero. Cp. Forcell. 14. Hortalus. The celebrated orator Q: Hortensius Horialus. Cp. Ep. 14, I. 15. Pusilla. Used, apparently, as a term of endearment for Cicero's daughter Tullia. EP. 28.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IV. i^. 193 actis Reatini mc ad sua Te/xTrrj duxerunt, ut agerem causam contra Intcramnates apud consulem et decern legates, quod lacus Velinus, a M'. Curio emissus, interciso monte, in Nar defluit ; ex quo est ilia siccata et humida tamen modice Rosia. Vixi cum Axio, qui 6 etiam me ad Septem aquas duxit. Redii Romam Fonteii causa 5 a. d. VII. Idus Ouinct. Veni in spectaculum, primum magno et aequabili plausu — sed hoc ne curaris ; ego ineptus, qui scripse- rim — ; deinde Antiphonti operam : is erat ante manumissus quam productus. Ne diutius pendeas, palmani tulit ; sed nihil tam pusillum, nihil tam sine voce, nihil tam . . . verum haec tu tecum 10 habeto. In Andromacha tamen maior fuit quam Astyanax, in ceteris parem habuit neminem. Quaeris nunc de Arbuscula : 1. TejUTT?;, i.e. the valley of the Velinus between Reate and Interamna : so called, apparently, as rivalling the Thessaliaii Tem- ple in beauty. The dispute was probably about the regulation of some of the channels through which the water was carried oft". Cp. Pro Scauro 12, 27. 2. Decern legates. Ten commissioners or assessors appointed to assist the consul in his judgment, but how appointed we cannot say. We here get a notice of some of the ordinary business of the consuls. 3. A. M'. Curio. These words have generally been supposed to refer to the con- queror of Pyrrhus, on whose great work, forming the cascade of Terni, cp. Mommsen I. 463; Nieb. Rom. Hist. 3. 415. But, as Cicero seems to be referring to a recent grievance, Zumpt supposed that a name- sake of M'. Curius, living nearer to Cicero's time, was the author of the work here re- ferred to. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Biogr. I. 992, sub nom. ' Dentatus.' This seems needless, for perhaps the words quod . . defluit are merely inserted to remind Atticus of the relative position of the two places, and to shew the probability of quar- rels arising. Ex quo est . . Rosia, 'since when the famous Rosia has been drained, though it still retains some moisture.' The plain called Rosia or Rosea was one of notorious fer- tility, and consisted, probably, in part of land reclaimed from the lake Velinus. Cp. Tac. Ann. i. 79. On the occasion referred to in that passage, the people of Reate pro- tested against an obstruction of the course of the Velinus, and may now have desired Cicero's aid to avert a similar measure. Mr. Jeans says that 'at Rieti is still shewn a mutilated statue, said to be erected by the people in honour of Cicero's services in this very trial.' 4. Cum Axio. Axius was a wealthy Roman senator. Cp. Ad Att. 10. II, 2; Varro de R. R. 2, 3. 5. Septem aquas. Some springs, dis- tant about five miles from the lake. Axius may have had another villa there. The Septem aquae are mentioned by Dionys. Hal. Rom. Ant. I. 14. Fonteii. M. or M'. Fonteius, propraetor of Gallia Narboncnsis from 77 to 75 B.C., was defended by Cicero in 69 B.C., on a charge of maladministration. Pomptini has been suggested, as C. Pomptinus tri- umphed over the AUobroges. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 12; Ad Q.. F. 3. 4, 6. 7. Aequabili, ' uniform,' ' general,' Ma- nutius suggests ' unmixed with hisses.' 8. Antiphonti. Possibly a freedman of Milo. It was not, apparently, usual to give slave actors their freedom till after proof of their talent ; Antiphon, therefore, was greatly favoured. Operam, sc. ' dedi.' 10. Pusillum, 'mean,' 'insignificant.' 11. In Andromacha, ' in the character of Andromache,' which he filled in a play of Ennius so named. This shews that men took female parts in tr.igedy at Rome. Maior, either 'taller,' or 'more im- portant.' Qiiam Astyanax. The best MS. has ' quam Astya,' which Schiitz supposes to be the name of another actor. 12. Parem. The context seems to re- quire some v\ord meaning 'equally bad.' Cicero may be writing ironically. Arbuscula, a well-known female dancer. Cp. Hor. Sat. I. lo, 77, and Orelli's note. o 194 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. valde placuit. Ludi magnifici et grati. Venatio in aliud tempus 7 dilata. Sequere nunc me in campum : ardet ambitus ; o-rjiia bi roi ipeo). Faenus ex triente Idibus Quinctilibus factum erat bessibus. Dices ' istuc quidem non moleste fero.' O virum ! O civem ! 5 Memmium Caesaris omnes opes confirmant ; cum eo Domitium consules iunxerunt, qua pactione, epistolae committere non audeo. Pompeius fremit, queritur, Scauro studet ; sed utrum fronte an mente, dubitatur. 'E^o)(i/ in nullo est ; pecunia omnium dignita- tem exaequat. Messalla languet, non quo aut animus desit aut lo amicij sed coitio consulum et Pompeius obsunt. Ea comitia puto fore ut ducantur. Tribunicii candidati iurarunt se arbitrio Catonis 1. Ludi, 'Apollinares in Circo.' Billerb. Venatio. The fights with wild animals; spectacles for which Cicero had no taste. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. I, 3 ; also Ep. 9, i. 2. In campum, sc. ' Martium,' ' to the scene of the elections.' ^fjfxa 5e Toi ip(oj fiaX' apicppaZts ou5f 'distinction,' 'eminence.' 9. Messalla: cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 11; 13; Ep. 33, I, note. Non quo aut animus . . obsunt. For the combination of the indicative ex- pressing a real reason, with the conjunctive giving an imaginary reason, cp. Madv. 357 b, Obs. II. Ducantur, 'be delayed.' Cp. Ep. 88, 2 ' bellum ducere.' Cicero's expecta- tions were fulfilled, as the year 53 B.C. opened with a succession of interregna. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 13. Tribunicii candidati . . tribueretur. This bond is also mentioned, Ad Q^ F. 2. 15 b (Baiter I4\ 4. Se . . petituros, ' that they will submit their conduct as candidates to the judgment of Cato.' I cannot agree with Mr. Jeans EP. 28.] EPISTOLARUM AD A TTICUM I V. 15. 195 petituros : apud eum HS.quingena deposuerunt ut, qui a Catone 8 damnatus esset, id perderet et compctitoribus tribueretur. Haec ego pridie scribcbam, quam comitia fore putabantur ; sed ad te, quinto Kal, Sextil. si facta erunt ct tabellarius non erit profectus, tota comitia perscribam, quae si, ut putantur, gratuita fuerint, plus fi 9 unus Cato potuerit quam ormies leges omnesque iudices. Mes- sius defendebatur a nobis de legatione revocatus ; nam eum Caesari legarat Appius. Servilius edixit ut adessct. Tribus habet Pomp- tinam, Velinam, Maeciam. Pugnatur acriter ; agitur tamcn satis. DeindemeexpedioadDrusum,indeadScaurum: parantur oration- 10 ibus indices gloriosi. Fortasse accedent etiam consules designati, 10 in quibus si Scaurus non fuerit, in hoc iudicio valde laborabit. Ex that the words mean 'only to go to the poll if approved by Cato.' 3. Scribebani, epistolary tense. The election of tribunes seems to have taken place in July. Cp. Ep. 33, 2. Wesenb. suggests the addition of 'ea' after 'comitia* — 'ea' = tribunicia. 5. Ut putantur, ?c. ' futura.' For the personal use of the passive of ' puto,' cp. De Amic. 2,6 'quiaprudens . . putabatur.' The change of tense from 'putabantur' above is accounted for by the impression here men- tioned not being entertained on one day only. Cp. Madv. 345. Gratuita, 'pure from bribery.' Cp. Pro Plane. 22. 54 'gratuita suffragia.' 6. Messius : cp. Ep. 20, 7, note. 7. Revocatus, 'summoned back for trial.' Schiitz following Manutius, who adds ' a propinquis ut opinor, aut ab amicis,' seems to think that the 'legatio' would protect him against such a summons, but Billerb. and Merivale (1.437) do not agree with him. 8. Legarat ='legatum assignarat' (For- celL), ' had got him a post as legate.' Appius. Probably cos. 54 b.c. Servi- lius, one of the praetors for this year. For an account of him, cp. Ep. 9, 10, note. Tribus habet, 'the tribes from which his judges are to be taken are.' Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 8; Pro Plane. 15 and 16. 9. Agitur . . satis, Forcell. explains these words as = ' satagitur,' 'I have enough to do ;' Manut. as = 'aliquid proficitur.' 10. Drusum. Perhaps father of the em- press Livia. He was accused of ' praevari- catio,' or collusion with an opponent on a trial. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 5 and 8 ; Ad Q^ F. 2. 16, 3. Scaurum : cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 8 ; Ad. Q. F. 3. I, II and 16. He was acquitted on a O charge of ' repefuiidae.' Cp. the conclusion of Asconius' commentary on the oration Pro Scauro, p. 139 ; Ad Att. 4. 16, 7. 11. Indices: 'titles,' 'tables of contents.' The diftereiit 'volumina' of his speeches would naturally be distinguished by the names of the men for or against whom they Were delivered. P'or the meaning of ' index,' cp. Ad Att. 4. 4 b, I, where Cicero gives the Greek oiXKv^ovi as an equivalent for 'in- dices ;' also, perhaps, Philipp. I. 8, 20 ' legis index.' Gloriosi. This word is used in a good sense in various passages, e.g. Phil. 2. 12, 27. 'I am getting fine names to put on the volumes of my works ; ' or, perhaps, 'titles for my works which will do me honour.' Accedent etiam consules designati, ' the consuls elect will perhaps be added to my clients.' Bribery has been so general, that the successful candidates, whoever they were, would probably be prosecuted. Cal- vinus and Messalla were actually successful. The year 54 b.c. closed without any elec- tion of consuls, and several interreyna fol- lowed. Hence Messalla and Calvinus en- tered on their office at once, and there was no interval after their election in which the prosecutions with which they were threat- ened could be instituted. Cp. Ad Q. F. 3. 8, 3 ; Ad Att. 4. 16, 8; Intr. to Part II, § 13. Messalla was afterwards condennied in 51 B.C. See Ep. 33, i. 12. In hoc . . laborabit, 'he will come off badly;' ' it will go very hard with him in his trial,' i.e. the one for which Cicero had promised his advocacy. Judges might be less willing to convict a consul elect, though he was not legally exempt from prosecution. Ex (i. fratris litteris. Cicero's brother J 96 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. Q. fratris litteris suspicor iam eum esse in Britannia : suspense animo exspecto, quid agat. Illud quidem sumus adepti, quod multis et magnis iudiciis possumus iudicare nos Caesari et carissi- mos et iucundissimos esse. Dionysium velim salvere iubeas et 5 eum roges et hortere, ut quam primum veniat, ut possit Ciceronem meum atque etiam me ipsum erudire. 29. To P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (AD FAM. I. 9). Rome, Autumn, 54 b.c. (700 a.u.c.) I. I was glad to learn from your letter that you were satisfied with my gratitude. I should be guilty indeed if I failed to do you any service in my power ; and I wish you had been present to see how I understand my duty. 2. For your own sake I am glad that you now hold a post of high command, but your presence would have enabled us to act in concert, and to punish our enemies. One of them, however, has saved us the trouble ; his mad attempts have made him harmless for the future. 3. You have learned, at less expense than I did, how to appreciate the good faith of certain people ; and this brings me to your enquiries. 4. You do not complain of my reconciliation with Caesar and Appius ; but wish to know why I pleaded for Vatinius. I must reply by a general exposition of my policy. After my restoration from exile I thought myself peculiarly indebted, not only to you but to my country, and often expressed my sense of obligation both in public and in private, 5. though even then I perceived that some who ought to have been active in securing me compensation for my losses were lukewarm or jealous ; 6. and though, as you often said, I was under great obligations to Pompey, I adhered to my old party. 7. In defending Sestius, I spoke with the greatest freedom in Pompey 's presence, 8. and shewed equal firmness in the senate. On April 5, in the year before last, I gave notice of a motion which was a direct attack on the policy of Pompey and Caesar. This caused great agitation ; and 9. Pompey, who at first shewed no displeasure, after a meeting with Caesar at Luca, remonstrated energetically with my brother in Sardinia, and reminded him of his promises on my behalf. 10. This news from my brother, and a demand from Pompey that I should keep myself unpledged as to the motion above referred to, made me reflect whether I ought not to think of private as well as of public Quintus now held a high command in Caesar's (3) ai)other literary slave of Cicero. In the army. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 11 ; 13. earlier letters to Atticus, the first is often re- I. In Britannia. Caesar was in Bri- ferred to ; the second is often noticed in the tain from the spring till the early autumn later letters to Atticus, and was the teacher of 54 B.C., after a shorter visit in the pre- of the young Ciceros ; the third is men- vious year. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 13; Caes. tioned Ad Att. 9. 3, I ; Ad Fam. 5.9, 2 ; 5. Bell. Gall. 5. 8-23; Merivale I. 471-476; lo,i,&c. Cp.Orelli's Onomasticon,sub nom. Mommsen 4. I, 257-260. Q. Cicero went Autumn. From the language of § 25 with him. Cp. Ad Att. 4, 17, 3. of this letter it seems that Appius was 4. Dionysium. Three contemporaries already looking forward to his provincial of this name, at least, are mentioned in administration, and perhaps we may uifer Cicero's letters: (i) a freedman of Atticus, that the year of his consulship was drawing see § I ; (2) the one here referred to ; and to its close. EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I.(^. 197 duty. And I was further influenced Ijy the malicious pleasure which some of the op- timates took in my estrangement from Pompey, and by the court which they paid to Clodius. II. Still, if the leaders of the opposite party had been worthless men, nothing should have induced me to support them in any degree. But one of them was Pompey, whose public services had been most eminent; and I did not think I should be charged with inconsistency if I slightly changed my policy in favour of one to whose support I had devoted much of my life. 1 2. Thus I had to regard Caesar also with favour, as his cause was bound up with Pompey's : his old friendship with me and my brother and his recent liberality made me all the more disposed for such a course; and I thought that, after his great exploits, a struggle with him would have been mischievous to the State. I considered myself also pledged to some extent by what had passed between Caesar, Pompey, and my brother. I remembered a saying of Plato, and thought how it had been verified in our history, first by the senate's Ijehaviour in the years between my consulship and Caesar's, 1 3. and afterwards in anotlier way, by the real or affected alarm of some of my apparent friends. 14. I am aware that the latter aftenvards did good service to me in procuring my restoration ; 15. but afterwards they courted Clodius, and seemed to wish, by treating my just claims in a niggardly spirit, to prevent my asserting my independence. j6. In this they were misled by a mistaken inference from the case of Metellus Numidicus. 17. However, there has been no undue as- sumption about my behaviour ; I only strive to serve such men as may be in need of my help. The support I have given to Caesar is represented as a defection from my old party. But, my dear Lentulus, you will find the whole aspect of politics changed; 18. and wise citizens ought to change their views accordingly. Plato preferred to abstain from public life altogether ; my position is different from his, and Caesar's public services and private liberality both give him a claim on my support. 19. I can now answer your questions about Vatinius and Crassus. — I was urged by Caesar to defend Vatinius, and my testimony on his behalf was not stronger than that which you have borne in favour of various people. I had a further reason for my conduct ; my support of Vatinius was a fair retaliation for that which certain nobles gave to Clodius. 20. Crassus, after we had been reconciled, aroused my indignation by unexpectedly under- taking the defence of Gabinius and attacking me. But 1 heard that some people were ex- ulting at the prospect of a permanent breach between us, and so I listened to the earnest entreaties of Pompey and Caesar that I would be reconciled to him. 21. I should pro- bably have acted as I have done even if no personal reasons had intervened ; but I will own that Caesar's remarkable gratitude and generosity have influenced me, and I need powerful protection against the plots of my enemies. 22. Had you been present you would, I think, have approved my conduct. 23. As you wish to see anything I may have written since your departure, I will send you a few speeches, a work called ' De Oratore,' in three books, and a poem in three books on my misfortunes. 24. I attend carefully to your interests here. Quintus will be very grateful if you can do anything to secure his property in your province. I shall be glad to hear any particulars about your private life and your son's studies. 25. Appius declares himself resolved to go at once as your successor to Cilicia, and I think you had better not delay your return, though others think differently. 26. P.S. I have just had your letter about your dispute with the ' publicani ; ' I wish you could have avoided it, but I approve and will defend your measures. 198 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part II. M. CICERO S. D. P. LENTULO IMP. Periucundae mihi fuerunt litterae tuae, quibus intellexi te per- 1 spicere meam in te pietatem : quid enim dicam benevolentiam, cum illud ipsum gravissimum et sanctissimum nomen pietatis levius mihi mentis erga me tuis esse videatur? Quod autem tibi 5 grata mea erga te studia scribis esse, facis tu quidem abundantia quadam amoris, ut etiam grata sint ea, quae praetermitti sine nefario scelere non possunt ; tibi autem multo notior atque illustrior mens in te animus esset, si hoc tempore omni, quo diiuncti fuimus, et una et Romae fuissemus. Nam in eo ipso, 2 10 quod te ostendis esse facturum quodque et in primis potes et ego a te vehementer exspecto, in sententiis senatoriis et in omni actione atque administratione rei publicae floruissemus : de qua ostendam equidem paulo post, qui sit mens sensus et status, et rescribam tibi ad ea, quae quaeris ; sed certe et ego te auctore 15 amicissimo ac sapientissimo et tu me consiHario fortasse non imperitissimo, fideH quidem et benevolo certe, usus esses : — quam- quam tua quidem causa te esse imperatorem provinciamque bene gestis rebus cum exercitu victore obtinere, ut debeo, laetor : — sed certe qui tibi ex me fructus debentur, eos uberiores et prae- 20 sentiores praesens capere potuisses. In eis vero ulciscendis, quos IMP. See § 2, note. 4. Levius . . meritis, 'too weak to describe your claims upon me.' 5. Facis . . ut . . non possunt, ' you in your overflowing affection treat the barest discharges of duty as acts deserving of gratitude.' 8. Illustrior, ' more evident.' Hoc tempore omni. Nearly three years, for Lentulus seems to have left Rome before the close of 57 B.C. Cp. Ep. 21, which seems to imply that he had not been present at any of the debates in the senate during January 56 B.C. 9. In eo ipso, 'in that course of action which you declare you will follow,' that is, in debate and legislation. 10. Quod . . in primis potes, sc. ' facere.' 11. Sententiis senatoriis, 'our ex- pressions of opinion as senators.' 12. Actione . . rei publicae, 'in poli- tical action and administration.' For this sense of the gen. ' rei publicae,' cp. Nagelsb. 2. 21. De qua, sc. 're publica.' 13. Mens sensus et status, ' my opi- nion and position.' Both were unfavour- able, and hence the qualifying sed certe with which Cicero introduces his statement of the possible results of Lentulus' presence at Rome. 14. Ad ea quae quaeris. Lentulus had questioned Cicero as to some of his recent acts in support of the triumvirs. Cp. § 4, Sed certe . . capere potuisses. The sense of this passage seems to be, ' Bad as the times were, we could have helped each other, and though I rejoice at the distinction you have won in your province, yet you would have enjoyed clearer and more abun- dant fruits of my gratitude had you been here.' 17. Te esse imperatorem, ' that you enjoy the title "imperator,"' which Lentulus had probably received for successes over some robber tribes who infested his pro- vince, as Cicero did afterwards. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 3 ; Note E, p. 123. 19. Praesentiores. 'Praesens' is vari- EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. (). 199 tibi partim inimicos esse intellegis propter tuam propugnationem salutis meae, partim invidere propter ilHus actionis amplitudinem ct gloriam, mlrificum me tibi comitcm praebuissem : quamquam ille perennis inimicus amicorum suorum, qui tuis maximis bcne- ficiis ornatus in te potissimum fractam illam et debilitatam vim 5 suam contulit, nostram vicem ultus est ipse sese ; ea est enim conatus, quibus patefactis nullam sibi in posterum non mode 3 dignitatis sed ne libertatis quidem partem reliquit. Te autem etsi mallem in meis rebus expertum quam etiam in tuis, tamen in molestia gaudeo eam fidem cognosse hominum non ita magna lo mercede, quam ego maximo dolore cognoram ; de qua ratione tota iam videtur mihi exponendi tempus dari, ut tibi rescribam ad ea, 4 quae quaeris. Certiorem te per litteras scribis esse factum me cum Caesare et cum Appio esse in gratia, teque id non repre- hendere adscribis ; Vatinium autem scire te velle ostendis quibus 15 rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim. Quod tibi ut planius exponam, altius paulo rationem consiliorum meorum repetam necesse est. Ego me, Lentule, initio rerum atque actionum ously explained as meaning 'evident' and ' effective.' Cp. Forcell. and Halm's note on In Cat. 3. 9, 21. Either sense would suit this passage very well. I. Partim . . partim. The enemies of Lentulus either hated him for his support of Cicero's restoration, or, without any par- ticular dislike to Cicero, envied Lentulus the distinction he had won by befriending him. 4. Ille perennis inimicus. These words are by some referred to C. Cato, by others to Ap. Claudius Pulcher. 6. Nostram vicem . . ipse sese, lit. 'has punished himself on our account;' 'has avenged our wrongs on himself and saved us trouble.' Cp. Mr. J. E. Yonge's note on this passage, and Livy 34. 32 ' ne nostram vicem irascaris.' Ea est enim . . reliquit. If C. Cato is meant, Cicero refers probably to his out- rageous conduct as tribune for 56-55 B.C., for which he was afterwards tried but ac- quitted. Cp. § 4 of the preceding letter. If Ap. Claudius, to the bargain which he as consul made with two of the consular can- didates for the next year. Cp. § 7 of the preceding letter, and note. It is hardly pro- bable, however, that in either case the liberty of the offender would be endangered by a conviction, and if the allusion has been rightly explained, Cicero must have written with rhetorical exaggeration. This letter is one of the most elaborate in the whole collection. 8. Te autem . . cognoram, 'though I could wish you had learned from my ex- perience only, I yet rejoice that your troubles have taught you what value to set on men's honour, without such heavy sufferings as those which taught me this lesson.* 10. Eam . . quam, = ' talem,' 'qualem,' Ep. 45. .■?. note. Non ita magna mercede, 'at a cost not so very high.' On the ablat., cp. Madv. 258. 'Ita' has no corresponding particle, cp. Philipp. 2. 42, loS 'non ita multis,' 'not so many' — though there is a general contrast with maximo dolore. On the thought, cp. Ep. 26, 8. It. De qua ratione, ' about my whole position in this affair,' i. e. in his breach with the optimates, owing to a discovery of what he thought bad faith on their part. 12. Exponendi . . quae quaeris, 'of giving an explanation which should serve as an answer to your enquiries.' 15. Vatinium : cp. Intr. to Parts I, § 18; IV, §§ 4; 5; and Ad Q. F. 2. 16, 3. Cicero defended him in August, 54 B c. 16. Laudarim, 'bore testimony to his character.' 17. Altius paulo, 'from a point some- what remote.' Cp. De Legg. 1.6, 18 'alte . . et . . a capite repetere.' Rationem, 'the ground.' 18. Initio, abl. of time: see Madv. 2J'6; and cp. Ep. 23, 2, note. 200 M. TULLIl CICERO NIS [part II. tuarum non solum meis sed etiam rei publicae restitutum putabani et, quoniam tibi incredibilem quendam amorem et omnia in te ipsum summa ac singularia studia deberem, rei publicae, quae te in me restituendo multum adiuvisset, eum certe me animum 5 merito ipsius debere arbitrabar, quem antea tantum modo com- muni officio civium, non alicui erga me singular! beneficio debitum praestitissem, Hac me mente fuisse et senatus ex me te consule audivit et tu in nostris sermonibus collocutionibusque ipse vidisti. Etsi iam primis temporibus illis multis rebus meus 5 10 ofifendebatur animus, cum te agente de reliqua nostra dignitate aut occulta non nullorum odia aut obscura in me studia cernebam ; nam neque de monumentis meis ab iis adiutus es, a quibus debu- isti, neque de vi nefaria, qua cum fratre eram domo expulsus ; neque hercule in iis ipsis rebus, quae quamquam erant mihi 15 propter rei familiaris naufragia necessariae, tamen a me minimi putabantur, in meis damnis ex auctoritate senatus sarciendis eam voluntatem, quam exspectaram, praestiterunt. Quae cum vide- rem— neque erant obscura — , non tamen tam acerba mihi haec accidebant, quam erant ilia grata, quae fecerant. Itaque quam- 6 20 quam et Pompeio plurimum, te quidem ipso praedicatore ac teste, Actionum tuarum, ' of your exertions nade of Catulus destroyed by Clodius but in my cause.' rebuilt by the senate's order, (3) perhaps to 3. Deberem . . praestitissem. The some building which Cicero as consul was conjunctive is used because Cicero is de- commissioned by the senate to erect in com- scribing a previous state of his own mind. niemoration of the suppression of Catiline's Cp. Madv. 357 a, Obs. I. conspiracy. Manutius, (followed by Miiller, 5. Ipsius, sc. ' reipublicae.* Mr. Yonge, and Mr. Parry, in notes on this Quem . . praestitissem, 'which I had passage or on § 15 below,) speaks of an displayed before in discharge of the common ' atrium libertatis ' which Cicero was com- duty of citizens, not as a return for any mifs'oned to bu'ld near the bottom of the special favour conferred upon me.' Palatine hill. Miiller refers to Ad Q^ F. 7. Senatus . . audivit: cp. the orat. I. i, 9, 26. Other passages relating to Post Red. in Sen., — if it be genuine. this matter are — Ad Att. 4. 2 ; 4. 3, 2 ; Ad 8. Sermonibus collocutionibusque. Q.. F. 2. 9. 2 (2. 7, 2 Baiter); De Harusp. Forcell. seems to treat these words as equi- Resp. 27, 58. valent to each other. 13. Devi nefaria. The rebuilding of 9. Primis temporibus, 'in the time Cicero's house was interrupted with violence immediately following my reftoration.' by Clodius o;i Nov. 3rd, 57 B.C. Cp. Ad 10. De reliqua nostra dignitate. He Att. 4. 3, 2. probably refers to the grants for rebuilding 16. In meis . . sarciendis, that is, his villas. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 2, 5 'consules . . 'the making good my losses under a vote aestimarunt . . cetera valde illiberaliter.' of the se'iate.' Cp. Ad Att, 4. 2, 5. 11. Occulta non nullorum odia: cp. 18. Non tamen . . quae fecerant, Ep. 20, 8, note. ' though I saw what they were doing— Obscura in me studia, ' doubtful zeal and indeed it was no secret — I was not in my cause.' so much annoyed by their present conduct 12. De monumentis meis. Cicero as grateful for their past services.' may here refer (i) to his own house or a 20. Te quidem . . ac teste, 'as you portion of it, {z) to the neighbouring colon- yourself tieclared and testified.' EP.29.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 9. 201 debebam et eum non solum bencficio, sed amore ctiam et pcr- petuo quodam iudicio meo diligebam, tamen non reputans, quid ille vellet, in omnibus meis sententiis de re publica pristinis 7 permanebam. Ego scdente Cn. Pompeio cum ut laudaret P. Sestium introissct in urbcm, dixissetque testis Vatinius me 5 fortuna et felicitate C. Caesaris commotum illi amicum esse coepisse, dixi me eam Bibuli fortunam, quam ille adflictam pu- taret, omnium triumphis victoriisque anteferre ; dixique eodem teste alio loco, eosdem esse, qui Bibulum exire domo prohibuissent et qui me coegissent : tota vero interrogatio mea nihil habuit nisi 'o reprehensionem illius tribunatus ; in qua omnia dicta sunt liber- tate animoque maximo de vi, de auspiciis, de donatione regnorum. 8 Neque vero hac in causa modo, sed constanter saepe in senatu : quin etiam Marcellino et Philippo consulibus Nonis Aprilibus mihi est senatus adsensus, ut de agro Campano frequenti senatu 15 Idibus Maiis referretur. Num potui magis in arcem illius causae invadere aut magis oblivisci temporum meorum, meminisse actio- num? Hac a me sententia dicta magnus animorum motus est factus cum eorum, quorum oportuit, tum illorum etiam, quorum Praedicator is a rare word, but occurs Pro Balbo 2, 4. I. Beneficio, 'on account of his ser- vice to me.' Cp. Ep. 26, 9, note on * iniuria.' 4. Sedente, 'sitting on the bench as- signed to " laudatores." ' Billerb. Ut laudaret: cp. 'laudarim,' § 4, note. 5. P. Sestium : cp. Intr. to Part II, § 2, for an account of his trial. Introisset. Pompey held a commission to supply Rome with corn, and this would require him to be away from Rome a good deal. By entering the 'urbs' Pompey would forfeit his ' imperium,' unless a special ex- emption had been granted him. Cp. Note F, also Ep. 23, 3, note; and on the different meaning of ' urbs' and ' Roma,' which I had overlooked in the note on this passage in my first edition, Ep. 5, 4, note. 6. Illi, sc. Caesari. Billerb. thinks Vati- nius is meant, but would not this require ' ipsi ' ? 7. Dixi me . . anteferre No remark quite to this effect exists in the speeches Pro Sestio and In Vatinium as we have them. Bibulus, however, is mentioned In Vat. 9; 10. Ille. Vatinius. 8. Eodem teste, 'in presence of the same man.' Pompey ? or Vatinius ? 9 Alio loco, 'in another part of my speech.' Eosdem esse • . prohibuisseiit : cp. Intr. to Part I, §§ 17; 18, and references there given, for an account of the stormy scenes of 59 b.c. when Vatinius was tribune. 10. Qui me coegissent, 'who had com- pelled me to leave my home ' and go into exile. Interrogatio. Cicero's speech against Vatinius was made under the pretext of cross-examining him. 12. Maximo. For its gender, which follows that of the nearest substantive, cp. Madv. 214 a. De vi . . regnorum : cp. Intr. 1. c; and In Vat. 12, 29. 13. In senatu, sc. 'dixi.' 14. Nonis Aprilibus. For an account of Cicero's behaviour in this matter, cp. Intr. to Part II, §§3; 4, and Ep. 25, i. 16. Arcem illius causae, ' the strong- hold of the triumvirs' party.' 17. Temporum, 'my sufferings.' Wie!. Billerb. Forcell. Actionum, 'my previous public career.' His sufferings might have taught him cau- tion ; but he preferred to act according to the promise of his earlier life. 19. Cum eorum ..numquani putaram, stipp. 'motum fieri,' and 'motum factum iri.' 203 M. TULLII CICERONI S [fart II. numquam putaram. Nam hoc senatus consulto in meam senten- 9 tiam facto Pompeius, cum mihi nihil ostendisset se esse offensum,, in Sardiniam et in Africam profectus est eoque itinere Lucam ad Caesarem venit. Ibi multa de mea sententia questus est Caesar, 5 quippe qui etiani Ravennae Crassum ante vidisset ab eoque in me esset incensus. Sane moleste Pompeium id ferre constabat ; quod ego^ cum audissem ex aliis, maxime ex meo fratre cognovi. Quern cum in Sardinia Pompeius paucis post diebus, quam Luca disces- serat, convenisset, ' te ' inquit ' ipsum cupio ; nihil opportunius lo potuit accidere : nisi cum Marco fratre diligenter egeris, depen- dendum tibi est, quod mihi pro illo spopondisti.' Quid multa? questus est graviter ; sua merita commemoravit ; quid egisset saepissime de actis Caesaris cum ipso meo fratre quidque sibi is de me recepisset, in memoriam redegit seque, quae de mea salute 15 egisset, voluntate Caesaris egisse ipsum meum fratrem testatus est ; cuius causam dignitatemque mihi ut commendaret, rogavit ut eam ne oppugnarem, si nollem aut non possem tueri. Haec 10 cum ad me frater pertulisset et cum tamen Pompeius ad me cum mandatis Vibullium misisset, ut integrum mihi de causa Campana On the ellipses, cp. Madv. 280, Obs. 2, and 47S, Obs. 3. On the genitives eorum and illorum, governed by motus animorum, cp. Zumpt L. G. 423, note. lUor supposed by Wiel. and Billerb. to refer to the leaders of the optimates, ' eorum' to the triumvirs. But from what follows in § 9 is it not more natural to refer ' eorum ' to Caesar and Cr.issus, and 'illorum' to Pompey and his immediate friends? 2. Cum . . nihil . . offensum, 'with- out having shewn any sign that he was offended.' 3. In Sardiniam . . profectus est, ' set out on a journey to Sardinia and Africa,' two of the most important corn provinces. He would probably sail from the port of Pisae or from Labro or Liburnum (Leghorn?). Cp. Ad Q^ F. 2. 5. 3. On the meeting at Luca, now Lucca, cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 3: 4. 5. Etiam Ravennae, ' even at Ra- venna,' before the three met at Luca. Cp. Mommsen 4. 2, p. 307. 9. Te ipsum cupio, sc. ' videre,' 'it is just you I wish to see.' Cp. Madv. 479 d. 10. Diligenter egeris, 'entreat ear- nestly,' ' make urgent representations to.' See note on Ep. 5, 8, p. 38. Dependendum . . spopondisti, 'you must pay what you promised in his name,' i e. 'you must suffer for his failure to fulfil your promise made on his behalf, that he would acquiesce in our government.' 12. Quid egisset .. fratre, ' the nego- tiations he had carried on with my brother about the acts of Caesar,' i.e. about the pledges to be given by M. Cicero, that he would not attack those acts as in- formal. 13. Is, Quintus. 14. De mea salute, ' in promoting my recall from exile.' 16. Cuius causam, sc. Caesaris. 18. Tamen, 'nevertheless,' — although he had commissioned my brother to speak to me. 19. Vibullium. L. Vibullius Rufus was an officer who served under Pompey against Caesar. He is mentioned Ad Q. F. 3. I, 5, 18, and Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 15 and 23. Cp. Ep. 49, note. Ut integrum . . reservarem, 'that I should keep my hands free with regard to the lands in Campania till his own return.' For the substantive use of neuter singulars, cp. Nagelsb. 21, 65. De causa, = 'de re.' ' Causa accepitur , . pro quocunque negotio,' Foicell, EP. 29.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I.(). 203 ad suum reditum reservarem, collegi ipse me et cum ipsa quasi re publica collocutus sum, ut mihi tam multa pro sc perpesso atque pcrfuncto concederct, ut officium meum memoremquc in bene meritos animum fidemque fratris mei pracstarem, eumque, quern bonum civem semper habuisset, bonum virum esse pateretur. 5 In illis autem meis actionibus sententiisque omnibus, quae Pom- peium videbantur offendere, certorum hominum, quos iam debes suspicari, sermones referebantur ad me ; qui cum ilia sentirent in re publica, quae ego agebam, semperque sensissent, me tamen non satis facere Pompeio Caesaremque inimicissimum mihi futurum 10 gaudere se aiebant. Erat hoc mihi dolendum, sed multo illud magis, quod inimicum meum — meum autem? immo vero legum, iudiciorum, otii, patriae, bonorum omnium — sic amplexabantur, sic in manibus habebant, sic fovebant, sic me praescnte oscula- bantur, non illi quidem ut mihi stomachum facerent, quem ego 15 funditus perdidi, sed certe ut facere se arbitrarentur. Hie ego, quantum humano consilio efficere potui, circumspectis rebus meis omnibus rationibusque subductis summam feci cogitationum mea- 11 rum omnium, quam tibi, si potero, breviter exponam. Ego, si ab improbis et perditis civibus rem publicam teneri viderem, sicut et 20 meis temporibus scimus et non nullis aliis accidisse, non modo praemiis, quae apud me minimum valent, sed ne periculis quidem 1. Collegi me, 'I collected myself,' 12. Inimicum meum. Cicero refers to ' came to my senses.' Clodius. Quasi, 'so to say.' 13. Amplexabantur. This verb is com- 2. Tam multa . . perfuncto, 'having mon in the metaphorical sense. suffered and done so much in her cause.' 14. In manibus habebant, = ' fove- 3. Ut officium . . praestarem, 'to do bant.' Forcell. It seems to be a rare my duty by shewing myself grateful to men phrase. who had deserved well of me, and by ful- Osculabantur. For a similar use of filling my brother's promise.' ' osculor,' cp. Pro Muren. lO, 23. Bene meritos, sc. Pompey and his 15. Non illi quidem .. arbitrarentur, friends. ' that they did not indeed excite my wrath 5. Bonum virum, 'a man of honour' — for I have none left — but certainly in fulfilling engagements made on his behalf. thought they did so.' For the position of 6. In illis . . offendere, ' with regard 'quidem' with personal pronouns, cp. Ep. to all those proceedings of mine which I 26, 7, note. mentioned before, and to all my expres- 18. Rationibus subductis, 'having sions of opinion which seemed to offend cast up the account.' Cp. Ep. 36, 12. Pompey.' Summam feci . . omnium, -arrived at 7. Certorum hominum : cp. Ep. 20, 8, a result of all my reflections.' note. 21. Meis temporibus. Cicero had wit- 8. Cum ilia . . sensissent, 'though nessed the cruelties of Cinna and Sulla, their political views were, and always had Non nullis aliis may refer to the times been, in accordance with the measures I of Saturninus, who was tribune when Cicero proposed.' Cp. Ep. 25 for the facts re- was six years old, and to those of the ferred to. Gracchi, 204 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part II. compulsus ullis, quibus tamen moventur etiam fortissimi viri, ad eorum causam me adiungerem, ne si summa quidem eorum in me merita constarent. Cum autem in re publica Cn. Pompeius prin- ceps esset; vir is, qui banc potentiam et gloriam maximis in rem 5 publicam meritis praestantissimisque rebus gestis esset consecutus cuiusque ego dignitatis ab adulescentia fautor, in praetura autem et in consulatu adiutor etiam exstitissem, cumque idem auctori- tate et sententia per se, consiliis et studiis tecum, me adiuvisset meumque inimicum unum in civitate haberet inimicum, non 10 putavi famam inconstantiae mihi pertimescendam, si quibusdam in sententiis paulum me immutassem meamque voluntatem ad summi viri de meque optime meriti dignitatem adgregassem. In hac sententia complectendus erat mihi Caesar, ut vides, in 12 coniuncta et causa et dignitate. Hie multum valuit cum vetus 15 amicitia, quam tu non ignoras mihi et Ouinto fratri cum Caesare fuisse, tum humanitas eius ac HberaHtas brevi tempore et Htteris et officiis perspecta nobis et cognita. Vehementer etiam res ipsa publica me movit, quae mihi videbatur contentionem, praesertim maximis rebus a Caesare gestis, cum illis viris nolle fieri et, 20 ne fieret, vehementer recusare. Gravissime autem me in hanc mentem impulit et Pompeii fides, quam de me Caesari dederat, et fratris mei, quam Pompeio. Erant praeterea haec animadver- I. Ad eorum . . adiungerem, 'would 13. In hac sententia . . dignitate, support their party.' Cp. Ad Fani. I. 8, 2 'having come to this decision I had neces- ' me ad eius rationes adiungo.' sarily to become intimate with Caesar, whose 4. Esset, vir is, qui. Wesenb. punc- interest and honour were identified with those tuates, ' esset vir, is qui.' of Pompey.' 6. In praetura .. in consulatu. In 14. Hie, ' in this matter.' Forcell. his praetorship Cicero had supported the 16. Tum humanitas . . cognita, 'his Manilian law ; in his consulship he proposed kindness and generosity with which I have a ' supplicatio ' for ten or twelve days in become familiar within a short time.' On honour of Pompey's successes over Mithri- the abl. 'brevi tempore,' cp. Madv. 276 b, dates. Cp. De Prov. Cons. 11, 27, and and on the combination of ablatives in dif- Intr. to Part I, § 8. ferent senses, lb. 278 a. Caesar had ap- 7. Cumque idem . . adiuvisset, 'and pointed Q_. Cicero one of his legates in Gaul, since, also, he had served me by his own and had lent M. Cicero large sums of money, influence and expressions of opinion, and by Cp. §§ iS and 21, and Ad Att. 7. 8, 5 ; also wise counsels and zealous exertions which Mommsen 4. 2, pp. 313, 314. you shared ' 19. Cum illis viris, 'with Caesar and 9. Inimicum : cp. § 10, note. Pompey.' 10. Si quibusdam .. adgregassem, 'if 21. Pompeii fides. Apparently a pro- I changed my language a little sometimes in mise made by Pompey to Caesar, that expressmg my opinions, and shewed a dis- Cicero would relinquish his opposition to position to promote the dignity of a man their measures. It was very likely a repe- who had deserved well of me.' On the tenses, tition to Caesar of that which Q. Cicero had cp. Madv. 379. 'Adgregare,' = 'coniungere/ made on his brother's behalf to Pompey. ' adsciscere.' Forcell. Cp. § 9. EP. 29.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 9. 205 tenda in civitate, quae sunt apud Platonem nostrum scripta divinitus^ quales in re publica principes assent, tales reliquos solere esse civis. Tenebam memoria nobis consulibus ea funda- menta iacta iam ex Kalendis lanuariis confirmandi senatus, ut neminem mirari oporteret Nonis Decembr. tantum vel animi 5 fuisse in illo ordine vel auctoritatis ; idemque memineram nobis privatis usque ad Caesarem et Bibulum consules, cum sententiae nostrae magnum in senatu pondus haberent, unum fere sensum 13 fuisse bonorum omnium. Postea, cum tu Hispaniam citeriorem cum imperio obtineres neque res publica consules habcret, sed 1° mercatores provinciarum et seditionum servos ac ministros, iccit quidam casus caput meum quasi certaminis causa in mediam con- tentionem dissensionemque civilem ; quo in discrimine cum miri- fica senatus, incredibilis Italiae totius, singularis omnium bonorum consensio in me tuendo exstitisset, non dicam, quid acciderit — 15 multorum est enim et varia culpa — , tantum dicam brevi, non mihi exercitum sed duces defuisse. In quo, ut iam sit in iis culpa, qui me non defenderunt, non minor est in iis, qui reli- querunt, et, si accusandi sunt, si qui pertimuerunt, magis etiam reprehendendi, si qui se timere simularunt : illud quidcm certe 20 nostrum consilium iure laudandum est, qui meos cives et a me conservatos et me servare cupientes, spoliatos ducibus servis I. In civitate, 'with regard to the state.' Wiel. Apud Platonem. In the Laws, Bk. 4, p. 711, B, C. The sense is freely given by Cicero. 3. Tenebam memoria . . auctori- tatis, 'I remembered that in my consulship such a basis was laid on the first of January for a firm position to be maintained by the senate, that no one ought to wonder at the spirit which that body shewed, and at the authority which it enjoyed on the 5th of December,' the day on which the senate sanctioned the execution of Cati- line's accomplices. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § II. 9. Postea. In 58 b.c. Lentulus seems to have been praetor in 60 B.C., and to have obtained the government of Hispania Citerior next year through Caesar's in- fluence. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 22. II. Mercatores . . ministros, 'men who bought provinces by giving their aid to seditious practices.' Piso and Gabinius ob- tained Macedonia and SyriTi through the influence of Clodius in great measure. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 19. \1. Quasi certaminis causa, 'as an apple of discord.' Wiel. Billerb. 15. Non dicam .. culpa, ' I will not say what result followed, as that would involve the censure of many in various degrees.' 17. Duces. He complained especially of Q. Arrius and Q. Hortensius. Cp. Ad Q. F. I. 3, 8; Ad Att. 3. 9, 2 ; Intr. to Part I, § 22. 18. Qjji me non defenderunt . . si- mularunt. It is difficult to explain these allusions; I think 'qui me non defenderunt,' and perhaps ' qui pertimuerunt,' refer to the consuls andPompey; 'qui reliquerunt' and 'si qui simularunt' to the leaders of the oplimates. 20. Illud . . consilium, 'm^' well-known resolution.' For this sense of ' iliud,' cp. Madv. 485 b. Cicero means his resolution to retire from Rome, rather than involve his countrymen in a civil war. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 20. 21. Q_ui . . maluerim. ' Qiii,' = ' cum ego.' Cp. Madv. 366. 22. Servis armatis. A contemptuous 206 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part ii. armatis obiici noluerim declararique maluerim, quanta vis esse potuisset in consensu bonorum, si iis pro me stante pugnare licu- isset, cum adflictum excitare potuissent ; quorum quidem animum tu non perspexisti solum, cum de me ageres, sed etiam confirmasti 5 atque tenuisti. Qua in causa — non modo non negabo, sed etiam 14 semper et meminero et praedicabo libenter — usus es quibusdam nobilissimis hominibus fortioribus in me restituendo, quam fuerant idem in tenendo ; qua in sententia si constare voluissent, suam auctoritatem simul cum salute mea recuperassent. Recreatis lo enim bonis viris consulatu tuo et constantissimis atque optimis actionibus tuis excitatis, Cn. Pompeio praesertim ad causam ad- iuncto, cum etiam Caesar rebus maximis gestis singularibus ornatus et novishonoribus ac iudiciis senatus ad auctoritatem eius ordinis adiungeretur, nulli improbo civi locus ad rem publicam 15 violandam esse potuisset. Sed attende, quaeso, quae sint conse- 15 cuta : primum ilia furia muliebrium religionum, qui non pluris fecerat Bonam deam quam tres sorores, impunitatem est illorum sententiis adsecutus, qui, cum tribunus pi. poenas a seditioso civi per bonos viros iudicio persequi vellet, exemplum praeclarissimum description of the rabble who followed Clodius. 2. Si . . licuissct, 'if their natural lead- ers had allowed them to act on my behalf.' 3. Cum . . potuissent, 'by their having been able to raise me when fallen.' Excitare is common in this sense in Cicero's writings. The meaning of the pas- sage is, ' The success of my friends in re- storing me from exile shewed how easily they might have saved me from having to go into exile.' 4. Cum de me ageres, ' when you were pleading my cause in the senate.' 5. Tenuisti, ' maintained.' 6. Quibusdam : cp. Ep. 20, 8, note. 8. In tenendo, 'in keeping me at Rome.' Cp. Ep. 54, 3 Mile (Pompeius) restituendi mei, quam retinendi stuJiosior.' But Cicero does not, probably, refer to Pompey in this passage. Qua in sententia . . voluissent, 'and if they had been willing to persevere in that attitude,' i.e. of friendship to me. Ti, Actionibus. 'your proposals and official conduct.' Billerb. Ad causam adiuncto, ' having enlisted himself in support of the same cause.' •Adiungor ad,' = 'aniplector,' 'sequor.* For- celL Cp. § II. 12. Singularibus honoribus: cp. Ep. 26, 10. 14. Locus, ' an opportunity.' 16. Furia, ' the mad assailant.' Clodius is meant of course. Cp. Ad Q^F. 3. I, 11 ' uti uUum ad illam furiam verbum rescri- beret.' On the gender of ' qui,' cp. Madv. 215 b. 17. Tres sorores. Two sisters, married to L. LucuUus and CL Metcllus Celer; one cousin, Terentia, married to Q. Marcius Rex. Billerb. Illorum, the nobles of whom he com- plains so often. For their relations with Clodius at this time, cp. Ep. 23, 4, and Moinmsen 4. 2, 297. 18. Sententiis, 'by their votes in the senate,' i.e. by their failure to support Len- tulus Marcellinus in his proposal that Clodius should be tried by a special commission be- fore the ne.xt comitia. Cp. Ad Q^ F. 2. I, 2. Tribunus plebis: probably L. Racilius, or perhaps Milo. Cp. Ad Q. F. 1. c. The occurrence referred to took place in 56 b.c. 19. Per bonos viros, ' by an appeal to the judges,' or perhaps ' to the well-disposed senators.' Exemplum . . sustulerunt, 'prevented a signal punishment of sedition, which would EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 9. 207 in posterum vindicandae seditionis de re publica sustulerunt ; idemque postea non mcum monumentum — non enim illae manubiae meae, sed operis locatio mea fuerat — , monumentum vero senatus hostili nomine et cruentis inustum litteris esse passi sunt. Qui me homines quod salvum esse voluerunt, est mihi 5 gratissimum ; sed vellem non solum salutis meae, quem ad modum medici, sed, ut aliptae, etiam virium et colons rationem habere vokiissent : nunc, ut Apelles Veneris caput et summa pectoris poHtissima arte perfecit, rehquam partem corporis inchoatam reliquit, sic quidam homines in capite meo solum elaborarunt, 10 16 reliquum corpus imperfectum ac rude reliquerunt. In quo ego spem fefelli non modo invidorum, sed etiam inimicorum meorum, qui de uno acerrimo et fortissimo viro meoque iudicio omnium magnitudine animi et constantia praestantissimo O. Metello L. f. quondam falsam opinionem acceperunt, quem post reditum dicti- 15 tant fracto animo etdemisso fuisse ; [est vero probandum,] qui et summa voluntate cesserit et egregia animi alacritate afuerit neque sane redire curarit, eum ob id ipsum fractum fuisse, in quo cum omnes homines tum M. ilium Scaurum sineularem virum con- 'fc.' have been most famous for our countr}' in the term 'poena capitalis,' cp. Ep. 4, i, after times.' note. 2. Monumentum : cp. § 5, note. 13. Qui . . acceperunt, ' who heard at 3- Manubiae, 'trophies.' Originally some past time a false account about Q. * money raised by the sale of booty.' For- Metellus.' For an account of this Metellus, cell. surnamed Numidicus, cp. Sail. lug. 43 foil. ; Operis locatio mea. Lange (Rtjm. Pint. Marius 29. It is hard to see why Alt. 3. 325) thinks that the words refer to Cicero's enemies should have based their some building erected in 63 B.C. by Cicero, expectations on this precedent. It would under the direction of the senate. setm more natural that they should draw 4. Hostili nomine, ' the name of Clo- inferences from their knowledge of Cicero's dius.' This inscription seems to have been own character. Probably Cicero onlv in- put up after the disorders mentioned Ad Att. troduces the parallel for his own indirect I.e. exaltation. Cp. Pro Sestio 16, 37; Post Passi sunt, i.e. by failing to support Reii. ad Quir. 3, 6. The general sense is, Racilius and Milo eftectivelv. 'my enemies were mistaken in supposing 5. Qui,='etii.' Cp. Madv. 448. I should act as they fancied Metellus had 7- Aliptae, 'slaves employed to attend acted.' bathers.' Forcell. who, however, remarks 15. Acceperunt. Wesenb. 'acceperant.' that Cicero uses it here for a trainer, 16. Qui et summa . . superasset, the usual Greek word for which is -^vyi- ' to think that one who retired Vk-ith the vaarrjs. utmost readiness, and lived abroad with the Virium et coloris, 'my strength and greatest cheerfulness, and shewed no anxiety complexion.' to return, was broken in spirit on account 9. Inchoatam, ' o«/_y begun.' of that act by which he shewed more 10. In capite . . reliq-uerunt, ' have constancy than M. Scaurus.' For the use exerted themselves only to save my rights of of the inf. in exclamations, cp. Ep. 12, I, citizenship, and disregarded my fortune and note. dignity.' ' Caput ' is here of course used in 19. M. Scaurus, censor, princeps senatus, two senses. For the different meanings of and twice consul. He is always mentioned 2o8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [PART II. stantia et gravitate superasset ! sed, quod de illo acceperant aut etiam suspicabantur, de me idem cogitabant, abiectiore animo me futurum, cum res publica maiorem etiam mihi animum, quam umquam habuissem, daret, cum declarasset se non potuisse me 5 uno civi carere ; cumque Metellum unius tribuni pi. rogatio, me universa res publica, duce senatu, comitante Italia, promulgantibus octo tribunis, referente consule, comitiis centuriatis, cunctis ordi- nibus, hominibus incumbentibus, omnibus denique suis viribus reciperavisset. Neque vero ego mihi postea quicquam adsumpsi 17 10 neque hodie adsumo, quod quemquam malevolentissimum iure possit offendere : tantum enitor, ut neque amicis neque etiam alienioribus opera, consilio, labore desim. Hie meae vitae cursus offendit eos fortasse, qui splendorem et speciem huius vitae intuentur, sollicitudinem autem et laborem perspicere non pos- 15 sunt. Illud vero non obscure queruntur, in meis sententiis, quibus ornem Caesarem, quasi desciscere me a pristina causa. Ego autem cum ilia sequor, quae paulo ante proposui, tum hoc non in post- remis, de quo coeperam exponere. Non offendes eundem bono- rum sensum, Lentule, quem reliquisti, qui confirmatus consulatu 20 nostro, non numquam postea interruptus, adflictus ante te con- with praise by Cicero, but in very different a similar sentiment, cp. Pro Muren. 3, 8. terms by Sallust, lug. 15. He seems to have 12. Hie meae . . cursus, 'this devotion been a man of lax principles, but moderate to professional duties.' See the preceding and judicious in his political conduct ; thus sentence. he advocated the reforms of Drusus in 15. Illud vero .. causa, 'the complaints 91 B.C. This passage seems to imply that they do not conceal are, that my expressions he took an oath prescribed by the Lex Ap- of opinion in honour of Caesar shew a kind puleia in loo B.C., which Metellus refused. of defection from my old party.' Cp. De Cp. Plut. Marius 29; App. Bell. Civ. i. 31 Prov. Cons. 8, 18; 11, 28 for Cicero's pro- MeTeAAos Se ou/r olyuoae ^t^fos. posals in honour of Caesar. I. Sed, resumptive, ' I say.' Cp. Ep, 23, 17. Cum ilia sequor .. exponere, ' I 2, note. am influenced partly by the reasons I stated 5. Unius tribuni pi. Q. Calidius is a little while ago (in §§ 9-12). and not least referred to. Cp. Pro Plane. 28, 69. by a further important consideration, which 7. Octo tribunis. The tribunes could I had begun to explain to you ' before the only legally propose bills to the tribes, and digression about Metellus. hence their ' promulgatio ' as well as the Hoc refers to the jealousy of some leaders consul's motion in the senate, is to be distin- of the optimates (cp. §§ 10; 13 ; 15), on guished from the law passed by the centuries which he now enlarges more at length, to which Cicero actually owed his recall. 18. Non offendes, 'you will not find on Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 23. your return.' ' Offendere' = 'invenire, repe- 8. Incumbentibus, 'exerting them- rire, quasi in rem incidendo.' Forcell., who selves.' This absolute use of the word is also quotes this passage. rare, but cp. Ep. 31, 3. Bonorum : ' boni ' is often used as equi- 9. Reciperavisset, = ' recuperavisset,' valent to ' optimates,' the friends of the old ' recovered,' ' recalled.' aristocratic constitution. Adsumpsi, = 'adrogavi,' 'took upon my- 19. Sensum, 'disposition.' Cp. Ad Fam. self.' I. 8, 2 'sensum in re publica.' II. Neque etiam alienioribus. For 20. Non numquam postea interrup- ■• EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. ^. 209 sulem, recreatus abs te, totus est nunc ab iis, a quibus tuendus fuerat, derelictus ; idque non solum fronte atque voltu, quibus simulatio facillime sustinetur, declarant ii, qui turn nostro illo statu optimates nominabantur, sed etiam sententia saepe iam 18 tabellaque docuerunt. Itaque tota iam sapientium civium, qualem 5 me et esse et numerari volo, et sententia et voluntas mutata esse debet ; id enim iubet idem ille Plato, quern ego vehementer auctorem sequor, tantum contendere in re publica, quantum pro- bare tuis civibus possis ; vim neque parenti nee patriae adferre oportere. Atque banc quidem ille causam sibi ait non attin- 10 gendae rei publicae fuisse, quod, cum offendisset populum Athe- niensem prope iam desipientem senectute, [cumque eum nee persuadendo nee cogendo regi posse vidisset,] cum persuaderi posse diffideret, cogi fas esse non arbitraretur. Mea ratio fuit alia, quod neque desipiente populo nee Integra re mihi ad con- 15 sulendum capesseremne rem publicam implicatus tenebar ; sed laetatus tamen sum, quod mihi liceret in eadem causa et mihi utilia et cuivis bono recta defendere. Hue accessit commemo- randa quaedam et divina Caesaris in me fratremque meum libe- ralitas : qui mihi, quascumque res gereret, tuendus esset ; nunc in 20 tus. These words refer to various occur- measures.' rences in the years 62, 61, 60 B.C. : perhaps ii. Offendisset, 'had met with,' 'fallen especially to the affair of Clodius, and to the on,' or simply 'found: ' as above, §17. Cp. disputes of the senate and equites. Cp. Intr. Plat. Ep. 5. 322 A and B HXarcuv oxpi iv Trj to Part I, §§ 14 ; 15. Trarpidi jiyove, KOi rov drjiiov KareAapev Adflictus, ' utterly depressed.' ijSr] -npia^vTipov Kal iiOiajxivov vno tmv Ante te consulem, i.e. in the years (fxnpoaOfv iroWa Kal dvufxoia Trj ineivov 59, 58 B.C. ^vpL^ovXrj TrpaTTftv. 2. Idque non solum . . sustinetur, 12. Desipientem senectute: cp. Ari- * and this they shew not merely on their stoph. Eq. 42 brows and in their aspect, where a false Arj/xos ttvkvittjs SwkoXov yfpovTLov. pretence can be most easily made.' I think 13. Persuaderi, impers., sc. 'populo.' Cicero means that the leading optimates not The apodosis begins with ' cogi fas esse.' only pretended to have changed their opin- 14. Ratio, 'position.' ions in order to win favour from their old 15. Neque desipiente populo, 'as the opponents, but took actual steps in violation people with which I had to deal had not yet of their old convictions. ' Sustinetur,' = come to its dotage,' abl. abs. ' geritur.' Forcell. Nee integra re . . tenebar, 'I was al- 3. Nostro . . statu. Wesenb. suggests ready committed, and had no power of freely the insertion of ' in' before ' nostro.' considering the question whether I should 4. Sententia .. tabellaque, 'their votes take part in politics.' in the senate and on the bench.' Cp. § 15- 17. In eadem causa, 'on the same ques- 6. Sententia et voluntas, 'view of tion,' viz. whether Caesar's command should things and desire.' be continued ; the expediency of which con- 7. Plato : cp. Crito 50 E, 51 B and C ; tinuation Cicero maintained at length in his Sail. lug. 3. speech ' De Provinciis Coiisularibus.' 8. Tantum . . possis, 'to exert yourself 18. Hue, 'to the grounds already stated,* in politics only, so far as you can gain the of self-defence and public interest. .approval of your fellow-citizens for your 20. Qui mihi . . videretur, 'whose 2IO M. TULLII CICERONIS [part it. tanta felicitate tantisque victoriis, etiamsi in nos non is esset, qui est, tamen ornandus videretur. Sic enim te existimare velim, cum a vobis meae salutis auctoribus discesserim, neminem esse, cuius ofificiis me tam esse devinctum non solum confitear, sed 5 etiam gaudeam. Quod quoniam tibi exposui, facilia sunt ea, quae 19 a me de Vatinio et de Crasso requiris ; nam de Appio quod scribis sicuti de Caesare te non reprehendere, gaudeo tibi consilium probari meum. De Vatinio autem, primum reditus intercesserat in gratiam per Pompeium, statim ut ille praetor est factus, cum 10 quidem ego eius petitionem gravissimis in senatu sententiis oppugnassem, neque tam illius laedendi causa quam defendendi atque ornandi Catonis. Post autem Caesaris, ut ilium defen- derem, mira contentio est consecuta. Cur autem laudarim, peto a te, ut id a me neve in hoc reo neve in aliis requiras, ne tibi ego 15 idem reponam, cum veneris : tametsi possum vel absenti ; recor- dare enim, quibus laudationem ex ultimis terns miseris. Nee hoc pertimueris ; nam a me ipso laudantur et laudabuntur iidem. Sed tamen defendendi Vatinii fuit etiam ille stimulus, de quo in iudicio, cum ilium defenderem, dixi me facere quiddam, quod in 20 Eunucho parasitus suaderet militi : public services and private liberality would each severally justify the honour I have shewn him.' On the aid which Cicero re- ceived from Caesar, cp. infra, § 21. 3. Cum a vobis . . discesserim, = 'vobis exceptis ' (Forcell.) 'that after you, the authors of my safety, I am more in- debted to Caesar than to any one else.' ' Vobis ' probably refers to Pompey and Lentulus. 5. Facilia sunt . . meum : cp. §4, note. 8. Primum . . Pompeium, 'the first step to our friendly relations was a recon- ciliation brought about by Pompey just after Vatinius was elected praetor,' i.e. in 55 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 8. Reditus . . in gratiam. On the order of the words, cp. Zumpt L. G. 788. The verb comes early in the sentence in familiar style. 9. Statim ut. Mr. J. E. Yonge re- marks that ' ut ' is not strictly dependent on •statim.' 12. Catonis. M. Cato stood for the praetorship against Vatinius. Cp. Ad Q. F. 2. 9. 3- 13. Mira contentio, ' most urgent re- presentations.' 14. Neve . . neve : for the simple ' ne . . neque,* cp. Madv. 459. A rare usage. 15. Idem reponam, 'put the same question to you in return.' ' Reponere,' = ' par pari referre.' Forcell. Vel absenti, sc. 'reponere.' Cp. Ep. 23, 2, note, for the ellipse. Recordare . . miseris, 'for just re- member in whose favour you have sent letters of eulogy from the most distant regions.' Cicero needed not to wait for Lentulus' return to see how he behaved. Lentulus, apparently had often written let- ters from Spain or Cilicia, testifying in favour of worthless men. 18. Ille stimulus. The pronoun re- fers to what follows ; cp. Ep. 5, 3, note. 19. Me facere . . militi, 'that I was doing what the parasite recommends to the soldier in the Eunuchus.' Cp. Terent. Eu- nuch. 3. I, 50. On the tense of 'suaderet,' which follows that of 'dixi,' cp. Madv. 383. The parasitus is Gnatho ; the miles Thraso. The import of the advice quoted is, ' If your mistress arouses your jealousy by speaking of Phacdria, repay her by men- tioning Pamphila.' EP. 29.] EP IS TOLA RUM AD FA MILT A RES /. 9. 211 iibi nominabit Phaedriam, tu Pamphilam continue. Si quando ilia dicet ' Phaedriam intro mittamus coinissatum,' Pamphilam cantatum provocemus. Si laudabit haec illius formam, tu huius contra ; denique 5 par pro pari referto, quod earn mordeat. sic petivi a iudicibus ut, quoniam quidam nobiles homines et de me optime meriti nimis amarent inimicum meum meque in- spectante saepe eum in senatu modo severe seducerent, modo familiariter atque hilare amplexarentur, quoniamque illi haberent 10 suum Publium, darent mihi ipsi alium Publium, in quo possem illorum animos mediocriter lacessitus leviter repungere ; neque solum dixi, sed etiam saepe facio deis hominibusque adproban- 20 tibus. Habes de Vatinio, cognosce de Crasso. Ego, cum mihi cum illo magna iam gratia esset, quod eius omnes gravissimas 15 iniurias communis concordiae causa vohnitaria quadam obHvione contriveram, repentinam eius defensionem Gabinii, quem proximis [superioribus] diebus acerrime oppugnasset, tamen, si sine ulla mea contumeHa suscepisset, tuhssem ; sed, cum me disputantem, non lacessentem laesisset, exarsi non sohim praesentij credo, ira- 20 cundia — nam ea tam vehemens fortasse non fuisset — , sed, cum inclusum illud odium multarum eius in me iniuriarum. quod ego effudisse me omne arbitrabar, residuum tamen insciente me fuisset, omne repente apparuit. Quo quidem tempore ipso quidam homines, et iidem ilH, quos saepe mitii significationeque appello, 25 cum se maximum fructum cepisse dicerent ex hbertate mea meque 7. Quidam . . inimicum meum : cp. defended Gabinius when he and Piso were § 15, note. accused of misgovernment in 56 B.C. 9. Severe seducerent, 'led aside with 18. Sine ulla mea contumelia, 'with- a serious air,' as if for conference. Cp. Pro out any abuse of me.' For this use of the Muren. 24, 49 ' seductiones testium.' possessive pronoun, cp. Madv. 297 b, Obs. i. 11. Alium Publium. The praenomen 19. Disputantem, merely 'debating,* of Vatinius was Publius. 'arguing.' Forceli. 12. Leviter repungere, ' prick them 22. Inclusum illud odium .. iniuria- gently in return.' ' Repungere ' seems only rum, 'the secret hatred inspired by many to be found here. wrongs of his to me.' On the genit. ' iniu- 13. Dixi, sc. ' me facturum.' riarum,' cp. Ep. 4, 2, note. 14. Habes de Vatinio. Porcell. says 24. Omne .. apparuit, 'came suddenly 'habere,' = ' audire,' 'intelligere' in such pas- to light in its full extent,' sc. 'illud odium.' sages as this. 'Enough of Vatinius.' Cp. 25. Nutu significationeque appello, Ep. 8, 6, note on p. 57. ' describe by signs and hints.' On the ex- Cognosce: cp. Ep. 36, 9 'nunc cognosce pression, cp. Niigelsbach 1371 397. Cicero de Brute' never names the men to whose jealousy he 17. Contriveram, 'had trodden under ascribed in part his change of policy. Cp. foot,' 'effaced.' Forcel). §§ 13-15. Defensionem Gabinii. Crassus had 26. Cum se . . dicerent, ' though they P 2 212 M. TULLII CICERO NIS [part II. turn denique sibi esse visum rei publicae, qualis fuissem, resti- tutum, cumque ea contentio mihi magnum etiam foris fructum tulisset, gaudere se dicebant mihi et ilium inimicum et eos, qui in eadeni causa essent, numquam amicos futures : quorum iniqui 5 sermones cum ad me per homines honestissimos perferrentur cumque Pompeius ita contendisset, ut nihil umquam magis, ut cum Crasso redirem in gratiam, Caesarque per litteras maxima se molestia ex ilia contentione adfectum ostenderet, habui non tem- porum solum rationem meorum, sed etiam naturae, Crassusque, lo ut quasi testata populo Romano esset nostra gratia, paene a meis Laribus in provinciam est profectus ; nam, cum mihi condixisset, cenavit apud me in mei generi Crassipedis hortis. Ouam ob rem eius causam, quod te scribis audisse, magna illius commendatione susceptam defend! in senatu, sicut mea fides postulabat. Acce- 21 15 pisti, quibus rebus adductus quamque rem causamque defenderim, quique meus in re publica sit pro mea parte capessenda status ; de quo sic velim statuas, me haec eadem sensurum fuisse, si mihi Integra omnia ac libera fuissent : nam neque pugnandum arbi- trarer contra tantas opes neque delendum, etiam si id fieri posset, 20 summorum civium principatum nee permanendum in una sen- tentia conversis rebus ac bonorum voluntatibus mutatis, sed temporibus adsentiendum. Numquam enim iji praestantibus in re publica gubernanda viris laudata est in una sententia perpetua affirmed that they had derived great advan- ii. Condixisset, 'had offered to visit tage from my independence.' Cp. Madv. me.' Forcell. explains ' condicere ' by ' de- 358, Obs. 3, lor this use of 'cum.' nunciare alicui se apud eum cenaturum ipso 1. Qualis fuissem, 'like my old self.' voknte.' 2. Ea contentio, 'my dispute with 12. Apud me. Cicero probably furnished Crassus.' an entertainment, for which Furius Crassipes Foris, 'among the people.' lent his gardens. 3. Dicebant, 'yet said.' An adversative Generi: cp. Ep. 24, 2, note, conjunction would make the sense clearer, 13. Eius causam. Cicero defended the but is often omitted. Cp. Ep. 21, 3, note, conduct of Crassus in the senate, but did not on p. 166. really approve of it. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 8, 2 Ilium, sc. Crassum. and 4; Ad Att. 4. 13, 2. Crassus set out Eos, sc. Pompeium et Caesarem. for his province late in 55 B.C. Cp. Intr. 6. Ita contendisset ..umquam magis. to Part II, § 8. On the ellipse, cp. Madv. 478; Zumpt L.G. Magna illius commendatione, 'under 774. and note. strong recommendations from Caesar,' or 8. Habui . . naturae, 'I paid regard to perhaps 'from Pompey.' the suggestions not only of circumstances 15. Quamque rem causamque, 'each but of my nature.' Man. thinks that 'tem- measure and cause' which I have been porum ' here means ' of my calamities.' blamed for defending. 10. Ut quasi testata . . gratia, 'that 16. Quique meus . . status, 'and what our good understanding might be, so to is my political position as an individual.' say, solemnly attested.' Cp. Ep. 8, 2 on 20. Summorum civium. Caesar and 'testata.' Pompey. EP. 29.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. 9. 213 permansio, sed, ut in navigando tcmpestati obsequi artis est, etiam si portum tenere non queas, cum vero id possis mutata velificatione adsequi, stultum est eum tenere cum periculo cursum, quern ceperis, potius quam eo commutato quo velis tamen per- venire, sic, cum omnibus nobis in administranda re publica 5 propositum esse debeat id, quod a me saepissime dictum est, cum dignitate otium, non idem semper dicere, sed idem semper spectare debemus. Quam ob rem, ut paulo ante posui, si essent omnia mihi solutissima, tamen in re publica non alius essem atque nunc sum : cum vero in hunc sensum et adliciar beneficiis 10 hominum et compellar iniuriis, facile patior ea me de re publica sentire ac dicere, quae maxime cum mihi turn etiam rei publicae rationibus putem conducere. Apertius autem haec ago ac saepius, quod et Quintus, frater mens, legatus est Caesaris et nullum meum minimum dictum, non modo factum, pro Caesare intercessit, quod 15 ille non ita illustri gratia exceperit, ut ego eum mihi devinctum putarem, Itaque eius omni et gratia, quae summa est, et opibus, quas intellegis esse maximas, sic fruor ut meis ; nee mihi aliter potuisse videor hominum perditorum de me consilia frangere, nisi cum praesidiis iis, quae semper habui, nunc etiam potentium 20 22 benevolentiam coniunxissem. His ego consiliis, si te praesentem habuissem, ut opinio mea fert; essem usus eisdem ; novi enim 1. Permansio, 'perseverance.' Cp. De nobles with Clodius. Invent. Rhet. 2. 54, 164. Facile patior . . conducere, 'I am Artis est, ' shews skill.' Cp. Madv.'282. content to hold and express such opinions 2. Id, sc. 'portum tenere.' on politics as I think most likely to serve 4. Tamen, 'nevertheless,' 'even at the both my own interests and those of the State.' expense of changing your course.' The On the expression ' facile patior,' cp. Ep. 3, word corresponding to ' tamen ' is often 2 and 3, notes. omitted. Cp. Forcell. 15. Intercessit, merely = 'accidit.' For- 7. Non idem . . debemus, 'we ought, cell. not indeed always to hold the same Ian- 16. Exceperit, for the tense, as referring guage, but always to have the same end in to a definite historical fact, cp. Madv. 382, view.' Obs. I. 8. Posui, ' stated,' common in this sense 19. Hominum perditorum, in primis in Cicero. Clodii. Bilk-rb. 9. Solutissima, 'quite free from em- 20. Cum praesidiis .. habui. Cicero barrassmtnts.' The superlative is rare. refers probably to the attachment of the Non alius . . atque . . sum, 'no other more judicious nobles, and of the majority man than I am.' Cp. Madv. 444, b. of the middle classes both at Rome and in 10. Cum vero, ' but now that.' the country towns. In hunc sensum, 'to my present dis- Potentium, of Caesar, Pompey, and position.' Crassus. Beneficiis hominum, ' the services' of 22. Eisdem. This word seems here to Pompey in promoting his recall, and of mean ' equally,' ' all the same.' I cannot re- Caesar in lending him money. member an exact parallel, but cp. Madv. 488; 11. Iniuriis, 'the intrigues' of certain Zumpt L. G. 6S2 ; and instances in Forcell. 214 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. temperantiam et moderationem naturae tuae, novi animum cum mihi amicissimum, turn nulla in ceteros malevolentia suffusum, contraque cum magnum et excelsum, tum etiam apertum et sim- plicem. Vidi ego quosdam in te tales, quales tu eosdem in me 5 videre potuisti : quae me moverunt, movissent eadem te profecto. Sed, quocumque tempore mihi potestas praesentis tui fuerit,tu eris omnium moderator consiliorum meorum ; tibi erit eidem, cui salus mea fuit, etiam dignitas curae. Me quidem certe tuarum actio- num, sententiarum, voluntatum, rerum denique omnium socium 10 comitemque habebis, neque mihi in omni vita res tam erit ulla proposita, quam ut quotidie vehementius te de me optime meritum esse laetere. Quod rogas, ut mea tibi scripta mittam, quae post 23 discessum tuum scripserim, sunt orationes quaedam, quas Meno- crito dabo, neque ita multae ; ne pertimescas. Scripsi etiam — 15 nam me iam ab orationibus diiungo fere referoque ad mansuetiores Musas, quae me maxime sicut iam a prima adulescentia delec- tarunt — scripsi igitur Aristotelio more, quem ad modum quidem 2. Nulla . . suffusum, 'concealing no ill-will towards the rest of our countrymen.' ' Suffusns ' is rarely used in this sense, but cp. Ovid. Trist. 2, 565 ' a salibus suffusis felle refugi.' 3. Simplicem: contrasted with the duplicity of the ' quidam ' presently men- tioned. 4. Quosdam in te tales, sc. 'segerere.' Cp. Madv. 300 a ; 324 a ; and for the fact, Ep. 21, 2 and 3. Bibulus seems to be espe- cially referred to. 5. Quae . . eadem. On the position of these pronouns, cp. Madv. 321. Moverunt, ' influenced.' 6. Mihi potestas . . fuerit, 'I shall have an opportunity of meeting you.' Cp. the expression ^potestatem sui facere,' Ep. 15. 15- 7. Eidem; cp Ep. 20, i, note. 'You, m ireover, who formerly cared for my safety will now provide for my dignity alfo.' 8. Dignitas is a difficult word to trans- late — • position,' ' general respect,* perhaps come near its meaning. Tuarum action um . . omnium, 'in all your proposals, expressions of opinion and wishes, in short in everything.' 13. Discessum tuum, 'your departure' to assume the government of Cilicia, which happened in 57 or 56 B.C. Cp. Ep. 21, i ; Ep. 22, 2, note. Orationes. Those still extant are — Pro P. Sestio, In Vatiniuni, De Haruspicum Responsis, Pro M. Caelio, De Provinciis Con- sularibus. Pro L. Balbo, in Pisonem, Pro M. Scauro (fragmentary). Pro Cn. Plancio. Menocrito. This man seems to have been a freedman of Lentulus, not elsewhere mentioned. 14. Ne pertimescas. Cp., for a similar affectation of modesty. Ad Fam. 7. i> 3 ' dum- modo is tibi quidvis potius quam orationes meas legerit.' As Mr. J. E. Yonge remarks this construction is really a dependent one. Cp. Hor. Carm. 4. 9, i. 15. Me . . diiungo, 'I sever myself from the company of my speeches,' which Cicero personifies to form a contrast to the ' Musae' below. Mansuetiores Musas, 'gentler studies.' Neither oratory nor philosophy came within the province of the Muses, unless in the larger sense in which the Greeks spoke of HovatKT). Cicero is here speaking of his poetical, philosophical, and rhetorical works. 16. Me maxime. Wesenb. proposes to insert 'nunc' after ' me.' 17- Igitur, resumptive: cp, Madv. 480. Aristotelio more. The form of the dialogue ' De Oratore ' does not correspond with that of any of the treatises of Aristotle which we possess, but Plutarch (Adv. Colot. Ill;, b) speaks of f^ajTepiKol Sia\o'/oi of Aristotle (see also his life of Dion 22), Diogenes Laertius also (xii.), in his list of the works of that philosopher, mentions several which, judging by their titles, seem EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES I. g. 21.5 volui, tres libros [in disputatione ac dialogo] ' de oratore,' quos arbitror Lentulo tuo fore non inutiles ; abhorrent enim a commu- nibus praeccptis et omnem antiquorum et Aristoteliam et Iso- cratiam rationem oratoriam complectuntur. Scrips! etiam versibus tres libros de temporibus meis, quos iam pridem ad te misissem, 5 si esse edendos putassem ; sunt enim testes et erunt scmpiterni meritoruni erga me tuorum meaeque pietatis ; sed [quia] verebar non eos, qui se laesos arbitrarentur — etenim id feci parce et molliter — , sed eos, quos erat infinitum bene de me meritos omnes nominare ; quos tamen ipsos libros, si quem cui recte 10 committam invenero, curabo ad te perferendos. Atque istam to have been dialogues. Cicero, too (Ad Att. 13. 19, 4) says that his 'Academica 'ApiaroTtXiiov rnorem habent, in quo sermo ita inducitur ceterorum, ut penes ipsum sit principatus.' This description does not, it is true, apply to the books ' De Oratore;' but Bernays (p. 137) thinks that Cicero in the passage now under consideration (Ad Fam. 1. 9, 23") refers to the less dramatic cha- racter of the Aristotelian dialogues as com- pared with the Platonic. Madvig (on Cic, de Fin. Excursus vii. p. 840) doubts if Cicero knew much of any works of Aristotle except the dialogues and rhetorical works, and Mr. Grote thinks that it was from reading the dialogues that Cicero formed the opinion of Aristotle's style expressed in the Prior Aca- demics (2.38, 119) 'fiunienorationis aureum fundens Aristoteles' — cp. 'Aristotelia pig- nienta,' Ep. 9, 1. On the whole subject, see Grote's Aristotle, I. 43 foil. ; a review of that work in the Edinburgh Review for October, 1872 ; the article on Aristotle in Smith's Diet, of Biogr. (i. 322) (by A. Stahr) ; and Jacob Bernays, Die Dialoge des Aristoteles, Berlin, 1863. Quem ad modum quidem volui, ' according to my wish at least.' Cicero means that he would allow others to judge how far he had succeeded. 1. In disputatione . . dialogo. Wesenb. thinks that these words are genuine, except the preposition ' in.' 2. Lentulo tuo, 'your son Lentulus.' Cp. Ep. 26, II, note. A communibus praeceptis. The rules generally given were perhaps more directly and exclusively practical than those incul- cated by Cicero. In his treatise ' De Ora- tore* he makes L. Crassus argue against M. Antonius (the orator) in favour of the necessity of general knowledge and cultiva- tion for an orator. 3. Aristoteliam . . complectuntur, ' embody the theories of rhetoric set forth by Aristotle and by Isocrates.' Aristotle's treatise on rhetoric is well known ; that of Isocrates is said to have perished with the exception of a few fragments : cp. Smith, Diet, of Biogr. 2. 633, and Cic. de Inv. Rhet. 2. 2, 7 ; the last reference I owe to Mr. Yonge's note. 5. De temporibus meis, 'about my exile and restoration.' Cp. § 8 of this letter for the meaning of ' tempora.' The poem on his consulship was written much earlier, for he quotes it Ad Att. 2. 3, 3, while the services of Lentulus (cp. 1. 7) were rendered in 57 B.C., and could not have been re- ferred to in the earlier poem, unless indeed Cicero added to it at a later time, which is possible. Biiter, xi. 130, thinks that the poem on his consulship is here referred to. 7. Meritorum . . pietatis : cp. Intr. to Part I, § 23, and Ep. 21, I. Sed quia . . nominare. Wesenb. re- tains ' quia,' thinking that some such words as ' vetui divulgari' have dropped out after ' nominare.' Verebar, 'I was apprehensive of,' 'feared how they might be affected.' 8. Q_iii se laesos arbitrarentur: cp. note on § 13. He refers perhaps especially to Pompev (cp. Ep. 54, 3), and to Horten- sius (Ad Att. 3. 9, 2). Id feci, sc. 'culpavi,' the verb to be supplied from ' laesos.' 9. Erat infinitum, 'it was an endless task,' and therefore impossible. 10. Si quem . . invenero, ' if I find any messenger to whom I can prudently en- trust them.' 11. Istam . . partem . . nostrae . . 'the results of my activity in this departmen: of my ordinary life,' i.e. in his literary pur- suits. 2i6 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [PART il. quidem partem vitae consuetudinisque nostrae totam ad te defero : quantum Htteris, quantum studiis, veteribus nostris delectatio- nibus, consequi poterimus, id omne ad arbitrium tuum, qui haec semper amasti, libentissime conferemus. Quae ad me de tuis 24 5 rebus domesticis scribis, quaeque mihi commendas, ea tantae mihi curae sunt, ut me nolim admoneri, rogari vero sine magno dolore vix possim. Quod de Quinti fratris negotio scribis te priore aestate, quod morbo impeditus in Ciliciam non transieris, con- ficere non potuisse, nunc autem omnia facturum, ut conficias, id 10 scito esse eius modi, ut frater meus vere existimet adiuncto isto fundo patrimonium fore suum per te constitutum. Tu me de tuis rebus omnibus et de Lentuli tui nostrique studiis et exercitatio- nibus velim quam familiarissime certiorem et quam saepissime facias existumesque neminem cuiquam neque cariorem neque 15 iucundiorem umquam fuisse quam te mihi, idque me non modo ut tu sentias, sed ut omnes gentes, etiam ut posteritas omnis intel- legatj esse facturum. Appius in sermonibus antea dictitabat, 25 postea dixit etiam in senatu palam, sese, si licitum esset legem curiatam ferre, sortiturum esse cum collega provincias ; si curiata 20 lex non esset, se paraturum cum collega tibique successurum ; 1. Nostrae. . nostris.. conferemus. lo. Esse eius modi, 'is such a valuable The last word must mean '7 will lay before service.' you,' hence ' nostrae ' probably is equivalent Adiuncto isto fundo. The land which to ' meae.' Otherwise the words ' qui haec Quintus wished to buy was apparently ad- semper amasti' might suggest that Cicero jacent to his patrimonial estate — perhaps speaks of himself and Lentulus as ' nos.' near Arpinum. On the use of 'noster' for ' meus,' cp. Madv. 12. Nostrique : cp. note on the previous 483. section. 2. Studiis. I do not see what force this Exercitationibus, 'practice' of oratory, word has here. Mr. Jeans renders it ' phi- composition, etc. Forcell. losophic work ;' Metzger translates 'litteris 15. Idque me . . facturum. The more . . studiis, ' wissenschafiliche Beschaftigung.' natural order of the words according to our 4. De tuis rebus domesticis. lean- notions would be ' meque esse facturum not explain this allusion, Lentulus' letter not non modo ut tu id sentias sed ut.' Cicero having been preserved. probably meant that he would either record 6. Admoneri, 'to be reminded of them;' the services of Lentulus in a special work rogari, 'to be asked to attend to them.' (Mi'tller), or mention them in his speeches 7. De Qjiinti fratris negotio. Prob- upon all occasions. ably Cicero refers to a wish of Quintus to 17. In sermonibus, 'in private conver- buy land from some Roman resident in sation.' Cilicia. Miiller. 18. Si licitum esset, i.e. if no tribune Priore aestate, in 55 B.C. interposed his veto. 8. In Ciliciam, 'into Cilicia proper.' 19. Sortiturum, 'would cast lots with The province of Lentulus included various his colleague' for the two consular pro- other districts. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 17. vinces. This was the regular course; and 9. Conficere, ' to efiect a settlement.' this passage seems to imply that it could The verb is used thus absolutely, Ep. 24, 2 only be taken after the enactment of a 'Lex ' de nostra Tullia spero cum Crassipede nos Curiata.' confecisse.' 20. Paraturum,' would make an arrange- EP. 29-] EPISTOLARUM AB FAMILIARES I. g. 217 legem curiatam consul! fcrri opus esse, necesse non esse ; se, quoniam ex senatus consult© provinciam haberet, lege Cornelia imperium habiturum, quoad in urbem introisset. Ego, quid ad te tuorum quisque necessariorum scribat, nescio ; varias esse opi- niones intellego : sunt qui putant posse te non decedere, quod 5 sine lege curiata tibi succedatur ; sunt etiam, qui, si decedas, a te ment.' Cp., for this use of the verb, Sail, lug. 43, accordine; to one reading; also Forcell. sub voc. Marutius says that it is equivalent to 'pacisci:' — Wesenb. suggests ' comparaturum.' Tibique successurum, 'and would go as your successor to Cilicia.' I, Legem curiatam. Cicero (De Rep. 2. 13, 25) considered this law to represent the ancient popular confirmation of the elec- tion of kings, continued under the common- wealth for ' magistratus cum imperio' (De Leg. Agrar. 2. li, 26). This approval by the ' curiae' had long become a mere form, and its only importance was that the tri- bunes could interfere with public business by opposing its enactment. Cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq., ' Imperium,' p. 629. Mommsen (Rom. Hist. I. 69; 81 ; 82: Rcimische For- schungen, p. 271) thinks it was even ori- ginally more of a mere form than would be gathered from Cicero's language. Opus esse, necesse non esse, 'was desirable (or proper) but not necessary.' Forcell. explains 'opus esse' as = ' quod fieri debet.' On the omission of an adversative conj., cp. Madv. 437 d, Obs. Cicero (De Leg. Agrar. 2. 12, 30) insists on the neces- sity of the law to confer ' imperium.' Appius seems to have relied on a clause (i) of the Lex Cornelia L. Sullae, mentioned on the next page, and he may have interpreted this law as dispensing with the necessity of a ' Lex Curiata.' Lange, Rom. Alterth. I. 630, calls this interpretation sophistical, but Fischer, Rom. Zeittafeln, on 81 B.C., refers to this passage as shewing that the Lex Cornelia did grant such dispensation. The passage quoted (from Ad Att. 4. 18, 2) in a note on Ep. 28, *], however, goes rather against this view. It would appear a fair inference from this passage that the ' Lex Curiata ' need not be proposed for a magis- trate until he was on the point of departing for his province after, or towards the close of, his year of office at Rome. But Momm- sen (Staatsrecht, I, pp. 51, note 4 ; 54, 55, notes) remarks that the enactment of such a law was necessary to enable the praetors to preside in the civil courts, and the consuls to convene the ' comitia centuriata ; ' and it is noteworthy that during the year now under consideration the 'comitia centuriata' do not seem to have been convened, at least for elections. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 11 ; 13 ; Dion Cassius, 40, 45. Becker (Rom. Alterth. 2. 2, 62; 63) thinks that 'im- perium ' was usually conferred on the con- suls for their year of office, either by anti- cipation or soon after their election, and that a fresh 'Lex Curiata' was passed be- fore they departed for their provinces as pro- consuls. 2. Ex senatus consulto. The decree by which the senate, under the Lex Sem- pronia C. Gracchi, fixed the provinces of the future consuls. Cp. Ep. 26, 10; De Prov. Cons. 2, 3. Lege Cornelia, sc. L. Sullae de pro- vinces ordinandis. Thh law has been already referred to. It provided apparently (i) That all provincial governors should retain their ' imperium' till they returned to Rome; (2) That they must leave their provinces within thirty days of the arrival of their successors; (3) That a limit should be fixed to the money allowed by the provincials as travel- ling expenses to deputations sent to Rome for the purpose of eulogising their late governors; and possibly (4) That a 'Lex Curiata' should not be essential for a pro- vincial governor who had had a province assigned him by the senate. But on the last point see note on ' opus esse ' above. On the whole subject compare with the present passage Ad Fam. 3. 6, 3 and 6; 3. 10, 6. 4. Varias esse opiniones, i.e. as to what Lentulus ought to do : see the follow- ing words. 5. Sunt qui putant: 'putent' would be more usual, the indicative being rarely used in such passages except where a defi- nitive pronoun or adjective of number is added, e.g. 'multi:' cp. Madv. 365, Obs. I. But Mr. Yonge following Kleyn, thinks that the indicative may be used in an express classification. Non decedere, 'not leave your pro- vince,' even though Appius should present himself as your successor. 6. A te relinqui posse . . praesit, ' that you can leave an officer in charge of 2l8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. relinqui posse qui provinciae praesit. Mihi non tam de iure certum est — quamquam ne id quidem valde dubium est — quam illud, ad tuam summam amplitudinem, dignitatem, libertatem, qua te scio libentissime frui solere, pertinere te sine ulla mora pro- 5 vinciam successori concedere, praesertim cum sine suspitione tuae cupiditatis non possis illius cupiditatem refutare. Ego utrum- que meum puto esse, et quid sentiam ostendere et quod feceris defend ere. Scripta iam epistola superiore accepi tuas litteras de publicanis, 26 10 in quibus aequitatem tuam non potui non probare : facilitate quidem vellem consequi potuisses, ne eius ordinis, quern semper ornasti, rem aut voluntatem offenderes. Equidem non desinam tua decreta defendere ; sed nosti consuetudinem hominum ; scis quam graviter inimici ipsi illi Q. Scaevolae fuerint ; tibi tamen 15 sum auctor, ut, si quibus rebus possi*;, eum tibi ordinem aut re- concilies aut mitiges : id etsi difficile est, tamen mihi videtur esse prudentiae tuae. the province.' Cicero was much embarrassed in choosing a temporary successor for him- self in CiHcia. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 3, 1 and 2 ; 6. 6, 3. foil. 2. Quamquam ne id . . dubium est. Cicero evidently hints that Lentulus would act illegally in remaining in his province after the arrival of Appius. 3. Amplitudinem, dignitatem, li- bertatem. Cicero thought the position of a leading senator at home more dignified and independent than that of a provincial governor ; and when he himself went to govern Cilicia was anxious to stay there as short a time as possible. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 15, I ; 5. 21, 3 ; Ad Fam. 2. 10, 4. 6. Cupiditatis, 'eagerness for office,' which Appius shewed by his readiness to assume the government of Cilicia without the sanction of a ' Lex Curiata,' and which Lentulus would have shewn by declining to leave his province on the arrival of a successor. Refutare, 'to resist.' Cp. De Prov.Cons. 13, 32 ' illas nationes . . refutandas . .bello.' Ego utrumque . . defendere, 'I think it my duty both to declare what I think you ought to do, and to defend what you actu- ally do.' 9. Epistola superiore, 'the foregoing letter,' to which Cicero now adds a post- script after receipt of one from Lentulus. 10. Facilitate, ''\>y readiness to oblige.' 11. CLiiidem, 'however.' Cp. Nagels- bach 125, 543. Eius ordinis, of the publicans. 12. Ornasti: cp. Ad Att. i. 17, 9 ' ecce aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae I quas ego non solum tuii, sed etiam ornavi,' foil. Rem aut voluntatem offenderes, 'come into collision with the [real or fan- cied, J. E. Y.] interests or wishes.* 13. Decreta. Probably decrees by which the publicans thought their interests were endangered. Cicero probably refers to them a few lines above, where he praises the 'aequitas' of Lentulus. Consuetudinem hominum, sc. ' pub- licanorum.' Cicero perhaps refers to their abuse of judicial power. 14. Q^ Scaevolae. Q^ Mucins Scaevola governed Asia 99 B.C., and exerted himself to protect the provincials from extortion. This offended the equites, from whom alone the judges were then taken at Rome ; and P. Rutilius Rufus, the upright legate of Scaevola, was brought to trial and con- demned on a false charge of ' repetundae.' Cp. Ad Att. 5. 17, 5 ; Livy, Epit. 70 ; Vel- leius 2. 13 ; Cic. In Pison. 39, 95. Cicero in- corporated many provisions of the provincial edict of Scaevola in his own. Cp. Ad Att. 6. I, 15. 17. Prudentiae tuae, 'not too hard for your sagacity.' Metzg, EP. 3c.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES 11.6. 219 30. To C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO (AD FAM. II. 6). Rome, ^'^ b.c. (701 a.u.c.) 1. Any seeming haste in my despatch of this letter must be excused by the import- ance of its subject ; 2. and the greatness of your past services to me warrants my asking of you a favour, for which I should be very grateful. 3. I am most anxious for Milo's success in his canvass for the consulship, and I think your aid is just what is wanted to secure it ; our other resources are ample, 4. and we only want a leader. In Milo you will find a friend of the greatest spirit and constancy. 5. I need not explain to you how deeply I am interested in this matter, and if you grant my request you will place me under a lasting obligation. M. CICERO S. D. C. CURIONI. 1 Nondum erat auditum te ad Italiam adventare, cum Sex. Vil- lium, MiJonis mei familiarem, cum his ad te litteris misi ; sed tamen cum adpropinquare tuus adventus putaretur et te iam ex Asia Romam v^ersus profectum esse constaret, magnitude rei fecit, ut non vereremur ne nimis cito mitteremus, cum has 5 quam primum ad te perferri htteras magno opere vellemus. Ego, si mea in te essent officia sokim. Curio, tanta, quanta magis a te ipso praedicari quam a me ponderari solent, vere- cundius a te, si quae magna res mihi petenda esset, conten- derem ; grave est enim homini pudenti petere aUquid magnum 10 ab eo, de quo se bene meritum putet, ne id, quod petat, exigere magis quam rogare et in mercedis potius quam beneficii loco 2 numerare videatur. Sed quia tua in me vel nota omnibus vel ipsa novitate meorum temporum clarissima et maxima beneficia exstiterunt, estque animi ingenui, cui multum debeas, eidem 15 plurimum velle debere, non dubitavi id a te per Htteras petere, C. Scribonius Curio, to whom Cicero 5. Cum has . . vellemus, 'as I wish wrote this letter, was son of the Curio men- this letter to reach you as soon as pos- tioned Ep. 7, 5, p. 50. His talents and his sible.' extravagance and debauchery were equally 7. Solum =' sola,' 'my services to you remarkable. In politics he was inconsistent, only, and not also yours to me.' Cp. Phi- but appears to have been now on good lipp. 2.32,81 ' nos . . nuntiationeni solum terms with Cicero. For more particulars habemus.' ' Primum ' is used in the same about him, cp. Ep. 11, i, note; Intr. to way. Cp. Livy 6. 1 1, ace. to Weisseiiborn's Parts II, §§ 26, 27; III, § 9. text, 'IVIanlius primum omnium ex patribus 1. Te . . adventare. Curio was now popularis factus.' in Asia as quaestor. Billerb. 9. Contenderem, 'should solicit it.' Sex. Villium. This Villius is only here 'Id' omitted. Cp. Zumpt L. G. 765-766, mentioned, apparently, unless Horace refers 13. Sed quia . . exstiterunt, 'since to him Sat. I. 2, 64. your services to me have been some of them 2. Misi. On the perfect used for the known to all, and others most famous and present in letters, cp. Zumpt L. G. 503. important from the very strangeness of my 4. Magnitudo rei, 'the greatness of my disasters.' Sed quia opposed to si solum object.' in the preceding sentence. 220 3f. TULLII CICERO N IS [part II. quod mihi omnium esset maximum maximeque necessarium ; neque enim sum veritus ne sustinere tua in me vel innumera- bilia non possem, cum praesertim confiderem nullam esse gratiam tantam, quam non vel capere animus meus in accipiendo vel 5 in remunerando cumulare atque illustrare posset. Ego omnia 3 mea studia, omnem operam, curam, industriam, cogitationem, mentem denique omnem in Milonis consulatu fixi et locavi, statuique in eo me non officii solum fructum sed etiam pietatis laudem debere quaerere ; neque vero cuiquam salutem ac fortunas 10 suas tantae curae fuisse umquam puto, quantae mihi est honos eius, in quo omnia mea posita esse decrevi. Huic te unum tanto adiumento esse, si volueris, posse intellego, ut nihil sit praeterea nobis requirendum. Habemus haec omnia : bonorum studium conciliatum ex tribunatu propter nostram, ut spero te 15 intellegere, causam ; volgi ac multitudinis propter magnificen- tiam munerum liberalitatemque naturae ; iuventutis et gratio- sorum in suffragiis studia propter ipsius excellentem in eo genere vel gratiam vel diligentiam ; nostram suffragationem, 1. Esset. On the tense, following that of ' dubitavi,' cp. Madv. 383. 2. Sustinere, ' to bear the weight of.' Tua, sc. ' beneficia,' which Wesenb. pro- poses to insert after ' innumerabiiia.' 4. Qjiam non . . posset, 'that my heart cannot receive it with appreciation, and repay it with interest that shall be famous. Capere ='find room for ' (Man.); = ympa.v, J. E. Y. 7. Fixi et locavi, 'have attached and devoted.' 8. Officii fructum, 'the advantage which I may derive from this service' (Metzg., Hofm.). Mr. Jeans renders ' the solid fruits of such service as I can render.' He thinks that 'the fruits' looked for are simply success. 'A recompense for hh ser- vice' (Wiel.). 'The satisfaction of doing my duty' (J. E. Yonge). May not such a verb as ' praestare ' be supplied from quaerere? The meaning then would be, ' not only to bestow the service on which he has a claim, but to seek praise for my gratitude," or ' affection ' (so in subst. Manut.), which would not be content with the mere dis- charge of a debt. II. In quo . . decrevi, 'on whom I am persuaded that my all depends.' Unum, ' beyond all others.' J. E. Y. 13. Habemus haec omnia, 'all the following points are secured.' 14. Ex tribunatu: cp. Intr. to Part I, §§ 21; 23. 15. Volgi ac multitudinis, sc. 'studium conciliatum.' 16. Munerum. Milo gave splendid shows in 54 b.c, hoping to win the favour of the populace, and so to improve his prospects as an aspirant to the consulship. Cp. Ad Q^ F. 3. 8, 6; 3. 9, 2, and Pro Milon. 35, 95. Iuventutis. the young nobles, of whom Cicero generally speaks with fear and dis- like. Cp. Ad Att. I. 19, 8; 2. 7, 3 ; Merivale I. 97, 98. On their influence at electioris cp. Pro Muren. 35, 73. where the expression gratiosus in equitum centu- riis occurs. It seems to mean 'influential at elections.' 17. Ipsius, sc. Milonis. In eo genere: Billerb. renders 'among that class.' Is it not rather = 'in ea re,' 'in canvassing,* or, as Manut. ' in suffragiis.' Examples of this sense of ' genus ' are given by Forcell. Milo had been an active sup- porter of his friends, who would repay him in kind. iS. Nostram suffragationem, 'my own support or recommendation.' Cp. Livy 10. 13, where, of the recommendation of P. Decius by Q. Fabius to the people, it is said, ' iusta sutfragatio visa.' EP.30.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES II.6. I2i si minus potentem, at probatam tamen ct iustam et debitam et 4 propterea fortasse etiam gratiosam. Dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum, quos proposui, moderator quidam et quasi gubernator ; qui si ex omnibus unus optandus esset, quern tecum conferre possemus, non haberemus. Quam ob rem, si 5 me memorem, si gratum, si bonum virum vel ex hoc ipso, quod tam vehementer de Milone laborem^ existimare potes, si dignum denique tuis beneficiis iudicas, hoc a te peto, ut subvenias huic meae soHicitudini et huic meae laudi vel, ut verius dicam, prope sakiti tuum studium dices. De ipso T. Annio tantum lo tibi polliceor, te maioris animi, gravitatis, constantiae bene- volentiaeque erga te, si complecti hominem volueris, habiturum esse neminem ; mihi vero tantum decoris, tantum dignitatis adiunxeris, ut eundem te facile agnoscam fuisse in laude niea, 5 qui fueris in salute. Ego, ni te videre scirem, cum ad te haec 15 scriberem^ quantum officii sustinerem, quanto opere mihi esset in hac petitione Milonis omni non modo contentione, sed etiam dimicatione elaborandum, plura scriberem : nunc tibi omnem rem atque causam meque totum commendo atque trado. Unum hoc sic habeto : si a te hanc rem impetraro, me paene plus 20 tibi quam ipsi Miloni debiturum ; non enim mihi tam mea salus cara fuit, in qua praecipue sum ab illo adiutus, quam 1. Probatam . . debitam, 'approved by the public, and due to Milo's claims upon me.' 2. Dux . . opus est. On this constr. cp. Madv. 266. 3. Ventorum, 'the winds that will iill our sails,' i. e. the resources I mentioned. Cp. Ep. 9, 6 ' Caesarem cuius . . venti . . sunt secundi.' Proposui, ' I set before you.' According to Forcell., Caesar uses the word more often than Cicero in this sense. 4. O ptandus esset, ' had to be chosen.' 6. Bonum virum, 'a man of honour.' Cp. Ep. 29, 10. 9. Huic meae laudi . . saluti, 'this cause, in which my honour, or rather my safety, is at stake.' Cicero had still reason to fear Clodius, against whom Milo would be his most efficient protector. For this use of ' laus,' see below in this section in laude mea, 'where my honour is con- cerned.' 10. De ipso T. Annio. Milo was son of C. Papius Celsus, but was adopted by his mother's father, T. Annius. The Annii came originally from Setia (cp. Livy 8. 5): the Papii from Lanuvium (cp. Ascon. in Milonian. 141 and 158). 12. Complecti, 'to embrace the cause of,' ' receive warmly.' The word is more often used with an ablative of the manner, as in Ep. 15, 4: but cp. Ad Fam. 2. 8, 2, ' da te homini ; complectetur.' 14. Laude, ' the praise I shall win by shewing myself grateful to Milo.' Manut. 15. In salute, 'when my safety was at stake,' in 58-57 b.c. 16. Quanto opere . . elaborandum, ' how I must exert myself, at the cost of the greatest toil and of the most perilous conflicts.' 18. Omnem rem atque causam, 'the whole affiiir in dispute.' ' Res,' the whole affair ; ' causa,' the disputed point therein, Hofm. 19. Unum . . habeto, 'be assured of this one point.' Habere =' scire, sibi per- suadere.' Forcell. Cp. Ep. 26, 4, note. 22. Quam pietas . . iucunda, 'as the 223 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. earn autem unius tui pietas erit in referenda gratia incunda studio me adsequi posse confido. 31. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. V. ii). Athens, July 6, 51 b.c. (703 a.u.c.) I. In fiiture I will write, even at the risk of your not getting my letters. I hope you will do all you can to prevent my terra of office being prolonged. 2. I cannot approve Marcellus' treatment of the citizen of Comum, which I fancy offended Pompey as much as Caesar. 3. I hope Pompey will not go to Spain, and have asked Theo- phanes to dissuade him from doing so. 4. I leave Athens to-day ; all my principal officers are here except Tullius, and I have some light vessels for the voyage. The Parthians seem to be quiet. 5. My behaviour on my progress through Greece has been much admired, and I have nothing to complain of in my attendants. I do not know what may happen, however, if I ara detained in my province more than a year. 6. I have attended to your requests, and have as much regard for Xeno as you have. I think, however, that a letter to Memmius will serve him better than anything else. 7. Console Pilia ; I saw a letter of hers, written with much feeling. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Hui, totiensne me litteras dedisse Romam, cum ad te nullas 1 darem ? At vero posthac frustra potius dabo, quam, si recta 5 dari potuerint, committam ut non dem. Ne provincia nobis prorogetur, per fortunas ! dum ades, quicquid provided potest, provide : non dici potest, quam flagrem desiderio urbis, quam vix harum rerum insulsitatem feram. Marcellus foede in Co- 2 affection I shall shew in requiting him will give me pleasure.' I. Eani, sc. 'pietatem,' 'the means of shewing that afTection." Tui. 'Tuo' seems to have been the first reading of the MS., and Madvig. on Cic. de Fin. 2. 23, 76, prefers it. So too Wesenb. 3. Hui . . nullas darem ? ' can I have written so often to Rome without writing to j'ou?" quoting a reproach of Atticus prob- ably. On the constr., see Ep. 12, 1, note. • Hui,' an exclamation of astonishment. Cp. Epp. 42, 3. 4. Frustra . . non dem, 'I will rather write in vain than be guilty of not writing when it can be done with prudence.' Recte, probably = 'to trustworthy mes- sengers. Cp. Ep. 6, I and 4, on Cicero's anxiety in such cases. 6. Dum ades, 'while you are at Rome.' 8. Harum rerum insulsitatem, 'the distastefulness in my present way of life.' Cp. Ad Att. 13. 29, 2 'in villa cuius insul- sitatem "bene" noram.' Forcell. gives as equivalents, ' ineptia,' ' stultitia.' Marcellus foede, sc. ' fecit.' Cp. Ep. 23, 2, note. In the following clause, the combination of ' gesserit ' with 'erat' is curious. The words must mean, ' supposing him not to have been a magistrate, he was yet a Transpadane.' Merivale (2. 72, 73) thinks ' gesserit,' the reading of the best MS., inadmissible, and follows the reading ' gesserat ' which Orellius and Wesenb. have adopted. This of course would commit Cicero to a statement that the man had not held office. The language of the other authorities hardly decides the question of fact. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 26, with Plut. Caes. 29. The incident referred to hap- pened as follows. The consul, M. Claudius Marcellus, having met with a citizen of Novum Conmm at Rome, ordered him to be scourged, as an insult to Caesar, who had established a colony at that town. Plut. Caes. 29. The Transpadane Gauls EP.3I.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM T'. ii, 223 mensi : etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen Trans- padanus. Ita mihi videtur non minus stomachi nostro qiiain 3 Caesari fecisse ; sed hoc ipse viderit. Pompeius mihi quoque videbatur, quod scribis Varronem dicere, in Hispaniam certe iturus : id ego minime probabam, qui quidem Theophani facile 5 persuasi nihil esse melius quam ilium nusquam discedere. Ergo Graecus incumbet ; valet autem auctoritas eius apud ilium pluri- 4 mum. Ego has pr. Nonas Quinctiles proficiscens Athenis dedi, cum ibi decem ipsos fuissem dies. Venerat Pomptinus ; una Cn.Volusius, aderat quaestor; tuus unus Tullius aberat. Aphracta 10 either universally (Mommsen 3. 248), or to a large extent (A. W. Zumpt, Studia Romana, 37-42), had received the Latin franchise from Cn. Pompeius Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, in 89 B.C., and Cae- sar's establishment of a colony at Novum Comum would enable that place to rank as a Latin community apparently. The ' Lex Vatinia ' of b.c, 59, had empowered Caesar to establish a colony at Comum, which should enjoy the Latin, perhaps the Roman, franchise. Cp. Suet. lul. 28 ; Ad Fam. 13- 35' I- ^o^ the citizen of a Latin city who had held a magistracy in it, acquired a right to the Roman franchise, with its exemption from corporal punish- ment. But Cicero's disapproval of the act of Marcellus seems to shew that the im- munity of the Latins was extended further by custom than by law. A Lex Livia, carried by M. Drusus, the rival of C. Grac- chus, proposed to exempt the Latins alto- gether from such punishment (cp. Plut. C. Gracchus 9). According to Mommsen (4. 2, 360), Caesar had conferred the full Roman franchise on the Transpadanes, but the Roman government might fairly treat such an act as invalid, and Drumann, 3. 383, thinks that the senate by resolution declared it so. But the passages which Drumann quotes from Plutarch (Caes. 29) and Suetonius (lul. 28) do not seem to me to establish this point. Neither Caesar, how- ever, nor Pompey, whose father had patron- ised the Transpadanes (cp. Drumann, 3. 383"), was likely to regard the act of Mar- cellus with indifference. On the whole aiTair cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 26; Strabo 5. i, 6; Mommsen 4. 2, 351. Caesar's interest in the Transpadani probably dated from an early period m his political career. Sue- tonius (lul. 8) speaks of him as intriguing with the inhabitants of certain Latin colo- nies on his return to Italy after acting as quaestor in Spain ; and those Latin colonies were probably cities of the Transpadani. For notices of IVL Marcellus, consul for this year, cp. Intr. to Parts II, § 17; IV, §6. 2. Stomachi . . fecisse ; cp. Ep. 29, 10 ' non illi quidem ut mihi stomachum face- rent.' Nostro, Pompeio. 3. Ipse, M. Marcellus. 4. Videbatur . . probabam. These may be taken either as epistolary or ordinary imperfects. I prefer the latter construction. Varronem. Varro would be likely to be well informed as to Ponipey's intentions, for Pompey had appointed him one of his legates for Spain. Neither, however, had yet left Italy. Manut. In Hispaniam : cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 14; 15. Pompey had left the administra- tion of Spain to his legates since his second consulship. 5. Qui quidem . . persuasi, 'and I certainly persuaded.' 6. Ilium nusquam discedere, ' that Pompey should remain constantly at Rome.' Cp. Philipp. I. I, I 'nee vero usquam dece- debam.' 7- Incumbet, ' will exert himself.' More usual with specification of the object. Cp. Ep. 29, 16, note. Apud ilium, sc. ' Pompeium.' 8. Has, sc. ' litteras.' Dedi and the following tenses seem to be epistolary. 2. Decem ipsos, 'precisely ten.' Cp. Madv. 487, Obs. I. Pomptinus. C. Pomptinus was praetor 63 B.C., and supported Cicero zealously against Catiline ; he afterwards governed Gallia Narbonensis, and was now one of Cicero's legates. 10. Cn. Volusius. CLVolusius is men- tioned Ep. 36, 6. It is doubtful if Cicero had two Volusii among his officers, or if the praenomen is wrongly given in one passage. 224 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. Rhodiorum et dicrota Mytilenaeorum habebam et aliquid e-n-iKw- TKAv. De Parthis erat silentium. Quod superest, di invent ! Nos adhuc iter per Graeciam summa cum admiratione fecimus, 5 nee mehercule habeo quod adhuc quern accusem meorum : vi- 5 dentur mihi nosse [nos,] nostram causam et condicionem pro- fectionis suae ; plane serviunt existimationi meae. Quod superest, si verum illud est otWep r) hkcmoiva^ certe permanebunt ; nihil enini a me fieri ita videbunt, ut sibi sit dehnquendi locus : sin id parum profuerit, fiet ahquid a nobis severius ; nam adhuc lo lenitate dulces sumus et, ut spero, proficimus aliquantum. Sed ego hanc, ut SicuH dicunt, ave^tav in unum annum meditatus sum : proinde pugna, ne, si quid prorogatum sit, turpis inveniar. Nunc redeo ad quae mihi mandas : t in praefectis excusatio iis, 6 quos voles, deferto : non ero tam /xere'copo?, quam in Appuleio 15 fui. Xenomen tam diligo quam tj, quod ipsum sentire certo scio. Apud Patronem et reliquos barones te in maxima gratia Quaestor. Probably L. Mescinius Ruf^us, to whom Ad Fam. 5. 20 is ad- dressed. Tullius. L. Tullius, legate of Cicero, and apparently a friend of Atticus. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 4, 2, and Ep. 36, 5, from which we may infer that L. Tullius had been recommended to Cicero by Q^ Titinius, a common friend of Atticus and Cicero. Cp. Manut. Aphracta, 'undecked vessels.' Not a classical Greek word in this sense. 1. Dicrota, ' biremes. The Greek \vord occurs Xen. Hell. 2. i, 28, but is not used there of a distinct class of vessels. eiriKuiTQJV, 'of ordinary boats,' not clas- sical. 2. De Parthis. A Parthian invasion had been feared in the eastern provinces of Rome ever since the disaster of Crassus in 53 B.C. Quod superest, 'for the future,' = ' in eo quod superest.' 3. Summa cum admiratione, ' amid the greatest admiration.' 5. Nostram causam, 'my pretensions' or ' interest.' Condicionem . . suae, ' the terms on which they are to attend me.' 7. Illud, 'the proverb.' oiairep 77 dfffnoiva, ro'ia koa. fj kvwv: cp. Plat. Rep. Bk. 8, p. 563 C. Permanebunt, 'will persevere in good conduct.' Cp. the use of ' permansio,' Ep. 29, 21. 9. Id, 'my example.' 11. Ut Siculi dicunt. Perhaps ave^ia was a SciUan word. It appears not to be found in classical Greek authors. It may mean either ' forbearance,' or ' endurance of temptation.' 12. Proinde pugna . . inveniar, 'exert yourself, then, for my recall at the proper time, lest a prolonged trial prove fatal to my moderation.' 13. In praefectis . . deferto. For the corrupt words excusatio iis, Orell. sug- gests ' exceptis negotiatoribus ;' Metzg. ' excusatio ni sit,' ' unless I have a good plea for rejecting them ;' Gronov. (ap- proved by Boot) ' negotiator ni sit.' The sense seems clear, that Atticus might re- commend any one for the post of praefect against whom there was no general objec- tion, e.g. of his being a money-dealer. Cp. Ep. 36, 10, notes. 14. Tam fifTecopos, 'so anxious or scrupulous.' It is quite classical in the first sense. Appuleio. An Appuleius is mentioned Ad Att. 12. 13, 2, but Httle seems to be known of him. 15. Xeno and Patron were Epicurean philosophers now living at Athens. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 10, 5 ; Ad Fam. 13. i, 2. 16. Barones, 'blockheads:' Forcelk says that the word ' significat stultum, bar- dum, fatuum, hebetem.' The word is com- mon in Cicero's philosophical works. EP. 31.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM V. ii, 225 posui, et hercule merito tuo feci ; nam mihi is ter dixit te scrip- sisse ad se, mihi ex illius litteris rem illam curae fuisse, quod ei pergratum erat. Sed cum Patron mecum egisset, ut peterem a vestro Ariopago, in:oiJ.vriij.aTi(Tix6v tollerent, quern Polycharmo praetore fecerant, commodius visum est et Xenoni et post ipsi 5 Patroni, me ad Memmium scribere, qui pridie, quam ego Athenas veni, Mytilenas profectus erat, ut is ad suos scriberet posse id sua voluntate fieri ; non enim dubitabat Xeno quin ab Ariopa- gitis invito Memmio impetrari non posset. Memmius autem aedificandi consilium abiecerat, sed erat Patroni iratus : itaque 10 scripsi ad eum accurate, cuius epistolae misi ad te exemplum. 7 Tu velim Piliam meis verbis consolere ; indicabo enim tibi ; tu illi nihil dixeris : accepi fasciculum, in quo erat epistola Piliae : abstuli, aperui, legi ; valde scripta est (TV[j.Tjadm. Brun- disio quae tibi epistolae redditae sunt sine mea, turn videlicet 15 datae sunt, cum ego me non belle haberem ; nam illam f vofxav- 1. Merito tuo feci, 'you deserved I should do it.' Abl. caus., cp. Ep. 26, 9, note, on p. 187. Is, Patron. 2. Mihi ex illius . . curae fuisse, ' that I, in consequence of letters received from him, had attended to the matter in which he was interested.' The allusion is ex- plained by the next sentence. Cp. Ad Fam. 13. I. Patron wished to obtain the remains of the house of Epicurus, which had been granted to C. Memmius by a decree of the Areopagus, made in the archonship of Polycharmus (see below), and Cicero wrote to Memmius, then living in exile at Mytilene, to ask him to yield to the wishes of Patron. 4. Vestro Ariopago. Cicero often refers to Afticus' love of Athens. Cp. Ap- pendix 3, § I. VTrofxvrjfj.aTian6i, used by Polyb. 2. 40, 4, for 'a memorandum.' Tollerent. On the omission of 'ut,' cp. Madv. 372 b, Obs. 4; Ep. 8, 14, note. 6. Ad Memmium. Memmius had been convicted of bribery in 51 b.c. For other notices of him, cp. Ad Att. 4. 15, 7 ; 4. 16, 8; 6. I, 23; Ad Q^ F. 3. 2, 3; Ad Fam. 13. I. Lucretius dedicated to him his poem 'De Rerum Natura.' Cp. Lucr. I. 27; 43- 7- Ad suos, 'to his friends and agents at Athens.' 10. Aedificandi, 'of building on the site of the house of Epicurus.' Cp. Ad Fam. 13. I, 3. 11. Accurate : cp. Ep. 20, 6, note, on p. 162. 12. Piliam. Pilia was the wife of Atticus, and seems to have written to Q_ Cicero to ask hini to behave more kindly to his wife Pomponia. Cicero opened the letter, as he confesses to Atticus, but wishes him not to tell Pilia ('indicabo enim tibi,* foil.) Meis verbis, 'in such words as I gener- ally use,' not ' in my name.' For Cicero did not wish Pilia to know that he was aware of her troubles. Boot. 13. Fasciculum, ' a packet of letters.' 14. Abstuli, 'took it from the bundle.' (TV ixnadais . . valde, 'in a tone of lively sympathy.' Cp. Ad Att. 12. 44, i. The adverb does not seem to be common in classical Greek. 15. Q_uae tibi epistolae . . datae sunt. Probably letters from Cicero's family to that of Atticus. Cicero passed through Brundisium on his way to the East. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 8, I. Mr. Tyrrell (Intr. p. Ixxx) restores the reading of the Medicean MS. ' datas,' which he says is in accordance with the usage of Comic poets, the accusative being governed by ' scilicet.' 16 Haberem. On the mood, cp. Madv. 358. yofxavSpia me. Some word meaning ' hackneyed ' seems to be wanted. Schiitz prefers i/o«a/)X'''s= 'praefecturae,' 'employ- ed i!i my letters about the prefectures,' i.e. ' when, in answer to applications for such offices, I said I had no leisure to attend to 226 M. TULLII CICERO N IS [part II. 8pta me excusationem ne acceperis. Cura ut omnia sciam, sed maxime ut valeas. 32. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. V. 16). Synnas or Synnada, August, 51 b.c. (703 a.u.c.) I. I write hastily, while actually on the road. 2. I aTived in this miserable province on the last day of last month, and hear nothing but complaints of exaction, and find many traces of my predecessor's oppression. 3. The unhappy communities are, however, relieved by the moderation and self-control which I practise myself and enforce upon my officers, and my popularity exceeds all belief. 4. Appius has retired to the most remote part of the province. No authentic news about the Par- thians. Bibulus still delays to enter his province. I am hastening to my camp. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Etsi in ipso itinere et via discedebant publicanorum tabellarii 1 et eramus in cursu, tamen surripiendum aliquid putavi spatii, 5 ne me immemorem mandati tui putares ; itaque subsedi in ipsa via, dum haec, quae longiorem desiderant orationem, summatim tibi perscriberem. Maxima exspectatione in perditam et plane 2 eversam in perpetuum provinciam nos venisse scito pridie Kal. Sextiles, moratos triduum Laodiceae, triduum Apameae, totidem 10 dies Synnade. Audivimus nihil aliud nisi imperata €iTLKe(pd\ia them.' Billerb. suggests voyLifi-qv, ' usual.' Boot suggests vojMiiav Tpi^rjs, ' that ordinary excuse for delay,' i.e. that I was too busy to write. Mar.utius reads vofxavTtp'iav, which he explains as = viro dignam, referring to the plea of his being very busy. I. Ne acceperis, 'do not be content with.' Cp. Madv. 386. Or perhaps 'metuo' is to be supplied : ' I fear you may have received ' (from one of my family) ' the hackneyed excuse of my being too busy to write.' 3. In ipso itinere et via, 'while I am on the march, and, indeed, on the road,' i.e. not at a halting-place. Hofm. Discedebant . . eramus. Epistolary tenses. Tabellarii, the messengers sent home by the publicani. They are frequently men- tioned by Cicero. Provincial governors used them in order to spare the'r own official messengers, 'siatores.' Siipfle. Cp. Ad Fam. 2. 19, 2 ; Note C, p. 121. 5. Mandati, 'your charge to write whenever I could.' 6. Dum . . perscriberem, conj., as intimating design. Cp. Madv. 360. 7. Maxima exspectatione, ' amid the most eager expectation.' Cp. Madv. 257. 9. Laodiceae. This Laodicea stood on the Lycus in Phrygia, near the borders of Caria, but was annexed politically to Cilicia. Apameae. Apamea was also in Phrygia, at the junction of the Marsyas and Maeander, northeast of Laodicea. 10. Synnade. Synnas, or Synnada, was in central Phrygia. Cicero gives different accounts of his halts elsewhere. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, I ; Ad Fam. 15. 4, 2. firtKecpdXia, 'poll taxes.' The word iinKi. 237 Martias placeret, senatus consultum, quod tibi misi, factum est auctoritatesque perscriptae. 5 S. C. Auctoritates. Pr. Kal. Octobres in aede Apollinis scrib. adfuerunt L. Domitius Cn. f. Fab. Ahenobarbus, Q. Caecilius Q. f. Fab. Metellus Pius Scipio, L. Villius 5 L. F. Pom. Annalis, C. Septimius T. f. Quirina, C Luci- lius C. f. Pup. Hirrus, C Scribonius C. f. Pop. Curio, L. Ateius L. f. An. Capito, M. Eppius M. f. Ter. Quod M. Marcellus cos. v. f. de provinciis consularibus, d. e. r. i. c, uti L. Paulus C. Marcellus coss., cum magistratum 10 inissent, ex Kal. Mart., quae in suo magistratu futurae essent, de consularibus provinciis ad senatum referrent, nevequidpriusexKal. Mart, adsenatumreferrent, neve quidconiunctim de ea rereferretur a consulibus^utique eius rei causa per dies comitiales senatum haberent 15 senatusque cons, facerent, et, cum de ea re senatum referretur a consulibus, qui eorum in CCC. iudicibus I. Misi, epistolary = ' mitto.' 3. Auctoritates : cp. Ep. 22, 4, note. One decree and three resolutions follow. 4. Scribendo adfuerunt, sc. 'senatus consulto.' ' There were present at the draw- ing up of the decree.' Cp. Ad Att. 7. i, 7 ; Ad Fam. 15. 6, 2 ; 12. 29, 2. On L. Domitius and Q_. Scipio cp. Ep. I, 3. notes. Fabia, sc. ' tribu.' For the ablat., cp. Madv. 275, Obs. 3. The other tribes men- tioned are Pomptina, Quirina, Pupinia, Popi- lia, Aniensis, Teretina. 5. L. Villius, only mentioned here. The surname Annalis probably dates from the year 180 B.C., when the Lex Villia Annalis passed. Cp. Livy 40. 44. 6. C. Septimius, perhaps a praetor of 57BC,, who supported Cicero's restoration from exile. Cp. Post Red. in Sen. 9, 23. C. Lucilius . . Hirrus, perhaps the Hirrus mentioned Ep. 33, 3. It seems doubt- ful if his name was Lucilius or Lucceius. 7. C. Scribonius .. Curio : cp. Ep. 30, first note. 8. L. Ateius . . Capito. Only here mentioned bv Cicero. Caesar pardoned an Ateius in Africa. Cp. Bell. Afric. 89. M. E ppius served under Pompey in the civil war, and was pardoned by Caesar in Africa. Cp. Ep. 50, i ; Bell. Afric. 1. c. Quod, ' whereas.' 9. M, Marcellus : cp. Intr. to Part II, § 17 ; Epp. 31, 2, note; QO, 3 ; 95 ; loi. V. f. = ' verba fecit,' said of a magistrate who laid a question before the senate for discussion. De provinciis consularibus: cp. Ap- pendix 6, § 5. D. e. r. i. c. = ' de ea re ita censuerunt.' The tenses which follow shew that the prin- cipal verb must be in the past tense. 10. L. Paulus : cp. Ep. 13, 2, note. C. Marcellus: cp. Ep. 33, r, note. 13. Ex Kal. .. essent, i.e. from March I, 50 B.C. 14. Coniunctim, ' in combination with it.' The question was to be brought before the senate simply, without having any other bound up with it. The force of ' con- iunctim ' may be seen by a reference to the account of the discussion of the Licinian Rogations. Cp. Livy 6. 39'. 15. Per dies comitiales. After the enactment of the Lex Pupia, first mentioned in 56 B.C., it seems not to have been u^ual to hold meetings of the senate on days on which the comitia could be held. Cp. Ad. Q^ F. 2. 2, 3 ; 2. 13, 3 ; Ad Fam. i. 4, i ; Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 5. The author of the Lex Pupia was probably M. Pupius Piso Calpurnianus, consul in 61 B.C., though some assign it to a Cn. Pupius, tribune in 226-5 B.C. 17. Eorum, sc. ' senatorum.' In CCC iudicibus. Probably ccclx is 238 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. essent, eos adducere liceret. Si quid de ea re ad popu- lum plebemve lato opus esset, uti Ser. Sulpicius M. Marcellus coss., praetores tribunique pi., quibus eoruni videretur, ad populum plebemve ferrent: quod si ii 5 non tulissent, uti, quicumque deinceps essent, ad popu- lum plebemve ferrent. i. n. Pr. Kal. Octobres in aede ApolHnis scrib. adfuerunt 6 L. Domitius Cn. f. Fab. Ahenobarbus, Q, Caecilius Q. f. Fab. Metellus Pius Scipio, L. VilHus L. f. Pom. Annalis, lo C. Septimius T. f. Quirina, C. Lucilins C. f. Pup. Hirrus, C Scribonius C. f. Pop. Curio, L. Ateius L. f. An. Capito, M. Eppius M. f. Teretina. Quod M. Marcellus cos. v. f. de provinciiSj d. e. r. i. c, senatum existimare neminem eo- rum, qui potestatem habent intercedendi, impediendi, 15 moram adferre oportere, quo minus de r. p. p. R. Q. ad senatum referri senatique consultum fieri possit: qui impedierit, prohibuerit, eum senatum existimare contra rem publicam fecisse. Si quis huic s. c intercesserit, senatui placere auctoritatem perscribi et de ea re ad 20 senatum populumque referri. Huic s. c. intercessit the right number. Cp. Ep. 59, 2, note ; Veil. 2. 76 ; Plut. Pomp. 55. Billerb. thinks the first or senatorial ' decuria ' of judges, as constituted by the Lex Pompeia of 55 b c, is referred to. The object of the decree was to make it lawful to summon such senators as belonged to this body from the courts in which they served to attend the senate's debates. 1. Si quid . . lato opus esset, 'if any enactment were required.' Cp. Madv. 266, Obs. Ad populum plebemve, ' by the peo- ple assembled by centuries or tribes.' The expression seems to have been retained from a time at which only plebeians voted in the •comitia tribiita.' See, among other pas- sages, Livy 2. 56. Mommsen (Rom. Forsch. I. 194 foil.), referring especially to a quota- tion from Laelius Felix in A. Gellius, N. A. 15, 27, maintains that 'plebs' in such pas- sages as the present is equivalent to, not 'comitia tributa,' but 'concilium plebis," an assembly of the tribes from which patricians were excluded and the only one convoked by plebeian magistrates. Cp. Ep. 20, 6, note. 2. Ser. Sulpicius, an eminent jurist, was consul with M. Marcellus. Cicero had a very high opinion of him. Cp. Ad Fam. 4. 1-6; Philipp. 9; and several passages in the oration of Pro Murena. 5. Quicumque deinceps essent, 'their successors in those several offices.' 6. I. n. = ' intercessit nemo.' The tribu- nician veto could not legally be exercised in discussions about the consular provinces, as a Lex Sempronia C. Gracchi forbade it. Cp. De Prov. Cons. 7, 17, and Appendix 6, §4. 12. Teretina. This word is also written Terentina. Cp. Livy 10. 9. 15. De r. p. p. R. Q_=' de re publica populi Romani Quiritium.' 16. Senati. On this form, cp. Madv. 46, Obs. 2. 18. Fecisse. On the tense, cp. Madv. 407. 19. Auctoritatem . . referri, ' that a resolution should be drawn up, and the senate and people consulted on the affair.' The next step would be ' agere cum tri- bunis' to negotiate with the protesting tribunes. Cp. Philipp. 2. 21, 52. 20. Intercessit. For the sing., cp, Madv. 213 a. EP. 34-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. ^. 339 C. Caelius, L. Viniclus, P. Cornelius, C. Vibius Paiisa, tribtini pi. 7 Item senatui placere de militibus^ qui in exercitu C. Caesaris sunt : qui eorum stipendia emerita aut causas, quibus de causis missi fieri debeant, habeant, ad hunc 5 ordinem referri, ut eorum ratio habeatur causaeque cognoscantur. Si quis huic s. c. intercessisset, senatui placere auctoritatem perscribi et dc ea re ad hunc ordinem referri. Huic s. c. intercessit C. Caelius, C. Pansa, tribuni pi. 10 8 Itemque senatui placere in Ciliciam provinciam, in VIII reliquas provincias, quas praetorii pro praetore obtinerent, eos, qui praetores fuerunt neque in provin- ciam cum imperio fuerunt, quos eorum ex s. c. cum im- perio in provincias pro praetore mitti oporteret, eos 15 sortito in provincias mitti placere; si ex eo numero, quos ex s. c. in provincias ire oporteret, ad numerum non essent, qui in eas provincias proficiscerentur, tum uti I. Of the four protesting tribunes only C. Vibius Pausa seems to be mentioned elsewhere. Cicero speaks of him as a friend Ad Q. F. 3. 5, 5, and Ad Fam. 6. 12. On his conduct after Caesar's death, cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 12; 15-17. 4. Qui eorum, sc. ' de iis qui.' Cp. Madv, 321, and Obs. Stipendia emerita . . habeant, 'have completed their time of service, or have other pleas for discharge.' The full number of campaigns is said to have been twenty for the infantry, and ten for the cavalry. Cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq., sub voc. ' Exercitus,' p. 499. Causas, quibus de causis. On the pleonasm, cp. Zumpt, L. G. 743; also § 8 below, note. ' The 'causae' would be pleas for discharge, such as sickness, and, perhaps, distinguished services. A discharge obtained on the ground of sickness was called ' missio causaria.' Forcell. The object of this reso- lution probably was to hold out inducements to Caesar's S'^ldiers to desert him. II. In octo reliquas. These would be I. Sicily; 2. Sardinia, with Corsica; 3. Ma- cedonia, with Achaia ; 4. Asia; 5. Africa; 6. Crete ; 7. Cyrene ; 8. Bithynia. Cp. Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, pp. 45, 46. Cilicia was to be a praetorian province after the expiration of Cicero's term of office. 12. Praetorii, ' men who had been prae- tors ; ' an analogous term to ' consulares.' 13 Obtinerent. Wesenb. has obtin[er]eiit. Eos qui . . mitti placere, ' that from the number of those who have been prae- tors, and have not governed provinces, such as ought, according to the decree of the senate, to be sent to govern provinces as propraetors should be sent by lot.' The second ' eos ' and the second ' placere ' seem pleonastic. In provinciam . . fuerunt. On the accusat., cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 5. 38, 98 ' in potestatem futurum: ' Ad Att. 15. 4, 2 ' quo die in Tusculanum esseni futurus,' according to the Meiiicean MS. Wesenb., however, suggests ' in provincias . . iverunt.' 14. Ex s. c. = ' ex senatus consult©.' For the facts, cp. Intr. to Part II, § 17; Appen- dix 6, § 4 ; Ad Fam. 3. 2, 2. 15. Eos sortito, the pronoun 'eos' is resumptive after a parenthesis. Cp. Madv. 489 a. 16. Ex eo numero = 'ex eorum nu- mero.' Cp. Ep. 32. 2, note. 17. Oil OS, plural, as referring to a noun of multitude. Cp. Madv. 215 a. Ad numerum non essent, ' there were not enough.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Q^ F. 2. 13, 2, (II, 2 Bait.) 'ad numerum iudices ha- bere.' 18. Tum uti . . proficiscerentur, 'then the praetors of the following years should be 240 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. quodque collegium primum praetorum fuisset neque in provincias profecti essent, ita sorte in provincias pro- ficiscerentur ; si ii ad numerum non essent, tunc dein- ceps proximi cuiusque collegii, qui praetores fuissent 5 neque in provincias profecti essent, in sortem coniice- rentur, quoad is numerus effectus esset, quern ad nume- rum in provincias mitti oporteret; si quis huic s. c. intercessisset, auctoritas perscriberetur. Huic s. c in- tercessit C. Caelius, C. Pansa, tribuni pi. 10 Ilia praeterea Cn. Pompeii sunt animadversa, quae maxime con- 9 fidentiam attulerunt hominibus, ut diceret se ante Kal. Martias non posse sine iniuria de provinciis Caesaris statuere, post Kal. Martias se non dubitaturum. Cum interrogaretur, si qui turn intercederent, dixit hoc nihil interesse, utrum C. Caesar senatui 15 dicto audiens futurus non esset an pararet qui senatum decernere non pateretur. 'Quid, si' inquit alius ' et consul esse et exer- citum habere volet ? ' At ille quam clementer : ' quid, si filius mens fustem mihi impingere volet ? ' His vocibus, ut existimarent homines Pompeio cum Caesare esse negotium, efifecit ; itaque 20 iam, ut video, alteram utram ad condicionem descendere volt sent, according to the priority of election of each college.' On the plural ' essent,' cp. Madv. 215. 5. In sortem coniicerentur, 'should be admitted to the allotment.' The expres- sion is used by Livyofthe 'provinciae,' 30. i. 6. Is numerus . . quern ad nume- rum. On the repetition of the subst., cp. note on § 7 above ; Madv. 315, and Obs. 2. 7. Mitti oporteret, sc. 'rectores.' The import of this decree seems to be that if there were not nine 'praetorii ' of five years' standing, the deficiency should be made good by taking successively ' praetorii ' of four, three, and two years' standing. Its object was, by assigning as many provinces as possible to ' praetorii,' to diminish the num- ber of provinces disposable for ' consulares,' and so to strengthen the arguments for Caesar's recall in order to provide for such 'consulares' as might wish to govern pro- vinces. The combination of the indie, fuerunt in the early part of the decree with conjunctives in the rest of it, may perhaps be accounted for by Caelius quoting the actual words of the decree in the words qui praetores . . fuerunt, and giving the rest of it in his own words. 10. Ilia, 'the following demonstrations.' Cp. Madv. 485 b. Con fidentiam, 'confidence that there was an understanding between Pompey and the optimates.' It is more often used by Cicero in a bad sense for ' effrontery.' H. Ut diceret, ' how he said.' Cp. Hor. Carm. 1.9, i ; Madv. 356. 12. Sine iniuria: cp. § 4, note. 13. Si qui turn intercederent, sc. ' quid faciendum esset.' 15. An pararet eum, sc. 'tribunum.' Billerb. On the omission of a demonstrative, cp. § 7, above. 16. Q_uid si. On the ellipse, cp. Madv. 479 d. Et consul esse . . volet. The position of Pompey himself in 52 B.C., when he was sole consul and his legates governed the Spanish provinces, was more commanding than that here suggested for Caesar. 17. At ille, Pompeius, sc. ' respondit.' Cp. Madv. 1. c. Quam clementer! of course ironical. Quid, si . . impingere volet, = either ' abiurd,' or ' I should chastise such pre- sumption.' 19. Negotium ='inimicitiam.' Forcell. 20. Descendere =' se accommodare ' (Forcell.), 'is willing to agree to one of EP. ^^.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. 6. 241 Caesar, ut aut maneat neque hoc anno sua ratio habeatur, aut, si 10 dcsignari poterit, decedat. Curio se contra eum totum parat ; quid adsequi possit, ncscio : illud video, bene sentientem, etsi nihil effecerit, cadere non posse. Mc tractat Hberahter Curio et mihi suo munere negotium imposuit ; nam si mihi non dedisset 5 feras, quae ad ludos ei advectae erant Africanae, potuit super- sederi. Nunc, quoniam dare necesse est, velim tibi curae sit, quod a te semper petii, ut ahquid istinc bestiarum habeamus, Sittianamque syngrapham tibi commendo. Libertum Philonem istoc misi et Diogenem Graecum, quibus mandata et htteras ad 10 te dedi : eos tibi et rem, de qua misi, vehm curae habeas ; nam, quam vehementer ad me pertineat, in iis, quas tibi ilH reddent, htteris descripsi. 35. M. CAELIUS RUFUS to CICERO. (AD FAM. VIII. 6). Rome, February, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) I. Appius has been accused by Dolabella. I hope you will show the sincerity of your reconciliation with Appius by doing what you can in your province to promote these alternatives, either to remain in his province without claiming to be allowed to sue for the consulship this year, or to leave his province if he can secure his election as consul.' On ut . . decedat, cp. Ep. 26, 9, note. I. Hoc anno. These words cannot mean ' in this present year,' for the consular election was already over. Cp. § 5. It would seem most natural to refer them to 50 B.C., as Hofmann does ; but Mommscn, Rechtsfrage, p. 53, and note, understands them to mean ' in the year in question,' i.e. 49 B.C. Cp. Appendix 6, § 2, and Ad Fam. 8. n, 3, where Caelius, writing in June 50 B.C., says that Pompey was anxious 'ut Caesar Id. Novembr. decedat.' Sua ratio = 'sui ratio:' cp. De OflF. i. 39, 139. The phrase 'rationem habere' was used of the presiding magistrate at elections, wtien he accepted votes for any one as a candidate. It occurs frequently in Livy. 2. Se contra . . parat, ' is preparing his whole strength to resist him.' 3. Bene sentientem . . non posse, ' that one of sound views cannot have a fall.' 5. Suo munere . . imposuit, 'has im- posed a burden by his gift.' i.e. the burden of adding to it. Caelius remarks just below, that he need not have exhibited any wild beasts at all but for the present he had received. Cp. Ep. 33. 5. 6. Ludos. Grimes celebrated by Curio perhaps in honour of his deceased father. Cp. Ad Fam. •2.2; 2. 3, i ; cp. also ' theatrum Curionis' Ad Fam. 8. 2, I. Potuit = 1^^!/ av : cp. 'ut potest' Ep. 22, 4, note; and for the indie.. Ep. 4, i, note. Supersederi, 'be difpc-nsed with,' i.e. the panthers. 8. Aliquid bestiarum : cp. Madv. 285, b. Istinc, ' from Cilicia.' 9. Sittianam syngrapham : cp. Ep. 33. 5. It probably was the ' res de qua misi ' mentioned just below. Phi Ion, of Pessinus in Galatia, a freed- man of Caelius. 10. Diogenes: cp. Ad Fam. 2. 12, 2 'Diogf-nes tuus, homo modestus, a me .. discessit.* February. So Baiter. Suringar, in his edition of the correspondence between Cicero and Caelius, snggests March as the probable date, guided by a combination of Ad Att. 6. 2, 6 with Ad Fam. 2. 15, 5 and 8. 7, 2. R 242 M. TULLll CICERONIS [part II. his interest. Dolabella has separated from his wife during the proceedings. 2. I re- member yom" parting instructions, but think you had better be silent on the subject at present. 3. Pompey is said to be anxious for Appius. All trials have ended in acquittals lately, and there is great political apathy. Curio is quite inactive. 4. We hear that Bibulus has lost some men on Mount Amanus. P.S. 5. Curio has gone over to Caesar's side and is much abused. Let Appius know that I have made representations to you on his behalf. I think you had better not decide about Dolabella. CAELIUS CICERONI SAL. Non dubito quin perlatum ad te sit, Appium a Dolabella reum 1 factum, sane quam non ea, qua existimaveram, invidia : neque enim stulte Appius ; qui, simul atque Dolabella accessit ad tri- bunal, introierat in urbem triumphique postulationem abiecerat, 5 quo facto rettudit sermones paratiorque visus est, quam speraverat accusator. Is nunc in te maximam spem habet. Scio tibi eum non esse odio : quam velis eum obligare, in tua manu est ; cum quo si simultas tibi non fuisset, liberius tibi de tota re esset. Nunc, si ad illam summam veritatem legitimum ius exegeris, 10 cavendum tibi erit ne parum simpliciter et candide <^t'posuisse inimicitias videaris. In banc partem porro tutum tibi erit, si quid volueris, gratificari ; nemo enim necessitudine et amicitia te deterritum ab officio dicet. Illud mihi occurrit, quod inter postu- 1. Reum factum: of 'ambitus' and will be much valued.' Cicero would have *maiestas;' cp. Epp. 38, 10, note ; 42, i, many opportunities of suppressing evidence note. against Appius by using his influence with 2. Sane quam : cp. Ep. 33, 2, note. the inhabitants of Cilicia. Cp. the beha- Non ea .. invidia, 'without so much viour of L. Metellus as successor to Verres, ill-feeling against the accused as I had ex- In Verr. 2 Act. 3. 53, 122. pected.' Wiel. On the ablat., cp. Ep. 34, 2, 8. Liberius, sc. ' eligere quid faceres.' note. 9. Si ad illam . . exegeris, ' if you Neque enim .. Appius, sc. 'fecit:' cp. make your well-known and rigorous justice Ep. 34, 9, note on 'at ille.' the standard of your lawful privileges;' 'if 3. Accessit ad tribunal, 'preferred his you make exact justice the standard of your charge.' exercise of your legal powers.' Cp. For- 4. Introierat in urbem. By thus cell, for this sense of ' exigere : ' also Livy entering the city Appius laid down his 34- 31. The sense is, 'if you will not stretch ' imperium,' and shewed confidence in his a point in a friend's interest.' cause. Cp. the case of Caesar on his return Veritatem. Veritas = ' justice:' cp. Pro from Spain, Intr. to Part I, § 15; and Note Quinctio 2, 10. E, p. 123. 10. Parum simpliciter et candide, 5. Rettudit sermones, 'has taken the 'with a want of frankness and sincerity.' edge off gossip.' 11. In hanc partem .. gratificari, 7. Odio. The word seems to mean 'you will be safe in doing any favour you serious and lasting hatred. Cicero and Ap- can to Appius in this matter.' Cicero was plus had nearly quarrelled, but Cicero was not supposed to be on the best terms with placable. Appius, though they had been formally Quam velis .. est, 'it depends on your- reconciled. Hence he would not be sus- self to place him under any obligation you pected of partiality. wish:' i.e. 'any service you do him now 13. Illud, 'the following fact.' EP. 35-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. 6. 243 2 lationem et nominis delationem uxor a Dolabella discessit. Quid mihi discedens mandaris, memini ; quid ego tibi scripserim, te lion arbitror oblitum, Non est iam tempus plura narrandi. Unum illud monere te possum : si res tibi non displicebit; tamen hoc tempore nihil de tua voluntate ostendas, et exspectes quern 5 ad modum exeat ex hac causa ; denique invidiosum tibi sit, si emanarit ; porro, si significatio ulla intercesserit, clarius, quam deceat aut expediat, fiat. Nequc ille tacere eam rem poterit, quae suae spei tarn opportuna accident quaeque in negotio con- ficiendo tanto illustrior erit ; cum praesertim is sit, qui, si perni- 10 ciosum sciret esse loqui de hac re, vix tamen se contineret. 3 Pompeius dicitur valde pro Appio laborare, ut etiam putent alterum utrum de fihis ad te missurum. Hie nos omnes absol- vimus ; et hercules consaepta omnia foeda et inhonesta sunt. Consules autem habemus summa diligentia ; adhuc senatus con- 15 Postulationem . . delationem. The first word means properly the application for leave to prosecute : the last, the first step in the actual prosecution : i.e. the report of the defendant's name to the magistrate who would preside at the trial. 1. Quid mihi . . mandaris, 'your parting instructions ' as to finding a suitable husband for Tullia. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 4, i ; Ad Fam. 7. 32, 3. 2. Quid . . scripserim. Caelius had probably mentioned Dolabella's disagree- ment with his wife and suggested him as a husband for Tullia. 4. Res, 'the proposal.' 5. Et='sed:' cp. Ep. 32, 3, note. Quem ad modum . . causa, 'how Do- labella comes out of this case,' i.e. how he acquits himself as an accuser of Appius. 6. Denique . . emanarit, 'in a word it would bring you into disrepute if it were divulged.' Wesenb. suggests ' vide ne qua invidiosum sit.' 7. Porro .. fiat, 'moreover if you give any hint of your intentions they will become clearer than will suit either your credit or your interest,' i.e. ' it will be divulged, for Dolabella has no reticence ; and it will be unbecoming for you just after your recon- ciliation with Appius to ally yourself with his accuser ; inexpedient to offend so pow- erful a man as Appius.' On the tenses of sit . . emanarit . . fiat, cp. Madv. 8. Ille, Dolabella. 9. Suae spei . . acciderit, 'will come so opportunely to further his hope.' It does not appear whether Caelius refers to his hope of getting Appius convicted, or to his general political prospects. In negotio conficiendo, 'by helping to effect his object.' The marriage, and the success of his prosecution, would each make the other famous. 10. Cum . . is sit , . contineret, 'and that especially as he is a man who could not restrain himself even if he knew garrulity would injure him.' Cp. Madv. 364 for ' is es qui ' with the conj. 12. Putent, sc. 'homines.' For the omis- sion, cp. Zumpt L. G. 381. 13. Alterum utrum de filiis. Pompey had two sons, the elder named Gnaeus, the younger Sextus. Both served in the civil wars ; Gnaeus was killed shortly after the battle of Munda, 45 B.C. Sextus took an important part in politics after Caesar's death, and was long master of Sicily. Horace calls him 'dux Neptunius ' Epod. 9, 7. He was killed in 35 B.C. at the age of 39, and must therefore have been about 24 when Caelius wrote this letter. Cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 10 ; IV, §§ 4 ; 12 ; V, §§ 11; 18. Missurum, i.e. to intercede for Appius. Hie . . absolvimus, 'we at Rome are acquitting everybody who comes into court.' 14. Consaepta . . sunt, ' everything base and scandalous is well protected.' 15. Summa diligentia, ablat. qualitatis. The words are of course used in irony. R 2 344 ^ TULLII CICERO NIS [PART II. sultum nisi de feriis Latinis nullum facere potuerunt. Curioni nostro tribunatus conglaciat. Sed dici non potest, quo modo hie 4 omnia iaceant : nisi ego cum tabernariis et aquariis pugnarem, veternus civitatem occupasset. Si Parthi vos nihil calficiunt, nos 5 non nihil frigore rigescimus. Tamen, quoquo modo potuit, sine Parthis Bibulus in Amano nescio quid cohorticularum amisit. Hoc sic nuntiatum est. Quod tibi supra scrips! Curionem valde 5 frigere, iam calet ; nam ferventissime concerpitur ; levissime enim, quia de intercalando non obtinuerat, transfugit ad populum 10 et pro Caesare loqui coepit, legemque viariam, non dissimilem 1. De feriis Latinis: cp. Ep. 24, 2, note. A decree to fix their date would be merely formal. 2. Conglaciat, 'is getting benumbed,' ' is very inactive and idle.' The word seems only to occur here in this sense. Quo modo . . iaceant, 'what slackness, or listlessness, there is here.' Cp. Ad Att. 7. 23, 3 ' tota Capua et omnis hie de- lectus iacet.' Wieland remarks on this pas- sage, ' It was the deep calm before the outbreak of a terrible tempest.' A modern reader may remember the early summer of 1870. 3. Cum tabernariis, 'with the small shopkeepers.' Cp. Forcell., and Pro Flacc. 8, 18. Perhaps those especially are meant whose trades required a good deal of water. They may have bribed the aquarii, or managers of the public water supply, to favour them, and have so required the in- tervention of Caelius as aedile. Cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq., sub voc. ' Aedilis,' p. 18. 4. Veternus, ' lethargy.' Calficiunt,' warm you,' 'give vou exer- cise.' Cp. Ad Q. F. 3. 2, 1 ' Gabinium . . calefecerat Memmius;' Nagelsb. 127, 356. 5. Non nihil . . rigescimus, ' we are getting rather dull.' Sine Parthis, 'without having Parthians to fight.' 6. In Amano. Mt. Amanus separated most of old Cilicia from Cyrrhestica and Commagene. Cohorticularum. A diminutive only used here. ' A few poor cohorts.' On the losses of Bibulus, cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 4. 7. Quod . . scripsi, ' whereas I wrote.' Cp, Ep. 26, 2, note. A postscript begins here. 8. Calet, 'is in hot water enough,' 'is busy enough.' Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 11 (4, 18, 3. Bait.) 'indicia calent ; ' Ep. 28, 7 'ardet ambitus.' Concerpitur, ='dictis laceratur.' For- cell. 9. De intercalando. The power of inserting intercalary months seems to have rested with the pontifices under a Lex Acilia of 181 B.C. Cp. Macrob. Saturn, i. 13; Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' Calen- darium,' p. 230. Curio may have belonged to their body. An intercalary month should have been inserted in 50 b.c, as there had not been one in 51. See Appendix viii. Its insertion would have given Curio more time for bringing forward his proposals, as it would have been inserted after February 23, and it had been arranged that the dis- cussion on the consular provinces should begin on March i. Cp. Ep. 34. 4-5, notes ; Lange, Rom. Alt. 3. 382-383. Curio may also have wished to secure a pro- longation of his own term of office, and perhaps to defer the day when Caesar would be required to surrender his provinces. In any case the refusal of his request gave him an excuse for changing his party. Caelius either did not know, or did not choose to tell Cicero, that Caesar's bribes accounted for Curio's change of policy. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 27. Cicero was very anxious not to have his proconsular government lengthened as it would have been by the insertion of an intercalary month. 10. Legem . . viariam, ' a law for the repair of the roads.' Such a work might easily be made a reason for the appointment of a commission with very large powers. According to Appian (Bell. Civ. 2. 27.) Curio brought forward this law in the expec- tation that Pompey and his friends would oppose it, and so give him an excuse for changing sides. For an account of the agrarian law of Rullus, cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9. The similarity of the bill of Curio to that of Rullus may have consisted in the large powers which it would have conferred EP. 3 6.] E PIS TO LA R VM AD A TTIC UM V.i\, 245 agrariae RulH, et alimentariam, qua iubet aediles metiri, iactavit : hoc nondum fecerat, cum priorcm partem epistolae scripsi. Amabo te, si quid, quod opus fuerit, Appio facics, ponito me ci in gratia. Dc Dolabella integrum tibi reserv^es, suadeo ; et huic rei, de qua loquor, et dignitati tuae aequitatisque opinioni hoc 5 ita facere expedit. Turpe tibi erit pantheras Graecas me non habere. 36. TO ATTICUS (AD ATT. V. 21). Laodicea, Feb. 13, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) I. I am glad you have arrived safely in Epirus. 2. The successes of C. Cassius have been much exaggerated, and the movements of the Parthians are very threatening. Under these circumstances, 3. I fear that the dispute between Caesar and Pompey may indirectly lead to the prolongation of my term of office ; and you seem to have some such apprehension yourself. 4. Your letters do not reach me very regularly. I will do what I can for M. Lsenius 5. I am much obliged to you for what you told M. Octavius ; use the same language in all doubtful cases. My moderation and integrity are unprecedented, and all my officers, except L. Tullius, follow my example. 6. At the beginning of winter I put Quintus in charge of Cilicia and my winter camp, and sent Q. Volusius to Cyprus. 7. I left Tarsus on January 5, and crossed the Taurus ; my arrival in the districts beyond that moimtain had been eagerly expected. I have relinquished fees which were a heavy burden to our subjects, and I allow no expensive honours to be paid me. 8. The distress caused by famine has been greatly mitigated by my exertions ; I have induced many holders of corn to bring out their stores. 9. I mean to devote three months to the judicial business of my northern and western districts, and then to spend June in Cilicia, and July in returning through my province ; I ought to leave it on July 30, and hope my brother will consent to act as on its proposer. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 27, for the benefit of Appius.' Cp. Madv. 241 with Cic. De Leg. Agr. 2. 8-13. From an for the dat. allusion in Ad Att. 6. I, 25, it has been in- Ponito . . gratia, ' let him know how f erred that Curio's proposal would, if adopted, I have served him.' Cp. Ep. 31,6, and for have imposed a tax or toll on such as tra- Cicero's anxiety to have his own services veiled with a numerous retinue, but perhaps appreciated in a similar case, cp. Ep. 14, I. the reference in that passage is to another 4. Integrum tibi reserves: cp. Ep. 29, bill. 10, note. I. Alimentariam. This word seems Huic rei, either 'the trial of Appius,' only to occur here : it may mean a law for Billerb. ; or ' the marriage of Tullia,' Metzg. the distribution of corn to the people; such 5. Dignitati . . opinioni, ' for your a law would usually be called ' frumentaria.' dignity and reputation for fairness.' Cicero Cp. Ep. 12, 3. would damage both by virtually expressing Metiri, 'to distribute to the people by approval of Dolabella's conduct. Cp. note measure.* Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 16. on § 2. Iactavit, ' has brought forward ostenta- Hoc ita facere, ' to manage the affair tiously.' thus,' i.e. ' integrum tibi reservare.' 3. Amabo te, ' I beseech you,' an ellipt- 6. Pantheras : cp. Ep. 33, 5, note, ical expression = ' si facias quod volo amabo Graecas, i.e. from the Hellenized East, te,' Liiidcm. ap. Forcell. Cp. also Ad Q^F. opposed to Africa, whence C.ielius had re- 2. 10, 4; (2. 8. 4 Bait.); Ad Att. 2. 2, i. ceived panthers as a present from Curio. Si quid . . facies, ' if you do anything Cp. Ep. 34, 10. a46 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. my successor. lo. Now for the affair of Brutus. He recommended to me two men who have lent money to the people of Salamis ; one of them, Scaptius, visited my camp, and I promised to do what I could for him. I refused, however, to give him a command, and ordered some horsemen, whom Appius had placed at his disposal, to leave Cyprus, ii. Afterwards a deputation from Cyprus came to me, and I asked them to pay Scaptius. They said they were quite willing to do so, but Scaptius claimed most usurious interest, which was specified in his bond : my edict had. named a more moderate rate. 12. I thought Scaptius misconstrued the decrees of the senate on which he relied. He afterwards tried to represent the debt as larger than it really was, but the Salaminians shewed him his mistake, and were eager to pay what they really owed. I yielded, however, to Scaptius, so far as to leave the case unsettled. 13. I am sure any fair judge would say that Brutus ought not to complain, especially considering some decrees recently made on the subject, which, by the way, Lucceius fears may impair the public credit. 14. I agree with you as to the ' secret ' you mention. You will not hear from Quintus for some time, owing to the heavy snow. I do v/hat I can for Thermus, as you wished. Deiotarus says that P. Valerius is insolvent. Let me know how the calendar is fixed for next year. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Te in Epirum salvum venisse et, ut scribis, ex sententia 1 navigasse vehementer gaudeo, non esse Romae meo tempore pernecessario submoleste fero, hoc me tamen consoler : non spero te istic lucunde hiemare et libenter requiescere. C. Cas- 2 5 sius, frater Q. Cassii, familiaris tui, pudentiores illas litteras miserat — de quibus tu ex me requiris, quid sibi voluerint — quam eas, quas postea misit, quibus per se scribit confectum esse Parthicum bellum : recesserant illi quidem ab Antiochia ante Bibuli adventum, sed nullo nostro eyrj/xeprj/xart, hodie vero 2. Meo tempore pernecessario. commands to Caesar early in that year, and The last word seems not to occur elsewhere afterwards commanded in Spain for Caesar, in this sense, 'at a time when my interests Cp. Appendix 6, § 5 ; Intr. to Part III, urgently require your presence.' Cp. for § 13. the pron., Ep. 29, 20, note. The senate Pudentiores illas . . bellum, 'that were to discuss, on or soon after March I, first letter of C. Cassius, as to the meaning the provision to be made for the government of which you consulted me, was more of the provinces. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 7 'est modest than his later one, in which he totum, quod Kalendis Martiis futurum est,' writes that he has put an end to the Parthian foil. ; Ep. 34, 5 and 9, notes. Cicero often war.' The C. Cassius here mentioned was expresses his anxiety to leave Cilicia as early quaestor to M. Crassus in Syria ; commanded as he legally could do so. Cp. Epp. 31,5; the remains of his army till the arrival 36, 3. of Bibulus; and was subsequently one of 3. Submoleste occurs only here, appa- Caesar's murderers. Cp. Intr. to Parts II, rently. § 20; IV, §§ 3 ; 13 ; 15 ; V, §§ 2 ; 4 ; Hoc. 'by the following expectation.' 11. alib. 4. Spero. On the use of this verb with 8. Illi, Parthi, to be supplied from the infin. pies., cp. Ep. I, i,note, and Madv, 'Parthicum helium.' Cp. Madv. 317 d, 395. Obs. 3. Obs. I. Istic, ' where you are,' in Epirus. 9. Nullo nostro euT/^epTj/uari, ' with 5. Q^ Cassii. Q^ Cassius Longinus, no great success to us.' For the Greek tribune in 50-49 B.C., vetoed the senate's word, cp. Polyb. 3. 72. EP. 36.] EP IS TOLA R UM AD A TTIC UM V.21. 247 hiemant in Cyrrhestica maximumque bellum impendet ; nam ct OrocH, regis Parthorum, filius in provincia nostra est, nee dubi- tat Deiotarus, cuius filio pacta est Artavasdis filia, ex quo sciri potest, quin cum omnibus copiis ipse prima aestate Euphraten transiturus sit. Quo autem die Cassii litterae victrices in senatu 5 recitatae sunt, id est Nonis Octobribus, eodem meae tumultum nuntiantes. Axius noster ait nostras auctoritatis plenas fuisse, illis negat creditum. Bibuli nondum erant allatae, quas certo 3 scio plenas timoris fore. Ex iis rebus hoc vereor, ne, cum Pompeius propter metum rerum novarum nusquam dimittatur, lo Caesari nullus honos a senatu habeatur, dum hie nodus expe- diatur, non putet senatus nos, antequam successum sit, oportere decedere nee in tanto motu rerum tantis provinciis singulos 1. In Cyrrhestica. Cyrrhestica was a district on the borders of Syria and Cilicia. It lay west of the Euphrates and south of Conimagene. Politically, it seems to have been attached to Syria. Cp. Mctzg., Billerb., and Ad Att. 5. 18, 1. 2. Nostra need only mean 'Roman.' Cp. Ad Fam. 8. 10, i, where Caelius, who was at Rome, calls Cilicia ' provinciam nos- tram.' For an account of the operations of Ci-ssius, see Monnnsen 4. 2, 339. Cicero depreciates his successes, but they had really been considerable. Orodes, king of Parthia, had put to death Surena, the victor of Char- rae, and had sent his own son Pacorus, and a chief named Osaces, to invade Syria (cp. Ad Att. 5. 18, l), and Cassius had defeated them near Antioch. Osaces died not long afterwards of his wounds (cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 3; Intr. to Part II, § 20). Orodi is, per- haps, a genitive, cp. Madv. 42, 2. If a da- tive, perhaps it falls under the rale Madv. 246. The form Orodi recurs Ad Fam. 15. I, 2, but Orodis is found, Ad Att. 5. 18, I. 3. Artavasdis. Artavasdes was king of Armenia. In 55 e.g., he offered Crassus auxiliary cavalry, and a free passage through his country, which, however, Crassus declined. Ex quo, either 'from Artavasdes" (Wiel., Metzg.), or ' from the son of Deiotarus.' The Deiotarus here mentioned was the one whom Cicero defended before Caesar in a speech still extant. He was te- trarch of Galatia, and afterwards received the title of king, and fought on Pompey's side at Pharsalus. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. ^, 4. 4. Ipse, Orodes, whose son Pacorus married a sister of Artavasdes. Cp. Ad Fam. 6. Nonis Octobribus. This date pre- sents difficulties. When Cicero wrote the letter Ad Fam. 15, i from his province, towards the close of September 51, he had not heard of the success of Cassius, and the latter's despatch must have been carried with unusual speed if it reached Rome on October 7. Wesenb. suggests ' Nonis No- vembribus; Hofm. (ap. Wesenb.) ' datae N. Oct.' See also Lange, Riim. Alt. 3. 380. Meae. Probably the despatch which we possess as Ad Fam. 15. i. 7. Q.- Axius : cp. Ep. 28, 5, note. Auctoritatis plenas fuisse, 'produced a great impression.' 8. Illis, sc. 'Cassii litteris.' 9. Ex iis rebus . . praeesse, ' I fear lest Pompey being detained at Rome as a protection against revolution, and Caesar receiving no honour from the senate, until this difficulty be settled the senate maj' think that I ought not to leave my province till a successor has been appointed, and that the provinces ought not to be entrusted each to one legate.' The ' refusal of honour to Caesar,' refers probably to Pompey's opposi- tion to the proposals suggested on Caesar's behalf. Ep. 34, 9. While the result of the discussion about Caesar's provinces was un- certain, and Pompey was detained at Rome (cp. Ad Att. 5. i8, i), the most important provinces of the west would be without regular governors, and the senate might object to extend such a provisional system to the East, and so insist on Cicero's re- maining in Cilicia. Spain was governed by legates in Pompey's absence (Intr. to Part II, §14)- 13. In tanto motu rerum. These words refer to the Parthian war and the impending revolution. 248 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. legates praeesse. Hie, ne quid mihi prorogetur, quod ne inter- cessor quidem sustinere possit, horreo, atque eo magis^ quod tu abes, qui consilio, gratia, studio multis rebus occurreres. [Sed] dices me ipsum mihi sollicitudinem struere : cogor, et velim ita 5 sit. Sed omnia metuo. Etsi bellum aKpoT^XevTiov habet ilia tua epistola, quam dedisti nauseans Buthroto : ' tibi, ut video et spero, nulla ad decedendum mora.' Mallem ' ut video ; ' nihil opus fuit ' ut spero.' Acceperam autem satis celeriter Iconii 4 per publicanorum tabellarios a Lentuli triumpho datas. In his 10 ykvKv-LKpov illud confirmas, moram mihi nullam fore, deinde addis, si quid secus, te ad me esse venturum. Angunt me dubitationes tuae ; simul et vides, quas acceperim litteras. Nam quas Hermoni, centurionis Canuleii, ipse scribis te dedisse, non accepi. Laenii pueris te dedisse saepe ad me scripseras : eas 15 Laodiceae denique, cum eo venissem, tertio Idus Februar. Lae- nius mihi reddidit, datas a. d. X. Kal. Octobres. Laenio tuas commendationes et statim verbis et reliquo tempore ;r probabo. Eae litterae cetera vetera habebant, unum hoc novum, de Ciby- 5 1. Ne quid mihi . . possit, ' lest my government should be prolonged by a mea- sure against which even the tribunes' veto would be of no avail.' The veto was illegal in questions affecting the consular provinces. Cp. Ep. 34, 5, note. 2. Sustinere, 'to resist.' Cp. Philipp. 8. I, I. 3. Multis rebus occurreres, 'might provide for many difficulties.' 4. Sollicitudinem struere, ' am crea- ting anxieties.' Cogor . . ita sit, ' I cannot help it, and ho.ie you may be right.' 5. Etsi, 'however.' Cp. Madv. 443. dicpOT€\evTiov, 'a concluding cl.iuse :' vsuilly of a verse.' Cp. Thucyd. 2. 17. 6. Nauseans, 'still suffering from the voyage.' 7. Mora, sc. ' erit,' which Wesenb. ins rts. Ut video, ic. ' scripsisses.' 8. Autem, ' moreover.' 9. A Lentuli triumpho datas. 'sent just after the triumph of Lentulus.' Cicero refers to P. Lentulus Spinther, consul 57 B.C., who preceded Appius Claudius as governor of Cilicia. The letters of the first book 'Ad Familiares' are addressed to him, with one exception. 10. ■yKvKVTTiKpov illud, 'that mixture of sweet and bitter which I found in the last words of your previous letter, i.e. in the dKpoTe\(vTLov mentioned above. The word y\viiV7TLKpov is found in Sappho 40. (Bergk). Confirmas, 'you repeat.' 11. Si quid secus, ' if things turn out otherwise in any way.' 12. Q_uas . . litteras, 'what letters I have received,' and therefore what I have not. 13. Hermoni. Apparently Hermon was a slave or freedman of Canuleius. Wesenb. inserts ' liberto.' 14. Laenii. It does not appear to whom Cicero refers. A M. Laenius protected him at Brundisium in 58 B.C. Cp. Pro Plane. 41, 97 ; Pro Sestio 63, 131 ; Ad Earn. 13. 63- Pueris, 'slaves.' Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 8 'quas Laenii pueris scribis datas.' 17. Et statim verbis, sc. ' probavi.' For the omission of the verb, cp. Madv 478. Probabo, ' will shew my value for.' 18. Unum hoc novum, ' the only new topic they mention.' De Cibyratis pantheris: cp. Ep. 33,5. M. Octavius, curule aedile elect with Caelius, probably asked Atticus if he thought Cicero would send him some panthers, and Cicero is obliged to Atticus for saying he thought not. EP. 3^.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM V. 21. 249 ratis pantheris. Multum te amo, quod respondisti M. Octavio te non putare ; sed posthac omnia, quae ccrta non erunt, pro certo negato. Nos enim et nostra sponte bene firmi et meher- cule auctoritate tua inflammati vicimus omnes — hoc tu ita reperies — cum abstinentia^ tum iustitia, facilitate, dementia. 5 Cave putes quicquam homines magis umquam esse miratos quam nullum teruncium me obtinente provinciam sumptus factum esse nee in rem publicam nee in quemquam meorum, praeterquam in L. Tullium legatum. Is, ceteroqui abstinens, [sed] lulia lege transita, semel tamen in diem, non, ut alii solebant, omni- 10 bus vicis, [praeter eum semel nemo accepit] facit ut mihi exci- piendus sit, cum teruncium nego sumptus factum ; praeter eum 6 accepit nemo. Has a nostro O. Titinio sordes accepimus. Ego aestivis confectis Ouintum fratrem hibernis et Ciliciae praefeci ; Q. Volusium, tui Tiberii generum, certum hominem et mirifice 15 abstinentem, misi in Cyprum, ut ibi pauculos dies esset, ne cives Romani pauci, qui illic negotiantur, ius sibi dictum nega- 7 rent ; nam evocari ex insula Cyprios non licet. Ipse in Asiam profectus sum Tarso Nonis lanuariis^ non mehercule dici potest, 2. Te non putare, sc. ' mc missurunu' Omnia . . negato, 'say no as to every- thing of which you are not certain,' i.e. as to my abiHty and wish to execute the com- mission in question. 4. Auctoritate tua. Cp. e.g. Ad Att. 5. 20, 6 ' laboras ut etiam Ligurino (iwficv satis faciamus.' 8. In rem publicam, 'on public objects.' Cicero must mean, ' besides the regular sup- plies ; ' he cannot mean that he kept up his public establishment at his own expense. For the double negatives nullum . . nee, cp. Ep. 32, 3, note. 9. L. Tullium : cp. Ep. 31, 4, note. Is, ceteroqui . . . vicis, ' he, in other respects abstinent, has transgressed the Julian law (cp. Ep. 32, 3, note), but only once in each day, not in every village, like others.' This seems a rare sense of ' transita ; ' the best MS. has ' transitam,' which makes no sense. Wesenb. suggests ' sed qui . . transitans,' i.e. on his way through towns. He would also insert a preposition before ' omnibus vicis.' II. Facit ut . . sit, 'must be excepted.' Cp. Madv. 481 b. 13. Has . . sordes, 'the discredit of this covetousness.' A . . Q^ Titinio. Q. Titinius, a Ro- man knight, and common friend of Cicero and Atticus, had apparently recommended TuUius as legate to Cicero. A son of Titinius is mentioned, Ep. 62, I. 14. Aestivis confectis, 'after the sum- mer campaign.' The military successes detailed in Ad Att. 5. 20, and Ad Fam. 15. 4, were obtained towards the close of 51 B.C. Hence ' aestiva ' must be taken rather loosely. Cp. Forcell., and Ad Fam. 3. 9, 4. 15- Qi Volusium. This Volusius, per- haps the same with one mentioned Ep. 31,4, defended an Illyrian pirate, on his trial before Vatinius, in 44 B.C. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 10 a, 2. Who his 'father-in-law Tiberius ' was, seems not to be known. 18. Evocari probably means, ' to be sunmioned to a court held elsewhere.' Cp. In Verr. 2. Act. 3. 28, 68. Cicero would go therefore to Cyprus to decide cases pending between Cyprians and Roman citi- zens. In Asiam. Cicero means, ' to the dis- tricts north of Taurus,' which belonged geographically to Asia in the Roman sense, but were politically annexed to Cilicia. Cp. infra § 9; Ep. 32, 2; Intr. to Part II, §17- 250 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. qua admiratione Ciliciae civitatum maximeque Tarsensium ; postea vero quam Taurum transgressus sum, mirifica exspec- tatio Asiae nostrarum dioecesium, quae sex mensibus imperii mei nullas meas acceperat litteras, numquam hospitem viderat. 5 Illud autem tempus quotannis ante me fueiat in hoc quaestu ; civitates locupletes, ne in hiberna milites reciperent, magnas pecunias dabant, Cyprii talenta Attica CC, qua ex insula — non vtt€p/3o\lkS>s, sed verissime loquor — nummus nullus me obtinente erogabatur. Ob haec beneficia, quibus illi obstupescunt, nullos 10 honores mihi nisi verborum decerni sino ; statuas, fana, T^OpL-mra prohibeo, nee sum in ulla re alia molestus civitatibus, sed for- tasse tibi, qui haec praedicem de me. Perfer, si me amas ; tu enim me haec facere voluisti. Iter igitur ita per Asiam feci, s ut etiam fames, qua nihil miserius est, quae tum erat in hac 15 mea Asia — messis enim nulla fuerat — , mihi optanda fuerit : qua- cumque iter feci, nulla vi, nullo iudicio, nulla contumelia auctori- tate et cohortatione perfeci, ut et Graeci et cives Romani, qui frumentum compresserant, magnum numerum populis pollice- rentur. Idibus Februariis, quo die has litteras dedi, forum 9 20 institueram agere Laodiceae Cibyraticum et Apamense, ex Idibus Martiis ibidem Synnadense, Pamphylium — tum Phemio dispiciam 1. Qua admiratione, ' amid what ad- miration.' On the abl., cp. Ep. 34, 2, note. 3. Nostrarum dioecesium, ' so far as my districts extended.' For the word, cp. Ep- 38, 4; Ad Fam. 13. 53, 2. It is used in classical Greek only of the administration, not of the district administered. On the genitive (defin.), cp. Madv. 286, Obs. 2. 4. Meas . . litteras, 'demands from mc.' On this use of the poss. pron., cp. Ep. 34, 9, note. Numquam hospitem viderat, 'had had no one quartered on them.' The ' hos- pites ' would be soldiers or others employed on the public service, probably. 5. Illud . . tempus . . fuerat, 'the half year, from summer to winter, had been employed after the following fashion.' 8. v-ire pIBoKiKws, 'with exaggeration.' Quite classical. 9. Erogabatur, not, I think, episto- lary. ' Erogare ' means ' to draw money.' Wesenb. has ' erogabitur.' 10. TeOpimra, ' statues in chariots drawn by four horses,' of bronze or marble. The word is quite classical. 12. Tibi, sc. ' molestus sum.' 13. Voluisti : cp. § 5 ' auctoritate tua.' 14. Ut etiam fames . . optanda fu- erit, ' that I had reason to be glad even of the famine which has prevailed in my Asiatic districts,' that is, ' my visit was a pleasure, though it took place under such painful cir- cumstances.' In hac mea Asia, i.e. in the districts mentioned in § 7- 15. Fuerat, i.e. in 51 B.C. 16. Auctoritate, ' but by my influence.' On the omission of an adversative conj., cp. Ep. 29, 25, note. 18. Compresserant, 'had secreted.' Cp. Ad Att. 3. 12, 2 ; 10. 4, 6; In Verr. 2 Act. 3- 77. 179- Numerum, 'amount,' commonly used of provisions. I presume the corn was to be sold at a moderate price. Populis, 'the different cities.' 19. Forum .. agere . . Apamense, 'to try at Laodicea cases from Cibyra, and Apamea.' 21. Phemio. Phemius seems to have been a musician ; perhaps a freedman of Atticus. Mr. F. Madan has pointed out to me that the name occurs as that of a musi- cian. Hom. Odyss. I. 154. Dispiciam, 'I will look about for.' EP. ^6.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM V. 21. 251 Kepas — , Lycaonium, Isauricum ; ex Iclibus Mails in Ciliciam, ut ubi Junius consumatur, velim tranquille a Parthis. Ouinctilis, si erit, ut volumus, in itinera est per provinciam redeuntibus consumendus : venimus enim in provinciam [Laodiceam] Sul- picio et Marcello consulibus, pridie Kalendas Sextiles ; inde nos 5 oportet decedere a. d. III. Kalendas Sextiles. Primum contendam a Quinto fratre, ut se pracfici patiatur, quod et illo et me invi- tissimo fiet ; sed aliter honeste fieri non potest, praesertim cum virum optimum, Pomptinum, ne nunc quidem retinere possim : rapit hominem [enim] Postumius Romam, fortasse etiam Pos- 10 tumia. Habes consilia nostra. Nunc cognosce de Bruto. 10 Familiares habet Brutus tuus quosdam creditores Salaminiorum ex Cypro, M. Scaptium et P. Matinium, quos mihi maiorem in modum commendavit. Matinium non novi ; Scaptius ad me in castra venit : pollicitus sum curaturum me Bruti causa, 15 ut ei Salaminii pecuniam solverent ; egit gratias. Praefecturam petivit : negavi me cuiquam negotianti dare, quod idem tibi ostenderam. Cn. Pompeio petenti probaram institutum meum, quid dicam ? Torquato de M. Laenio tuo, multis aliis : si prae- fectus vellet esse syngraphae causa, me curaturum ut exigeret. 20 1. K^pas, ' z musical horn.' Cp. Liddell 13. Ex Cypro, with Salaminiorum, and Scott, sub voc. I presume those of ' of the people of Salamis in Cyprus.' Cp. Painphylia were famous. the expression ' Magnates a Sipylo ' Tac. In Ciliciam, sc. 'ire.' Ann. 2. 47. 2. A Parthis, 'as regards the Parthians.' M. Scaptium. Another M. Scaptius is Cp. Madv. 253, Obs. mentioned Ad Att. 6. I, 4, as a praefect in 3. Si erit, ut volumus, i.e. 'if I am not Cappadocia. obliged to outstay my year of office.' 'Esse' P. Matinium. Of this man nothing is here used in the same sense as in ' bene more seems to be known. est.' Cp. Ep. 4, T. Maiorem in modum, 'earnestly.' 6. A. d. III. Kalendas Sextiles, 'July 17. Negavi me . . dare, 'I said that it 30.' The best MS. has 'ini. Kal. Sext.,' but was not my practice to give,' or 'that I Cicero entered his province on the 31st (cp. would not give.' Cp. audire in § II. Ad Att. 5. 15, 1 ), and could have no pretext 18. Cn. Pompeio . . meum, 'I had for leaving on the 29th (cp. also, Ad Att. shewn the soundness of my rule to Pompey, 6. 2, 6 ; 6. 3, i). when he asked for a similar place.' On the Contendam, 'strive to obtain.' fact, cp. Ad Att. 6. 1,6. 7. Praefici, 'to be left in charge of the 19. Torquato . . aliis, sc. 'petenti . . province,* on the departure of Marcus. petentibus.' Cicero probably refers to L. 9. Pomptinum : cp. Ep. 31, 4, note. Manlius Torquatus, praetor 49 B.C.. and 10. Postumius was on very intimate son of the consul in 65 B.C. He sided with terms with Cicero, and a friend of Pomp- Pompey in the civil war (see Ep. 50, i), and tinus. He took part with Caesar in the was killed in Africa (cp. Bell. Afric. 96). civil war. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 15, 2 ; Ad Earn. M. Laenio : cp, § 4, note. 6. 12, 2 ; Pro Sestio 52, III. 20. Syngraphae causa, i.e. ' to get his Postumia, wife of Servius Sulpicius. debt paid.' According to the Pseudo-Asco- Pomptinus, apparently, was her lover. nius (on In Verr. 2 Act. i. 36, 91), ' syngra- 11. Nunc cognosce; cp. Ep. 29, 20, pha' means a bill which might be given ' now let me tell you.' without any value received by the giver. 25a M, TULLII CIC FRONTS [part II. Gratias eglt, discessit. Appius noster turmas aliquot equitum dederat huic Scaptio, per quas Salaminios coerceret, et eundem habuerat praefectum ; vexabat Salaminios. Ego equites ex Cypro decedere iussi : moleste tulit Scaptius. Quid multa ? ut ei fidem ii 5 meam praestarem, cum ad me Salaminii Tarsum venissent et in iis Scaptius, imperavi ut pecuniam solverent. Multa de syngrapha, de Scaptii iniuriis : negavi me audire. Hortatus sum, petivi etiam pro meis in civitatem beneficiis, ut negotium con- ficerent ; denique dixi me coacturum. Homines non modo non lo recusare, sed etiam hoc dicere, se a me solvere ; quod enim praetori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare, atque etiam minus esse aliquanto in Scaptii nomine quam in vectigali praetorio. Collaudavi homines. 'Recte,' inquit Scaptius 'sed subducamus summam.' Interim 15 cum ego in edicto tralaticio centesimas me observaturum haberem cum anatocismo anniversario, ille ex syngrapha postulabat qua- ternas. 'Quidais?' inquam 'possumne contra meum edictum.''' Exigeret, 'should get his debt paid' = ' exigeiido obtineret.' Forcell. I. Turmas aliquot equitum. For an account of the misdeeds of these troops, cp. Ep. 38, 8. 4. Ut ei fidem meam praestarem, 'to fulfil my promise to him' of getting his debt paid. 6. Multa de syngrapha, sc. 'dixerunt.* 10. A me, 'from my own funds.' Cp. Pro Plancio 42, 103 'a vobis persolvere.' As Cicero had not received what they usually paid to governors, they would pay the money asked for by Scaptius out of what they had thus saved. II. Praetori. Cilicia had been for some years a consular province, but perhaps the Salaminians used the old title for a pro- vincial governor, the oldest provinces having been governed by praetors ; or praetor, as Manutius thinks, may be used here as a general title = 'governor.' His note is 'Prae- tori] Proconsul! : antiquo more cum omnes migistratus. quibus pareret exercitus. Praetor appellabantur.' Consuessent, conj., as a quotation. Cp. Madv. 369. Non acceperam, ' had not been in the habit of receiving.' The verb is in the indie, as giving Cicero's statement of his own conduct. 12. Minus .. praetorio, 'their debt to Scaptius amounted to much less than the exactions of governors had usually cost them.' 14. Subducamus summam, 'let us compute the amount.' Forcell. 15. Tralaticio, 'customary.* Cp, Ep. 19, 2, note. This provision with regard to the rate of interest seems to have originated during the administration of L, Lucullus. Cp. Plut. LucuU. 20; Mommsen 4. 2, 526. Centesimas. The words ' centesimae usurae' have been variously explained : one per cent, per month, or twelve per cent, per annum, seems most likely to be the meaning of the expression. 16. Cum anatocismo anniversario. This expression is explained by Ernesti as meaning that compound interest was to be paid on the first year only, and simple interest in following years. But Boot quotes Savigny as explaining it thus ; that the interest was only to be added to the principal at the end of each year, not at the end of each month. Thus a man who borrowed 1000 sesterces at 12 per cent., if he failed to pay the interest at the proper time, would be liable for the interest of 1120 sesterces in the second year, and of 1254 in the third, and so on. Quaternas, sc. ' centesimas ' = 48 per cent, per annum. 17. Contra meum edictum? sc. 'qua- ternas dare.' Cp. on the ellipse Ep. 23, 2, note. EP. 36.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM V. %i. 253 At illeprofert senatus consultum Lentulo Philippoque consulibus, VT QVI CiLICIAM OBTINERET IVS EX ILEA SYNGRAPHA DICERET. 12 Cohorrui primo ; eteiiim erat interitus civitatis : reperio duo senatus consulta isdem consulibus de eadem syngrapha ; Sala- minii cum Romae versuram faccre vellent, non poterant, quod 5 lex Gabinia vetabat. Turn iis Bruti familiarcs, freti gratia Bruti, dare volebant quaternis, si sibi senatus consult© caveretur. Fit gratia Bruti senatus consultum, VT neve SALAMINIIS neve QVI EIS DEDISSET FRAVDI ESSET : pecuniam numerarunt. [Et] postea venit in mentem faeneratoribus nihil se iuvare illud 10 senatus consultum, quod ex syngrapha ius dici lex Gabinia vetaret. Tum fit senatus consultum, VT EX ea SYNGRAPHA ■^ ■^ ■^ esset quam ceterae, sed ut eodem. Cum haec disseruis- sem, seducit me Scaptius ; ait se nihil contra dicere, sed illos putare talenta CC. se debere ; ea se velle accipere, debere autem 15 illos paulo minus : rogat, ut eos ad ducenta perducam, ' Optime ' inquam. Voco illos ad me, remote Scaptio. 'Ouidvos? quan- tum ' inquam ' debetis ? ' Respondent ' CVI.' Refero ad Scaptium. Homo clamare. ' Quid opus esf* inquam ' quam 7it rationes con- feratis?' Adsidunt^ subducunt ; ad nummum convenit. Illi se 20 numerare velle, urgere, ut acciperet. Scaptius me rursus seducit, rogat, ut rem sic relinquam. Dedi veniam homini impudenter 1. Lentulo Philippoque consulibus. Boot suggests ' ut ex ea syngrapha ius dice- In 56 B.C. retur non ut alio iure ea syngrapha esset 2. Ex ILLA SYNGRAPHA, 'in accord- quam ceterae syiigraphae sed ut eodem.' ance with the stipulations of that bill,' i.e. That is, the bill, though given irregularly, recognizing it as valid. Cp. the next sec- was not to be void; but according to Cicero tion. the terms of the senate's decree bound the 3. Erat interitus civitatis, ' that pro- lender to be content with the rate of interest vision involved the ruin of the community.' fixed in the province by the governor's edict. 5. Versuram facere, 'to borrowmoney.' Cp. Ep. 38, 7, notes, 6. Lex Gabinia. This law forbade all 16. Ad ducenta perducam, 'induce lending of money to provincials at Rome. them to pay two hundred.' It was probably passed when Gabinius was 17- Quid vos ? sc. ' dicitis.' tribune, 68-67 ^-C- Cp. Orell. Onomast. 19. Quid opus . . conferatis? 'what torn, iii , sub voc. The decree of the senate is wanted but that you should cast up,' or here mentioned was probably passed to perhaps as JVIr. Jeans renders ' compare your protect both the lenders and the borrowers accounts?' Weseub. suggests the omission from the consequences of their breach of the of 'quam ut' and the insertion of 'licet' law, but Cicero contends that it could not after ' conferatis.' interfere with the rules laid down by himself 20. Subducunt, ' they add up.' in his province. It appears that Brutus was Ad nummum convenit, sc. ' subduc- the real lender, though he wished the con- tio,' ' the accounts agree to a penny.' tract to be made in another name. Cp. Ad 22. Ut rem sic relinquam, 'that I Att 6. I, 6. would leave the affair unsettled.' He hoped 9. Pecuniam numerarunt, sc. 'Bruti Cicero might have a more accommodating familiares.' successor. 12. Vt ex ea syngrapha . . eodem. Dedi veniam, *I indulged him.' 254 M. TULLII CICERO N IS [part II. petenti ; Graecis querentibus, ut in fano deponerent postulan- tibus, non concessi. Clamare omnes qui aderant, nihil impu- dentius Scaptio, qui centesimis cum anatocismo contentus non esset ; alii, nihil stultius. Mihi autem impudens magis quam 5 stultus videbatur : nam aut bono nomine centesimis contentus erat aut non bono quaternas centesimas sperabat. Habes meam 13 causam, quae si Bruto non probatur, nescio, cur ilium amemus, sed avunculo eius certe probabitur, praesertim cum senatus con- sultum modo factum sit, puto, postquam tu es profectus, in 10 creditorum causa, ut centesimae perpetuo faenore ducerentur : hoc quid intersit, si tuos digitos novi, certe habes subductum. In quo quidem, bhov irdpepyov, L. Lucceius M. f. queritur apud me per litteras summum esse periculum, ne culpa senatus his decretis res ad tabulas novas perveniat ; commemorat, quid 15 olim mali C. lulius fecerit, cum dieculam duxerit; numquam rei publicae plus. Sed ad rem redeo. Meditare adversus Brutum causam meam, si haec causa est, contra quam nihil honeste dici potest, praesertim cum integram rem et causam^ reliquerim. Reliqua sunt domestica. De lvho\i.v)^}^ probo idem, quod tu, 14 I. Ut in fano deponerent. If this deposit in a temple were made in accordance with a judicial sentence, interest would cease to become due from the day on which it was made. Billerb., Wiel. ; cp. also Ad Fam. 13.56, 3. 3. Anatocismo, ' addition of interest to the principal.' 5. Nam aut bono .. sperabat, ' either he was satisfied with 12 per cent., hoping to have the principal repaid, or hoped to repay the principal out of interest at 48 per cent.' Bono and non bono nomine perhaps mean, ' a debt recognized and unrecognized by law,' in this passage. 6. Habes : cp. Ep. 29, 20, note. 8. Avunculo. M. Cato was half-brother of Servilia, the mother of Brutus. Cp. Ep. 38, 8, and luv. Sat. 14, 43 'sed nee Brutus erit Bruti nee avunculus usquam.' 9. Modo, 'lately.' Cp. Mommsen 4. 2, 526. In creditorum causa, 'relating to the position of creditors.' 10. Ut centesimae . . ducerentur, ' that I 2 per cent, simple interest should be the standard rate.' Cp. Ep. 38, 7 ; Forcell. sub voc. ' Fenus.' II. Hoc quid intersit,' ' the difference between this and the lowest offer of the Salaminians,' i.e. the Salaminians offered more than strictly could be required of them. Tuos digitos, 'the activity of your fingers in calculation.' Habes subductum, 'you have already computed.' Cp. Madv. 427 for the differ- ence between this and ' subduxisti.' 12. In quo, 'as to which matter.' bhov ndpfpyov, 'by the way.' Cp. Ad Alt. 7. I, 5. L. Lucceius. Not the historian to whom Cicero addressed the letter Ad Fam. 5. 1 2, for the latter is called Q, F. 14. Ad tabulas novas, cp.Ep. 71, 2, note. 15. C. lulius. Cicero generally speaks of the subsequent dictator as C. Caesar. Perhaps this is the C. lulius Caesar men- tioned by Asconius, in Scaurianam, p. 136. Dieculam duxerit, 'allowed the time of payment to be deferred a little.' Boot. Cp. Ter. Andr. 4. 2, 27. 16. Plus, sc. 'mali factum esse.' Meditare . . dici potest. 'Consider how to plead my cause against Brutus, if one can speak of pleading a cause when nothing can be said on the other side.' 18. Integram, 'undecided.' Cicero had left the case of Brutus and the Salaminians to his successor's decision. 19. Reliqua, ' my remaining topics.' EP. 37-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES II.\o^. 255 Postumiae filio, quoniam Pontidia nugatur; sed vellem adesses. A. Quinto fratre his mensibus nihil exspectaris ; nam Taurus propter nives ante mensem lunium transiri non potest. Ther- mum, ut rogas, creberrimis Htteris fulcio. P. Valerium negat habere quicquam Deiotarus rex, eumque ait se sustentare. Cum 5 scies, Romae intercalatum sit necne, vehm ad me scribas certum, quo die mysteria futura sint. Litteras tuas minus paulo exspecto, quam si Romae esses, sed tamen exspecto, 37. To M. CAELIUS RUFUS (AD FAM. II. 13). Laodicea, Early in May, (?) 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) 1. I am much pleased with your letters, though I wish they carne more often. 2. I feel much affection for Appius, and I saw, as soon as our quarrel was made up, that he had the same regard for me. I wonder how you can doubt my wish to be on good terms with him. 3. I can assure you I expected Curio's change of party. I intend, as I have finished my judicial and financial business, and earned the good opinion of all classes, to set things in order in Cilicia, and then return to Rome, where I am most anxious to be. M. CICERO IMP. S. D. M. CAELIO AEDILI CUR. 1 Raras tuas quidem — fortasse enim non perferuntur — , sed suaves accipio Htteras, vel quas proxime acceperam quam pru- lo dentes ! quam multi et officii et consilii ! etsi omnia sic consti- De € i/So^vx?') 'about the familysecret,' due from the latter to Atticus. i.e. his plans for the marriage of Tullia. The 6. Intercalatum sit, 'if an intercalary word occurs in another sense, Soph. Philoct. month has been inserted.' Cp. Ep. 35, 5 ; 1457. Appendix 8. For Cicero's anxiety on this 1. Postumiae filio, sc. 'earn nubere.' subject, cp. Ep. 35, 5, note. Servius Sulpicius the younger, whose mother 7. Certum. The accusative is rare in Postuniia was, is here referred to. this sense. ' Pro certo ' is more common. Pontidia. She seems to have suggested Mysteria, the festival of the Bona Dea, another match for Tullia, perhaps with a son on which cp. Ep. 6, 3, note. of her own. Cp. Ad Alt. 6. i, 10. Nothing more seems to be known of her. MAY. Part of § 3 of this letter (mihi Nugatur, 'is trifling with me.' erat in animo . . . Nonis Maiis) compared Adesses, ' were in Rome.' with Ep. 38, §§ 4-6, suggests that the two 2. Taurus. Q. Cicero had been left in letters were written between May i and 7. Cilicia, and his messengers could not cross The allusions generally are to the two letters, the Taurus in winter. 34 and 35. 3. Thermum: cp. Ep. i, 2, note. He IMP.: cp. Intr. to Part II, § 20. governed Asia as propraetor 53-50 B.C. 10. Vel =' even.' Cp. Madv. 436, Obs, Cp. Ad Fam. 2. 17, 6; Ad Att. 5, 13, 2. 11. Quam multi . . consilii, 'how It does not appear how he was in want of full of friendly advice !' Cp. Madv. 287 for Cicero's support. the genit. qualitatis. 4. P. Valerium : cp. Ad Fam. 14. 2, 2 ; Omnia . . admonebas, i.e. in my rela- Ad Att. 16. 7, 1. Perhaps Atticus had asked tions with Appius and with Dolabclla. Cp. Cicero to procure repayment through Deio- Ep. 35, 2 and 5. tarus, with whom Valerius was, of money 2^6 M TULLII CICERONIS [part ii; tueram mihi agenda, ut tu admonebas, tamen confirmantur nostra consilia, cum sentimus prudentibus fideliterque suadentibus idem videri. Ego Appium — ut saepe tecum locutus sum — valde diligo 2 meque ab eo diligi statim coeptum esse, ut simultatem depo- 5 suimus, sensi ; nam et honorificus in me consul fuit et suavis amicus et studiosus studiorum etiam meorum. Mea vero officia ei non defuisse tu es testis, cui iam ko^jjukos fxaprvs, ut opinor, accedit Phania, et mehercule etiam pluris eum feci, quod te amari ab eo sensi. Iam me Pompeii totum esse scis ; Brutum 10 a me amari intellegis. Quid est causae, cur mihi non in optatis sit complecti hominem florentem aetate, opibus, honoribus, in- genio, liberis, propinquis, adfinibus, amicis collegam meum prae- ' sertim et in ipsa collegii laude et scientia studiosum mei? haec eo pluribus scripsi, quod nojt nihil significabant tuae litterae sub- 15 dubitare ^e, qua essem erga ilium voluntate. Credo te audisse aliquid : falsum est, mihi crede, si quid audisti. Genus insti- 4. Ut simultatem deposuimus. The quarrel to which Cicero here refers seems to have taken place before the consulship of Appius, in 54 B.C. Perhaps it arose out of the part taken by Appius in some disturb- ances in 57 B.C. Cp. Ad Att. 4. 3, 4. The reconciliation was effected by Pompey. Quintil. In^t. Orat. 9. 3, 41. 6. Studiosus . . meorum, 'devoted to the same pursuits with myself.' Appius wrote a book on the augur's office, of which he dedicated the first book to Cicero. Cp. Ad Fam. 3. 4, i ; 3. 9, 3. There is also a hint of Appius' literary tastes. Ad Fam. 3. I. I. 7. Cui='Caelio.' K CO n IK OS fiapTvs, 'a well-schooled wit- ness' (Metzg.), i.e. 'one who had learned his part of mediator as thoroughly as a comedian learns his on the stage.' This seems far-fetcheJ. Manutius thinks that the words mean ' intervening suddenly to remove difficulties,' like a character in a comedy who 'patefacta veritate sedat omnes turbas.' Cicero expresses a very favourable opinion of this Phania, who was a freedman of Appius. Cp. Ad Fam. 3. i. 8. Accedit, 'adds his testimony.' 9. Pompeii. Gnaeus, eldest son of the great Pompey, married one of the daughters of Appius ; another was married to M. Brutus. Cp. Ad Fam. 3 4, 2. These con- nections would be additional reasons for Cicero's wishing well to Appius. 10. Cur mihi non in optatis sit, ' why I should not desire.' 11. Complecti, sc. ' amore,' ' to regard with much affection.' Hominem, sc. Appium. Florentem, 'distinguished.' Cp. Na- gelsb. 128, 363. Honoribus. He was consul 54 B.C., and censor 50 B.C. Cp. Ep. 41. 4. 12. Liberis. Appius had three daugh- ters, and had apparently adopted the two sons of his brother Caius. Cp. Ep. 34, a, note. Propinquis. I cannot be sure to whom Cicero refers. Appius' brother Caius had governed Asia as propraetor, but was now dead. Adfinibus : see above for his daughters' marriages. Collegam, as augur. 13. In ipsa . . mei, 'and who, in his learned work in praise of our body, shews a desire to please me.' On this work of Appius' see De Leg. 2. 13, 32 ; Ad Fam. 3. 9, 3; 3. II, 4; and Billerbeck's note on this passage. 14. Subdubitare, 'were rather doubtful.' The word seems only to occur here and Ad Att. 14. 15, 2. Caelius hnd written of Ap- pius, ' scio tibi eum non esse odio' (Fp. 35, l), words not suggestive of a warm friendship between Appius and Cicero. 15. Te audisse aliquid, 'that youhave heard something of a quarrel between us.' 16. Institutorum et rationum mea- rum, 'of my rules and plans, Cp. Ad Fam. EP. 37.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES II. 13. 257 tutorum et rationum mearum dissimilitudinem non nullam habet cum illius administratione provinciae : ex eo quidam suspicati fortasse sunt, animorum contentione, non opinionum dissensione me ab eo discrepare ; nihil autcm feci umquam neque dixij quod contra illius existimationem esse vellem. Post hoc negotium 5 autem et temeritatem nostri Dolabellae deprecatorem me pro 3 illius periculo praebeo. Erat in eadem epistola 'veternus civi- tatis ;' gaudebam sane et congelasse nostrum amicum laetabar otio. Extrema pagella pupugit me tuo chirographo. Quid ais? Caesai"em nunc defendit Curio ? quis hoc putarat praetor me ? 10 nam, ita vivam, putavi. Di immortales ! quam ego risum nostrum desidero ! Mihi erat in animo, quoniam iurisdictionem confeceram, civitates locupletaram, publicanis etiam superioris lustrl reliqua sine sociorum ulla querela conservaram, privatis summis infimis fueram iucundus, proficisci in Ciliciam Nonis Mails et, cum 15 prima aestiva attigissem rem militaremque conlocassem, decedere ex senatus consulto. Cupio te aedilem videre miroque desiderio me urbs adficit et omnes mei tuque in primis. 3. 8, 7. Cicero Speaks in more decided terms about Appius' conduct elsewhere ; cp. Ep. 32, 2. 2. Cum illius . . provinciae, 'with his provincial administration.' 3. Animorum . . discrepare, 'that the divergence in our conduct arose from mutual animosity, and not from a difference in opinion.' On the ablatives contentione . . dissensione, cp. Ep. 26, 9, note on p. 187. ' Discrepare' = 'discordare,' 'diver- sum esse.' Forcell. 5. Hoc negotium, foil., 'this affair of the trial, in which our friend Dolabella has behaved so rashly.' 7. Erat in eadem . . civitatis, ' in the same letter (Ep. 35) you wrote of a " lethargy of the state." ' 8. Congelasse, 'had grown inactive.' The word seems only to occur here in the meta- phorical sense. Cp. ' conglaciat ' (Ep. 35, 3). Amicum, sc. Curionem. 9. Pupugit . . chirographo, 'annoy- ed me by its autograph contents.' Caelius appears to have added a few lines in his own hand (§ 5) to Ep. 35, which was written by his secretary. II. Ita vivam, 'as truly as I hope to live.' Cp. Madv. 444 a, Obs. 3. Risum nostrum desidero, 'I miss the laugh we might have had over it.' 12. Erat. This and the following tenses down to conlocassem, are epistolary. 13. Reliqua, 'the arrears.' On the merits of Cicero's provincial government, see Ep. 38, 4-6, notes. 16. Prima aestiva. 'Prima' = 'primum' (cp. Madv. 300 b), ' as soon as I have visited the summer quarters, and arranged my military affairs.' Militaremque. This, as Mr. Yonge remarks, can hardly be right. In Baiter's list of various readings I find 'militem que, Orellius, militarem que rem alii.' Wesenb. suggests ' rem que militarem conlo- cassem,' or ' militarem que conlocassem rem.' Conlocassem : 'conlocare = ordinare, componere.' Forcell. A Parthian inroad was still not impossible. 17. Ex senatus consulto. This decree was probably passed to carry out a ' Lex Pompeia ' of 52 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part 11, § 17. A decree of somewhat similar import to the one here mentioned is given Ep. 34, 8. Cicero says in various places, that he considers himself to be holding his province for one year only. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 9, 2 ; 5. 15, I ; Ep. 36, 9; and such appears to have been the import of the decree of the senate above referred to. Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 9. 2; I5- 14. 5- S 258 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part 11. 38. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. VI. 2). Laodicea, May, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) I. I answer your last page first. I am much annoyed by what Statius is reported to have said. It is quite false ; I wish for more bonds of union with you, not fewer. 1. Quintus is liable to hasty anger, but is soon appeased again. Every member of our families must do his best to keep up a good understanding ; my nephew can do most. 3. I now answer your first page. Dionysius and I were both misled by Dicaearchus about the geography of Peloponnesus. I found out that Phliuntii is wrong, please substitute Phliasii in your copy. 4. I am glad you are pleased to hear of the merits of my administration. From. Feb. 13 to May i, I have been attending to the judicial business of all my districts, except those of Cilicia Proper, and have secured great results. I respect the privileges of the different communities and have relieved them much, both by the economy of my government 5. and by procuring restitution of money embezzled by their own magistrates. I have thus enabled the towns to satisfy the farmers of the revenue, and my accessibility is generally popular. 6. I mean to spend June in Cilicia — I hope at peace — and July in returning through my province. I am glad to see from the gazettes up to March 7, that no delay is likely to be offered to my departure. 7. I return to the affair of Brutus. I did all I could for him with propriety, both m Cilicia and Cappadocia ; and persuaded the .Salaminians to offer the whole principal of their debt, with the interest legally due ; but Scaptius, on behalf of Brutus, insisted on payment in full according to the bond, which was illegal. 8. I wonder that after your previous language you can propose that I should place soldiers at the disposal of Scaptius. 9. Appius was more complaisant, but the people of Salamis complained bitterly of his conduct. You have shewn too much consideration for Brutus; I may have shewn too little. 10. I am doing all I can to serve Appius. You know that Caelius is coming here as my quaestor. I hope my return to Italy will not be delayed. I was already aware of the foolish conduct of Sempronius. Your messenger, Philogenes, is in a hurry, so farewell. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Cum Philogenes, libertus tuus, Laodiceam ad me salutandi 1 causa venisset et se statim ad te navigaturum esse diceret, has ei litteras dedi, quibus ad eas rescrijDsi, quas acceperam a Bruti tabellario ; et respondebo prlmum postremae tuae paginae, quae 5 mihi magnae molestiae fuit, quod ad te scriptum est a Cincio de Statii sermone, in quo hoc molestissimum est, Statium dicere a me quoque id consilium probari. Probari autem? de isto hactenus. Dixerim me vel pkirima vincla tecum summae con- I. Philogenes: cp. Ad Att. 5.13, 2. and Cincius had apparently met and discussed He was now probably engaged in looking the affairs of the families to which they were after his patron's affairs in Asia. attached. 5. A Cincio: cp. Ep. i, i, note. 7. Probari autem, ' do I say approved? 6. In quo . . probari, 'in this matter no more of that.' Cp. Ad Att. 5. 13, 3; what annoys me most is that Statius says I Livy 21. 44 ' transcendes autem?' approve my brother's design,' i.e. of divorc- 8. Dixerim, ' let me say.' Cp. Ep. 26, ing Pomponia, Cp. Ad Att. 6. 3, 8. Statius 3, note. Kayser and Wesenb. would re- EP.38.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VI. i. 259 iunctionis optare, etsi sunt amoris artissima ; tantum abest, ut 2 ego ex eo, quo astricti sumus, laxari aliquid velim. Ilium autem multa do istis rebus asperius solerc loqui saepe sum expertus, saepe etiam lenivi iratum : id scire te arbitror ; in hac autem peregrinatione militiave nostra saepe incensum ira vidi, saepe 5 placatum. Quid ad Statium scripserit, nescio : quicquid acturus de tali re fuit, scribendum tamen ad libertum non fuit. Mihi autem erit maximae curae, ne quid fiat secus, quam volumus quamque oportet ; nee satis est in eius modi re se quemque praestare, ac maximae partes istius officii sunt pueri Ciceronis 10 sive iam adulescentis ; quod quidem ilium soleo hortari. Ac mihi videtur matrem valde, ut debet, amare teque mirifice. Sed est magnum illud quidem, verum tamen multiplex pueri ingenium, 3 in quo ego regendo habeo negotii satis. Ouoniam respondi postremae tuae paginae prima mea, nunc ad primam revertar 15 tuam. Peloponnesias civitates omnes maritimas esse^ hominis non nequam, sed etiam tuo iudicio probati, Dicaearchi tabulis credidi : is multis nominibus in Trophoniana Chaeronis narratione move the full stop at ' hactenus,' and place a comma after ' dixerim.' Vel plurima, ' even as many as possible.' 1. Etsi sunt . . artissima, 'though we have the most intimate union of affection.' Tantum abest ut . . sumus, 'far from wishing that to be relaxed at all which already connects us.' On 'tantum abest ut' with the con]., cp. Madv. 440 a, Obs. 1. 2. Ilium, sc. Quintum. 3. De istis rebus, 'about the conduct of his wife.' In another passage Cicero praises his brother's forbearance under great provocation. Ad Att. 5. I, 3 and 4. 7. Scribendum . . non fuit. On the indie, cp. Madv. 348, Obs. i. 9. Se quemque praestare, 'that each of us should engage to do all in his own power' in appeasing Quintus. Cicero means they should urge each other to do all they could. Manutius appears to connect these words with the preceding, and explains them as = 'me tibi eum praestare qui esse debeo,' i.e. ' it is not enough that one's own conduct is free from blame, but one must use one's influence on others.' 10. Ac, adversative : cp. Madv. 433, Obs. 2. Q_ue is used in a similar sense, Ep. 82, 2, and et, Ep. 32, 3; Wesenb. has [ac]. Maximae . . pueri Ciceronis, 'the largest share in this work of reconciliation S belongs to the young Cicero,' i.e. to the younger Quintus, who was now 17 years old probably. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 9. On the genitive ' pueri,' cp. Madv. 281, Obs. 11. Quod, 'to which effect.' Cp. Madv. 228 c. 12. Est magnum . . ingenium, 'the nature of the youth is powerful ' or ' vigor- ous indeed, but variable.' Forcell. gives 'varium, duplex, inconstans' as synonyms for ' multiplex,' in a similar passage. On the order of the words, cp. Madv. 489 b. 16. Maritimas, 'on the sea coast.' 17. Nequam, 'worthless.' Dicaearchi. Dicaearchus, of Messene in Sicily, was a Peripatetic philosopher, pupil of Aristotle, and contemporary of Theo- phrastiis. He paid much attention to geo- graphy. Polybius and Slrabo (cp. Strab. 2. 104; 3. 170) criticized his statements on this subject. Cicero mentions him as pre- ferring the practical to the contemplative life. Ep. 10, 3. Tabulis, probably ' maps,' with a play on its oiher meaning, 'account books.' 18. Credidi, 'gave credit for the state- ment,' 'believed it on their authority.' Cp. Ep. 8, 10 ; Zumpt L. G. 412. Multis nominibus, 'on many grounds.' Cp. Ad Fam. 2. I, i 'nomine neglegen- tiae.' In Trophoniana . . narratione, ap- 26o M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. Graecos in eo reprehendit, quod mare tantum secuti sunt, nee ullum in Pcloponneso locum excipit. Cum mihi auctor placeret — etenim erat to-roptKcoraros et vixerat in Peloponneso — , admirabar tamen et vix adcredens communicavi cum Dionysio ; atque is . '5 primo est commotus, deinde, quod de isto Dicaearcho non minus bene existumabat quam tu de C. Vestorio, ego de M. Cluvio, non dubitabat quin ei crederemus : Arcadiae censebat esse Lepreon quoddam maritimum ; Tenea autem et Aliphera et Tritia veoKTLara ei videbantur, idque tw tcov veQ>v KaraXoyio confirmabat, JO ubi mentio non fit istorum. Itaque istum ego locum totidem verbis a Dicaearcho transtuli. Phliasios autem dici sciebam, et ita fac ut habeas ; nos quidem sic habemus. Sed primo me avaXoyia deceperat ^Xiov's, 'OttoG?, SittoCs, quod 'Ot^ovvtioi, St- 'TTovvTiot. Sed hoc continuo correximus. Laetari te nostra mode- 4 parently in a dialogue or narrative about the cave of Trophonius, in which Chaeron was the (chief) speaker. The work is men- tioned by Atheiiaeus, 13, 594; 14, 641. 1. Quod mare tantum secuti sint, 'for keeping so much to the sea coast.' Wesenb. has ' tarn.' 2. Locum. This word seems to have been omitted in Baiter's edition by an error of the press. Orelli and Wesenb. insert it. 3. IcTTopiKdjTaTos, ' most learned in Wstory.' Plutarch, Themist. 13, uses the word in the sense of 'historical;' in classical Greek it would rather mean ' most in- quisitive.' 4. Adcredens =' credens,' both neut. and act. Cum Dionysio. Dionysius was Cicero's freednian ; he is the No. 2 of Ep. 28, 9, note. 6. De C. Vestorio. Vestorius was a banker at Puteoli, often mentioned in the letters of Book 4 to Atticus, and on friendly terms both with the latter and with Cicero. M. Cluvio. Cluvius was another money- lender at Puteoli, of which the old name was Dicaearchia. Boot. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Geogr. 2. 678. Cicero compares the credit due to Dicaearchus on geography with that due to these bankers in money matters. 7. Arcadiae.. maritimum, 'he (prob. Dionysius) thought that a place called L'preon, on the coast, belonged to Arcadia.' The Lepreon on the borders of Elis and Messenia may have stood on the sea in early times, and had been a member of the Arcadian confederacy. Cp. Paus. 5. 5, 3. 8. Tenea was in the territory of Conath ; Aliphera in Arcadia; Tritia was one of the twelve Achaean cities. 9. veoKTiara, 'of late foundation,' a classical word. Tip Twv vewv KaTa\6ya): sc. Horn. II. 2. 11. Transtuli, ' transferred to my book on the Commonwealth.' Cp. De Rep. 2. 4, 8. Atticus had criticized the accuracy of the statement, apparently ; Cicero notices a similar criticism on another point. Ad Att. 6. I, 8. The statement which Cicero here reports from Dicaearchus or from Dionysius must have been curious. The argument from Lepreon implies that the statement of Dicaearchus would have been justified if the Arcadian confederacy had had a single sea- port ; yet the anxiety of Dionysius to dis- prove the antiquity of Tenea and other places, would shew that the existence of a single inland city in a confederacy was held fatal to the sweeping assertion of Dicae- archus ; in which case the existence of Tegea and Mantinea, to go no farther, might seem sufficient to disprove it. The whole discussion illustrates the inadequacy of the materials at the disposal of ancient writers. Phliasios . . habemus, 'I know that the people of Phlius are called Phliasii, and do you correct your copy accordingly (ita fac ut habeas, cp. Forcell.) ; mine is already corrected.' 12. Sed primo . . ^iirovvTioi, 'but when I first wrote I was deceived by a false analogy ; as Opus and Sipus make Opuntii and Sipuntii, I thought Phlius would make Phlirntii.' The present MS. of the treatise ' De Re pv.blica ' seems to have ' Phliuntii,' EP.38.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VI. 2. 261 ratione et continentia video : turn id magis faceres, si adesses. Atque hoc foro, quod egi ex Idibus Februariis Laodiceae ad Kal. Maias omnium dioecesium praeter Ciliciae, miiabilia quaedam effecimus : ita multae civitates omni aere alieno liberatae, multae valde levatae sunt ; omnes suis legibus et iudiciis usae, avrovojxtav 5 adeptae, revixerunt. His ego duobus generibus facultatem ad se aere alieno liberandas aut levandas dedi : uno, quod omnino 5 nullus in imperio meo sumptus factus est — nullum cum dico, non loquor vTT€p(3okLKm — nullus, inquam, ne teruncius quidem. Hac autem re incredibile est quantum civitates emerserint. Accessit 10 altera. Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant : quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decern proximis magistratum gesserant ; aperte fatebantur. Itaque sine ulla ignominia suis humeris pecunias populis rettulerunt ; populi autem nullo gemitu publicanis, quibus hoc ipso lustro nihil sol- 15 verant, etiam superioris lustri reliqiia reddiderunt ; itaque publi- canis in oculis sumus. ' Gratis ' inquis ' viris !' Sensimus. lam cetera iuris dictio nee imperita et clemens cum admirabili faci- litate ; aditus autem ad me minime provinciales ; nihil per cubi- •2. Hoc foro, 'at this session,' from 12. Annis decern proximis. On the Feb. 13 to May i. ablat., cp. Madv. 276. 3. Praeter Ciliciae, ' except of Cilicia 14. Ignominia, ' exposure.' proper.' ' Praeter ' is used adverbially. Cp. Suis humeris, 'of their own accord.' Madv. 172, iii. Obs. 2. Boot. He quotes pro Milon. 9, 25; pro 5. Omnes . . revixerunt, 'all being Flacco 37, 94. But those passages rather allowed their own laws and courts, and so suggest ' from their own resources,' i.e. having regained a kind of independence, ' without borrowing,' as Mr. Jeans under- have recovered much strength.' Cp. Ad stands the phrase.' Att. 6. I, 15 ' illud, in quo sibi libertatem 16. Reliqua, 'the arrears.' Cp. Ep. censent Graeci datam ut Graeci inter se 37, 3- disceptent suis legibus.' This freedom did 17. In oculis sumus, 'I am a favour- not exempt from obedience to the com- ite with.' Forcell. Cp. Tusc. Disp. 2. 26, mands of the Roman governor, but allowed 63. the cities to use their own, not Roman, laws Gratis . . viris. Boot thinks these for their domestic affairs. Cp. A. W. Zumpt words are ironical, as the equites, to whose C. E. 2. 156, 157. order the publicani belonged, had not 6. His . . duobus generibus, 'in the supported Cicero effectively against Clo- two points I will now mention.' dius. 8. In imperio meo, 'during my go- lam, ' moreover.' vernment.' Cp. Ep. 36, 5, note. 19. Provinciales, 'such as had been 9. Hac . . re, 'by this circumstance,' usual in the province' (cp. Tac. Ann. 15. abl. instr. Cp. Madv. 254. 31), where a foreign prince asks for his 10. Accessit altera, sc. ' res.' The con- brother, ' ne . . complexu provincias obti- struction has changed slightly, we should nentium arceretur foribusve eorum adsis- expect ' altero ' corresponding to ' uno.' teret.' 11. Ipsorum furta . . fecerant, 'pecula- Nihil per cubicularium, 'no one need tions of the Greeks themselves, I mean of apply to a chamberlain in order to gtt an their magistrates.' ' Ipsorum,' opposed to audience,' supp. ' agebatur.' the Roman officers. 25a 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. cularium ; ante lucem inambulabam domi, ut olim candidatus. Grata haec et magna mihique nondum laboriosa ex ilia vetere militia. Nonis Maiis in Ciliciam cogitabam ; ibi cum lunium e mensem consumpsissem — atque utinam in pace! magnum enim 5 bellum impendet a Parthis — , Quinctilem in reditu ponere ; annuae enim mihioperaea. d. III. Kal. Sextil. emerentur : magna autem in spe sum mihi nihil temporis prorogatum iri. Habebam acta urbana usque ad Nonas Martias, e quibus intellegebam Curionis nostri constantia omnia potius actum iri quam de pro- lo vinciis : ergo, ut spero, propediem te videbo. Venio ad Brutum 7 tuum, immo nostrum ; sic enim mavis : equidem omnia feci, quae potui aut in mea provincia perficere aut in regno experiri. Omni igitur modo egi cum rege et ago quotidie, per litteras scilicet ; ipsum enim triduum quadriduumve mecum habui turbulentis in 15 rebus, quibus eum liberavi. Sed et turn praesens et postea cre- berrumis littcris non destiti rogare et petere mea causa, suadere et hortari sua : multum profeci, sed quantum, non plane, quia longe absum, scio. Salaminios autem — hos enim poteram coer- 1. Inambulabam domi, 'I walk up and down in my house as of old when a candidate,' i.e. I allow every one free access. 2. Grata haec . . militia, 'these acts of condescension are popular and highly valued,' and my old service (as an advocate and politician) has thus far prevented my being ainioyed by performing them.' 3. Ibi cum. On the position of ' cum,' cp. Madv. 465 b. 5. In reditu ponere, ' to occupy July with my journey home,' i.e. with my return to the western frontier of the province, probably. For he presently remarks that his year expired on July 30. 6. Annuae . . operae . . emerentur, ' my year's service expires.' Cp. Ad Att. 6. 5. .3- 8. Acta urbana : see Ep. 16, 6, note, on p. 108. 9. Curionis .. constantia. Curio ap- parently had already begun to insist that Pompey should be deprived of his provinces if Caesar were deprived of his. Cicero does not seem to have suspected that Caesar had bought Curio's services. Cp. Mommsen 4. 2, 354, for the facts. Omnia potius . . provinciis, 'that the last things on which discussions would take place in the senate would be questions of provincial administration.' 10. Ut spero . . videbo. Cicero had feared that the senate might require him to stay more than a year in his province : and Curio's opposition to all discussion about the provinces had relieved him of this anxiety. Ad Brutum . . nostrum, foil., 'to your, or as you prefer, our — friend Brutus and his claims.' Atticus seems to have written com- plaining of Cicero's strictness. 11. Equidem . . experiri, 'I have ex- erted myself in effecting everything I could in my province, and in attempting all I could in the neighbouring kingdom.' 12. In regno, sc. Ariobarzanis, 'in Cap- padocia.' Cp. Ad Att. 5. 18, I and 4; 5. 20, 6. 13. Egi cum rege . . scilicet, 'have made representations to the king, and am still making them — I mean by letter.' ' Per litteras scilicet ' corrects ' omni modo.' ' Cum rege,' sc. Ariobarzane. 14. Triduum quadriduumve, ^ only for three or four days.' Turbulentis in rebus, 'while there was disorder in his country.' Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 2, 4-6; Ad Att. 5. 20, 6. 16. Mea causa, 'out of consideration for me.' 17. Sua, 'for his own interest,' which would be promoted by his paying his debts. EP. 38.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VI . 2. 263 cere — adduxi, ut totum nomen Scaptio vellent solvere, sed centc- simis ductis a proxuma quidem syngrapha, nee perpetuis, sed renovatis quotannis. Numerabantur nummi : noluit Scaptius. Tu, qui ais Brutum cupere aliquid perdere ? quaternas habebat in syngrapha. Fieri non poterat, nee, si posset, ego pati possem. 5 Audio omnino Scaptium paenitere ; nam quod senatus consultum esse dicebat, ut ius ex syngrapha diceretur, eo consilio factum est, quod pecuniam Salaminii contra legem Gabiniam sumpserant ; vetabat autem Auli lex ius dici de ita sumpta pecunia : decrevit igitur senatus, ut ius diceretur ex ista syngrapha. Nunc ista 10 8 habet iuris idem, quod ceterae, nihil praecipui. Haec a me ordine facta puto me Bruto probaturum, tibi nescio ; Catoni certe probabo. Sed iam ad te ipsum revertor : ain tandem, Attice, laudator integritatis et elegantiae nostrae, ausus es hoc ex ore tuo . 15 inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem, me rogare? an tu si mecum esses, qui scribis morderi te interdum, quod non simul sis, paterere me id facere, si vellem ? ' Non am- plius' inquis ' quinquaginta.' Cum Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt : quid tandem isti mali in tam tenera insula non fecis- 20 sent? non fecissent autem? immo quid ante adventum meum 2. Perpetuis; cp. Ep. 36, 13, 'without compound interest.' 3. Renovatis quotannis, probably = 'cum anatocismo anniversario.' See Ep. 36, IT, note. Numerabantur, 'were just about to be paid.' See Madv. 337, Obs. 1. 4. Tu, sc. ' is es,' ' is it you,' or ' can you defend this.' Wesenb. has ' tu qui ( = qui) ais,' and Manutius interprets the passage similarly, ' qui verum est id quod scribis,' ' how can you say.' Aliquid perdere, 'to put up with some loss.' 5. Fieri non poterat, 'payment on such terms was impossible.' 6. Scaptium paenitere, 'that Scaptius is sorry for his covetousness.' Nam quod . . sumpserant, 'for as to the statement that (cp. Ep. 26, 2, note") a decree of the senate legalized the bringing of an action under that bill, I answer that the decree was passed because the people of Salamis had borrowed money in violation of the Gabinian law.' That is, the object of the decree was to exempt the lender and the people of Salamis from penalties for lending and borrowing at all ; not to au- thorize an exceptional rate of interest. Cp. Ep. 36, 1 2, note. It appears then that the go- vernor's edict fixed the rate of interest which could be recovered on all contracts which became subjects of litigation during his year of office, even if the contracts had been concluded previously. 9. Auli, sc. Gabinii. 10. Nunc ista habet . . praecipui : cp. Ep. 36, 12, note. 12. Nescio, sc. 'an probaturus sim.' On 'probare' with ace. and dat., cp. Madv. 242, Obs. I. 14. Elegantiae, 'propriety* 'purity.' Cp. Pro Sull. 28, 79. 16. Inquit. Wesenb. has ' ut inquit.' 17. Morderi, 'are tormented,' Cp. Tusc. Disp. 3. 34, 82. 19. Cum Spartaco, supp. 'and yet he did mischief enough.' The number of the original followers of Spartacus is variously given. Florus, 3. 20, supports Cicero. 20. Tenera, ' unwarlike,' 'effeminate.' 21. Non fecissent autem, ' do I say "would not have done"?' Cp. § i, note. 254 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part II. noil fecerunt ? Inclusum in curia senatum habuerunt Salaminium ita multos dies^ ut interierint non nulli fame ; erat enim prae- fectus Appii Scaptius et habebat turmas ab Appio. Id me igitur tu, cuius mehercule os mihi ante oculos solet versari, cum de 5 aliquo officio ac laude cogito, tu me, inquam, rogas, praefectus ut Scaptius sit ? Alias hoc statueramus, ut negotiatorem neminem, idque Bruto probaveramus. Habeat is turmas ? cur potius quam 9 cohortes ? sumptu iam nepos evadit Scaptius. ' Volunt ' inquit ' principes.' Scio : nam ad me Ephesum usque vencrunt flen- 10 tesque equitum scelera et miserias suas detulerunt ; itaque statim dedi litteras, ut ex Cypro equites ante certam diem decederent, ob eamque causam, tum ob ceteras Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt. Sed iam quid opus equitatu ? solvunt enim Salaminii : nisi forte id volumus armis efficere, ut faenus ir quaternis centesimis ducant. Et ego audebo legere umquam aut attingere eos libros, quos tu dilaudas, si tale quid fecero ? Nimis, nimis, inquam, in isto Brutum amasti, dulcissime Attice, nos vereor ne parum. Atque haec scripsi ego ad Brutum scripsisse te ad me. Cognosce nunc cetera. Pro Appio nos hie omnia lo, 2o facimus, honeste tamen, sed plane libenter ; nee enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus, et Pompeius mirifice a me conten- I. Inclusum , . habuerunt: cp. Ep, Cicero refers to his treatise 'De Re publica.' 36, 13, note, for the construction. Dilaudas ='varie vel valdelaudas.' For- 4. De aliquo officio ac laude, 'about cell. It seems only to occur here, anything right and honourable.' i8. Ne parum, sell. ' amaverimus.' 5. Praefectus. In the provinces a mili- Haec scripsi, foil.: Cp. Ep. 14, i, tary officer seems to be denoted by this title. as illustrating Cicero's anxiety to have his Cp. Ep. 27, 3, note on ' praefectura.' services mentioned in a similar case. 6. Alias, 'at another time,' 'previously.' 19. Cetera, 'what else have I to say.' Neminem, sc. ' praefectum faceremus.' Pro Appio : cp. Epp. 37, 2 ; 35, i and 8. Sumptu .. Scaptius, ' Scaptius is be- 5, notes; Rein, Crim. R. 564 ; 733. Ap- comtng quite extravagant in his expenditure,' pius had been accused of ' ambitus ' and of ironical. He would probably ofl'er to pay ' maiestas,' and seems to have been ac- the troops placed at his disposal, and cavalry quitted on both charges. Cp. Ad Earn. 3. would be more expensive than infantry. II, 1-3; 3. 12, I. Cicero, as governor Volunt . . principes, '"the nobles of of Cilicia, would have opportunities for dis- Salamis will have it so" he (Scaptius) says.' couraging witnesses from appearing against 9. Scio, 'no doubt,' ironical. him. Manutius. 12. Ob eamque causam tum ob ce- 20. Honeste . . libenter, 'with a due teras, 'and both for that reason and for regard for my own honour, but with evi- others.' The combination of 'que' and dent good-will to him.' ' tum' is curious. Tamen qualifies ' omnia.' 13. Solvunt, 'are ready to pay.' Cp. Nee enim . . et: cp. Ep. 6, 4, note. Madv. 339, Obss. 21. Brutum. M. Brutus was son-in-law 15. Et, admirantis; 'and shall I then to Appius. Cp. Ep. 37, 2, note, venture.' Cp. Ad Att. 7. 23, I ' et non Contendit, 'exerted himself much to omnes nostra corpora opponimus.' obtain it.' Forcell. A common use of the j6. Eos libros; cp. Ad Att. 6. I, 8. word in Cicero's writings. EP.39.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XV.^. 265 dit, quem mchercule plus plusque in dies diligo. C, Caelium quaestorem hue venire audisti. Nescio, quid sit ; sed Pammenia ilia mihi non placent. Ego me spero Athenis fore mense Sep- tembri. Tuorum itinerum tempora scire sane velim. Ev7/^etay Sempronii Rufi cognovi ex epistola Corcyraea : quid quaeris ? in- 5 video potentiae Vestorii. Cupiebam etiam nunc plura garrire, sed lucet : urget turba, festinat Philogenes. Valebis igitur et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostram iubebis litteris et salvebis a meo Cicerone. 39. M. CATO TO CICERO (AD FAM. XV. 5). Rome, about June, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) I. On public and on private grounds alike I recognized with pleasure in the senate the merits and success of your administration. i. The form which my approval took was in my judgment that most honourable to you ; if you prefer that which the majority of the senate adopted I am glad ; but this compliment will not necessarily be followed by a triumph, nor is a triumph really the highest distinction. 3. My regard for you induces me to express my views at greater length than usual. 1. Quem . . diligo. Pompey was now- preparing for his impending struggle with Caesar. Hence these words may have a political bearing. C. Caelium. C. Caelius Caldus went out to serve as quaestor in Cilicia under Cicero, and the latter afterwards left him in charge of the province, notwithstanding his youth and some defects of character. Cp. Ep. 42, 3 and 4, 2. Quaestorem . . venire, 'is coming as quaestor.' Cp. Mad v. 220. He was probably one of the quaestors for 51-50 b.c. No very definite rule seems to have obtained as to the succession of quaestors in the pro- vinces ; C. Cassius remained more than a year in Syria after Crassus' death. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 16. Nescio, quid sit, 'I do not know what to make of this affair,' referring to what fol- lows. Boot. Wesenb. punctuates ' audisti ; nescio quid sit ; sed — .' Sed Pammenia . . non placent, 'but I am not pleased with what has been done about the house of Pammenes.' Cp. Ad Att. 5. 20, 10. Pammenes was perhaps a ward or protege of Atticus or Cicero, whose properly was endangered by a law-suit. A Greek orator or writer of the name is men- tioned Brut. 97, 332 ; Orat. 30, 105 as a contemporary of Cicero. 4. Tuorum itinerum tempora, 'the probable dates of your journeys.' Cicero wished to meet Atticus on his own way to Rome. 'Evrjdiiav, 'simplicity,' 'stupidity.' Cp, below, and Ep. 34. i, for more particulars about Rufus. 5. Corcyraea. Atticus had visited Cor- cyra on his way to Epirus, apparently. Cp. Ep. 36, I. Invideo . . Vestorii, ' I envy Vestorius the power his wealth gives him.' When Cicero had been at Puteoli, on his way to assume the government of Cilicia, Rufus had avoided him, though under considerable obligations to him. Cicero supposed that he feared to meet Vestorius, and therefore avoided publicity, and ironically says that he envies Vestorius the power which could frighten Rufus into discourtesy. 7. Turba, 'the crowd of clients and petitioners.' Valebis . . iubebis . . salvebis, fut. indie, for imperat., cp. Mad v. 384, Obs. 8. Piliam : cp. Ep. 31, 7. Caeciliam. Caecilia, more often called Attica, was daughter of Atticus. Cp. Ep. 117, 8, note. 266 M. TULLIl CIC FRONTS [part II. M. CATO S. D. M. CICERONI IMP. Quod et res publica me et nostra amicitia hortatur, Hbenter i facio, ut tuam virtutem, innocentiam, diligentiam cognitam in maximis rebus domi togati, armati foris pari industria ad- ministrare gaudeam : itaque, quod pro meo iudicio facere potui, 5 ut innocentia consilioque tuo defensam provinciam, servatum Ariobarzanis cum ipso rege regnum, sociorum revocatam ad stu- dium imperii nostri voluntatem sententia mea et decreto lauda- rem, feci. Supplicationem decretam, si tu, qua in re nihil 2 fortuito, sed summa tua ratione et continentia rei publicae pro- 10 visum est, dis immortalibus gratulari nos quam tibi referre acceptum mavis, gaudeo : quod si triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper triumphus et triumpho 1. Qiiod with 'hortatur.' Cp. Ep. 38, 2, note. 2. Facio, ut . . gaudeam : cp. Ep. 36, 5. note. Cognitam . . togati, 'proved in the most critical events of your domestic administra- tion.' Cp. ' cedant arma togae ' in Cicero's poem on his consulship. The ' toga,' as the dress usually worn at Rome, was the emblem of domestic administration ; the ' sagum,' or military cloak, of war. 3. Armati foris. These words refer to the government of Cilicia alone, for Cicero had never held a military command abroad before his proconsulate. Cato is coiiparing Cicero's government of a province with his consulship, but the order of the words is rather harsh. Administrare. The MS. has ' ad- ministrari,' which, however, seems hardly ever to be used in the sense of ' adhiberi,' which it must bear here. Cp., however, Cicero de Domo Sua 27, 71 ; Nagelsbach 114,313. For 'administrare' as a neuter verb, cp. Sail. lug. 92 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. 4. 4. Pro meo iudicio, 'in accordance with my conviction,' ' conscientiously.' 5. Ut . . laudarem. Cato had pro- posed a complimentary vote in Cicero's honour, but not a formal ' supplicatio.' Defensam. 'Contra metum Parthici belli.' Manut. Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 4, 14. 6. Ariobarzanis : cp. Intr. to Part II, § 20. Besides the services there mentioned, Cicero induced the powerful high priest of Bellona at Comana to withdraw from Cap- padocia. Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 4, 6. Sociorum . . voluntatem, 'that the hearts of our allies have been won back to a cheerful acquiescence in our rule.' 7. Sententia mea et decreto, 'my speech and vote,' when your services were discussed in the senate. ' Decernere' is used of the individual senator as well as of the whole body. Cp. In Cat. 4. 5, 10 ' is . . et supplicationem mihi decrevit.' 8. Qjia in re . . provisum est, supply in the first clause ' factum ' from ' provisum,' and in the second ' a word meaning ' all ' from 'nihil.' Siipfle. On the zeugma, cp. Madv. 478, Obs. 4. 10. Gratulari =' grates agere.' For- cell. Tibi referre acceptum, sc. 'id quod provisum est.' Hofm. 11. Praerogativam, ' the necessary pre- liminary,' which a triumph will follow as surely as the other centuries do the vote of the first. For this metaphorical sense of ' praerogativa,' cp. In Verr. Act. 1. 9, 26. For the usual meaning, Smith's Diet, of Antiq. 339. 12. Et idcirco .. mavis, 'and there- fore (because you think a triumph will follow it) you wish Fortune rather than yourself to get the credit.' Cato identifies casus with the gods to whom the 'suppli- catio' was addressed. 13. Neque . . et . . iudicare, 'I remark that a thanksgiving is not always followed by a triumph, and that a declaration of the EP. 40.] EPISTOLAR UM AD FA MI LI A RES X V. 6. 267 multo clarius est setiatum iudicare potius mansuetudine et inno- centia imperatoris provinciam quam vi militum aut benignitate deorum retentam atque conservatam esse ; quod ego mea sententia 3 censebam. Atque haec ego idcirco ad te contra consuetudinem meani pluribus scripsi, ut, quod maxime volo, existimes me labo- 5 rare, ut tibi persuadeam me et voluisse de tua maiestate, quod amplissimum sim arbitratus, ct, quod tu maluisti, factum esse gaudere. Vale et nos dilige et instituto itinere severitatem dili- gentiamque sociis et rei publicae praesta. 40. To M. CAT O (AD FA M. XV. 6). Written from the East, August (?), 50 B.C. (704 a.u.c.) I. I value your approbation most highly, and if there were several Gates in the Commonwealth I should seek for no further recognition of my services. 2. I am sorry you were not convinced by the grounds alleged in my previous letter to justify my demand of a triumph ; but I hope that if the senate grants me one you will share my pleasure at the decision. M. CICERO S. D. M. CATONI. 1 ' Laetus sum laudari me' inquit Hector, opinor apud Naevium, 10 'abs te, pater, a laudato viro :' ea est enim profecto iucunda laus, quae ab iis proficiscitur, qui ipsi in laude vixerunt. Ego vero vel senate,' foil. On neque .. et, cp. Ep. 6, 4, p. 45, note, and on the omission of words mean- ing 'I remark that,' cp. Pro Muren. 7> '5 ' sin autem sunt amplae et honestae faniiliae plebeiae, et proavus L. Murenae et avus praetor fuit.' 4. Contra consuetudinem . . pluri- bus, 'at some length, contrary to my usual practice.' 6. Voluisse .. arbitratus, 'supported that measure, with regard to the honours to be paid you, which I thought would bring you most distinction.' This sense of ' velle' is illustrated by the form in which a law was submitted to the people ' velitis iubeatis Quirites,' etc. On the mood of sim, cp. Ep. 3, 3, note on ' quod vererere.' 7. Et quod tu . . gaudere, 'and yet that I am glad the course you preferred was adopted.' ' Et ' almost = 'sed.' Cp. Ep. 38. 2, note on ' ac' 8. Instituto itinere, ' in the path you have begun to tread,' ablat, modi. Cp. Ep. 34, 2, note. The East. I cannot ascertain the date of this letter. Ad Att. 6, 7 seems to shew that Cicero had heard of the vote of a ' supplicatio' before he sailed for Rhodes (cp. Intr. to Part II, § 24), and Cato's letter was probably written soon after the vote. 10. Laetus sum . . viro : cp. Ad Earn. 5. 12, 7. Kiihner, on Tusc. Disp. 4. 31, 67, says that the words form a trochaic tetra- meter catalectic. Opinor. Siipfle says that ' opinor ' and 'ut opinor' do not express uncertainty, but the unimportance of the fact in question. Cp. Ad Fam. 3. 6, 3 'diebus qui tibi . . lege, ut opinor, Cornelia coiistituti essent.' Man. thinks that Cicero affects ignorance, so as not to seem a habitual reader of poetry. 12. In laude, 'with credit.' Cp. InVerr. Act. I. 17, 51 'esse in laude.' Ego vero, emphatic. Cp. Madv. 482 and 454 for ' vero.' ' I certainly.' Vel gratulatione . . dictae, 'both by the congratulation of your letter and the z6S M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part II. gratulatione lltterarum tuarum vel testlmoniis sententiae dictae nihil est quod me non adsecutum putem ; idque mihi cum amplis- simum, tum gratissimum est, te libenter amicitiae dedisse, quod liquido veritati dares. Et, si non modo omnes, verum etiam 5 multi Catones essent in civitate nostra, in qua unum exstitisse mirabile est, quem ego currum aut quam lauream cum tua lauda- tione conferrem ? nam ad meum sensum et ad illud sincerum ac subtile iudicium nihil potest esse laudabilius quam ea tua oratio, quae est ad me perscripta a meis necessariis. Sed causam meae 2 10 voluntatis, non enim dicam cupiditatis, exposui tibi superioribus litteris, quae etiamsi parum iusta tibi visa est, banc tamen habet rationem, non ut nimis concupiscendus honos, sed tamen, si deferatur a senatu, minime aspernandus esse videatur. Spero autem ilium ordinem pro meis ob rem publicam susceptis labori- ^5 bus me non indignum honore, usitato praesertim, existimaturum. Quod si ita erit, tantum ex te peto, quod amicissime scribis, ut, cum tuo iudicio, quod amplissimum esse arbitraris, mihi tribueris. testimony of your opinion expressed in the senate.' On the ablatives, cp. Epp. 26, 9 ; 37, 2, notes ; and with the genitives, Ep. 5, 2, 'ahquod testimonium tuae vocis.' 2. Nihil est . . putem, 'think I have obtained every possible honour.' The nega- tive form gives a certain awkvv'ardness to this sentence. 3. Te libenter . . dares, 'that friend- ship made you take pleasure in what you granted without hesitation to truth.' For this sense of liquido, cp. Siipfle, and In Verr. 2 Act. 4. 56, 124 ' confirmare hoc liquido, iudices, possum.' The words con- tain a slight expression of discontent, ' you praised me no more than the facts constrain- ed you to do.' To Atticus (7. 2, 7) Cicero is more outspoken : ' Cato . . in me turpiter fuit malevolus : dedit integritatis . . mihi tes- timonium quod non quaerebam ; quod pos- tulabam negavit.' 4. Dares, conj., as expressing Cicero's thoughts. Cp. Ep. 36, II, note. Si non modo . . Catones, ' if, I do not say all, but many of our countrymen were Catos.' 6. Currum . . lauream, the insignia of a triumph. 7- Nam ad meum . . iudicium, 'ac- cording to my own feelings, or to your re- markably uncorrupt and refined judgment.' Illud marks something exceptional. Siipfle. 8. Laudabilius, 'more honourable for me.' Wiel. and Metzg. 9. Quae est . . necessariis, 'has been sent me by my friends at some length.' The speech was probably that referred to by Caio in the preceding letter. Caelius had written Cicero an account of its substance. Ad Fam. 8. II, 2. 11. Hanc . . rationem, 'has this rea- sonable ground, or justification.' Cicero had explained to Cato in a previous letter that honours conferred by the senate would restore him the dignity he had held before his exile. Cp. Ad Fam. 15. 4, 14 'huic meae voluntati in qua inest aliqua vis desiderii ad sanandum vohius iniuriae.' 12. Non ut nimis . . videatur, 'that the honour seems one not indeed to be desired too eagerly, but yet certainly not to be rejected if offered.' On the position of 'ut,' cp. Madv. 465 b, Obs. 15. Usitato praesertim : cp. Ad Fam. 15. 4, 14 'tantum ut multi nequaquam pari- bus rebus honoies suinmos a senatu conse- cuti sint.' Lentulus Spinther triumphed for successes probably not greater than Cicero's (cp. Ep. 36, 4) ; and Appius Claudius, Ci- cero's predecessor, once hoped for a triumph (cp. Ep. 35, I ; Abeken 273). 16. Tantum, 'only thus much.' Cp. Ep. 15, 8, p. 96, note on ' quantum.' Quod amicissime scribis, 'what you write in the most friendly terms to say you did in the case of the " supplicatio." ' Cp. § 3 of the preceding letter. EP.4I.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. 14. 269 si id, quod maluero, accident, gaudeas : sic enim fecisse te et sensisse et scripsisse video, resque ipsa declarat tibi ilium honorem nostrum supplicationis iucundum fuisse, quod scribendo adfuisti ; haec enim senatus consulta non ignoro ab amicissimis eius, cuius honor agitur, scribi solere. Ego, ut spero^ te propediem videbo, 5 atque utinam re publica meliore quam timeo ! 41. M. CAELIUS RUFUS to CICERO (ADFAM.VIII. 14). Rome, September or October 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) I. No possible achievements in your province can recompense you for missing the sights to be seen here now; for instance, the vexation of Domitius on seeing Antony elected augur. 2. I fear we are on the eve of civil war ; Pompey will not allow Caesar to be elected consul unless he first gives up his command ; Caesar thinks he cannot safely do this unless Pompey does the same. I am in much doubt which side to take, and so I dare say are you. 3. In civil war, one must consider the strength as well as the rights of the contending parties. 4. Appius is most rigorous as a censor, strange to say. Unless either Pompey or Caesar take the command against the Parthians, a serious quarrel is imminent. CAELIUS CICERONI SAL. 1 Tanti non fuit Arsacen capere et Seleuceam expugnare, ut earum rerum, quae hie gestae sunt, spectaculo careres : numquam I. Sic enim . . video, 'for I see that an earlier date for Antony's election as your acts and feelings and the language of augur, and what is said in § 4 of this letter your letter expressed this pleasure.' about the Parthian war as still going on is 3. Quod scribendo adfuisti, 'in that capable, when compared with the language you were present when the decree (granting of Ep. 42, 3, of a similar interpretation. me a supplicatio) was drawn up.' This But the war might be merely suspended, would shew interest in Cicero's distinction. and its renewal probable; and on the whole • Scribendo ' is the dat. of the gerund. Cp. I am disposed to think that the letter was Ep- 34> 5- perhaps written late in September. Compare 6. Utinam re publica , . timeo ! sc. Suringar's edition of the correspondence be- 'ne futura sit.' On the abl. abs. cp. Ep. i, tween Caelius and Cicero, p. 74, and Lange, 2, note on p. 28. The quarrel between Rom. Alt. 3. 388 foil. Pompey and Caesar was approaching a 7. Tanti non fuit . . careres, 'to crisis, and Curio had interposed to prevent capture Arsaces and storm Seleucea would such a settlement as Cicero would have not have been a sufficient compensation for preferred. Epp. 37, 3 ; 35, 5, notes. missing the sight of what goes on here.' On the general structure of the sentence, cp. September. The date of this letter Madv. 294, Obs 3; and for the indie. ' fuit,' is difficult to ascertain. A comparison of Ep. 4. i, note on p. 34. what is said by Caelius (Ad Fam. 8. 12, 4) Arsacen, a title, apparently, of the about the election of Domitius as future kings of the Arsacid dynasty. The name with § I of this letter suggests that Ad of the actual sovereign of Parthia was Fam. 8. 12 was written before the letter Orodes. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §§ 9; 20; now under consideration. But Ad Fam. 8. Ep. 36, 2. 12 cannot have been written before the Seleucea, a city of Greek origin, only middle of the ludi Circenses in September. separated by the Tigris from Ctesiphon, the Cp. § 4 of that letter. On the other hand Parthian capital. Hirlius (Caes. De Bell. Gall. 8. 50) suggests 8. Numquam . . doluissent . . vidis- 270 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. tibi oculi doluissent, si in repulsa Domitii voltum vidisses. Mao-na ilia comitia fuerunt et plane studia ex partium sensu apparuerunt ; perpauci necessitudinem secuti officium praesti- terunt. Itaque mihi est Domitius inimicissimus, ut ne familiarem 5 quidem suum quemquam tarn oderit quam me, atque eo magis, quod per iniuriam sibi putat atigiirattini ereptum, cuius ego auctor fuerim. Nunc furit tarn gavisos homines suum dolorem unumque modo me studiosiorem Antonii : nam Cn. Saturninum adulescen- tem ipse Cn. Domitius reum fecit, sane quam superiore a vita 10 invidiosum ; quod indicium nunc in exspectatione est, etiam in bona spe, post Sex. Peducaei absolutionem. De summa re publica 2 saepe tibi scripsi, me annuam pacem non videre, et quo propius ea contentio, quam fieri necesse est, accedit, eo clarius id peri- culum apparet. Propositum hoc est, de quo, qui rerum potiuntur, ses, 'your eyes would never have suffered again if you had seen how Domitius looked when defeated.' Cp. Ter. Phorm. 5. 9, 64. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the consul of 54 B.C., was a candidate for the place in the college of augurs vacated by the death of Q^ Hortensius on which cp. Ep. 42, 2. Under the ' Lex Domitia,' repealed by Sulla, but afterwards re-enacted, vacancies in the college were filled as follows : candidates were nominated each by two augurs, and their names submitted to seventeen tribes, chosen by lot. The candidate who obtained a majority of the votes was then elected by the college of augurs. Cp. Intr. to Part I, §9- 2. Magna, 'important.' Et plane . . apparuerunt, 'and it was clear that people exerted themselves for party purposes.' 3. Necessitudinem . . praestiterunt, ' were induced by private friendship to dis- charge their personal obligations.' 4. Ut ne familiarem . . quam me, 'that he hates me as much as he ever hated even one of his friends.' Ironical. 6. Per iniuriam, because a younger and less distinguished man was preferred to him. Antony was a ' quaestorius ; ' Domi- tius a 'consularis.' Cuius . . fuerim, 'of which he sup- poses I was the author.' On the conj., cp. Ep. 9, 12, note on p. 72. Caelius was on intimate terms with Curio (cp. Ep. 76, 1), to whose influence Cicero ascribed Antony's election as augur (cp. Philipp. 2. 2, 4). 7. Nunc furit . . Antonii, 'now he is in a rage at the delight people take in his vexation, and that only one has shewn more zeal for Antony than I have.' The ' unus ' was probably Curio, or perhaps Saturninus (Wesenb.) Cp. Philipp. 2. 2, 4. On the infin. and accus. after ' furit,' cp. Madv. 397 ; and for the accus. after ' gavisos,' lb. 223 c. On the abl. 'me,' cp. Ep. 66, 2, note. 8. Nam introduces an illustration of the anger of L. Domitius and his family. Cn. Saturninum. Cn. Appuleius Sa- turninus was son of L. Saturninus of Atiua, propraetor of Macedonia 58 B.C. He had probably supported Antony in this contest ; see above on 1. 7- Both father and son are mentioned in the oration Pro Plancio 8, 19. 9. Ipse Cn. Domitius, son of the L. Domitius mentioned above, and of Porcia, Cato's sister. He fought against Caesar at Pharsalus, and afterwards joined the conspi- racy against his life. Cp. Philipp. 2. 11, 27. Wesenb. suggests 'adolescens ipse,' saying that Cn. Domitius has not been mentioned before ; Metzg. renders ' ipse ' ' in person.' Sane quam : cp. Ep. 33, 2, note. 10. In bona spe, 'with good hopes for the defendant.' I l.PostSex. Peducaei absolutionem. This Peducaeus was son and namesake of a propraetor of Sicily in 75-74 B.C., whom Cicero mentions with praise in his speech against Verres (2 Act. 4. 64, 142). The son seems also to have enjoyed Cicero's esteem. Cp. Epp. 48, 3 ; 61, 2. Caelius appears to have thought his acquittal unjust, but what the charge against him was seems not to be known. The elder Peducaeus was dead early in 40 B.C. Cp. Ep. 68, I. 14. Propositum hoc est, 'the point in EP. 41-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. y. 271 sunt dimicaturi, quod Cn. Pompeius constituit non pati C. Cae- sarem consulcm aliter fieri, nisi exercitum et provincias tradi- derit ; Caesari autem persuasum est se salvum esse non posse, si ab exercitu recesserit. Fert illam tamen condicionem, ut ambo exercitus tradant. Sic illl amores et invidiosa coniunctio non 5 ad occultam recidit obtrectationem, sed ad bellum se erupit ; neque, mearum rerum quid consilii capiam, reperio ; quod non dubito, quin te quoque haec deliberatio sit perturbatura. Nam mihi cum hominibus his et gratia et necessitudo est : causam 3 illam, non homines odi. Illud te non arbitror fugere, quin k homines in dissensione domestica debeant, quam diu civiliter sine armis certetur, honestiorem sequi partem, ubi ad bellum et castra ventum sit, nrmiorem, et id melius statuere, quod tutius sit. In hac discordia video Cn. Pompeium senatum qui- que res indicant secum habiturum, ad Caesarem omnes, qui i: cum timore aut mala spe vivant, accessuros, exercitum confe- question is.' 'Propositum' = 7r/)o)3A.?;/xa. Ep. 45> 2. 2. Consulem aliter fieri, foil.: see Intr. to Part II, § 27. 3. Caesari . . recesserit. Caesar would probably have been prosecuted on some charge connected with his consulship or provincial government if he had been deprived of his official position even for a short time ; and, as Pompey was dominant at Rome, his conviction would probably have ensued. Cp. Mommsen 4. 2, 349 ; Merivale 2. 55 ; Suet. lul. 30. 4. Illam refers to what follows. Cp. Kp. 34, 9, note. 5. Tradant, 'deliver up' to officers ap- pointed by the senate. Illi amores . . coniunctio, 'their old intimacy and unpopular union,' referring to the combination of 59 b.c, and to the marriage of Pompey with Julia. Intr. to Parti, §§ 16; iS. Non . . recidit . . sed . . se erupit, 'have not sunk into a secret jealousy, but have broken out into war.' For ' se erupit,' cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 2. 14 ; and for the sing. ' recidit . . erupit,' Madv. 213 b. 7. Mearum . . capiam, ' v;hat decision I shall come to about my own conduct or position.' On the genit., cp. Madv. 283. Quod non dubito, 'as to which I doubt not.' Cp. Madv. 229 a. Ace. to Manut. ' quod' =* sed.* Wesenb.'s punctua- tion 'reperio — quod non . . perturbatura — ; nam ' rather improves the sense. 8. Nam, in explanation of his difficulty in deciding. 9. Cum hominibus his, 'with Pom- pey's friends ' I think. Causam illam . . odi, 'while I hate Caesar's cause, but not his supporters.' On the omission of an adversative, cp. Ep. 36, 8, note. II. Civiliter, 'with constitutional wea. pons.' 14. Quique res iudicant. Manutius explains these words of the judges, who were taken from the wealthy or middle classes. Pompey had in his second consul- ship, 55 B.C., enacted a law by which the tribunals were reconstituted, and Cicero (Ep. 59, 2) speaks of the judges as a body which would have supported Pompey but for his mistakes. But in Q^ Cicero's letter De Pet. Cons. (2, 8), the words seem rather to mean, 'who judge things fairly;' and Wiel. and Metzg. give them that sense here.' Mr. Jeans renders 'judicially minded peo- ple.' If the first explanation be correct, Pompey's influence with the judges might account for Caesar's unwillingness to stand a trial. 16. Exercitum conferendum non esse, 'that there is no comparison between their armies,' Caesar's being much the best. I caimot agree with Mr. Jeans in thinking this a strange admission for Caelius to make, and the event surely proved the superior quality of Caesar's troops. 27a M, TULLII CICERO NTS [part II. rendum non esse. Omnino satis spatii est ad considerandas utriusque copias et eligendam partem. Prope oblitus sum, quod 4 maxime fuit scribendum : scis Appium censorem hie ostenta facere ? de signis et tabulis, de agri modo, de aere alieno acer- 5 rime agere? persuasum est ei censuram lomentum aut nitrum esse : errare mihi videtur ; nam duvi sordes eluere volt, venas sibi omiies et viscera aperit. Curre, per deos atque homines ! et quam primum haec risum veni, legis Scantiniae iudicium apud Drusum fieri, Appium de tabuHs et signis agere ; crede 10 mihi, est properandum. Curio noster sapienter id, quod remisit de stipendio Pompeii, fecisse existimatur. Ad summam, quaeris, quid putem futurum : si alteruter eorum ad Parthicum bellum non eat, video magnas impendere discordias, quas ferrum et vis ^z'iudi- cabit ; uterque et animo et copiis est paratus. Si sine tuo peri- 1. Ad . . . eligendam partem, 'for choosing one's side.* 3. Fuit scribendum: cp. Ep. 38, 2, note. Ostenta facere, 'is shewing a porten- tous activity.' 4. De signis . . agere, 'is making the strictest enquiry as to the number of statues and pictures men have, and the amount of their lands and debts.' The ' censoria potestas ' would enable Appius to censure extravagant expenditure on works of art. As to the ' extent of landed pro- perty,' perhaps he tried to put in force again the law of Ti. Gracchus, which his grand- father had co-operated in passing. As to the * debts,' a Lex Sulpicia of 88 b.c. provided that no senator should be in debt to the amount of more than 2000 denarii, on pain, I presume, of expulsion. This law may not have been repealed like the rest of those of Sulpicius, or may have been replaced by a similar one. Cp. Plut. Sulla, 8. In all these cases the censor would probably have the power of stigmatizing or degrading the guilty. 5. Persuasum .. nitrum esse, 'he is persuaded that his censorship will act as soap or nitre to cleanse his character.' Lomentum was a mixture of bean-meal and rice, used to cleanse and smooth the face. Forcell. 6. Errare .. aperit, 'I think he makes a mistake, for in his anxiety to wash off dirt he opens his veins and his flesh,' i.e. exposes himself to attack. 8. Legis Scantiniae. The name is sometimes given as Scatinia. The date of this law is uncertain. It was directed ' in eos qui nefanda Venere utereutur,' and is mentioned by Juvenal (Sat. 2. 44), and, according to one reading, by Cicero (Phi- lipp. 3. 6, 16). 9. Apud Drusum. This Drusus, clearly an abandoned man, was probably the same as the one mentioned Ep. 28, 9, q. v. Appium . . agere. Appius may have appropriated several works of art as governor or officer in the provinces. Cp. Ep. 32, 2 ; De Domo 43, ill. 10. Quod remisit . . Pompeii, 'in withdrawing his objection to a vote for the pay of Pompey's troops.' Billerb. 11. Ad summam, 'in a word ' = ' brevi- ter.' Forcell. 12. Eorum, Pompeii et Caesaris. Non eat, pres. in fut. sense. Cp. Ep. 6, I, note, and Madv. 347 b. 13. Video. It seems to have been sug- gested as a compromise, that either Caesar or Pompey should take the command against the Parthians, and so spare the Common- wealth the dangers threatened by their rivalry in Italy. But the control of affairs at Rome was now mainly in Pompey's hands; if he had gone to the East he would have relinquished that control ; if he had allowed Caesar to go, the latter would have been secured against prosecution for some time, and would have had opportunities of acquiring distinction, wealth, and influential connections. Z)/iudicabit. Wesenb. thinks the addi- tion of di- needless, and refers to Ad Att. 15, 25 ' casus consilium nostri itineris iudi- cabit.' Er.43.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VI.6. 273 culo fieri posset, magnum et iucundum tibi Fortuna spectaculum parabat. 43. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. VI. 6). SiDA, Early in August, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c) 1. I was rather surprised to hear tliat my daughter had engaged herself to Dola- bella, with her mother's approval; I had thought of Ti. Nero. 2. Why did you make a present of corn to the Athenians ? I am sure you share my regret at the death of Ilortensius. 3. 1 have left Caclius in charge of my province. I anticipate your criticisms, but could do no better. To have left my brother would have provoked censure, and there seems no danger of war. 4. Pompey and Caesar have both made more extraordinary appointments. I hope you will support my claims to a triumph. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Ego, dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus accusatoris eius socer. ' Id quidem ' inquis ' di adpro- bent !' Ita velim, teque ita cupere certo scio ; sed credo mihi, .5 nihil minus putaram ego, qui de Ti. Nerone, qui mecum egerat, certos homines ad mulieres miseram, qui Romam venerunt factis sponsalibus. Sed hoc spero melius ; mulieres quidem valde intel- lego delectari obsequio et comitate adulescentis : cetera noli 2 l^aKavQiC^uv. Sed heus tu, 7rx;poi)s et's hr\[KQV Athenis ? placet hoc 10 tibi ? etsi non impediebant mei certe libri ; non enim ista largitio 2. Parabat, epistolary tense. On the Ann. i, 10; 6, 51. mood, cp. Madv. 348 b. 7. Mulieres. Terentia and Tullia are meant. SiDA. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 24 ; Ad Fam. 8. Sponsalibus, ' the betrothal.' Itwas 3. 12, 4. a contract, often but not always made bcfoiC 3. Omnibus rebus . . orno, 'do all I marriage, and its fulfilment could be en'brced can to support his credit.' Cp. Epp. 35, i ; at law. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p. 741, 38, 10, notes. sub voc. ' Matrimoniuni.' 4. Accusatoris. P. Dolabella accused 9. Adulescentis, sc. Dolibellae. Appius. Cp. Ep. 35, 1. c. He married Cetera . . k^aKavO'i^tiv, 'to pull out Tullia, with her mother's approval, while all the thorns (i.e. faults), which deface lis Cicero was negotiating with Ti. Nero, father character in other respects.' Boot. The of the emperor Tiberius. Greek word is found in Theophrastus. 5. Ita velim, sc. 'esse.' 10. irvpovs . . Athenis, sc. diadiSws. 6. Qui . . miseram. Madvig (Adv. Cicero at first censures his friend's behaviour, Crit. II. 236) says 'si sic sententias Cicero as an instance of 'largitio frumentaria,' but vinxisset, scripsisset sine dubio: " qui (etiam) corrects himself, remembering that Atticns de Ti. Nerone mi- erim."' Puto fuisse, ' ego ; was not a citizen of Athens, but only on quin de Ti. Neroi e miseram.' hospitable terms with its people. Cp. for De Ti Nerone, v. sup. Cicero had a the facts, Appendix 3, § i, and Corn. Nepos, good opinion of Ti, Nero (cp. Ad Fam. 13. Atticus 2, 6. 64, l), who after Caesar's death opposed 11. Etsi non . . libri, 'though it was Augustus in the war of Perusia ; escaped to no violation of the precepts of my work on Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, and afterwards the Commonwealth.' Cp. Ep. 3S, 9 ' eos to Antony in Greece; returned to Rome, libros quos tu dilaiidas.' and, at Augustus' request, divorced the Largitio . . liberalitas. These words future empress Livia. Cp. Suet. Tib. 4; Tac. are contrasted, De Orat. 2. 25, 105. 274 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [PART II. fuit in cives, sed in hospites liberalitas. Me tamen de Acade- miae irpo-nvXco iubes cogitare, cum iam Appius de Eleusine non coo"itet ? De Hortensio te certo scio dolere, equidem excrucior ; decreram enim cum eo valde familiariter vivere. Nos provinciae 3 5 praefecimus Caelium : ' puerum ' inquies ' et fortasse fatuum et non gravem et non continentem.' Adsentior : fieri non potuit aliter. Nam quas multo ante tuas acceperam litteras, in quibus eTre'xew te scripseras, quid esset mihi faciendum de relinquendo, eae me pungebant ; videbam enim, quae tibi essent i-noxfi^ causae, 10 et erant eaedem mihi : puero tradere ? fratri autem ? illud non utile nobis ; nam praeter fratrem nemo erat, quem sine contu- melia quaestori, nobili praesertim, anteferrem. Tamen, dum impendere Parthi videbantur, statueram fratrem relinquere aut etiam rei publicae causa contra senatus consultum ipse remanere, 15 qui posteaquam incredibili felicitate discesserunt, sublata dubi- tatio est. Videbam sermones : ' hui, fratrem reliquit ! num est hoc non plus annum obtinere provinciam ? quid, quod senatus eos voluit praeesse provinciis, qui non praefuissent ? at hie triennium.' Ergo haec ad populum. Quid, quae tecum? Num- 4 2. irpo-irvkqi. The word is neut., and said 'cum aliqua indignatione, ut Gr. 817.' quite classical. Cicero thought of building Illud, ' the latter.' a p )rc'i in the Academy at Athens, and Ap- 11. Nam introduces a suggestion which plus of doing the same at Eleusis. is to be dismissed. 'No other course was Cum, 'although.' Cicero means that open, for.' Cp. Ep. 26, 2, note, one reason for such an expenditure — a wish Sine contumelia. Pomptinus had left to rival Appius — had been removed. Cicero, and it does not appear that any of his 3. De Hortensio. M. Caelius had other legates had held any magistracy, so written (Ad Fam. 8. 13, 2) that that great that it would be a slight to his quaestor to orator was at the point of death. Cicero prefer any one of them to him. heard of his death at Rhodes (Brut. I, i). 14. Senatus consultum: cp. Ep. 37, 3, 5. Caelium : cp. Ep. 38, 10. note; also below in this section. Fortasse, ' minuendi vim habet.' Boot. 15. Incredibili felicitate, 'by a re- Cp. Ep. 70, 2 and 6. ' It may be.' markable piece of good fortune.' On the 7. Nam quas . . eae. On the order of abl., cp. Ep. 26, 9, note. Cicero was un- the words, cp. Madv. 319. willing to admit the diplomatic success of 8. iTre'xcfi' te, ' that you were in doubt.' Bibulus, who fomented a quarrel between De relinquendo, 'as to the successor I Pacorus and his father, Orodes. Cp. Dion should leave.' Cassius 40, 30; and, for Cicero's jealousy 9. 'Ettox^s. 'Ejrox'7 was a technical of Bibulus, Ad Att. 6. 8, 5 ; 7. 2, 7. term used by some of the Sceptical philo- 16. Videbam sermones, 'I saw what sophers, followers of Pyrrhon, for the ' sus- people would say.' ' Video ' = ' praevideo.' pension of judgment,' which they considered Metzg. the proper frame of mind in matters of 18. Eos . . praefuissent, ' those men speculation. Cp. Diog. Laert. 9, 107; and qualiiied by office who had not yet governed Ritter and Preller's note on that passage in provinces.' Cp. Ep. 34, 8, note. their History of Philosophy, p. 402. At hie triennium, so. ' Asiae praefuit.' 10. Tradere, so. ' provinciam.' For the Quintus Cicero governed Asia for three infin., cp. Ep. 12, i. years. Cp. Ad Q^ F. i. i, 2 and 46. Fratri autem, 'should I prefer my 19. Haec ad populum, 'these reasons brother?' Boot remarks that 'autem' is I can give to the public' EP.42.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VI. 6. 275 quam essem sine cura, si quid iracundius aut contumeliosius aut neglegentius, quae fcrt vita hominum. Quid, si quid filius puer et puer bene sibi fidens? qui esset dolor? quern pater non dimittebat teque id censere moleste ferebat. At nunc Caelius, non dico equidem quid egerit, sed tamen multo minus laboro. 5 Adde illud : Pompeius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium ; ego sorte datum ofifcnderem, ut etiam inquireret in eum, quem reliquissem ? Hoc melius, et huius rei plura exempla, senectuti quidem nostrae profecto aptius. At te apud eum, di boni ! quanta in gratia posui, cique legi 10 litteras non tuas, sed librarii tui. Amicorum litterae me ad triumphum vocant, rem a nobis, ut ego arbitror, propter banc ■naXiyy^v(.(Tiav nostram non neglegendam : qua re tu quoque, mi Attice, incipe id cupere, quo nos minus inepti videamur. Quae tecum, sc. 'proferam.' 1. Si quid . . neglegentius, 'in case he should display passion, affront people, or neglect his duty.' Cp. Ep. 15, 6. 2. Quae fert vita hominum, ' faults men are liable to.' Si quid filius, sc. ' faceret.' On the ellipse, cp. Madv. 479 c. ' Filius,' the younger Quintus. 3. Non dimittebat, 'did (or does?) not intend to send away.' Cp. Madv. 337, Obs. I. 4. Id, i.e. ' that he ought to send him away.' 5. Non dico . . quid egerit, 'I do not discuss his antecedents.' Boot. Multo minus labor. 'I am much less anxious.' For the misconduct of Cae- lius, a stranger, would not annoy him like that of his nephew. 6. Eo robore . . radicibus, 'a man of such power, and of such deeply-rooted influence.' On the ablat., cp. Ep. 35, 3. 7. Sine sorte, ' not regularly assigned to him.' Q^ Cassius was placed in charge of a province by Pompey 51-50 B.C. For his subsequent history, cp. Ep. 36, I, note. For Caesar's relations with M. Antonius, here referred to, cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 8, 2; Cic. Philipp. 2. 20, 50. Cicero means that he could not do wrong in following an example set by such eminent men as Pom- pey and Caesar. Ego . . offenderem, 'was I to give offence to one who had been regularly assigned to me?' 8. Ut etiam . . reliquissem, ' to make him act as a spy and informer upon my representative.' Cp. Pro Muren. 23, 47, for this use of ' ut,' expressing result, and lb. 21, 45, for the meaning of ' in- quirere.' Hoc, 'the step I have taken.' 9. Senectuti . . aptius, 'and is assur- edly better suited to my time of life,' which naturally longs for peace. 11. Librarii tui. The secretary of At- ticus seems to have been with Cicero, who dictated to him a letter in praise of Caelius, and then read it to Caelius as having been written by Atticus, who, as appears from this letter, had in reality expressed himself very differently. 12. Propter banc -naKiyytviaiav, ' on account of the restoration to my political position, in which 1 have made some progress (banc).' The Greek word occurs, Joseph. Antiq. II. 3, 9. Cicero refers mainly to the increased dignity which his provincial government, and the recognition of his ser- vices by the senate, would secure for him; but partly also to his general position since his restoration from exile. Cp. Ep. 20, 8 ' alterius vitae quoddam initium ordimur.' 14. Id cupere . . videamur, ' to enter- tain a wish which may make me seem less foolish.' Cicero's ambition might seem less absurd if his friends shared it on his behalf. T 3 2 75 M. TULLIl CICERO NIS [part II. 43. To HIS WIFE, TERENTIA (AD FAM. XIV. 5). Athens, October 18, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c) I. I arrived here on October 14, after a tedious voyage, and received your letter at once. Your previous letters had all reached me. I wish to get to Italy as soon as I can, though the aspect of affairs is so gloomy. I hope you will come as far to meet me as you can without danger to your health. 2. I am sorry for the death of Precius ; as for his legacy, ask Atticus or Camillus to attend to my interests. I hope to be in Italy about November 14. TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE SUAE. Si tu et Tullia, lux nostra, valetis, ego et suavissimus Cicero 1 valemus. Pr. Idus Oct. Athenas venimus, cum sane adversis ventis usi essemus tardeque et incommode navigassemus. De nave exeuntibus nobis Acastus cutn litteris praesto fuit uno et 5 vicensimo die, sane strenue. Accepi tuas litteras, quibus intel- lexi te vereri ne superiores mihi redditae non essent : omnes sunt redditae diligentissimeque a te perscripta sunt omnia; idque mihi gratissimum fuit. Neque sum admiratus banc epis- tolam, quam Acastus attulit, breveni fuisse ; iam enim me ipsum 10 exspectas sive nos ipsos, qui quidem quam primum ad vos venire cupimus, etsi, in quam rem publicam veniamus, intellego : cog- novi enim ex multorum amicorum litteris, quas attulit Acastus, ad arma rem spectare, ut mihi, cum venero, dissimulare non liceat, quid sentiam. Sed, quoniam subeunda fortuna est, eo 15 citius dabimus operam ut veniamus, quo facilius de tota re I. Lux nostra; cp. Ep. 17, 2, where 10. Sive nos ipsos, 'or rather, us in the same term is applied to Terentia. person ;' that is, my son and me. Suavissimus Cicero. It would be 13. Ad arma rem spectare, 'that more usual to couple another substantive — things look towards war.' Cp. Ad Fam. e.g. 'puer' — with Cicero. But cp. Ep. 4. 2, 3 'consilia ad concordiam specta- 77, 3 ' mi iucundissime Cicero.' In this verunt.' passage Cicero is speaking of his son Ut . . non liceat. On the tense, cp. Marcus. Cp. Ad Fam. 14. 4, 3 ; 16. Ep. 6, i, note, p. 42. 16, I. 14. Q_uoniam . . fortuna est, 'since 4. Acastus. A slave of Cicero, often we must submit to what fortune has in store mentioned in his letters to Tiro and to for us,' i.e. ' must run some risk,' as it was Terentia. Also Ad Att. 6. 9, l. impossible to avoid offending either Pom- Uno et vicensimo die, 'in twenty- pey or Caesar. Manut. Cp. De Prov. Cons, one days from Rome.' i7« 41 ' excipere fortunam.' 5. Sane strenue, 'with good speed.' Eo citius . . deliberemus, 'I shall Cp. Ad Att. 14. 18, I 'sane ctleriter;' and exert myself to arrive more speedily, that I 1 6. 6, 1 ' strenue.' Manut. On another oc- may deliberate about the whole case with casion a letter took forty-six days to reach more ease.' I have followed Wesenb. in Athens from Rome (cp. Ad Fam. 16. 21, i), removing a comma after ' operam.' On the but that seems to have been an unusually position of 'citius,' apart from its verb long time. ' veniamus,' cp. Madv. 468. EP.44-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VII.']. 277 dcliberemus. Tu velim, quod commodo valetudinis tuae fiat, 2 quam longissime poteris obviam nobis prodcas. De hereditate Preciana, quae quidem mihi magno dolori est — valde enim ilium amavi — , scd hoc velim cures : si auctio ante meum adventum fiet, ut Pomponius aut, si is minus potcrit, Camillus nostrum 5 negotium curet. Nos cum salvi venerimus, reliqua per nos agemus ; sin tu iam Roma profecta eris, tamen curabis, ut hoc ita fiat. Nos, si di adiuvabunt, circiter Idus Novembrcs in Italia speramus fore. Vos, mea suavissima et optatissima Te- rentia, si nos amatis, curate ut valeatis. [Vale.] Athenis a. d. 10 XV. Kal. Novemb. 44. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. VII. 7). Written from Campania, December, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c) I. Dionysius does not seem very grateful for my recommendation, but I will not retract it. 2. Philogenes' letter to you was quite correct. 3. I hope Pomptinus had no unpleasant reason for entering Rome. I expect to be at the gates on Jan. 4 ; do not move at any risk to your health. 4. I think there will be no opposition to my triumph, unless Caesar instructs his friends among the tribunes to oppose it. I care little about it ; especially as I hear there is some notion of sending me to Sicily as still holding the ' imperium.' I shall however, evade that commission. 5. You say 1. Quod . . fiat, 'so far as it can be done without injury to your heaUh.' Commodo is the ablat. modi. Op. Ep. 34, 2 ; and for ' quod iiat,' cp. Madv. 364, Obs. 2. 2. De hereditate Preciana. A law- yer named Precianus is named as a friend of Cicero, Ad Fam. 7- 8, 2, and perhaps this legacy came from him. For Cicero's sentiments about legacies, cp. Ad Att. 6, 9, 2 ; also Philipp. 2. 16, 40 ' Heredilates mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum crimen verum esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent.' 4. Sed, 'however.' Resumptive, as often, after a digression. Cp. Ep. 23, 2, p. 172. Auctio. The property was probably to be sold for division among the creditors and legatees. 5. Pomponius, Atticus. Cicero was anxious that his wife's freedman Philotimus should have nothing to do with the business. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 9, 2. Camillus. C. Furius Camillus, a friend of Cicero, is mentioned as being thoroughly well acquainted with the law of suretyship. Cp. Ad Fam. 5. 20, 3. 7. Sin tu iam Roma . . fiat, 'but if you have already left Rome (when you re- ceive this letter), take care that this is done as I wish (by writing to proper people). On curabis, cp. Ep. 38, 10, note. 8. Si di adiuvabunt. Not a common expression with Cicero. 9. Vos, Terentia and Tullia. The plural may be used where one person is directly addressed, if it be intended to include others. Cp. De Orat. i. 9, 38; Virg. Aen. I. 140. Campania, December. Our evidence for fixing the date and place of this letter seems to be that Cicero had received (§ i) a letter from Atticus written not earlier than Dec. 16 ; that he does not mention his interview with Pompey on Dec. 25 (on which cp. Ad Att. 7. 8, 4) ; that he was near Trebula on Dec. 9 (see Ad Att. 7. 3, i 2), and at Formiae on December 25. The letter was probably written about December 20. See Iiitr. lo Part II, § 25. 278 M. TULLII CICERONIS [PART IL that all good citizens have made up their minds what I shall do. But I hardly know where to look for good citizens. 6. ' Do you think that Caesar's demands ought to be granted?' No; but past supineness has made it very difficult to resist now. 7. ' War is preferable to slavery.' But the issue of a war must in any case be disastrous. ' What then shall you do ? ' I shall follow instinctively that party which seems to defend the constitution. The issue of war is uncertain; massacres and exactions will certainly follow the triumph of Caesar. I have written much to you about politics, but it may be summed up thus ; I shall do as Pompey, that is, as you, think right. Greet Alexis for me. CICERO ATTICO SAL ' Dionysius, vir optimus, ut mihi quoque est perspectus, et 1 doctissimus tuique amantissimus, Romam venit XV. Kalend. Ian. et litteras a te mihi reddidit : ' tot enim verba sunt de Dionysio in epistola tua. Illud t putato non adscribis ' et tibi gratias egit : ' 5 atqui certe ille agere debuit, et, si e^set factum, quae tua est humanitas, adscripsisses. Mihi autem nulla de eo -noXivi^hla datur propter superioris epistolae testimonium. Sit igitur sane bonus vir ; hoc enim ipsum bene fecit, quod mihi sui cognoscendi penitus etiam istam facultatem dedit. Philogenes recte ad te 2 10 scripsit ; curavit enim quod debuit. Eum ego uti ea pecunia volui, quoad liceret ; itaque usus est menses XIIII. Pomptinum 3 cupio valere, et, quod scribis in urbem introisse, vereor quid sit ; I. Dionysius: cp. Epp. 38, 3; 65,2. reproach him with ingratitude (lb. 8. Vir optimus, probably referring to Ci- lo). cere's recommendation of him to Atticus. 9. Etiam istam, 'even that contained Cp, 'mihi quoque.' Cicero did not use in your letter,' i.e. in Atticus' silence as to the word ' optimus,' however. Cp. Ad Att. any expression of gratitude by Dionysius. 7. 4, I. Recte, 'truly.' The meaning of the Ut . . perspectus, 'for which I also following words is not very clear, but Cicero have known him,' Atticus wrote.' On the seems to have placed in the hands of Philo- dative mihi, cp. Madv. 250 a ; Ep. 132, 4, genes some money belonging to himself or note. to Atticus, with liberty to use it for some 4. Illud t putato. So the best MS. time. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 13, 2. It appears Boot suggests ' illud optatum,' ' what I so that Atticus had given Philogenes bills on much wished to hear.' some merchants in Asia. 5. Debuit. Cicero was apparently in- 11. Pomptinum cupio valere, ' I wish dignant that Dionysius shewed no gratitude Pomptinus may be restored to health.' On for his recommendation. the ace. and infin. after 'cupio,' cp. Ep. 27, 6. Nulla . . datur, foil., 'I cannot re- i, note, p. 189. Cicero seems to have heard tract what I have said of him, because of that his legate, Pomptinus (cp. Ep. 31, 4, the testimony borne by my previous letter.' note), was ill. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 4, 1 ' Dionysium . . misi ad 12. Vereor quid sit, ' I am anxious te . . quem quidem cognovi cum doctum about his reason for doing so,' Pomptinus timi sane plenum officii . , plane virum would naturally have waited to attend the bouum.' triumphal entry of his general Cicero, if Datur = 'conceditur.' Cicero was re- there was any prospect of a triumph: his conciled to Dionysius subsequently (cp. Ad entering Rome beforehand shewed that he Att. 7. 8, i) : but had again occasion to hardly thought a triumph possible. EP. 44. ] E PIS TO LA R UM AD A TTIC UM VII. 7 . 279 nam id nisi gravi de causa non fecisset. Ego, quoniam HIT. Non. Ian. compitalicius dies est, nolo eo die in Albanum [venire], ne molestus familiae veniam : tertio Non. [Ian.] igitur ; inde ad urbem pridie Nonas. Tua \r\^i^ quern in diem incurrat, nescio, 4 sed prorsus te commoveri incommodo valetudinis tuae nolo. De 5 honore nostro, nisi quid occulte Caesar per suos tribunos molitus erit, cetera videntur esse tranquilla ; tranquillissimus autem ani- mus meus, qui totum istuc aequi boni facit, et eo magis, quod iam a multis audio constitutum esse Pompeio et eius consilio in Sici- liam me mittere, quod imperium habeam. Id est 'AjShripLTLKov. 10 Nee enim senatus decrevit nee populus iussit me imperium in Sicilia habere ; sin hoc res publica ad Pompeium defert, qui me magis quam privatum aliquem mittat.'' itaque, si hoc imperium 5 mihi molestum erit, utar ea porta, quam primam videro. Nam^ quod scribis mirificam exspectationem esse mei neque tamen 15 2. Compitalicius dies. The Compi- talia were a movtable feast in honour of the Lares, celebrated especially by the slaves and dependants of different families. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc, ' Compi- talia,' p. 347. Albanum. The estate ofPompeynear Alba. From a comparison of this passage with Ad Alt. 7. 5, 3, it appears that Cicero had intended to go there ' mi. Non. Ian.' 3. Molestus familiae. Cuiushilaritatem die festo meus adventus interpellaret. Ma- nut. Wesenb. has ' ne molestus sim fami- liae veniam ni. Non. [Ian.] igitur.' 4. Kfjipis. 'Attack' of quartan fever, a classical word. 5. Te commoveri, 'that you should travel,' not usual, apparently, without men- tion of a starting-place. Incommodo : cp. Ep. 43, I, note. De honore, sc. ' triumpho,' 6. Nisi quid . . molitus erit, 'unless Caesar shall secretly interpose some difficulty by the help of the tribunes devoted to him.' Antony and Q^ Cassius are meant. Cp. Appendix 6, § 5. 7. Cetera . . tranquilla, 'there seems to be acquiescence everywhere else.' For- cell. 8. Qui . . aequi boni facit, 'which takes in good part whatever is done in the matter.' On the genit., cp. Madv. 294, Obs. 2. ' Que' is usually added to ' aequi boni.' The words = ' aequo animo patitur.' Forcell. Cicero says elsewhere that he only desired a triumph because Bibulus was eager for one, whose services had not been greater than his own. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 8, 5 ; 7. 2, 6 and 7. 9. Eius consilio, 'his advisers.' The word is more commonly used of judges acting under a magistrate ; but cp. Ep. 8, 4 and 5, notes. On the datives Pompeio . . con- silio, cp. p. 278. note on 1. I. 10. 'A^St] piTiKOV, 'foolish.' Cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 6; also Juvenal, Sat. 10, 50 — who, however, refers to Democritus of Abdera in refutation of the popular pre- judice. Cicero states the following dilemma as to the commission proposed for him. ' If the senate or people is to provide for the government of Sicily, neither has named me. If Pompey is commissioned to pro- vide for its government, why need he send a man invested with the " imperium "? ' If Pompey were invested with a general con- trol of the provinces, or of any of them, he might send legates to govern them who need not necessarily be possessed of ' impe- rium ' at the time of their appointment. Caesar had offered to make Cicero his legate when the latter was a private citizen (cp. Ep. II, 3), and Pompey had entrusted the government of the Spanish provinces to legates for some time. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 14- 14. Utar ea porta . . videro, 'I shall get rid of my " imperium " by entering Rome by the nearest gate.' Cp. Ep. 35, I, note ; note E. p. 123. 15. Exspectationem mei, ' anxiety to see what line I shall adopt.' 28o M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part II. quemquam bonorum aut satis bonorum dubitare, quid facturus sim, ego, quos tu bonos esse dicas, non intellego— ipse nullos novi — , sed ita, si ordines bonorum quaerimus. Nam singulares sunt boni viri, verum in dissensionibus ordines bonorum et genera 5 quaerenda sunt. Senatum bonum putas, per quem sine imperio provinciae sunt? — numquam enim Curio sustinuisset, si cum eo agi coeptum esset, quam sententiam senatus sequi noluit, ex quo factum est ut Caesari non succederetur — an publicanos ? qui num- quam firmi, sed nunc Caesari sunt amicissimi,— an faeneratores ? loan agricolas? quibus optatissimum est otium, nisi eos timere putas, ne sub regno sint, qui id numquam, dum modo otiosi essent, recusarunt. Quid ergo? exercitum retinentis, cum legis dies transient, rationem haberi placet ? Mihi vero ne absentis quidem. Sed, cum id datum est, illud una datum est. ' Annoruni 15 enim decem imperium et ita \d,t\xm. placet f Placet igitur etiam 3. Sed ita . . quaerimus. 'but only if we are looking out for well-disposed classes,' i.e. my remark only holds good in that case. Singulares . . quaerenda sunt, 'there are well-disposed individuals, but in times of civil dissension we ought to look out for well-disposed orders and classes.' Wesenb. suggests the insertion of ' multi ' after 'viri.' Ordines I think, has a more direct refer- ence to political privileges than genera. Forcell. gives ' unus.' 'solus' among the synonyms for ' siiigularis.' 5. Per quem, ' through the fault of which,' i.e. through its want of decision. Per quem . . provinciae sunt, 'pro- vinces are wiihout governors invested with proper powers.' Cilicia, for instance, was governed by a quaestor (cp. Ep. 42, 3) ; the two Spains by legates (sup. § 4, note) ; and no provision had been made for the future governnient of Caesar's provinces. 6. Numquam . . sustinuisset, 'Curio would never have persevered in his oppo- sition if he had been formally asked to give way.' On this sense of ' agere cum,' cp. Ep. 34, 6, note on p. 238; Ad Earn. 8. 13, 2 ; Philipp. 2. 21. 52. Curio's opposition to the proposed recall of Caesar had appar- ently interfered with the arrangements to be made about other provinces. Cp. Ep. 38, 6, p. 262. In 51 B.C. tribunes attached to Caesar had vetoed proposals affecting the ygovernment of provinces generally. Cp. Ep. 34, 8, p. 240. Cicero probably mistook Curio's character in supposing he would have yielded to remonstrance. 7. Q_uam sententiam, the proposal of M. Marcellus that negotiations should be opened with the tribunes, to induce them to withdraw their veto in the summer of 50 B.C. Which proposal the senate re- jected : ' frequens senatus in alia omnia iit,' Ad Earn. 8. 13, 2. 9. Firmi, 'trustworth}'.' They had been alienated by rigour which some of the lead- ing optimates shewed in enforcing a contract unfavourable to the equites. Cp. Ep. 9, 8, note. 12. Cum legis dies transierit? 'after the time fixed by law shall have expired ? ' Cp. for the facts. Appendix 6, § 2. The genitive is possessive or conjunctive. Cp. Madv. 280. 13. Ne absentis quidem, so. 'rationem haberi,' on which phrase cp. Ep. 34, 9, note. 14. Id, sc. absentis rationem haberi ; illud, exercitum retinentis rat. hab. These words are very important in their beating on the occasion of the civil war. Cp. Ap- pendix, 6, § 3. 15. Enim, 'why?' Atticus interposes. Ita latum, 'carried b3' such unconstitu- tional means.' Cp. Intr. to Parts I, § 17; II) §§ 7) S; w-ith the references there given, and Dion Cass. 39. 29-31; Suet. lul. 20; 22; Veh. 2. 44 and 46, for the circum- stances under which the ' Lex Vatinia ' and * Lex Pompeia Licinia ' were carried. Placet ? Wesenb. has ' placet.' Placet igitur, 'then I also approve' or ' must approve.' Cicero means that the re- sponsibility for the various acts done by or for the triumvirs could not be divided. EP.44-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VII.']. 281 me expulsum et agrum Campanum perisseet adoptatum patrlcium a plebeio, Gaditanum a Mytilenaeo, et Labieni divitiae et Ma- murrae placent et Balbi horti et Tusculanum. Sed horum omnium fons unus est : imbecillo resistendum fuit, et id erat facile ; nunc legiones XL, equitatus tantus, quantum volet, Transpadani, plebes 5 urbana, tot tribuni pi., tam perdita iuventus^ tanta auctoritate dux, tanta audacia. Cum hoc aut depugnandum est aut habenda 7 e lege ratio. ' Depugna ' inquis ' potius quam servias.' Ut quid ? si victus cris, proscribare? si viceris, tamen servias? 'Quid ergo ' inquis ' acturus es ? ' Idem quod pecudes, quae dispulsae sui 10 generis sequuntur greges : ut bos armenta, sic ego bonos viros aut eos, quicumque dicentur boni, sequar, etiam si ruent. Quid sit optimum male contractis rebus plane video : nemini est enim exploratum, cum ad arma ventum est, quid futurum sit, at illud 1. Agrum Campanum: cp. Ep. lo, I, note. Patricium (P. Clodium) a plebeio (P. Fonteio). P. Scipio a patrician was adopted by Q^ Metellus a plebeian (cp. Epp. i, 3, note ; 34, 5), but the author of the speech ' De Domo ' complains of other irregularities in the case of Clodius. De Dom. 13 ; 14. 2. Gaditanum, sc. L. Cornelium Bal- bum (the elder Balbus: cp. Ep. 27, 2, note) a Mytilenaeo, sc. Theophane (cp. Ep. 31, 3). If, as must have been the case, both Balbus and Theophanes were Roman ple- beians, I cannot see why the difference of birthplace should have made the adoption irregular. Perh;ips Cicero wishes to notice the degradation of the Roman franchise. Labieni. T. Atius Labienus was one of the ablest of Caesar's officers. Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 21, alib. He was tribune in 64-63 B.C., and accused C. Rabirius of ' perduellio.' Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9. At the beginning of the civil war Labienus deserted Caesar, which changed Cicero's opinion of him. Cp. Ep. 47, I. Labienus fell in the campaign of Munda. See Intr. to Part IV, § 12. Divitiae. Labienus seems to have re- built the town of Cingu'um, in Picenum, at his own expense. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Geogr. I. 625 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. i, 15. Mamurrae. A Mamurra hjid acted as ' praefectus fabrnm ' or chief engineer, to Caesar in Gaul. He had a splendid house on the Caelian, and his prosperity seems to have excited much hostility. Cp. Pliny H. N. 36. 6, 7; Hor. Sat. i. 5, 57; Suet. lul. 73 : Catull. Epigr. 29, for further notices of him. 3. Horti et Tusculanum, 'garden in the suburbs of Rome and villa at Tuscukmi.' Cp. Ad Att. 9. 13, 8; Pro Balbo 25, 56. The land for his garden was a gift from Pompey. Cp. Ad Att. 1. c. 4. Fons unus, sc. the submission of the Romans to the joint sovereignty of Caesar and Pompey from 59-52 B.C. 5. Transpadani : cp. Ep. 31, 2, note. 8. E lege. The law Cicero refers to was one proposed by the whole body of tribunes in 52 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 14; Appendix 6, § 3. Ut quid, sc. ' efficias.' 9. Servias. Cicero often expresses a want of confidence in Pompey; uterque regnare vult he says of him and Caesar. Ep. 56, 2. 10. Dispulsae, ' scattered.' 12. Etiam si ruent, 'even if they rush into danger,' ' rush blindly on.' Nagelsb. 127, 355- 13. Male contractis rebus, ' now that affairs are in a mischievous complica- tion.' Plane video, foil., ' I see clearly that to do all we can for peace is our best course. For the issue of war is uncertain ; the disastrous consequences of defeat are cer- tain.' 14. Exploratum, 'ascertained.' Cp. Ep. 70, 6. On the dat. nemini, cp. ib. and sup. § I, note. Cum ad arma ventum est, 'when we have come to blows' indicat. as a general remark. Cp. Madv. 335, b, Obs. I. We- senb., however, suggests ' sit ' (i) because the sentence is in orat. obi., (2) because the fut. exact, is needed before ' fore.' 282 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [PART II. omnibus, si boni victi sint, nee in caede principum clementiorem hunc fore, quam Cinna fuerit, nee moderatiorem quam Sulla in pecuniis locupletium. SujUTroAtreyo/zat aoi iam dudum, et facerem diutius, nisi me lucerna desereret. Ad summam, ' Die M. TvLLl.' 5 ' Adsentior Cn. Pompeio,' id est T. Pomponio. Alexim, humanis- simum puerum, nisi forte, dum ego absum, adulescens factus est — id enim agere videbatur — , salvere iubeas velim. 45. To A T T I C U S (A D A T T. VII. 9). FORMIAE, END OF DECEMBER, 50 B.C. (704 A.U.C.) I. You are amused at my writing so often, but I shall go on till we meet. 2. Tell me what you think on the follovi^ing important question : either some concession must be made to Caesar, or public business must be interrupted, or a civil war must begin : which of these evils do you think the least? You will probably say, a moderate concession to Caesar, and 3. I quite agree with you ; but even that would be a great misfortune. 4. People say the concession to which I refer will not satisfy Caesar ; the demands attributed to him are most shameless. If we fight, chance will de- termine the time of our beginning hostilities, and the time of beginning will suggest our policy. CICERO ATTICO SAL. ' Quotidiene' inquis ' a te accipiendae litterae sunt ?' Si habebo, 1 cui dem, quotidie. ' At iam ipse ades.' Turn igitur, cum venero, 10 desinam. Unas video mihi a te non esse redditas, quas L. Quinc- 2. Hunc, Caesarem. This prediction was probably of assuming the 'toga virilis,' when utterly falsified by the event. Cp. Epp. 57; he would become 'adulescens.' This was gi, 8-10. generally done at the age of 14. Cp. 3. 'S.vfxiToXiTtvonai, 'discuss politics Smith's Diet, of Antiq., sub voc, ' Im- with you,' not classical in this sense. pubes,' p. 631. 4. Lucerna, ' the oil in my lamp.' Ad summam . . T. Pomponio, ' in a 9. Cui dem, 'a messenger.' word, if my opinion is asked, I shall say, At iam ipse ades. Atticus is supposed " I agree with Cn. Pompeius, that is, with to remark, ' why write when we shall meet M. Pomponius." ' so soon.' Cp. § 3 of the preceding letter Die M. TvLLi would be the words used for an account of Cicero's movements. by a presiding officer in asking Cicero's 10. Unas. The plural of ' unus ' is used opinion in the senate, and his supposed with plural substantives denoting a com- answer adsentior, foil., implies that he pound object, which can be repeated and thought Atticus and Pompey agreed in their counted. Cp. Madv. 76 c, Obs. views. He still calls his friend Pomponius, Quas .. cum ferret, 'in bearing which.' notwithstanding his adoption by Q\ Cae- Cp. Madv. 358. cilius. Cp. Ad Att. 3. 20; Ad Fam. 14. 5, 2. L. Quinctius, apparently tribune in 74- 5. Alexim. This Alexis was probably 73 b. c. He defended Oppianicus on a son and namesake of a freedman and secre- charge of poisoning, and is not generally tary of Atticus. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 2, 3 ; 12, 10. mentioned with praise by Cicero. Cp. Pro 7. Id . . agere, ' to be thinking of that,' Cluent. 27, 74 ; 28, 77. EP. 45.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VII. 9. 283 tius, familiaris meus, cum ferret, ad bustum Basili volneratus et 2 spoliatus est. Videbis igitur, num quid fuerit in iis, quod me scire opus sit, et simul hoc huvKpLvr,(Tiis -npo^XTqixa sane tioKltlkov : cum sit necesse aut haberi Cacsaris rationem, illo exercitum vel per senatum vel per tribunes pi. obtincnte, aut persuader! Cacsari, 5 ut tradat provinciam atque exercitum et ita consul fiat; aut, si id ei non persuadeatur, haberi comitia sine illius ratione, illo patiente atque obtinente provinciam, aut, si per tribunes pi. non patiatur, tamen quiescat, rem adduci ad interregnum, aut, si ob eam causam, quod ratio eius non habeatur, exercitum adducat, 10 armis cum eo contendere, ilium autem initium facere armorum aut statim nobis minus paratis aut tum, cum comitiis, amicis eius postulantibus, ut e lege ratio habeatur, impetratum non sit, ire autem ad arma aut hanc unam ob causam, quod ratio non habeatur, aut addita causa, si forte tribunus pi. senatum impe- 15 diens aut populum incitans notatus aut senatus consult© circum- scriptus aut sublatus aut expulsus sit dicensvese expulsum ad ilium I. Ad bustum Basili. A tomb on the Appian way near Rome, often the scene of assaults. Cp. Ascon. in Milonian. 49, P- 155- 3. Hoc . . TrpoPKrjixa sane ttoXitl- Kov, 'the following question, which maybe truly called a problem of statesmanship.' The word irpo^Xtj/xa was generally used of philosophical enquiries. SifVKptvrjaeis, 'judge rightly,' not ap- parently a classical word. In the following passage Cicero attempts to state all the possible courses which events could take. Either, he says A. Caesar might keep the peace, and then 1. Retain his army till elected consul for 48 B.C. 2. Resign it, and then be elected con- sul. 3. Retain it, and waive his claim to the consulship for 48 b.c. 4. Retain it, and employ his friends among the tribunes to impede an election of consuls for 48 B.C. till an interregnum ensued. Or B. He might appeal to arms, 1. Because he was not allowed to sue for the consulship when absent. 2. For that reason, combined with some affront offered to his friends among the tribunes. He might begin war at once, or after the comitia had been held for the election of consuls for 48 b.c. ; and his opponents might either maintain the capital, or try to reduce it and Caesar by famine. Cicero does not seem to have anticipated the ex- treme haste and violence by which Pompey and his friends gave Caesar a plausible pre- text for beginning hostilities. Cp. Appen- dix 6, § 5. 4. The infinitives haberi, persuaderi .. ire, all seem to depend on sit necesse. 8. Si non patiatur, tamen quiescat, ' si' = ' etiamsi:' cp. Ep. 89, 2, note; ' if he employ tribunes to oppose this, but yet ab- stain from violence.' Wesenb. suggests ' et ' after ' patiatur.' II. Armis . . contendere. Wesenb. inserts ' nos' after 'armis,' arguing th^t the verb ' contendere' would otherwise be in the passive voice, like the preceding infinitives. 16. Notatus, 'censured,' 'stigmatized.' Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 5 ; i. 7. In 49 b.c. an appeal was made to the magistrates and citizens to support the constitution, which implied that the conduct of some of the tribunes endangered it. Cp. Appendix 6, §5- Circumscriptus, 'limited' in the exer- cise of his functions. Cp. Philipp. 2. 22, 53 ; Pro Milon. 33, 88. This was Caesar's actual plea for beg nning hostilities. 17. Sublatus, 'suspended,' as had been the case with Q. MetcUus Nepos in 62 B c. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 12. Sit. The conj. is used because Cicero 284 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part II. confugeritj suscepto autem bello aut tenenda sit urbs aut ea re- licta ille commeatu et reliquis copiis intercludendus, — quod horum malorum, quorum aliquod certe subeundum est, minimum putes : dices profecto persuaderi illi, ut tradat exercitum et ita consul fiat. 5 Est omnino id eius modi, ut, si ille eo descendat, contra dici nihil 3 possit, idque eum; si non obtineat, ut ratio habeatur retinentis exercitum, non facere mirer ; nobis autem, ut quidam putant, nihil est timendum magis quam ille consul. ' At sic malo ' inquies ' quam cum exercitu.' Certe. Sed istud ipsum, dico, magnum 10 malum putat aliquis, neque ei remedium est ullum. ' Cedendum est, si id volet.' Vide consulem ilium iterum, quem vidisti con- sulatu priore. 'At tum imbecillus plus' inquit 'valuit quam tota res publica.' Quid nunc putas r et eo consule Pompeio certum est speaks from another's point of view. Cp. Ep. 36, II, note, p. 252. Dicensve se expulsum. Cicero says that Antony and Q. Cassius were ' nulLi vi expulsi ' Ad Fani. i6. II, 2. Mr. Jeans re- marks : ' notice the weak alternative marked by " ve," after a succession of strong alterna- tives marked by " aut." ' 1. Aut tenenda sit. These words de- pend on ' cum ' after ttoKitlkov. It would be more regular had Cicero written ' urbem teneri,' but the sentence had become^so long that he preferred to introduce another finite verb. 2. Ille, Caesar. Commeatu . . intercludendus, 'should be cut off from supplies of provisions and from other resources.' Cp. Epp. 61, 4; 62, 2. Quod horum . . putes. Here the apo- dosis begins. It corresponds to ' cum sit necesse.' The mood of sit and putes is accounted for by the words occurring in an indirect question. Cp. Ep. 34, 9, note, I prefer Wesenberg's Dices.' For the infinit., cp. p. 241. 3. Putes: dices, punctuation ' putes. 4. Persuaderi. Madv. 388 a. Ut tradat .. fiat, 'that he should resign his command before the next consular elec- tion, and then stand for the consulship.' Cicero seems to contemplate an understand- ing between Caesar and his leading oppo- nenls, such as should prevent any serious opposition to Caesar's election. Hence he uses the word ' fiat,' implying that if Caesar stood he would be elected. 5. Est omnino id . . possit, 'that certainly (' in alle Wege ' Metzg.) is a settle- ment to which no objection can be made if iiC will concede so much.' 6. Si non obtineat . . mirer. This is Kayser's suggestion. The MS. reading ' ob- tinet . . miror ' surely would imply either confusion of thought or forgetfulness in the writer, and can hardly be construed. ' Si non obtinet ' would naturally be followed by ' facturum puto ;' ' non facere miror' would naturally be preceded by ' cum non obtinu- erit.' 8. Sic, sc. ' consulem.' 9. Istud ipsum, 'that very thing,' his being consul. 10. Aliquis, Pompey, probably, whom Cicero had met at Formiae on Dec. 25. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 8, 4. Cedendum est, 'we must give way to Caesar,' Atticus is supposed to say. Wesenb. has ' ullum : cedendum,' and gives the words down to ' priore ' to Cicero. 11. Vide consulem . . priore, 'see him such a consul again as you saw him in his first consulship.' Quem = ' qualem.' On the proceedings of Caesar in his first consulship, 59 B.C., cp. Intr. to Part I, § 17. 12. Imbecillus, 'in his day of weak- ness.' 13. Quid nunc putas, sc. 'eum valitu- rum.' Et eo consule . . Hispania, 'during his consulship, too, Pompey is resolved to be in Spain.' For 'certum est' with the dat., cp. De Orat. 2. 33, 144 'cum diceret sibi certum esse discedere.' Cicero here, as in ■^P- 3 1' 3' writes as though he thought it would be mischievous for Pompey to go to Spain. But after Caesar's triumph he wrote that he had been in favour of Pompey's EP.45-] EPISTOLARUM AB ATTICUM VII. c). 285 I esse in Hispania. O rem miseram ! si quidcm id ipsum deter- rimum est, quod recusari non potest, et quod ille si faciat, iamiam 4 a bonis omnibus summam ineat gratiam. Tollamus igitur hoc, quo ilium posse adduci negant : de reliquis quid est deterrimum ? concedere illi, quod, ut idem dicit, impudentissime postulat. 5 Nam quid impudentius? Tenuisti provinciam per decem annos, non tibi a senatu, sed a te ipso per vim et per factionem datos ; praeteriit tempus non legis, sed libidinis tuae, fac tamen, legis; ut succedatur, decernitur : impcdis et ais ' habe meam rationem/ Habe nostrum. Exercitum tu habeas diutius, quam populus iussit, invito senatu ? ' Depugnes oportet, nisi concedis.' Cum bona quidem spe, ut ait idem, vel vincendi vel in libertate moriendi. lam si pugnandum est, quo tempore, in casu^ quo consilio, in temporibus situm est ; itaque te in ea quaestione non exerceo. Ad ea, quae dixi, adfer, si quid habes ; equidem dies noctesque 15 torqueor. 10 going to Spain as a means of averting civil war. Cp. Ep. 91, 5. Perhaps, however, he may there refer to advice given after the war had begun. He met Ponipey on Janu- ary 17, 49 B.C. Cp. Ep. 63, 2, and Intr. to Part III, § 3. I. Id ipsum . . gratiam, 'that conces- sion which cannot be refused to him, and his acceptance of which would win the greatest gratitude from all well-disposed ciiizens.' For the tense of ineat, cp. Ep. 35> 2. 3. Tollamus . . hoc, ' let us dismiss this settlement from consideration.' 5. Quod . . postulat, i.e. to retain his army till after he had been elected consul, or perhaps till his consulship began. Idem, Pompeius. 'Idem' is used with reference perhaps to 'aliquis' p. 284, 1. 10, perhaps to ' Pompeio certuni est esse in Hii'pania,' p. 284, 1. 13, as Manutius thinks. 6. Tenuisti . . habe nostrum. Cicero here addresses Caesar on the extravagance of his demands. On the facts referred to, cp. Ep. 44, 6, note ; Intr. to Part I, § 17 ; Part II, § 8 ; Appendix 6, § 2. The past tenses do not necessarily shew that Caesar's government had expired when Cicero wrote, as Cicero may write as he would have spoken when the question should be discussed. 8. Tempus non legis, foil., cp. 'legis dies,' p. 280. 9. Decernitur, 'the senate votes for the appointment of a successor.' For this hypothetical use of the indicative, cp. Pro Muren. 30, 62 ' Petunt aliquid publican! ? cave quidquam habeat momenti gratia.' 10. Habe nostrum, sc. ' rationem,' ' do you shew some regard for us.' The words are not used technically as in the preced- ing clause. Wesenb. reads ' Habe tu nos- tram.' Habeas. The mood expresses disappro- bation. Cp. Madv. 353. 11. Invito senatu. The senate by de- clining to send a successor might prolong the government of a proconsul or propraetor beyond the time fixed by law. Depugnes oportet. Caesar is supposed to say to Pompey. 12. Idem, Pompeius. 13. Quo consilio . . situm est. This remark was verified by the event. The senate by sending Caesar a defiance at Pom- pey's suggestion before the Italian levies had assembled, made it impossible to defend Rome. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § i. 15. Adfer, si quid habes, 'let me hear any advice you have to give.' Cp. Madv, 493 a- 286 NOTE F. NOTE F. On the Commission granted to Pompey in Septetnber 57 B.C. Cp. supra, pp. 135; 162; 163; 166; 173. The following words in Ep. 21, 3 ' Crassus tres legatos decernit nee excludit Pompeium ; censet enim etiam ex iis qui cum imperio sint,' seem to imply that Pompey was possessed of ' Imperium ' in the beginning of the year 56 B.C. Now I am not aware of any public com- mission which he received in the interval between his return from the East in 61 B.C. and his second consulship in 55 b.c, except the two following: (i) That of superintending, as one of a Commission of Twenty, the allotment of the Campanian domains (cp. pp. 17; 83); and (2) the supervision of the supply of corn with which he was entrusted in Sept. 57 b.c. It is doubtful if the ' Imperium ' was conferred upon him in connection with the first of these commissions. With regard to the second, Dion Cassius (39, 9) speaks of his receiving pro- consular power; Appian (Bell. Civ. 2. 18) misdates the commission, but speaks of Pompey as avroKpoLTopa tjjs dyopas: and Plutarch (Pomp. 49) uses language suggesting that he was invested with 'Imperium.' On the other hand, it is clear that Pompey entered the 'urbs' on various occasions during the spring of 56 b.c. (cp. Epp. 23, 2 ; 5 ; 24, i ; 29, 7) ; and unless special privileges had been granted him he must have forfeited his 'Imperium' thereby. Cp. Note E, p. 123. It is not surprising, therefore, that Becker (Handbuch der Rom. Alt. 2. 2, 66-69) should infer that Pompey had been invested with ' Potestas ' only, and not with ' Imperium.' But Becker does not notice the words quoted above from Ep. ■21,3. Mr. Yonge, on Ad Fam. I. 9, 7, hints that a special permission allowed Pompey to enter the city without forfeiting his ' imperium ; ' this is possible, but I do not see any evidence of it beyond the passages which cause the difficulty : Lange, Rom. Alt. 3. 308, thinks that Pompey received the ordinary proconsular ' imperium ' for five years. On the whole, our materials perhaps do not justify a decided opinion on either side. APPENDIX VI. 287 APPENDIX VI. On the legal question at issue between Caesar and THE Senate. This turned partly upon distinct statutes, partly upon general consti- tutional principles. § I. The 'Lex Vatinia' of 59 b.c. gave Caesar the government of Cisalpine Gaul with Illyricum, and an army of three legions, for a term of five years, to expire on March i\ 54 b.c. Then, perhaps on the death ^ of Q. Metellus Celer, proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis, the senate added that province, with another legion, to Caesar's government. This grant was renewed annually; and an attempt to get one of his two pro- vinces assigned by anticipation to another governor in March 54 failed ^ In 55 a tribune, C. Trebonius, got a law enacted securing the govern- ment of Syria to Crassus for five years, and that of the two Spains to Pompey for a like period. Perhaps they had already obtained these provinces for one year by regular allotment \ Then the two consuls, Pompey and Crassus, proposed a law extending Caesar's government of the two Gauls for five years ^. § 2. From what day did this second term of five years date ? Three have been suggested. 1. Jan. I, 54 B.C. 2. March i, 54 b.c 3. The day of the enactment of the consular law in 55 b.c, sup- posed to have been Nov. 13. For I, little can be said, except that it was the day on which magis- trates began their year of office. For 2, that it is the most in accordance with passages in Cicero *', Velleius'', Appian**, and Plutarch^, which speak of a real addition of five years to Caesar's government. For 3, that (a) Dion Cassius '°, writing of 51 b.c, says that Caesar's government ^ De Prov. Cons. 15. ^ A. W. Zumpt, Studia Romana, 75. ^ Intr. to Part II, § 6. ''A. W. Zumpt, S. R. pp. 79-So : who, however, thinks that Pompey only obtained Farther Spain by regular allotment. ^ Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 53 ; Dion Cassius 39, 33-36; App. Bell. Civ. 2. iS. ^ Ad Att. 7. 7, 6; Philipp. 2. 10, 24. '' 2. 46. 8 Bell. Civ. 2. 18. » Pomp. 52. '" 40. 59. 288 APPENDIX VI. would expire next year; and in another place*, that the law of 55 added in realily three years to his term. The latter statement would in any case be incorrect ; but of course less so if the term granted by the law expired in 50, than if it expired in 49, b.c. {V) M. Caelius uses language ^ of which the most natural construction is that Pompey was prepared to demand Caesar's recall on Nov. 13, 50 B.C. (<:) Cicero, writing in the end of 50 b.c, speaks ^ of Caesar as having already held his province for the time allowed by law. § 3. In any case the term granted to Caesar by the ' Lex Pompeia Licinia' would expire before the usual time arrived for holding the con- sular comitia in 49 B.C., the earliest at which he could legally^ sue for a second consulship. It is true that, according to the usage which had prevailed for some years before 52 b.c, a successor to him would only be sent out at the end of 49 ° ; but if he were required to sue for the consulship in person in the summer of that year, he would have to relinquish the advantage which constitutional usage thus gave him ; and if he left the protection of his army before he was elected consul, he would run great risk of prosecution on various charges. Foreseeing this, he requested the tribunes in 52 to propose a law, permitting him to sue for the consulship without a personal canvass. Pompey supported this proposal, and it was carried". Cicero, both directly^ and indi- rectly^, furnishes evidence in support of A. W. Zumpt's^ conjecture, that the tribunes' law provided that Caesar might retain his command till after the consular comitia in 49 had been held; Caesar's own language ^° has the same tendency ; Appian ^' takes a different view. The enact- ment of the ' Lex Pompeia de iure magistratuum ' '^ altered Caesar's position for the worse in two ways, (i) It revoked by a general pro- vision the permission granted him to sue for the consulship while absent from Rome. (2) By providing that an interval of five years should elapse between a magistrate's year of office at Rome and his govern- ment of a province, it relieved the senate from the difficulty which that * 39. 33 : cp. A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 65-89 ; 156-196. ^ Ad Fam. 8. 11, 3 : but cp. 8. 8, 4 and 9. ^ Ad Att. 7. 9, 4. But cp. sup. p. 285, note on 1. 6. * The Lex Genucia of 343 B.C. had provided that no man should be elected a second time to any office, unless after an interval of ten years since his last election, and Sulla had revived this law from desuetude. App. Bell. Civ. I. lOO; Livy 7. 42. ' Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, 33; 42 ; 43; Lange, Rom. Alt. 3. 367; 368. Cp. Cic. De Prov. Cons. 15. ® Cic. Phiiipp. 2. 10, 24 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 25 ; Dion Cassius 40. 51. ''Ad Att. 7. 7, 6. * lb. 8. 3, 3 ; cp. 9. II A, 2 ; Phiiipp. I. c. ^ S. R. 172-174. '" Bell. Civ. I. 9. " lb. 2. 25. ^- Intr. to Part II, § 14. Lange thinks that these two provisions were contained in distinct laws, the second in a ' Lex Pompeia de provinciis.' Rom. Alt. 3. 367; and his view receives some support from the language of Dion Cassius (40. 56). APPENDIX VI . 289 body might have fell in sending Caesar a successor on March i, 49 b.c, a difficulty which would have arisen from the previous usage that the government of provinces should be assumed by proconsuls or pro- praetors immediately after the conclusion of their year of office at Rome, and therefore on the first of January'. Under the new system a governor might enter on his government at any time. Cicero's govern- ment of Cilicia began on July 31 ^ The clause inserted by Pompey, on his own authority, in the law after its enactment, to release Caesar from its restrictions, could hardly be considered valid ^. § 4. Thus Caesar had no legal claim to retain his provinces for longer than the time granted him by the ' Lex Pompeia Licinia ' of 55 b.c He had, however, an equitable claim as against Pompey, whose negligence or treachery had withdrawn a privilege granted with his own sanction ; and he had various constitutional modes of securing attention to his demands. It does not appear that the ' Lex Pompeia de iure magistratuum ' was retrospective; hence, as it passed in 52 B.C., no 'consulares' or ' praetorii ' would be qualified under it till 46. Perhaps the senate was to provide * for the government of the provinces during the interval. Now (a) The ' Lex Sempronia de provinciis ' of C. Gracchus provided that the provinces of the future consuls should be fixed before their election ; and though recent legislation, and the frequent assignation of provinces by special votes may have diminished its authority, it seems to have been thought desirable to deliberate on the appointment of a successor to any province some time before a vacancy occurred. But Pompey thought^ himself pledged to Caesar not to allow any motion to be put to the senate with reference to the Gallic provinces before March i, 50 b.c, which would much shorten the time available for discussion. (<5) It would be difficult, perhaps, to find men of consular rank to succeed Caesar in both his provinces, and if this were not done, any tribune might interpose ^ to prevent the nomination of a ' praetorius ' to succeed him in either. {c) A majority of the senate was indisposed for decided measures \ § 5. Under these circumstances, the preliminary discussion about Caesar's recall opened on^ Sept. 29, 51 b.c The senate passed a » above, § 3 and note 5. * Ep. 32, 2. * Intr. to Part II, § 14; Suet. lul. 28 ; Mommsen, Rechtsfrage, 48. Mr. Long, however, Decline of Roman Re- public, 4. 366, 367, does not notice the apparent invalidity of this amendment. * Ad Fam. 8. 8, 8. = Ad Fam. 8. 8, 9. « De Prov. Cons. 7. 17. The tribunes' veto could not legally be interposed in discussions on provinces to be held by consuls. ' Ad Att. 7. 7, 5. * Ad Fam. 8. 8, 5. U 290 APPENDIX VI. decree ' that the assignment of the consular ^ provinces should occupy the undivided attention of the senate from March i, 50 B.C. till some decree had been passed providing for their government.' Other motions, proposing (i) That strong measures should be taken against any tribunes who might interfere with the senate's proceedings. (2) That Caesar's sol- diers should be invited to apply for discharges. (3) That nine pro- vinces, excluding the two Gauls, should be entrusted to the government of ' praetorii ' — were vetoed'^ by tribunes. In 50 B.C. a struggle, of which the particulars have been already"' noticed, took place between Pompey's friends and Curio. It must be remembered, that Pompey held his provinces * by virtue of a law passed in 52, and might fairly decHne to surrender them in obedience to a mere expression of opinion on the part of the senate. On the first day of 49 B.C., Curio ^ appeared in Rome with very moderate proposals from Caesar ; his friends among the tribunes com- pelled the consuls to read the proposals in the senate, but the consuls declined to put them to the vote. The senate was intimidated by the two consuls, and by Scipio acting as Pompey's spokesman: and many of Pompey's soldiers filled the capital ^ Caesar was required to hand over his provinces to two successors by a certain day. Two tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, vetoed this demand, and their veto was probably regular, as one of the two suc- cessors selected was only of praetorian rank ''. The veto was answered, however, by a vote ** investing the consuls and other magistrates with extraordinary powers ; on which Antony and Cassius fled from Rome. Much irregularity' seems to have marked the provisions subsequently made by the senate for the government of the provinces. ^ Ad Fam. 8. 8, 5. Consular provinces in this passage must mean those which, under the 'Lex Ponipeia de iure magistratuum,' would be governed by consulares. For its usual meaning — those to be assigned to the next consuls — is excluded by the enactment of that law which interposed an interval of five years between the consulship and the government of a consular province. Intr. to Part II, § 14. ^ Ad Fam. 8. 8, 6-8. ^ Intr. to Part II, § 27. Mb. § 14. = Caes. Bell. Civ. i. i and 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 32. ^ lb. 2 and 3. '' k\ Fam. 16. 12, 3, note. "* Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 5 ; Cic. Philipp. 2. 21, 52-53. ' Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 6. Mr. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic 4 178; 442, says or implies that the two terms of provincial government granted to Caesar by the ' Lex Vatinia ' and ' Lex Pompeia Licinia' respectively expired at the end of 54 and at the end of 49 B.C. But this opinion seems to me inconsistent with the lan- guage of Cicero Ad Att. 7- 9' 4- M. Paul Guiraud, in a learned and ingenious essay noticed in the preface to this edition, holds that the first term dated from Caesar's arrival in his province towards the end of March, 58 B.C., but that the second was only to last three years, as stated by Dion Cassius, 39. 33. See pp. 46 and 99 foil., of M. Guiraud's Essay. But I find it hard to reconcile this view with the following passages : Ad Att 7. 7, 6 ; 9. II A, 2; Caesar, Bell. Civ. I. 9. APPENDIX VII. 291 APPENDIX VII. Distribution of the Roman forces at the beginning of the CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CaESAR AND PoMPEY IN 49 B.C. Caesar had nine veteran legions — eight in Transalpine Gaul, one in Cisalpine ^. He had also some German and Gaulish cavalry ^ and auxi- liary infantry. Pompey had in Italy two veteran^ legions of doubtful fidelity, and was authorized to levy as many fresh troops as he chose. It was hoped * that 1 30,000 men could be raised, but not more than half that number seem actually to have been brought together. For Pompey sailed from Brundisium with 20 cohorts ^ and had sent on the consuls with 30*^; this would give a total of 25,000 men; Cicero speaks'' of 30,000 as a number reported for Pompey's whole force. Now Caesar ** says that Pompey had lost in Spain and Italy 130 cohorts of Roman citizens; and deducting 70 cohorts for 7 legions^ in Spain, this state- ment would make his losses in Italy amount to 60 cohorts, or 30,000 men. And 30,000-1-25,000 or 30,000 carried to Epirus, would give a total of at most 60,000 mustered in Italy. In Spain, besides the seven legions just mentioned, a large auxiliary force ^° had been raised for Pompey by his officers, Afranius and Petreius. The other provinces were under Pompey's control, but the forces stationed there were not very important. Sicily furnished ^' some troops to Pompey in Epirus, but neither that island nor Sardinia offered much resistance to Caesar's officers ^^ In Africa, P. Atius Varus levied two legions for Pompey, and excluded the lawful governor Q. Aelius Tubero". Varus could count on effective support from Juba of Numidia ^*. In the East, all the dependent princes were inclined to support Pompey, who had conquered Mithridates and re-organized the Roman empire in Asia ^^. The Roman forces in that quarter were small and scattered. After the defeat of Crassus the army of Syria can hardly have counted more than 10,000 regular^" infantry, and it does not seem to have been reinforced before the civil war began. In Cilicia, Cicero as » Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 54. 2 q^^^_ ggU q^^ ,_ jg . ^^ 3 ^j ^tt. 7. 20, i; 8. 12 A, 2. * App. Bell. Civ, 2. 34. ' Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 25. 6 Plut. Pomp. 62. '' Ad Att. 9. 6, 3. >* Bell. Civ. 3. 10. Mb. i. 38. w Caes. Bell. Civ. 1. 39. " lb. 3. 4. '^ lb. i. 30. »' lb i. 31. " lb. 2. 25. 15 Momnisen 4'. 2, 368 and 401. '* Plui. Cras<. 31 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 337. 29^ APPENDIX VI I. proconsul in 51 B.C., complained^ that he had only ' nomen duarum legionum exilium/ and probably no fresh troops had been sent there since his departure. Nor does it appear that any large bodies of regular troops were stationed in Macedonia, Achaia, or the province of Asia, when hostilities began ^. Pompey may have had an understanding with the Parthians°, enabling him to strip the eastern provinces of their garrisons, and the subject princes furnished him with considerable forces, especially of cavalry *. ' Ad Att. 5. 15, I. 2 cagj Bgij Civ. 3. 4 and 78. ^ lb. 3. 31 and 8-2 ; Diou Cassius 41. 55 ; Mommsen 4. 2, 370, * Caes, Bell. Civ, 3. 4 ; Ad Fam. 9. 9, 2. PART III. From the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and pompey to cicero's return to italy after THE BATTLE OF PHARSALUS. JAN. I, 49 B.C. TO Oct., 48 B.C. INTRODUCTION. § I. The events of the first few days of 49 b. c, have been already ^ noticed. Cicero took no part in the senate's discussions, but perhaps- privately recommended conciliation to Pompey. He arrived before Rome on Jan. 4 ^ and remained some days without the walls, perhaps * still cherishing hopes of a triumph. Caesar, when he heard how the senate had received his offers, as- sembled ^ his soldiers at Ravenna, and addressed them. They answered with enthusiasm ; and, after sending messages to his other legions to follow with all speed from Transalpine Gaul, he marched to Ariminum, where he found the two ^ tribunes who had interposed in his favour and Curio, also the praetor L. Roscius'^ and L. Caesar, son of one of his legates, who were charged with friendly messages from Pompey. Caesar asked them to carry proposals from him to Pompey. He offered to disarm if his rival would dismiss his Italian levies and retire to Spain, but was told ^ Appendix 6, § 5. 2 ^j ^^^^ 7. 3, 5 ; Plut. Caes. 3 1. ' Ad Fam. 16. II, 2. * lb. 1. c. ; Ad An. 7. 10. ^ The thirteenth legion. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 1. 7; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 32 and 33. It numbered 5000 foot and 300 horse. " Cp. Appendix 6, § 5. This was about Jan. 10 or 11. For the decree giving the consuls power to protect the safety of the state passed Jan. 6. Caesar could hardly have heard of it under three days, and it was the ground of his beginning hostilities. On the other hand, Pompey knew of the invasion on or about Jan. 19: cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 5 and 14 ; Ad Att. 7. 13, 7; 9. 10, 4. •^ Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 8. 294 INTRODUCTION tliat he must first himself recross the Rubicon \ He had just suffered a severe blow in the defection of Labienus ^, but the example was not fol- lowed, and the rapidity of his successes must have surprised men who had been told ^ that his troops only wanted a pretext for desertion. His forces occupied successively Ancona, Arretium, Iguvium, and Auximum: it was near the place last mentioned that the first bloodshed * took place. The news of these events caused the consuls and other magistrates to retire ^ from Rome without even securing the public treasury. Pompey ® had already started to take the command of his two legions, which had been moved from Capua to Luceria, but he spent a day or two at Teanum ^. § 2. Caesar was presently joined by the 12th legion, and marched on amid the general sympathy of the population till he reached Corfinium, where his destined successor in Transalpine Gaul, L. Domitius Aheno- barbus, awaited his approach at the head of a considerable force *. Antony occupied Sulmo •', and its garrison of 3500 men was incorporated with Caesar's army, which was further increased by the arrival of the 8th legion, of 1 1,000 Gaulish levies, and of 300 horse. Domitius, find- ing that Pompey did not mean to come to his relief, prepared to escape ; l)ut his men mutinied, and delivered him and the town to Caesar on Feb. 21, after a siege of seven days'*'. Caesar dismissed the officers unhurt, but retained the men in his own service ". They subsequently formed the army with which Curio occupied Sicily '^ and invaded Africa. Pompey, with the two legions which he had found in Apulia, and the levies of southern Italy, marched to Brundisium, whither Caesar fol- lowed " on March 9. Caesar's forces were increased by desertions from the enemy, but he renewed his attempts ^* to negotiate, which proved fruitless. His army now amounted to six legions, three of which con- sisted of veterans. The consuls had already sailed for Dyrrhachium on March 4, with a large ^^ force, and Pompey followed them on the 17th with the remainder of his army, which he embarked very skilfully ^^ § 3. When Cicero saw how Pompey and his friends were taken by surprise, he retired to Campania, and received " charge of the sea coast ' This answer was agreed on at a council held at Teanum Sidicinum late in January : cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 8-11 ; Ad Fam. 16. 12, 3; Ad Att. 7. 13, 7; 7. 14, i. 2 Ad An. 7. II, I. 3 Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 6. * lb. i. 11-13. ^ lb. i. 14. ^ lb. 1. c. ^ Ad Att. 7. 13, 7; 7. 14, I. 8 Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 15-17. " lb. I. 18. '" Ad Att. 8. 14, I. »' Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 19-23. "^ jj, ^ 25. " Ad Att. 9. 13 A, I. " Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 24-26. " ^^ ^j^. 9. 6, 3. '« lb. 9. 73 A, I ; 9. 6, 3; 9. 15, 6, or A; Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 25-27. The two detachments together numbered about 25,000 or 30,000 men in all. i' Ad Att. 8. 3, 4; Ad Fam. 16. 12, 5. TO THE THIRD PART. 295 and of the levies of troops made there. Capua was his head quarters apparently. His fasces were still wreathed with laurel for his successes in Cilicia, and the notoriety^ this gave his movements increased the anxiety which all his letters of this time express ^ and which was aggra- vated by his doubts, how he could secure the safety of his wife and daughter without, by sending them to ^ Rome, declaring his distrust of Pompey's prospects. While moving about he had interviews * with Pompey, and with the consuls : the dates of his movements seem to have been as follows : — He left Rome between January 12'^ and 2 1 ; was at Minturnae " on ihe 23rd, and went to Capua'' on the 25th, where he probably received, through Trebatius ^ an invitation from Caesar to return to Rome. He stayed at Capua till the 28th, when he left for Formiae ^, and was rejoined by his wife '" and daughter on February 2 ; revisited Capua on the 5th at the invitation of the consuls, and stayed there " two days, returning to Formiae on the ^th, where he received a letter '^ from Pompey inviting him to go to Luceria. He left Formiae as though to comply with this request, but presently returned ^\ and remained in Formiae till early in INIarch " apparently. He probably received there a letter ^^ from Caelius, in praise of Caesar's clemency. § 4. His letters follow one another very quickly during these months. He expresses anxiety ^"^ as to the fate of his wife and daughter, finally deciding " to keep them with him for the present. He disapproves of the terms offered by Caesar, yet thinks it most expedient ^* to grant them ; desponds at the sight of the general confusion at Capua and Formiae, the weakness and irresolution of Pompey and the failure ^^ of his levies ; renews his old complaints of the past blindness of Pompey in allowing Caesar's rise -°, and of the impracticability of Cato "^ ; testifies to the indif- ference or despondency of large classes '^'- and districts, and to Caesar's popularity in the country towns and villages -^ He admires the speed and vigour of Caesar ■-*, fears the cruelties ^^ which might follow the triumph of Pompey, and reminds ^* the latter significantly how he had suffered before ' Ad Att. 7. 11, 5, alib. '•' esp. Ad An. 7. 10 ; 8. i, 3. ' lb. 7. 23, 2 8. 2, 3. Cp. Ad Fam. 14. 18, I, where he leaves it to Terentia to decide what she will do * Cp. Ep. 63, 2, note, for an account of one of them. ' Ad Att. 7. 12, i ; Ad Fam 16. II, 3. « Ad Att. 7. 13, 6. •^ lb. 7. 15, I. " lb. 7. 17, 3 » lb. 7. 16, 2. 1° lb. 7. 18, I. " lb. 7- 21, I. '^ Perhaps lb. 8. 11 A, cp. lb. 8. I, I. '3 lb. 8. 3, 7. » lb. 8. 15, I ; 8. 16, 2. ^^ Ad Fam. 8 15. " lb. 14. 14 and 18: cp. Ad Att. 7. 13, 3. " lb. 7. 23, 2; 8. 2, 3 '■'<" lb. 7. 17, 2: cp. Ad Fam. 6. 6, 5 ; 16. 12, 4. '« Ad Att. 7. 12, 2; 7. 13, i ; 7 20, I ; 7. 21, I and 2. '^» Cp. Ad Att. 7. 3, 4 anfi 7- 7. 6, with 8. I, 4 and 8. 3, 3 " lb. 7. 15, 2. 221^.7.7^5.7.21,1. « lb. 8. 13, 2; 8. 16, I and 2. ^Mb 8. 9, 4. 25 lb. 8. II, 2-4. 26 lb. 8. II D, 7. 296 INTRODUCTION for his patriotism, owing to Pompey's desertion. He therefore felt reluctant to leave ^ Italy, or even to follow Pompey to Luceria, and seems to have done nothing ^ in support of his party at Capua, an attitude which he represented rather differently to Pompey ^ and to Caesar \ He criticised, probably without much judgment, the military conduct ^ of Pompey, especially his desertion of the capital and failure ^ to relieve Domitius, and was easily deterred by rumours of danger from attempting to comply "' with invitations to Luceria and to Brundisium. § 5. On the other hand, Cicero was disgusted ^ with many of Caesar's followers, and regarded his conduct as sheer rebellion ^ Hence he felt little inclination to appear in the senate at Rome ", and at times was more confident than usual of the success of Pompey, especially after some demonstrations in his favour at Capua ", and the arrival of Labienus '^ at Teanum, who appears to have confirmed a general impression of the disaffection^^ of Caesar's army to its general. On January 27, Cicero, in a letter to Tiro ^*, enlarged on the preponderance of the loyal forces. He was also encouraged ^^ at times by exaggerated statements of the numbers and efficiency of the army of Domitius at Corfinium, and of successes obtained in the Pyrenees by Afranius over Caesar's lieutenants. Dread of the opinion of the optimates, and an old feeling of dependence, seem, however, to have mainly weighed ^^ with him in favour of going to the camp of Pompey ; and he thought he was hardly treated with sufficient respect ^"' by Caesar's dependents, especially by the two Balbi. Accordingly he ordered ships to be prepared both at Brundisium and at Caieta, but still delayed ^* to embark. § 6. Amid all this excitement Cicero did not forget his freedman Tiro, whom he had left ill at Patrae, and often urged ^-^ him to be careful of his health. With another dependent-", Dionysius, he was on less friendly terms : complained ^^ of his ingratitude and insolence, and was gratified by his departure, while acknowledging his merits as a teacher '''^. § 7. Cicero probably spent April and May on the coast of Campania or in the neighbourhood of Arpinum. Caesar visited him ^^ near Formiae, ' Ad An. 7. 20, 2; 7. 23, 2; 8. 1,3; 8. 2,4; 8.3,3-5; 8- 14. 2; 8. 15,2. 2 ib_ 7. 22, 2; 7. 23, 3; 8. 3, 5. Mb. 8.1 1 B. Mb. 9. II A, 2. Mb. 7- 13. I ; 8. 3, 3. <■> lb. 8. 3, 7 ; 8. 8, 2 ; 8. 9, 3. ' lb, 8. 11 A.D. : cp. 8-i'i;8. 6, 2. Mb. 7. 3, 5 ; 9, 18, 2. Mb. 7. 11,1. "lb. 7. 17. Z and 4. " lb. 7. II, 4. 12 lb. 7. 13, 7. 13 lb. 7. 16, 2. '* Ad Fam. 16. 1 2, 4 ; cp. Appendi.x 7. is ^d Att. 7. 26, i ; 8. 3, 7. 's lb. 7. 12, 3; 7. 20, 2 ; 8. I, 3 and 4; 8. 3, 2; 8. 12,6; 8. 16, i and 2. ''' lb. 8 9, 4. '« lb. 8. 3, 6 ; 8. 4, 3. IS Ad Fam. 16. 11, i ; 16. 12, 6. ^« Not a slave, for Dionyjius had slaves of his own ; cp. Ad Att. 8. 10. -Mb 7 7 1-84 1 and 2 ; 8. 10. -* lb. 8. 10. 2' j,,. 9. 18. /• o > t. TO THE THIRD PART. i^'j and entreated him to attend in the senate at Rome. Cicero, however, did not consent. This interview must have taken place towards the close of March ^ Cicero wavered long as to the course of conduct he should pursue. He seems never ^ to have really forgiven himself for not making greater exertions to join Pompey, and to have been per- suaded that the only chance, though a slender one, for the constitution lay in his triumph-'. He was also much disappointed* by the unremit- ting energy of Caesar's operations, which allowed no time for negotia- tions. And, as has been before remarked ^ the notion of living on friendly terms with Gabinius and others of his old enemies, seemed intolerable. His disgust " at the violence of some of Pompey 's adherents was as great as ever, and he disapproved the project of starving Rome into submission ; but the licentious '' and arrogant conduct of Caesar's officers was a more present annoyance. He was anxious ^ too, not to seem merely to depend on the result of the Spanish campaign, and the representations of Caesar", Antony^", Caelius", and Tullia^^ did not per- suade him to be neutral. At times he even seems to have thought of raising an insurrection against Caesar in Italy, but declined the over- tures made him by three cohorts at Pompeii, as he suspected a snare ^^. To the last " he seems to have hesitated between joining Pompey and retiring to some neutral place. He finally embarked at Caieta^' on June 7, and sailed for Greece. On his arrival in Pompey's camp, the state of affairs he found, and Cato's reproach ^^ for his folly in going there, must have disconcerted him still more. He was shocked by the ferocity ^^ of the language he heard, and distrusted both the efficiency of the army and the skill of its leaders. Accordingly" he took no prominent part in operations ; or, as Plutarch ^^ expresses it, Pompey would not entrust him with any important commission, being annoyed at his querulousness. Cicero revenged himself by sarcasms ^** on Pompey's tactics and officers. § 8. Caesar, after the interview with Cicero mentioned above, went to Rome and attempted to procure the senate's sanction to negotiations with Pompey. The senate approved the plan, but no one offered to act as envoy -^; according to Caesar ^^ the threats which Pompey * Ad Att. 9. 15» 6 or A, where an account is given of Caesar's proposed resting-places. ^ lb. 9. 6, 4 ; 9. 10, 2 and 3. ^ 15 jq ^^ ^ 4 n, ^ j^ j ^^j 2 ; 9. 18, 1. ^ supra, § 5 ; Ad Att. 9. 7, 5 ; 10. 8, 3. « lb. 9. 7, 4 ; 9. 9, 2. '' lb. 10. 10, 5 ; 10. 13, 1. 8 ib_ JO. 8, 2 ; Ad Fam. 2. 16, 6. ^ Ad Att. 10. 8 B. 1" lb. 10. 8 A. 11 Ad Fam. 8. 16. ^^ ^j ^jj ^^ 8, I. *' lb. ro. 16, 4. " lb. 10. 18, 2; Ad Fam. 2. 16, 2. i' ^d Fam. 14. 7, 3; cp. Ad Att. 8. 3, 6. '« Plut. Cic. 38. '^ Ad Fam. 7. 3, 2. i« Ad Att. II. 4, I. 19 Plut.'Cic. 38. 20 It, 1. c. 2' Caes. Cell. Civ. i. 32 and 33. '2 ggjj Qjy_ j_ 2^_ 298 INTRODUCTION had uttered on his departure from Rome caused this reluctance. Caesar also, in spite of the opposition of L. Metellus, a tribune, forced the doors of the * more sacred treasury \' of which the contents were reserved for the emergency of a Gaulish invasion. He then started for Spain, according to Caelius'^ much incensed against the senate. The hostile attitude of Massilia ^, into which L. Domitius Ahenobarbus threw himself, detained him for thirty days, while he made preparations for a siege and began the construction of a fleet. He committed further operations to D. Brutus and C. Trebonius. Meanwhile his legate, C. Fabius, had forced* the Pyrenees at the head of three legions. Caesar presently joined him, and began operations at once against L. Afranius and M. Petreius, who commanded a large ^ force near Ilerda. This may have been early in June ", according to the calendar. The campaign which followed was marked by great alternations of suc- cess, but terminated after forty '^ days with the capitulation ** of the Pompeian forces. Caesar then marched against M. Varro in Baetica, where the people were so well disposed towards the invader, that Varro could make no effective resistance, and all Spain submitted to Caesar. He placed it under Q. Cassius, one of the tribunes of this year, with an army of four ® legions, and set out for Rome. On his way he received the submission of Massilia, which had been besieged ^- with great energy by D. Brutus and Trebonius. He there heard " that he had been named dictator by M. Lepidus, one of the praetors, and continued his journey to Rome. On his way he had to suppress a serious mutiny ^'^ at Placentia. After his arrival at Rome he presided at consular comitia ", and was himself elected with P. Servi- lius Isauricus; introduced an equitable measure for the settlement of debts; altered^* in various cases his appointments of provincial go- vernors ; restored some of the exiles who had been condemned under the Leges Pompeiae in 52 b.c. (except Milo) ; and at the close of the year set off for Brundisium. § 9. In other quarters the events of the year had been unfavourable to 1 Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 33; Ad Att. 10. 8, 6 ; App. Bell. Civ. 1. 41. * Ad Fam. 8. 16, I. 3 Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 34-36. * lb. i. 37. ^ gee Appendix 7 ; also Caes. Bill. Civ. i. 38, 39. ^ Caesar (Bell. Civ. i. 48) says that the winter supply of corn was exhausted, and the harvest not ripe. Cp. note 8. ^ Caes. Bell. Civ. 2. 32. ** lb. i. 41-87. The capitulation was nominally on August 2, but the calendar was nearly two months in advance of the seasons. Appendix 8 ; Fischer, Romische Zeittafeln, sub anno. * Caes. Bell. Civ. 2. 17-21. But Hither Spain seems shortly afterwards to have been entrusted to M. Lepidus, now praetor. Bell. Alex. 59; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 48; Dion Cassius 43. i. " Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 5^-58; 2. 1-16. " lb. 1. 1\. ^- App. Bell. Civ. 2. 47 ; Dion Cassius 41. 26-35. " Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. i ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 48 ; Dion Cassius 41. 36-38. " App. i.e. TO THE THIRD PART. 399 Caesar. Curio, after occupying Sicily ^ crossed over into Africa, and obtained at first great successes, but was afterwards defeated and his army destroyed^ by Juba, king of Numidia, co-operating with Pom- peian officers. About the same time Dolabella and C. Antonius, a younger brother of Marcus, were defeated in Illyricum by ]\I. Octavius and L. Scribonius Libo. Antonius was made prisoner •'. Pompey, in the meantime *, was collecting and organizing a large force in Epirus and Macedonia. A considerable fleet gave him the command of the Adriatic. He wintered at Thessalonica °. 48 B.C. § 10. Cicero spent the first months of this year in the camp of Pompey. While there he received letters from Caelius" and Dola- bella ''. The first expressed regret for having taken Caesar's side ; the last begged Cicero to return to Italy now that he had seen how small were Pompey's chances of success. During the battle of Pharsalus Cicero was at Dyrrhachium ^, in bad health. Labienus brought the news of the defeat there ^ and the partisans of Pompey crossed over to Corcyra, where, probably '", Cato asked Cicero, as the senior consular present, to take the command. Cicero declined, and was threatened with death by Cn. Pompeius the younger. Cato, however, protected him, and Cicero sailed to Brundisium, where he remained for some time ". He seems to have written few letters from Epirus, and was perhaps afraid ^^ to write freely. Such as we have shew ^^ much anxiety " for his wife, who appears to have been embarrassed by want of money, which Cicero could not understand ; regret '^ for his mistake in leaving Italy ; and despondency^" at his party's prospects. He advanced considerable" sums to Pompey. Subsequent letters ^'^ illustrate still more strongly the discontent and melancholy which then possessed him. From the taunts of Antony it seems that Cicero's petulance and gloom gave general offence". He does not comment in detail on the events of the war, but ' Cato ev.icuated it without a struggle, nor did M. Cotta succeed in holding Sardinia, which Q. Valerius occupied for Caesar. Cp. Ad Att. lo. i6, 3; Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 30. ^ Caes. Bell. Civ. 2, 23-44. Curio himself fell. ■' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 47 ; Dion Cassius 41. 40. * Appendix 7 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 3-5. ^ Dion Cassius 41. 44. « Ad Fam. 8. 17. '' lb. 9. 9. 8 piut_ qJ,- j,^ 9 ^e Divin. i. 32, 68. '" Plut. Cic. 39, and Cat. 55. '^ Pint. Cic. 39. Perhaps he went previously to Patrae, cp. Ad Fam. 13. 17, i ; Ep. 79 (Ad Att. II. 5), 4, note. 1- Ad Att. 11. 4, 2. '"* lb. II. 1-4. 1* lb. II. 2, 2 ; II. 4, I. " lb. II. 3, I ; 11.4, i. " lb. 11. 4. I- " lb. II. 3, 3. '" Ad Fam. 4. 7, 2 ; 6. i, 5 ; 7. 3, 2 ; Ad Att. II. 6, 2-6. *" Philipp. 2. 16, 39: Monimsen 4. 2, 397. 300 INTRODUCTION refers in one place ^ to the foolish confidence inspired by Caesar's defeat near Dyrrhachium. § II. In the winter Caesar had succeeded in conveying seven legions to Epirus, and was afterwards joined by Antony with four more, all, how- ever, much thinned by battles, long marches, and unhealthy quarters. He attempted to blockade Pompey's lines at Petra, near Dyrrhachium, but a serious reverse forced him to give up this plan, and he marched into the interior, where he was joined by Cn. Domitius Calvinus, whom he had detached into INIacedonia. Pompey also formed a junction with his father-in-law, Scipio, whom he had recalled from Syria. A decisive battle was fought near Pharsalus on August 9 ^ ; and, in spite of Caesar's great inferiority of numbers, especially in cavalry, it resulted in a complete victory for him. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus fell in the rout ; Pompey, giving up his cause for lost, fled to Egypt ; his friends dispersed ^ § 12. In Italy some trouble was caused by the turbulent proceedings of M. Caelius Rufus, one of the praetors. He had previously * expressed to Cicero his discontent with Caesar, and now proposed ^ various laws, granting to debtors terms more favourable than Caesar had offered them. Caelius was opposed by C. Trebonius, one of his colleagues, and by the consul Servilius, and was suspended by the senate. In revenge he sent messages to Milo, who came to Italy, and the two together attempted to stir up a servile war. Both, however, were killed without effecting any- thing®. In a letter to Cicero, mentioned above, Caelius had affirmed that discontent with Caesar was general, except among the great money- lenders. Dion Cassius "^ describes opinion as really divided, but appa- rently favourable to Caesar. He allows, however, that Pompey's prob- able cruelty after success was feared. Appian^ says that the people was anxious for a peaceable settlement, and knew that in case of a decisive battle the victor must become its master. These two state- ments are consistent with each other, and probable, but we do not know on what contemporary authority they rest. § 13. In Africa, after the death of Curio, the Pompeians and Juba had apparently not been disturbed. In Spain, the governor left by Caesar, Q. Cassius Longinus ^ was ^ Ad Fam. 7. 3, 2. ^ Calendarium Amitern. ap. Mommsen Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. 324. ^ Ad Fam. 4. 7, 2 and 3 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. I-103, exc. 20-32; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 87. ■* Ad Fam. 8. 17. s q-his must have taken place early in 48 B.C. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. i and 3, 20 and 21 ; App. 2. 48 ; Dion 42. 22-25. Caesar had only provided that arbitrators should be appointed, and creditors compelled to receive land in payment at the value it bore before the war. « Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 22. M^- i/ and iS. » Bell. Civ. 2. 48. ' Dion Cassius 42. 15 and 16. TO THE THIRD PART. 301 very oppressive, and a plol was formed against his life. The conspira- tors attacked him when he was reviewing his army at Corduba. Cassius, however, escaped, though severely wounded, and renewed his severities. Part of his army then mutinied, and placed M. Marcellus Aeserninus, the quaestor, at its head. He did not disow^n his allegiance to Caesar, and was supported by M. Lepidus, proconsul ^ of Hither Spain. These dis- orders were put a stop to next year by the arrival of Trebonius to assume the government of Spain as proconsuP, whereon Cassius de- parted, and was drowned near the mouth of the Iberus. Precious time had been lost for Caesar, for he had wished that Cassius should invade Africa from Spain ^. * Bell. Alex 59 .ind 63. - Bell. Alex. 64; Dion Cassius 43, 29. He was praetor in 48 B.C. (cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 20), but like Lepidus, who had been praetor in 49 B.C., is called proconsul as a provincial governor. ^ Bell. Alex. 51 ; 56. SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART III. 46. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. VII. lo). Neighbourhood of Rome, Jan. 17 (?), 49 b.c. (705 a.u.c.) I have decided to go away at once. Hitherto our leaders seem to have behaved unwisely enough. If Pompey stays in Italy we shall all stay with him ; if not, we must consider what to do. Write to me often. CICERO ATTICO SAL, SUBITO consilium cepi, ut ante quam luceret exirem, ne qui conspectus fieret aut sermo, lictoribus praesertim laureatis. De reliquo neque hercule quid agam nee quid acturus sim scio ; ita sum perturbatus temeritate nostri amentissimi consilii. Tibi vero quid suadeam, cuius ipse consilium exspecto ? Gnaeus 5 This letter must apparently have been written between Jan. 12 (cp. Ad Fam. 16. II, 7,) and Jan. 19 (^cp. Ad Att. 7, 12, 1). Probably Jan. 17 (cp. Ep. 63, 4). 1. Ut . . exirem. Cicero must mean, ' to leave the neighbourhood of Rome.' For he had not forfeited his ' imperium,' as he would have done by entering Rome. Cp. Ep. 54, 5 and 6; p. 37, note on I. 15. 2. Conspectus, ' attention.' Lictoribus . . laureatis, 'especially as my fasces are still laurelled ' for successes in Cilicia. This would attract more notice to his movements. 4. Nostri amentissimi consilii. 'the frantic decision of our party.' Referring either to their hasty defiance of Caesar, or to their leaving Rome unguarded. Tibi . . suadeam. Perhaps Atticus had asked Cicero's advice. 304 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part III. noster quid consilii ceperit capiatve nescio, adhuc in oppidis coartatus et stupens. Omnes, si in Italia consistat, erimus una ; sin cedet, consilii res est. Adhuc certe, nisi ego insanio, stulte omnia et incaute. Tu, quaeso, crebro ad me scribe vel quod 5 in buccam venerit. 47. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. VII. ii). Campania, Jan. 19, (?) 49 b.c. (705 a.u.c.) I. I am astonished by the news of Caesar's proceedings. 2. Even to wish for sovereignty in a free state is an atrocious crime. 3. What do you think of Pompey's decision to give up the capital ? I should disapprove of it, 4. but that his flight has excited much sympathy with him and indignation against Caesar. I have the chief command in Campania and the adjacent coast districts for Pompey, not a trouble- some office. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Quaeso, quid hoc est? aut quid agitur? mihi enim tenebrae 1 sunt : ' Cingulum ' inquit ' nos tenemus, Anconem amisimus ; Labienus discessit a Caesare.' Utrum de imperatore populi Romani an de Hannibale loquimur? o hominem amentem et 10 miserum, qui ne umbram quidem umquam rov koXov viderit! Atque haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa. Ubi est autem dignitas nisi ubi honestas? honestum igitur habere exercitum 1. In oppidis, 'among the towns' of Mihi enim tenebrae sunt. Tenebrae Campania probably. Cp. Intr. to Part III, is, I think, the predicate. On the plural §§ 1 ; 2, for an account of Pompey's move- ' sunt,' cp. Madv. 216. * It is quite obscure ments. to me.' Forcell. 2. Coartatus et stupens, ' embarrassed 7- Cingulum. In Picenum,about 20 m. and confounded ' by the number of his par- S.W. of Ancona, now Cingoli. It had been tisans who thronged there. The word rebuilt by Labienus. Cp. p. 2S1, note on 'coartatus' seems to be rare in Cicero's I. 2. writings. Inquit: cp. Ep. 45, 3. Perhaps Cicero Consistat. Wesenb. ' consistet.' forwarded to Atticus a letter containing the 3. Consilii res est, ' it is a matter for news on which he comments, consideration.' Anconem : cp. luv. Sat. 4. 40. Stulte omnia et incaute, sc. 'factasunt.' 'Ante domum Veneris quam Dorica 4. Vel quod in buccam venerit, sustinet Ancon.' ' even the first thing that comes into your ' Ancona ' is the more usual form. Cp. Ep. head.' Forcell. Cp. Ep. 84, 2, note. 52, 2. 8. Labienus : cp. Ep. 44, 6, note. 6. Quid hoc est? 'what is the mean- 10. tov «aAov = ' honest!,' 'of moral ing of this?' referring to what follows. beauty.' On the indie, in questions, cp. Madv. 356, 11. Dignitatis, 'his proper position.' Obs. 3. Cicero prefers to state the question Cicero rather plays upon the word in what directly, rather than to make it depend on follows, ' How can there be honour without quaeso. honourable conduct?' EP. 47-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VII.w. 305 nullo publico consilio? occupare urbes civium, quo facilior sit aditus ad patriam ? xp^oiv anoKOTrds, (jwydbcov naOobovi, sescenta alia scelera moliri, Tr/u dia>v fX(yi 3' "ote. Omni cura liberabo ='manumittam te.' Manut. There are allusions to some promise of the kind in Ad Fam. 16. 10, 2 ; 16. I4, 2. EP. 54-] E PISTOL A R UM AD A TTIC UM VIII. 3 . 317 cura liberabo. Plura scriberem, si iam putarem lubenter tc legere posse. Ingenium tuum, quod ego maximi facio, confor ad te mihi tibique conservanduni. Cura te etiam atque etiam diligcnter. Vale. 2 Scripta iam epistola Hcrmia vcnit. Accepi tuam epistolam 5 vacillantibus littcrulis, nee mirum, tarn gravi morbo. Ego ad te Aegyptam misi, quod nee inhumanus est et te visus est mihi diligere^ ut is tecum esset, et cum eo coquum, quo uterere. Vale. 54. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. VIII. 3). Near Cales, about Feb. 19, 49 e.c. (705 a.u.c.) .^ I. I am anxious for your advice as to what I ought to do if Pompey leaves Italy. I will set both sides of the question before you as fairly as I can. 2. Pompey's services to me, and our intimacy, seem to make it a duty to stand by him, and if I remain at Rome I must fall into the power of Caesar. His language is friendly, but how can I live without influence and with a prospect of disgrace in case of Pompey's success ? 3. On the other hand, Pompey's mistakes have been many and serious, and he has never taken my advice : to omit his earlier errors, what can be worse than his present flight from Rome ? 4. ' But he will recover it.' When ? His measures have hitherto been ill-conceived and disastrous. I reluctantly took charge of Capua, and could mark the general apathy. 5. How can I join Pompey at this season? 6. If I stay at Rome I shall do no worse than Q. Mucins did under the tyranny of Cinna. But the ' imperium ' which I retain would even then embarrass me. I hope you will not infer from all this that my choice is made, but will advise me impartially. I have a vessel ready at Caieta, and another at Brundisium. 7. I have just received news that Caesar is opposed at Corfmium by Domitius with an effective army. I do not think Pompey will desert Domitius, though his measures look suspicious. We hear reports, which I do not believe, of successes won by Afranius over Caesar's officers. I write from Formiae. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui ; lo 1. Si iam putarem . . posse, 'if I Tarn gravi morbo. On this ablat., op. thought you were already well enough to Ep. I, 2, note, on p. 28. read with pleasure." ?■ Nee . . et. On this combination, cp. 2. Confer = 'adhibe' (Forcell.), 'em- Ep. 6, 4, note on p. 45. ploy.' 8. Coquum. Probably one of Cicero's 6. Vacillantibus litterulis, ' with its slaves, who would be able to prepare proper letters written by a trembling hand,' = ' tre- food for an invalid, mente nianu exaratis.' Forcell. On the abl., see the preceding section. 10. Esset, epistolary tense. 31 8 M, TULLII CIC FRONTS [part III. deliberatio autem omnis haec est, si Pompeius Italia cedat.. quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mihi agendum putes, et, quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi in mentem veniat, explicabo brevi. Cum merita Pompeii summa 2 6 erga salutem meam familiaritasque, quae mihi cum eo est, turn ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit, ut mihi vel consilium meum cum illius consilio, vel fortuna mea cum illhis fortima coniungenda esse videatur. Accedit illud : si maneo et ilium comitatum opti- morum et clarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius TO potestatem, qui, etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum, et ut esset, a me est — tute scis— propter suspitionem huius impen- dentis tempestatis multo ante provisum, tamen utrumque con- siderandum est, et quanta fides ei sit habenda et, si maxime exploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni 15 civis esse in ea urbe in qua, cum summis honoribus imperiisque usus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, nomen futurus, subeundumque periculum sit, cum aliquo fore dedecore, si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. In hac 3 parte haec sunt ; vide nunc, quae sint in altera : nihil actum est 20 a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter ; addo etiam, nihil nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto ilia Vetera, quod istum in rem publicam ille aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus I. Omnis haec est . . putes, ' is all case of Pompey's restoring the old constitu- about the question what you think I ought tion.' So Wiel. and Forcell. For this sense to do in case Ponipey leaves Italy.' On of ' nomen,' cp. Ad Att. 5. 15, I ' me nomen the use of 'haec,' cp. Madv. 314. The habere duarum legionuni,' and Livy 7. 29 arguments for accompanying Pompey begin ' nomen niagis quam vires.' with 'cum merita Pompeii,' and end 16, Sacerdotio = ' auguratu.' Cicero with ' recuperarit.' was elected augur on the death of P. 6. Consilium, 'decision.' Cp. Ep. 46 Crassus, son of the triumvir, in 53 B.C. Cp. 'subito consilium cepi.' Plut. Cic. 36. 8. Illud : cp. Ep. 34, 9, note. 17. Cum aliquo fore dedecore, 'of Ilium comitatum . . civium, 'that being disgraced to some extent.' Would company of good citizens ' which will follow not ' ne cum al. ded. sit' be more usual? Pompey. On this use of the pronoun, cp. Cp. Madv. 376. The sense, however, seems Madv. 4S5 b and c. plain. 9. Unius, sc. Caesaris. 12. In hac parte haec sunt, ' on this 10. Multis rebus, 'in many relations.' side of the question there is this to be said,' Siipfle. ' such are the weights in this scale.' Cp. Ep. II. A me est .. provisum : cp. Intr. to 1 29, 2 ' nullius partis esse.' Part II, §§ 4-6; Epp. 25, notes; 29, 12, 22. Istum, Caesarem. note. Ille, Pompeius. 12. Utrumque refers to the clauses Ille legibus . . auctor, sc. ' fuit.' On which follow, beginning with et . . et. the dat., cp. Madv. 241, Obs., and 415. The 15. Esse in ea urbe . . recuperarit, laws referred to are those of Caesar's con- ' to remain in a city in which after filling sulship. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 17 ; Ep. 10, the highest posts he will be a mere shadow, 2, note, and will incur the risk of being disgraced in EP. 54-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VIII. o^. 3^9 per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propa- srator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio con- sulatu, postquara esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit, ut 5 decem tribuni pi. ferrent, ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse sanxit lege quadam sua, Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit : sed, ut haec omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu sive potius turpissima fuga ? quae condicio non accipienda fuit lo potius quam relinquenda patria? malae condiciones erant ; fateor, 4 sed num quid hoc peius? 'At recuperabit rem publicam.' Quando ? aut quid ad earn spem est parati ? Non ager Picenus amissus ? Non patefactum iter ad urbem ? non pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique nulla causa, nullae 15 1. Contra auspicia: cp. Ep lo, 1. c. Bibulus had declared ' se servaturum de caelo,' for a great part of the year, which would render legislation irregular during that time. Galliae . . adiunctor, ' added the Far- ther to the Nearer Gaul' as a part of Caesar's government. The senate made this addition (cp. Intr. to Part I, § 17), but Cicero hints that Pompey had suggested it. 2. Ille gener, sc. Caesaris. In adoptando . . augur, 'declared as augur that he saw no obstacle to the adop- tion of Clodius ' by Fonteius. On which, cp. Intr. to Part I, § 18. 3. Restituendi . . studiosior, 'was more earnest in promoting my recall from exile than in trying to prevent my going into exile.' Cp. for the words, Ep. 29, 14, and for the facts, Intr. to Part I, §§ 20 and 21. Propagator, 'prolonged his tenure of by the Lex Pompeia Licinia in 55 B.C. In this sense the word seems only to occur here. 5. Contendit . . ferrent, 'exerted him- self to induce the ten tribunes to propose.' ' Contendere ' = ' laborare.' Forcell. 6. Quod idem sua, 'and that very provision he sanctioned by a certain law of his own,' perhaps referring to the clause appended by Pompey to his law ' de iure magistratuum ' in c;? B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 14- 7. Finienti . . die, ' when he pro- posed to limit Caesar's government by the first of March,' ' to fix March 1 as the last day of Caesar's government.' Cp. Ep. 34, 5 and 9. It is doubtful whether March I, 50 or 49 b.c. is referred to. In my first edition I said ' probably the earlier date ;' but I now agree with Lange (3. 374) in preferring the latter. 11. Condiciones. According to Sueto- nius (lui, 29); Appian (Bell. Civ. 1. 32); and Plutarch (Caes. 31); Caesar's final offers before the beginning of hostilities in January 49 bc. were — to surrender Transalpine Gaul and the greater part of his army at once ; Cisalpine Gaul and the remainder of his army on his election to the consulship, or to give up his command if Pompey would do the same. 12. Num quid hoc peius, sc. ' esse po- tuit,' ' could anything be worse than this hasty surrender of the capital. ' 13. Ad earn spem, ' to realize that hope.' On ' ad ' with such words as ' para- tum,' cp. Madv. 247 b, Obs. 6, and on the gen. parati, lb. 285 b. 14. Pecunia omnis. The consuls in their panic had forgotten to carry away the contents of the treasury. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § I, and Ad Att. 7. 21, 2 ; Ep. 71, 6, note. 15. Nulla causa; cp. Ad Att. 9.6,4 ' causa temere instituta.' ' No definite ob- ject.' Wiel. The objects, for instance, of Pompey, Cato, and the consul Lentulus, would difler very much. 330 M. TULLIl CIC FRONTS [part III. vires, nulla sedes, quo concurrant qui rem publicam defensani velint : Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars Italiae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima ; fuga et maritima opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. f In te cepi Capuam, non quo munus illud defu- 5 gerem, sed in ea causa, in qua nullus esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem esset aliquis, sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensissem, multitudo et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis rerum cupidi, dixi ipsi me nihil 5 suscepturum sine praesidio et sine pecunia ; itaque habui nihil lo omnino negotii, quod ab initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam : eam si nunc sequor, quonam ? Cum illo non ; ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi, in iis locis esse Caesarem, ut tuto Luce- riam venire non possem. Infero mari nobis, incerto cursu, hieme maxima navigandum est. Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum 15 filio ? an quo modo ? in utraque enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor. Qui autem impetus illius erit in nos ab- sentes fortunasque nostras ? Acrior quam in ceterorum, quod 1. Nulla sedes, 'no rendezvous' or ' rallying point.' Defensam velint. On the constr., cp. Madv. 396, Obs. 2. 2. Delecta est, 'has been chosen' for the assembly of our forces. Inanissima, 'the least populous.' Impetu, ' the onward movement.' For- cell. 3. Fuga . . desperatione, ' it seemed that our leaders in their desperation were seeking for an easy access to the sea, and for means of flight.' Cp. Livy 45. 30 ' ma- ritimas opportiinitates.' On the personal construction of 'videor' with the infin., cp. Madv. 400 a, and Obs. 4. In te; 'invite' would make good sense, and has some MS. authority. Wesenb. adopts it. Cepi, 'assumed the command at.' Non quo . . esse solet, 'not that I wished to evade that commission, but be- cause the cause in which I had to act was regarded with such indifference.' 8. Cupidi, so. ' essent.* On the historical allusions in the two preceding sections, cp. Intr. to Part III, §§ 1-3- Ipsi, sc. Pompeio, If the preceding passage from non quo to cupidi be genuine, there surely should be a full stop after cupidi, unless, indeed, the words ' sed in ea . . pecunia' correspond to ' non quo,' foil. Wesenb. punctuates ' cupidi :' 9. Sine praesidio, ' without an armed force.' 10. Quod ab initio . . fugam. Ma- nutius connects these words with dixi . . pecunia, in which case itaque . . ne- gotii must be a parenthetical or subordinate clause. 11. Eam si nunc . . quonam? 'if I now follow that flying company, whither shall I go?' Cp. Philipp. 2. 22,54 ' exsequi cladem illam fugamque.' Cum illo, ' sc. 'Pompeio non possum fugere.' 12. Essem profectus, 'had set out.' Cp. Ep. 30, I, p. 219, 1. 4. 13. Infero mari, 'by the western, or Tuscan sea.' On the ablat. (of the direc- tion\ cp. Madv. 274. Incerto cursu, 'to an unknown desti- nation.' Hieme maxima, ' in tht depth of win- ter.' Cp. Ep. 52, 6. 15. In utraque re . . dolor. ' either al- ternative will involve great difficulties and much suffering.' Cicero would neither wish to part from his relatives, nor to expose them to the risks of camp life. 16. Qjii autem .. nostras, ' with what violence will Caesar behave to me and my fortunes during my absence.' EP. 54-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VIII. ^. 321 putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid se habere populate. Age iam, has compedes, fasces, inquam, hos laureatos efferre ex Italia quam molestum est ! Qui autem locus crit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, ante quam ad ilium venerimus ? 6 qua autem aut quo^ nihil scimus. At si restitero et fuerit nobis 5 in hac parte locus, idem fecero, quod in Cinnae dominatione Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, quod Q. Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic quidem cecidit, qui tamen ita dicere solebat, se id fore videre, quod factum est, sed malle quam armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. Aliter Thrasybulus^ et fortasse melius ; sed est 10 certa quaedam ilia Much ratio atque sententia, est ilia etiam [Philippi], et, cum sit necesse, servire tempori et non amittere tempus, cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso habent tamen iidem fasces molestiam : sit enim nobis amicus, quod incertum est^ sed sit : deferet triumphum. Non accipere, f ne periculosum sit, in- 15 1. In nobis . . populare, 'that he recommends himself to the populace by outrages offered to me.' This is signi- ficant as shewing that a large part of the Roman populace cherished resentment against Cicero for his treatment probably of Lentulus and perhaps of Clodius. 2. Fasces . . laureatos : cp. Ep. 46, note. 4. Ut iam placatis . . fluctibus, 'sup- posing that I have a calm passage.' On the conjunct., cp. Ep. 48, I, note. Ad ilium, sc. Pompeium. 5. Qua . . aut quo, 'by what route or whither.' Fuerit . . locus, 'if I shall be allowed a place of rest here in Italy.' 6. Quod . . Philippus, sc. 'fecit.' L. Marcius Philippus, consul in 91 B.C., re- sisted, in the interest of the equites, the measures of M. Livius Drusus. On Sulla's return to Italy, Philippus repaired to his camp, and was well received there. Cp. Mommsen 3. 138; 224; 331 ; 348. 7. L. Flaccus was the interre.x who proposed a law for conferring dictatorial powers upon Sulla. Cp. De Leg. Agrar. 3. 2, 5 and 6. Mommsen (3. pp. 327; 34S) identifies him with the L. Valerius Flaccus who was consul in 100 B.C. Q^ Mucius Scaevola governed the pro- vince of Asia with remarkable integrity in 98 B c, was consul in 95 B.C., and after- wards pontifex maximus. In 82 B.C. the praetor L. Damasippus murdered him by the order of C. Marius the younger. For another notice of him, cp. Ep. 29, 26, note. Quoquo modo . . cecidit, 'however that choice turned out for him,' indie, of an actual fact = though it turnt d out badly. 8. Id fore, i.e. that he would be nmr- dered. 10. Aliter Thrasybulus, sc. 'fecit.' He left Athens on the installation of the thirty tyrants, but returned to deliver it from their sway. Cp. Xen. Hellen. 2. 3, 42 ; 2. 4. Est certa quaedam . . sententia, ' the policy and resolution of Mucius is quite adequately grounded.' Hofm. 11. Est ilia etiam, 'there is another also ' (my own) ; ' ilia ' referring to what follows. 12. [Philippi.] Baiter is surely right in putting this word in brackets. For Cicero only six lines above has spoken of Mucius and Philippus as behaving alike, whereas he is here distinguishing between two different lines of conduct. Et cum sit necesse . . datum, 'of yielding to circumstances as long as it is necessary, and yet not losing a chance when it is offered.' I think Cicero means that he would be more supple than Mucius in adversity, and less passive when an oppor- tunity for action offered. 13. In hoc ipso, 'even if I behave thus.' 14. Sit enim .. amicus, 'for suppose Caesar should prove my friend.' 15. Non accipere . . ad bonos. For- cell. says that ' non ' may have the force of ' nonne ; ' (cp. p. 319, 1. 13 ' non ager Pice- jaa M. TULLII CICERONIS [part III. vidiosum ad bonos. O rem, inquis, difficilem et inexplicabilem ! atqui explicanda est. Quid enim fieri potest? Ac ne me existi- maris ad manendum esse propensiorem, quod plurain earn partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res 5 verbosior haec fuerit, ilia verier. Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deiiberanti, ita mihi des consilium velim. Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis et Brundisii. Sed ecce nuntii scribente 7 me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, ecce litterae, Caesarem ad Corfi- nium, Domitium Corfinii cum firmo exercitu et pugnare cupiente. lo Non puto etiam hoc Gnaeum nostrum commissurum, ut Domi- tium relinquat, etsi Brundisium Scipionem cum cohortibus duabus praemiserat, legionem a Fausto conscriptam in Siciliam sibi pla- cere a consule duci scripserat ad consules ; sed turpe Domitium deseri implorantem eius auxiliurn. Est quaedam spes, mihi qui- 15 dem non magna, sed in his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse,pulsum Trebonium, etiam Fabium tuum trans- nus amissus,' and Ep. 89, l), and Hofm. makes ne='ut non,' referring to Tusc. Disp. 2. 5, 14. See also Livy 31. 7. Cp. Madv. 352. The sense will then be, 'will not my acceptance, even supposing it involve no danger, bring me into disrepute with good citizens?' Orell. proposes 'non acci- pere me periculosum est ; accipere invidio- sum ; ' Wesenb. ' non accipere vereor ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos.' Mr. Jeans thinks it needless to insert ' vereor,' but would insert ' accipere,' before ' invidiosum.' 1. O rem . . inexplicabilem. On the ace, cp. Madv. 236. ' Hard and insoluble problem.' 2. Quid enim fieri potest? ' for what else can be done?' no third course is open. Schiitz. proposes to insert ' aliter.' 3. In eam partem, 'to that end,' ' on that side.' 4. In multis quaestionibus, 'in many discussions.' Res verbosior . . verior, 'the course last dwelt upon (that of remaining in Italy) may have more copious arguments in its favour, but the other sounder.' 7. In Caieta, ' off my estate at Caieta.' Hofm. Cp. Ad Att. i. 4, 3 ' Caietanum . . ornabo.' ' Misenum ' is similarly used for an estate. Philipp. 2. 29, 73. But as the words are followed by ' Brundisii,' may not ' in Caieta ' mean merely ' in the port of Caieta ? ' 8. In Caleno. This estate of Cicero seems to be only mentioned here. Cp. Ap- pendix 5, § I. Ad Corfinium, sc. ' esse,' is before Cor- finium.' That town, situated in the terri- tory of the Peligni, had been the capital of the Italians in the Marsic or Social war. It was now held for Pompey by L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Cp. Ep. 51, l; Intr. to Part HI, § 2. 10. Commissurum ut, 'will be guilty of.' Cp. Ep. 48, 2, note. 11. Scipionem: cp. Ep. i, 3, note, 12. Fausto. L. Sulla, surnamed Faustus, was a son of the dictator. He was put to death towards the close of the African cam- paign by Caesar's partisans. Intr. to Part IV, § 10 ; Bell. Afric. 95. 13. A consule, 'by one of the consuls.' Cp. Ad Att. 8. 12, A, 3. Turpe . . deseri. On the ace. with infin. as a subject, cp. Madv. 388 a ; 398 a. 15. Afranium : cp. Ep. I, I, note. Cum Trebonio. C. Trebonius now held a high command in Gaul for Caesar, and afterwards directed the siege of Mas- silia with D. Brutus. Subsequently he joined the conspiracy of Brutus and Cassius ; go- verned Asia for some months after Caesar's death ; and was treacherously murdered by Dolabella. Cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 8 ; V, §§ 4; 14- 16. Fabium. C. Fabius was another of Caesar's principal officers. Orell. pro- poses Fadium, which Baiter adopts. But M. Fadius Gallus was then in Italy. Cp. Ad Att. 8. 12, I. Transisse, ' has deserted to us.' Cp. In EP. 55-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VIII. ^. 323 isse cum cohortibus, summa autem, Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare : id si est, in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, Leptam ad Pompeium misi et litteras, ipse, ne quo inciderem, reverti Formias. Haec te scire volui 5 scripsique sedatiore animo, quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum indicium interponens, sed exquirens tuum. 55. To ATT reus (AD ATT. VI 1 1. 9). FoRMiAE, Feb. 25, 49 b.c. (705 a.u.c.) 1. I am not anno)'ed by the publication of my letter to Caesar, and I think its language justified by the end I had in view. 2. Pompey has used expressions quite as complimentary, and your conduct, and that of many others, has been quite as equivocal as mine. 3. I v/ish to be at Arpinum on the 28th, and then to spend some days in my various villas. I am very glad you approve of the line of conduct I pro- pose to follow. The clemency of Caesar, compared with Pompey's desertion of his friends, is doing our cause much harm. 4. The two Balbi both assure me that Caesar's views are moderate and pacific. I suppose Pompey may have reached Brundisium by now, but the ' monster ' shews remarkable energy. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Epistolam meam quod pei"volgatam scribis esse, non fero moleste : quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam ; ea enim et acciderunt iam et impendent, ut testatum esse velim, de pace lo quid senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer eum praesertim hominem, non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus, quam si id, quod eum hortarer, convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si ' admirabilem ' dixi, quoniam eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus ne viderer adsentari, cui tali in re lubenter 15 Verr. 2 Act. 1. 15, 40 ' ad adversaries trans- 5. Ne quo inciderem, so. 'in Cae- eas;' also Ep. 71 ) 2. The reports to which sareni." Cicero refers were false. Cp. Inlr to Part 6. Proxime, 'last.' Forcell. Ill, § 8 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 37 and 40. 7, Interponens, ' expressing.' Forcell. I. Summa autem, either ' spes est,' or ' the general import of the rumours is.' 8. Epistolam meam. Cicero means a 3. Esset .. putabatur, epistolary tenses. letter he wrote to Caesar. The passages Ad Capuam. The preposition is in- quoted from it in this letter are found in seried because the neighbourhood of Capua Ep. 64 : but if that be really the letter here is meant. That place and Luceria were referred to, there is some confusion about held for Pompey, and Caesar could not the dates. count on being admitted within the walls 9. Quin etiam, 'nay, even.' of either. Cp. Madv. 232. 10. Testatum : cp. Ep. 29, 20, note. 4. Leptam: cp. Ep. 27, 2, note. 13- Quod eum hortarer, 'which I Et litteras = ' cum litteris.' advised him to do.' Cp. Ep. 38, 2, note. Y 2 324 M. TULLII CICERO NTS [part III. me ad pedes abiecissem. Qua autem est 'aliquid impertias temporis/ non est de pace, sed de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet ; nam quod testificor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo scripsi, quo in suadendo 5 plus auctoritatis haberem, eodemque pertinet, quod causam eius probo. Sed quid haec nunc ? utinam aliquid profectum esset ! 2 ne ego istas litteras in contione recitari velim, si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico proposuit epistolam illam, in qua est ' pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis/ Amplioribusne 10 quam suis, quam Africani ? Ita tempus ferebat ; si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium, — quid nunc ipsum unde se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo? quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum vestri similes non modo frequentes, sed laeto voltu gratulantes viderit ? ' Num igitur pec- I. Qua autem est . . cogitet, 'but where the words " bestow some time " occur, I meant " on thoughts — not of peace b\it — of myself and of my obliga- tions to Ponipey." ' To entreat any citizen 'to bestow some time' on thoughts of peace would be humiliating to Cicero. The words de pace may be taken dif- ferently ; 'that does not refer to peace.' Wesenb. has ' quod autem est,' ' whereas I say.' With the use of ' est ' in 1. i, cp. Ep. 37. 3. P- 257- 3. Nam quod . . haberem, 'for as to my protest that I have taken no part in the war, though that rests on good evidence (and therefore I might mention it simply for my own sake), my object in making it was to give more weight to my recommendation (of peace).' On this sense of ' nam,' cp. Ep. 9, 8, note. 5. Eodemque pertinet.. probo,' and the same is the object of my saying that I approve his plea.' Cp. Ep. 64, 2. For this sense of ' pertinet,' cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 5. 10, 25 ' summa illuc pertinet ut sciatis.' The expressions of Cicero's letter to Caesar had apparently been criticised as too adula- tory in tone. A more serious charge might be based on the difference of its language from that of the two letters to Pompey, Ad Att. 8. 1 1 B and D. 6. Quid haec nunc, sc. ' commemoro.' 7. Velim. The pres. conj. is used of things still possible, where in English we should use the imperf. Cp. Ep. 35, 2, note. Si quidem, ' seeing that.' Ille ipse, Pompeius. 8. In publico proposuit = 'promul- gavit ' (Forcell.), ' published.' 9. In 'qua est, 'in which the words occur.' This letter was an answer of Pom- pey's to Caesar's demands (cp. Ep. 52, 3); it is mentioned, apparently, Ad Att. 7. 17, 2, and was drawn up by Sestius. 10. Suis, sc. Pompeii. Cicero cavils at the use of the superlative amplissimis, apparently. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 26, 2 ' at qui- bus verbis I " pro tuis rebus gestis amplissi- mis." ' Ita tempus ferebat, 'such language was required by circumstances.' 'Ferre = re- quirere postulare.' Forcell. Si . . vos duo tales . . miliarium, 'if two such men as you and Sex. Peducaeus think of going as far as the fifth milestone to meet Caesar.' For the coupling together of Atticus and Peducaeus, cp. Ad Att. 7. 13, 3; 7. 14. 3; 7. 17, I. 11. Qjiid nunc ipsum,' why just now?* Cp. Madv. 487, Obs. I. Unde se recipienti, sc. Caesari, ' con- sidering whence he is reluming.' The best MS. has apparently ' quod ad nunc ipsum unde se recipienti.' Boot's suggestion, adopted by Baiter, is ' quid nunc ipsum de se recipient!,' ' what pledges is Caesar willing to take ' as to his future conduct ? ' Unde' seems, however, to make good sense. Cae- sar was returning from a victory won over his countrymen. Wesenb. suggests ' quo,' sc. ' Romam ' for ' quod ' or ' quid ' before ' nunc ipsum.' If ' quid ' and ' unde ' be re- tained there should I think be a comma after ' ipsum.' 12. Ille, Caesar. 14. Frequentes, 'thronging to meethim.' Num igitur peccamus? Atticus is sup- posed to ask. EP. 55.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM VIII. <). 2,^0 camus?' Minime vos quidem ; sed tamen signa conturbantur, quibus voluntas a simulatione distingui posset. Quae vero senatus 3 consulta video ? sed apertius, quam proposueram. Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum villulas nostras errare, quas visurum me postea desperavi. Evy^v?] tua consilia et tamen 5 pro temporibus non incauta mihi valde probantur. Lepido qui- dem — nam fere avvhirjixepevoiJiev, quod gratissimum illi est — num- quam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo multo minus ; crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. Sed me illorum sen- tentiae minus movebant ; minus multa dederant illi rei publicae lo pignora ; tua me hercule auctoritas vehementer movet ; adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum plau- sus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum ofFensiones in optima ? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum deser- 15 torem amicorum ? et mehercule quamvis amemus Gnaeum nos- trum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris 1. Minime vos quidem. Cicero means that he had no right to reproach them, though in another place he had said that as much would be expected from them as from the noblest. Cp. Ep. 48, 3. In another passage (Ad Att. 7. 17, I ) he re- marks ironically, that they might fairly be angry with Pompey, as the war had caused a great depreciation of property. Conturbantur, ' are confused.' 2. Q_uibus . . distingui posset, ' which might enable us to distinguish men's real from their pretended sentiments.' Quae vero senatus consulta. I can- not find an account of any decrees passed between Pompey's departure from Rome and Caesar's arrival there. But probably they were ambiguous and timid. 3. Apertius, sc. 'scribo.' 4. Pridie Kal., sc. Mart. Q_iias . . desperavi, 'which I despaired of ever visiting again.' Probably when Caesar crossed the Rubicon Cicero feared coiiiiscation. 5. FiVyevij, 'generous.' Tivvaios is more common in this sense ; but cp. Soph. Ant. 38 ; Philoct. 874. 6. Lepido. M'. Aemilius Lepidus Livi- anus was consul in 66 b.c, when Cicero was praetor. 7. (TvvSir]ixipevoix(v, 'pass our days together.' The word occurs Arist. Rhet. 2.4. 8. Tullo. A L. Volcatius TuUus was consul in 66 B.C., and another was praetor in 46 B.C., and consul in 33 B.C. Cicero probably refers to the former. Crebro enim . . commeant, 'I often have letters of Tullus forwarded to me by people to whom he writes.' 10. Movebant, epistolary tense. 11. Pignora, 'pledges of attachment.' Cicero's past services were pledges for his future conduct. Cp. In Cat. 4. 5. 9 ' habe- mus . . a C. Caesare . . sententiam tamquam obsidem . . voluntatis.' Tua . . auctoritas. Atticus advised Cicero not to be in a hurry to leave Italy. Cp. Ep. 63, 6. 12. Reliqui temporis . . tuendi, 'of keeping what I have now, and of recover- ing in future what I have lost.' Metzg. For ' tempus ' used in this sense, cp. Ep. 99. 3- 13. Alterum plausus . . in optima. On the ace. and inf. as a subject, cp. Ep. 54, 7, note, p. 322. Caesar's vigour and modera- tion had won general applause (see Ep. 59, 2 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 23), while Pompey was blamed for not marching to the aid of Domitius at Corfinium. Cp. Ad Att. 8.7, 1 . 14. Offensiones quaerere, 'to incur unpopularity.' Cp. Livy 25, 6 ' ignominia quaereretur.' 15. Conservatorem, especially at Cor- finium. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 2. 17. Talibus viris. Domitius and his comrades at Corfinium, among whom was 326 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part III. non subvenit, laudare non possum ; nam sive timuit, quid igna- vius? sive, ut qviidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore putavit, quid iniustius ? sed haec omittamus ; augemus enim dolorem retractando. VI. Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad 4 5 me venit, occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem, missu Caesaris, cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provin- ciae, Romam ut redeat, cui persuaderi posse non arbitror, nisi erit conventus. Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem, quam ut Pompeium adsequeretur — id credo — et rediret in gratiam : id lo non credo et metuo ne omnis haec dementia ad t unam illam crudelitatem colligatur. Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam principe Pompeio sine metu vivere : tu puto haec credis. Sed, cum haec scribebam v. Kalend., Pom- peius iam Brundisium venisse poterat : expeditus enim ante- 15 cesserat legiones XI. Kal. Luceria. Sed hoc repas horribili vigi- lantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane quid futurum sit nescio. Cicero's friend P. Lentulus Spinther. Of Domitius himself Cicero had no good opinion. Cp. Ad Att. 8. I, 3 'quorum nemo nee stultior est quam L. Domitius.' This charge against Pompey seems groundless ; he had only two legions of doubtful fidelity, and some raw levies to oppose to Caesar's veterans. Cp. Ep. 51, 2. 2. Meliorem . . fore putavit. Pom- pey might expect to gain in two ways : by the horror which cruelty on Caesar's part would excite, and by the removal of an impracticable partisan in Domitius. But the insinuation that he contemplated such a result seems simply malignant. 4. Retractando, ' by handling it anew,' ' by recurring to its cause.' Cp. the use of ' manus adferre,' Ep. 16, 2, note. vi. Kal., sc. Mart. = ' Feb. 24.' Balbus minor. Nephew and namesake of the better-known Balbus, mentioned Ep. 27, 2. The nephew shewed great pride and cruelty as quaestor in Baetica after Caesar's death. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 32, 1-3. 6. Cum promissione provinciae. Caesar might promise to use his influence to secure for Lentulus the administration of a lucrative province, and, as Lentulus was much embarrassed (see Ep. 80, 6 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 4), such an offer would be very grateful to him. 7. Ut redeat, 'on condition of his return.' Cp. Ep. 54, 5, note. Nisi erit conventus, sc. Lentulus. Cp. Ad Att. 10. 4, II 'opus fuit Hirtio con- vento.' 8. Ut . . adsequeretur. Caesar might wish to overtake Pompey in order to bring .him to an engagement, Cicero suggests. Balbus probably meant that he wished for a friendly interview. 10. Ne omnis haec . . colligatur, ' lest Caesar be acquiring all this reputation for clemency with a view to the one act of cruelty he contemplates,' i. e. the execu- tion of Pompey, which suspicion seems to have been groundless. ' Sullanam ' and ' Cinnanam ' have been suggested as emend- ations for ' unam.' For 'coliigere demen- ti am,' cp. De Amic. 17, 61 ' benevolentiam coUegere;' De Legg. I. 19, 50 ' rumorem bonum coliigere.' * Clementia ' seems to mean ' a reputation for clemency.' 12. Principe Pompeio. These words are not used I think in a technical sense, and merely mean ' while Pompey is the chief man in the state,' ' under the pre-eminence of Pompey.' 13. Puto (ironical), 'I suppose.* Forcell. 15. Legiones. The two legions which he had recalled from Caesar (see Ep. 48, 2, note), and others of recruits. He crossed the Adriatic with five (cp. Intr. to Part III, § 2, note 16). ripas, 'monster.' Not apparently used quite in this sense in classical Greek. EP.55.] EPISTOLARUM AB ATTTCUM VIII.w. 327 56. To ATT I CUS (AD ATT. VIII. 11). FoRMiAE, Feb. 27, (Baiter) 49 B.C. (705 a.u.c.) I. I am not so much agitated as you suppose, and spend all my time in studying the portrait of a statesman drawn in my work on the Commonwealth, 2. Pompey is not such a man : he only cares for sovereignty, and intends to assail Italy with the forces of the East, and to rule like Sulla. If he and Caesar had desired it, a peaceful settlement was quite possible. 3. I give you, as you requested, my views of the future. We neutrals have to dread the vengeance of both parties. 4. Italy will next summer be the scene of a ruinous struggle, and I see no topic of consolation. 5. Caesar is well satisfied with me, and is anxious to persuade the consul Lentulus to stay in Italy. 6. I send you two hasty letters from Pompey, with my replies. 7. I am anxious to know the result of Caesar's march to Brundisium. I>et me hear what good citizens say at Rome, and send me the book of Demetrius of Magnesia, upon concord. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem, sed non tam magno quam tibi fortasse videor ; Icvatur enim omnis cura, cum aut constitit consilium aut cogitando nihil explicatur ; lamentari autem licet. Illud tamen totos dies ; sed vereor ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecori sim studiis ac 5 litteris nostris. Consumo igitur omne tempus considerans, quanta vis sit illius viri, quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. Tenesne igitur, rnodera- torem ilium rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio : 'ut enim guber- 10 I. Quod me . . putas, 'as for your but a scandal, thinking.' Cp. Ep. 26, 2, p. 182. 7. Quanta vis sit . . expressimus, 3. Cum aut constitit . . explicatur, 'how great is the nature, or character, of 'when one has either come to a fixed deci- the statesman whom I have described care- sion, or can do no good by deliberating.' fully enough, as you think, in my book on Cp. Billerb., Wiel. On the tenses, cp. Madv. the Commonwealth.' 335 b, Obs. I ; and on the mood, Ep. 44, 8. Ut tibi . . videmur : cp. Ep. 54, 4, 7, note. note, p. 320. 4. Illud tamen, either ' facio,' sc. ' la- Tenesne igitur . . omnia? 'Do you mentor,' or, referring to the following words, remember what I would have the staresnian supp. ' itero,' ' I keep repeating for whole already referred to make the standard of his days the following words,' sc. sed vereor whole conduct?' For this sense of ' tenes,' . . nostris, which Orell. marks as a quo- cp. Virg. Eel. 9. 45 ' numeros memini si tation. Boot removes the full stop at verba tenerem;' and of referre, Cic. De 'licet' and substitutes 'quidem' for 'tamen.' Leg. I. 1, 5 'cum in ilia ad veritatem . . . Madvig (.■\dvers. Crit. 2. 236) also suggests referaiitur . . pleraque.' The passage Cicero ' quidem.' quotes from the ' Commonwealth ' is only 5. Ne, nihil cum proficiam etiam . preserved here. .. sim, ' lest since I do no good, I may 9. Nam = 70/), 'you may remember, even be a disgrace,' i.e. not merely useless, for.* 328 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part hi. natori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit ; huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi ilium 5 esse perfectorem volo.' Hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea num- 2 quam, tum in hac causa minime cogitavit : dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum, beata et honesta civitas ut esset. Nee vero ille urbem reliquit, quod earn tueri non posset, nee Italiam, quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnes 10 terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentes feras armatas in Italiam adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur, multis, qui una sunt, cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse ? hodie potest ; sed neutri (TKOTiO^ est ille, 15 ut nos beati simus : uterque regnare volt. Haec a te invitatus 3 breviter exposui ; voluisti enim me, quid de his malis sentirem, ostendere. n/3o0eo-7rtCv ! 10 sed quanta tempestas impendeat, vides. Qui translerint sena- 4 tores, scribam ad te, cum certum habebo. De re frumentaria recte intellegis, quae nullo modo administrari sine vectigalibus only begin when the actual consuls went out of office; secondly, because the interrex tnight be hostile and influence the election against him. 2. In libris, so. 'auguralibus :' books containing an account of the rules of the augura! system. Cp. De Dom. 15, 39. A praetore . . creari, 'should be elected under the presidency of a praetor.' The same thing is afterwards expressed by ' ro- gari.' 4. Eo non esse ius, so. 'a praetore creari.' Eo =' ideo.' Cp. Madv. 256, Obs. 3. 5. Non sit ius. The conjunctive is used because the passage is a quotation. Cp. Macv. 368 ; 369. Ita rogentur . . sint, ' are elected to be colleaguts of the consuls.' This perhaps was derived from the original institution of the praetorship, when the praetor may have held a position of greater equality with the consuls than he afterwards enjoyed. Cp. Livy 6. 42 ; "J. l. According to Mommsen (Staatsrecht 2. "Jl, ep. 176) the consuls were called ' praetores maiores,' or even less correctly ' praetores maximi ' after the in- stitution of the praetorship. The term ' praetor maximus ' applied more correctly to the dictator. Cp. Livy 7, 13. 7. Hoc, 'that a praetor /way preside at consular elections,' referring to the beginning of this section ' qui consularia comitia a praetore ait haberi posse.' On the point at issue, cp. A. Gell. N. A. 13. 15, a quotation from Messalla. A me decerni. Caesar seems to have desired the sanction of Cicero's judgment as augur. Galba. Orell. (Onom. sub nom.) thinks that P. Sulpicius Galba is meant, and that he was now augur. He was one of the judges of Verres. Cp. Ep. i, i, note. Or the refer- ence may be to Ser. Sulpicius Galba, one of Caesar's officers in Gaul, but afterwards one of hi: assassins. Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 50 ; Ep. 135. Scaevola, Q. Mucins Scaevola, son of the augur under whom Cicero had studied law (cp. Intr. to Part I, § i), and second cousin of the pontifex maximus murdered by order of the younger Marius. He was tribune in 55-54 B.C. (cp. Ad Att.4. 16, 7), and now augur. He had been one of Q, Cicero's ' cohors ' in Asia, and afterwards apparently legate of Ap. Claudius in Cilicia. Cp. Ad Fam. 3. 5, 5. 8. Cassio. Qi Cassius Longinus, now tribune (cp. Appendix 6, § 5), and appa- rently augur. He was brother to the more Cflebrated C. Cassius who conspired against Caesar, and whom Orell. supposes to be meant here as having been augur at the time referred to. But C. Cassius was with Pompey probably. Cp. Ep. 83, 4, note. Antonio. M. Antonius, afterwards tri- umvir. 9. Tore fxoi xafoi evpua xOwv 1 Hom. II. 4. 182. 10. Quanta tempestas impendeat, 'what a storm of danger threatens us!' Translerint, ' have crossed the sea with Poiupey.' 11. Certum habebo, 'shall have sure intelligence on the point.' Cp. Ep. 128, I ' hiemem credo adhuc prohibuissequo minus de te certum haberemus.' De re frumentaria, 'about the com- missariat of Pompey's army.' Billerb. Metzg. 12. Sine vectigalibus, 'without regu- lar revenues.' Metzg. has ' ohne besondere Auflagen,' ' without special imposts.' EP. 62.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM IX. 9. 345 potest, nee sine causa et eos, qui circum ilium sunt, omnia postu- lantes et bellum nefarium times. Trebatium nostrum, etsi, ut scribis, niliil bene sperat, tamen videre sane vclim ; quern fac horteris ut properet ; opportune enim ad me ante advcntum Caesaris venerit. De Lanuvino statim, ut audivi Phameam mor- 5 tuum, optavi, si modo esset futura res publica, ut id aliquis meorum, neque tamcn de te, qui maxime meus es, cogitavi ; sciebam enim te quoto anno et quantum in solo solere quaerere, neque solum Romae, sed etiam Deli tuum digamma vidcram : verum tamen ego illud, quamquam est bellum, minoris aestimo, 10 quam aestimabatur Marcellino consule, cum ego istos hortulos propter domum Antii quam turn habebam, iucundiores mihi fore putabam et minore impensa, quam si Tusculanum refecissem. Volui t .NSQ. Egi per praedem, ille daret, Antii cum haberet venale : noluit. Sed nunc omnia ista iacere puto propter num- 15 morum caritatem. Mihi quidem erit aptissimum vel nobis potius, 1. Eos qui circum . . . postulantes, 'the friends ot'Pompey and their immoderate demands ' for taxation, forced loans, etc. 2. Trebatium : cp. Ep. 27. 4. Opportune . . venerit, 'it will be convenient if he visits me before Caesar's arrival' at Formiae. Cicero would be glad to have Trebatius' advice. Manut. 5. De Lanuvino, 'about the estate of Phamea near Lanuvium.' This Phamea was a freedman, and grandfather, appa- rently, of the famous singer, M. Tigellius. Gp. Ad Att. 13. 49, 1; Ad Fam. 7. 24; Her. Satt. i. 2, 3 ; 1. 3. 4. Orell. Onom. sub nom. Tigellius. 6. Si modo . . res publica, ' if only constitutional government were likely to continue.' Ut id aliquis meorum, sc. ' emeret,' which Wesenb. inserts. 8. Quoto anno, 'in how many years you would be repaid.' Q_uantum in solo, 'how much the pro- duce of the soil is.' Metzg. ' Res soli' = ' quae terra nituntur ut aedes, agri, plantae et ceterae res immobiles quae solo coniun- guntur.' Force!!. Mr. Jeans renders 'the whole stock.' Boot, following Manutius, thinks the words mean ' how soon it would repay you the money you had spent on it,' supplying 'posuisses.' But the ellipse would be harsh and the 'et' superfluous. 9. Deli. Cicero visited Delos on his voyage to Cilicia in 51 B.C. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 13. I. Digamma, perhaps = F. for ' fenus,' which may have been written on the ac- count-books of Atticus. Boot, however, doubts if Atticus would have any account- books at Delos, and offers no explanation of the passage. 10. Illud, sc. 'praedium.' Minoris aestimo, ' set a smaller value on,' probably on account of the troubled state of public affairs. 11. Marcellino consule, i.e. in 56 B.C. Istos, 'those gardens.' Cicero's memory seems to have failed him here. For he had meant to buy, not the estate here men- tioned, but one called Troianum. Cp. Ad Att. 9. 13, 6. 13. Minore impensa, sc. 'fore,' 'would cost less.' Cp. Ep. 6, 2, on the ablat. Refecissem, ' had restored ' after its devastation by Clodius. On which, cp. lutr. to Part I, § 20. 14. Volui, sc. 'emere.' .NSQ.. So the best MS., Wesenb., Boot, and Orell., read H.S.Q., which Boot e.xp!ains as = 'quingentis sestertiis ' = about £4500. Klotz. reads H.S.D., which would give the same amount. Egi per praedem, foil., 'I applied to a surety to pay the money, as the proprietor offered the estate for sale at Antium,' Boot thinks the passage inexplicable, but suggests no emendation. Wesenb. suggests ' egi per * praedium ut ille venderet :' * representing a name which has dropped out. 15. Omnia ista . . caritatem, 'that all 34^ M. TULLII CICERONIS [part III. si tu emeris. Sed eius dementias cave contemnas : valde est venustum. Ouamquam mihi ista omnia iam addicta vastitati videntur. Respondi epistolis tribus, sed exspecto alias ; nam me adhuc tuae litterae sustentarunt. D. Liberalibus. 63. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. IX. lo). FoRMiAE, March i8, (705 a.u.c.) r. I have nothing really to say, but to converse with you by letter is my only relief. 2. I regret that I did not follow Pompey as a soldier follows his general. I saw him full of alarm just after the middle of January, and his subsequent errors have estranged me from him. Now my old affection revives, and I am eager to fly to him. Yet what cruel threats he used ! how he appealed to the example of Sulla ! 3. History has branded men who have sought restoration to their country by foreign aid ; and even Marius, Sulla, and Cinna, who appealed to their own countrymen, did much harm after their triumph. But now that Pompey has left Italy all seems changed, and I am only anxious to hasten to his side. Yoi; approve of my delay ; 4-6. I have just turned over a roll of your letters, which I preserve carefully. Your constant advice was, 'If Pompey leaves Italy do not follow him ; ' and, when I thought you hinted that I had better depart, you wrote to deprecate such a course. 7. Then you suggested that I should remain if M'. Lepidus and L. Volcatius did so ; and they have remained. In your other letters 8, 9. you gave no hint that my conduct had been at all discreditable. 10. You told me that Peducaeus approved my plans. I hope you will defend my conduct before others, as you approved it yourself. We hear nothing of Caesar's return. Reading over your letters has calmed me a good deal. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 5 Nihil habebam, quod scriberem ; neque enim novi quicquam l audieram et ad tuas omnes rescripseram pridie ; sed, cum me aegritudo non solum somno privaret, verum ne vigilare quidem sine summo dolore pateretur, tecum ut quasi loquerer, in quo uno acquiesco, hoc nescio quid nullo argumento proposito scri- 10 bere institui. Amens mihi fuisse videor a principio et me una 2 haec res torquet, quod non omnibus in rebus labentem vel potius landed property is depreciated on account of D. = dedi. the scarcity of money.' Liberalibus, 'the festival of Liber, 1. Sed eius dementias, foil., ' but do March 17. Cp. Ovid, Fasti 3. 713. not disregard his foolish extravagance,' ' do not take his so-called improvements at his 5. Habebam, epistolary tense. Cp. Ep. own valuation.' In substance, Metzg. I, i, note. Eius, sc. Phameae. 9. Nullo argumento proposito, 2. Addicta vastitati, 'sentenced to 'without setting before myself any special devastation ' in the impending civil war. subject.' Cp. Ep. 56, 4. II. Omnibus , . ruentem, 'though all 4. Litterae seems to be used here of more his measures shewed a want of firmness, or than one letter. Cp. Ep. 79, 3, note. rather a hasty despair.* Sustentarunt, 'have been my support.' EP. 63.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IX.xo. 347 ruentem Pompeium tamquam unus manipularis secutus sim. Vidi hominem xilii. Kal. Febr, plenum formidinis : illo ipso die sensi, quid ageret ; numquam mihi postea placuit, nee umquam aliud ex alio peccare destitit. Nihil interim ad me scribere, nihil nisi fugam cogitare. Quid quaeris? sicut Iv roi'i epcortKoT? alie- 5 nant immundae, insulsae, indecorae, sic me illius fugae negle- gentiaeque deformitas avertit ab amore ; nihil cnim dignum faciebat, qua re eius fugae comitem me adiungerem. Nunc emergit amor, nunc desiderium ferre non possum, nunc mihi nihil libri, nihil litterae, nihil doctrina prodest : ita dies et 10 noctes tamquam avis illa^ mare prospecto, evolare cupio ; do, do poenas temeritatis meae. Etsi quae fuit ilia temeritas ? quid feci non consideratissime? Si enim nihil praeter fugam quaere- retur, fugissem libentissime, sed genus belli crudelissimi et maximi, quod nondum vident homines quale futurum sit, per- 15 horrui. Quae minae municipiis ! quae nominatim viris bonis ! quae denique omnibus, qui remansissent! quam crebro illud 3 ' Sulla potuit, ego non potero?' Mihi autem haeserunt ilia: male Tarquinius, qui Porsenam, qui Octavium Mamilium contra 1. Unus manipularis, 'like one of the philosopher wishes that he could fly his private soldiers,' i. e. without criti- awa)' like a bird from the gardens in which cising his measures. This use of ' unus ' he was detained by Dionysiiis. illustrates the derivation of an indefinite 12. Temeritatis, 'of my rash confi- article from it in modern languages. Cp. De dence ' in the possibility of peace. Orat. I. 29, 132 ' sicut unus paterfamilias.' Etsi, ' and yet.' 2. xini. Kal. Febr., 'on Jan. 17.' 13. Quaereretur, sc. ' a Pompeio.' On This meeting probably took place some- the tense, cp. Madv. 347 b, Obs. 2. where between Rome and Formiae; Cicero 14. Genus belli, foil., 'the nature of a was at Formiae on the 21st. Cp. Ad Att. war which must be most cruel and exten- 7. 12, 2. sive.' Cp. § 3. 3. Qiiid ageret, 'his intention ' of leav- 16. Quae minae . . remansissent! ing Italy to return with a foreign army. ' what threats were uttered against the 4. Scribere . . cogitare, infin. hist. country towns ! against good patriots indi- Cp. Madv. 392. vidually ! in a word, against all who should 5. Quid quaeris? 'in a word.' Cp. remain!' On the plup. 'remansissent,' cp. Ep. 7, 6. Ep. 56, 5, note. 6. Insulsae. Insulsus translate 'est in- Nominatim: cp. Ad Att. 11. 7. 2 ' ut eptus, insuavis.' Forcell. me exciperet et Laelium nominatim.' With Illius, Pompeii. the general sense of the passage, cp. Epp. 7. Deformitas, ' unseemliness.' 5^' 2; 62, 2. Nihil .. dignum faciebat, foil., 'his 18. Sulla potuit, sc. 'armis recuperare conduct gave me no sufficient reason for rem publicam.' Matth. Ponipey probably joining him in flight.' On the mood of hoped to imitate Sulla's victorious return • adiungerem,' cp. Madv. 363 ; and for this from the East. use of qua re, lb. 440 b, Obs. i, and 372 Mihi . . haeserunt ilia, 'I could not b, Obs. 6. get rid of the following thoughts.' 'Haerere* 10. Doctrina, 'philosophy.' On the ='insidere,' ' infixum esse.' Forcell. On sing, prodest, cp. Ep. 34, 6, note, p. 238. the dat., cp. Madv. 241, and § 4 below. 11. Tamquam avis ilia, 'like the bird 'In mente' is often added to the dative. in Plato.' Cp. Plat. Ep. 7. 348 A, where 19. Male.sc. ' fecit.' Cp.p. 70, uoteoal.7. 348 M. TULLII CICERO NTS [part III. patriam, impie Coriolanus, qni auxilium petiit a Volscis, recte Themistocles, qui mori maluit, nefarius Hippias, Pisistrati filius, qui in Marathonia pugna cecidit arma contra patriam ferens. At Sulla, at Marius, at Cinna recte. Immo iure fortasse ; sed 5 quid eorum victoria crudelius? quid funestius? Huius belli genus fugi, et eo magis, quod crudeliora etiam cogitari et parari vide- bam. Me, quern non nulli conservatorem istius urbis, quern parentem esse dixerunt, Getarum et Armeniorum et Colchorum copias ad earn adducere? me meis civibus famem, vastitatem lo inferre Italiae ? Hunc primum mortalem esse, deinde etiam multis modis posse exstingui cogitabam, urbem autem et populum nos- trum servandum ad immortalitatem, quantum in nobis esset, putabam, et tamen spes quaedam me oblectabat fore, ut aliquid conveniret potius, quam aut hie tantum sceleris aut ille tantum 15 flagitii admitteret. Alia res nunc tota est, alia mens mea : sol, ut est in tua quadam epistola, excidisse mihi e mundo videtur. Ut aegroto, dum anima est, spes esse dicitur, sic ego, quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit^ sperare non destiti : haec me fefellerunt, Mamilium contra patriam, sc. ' con- citavit.' Wesenb. puts * after ' patriam,' and thinks that ' arcessivit,' or some similar verb, has dropped out. 3. Cecidit. Justin. (2. 9) says that Hippias fell at Marathon ; Herodotus and Thucydides say nothing on the subject. 4. At Sulla, 'yes, but Sulla.' Cp. Madv. 437 c. I have adopted Boot's punctuation. Cinna. L. Cornelius Cinna, consul 87- 84. B.C. For his history, cp. Livy, Epitt. 79-83; Veil. 2. 20-24; ^^'^ fo'' that of Sulla, Livy, Epitt. 77-90 and Plutarch's life. Recte, sc. 'arma contra patriam tulit.' 'Recte,' sometimes = 'utiliter,' 'as their interests demanded.' Forcell. Immo iure fortasse, 'nay, perhaps they had right on their side.' Cp. Madv. 454. Boot, however, following Manutius, thinks that 'recte' conveys more approba- tion than ' iure,' and that Cicero means, ' they did not do rightly, though perhaps there was some justification for them.' On the meaning of ' patria,' cp. Ep. 7, 3, note. Mr. Jeans renders 'iure' ' right in principle,' i.e. in not appealing to foreign invaders. He thinks that ' recte ' conveys stronger approbation than 'iure.' 5. Huius belli genus, 'a war of this kind.' Cp. § 2. 6. Crudeliora, 'worse atrocities ' than had marked earlier struggles. 7. Me . . adducere? 'was I to lead? Cp. Ep. 12, I, note, on the construction. Non nulli: Cato, Plut. Cic. 23 ; Pom- pey, Cic. Philipp. 2. 5, 12 ; Catuius, Pro Sest. 57, 121. 8. Getarum, foil. The rudest tribes of the East are mentioned on purpose, and the campaigns of Pompey in the East may have given him great influence with them. ID. Hunc, i.e. Pompey. Matth., who thinks Cicero is excusing himself for prefer- ring his country to a fiiend. Manutius, in one note seems to think that Pompey, in another that Caesar is referred to. 12. Quantum in nobis esset, 'so far as in me lay.' Cp. Madv. 364, Obs. 2, on the mood. 13. Et tamen, 'moreover.' Metzg. 14. Hie, sc. Caesar. Tantum sceleris, ' so great a crime ' as attempting to usurp sovereignty. Ille, Pompey. Tantum . . flagitii, 'such a scandalous enormity' as employing barbarians to rav- age Italy. Forcell. defines 'flagitium' as ' quodvis facihus cum dedecore infamiaque coniunctum.' Boot and Matthiae give the sense of the passage as I have given it. 15. Alia: cp. Ep. 47, 4. 16. Ut est : cp. Ep. 55, i, note. 18. Haec me fefellerunt, "these anti- cipations deceived me.' EP.63.J EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IX. 10. 349 et, ut verum loquar, aetas iam a diuturnis laboribus devcxa ad otium domesticarum me rerum delcctatione mollivit. Nunc, si vel periculose experiundum erit, experiar certe, ut hinc avolem. Ante oportuit fortasse ; sed ea, quae scripsi, me tardarunt et 4 auctoritas maxime tua. Nam cum ad hunc locum vcnissem, 5 evolvi volumen epistolarum tuarum, quod ego stib signo habeo servoque diligentissime. Erat igitur in ea, quam X. K. Febr. dederas, hoc modo : ' sed videamus, et Gnaeus quid agat et illius rationes quorsum fluant : quod si iste Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male et, ut ego existimo, aAoyto-rws : sed tum 10 demum consilia nostra commutanda erunt.' Hoc scribis post diem quartum, quam ab urbe discessimus. Deinde VIII. K. Febr. : ' tantum modo Gnaeus noster ne, ut urbem aAoytWcoj reliquit, sic Italiam relinquat.' Eodem die das alteras litteras, quibus mihi consulenti planissime respondes ; est enim sic : * sed 15 venio ad consultationem tuam. Si Gnaeus Italia cedit, in urbem redeundum puto ; quae enim finis peregrinationis }' Hoc mihi plane haesit, et nunc ita video, infinitum bellum iunctum miser- 5 rima fuga, quam tu peregrinationem v-noKopiCj]. Sequitur xp'70"Mos 1. Devexa ad otium, 'declining to- then, to have left the neighbourhood of wards a peaceful evening.' There is a com- Rome on Jan. 17. bination of two thoughts — 'declining to its 13. Tantum modo . . relinquat, 'pro- evening,' and • disposed for rest ' — which vided only that Pompey do not leave Italy makes the passage difficult. as he has left Rome.' 'Tantum modo ' = 2. Domesticarum . . delcctatione, ' dum modo.* Forcell. 'the pleasure arising from my domestic life.' 15. Est enim sic (cp. § i), 'it runs as On the gen., cp. Ep. 4, 2, note. follows.' 3. Experiar ut avolem: cp. Madv. 16. Consultationem tuam, ' the point 372 a. on which you consult me.' Metzg. *Con- 4. Oportuit: cp. Ep. 4, i, note, on the sultatio' = ' actus petendi consilii.' Forcell. mood. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 12, 4, for Cicero's question. Ea, quae scripsi, ' the reasons I have Italia. On this ablat. cp. Madv. 262; written.' Zumpt, 468. 5. Cum . . venissem, 'when I had 17. Quae enim, sc. 'esset si eum seque- written thus far.' Metzg. remur.' 6. Volumen, 'the roll,' 'collection' of 18. Haesit, 'made a deep impression on your letters = ' quia unum quasi corpus con- me.* Cp. § 3. ficiunt.' Forcell. Ita video, sc. 'fore,' 'I foresee the fol- 7. Erat : cp. ' ut est,' above. lowing result.' X. K Febr., ' Jan. 21.' Infinitum bellum, sc. 'fore,' For a 9. Illius . . fluant, ' at what Caesrir's similar ellipse cp.Epp. 15, 10, note; 59, 2, note, plans aim.' ' Fluere ' = ' spectare.' Forcell. Iunctum miserrima fujga : cp. De Iste, Pompeius. Orat. 2. 58, 237 ' Insignis iaiprobitas et 10. d\oyioTQjs, 'unreasonably.' The scekre iuncta.' adverb seenis rare. 19. Peregrinationem, 'as a tour,* 're- Tum demum . . erunt, 'it will be sidence abroad.' only then that we shall have to change our viroKopi(ri, 'call euphemistically,' ' gloss plans.' over.' Liddell and Scott. n. Post diem quartum. Ciceroseems, XP^'^I^'^^- 'prophecy.' 35© M. TULLII CICERONIS [part in. VI. K. Februarias : ' ego, si Pompeius manet in Italia nee res ad pactionem venit, longius bellum puto fore ; sin Italiam relin- quit, ad posteioim bellum acmovbov strui existimo.' Huius igitur belli ego particeps et socius et adiutor esse cogor, quod et 5 aa-TTovbov est ^/ cum civibus. Deinde vii. Idus Febr., cum iam plura audires de Pompeii consilio, concludis epistolam quandam hoc modo : ' ego quidem tibi non sim auctor, si Pompeius Italiam relinquit, te quoque profugere ; summo enim periculo facies nee rei publicae proderis, cui quidem posterius poteris prodesse, si lo manseris.' Quem (piXonaTpiv ac hoXitikov hominis prudentis et amici tali admonitu non moveret auctoritas ? Deinceps III. Idus e Febr. iterum mihi respondes consulenti sic : ' quod quaeris a me fugamne t fidam an moram desidem utiliorem putem, ego vero in praesentia subitum discessum et praecipitem profectionem 16 cum tibi, tum ipsi Gnaeo inutilem et periculosam puto, et satius esse existimo vos dispertitos et in speculis esse ; sed medius fidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare.' Hoc turpe Gnaeus noster biennio ante cogitavit ; ita sullaturit animus eius et pro- scripturit iam diu. Inde, ut opinor, cum tu ad me quaedam ao yevLKooTepov scripsisses et ego mihi a te [quaedam] significari putassem, ut Italia cederem, detestaris hoc diligenter XI. K. Mart. : ' ego vero nulla epistola significavi, si Gnaeus Italia cederet, ut tu una cederes, aut, si significavi, non dico fui inconstans, sed 1. Nee res .. venit = 'et res non venit.' MS. reading, and gives a tolerable sense. Cp. Ep. 9, 4, note. i6. Vos, 'you and Pompey.' 2. Longius . . fore, 'I think the wiT Dispertitos, foil., 'in different places, will be prolonged ' in Italy. and on the watch.' 3. Ad posteruni . . existimo, 'I 18. Biennio ante. Pompey can hardly think the materials for a desperate war at a have foreseen the exact course things would later time are being collected.' take, but he may have spoken of a war be- dcTTrovSov, quite classical. tween East and West as possible. 5. VII. I dus Febr., ' Feb. 7.' Sullaturit .. et proscripturit, 'iseager 7. Non sim auctor, 'I should not ad- to imitate Sulla, and to repeat his pro- vise you.' Cp., on the tense, Ep. 5, 3, note. scriptions.' 8. Te . . profugere. On the mood, 19. Inde, 'for this reason,' because of cp. Madv. 396. The conjunctive would be the intentions of Pompey. more common. lb. 372 a. 20. ytviKajTepov, 'in more general Summo . . periculo, sc. ' tuo,' 'at the terms.' Orell. See Ep. 7, 2, note on p. 48, greatest risk to yourself.' 1. I. 10. (piXonaT piv, 'patriot.' Polyb.I.14. A te . . significari, ' that you indicated TToAtTi/coj/, ' statesman.' tome.' Forcell. Cp. Ep. 19, i. 13. Fugamne + fidam, 'a flight, which 21. Detestaris .. diligenter, 'you are would shew your loyalty to Pompey.' careful to protest against this.' Desidem is Kayser's suggestion for the 23. Non dico = 'non modo.' Cp.Zumpt, MS. ' dtffendam.' He also suggests ' citam' L. G. 724. for 'fidam,' but the latter is apparently the Inconstans, 'inconsistent.* EP. 63.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM IX. 10. 351 demens.' In eadem epistola alio loco: 'nihil relinquitur nisi fuga, cui te socium neutiquam puto esse oportere nee umquam 7 putavi.' Totam autem banc deliberationem evolvis accuratius in littcris viii. Kal. Mart, datis : 'si M'. Lepidus et L. Volea- tius remanent, manendum puto, ita ut, si salvus sit Pompeius 5 et constiterit alicubi, hanc veKviav relinquas et te in certamine vinci cum illo facilius patiaris quam cum hoc in ea, quae per- spicitur futura, colluvie regnare/ Multa disputas huic sententiae convenientia ; inde ad extremum 'quid si' inquis 'Lepidus et Volcatius discedunt? plane cnropCd. Quod evenerit igitur et quod 10 egeris, id arepKiiov putabo.' Si turn dubitaras, nunc certe non 8 dubitas, istis manentibus. Deinde in ipsa fuga v. Kal. Martias : ' interea non dubito quin in Formiano mansurus sis ; commo- dissime enim to jxiWop ibi KapaboKT!]aeLi'r]ais ' vuepev ' me sola adhuc delectavit. Litteras tuas vehementer exspecto, quas quidem 4 credo iam datas esse. Tu cum Sexto servasti gravitatem eandem, 15 quam mihi praecipis. Celer tuus disertus magis est quam sapiens. De iuvenibus quae ex Tullia audisti vera sunt, t Maconi istud, 2. Provincia, Spain, which Pompey had governed for some years as proconsul, and where his legates now commanded an army of seven legions. Cp. Intr. to Part II, §§8; 14; Part III, § 8; Appendix 7. 3. Iste nummarius: cp. § 2, note, and for the word, p. 58, 1. 4. 4. Oratores, ' the negotiators ' between Caesar and Pompey, = ' legati.' Forcell. 5. Sed tamen . . est, 'but this very conduct is worthy of an honest man.' Hoc ipsum, I presume, means 'to argue for peace even under unpromising circum- stances.' The words are introduced as from one persuading Cicero to act as mediator. I have adopted Orelli's punctuation. 6 Magnum . . a k( jxixaTwv, 'it is a great question, and one truly to be classed among political problems.' Cp. Ad Att. 9. 4. 2 for examples of similar disputed ques- tions. 'S.KfixfiaTa occ. Plat. Rep. 435 C. I have adopted Orelli's reading as making sense with the slightest departure from that of the MS., which appears to have ' mag- num sit TWV TTO\. cr/f.' 8. Qua re, 'since there is this difficulty.* Ut arcessamur, 'as that I should be sent for to Rome.' Quod . . non euro, 'for which I am not anxious, >= ' cnrae habeo.' Cp. Sail. lug. 14, 'curare iniurias sociorum.' 9. Dixi, 'I told Caesar.' Cp. Ep. 67, I. Valde repudiavit, 'was l)y no means satisfied therewith,' ' Repudiare ' = ' respu- ere,' ' reiicere.' Forcell, 10. Sed tamen, resumptive : cp. Ep. 15. 16, p. 102. The words might either of them stand alone in this sense. IT. Qjiod maioris consilii esset, 'such as to require more consideration.' On the mood, cp. Ep. I, I, note; and on the genit, Epp. 46; 77, 3._ 12. Trebatii : cp. Ep. 27. Verbis, ' expressions.' 13. Tuaque . . vnipfv, 'your frequent exclamation "most admirable."' Atticus had probably often used this expression in his letters to Cicero about the latter's con- duct. (K' 4. Sententiam dicere, i.e. as a se- nator. 5. Ilium rogari prius. Gabinius, as an old supporter of Caesar, might be asked his opinion before Cicero, both being con- sulars. A good deal depended on the will of the presiding officer. Cp. Ep. 6, 2, note. In the year 43 B.C. the consul Pansa asked Q^ Fufius Calenus his opinion first, Cp. Philipp. 5. I, I. 6. Clodium. This is generally referred to Sextus Clodius, a dependent of the Clo- dian family, who had been banished for taking part in the disturbances of 52 B.C. Cp. Epp. 109; no. The nature of his connection with Atticus is obscure; P. Clo- dius is called ' sodalis' of Atticus. Cp. Ad Att. 2. 9, 3; 2. 15, 2. C. Ateii. A C. Ateius is mentioned Ad Fam. 13. 29, 2 ; De Divin. i. 16, 29 ; and Plaguieius, on whom cp. De Dom. 33, 89, may have been a worthless protege of his. The best MS. has Cateli. 7. Colligo, ' count up.' Metzg. Meos necessarios, 'my own friends,' i.e. men like Vatinius, whom he had de- fended at Caesar's request. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 10. 9. Liceat, sc. ' in senatum venire.' The independence which Cicero had shewn in not appearing in the senate at Caesar's request (see next note) might make Caesar exclude him when he wished to attend. 10. Quod . . non venerim. The tense of 'venerim' is accounted for by 'satis fecisse' after 'scribunt' being a present perfect. Cp. Ep. 10, 2 ; Zumpt, L. G. 514, 515. On the facts cp. Ep. 67, i. 11. Tamenne . . esse? 'shall I still think of recommending myself, even at some risk, to a man whom 1 was unwilling to join for my own profit?' that is, at an earlier time, when Caesar would have been very grateful for Cicero's support. On this use of 'an,' cp. Madv. 453; Zumpt 354. ' Tamenne interrogantis est, et urgentis.' Forcell. 13. Non esse iudicium, foil., 'that the decision of the whole contest does not depend on the fate of the Spanish provinces.' For this sense of 'esse in,' cp. Ep. 8, 2, note. Or, ' will not take place in.' ' Iudicium esse' = ' decerni.' Boot. The phrase setms only to occur here. 15. Themistocleum, ' like that of The- mistocles,' in the interpretation he put on the oracle as to the ' wooden walls.' Cp. Herod. 7. 143 and 144. 374 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part III. est ; existimat enim, qui mare teneat, eum necesse esse rerum potiri. Itaque numquam id egit, ut Hispaniae per se tenerentur ; navalis apparatus ei semper antiquissima cura fuit. Navigabit igitur, cum erit tempus, maximis classibus et ad Italiam accedet, 5 in qua nos sedentes quid erimus ? nam medios esse iam non licebit. [Classibus] adversabimur igitur? quod mains scelus vel tantum denique? quid turpius? An qui t valde hie in absentes solus tuli scelus, eiusdem cum Pompeio et cum reliquis princi- pibus non feram ? Quod si iam misso officio periculi ratio 5 10 habenda est, ab illis est periculum, si peccaro, ab hoc, si recta fecero, nee ullum in his malis consilium periculo vacuum inveniri potest, ut non sit dubium quin [turpiter facere] cum periculo fugiamus, quod fugeremus etiam cum salute. Non simul cum Pompeio mare transiimus. Omnino 7i07i potuimus : exstat ratio 15 dierum. Sed tamen — fateamur enim quod est — ne contendimus quidem, ut possemus. Fefellit ea me res, quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit : pacem putavi fore, quae si esset, iratum mihi Caesarem esse, cum idem amicus esset Pompeio, nolui ; 2. Per se, ' by himself in person.' Those provinces had been governed by legates of F'ompey since 55 b.c. Boot. Cp. Intr. to Part II. §§8; 14. 3. Antiquissima, 'most important ' = ' potissima.' Forcell. ^. Sedentes. 'Sedere* = 'otiosum esse.' Forcell. Medios . . licebit, 'I shall not be allowed to be neutral any longer.' For this sense of ' medius,' cp. Forcell. ; and on the accus. and infin. after 'licet,' Madv. 393 c, Obs. r. 7. Denique ='omnino' (Forcell), 'at all.' An qui, foil. These words are clearly corrupt. Kayser suggests ' an qui valide huic obstans eius solus tuli scelus, eiusdem ;' Hofmaiin ' an invadentis, in absentes solus tuli scelus.' 8. T u 1 i = ' resisted.' Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 3. 19 'factum est . . ut ne unum quidem nostrorum impe'.um ferrent.' Cicero refers probably to his behaviour in an interview with Caesar. Cp. Ep. 67. Cum Pompeio, foil., 'with Pompey and the other nobles by my side.' 9. Misso officio, 'dismissing the notion of duty.' Cp. Ep. 12, I ; also Pro Muren. It;, 33, ' mitto praelia ;' also Ep. 12, i. 10. Ab illis, 'from thefriendsofPompey.' Ab hoc, ' from Caesar.' 12. Ut non sit dubium, 'sothatlhave no scruple.' In this sense the words are usually followed by an infinitive. Madv. ,^75 c, Obs. 2; who mentions, however, Pro Leg. Man. 23, 68 ' nolite dubitare quin huic uni credatis omnia.' Cum periculo fugiamus, sc. ' id,' 'a course now that it is dangerous.' On the omission of ' id,' cp. Madv. 321. 14. Transiimus. An objection by a critic of Cicero's conduct. ' I shall be told " I did not cross the sea with Pompey." It was quite impossible.' On this use of the perf. indie, cp. Ep. 45, 4. The best MS. has ' transierimus,' which can hardly be construed. Exstat ratio dierum, 'a calculation of the days is open to any one,' • is public' 'Exstare' = 'apparere.' Forcell. Cicero com- plained (Ad Att. 9. 2 a, 2) that Pompey only informed him of his plans when Caesar had already cut off the communication between them. 16. Fefellit me, foil. 'I was mistaken about a point where perhaps I ought to have avoided mistakes, but did not. I thought there would be peace.' 17- Qjiae si esset. On the tense, cp. Madv. 382. 18. Cum idem . . Pompeio, ' at the same time that he was a friend of Pompey.* Cp., on this use of ' idem,' Ep. 20, i, note. EP. 71.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM Z. 8. ^n senseram eniin, quam iidem essent. Hoc verens in banc tardi- tatem incidi. Sed assequor omnia, si propero ; si cunctor, amitto. 6 Et tamen, mi Attice, auguria quoque me incitant quadam spe non dubia, non haec collegii nostri ab Atto, sed ilia Platonis de tyrannis : nullo enim modo posse video stare istum diutius, 5 quin ipse per se etiam languentibus nobis concidat, quippe qui florentissimus ac novus VI, vii. diebus ipsi illi egenti ac perditae multitudini in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum rerum simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello, divi- tiarum in aerario. lam, quibus utatur vel sociis vel ministris, 10 si ii provincias, si ii rem publicam regent, quorum nemo duo menses potuit patrimonium suum gubernare ? Non sunt omnia colligenda, quae tu acutissime perspicis, sed tamen ea pone ante oculos : iam intelleges id regnum vix semestre esse posse. Quod si me fefellerit, feram, sicut multi clarissimi homines in re publica 15 excellentes tulerunt, nisi forte me Sardanapali vicem [in suo 1. Iidem, 'like each other,* Boot. ' Of one mind,' Hofm., Metzg. ' Like what they were in 59 b.c' Billerb. The latter meaning is supported by Ep. 25, I. But Mr. Jeans remarks that the words 'qui fuerant ' follow in that passage. Cicero feared that he might be sacrificed by Caesar and Pompey, as in 59-58 B.C. Cp. Ad Att. 8. II D, 7. In hanc . . incidi. ' Incidere in' = ' to make a mistake, or get into a difficulty, through negligence or mischance.' Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. I. 11, 31 'qua stultitia fuissem si . . in earn diem ego cum potuissem vitare incidissem.' Cp. below, § 7. 2. Assequor omnia, ' I make good everything ' = ' abunde resarciam quidquid omissum est.' Gronov. ap. Boot. On the tense, cp. Madv. 339, Obs. 2 a. 3. Et tamen, ' moreover.' Billerb. 4. Non haec . . ab Atto, 'not the familiar auguries of our college derived from Attus' Navius. ' Ab' is used here nearly in the same sense as in quotations. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 21, I 'nihil tibi opus est illud a Trabea.' On the historical allusion, cp. Livy I. 36. Platonis: cp. Rep. 8. 562, foil.; Cic. De Rep. i. 43. 6. Quin . . concidat, 'without falling,' Cp. Ep. 60. Languentibus nobis, 'if we sit still.' Cp. In Pisoii. 33, 82 ' languet inventus nee ... in laudis et gloriae cipiditate versatur.' 7. Novus, 'a new comer,' after his long absence in Gaul. Sex septem, a proverbial expression. Cp. Hor. Epp. T. I, 58 'sed quadringentis sex septem millia desunt.' Tl e reference is to the short interval between Caesar's return to Rome from Brundisium and his departure for Spain. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 8. He gave offence to the needy by the moderation of the plan he proposed for relief of debtors, and to the citizens in general by his harsh treatment of Metellus and by his seizure of the contents of the treasury. Cp. Mommseu 4- 2, 378-.^82 ; Intr. 1. c. 8. Multitudini. On the dat., cp. Madv. 241, Obs. 3. 10. Iam =' praeterea.' Forcell., and Ep. 5. 4- . Quibus utatur, sub. ' cogita,' or per- haps ' necesse est,' ' what allies he has,' or ' must use.' Metzg. would supply the first. Wesenb. suggests ' utetur.' 12. Gubernare, 'keep the management of,' i.e. avoid bankruptcy. This is a sneer at men like Curio, Dolabella, and Antony. 13. Colligenda, 'to be strung together' in this letter. Metzg., Billerb. Ea. The things which Cicero thinks it needless or unsafe to mention. 14 Quod si me fefellerit, ' if I am mistaken in this.' Cp. Ep. 67, I, note. Supp. ' haec opinio,' Manut, 16. Nisi forte . . Themistocleo, ' unless you suppose I had rather die like Sardanapalus than like Themistocle?.' As the words 'nisi forte' introduce something in opposition to feram, they would natu- rally be followed by ' maluero,' for Cicero's 37^ M. TULLII CICERONIS [part III. lectulo] mori malle censueris quam exsilio Themistocleo, qui cum fuisset, ut ait Thucydides, tS)v [ikv TtapovToov 8t' eAaxiVr/js j3ov\rjs KpuTLO-Tos yvcoixoiv, tSiv 8e jj-eWovToov is TrXelcrTov rod yevr]- (TOfxivov apidTos clKacrTi]^, tamen incidit in eos casus, quos vitasset, 6 si eum nihil fefellisset. Etsi is erat, ut ait idem, qui to aixeivov Kol TO x^lpov ev 7(5 acparel (tl ecopa jnciAtora, tamen non vidit, nee quo modo Lacedaemoniorum nee quo modo suorum civium invi- diam effugeret nee quid Artaxerxi polliceretur. Non fuisset ilia nox tam acerba Africano, sapientissimo viro, non tam dirus ille lo dies Sullanus callidissimo viro C. Mario, si nihil utrumque eorum fefellisset. Nos tamen hoc confirmamus illo augurio, quo diximus, s nee nos fallit nee aliter accidet : corruat iste necesse est aut per adversarios aut ipse per se, qui quidem sibi est adversarius patience would only be discredited by bis really despairing, not by Atticus' expecta- tion that he would despair. A similar pas- sage occurs, however, DeSenect. 6, 17 ' non viribus . . res magnae gerunlur sed consilio auctoritate sententia ; quibus non modo non orbari sed etiani augeri senectus solet : nisi forte ego vobis . . . cessare nunc videor.' Hofm. The general drift of the passage is, ' I will bear the consequences of any mis- calculation I may make, even if they involve a death in exile ; and I shall not make a greater mistake, nor fare worse, than many wise men have dnne before me. Sardanapali vicem, 'like Sardana- palus.' A rare sense of the word. P~orccll. Cp. Zumpt, L. G. 453. On the accus., cp. Madv. 237 c, Obs. 3, The death of Sar- danapalu« is described by Diod. Sic. 2. 27, and by Ctesias ap. Athen. 12. 7. In the latter passage K\ivaL are mentioned as having been placed on his funeral pile ; and this may perhaps justify the retention of the words in sue lectulo. But they convey an idea so contrary to the usual associations with the death of Sardanapalus, and their combi- nation with 'Sardanap:xli vicem ' is so harsh, ' like Sardanapalus in his bed,' that I have foUoweJ Boot in putting them in brackets. Their insertion may have been suggested by Ad Att. 10. 14, 3, or Ad Fam. 9. iS, 2. Athenaeus (1. c.) quotes from Chtarchus a story that Sardanapalus died in old age, but the import of Cicero's remark surely is, ' unless I prefer suicide to exile.' Mr. Jeans thinks that the bracketed words present no difficulty, if we (l) supply some such word as ' exstincti,' and (2) suppose that the con- trast intended is one between death at home and death in exile. The expression ' in lectulo mori ' is found Ep. 87, 2 ; Ad Att. 10. 14, 3. Wesenb. has ' in meo lectulo.' 1. Exsilio Themistocleo, abl. modi : cp. Madv. 257. Qui, of course, Themistocles. Wesenb. suggests the insertion of 'in' before 'exsilio.' 2. Ut ait Thucydides: cp. Thuc. i. 138. Cicero quotes from memory, for Thucydides has raiv t( Trapa^prifja . . Kal TO)!/ nekkuvTcuv km. In the next passage Thucydides has ro re dfitivov rj \upov, and ■npotojpa. 8. Quid . . . polliceretur, ' what he would have to promise' (Wiel., Metzg.), i.e. t ) reduce Greece to subjection under the king of Persia. Cp. Corn. Nep. Themist. 10; Plut. Themist. 31. On the tense of ' polliceretur,' cp. note on ' quae si esset,' supra, § 5 and Madv. 378 a, 2. I lla nox. The younger Scipio was found dead in his bed the day after he had ad- dressed the people in perfect health. His wife Sempronia and C. Carbo were both suspected of his murder. Cp. Veil. 2.4; Cic. Somn. Scip. 2. I 2 (De Rep. 6,12); Livy, Epit. 59. 9. Ille dies Sullanus, 'the day of Sulla's triumph,' which was followed bv his own exile and the death of P. Sulpicius.' Cp. App. Bell. Civ. I. 55-60; Veil. 2. 17-19. 11. Hoc, i.e. 'my own inference from Caesar's conduct.' Illo augurio, sc. Platonis. Quo diximus, attraction for 'quod.' Cp. Hor. Satt. I. 6, 15 ; Livy i. 29 ' quibus quisque poterat elatis.' 12. Nee nos fallit, foil., 'and I am not mistaken, and the issue will be as I expect' For ' fallit' without a subject, cp. Ep. loS, 2. 13. Per se, ' by his own errors.' For EP. 71.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM X. 8. ^n unus acerrimus ; id spero vivis nobis fore. Quamquam tempus est nos de ilia perpetua iam, non de hac exigua vita cogitare. Sin quid accident maturius, baud sane mea multum interfuerit, utruni factum videam, an futurum esse multo ante viderim. Quae cum ita sint, non est committendum, ut iis paream, quos contra me 5 9 senatus, ne quid res publica detriment! acciperet, armavit. Tibi sunt omnia commendata, quae commendationis meae pro tuo in nos amore non indigent. Nee hercule ego quidem reperio, quid scribam ; sedeo enim -nXovhoKcav : etsi nihil umquam tam fuit scri- bendum quam nihil mihi umquam ex plurimis tuis iucunditatibus 10 gratius accidisse quam quod meam Tulliam suavissime diligentis- simeque coluisti — valde eo ipsa delectata est, ego autem non minus — , cuius quidem virtus mirifica. Quo modo ilia fert publi- cam cladem ! quo modo domesticas tricas ! quantus autem animus in discessu nostro ! est a-Topy-i], est summa avvTiq^is : tamen nos 15 10 recte facere et bene audire volt. Sed hac super re nimis, ne meam ipse (rvixnaOnav iam evocem. Tu, si quid de Hispaniis the thought, cp. Philipp. 2. 45, ii6 ' tui te, iiiil.i crede. diutius non ferent.' Qui quidem . . est. On the mood, cp. Ep. 3. 3, note. 1. Unus strengthens the superlative. Cp. Ad Fan). 15. 16, 3; Philipp. 2. 3, 7 ; Ad Att. 3- 23, .S. ' 2. Ilia perpetua . . hac exigua. The pronouns seem to compare what is future with what is present. Cp. Madv. 4S5 a. Iam, ' at my age,' even if my life is not shortened by violence. Sin quid . . maturius, 'if anything befall me previously,' i.e. ' if I die.' Cp. Philipp. I. 4, 10 'si quid mihi hnmanitus accidisset.' The vvoids refer to Cicero's desire to witness Caesar's fall, expressed just above. ' Matuiius ' = ' id quod festi- natius fit : cui opponitur sero, tarde, lente.' Forcell. 5. lis, i.e. Caesar and his friends. Quos contra. On the position of ' contra,' cp. Pro Muren. 4, 9, ' ilium ipsuni quern contra veneris.' Me senatus . . armavit. Cicero, as a proconsul, having ' imperium,' was included in the commission mentioned Ad Fam. 16. 1 1, 2 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 5 ; A| pendlx 6, § 5. 6. Tibi . . commendata, ' I have en- trusted all I have to you.' 7. Commendationis. On the genit., cp. Madv. 295, Obs. 3. Pro tuo . . amore. ' considering your affection for me.' Cp. Madv. 446. 9. Sedeo . . irKovhoKOJV, ' for I remain merely waiting for fine weather,' which would account for his not moving about to collect news. The Greek word seems not to occur elsewhere. Etsi. Hofm. has collected various pas- sages where this word seems to mean ' how- ever,' or 'but:' e.g. Ad Att. 9. 7, 5 ; 9- 19,1. 10 Iucunditatibus, ' courtesies ' = ' iu- cundis ofliciis.' Forcell. 13. Cuius, Tulliae. Hofm. remarks that a relative does not always refer to the nearest substantive. Publicam cladem, ' the State's calam- ity,' ' the civil war.' 14. Tricas ='nugas' (Forcell.), 'troubles,' ' difficulties,' perhaps ' extravagances.' Quantus . . nostro, ' how high a spirit she shews in view of my approaching de- parture' to the camp of Pompey. On this sense of ' i n,' cp. Ep. 36, 13, note. 15. axiVTrf^is, lit. 'transfusion,' 'com- munion.' Not classical apparently. 16. Hac super re nimis, foil., ' I dwell too much on this, and must take care not to rouse my own feelings.' Metzg. Or, ' too much of this ; I must cease, lest,' etc. ' Super' with the abl. = 'de,' is not common in Cicero, and only occurs in his letteis. Hofm. 17. av inradiiav. Not classical, appa- rently. Evocem. The metaphorical sense of ^7^ M. TULLII CICERONIS [part III. certius et si quid aliud, dum adsumus, scribes et ego fortasse discedens dabo ad te aliquid, eo etiam magis, quod Tullia te non putabat hoc tempore ex Italia. Cum Antonio item est agendum, ut cum Curione, Melitae me velle esse, huic bello nolle interesse : 5 eo velim tam facili uti possim et tam bono in me quam Curione. Is ad Misenum VI. Nonas venturus dicebatur, id est hodie, sed praemisit mihi odiosas litteras hoc exemplo. 72. ANTONY TO CICERO (AD ATT. X. 8 A). May I (?) (705 A.u.c.) I. My remarkable affection for you makes me pay attention to rumours which I should otiierwise disregard, and I write, the more earnestly on account of our past disagreement, to dissuade you from leaving Italy. Both Caesar and I have the highest regard for you. 2. Do not join Pompey, who only served you after injuring you ; do not fly from Caesar, who is most interested in your well being. 'ANTONIUS TRIB. PL. PRO. PR. CICERONI IMP. SAL. Nisi te valde amarem, et multo quidem plus, quam tu putas, i non extimuissem rumorem, qui de te prolatus est, cum praesertim 10 falsum esse existimarem ; sed quia te nimio plus diligo, non pos- sum dissimulare mihi famam quoque, quamvis sit falsa, magni Fin. 1. 31, 99 ' probitatem . . non . . prae- mioium mercedibus evocatam.' Si quid, so. ' audieris.' 1. Dum adsumus, 'while I am still in Italy.' Cp. Ep. 69, 3, note, on the tense. 2. Te non putabat, sc. ' abiturum,' epistolary imperfect. Cp. Ep. I, I, note. 3. Cum Antonio . . est agendum, 'I must make representations to Antony.' The acciis. and infin. which follows is curious, and to be accounted for, probably, by ' agendum est' being considered equivalent to • dicen- dum est.' Cp. Snet. Tib. 54 ' egit cum senatu non debere talia proemia tribui.' On the meaning of ' agere cum aliquo,' cp. Ep. 5, 8, note. 4. Ut cum Curione. Cicero had asked Curio at an interview on April 14 to allow him to pass through Sicily on his way to Greece. Cp. Ad Att. 10. 4, 10. 6. Is, i.e. Antony. Ad Misenum, 'to his estate at Mise- num,' near Baiae (cp. Philipp. 2. 19, 48); or, 'to the neighbourhood of Misenum' (cp. Mad v. 232, and Ep. 54, 7, note). 7. Odiosas ='molestas, graves.' For- cell. Cp. Philipp. I. II, 27 ' video . . quam sit odiosum habere iratum eundem et arma- tum.' Hoc exemplo, 'of which I add a copy.' Metzg. TRIB. PL. PRO. PR. A tribune of the people was bound not to leave Rome for a whole day during his year of office (cp. Macrob. Sat. 1.3); but this restriction has been disregarded by C. Gracchus (Plut. C. Gracchus 10; 11), and Antony had re- ceived from Caesar a commission to govern Italy during his leader's ab.^ence, with the title of propraetor. He travelled about for some time in the discharge of his official duties (cp. Ep. 74, 5). 9. Rumorem. Of Cicero's intention to join Pompey. Manut. Prolatus, 'published,' 'put in circula- tion.' Cp. Ad Att. 15. 13, 1 ' orationem . . eius . . profereniiae arbitrium tuum.' 10. Nimio plus ' too much by far.' Cp. Hor. Carm. I. 33, I ' Albi ne doleas plus nimio.' EP. 72.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM X.^ A. 379 esse. Te iUiritni esse trans mare credere non possum, cum tanti facias Dolabellam et Tulliam tuam, feminam lectissimam, tanti- que ab omnibus nobis fias, quibus mehercule dignitas amplitu- doque tua paene carior est quam tibi ipsi ; sed tamen non sum arbitratus esse amici non commoveri etiam improborum ser- 5 mone, atque eo feci studiosius, quod iudicabam duriores partes mihi impositas esse ab offensione nostra, quae magis a zelotypia mea quam ab iniuria tua nata est. Sic enim volo te tibi per- suadere, mihi neminem esse cariorem te excepto Caesare meo, 2 Caesarem maxime in suis M. Ciceronem reponere. Qua re, mi 10 Cicero, te rogo, ut tibi omnia integra serves, eius fidem improbes, qui tibi, ut beneficium daret, prius iniuriam fecit, contra ne pro- fugias, qui te, etsi non amabit — quod accidere non potest — , tamen salvum amplissimumque esse cupiet. Dedita opera ad te Calpur- nium, familiarissimum meum, misi, ut mihi magnae curae tuam 15 vitam ac dignitatem esse scires.' Eodem die a Caesare Philotimus litteras attuHt hoc exemplo. 5. Etiam improborum sermone, 'by the talk even of unscrupulous people.' 6. Feci studiosiur, 'I have acted the more earnestly,' ' fulfilled this duty with the more zeal.' Quod iudicabam . . nostra, 'because I think our quarrel requires more of me,' i.e. he was the more bound to be watchful of Cicero's interest, as any neglect might be attributed to personal motives. Duriores partes mihi impositas esse =' plus a me exigi.' Boot. On the insertion of ab before ' offensione,' cp. Ep. 5, 10, note. 7. Zelotypia, 'jealousy.' It occurs Tusc. Disp. 4. 8, 18, but in Greek letters. Cicero gives ' obtrectatio' as a Latin equi- valent. Antony's jealousy arose from Cicero having been elected augur before him. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 13 ; Philipp. 2. 2, 4. 8. Iniuria tua, 'any wrong done by you.' Cp. Madv. 297 a. 10. Caesarem. Baiter inserts before this word from Crafander's edition the words ' meque illud una iudicare.* But neither Boot nor Hofmann sees any difficulty in the reading of the best MS., which I have fol- lowed. With the asyndeton, cp. p. 44, lines 5 and 6. 10. Reponere. This seems equivalent here to the simple verb ' ponere.' Cp. De Nat. Deor. 2. 21, 54 'non possuinus ea ipsa [sidera]non in deorum numero reponere.' 11. Eius, Pompeii. Fidem improbes, ' set no value on his honour.' Metzg. ' Pompeio ne te credas.' Manut. Pompey had promoted or sanc- tioned Cicero's banishment. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 20. 12. Qui tibi . . fecit, ' who wronged you first that he might serve you after- wards.' Cp. Ep. 54, 3 ' ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior.' Ne profugias, sub, 'eum.'sc. Caesarem. Cicero seems not to use this verb with an accusative after it. On the onnssion of ' euin,' cp. Ep, 34, 7, note. 13. Etsi = ' etiamsi.' Hofm. Quod accidere non potest, sc. ' ut te non amet,' 14. Dedita opera, = !« npoyotas (For- cell.), 'on purpose.' Calpurniuni. Perhaps the L. PibO mentioned Philipp. 10. 6, 13. 380 M. JULLII CICERONIS [part hi. 73. CAESAR to CICERO (AD ATT. X. 8 B). April 16, 49 b.c. (705 a.u.c.) 1. I do not think you are likely to act imprudently, but what I hear induces me to write and beg you not to join my enemies. Your doing so, now especially, would be a most serious blow to me. 2. What attitude can befit an honest man and good citizen better than neutrality during a civil war ? 'CAESAR IMP. SAL. D. CICERONI IMP. Etsi te nihil temere, nihil imprudenter facturum iudicaram, 1 tanien perinotus hominum fama scribendum ad te existimavi et pro nostra benevolentia petendum, ne quo progredereris pro- clinata iam re, quo Integra etiam progrediendum tibi non existi- 5 masses ; namque et amicitiae graviorem iniuriam feceris et tibi minus commode consuluerisj si non fortunae obsecutus videbere — omnia enim secundissima nobis, adversissima illis accidisse videntur — , nee causam secutus — eadem enim turn fuit, cum ab eorum consiliis abesse iudicasti — , sed meum aliquod factum 10 condemnavisse, quo mihi gravius abs te nil accidere potest ; quod ne facias, pro iure nostrae amicitiae a te peto. Postremo, quid 2 viro bono et quieto et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis .'' quod non nulli cum probarent, peri- culi causa sequi non potuerunt : tu explorato et vitae meae 2. Fama. Cp. 'rumoreni.' Ep. 72, i. during the war. O.i 'secutus,' cp. Ep. 61, 3. Ne quo progredereris, metaph. 3. ' that you will not take any step.' Metzg., 9. Abesse iudicasti, 'you decided to Forcell. The tense is ep stolary, depending be absent.' A similar construction is found upon ' existimavi.' Cp. Ep. I, I, note. Ad Fam. 7. 33, 2 ' mihi enim iudicatum est Proclinata iam re, 'now that affiirs . . otio perfrui* have taken a decisive turn.' Cp. Caes. Bell. Meum aliquod factum. On this use Gall. 7. 42 'adiuvat rem proclinatam Con- of the poss. pron., cp. Ep. 77> ^1 note, victolitavis.' II. Pro iure, ' foil., ' in accordance with 6. Si non . . videntur, 'if you shall the right which our friendship gives me.' On not seem to have yielded to circumstances this sense of the prep., cp. Zumpt. L. G. 31 2. (as you will not), for everything goes on as 13. Quod non nulli . . potuerunt, 'a I could wish.' For this use of enim, cp. course which some men, though they ap- Forcell. proved of it, could not adopt, owing to the Fortunae obsecutus. 'Ohsequi'= dangers which beset them,' e.g. the threats ' morem gerere, inservire.' Forcell. of Pompey against neutrals. Cp. Intr. to 8. Nee causam secutus, 'nor to have Part III. § 7; Ep. 80. 2. been influenced by the superior merits of his I4. E.xplorato . . iudicio, ' as the evi- cause.' If Cicero now joined Pompey, he dence which my life furnishes of my in- could not be influenced by prudence, nor by tentions, and the judgment which a friend original preference for his cause, but must should pronounce, are both clear.' Metzg. have been displeased by Caesar's conduct Hofai. EP. 74-] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM X. \f^. 381 testimonio ct amicitiae iudicio ncque tutius neque honestius reperies quicquam quani ab omni contentione abesse. XV. Kal. Maias ex itinere.' 74. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. X. 16). Near Cumae, May 14, (?) 49 b.c. (705 a.u.c.) I. Dionysiiis visited me early in the morning ; I was quite prepared to forgive hi n if his futile excuses liad not shewn that he looks down on me in my present position. 2. I am now merely waiting for a fair wind. Let me hear all rumours and all your anticipations. 3. Cato has abandoned Sicily needlessly ; I hope Cotta may put him to shame by holding Sardinia. 4. I have received offers from the commanders of a small force to put Pompeii into my hands, but I suspect a snare. 5, Ilortensius visited Terentia while I was away, and spoke of me witii respect. Antony's progresses are made in disreputable company. 6. Now that you have got rid of tiie ague and its consequences, come to me in Greece, and meanwhile write occasionally. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Commodum ad te dederam litteras de pluribus rebus, cum ad me bene mane Dionysius [fuit], cui quidem ego non modo placa- 5 bilem me praebuissem, sed totum remisissem, .si advenisset, qua mente tu ad me scripsera.s ; erat enim sic in tuis litteris, quas Arpini acceperam, eum venturum facturumque quod ego vellem ; ego volebam autem vel cupiebam potius esse eum nobiscum ; quod quia plane, cum in Formianum venisset, praeciderat, aspe- 10 rius ad te de eo scribere solebam. At ille perpauca locutus banc summam habuit orationis, ut sibi ignoscerem, se rebus suis impeditum nobiscum ire non posse. Pauca respondi, mag- 3. Ex itinere, 'on the march,' i.e. to Qua mente ='ea mente qua.' M.idv. Spain. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 8. 321 and 319. 7. Erat enim sic, 'for it is written as On the date, May 14, cp. Ad Att. 10. follows.' On this sen^e of ' est,' cp. Ep. 37, 17 I. 3 ; and on the tense, Ep. I, I, note. 4. Commodum, 'oppnrtunely.' Cp. Ad 10. Cum .. venisset. This was Lite Att. 13.9, I 'commodum discesseras heri.' in February. Cp. Ad Att. S. 5, i. Ad me. If ' fuit' is genuine, ' ad' must Praeciderat, 'had refused.' Cp. Ad be equivalent to ' apud,' a sense not uncom- Att. 8. 4, 2 ' numquam reo cuiquani . . tarn nion. Cp. Eorcell. praecise negavi quani hie mihi plane . . prae- 5. Bene mane,' very early.' 'Bene'= cidit.' ' valde.' Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 2. 70, 169 12. Hanc summam . . orationis, ' bene penitus.' ' made a speech of this substance.' 6. Totum remisissem, 'should have Ut sibi ignoscerem: cp. on the mood, forgiven him all.' 'Totum' is used thus Madv. 372 a with 374. absolutely Ad Q^ F. 3. I, I 'totum i;i eo est 13. Nobiscum ire, 'to acconq-^any me . . tectorium ut conciunum sit.' to Greece.' 38a M.TULLII CICERONIS [part III. num accepi dolorem, intellexi fortunam ab eo nostram des- pectam esse. Quid quaeris? fortasse miraberis : in maximis horum temporum doloribus hunc mihi scito esse. Velim ut tibi amicus sit : hoc cum tibi opto, opto ut beatus sis ; erit 5 enim tarn diu. Consilium nostrum spero vacuum periculo fore ; 2 nam et dissimulavimus et, ut opinor^ acerrime adservabimus. Navigatio modo sit, qualem opto, cetera, quae quidem consilio provider! poterunt, cavebuntur. Tu, dum adsumus, non modo quae scieris audierisve, sed etiam quae futura providebis scribas 10 velim. Cato, qui Siciliam tenere nullo negotio potuit, et, si 3 tenuisset, omnes boni ad eum se contulissent, Syracusis pro- fectus est ante diem viii. K. Mai., ut ad me Curio scripsit. Utinam, quod aiunt, Cotta Sardiniam teneat! est enim rumor. O, si id fuerit, turpem Catonem ! Ego, ut minuerem suspi- 4 15 tionem profectionis aut cogitationis meae, profectus sum in Pompeianum a. d. Illl. Idus, ut ibi essem, dum quae ad navi- gandum opus essent pararentur. Cum ad villam venissem, ven- tum est ad me : centuriones trium cohortium, quae Pompeiis sunt, me velle postridie [convenire] — haec mecum Ninnius 20 noster — ; velle eos mihi se et oppidum tradere. At ego tibi I. Fortunam. . esse, ' that he slighted Nullo negotio = 'sine ullo negotio.' me on account of my position.' Cp. ' nulla reda, nullis impedimentis ' Pro 2. Fortasse miraberis, sc. 'id quod Milon. lo, 28; Madv. 257. dicturus sum.' Potuit : cp. Ep. 4, i, note. 3. Hunc, sc. 'dolorem.' 11. Ad eum, for 'ad quem.' Cp. Madv. 4. Ut beatus sis, 'that you may be 323 b. prosperous.' 13 Cotta. M. Aurelius Cotta seems only 5. Tam diu, ' so long, and no longer.* to be mentioned by Cicero here and Ad Att. Consilium nostrum, ' my intention 'of 12. 22, 2, where he is spoken of as a learned leaving Italy. man. 6. Dissimulavimus, ' I have concealed Est enim rumor, sc. ' eum ita facturum.' my intentions.' This appears to be the read- On the occurrences here referred to, cp. Intr. ing of the best MS. ; Baiter and Wesenb. to Part III, p. 291, note 12. Cicero had not have ' dis>irnulabimus.' yet forgiven Cato for opposing the vote of a Adservabimus, 'shall keep them secret.' ' supplicatio ' in his honour. Cp. Ad Fam. 'Adservare' = ' summa diligentia custodire 15, 5, with Ad Att. 7. 2, 7. et occultare.' Boot. On ut opinor, cp. 16. Pompeianum: cp. Ep. 9, 11, note. Ep. 40, I, note. 17. Ventum est ad me, ' I received a 7. Navigatio : cp. Ep. 61, 5, note. deputation, which said.' On the accus. and Qjuae quidem .. poterunt, ' so far at infin. which follow, cp. below, § 5 ' misit . . least as it will be possible for forethought to puerum se ad me venire ;' and Madv. 395. provide for them.' Cp. Ep. 10, 2, note, on 19. Me velle postridie. Perhaps 'con- the position of 'quidem.' The conjunctive venire' is superfluous. Cp. Ep. 29, 9 ' te . . would be more common after ' quae quidem' ipsum cupio.' Boot, in this sense. Cp. Madv. 364, Obs. 1. Haec mecum, sc. ' locutus est.' On the 8. Dum adsumus, ' while I am still in ellipse, cp. Ep. 33, 4, note. L. Ninnius Italy.' Cp. 'dum scitur' Ep. 69, 3. Quadratus was a great friend of Cicero. 10. Cato : cp. Intr. to Part III, § 9, Cp. Ep. 19, 4, and Intr. to Part I, § 20. notes. 20. T ibi, ' I promise you.' Cp. Ep. 7, 5. EP. 74.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM X, 16. 383 postridie a villa ante lucem, ut me omnino illi ne vidercnt. Quid enim erat in tribus cohortibus ? quid, si plures ? quo apparatu? cogitavi eadem ilia Caeliana, quae legi in epistola tua, quam accepi, simul et in Cumanum veni, eodem die, et [simul] fieri poterat, ut temptaremur ; omnem igitur suspitionem 5 5 sustuli. Sed dum redeo, Hortcnsius venerat, et ad Terentiam salutatum deverterat ; sermone erat usus honorifico erga me. Tamen eum, ut puto, videbo ; misit enim puerum se ad me venire. Hoc quidem melius quam collega noster Antonius, 6 cuius inter lictores lectica mima portatur. Tu, quoniam quar- 10 tana cares, et nedum novum morbum removisti, sed etiam gravedinem, te vegetum nobis in Graecia siste, et litterarum aliquid interea. 1. A villa. It does not appear where ; perhaps at Cumae. 2. Quid enim . . cohortibus, ' what was the value of three cohorts ?' Cp. Ep. 9, 12, note. Quid, si plures? sc. ' essent, temptan- dum erat?' Quo apparatu? sc. ' temptaturi eramus aliquid ?' Abl. instr. : cp. Madv. 254. 3. Eadem ilia Caeliana, 'the same exploits of Caelius of which I wrote before.' Cp. Ad Att. 10. 12, 6, alib. The allusion is obscure. It is often referred to a Caelius who raised a force to oppose Sulla in Italy, and who is apparently noticed, according to one reading, in Plut. Pomp. 7. It is just possible that Cicero may have already heard that M. Caelius Rufus was discontented with Caesar. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 12. 5. Fieri . . temptaremur, 'it was possible that people were trying to entrap me.' On the mood, cp. Madv. 373. Oranem . . suspitionem sustuli, 'I removed all ground for suspicion,' which Caesar's friends would have felt if he had even listened to the proposals made. 6. Dum redeo: sc. 'in Cumanum.' Manut. Cp. for the tense Ep. 69, 3, note. Hortensius, son of the great orator. He was a man of dissipated character (cp. Ad Att. 6. 3, 9 ; 10. 4, 6), who now served Caesar, but after his death supported and obeyed Brutus as governor of Macedonia, and was put to death after Philippi by Antony's order, in revenge for the death of C. Antonius, whose execution Hortensius had ordered. Philipp. lo, 5 and 6 ; Plut. Brut. 28. Ad Terentiam . . deverterat, 'had visited Terentia to greet her.' Cp. Madv. Ad Att. 10. 10, 5 'hie 41 1, on the use of the supine. 8. Tamen, ' though he had called with- out finding me at home.' Cp. Ep. 29, 21, note. Wesenb. has ' iam.' Misit , . venire : cp. § 4, note. 9. Hoc quidem melius, sc. 'fecit.' Cp. p. 327, 1. 4, note, on the ellipse. Collega, as augur. Antony's elec'.ion is referred to Ep. 41, i 10. Mima : cp tamen Cytherida secum lectica aperta portat, alteram uxorem ;' also Philipp. 2. 24, 58. Quartana : cp. Ad Att. 10. 15, 4 ' te a quartana liberatum gaudeo.' It was a fever returning every fourth day. Forcell. 11. Nedum. Forcell. thinks that this is used in a sense resembling that of 'non dicam ' and a similar sense is found in a letter of Balbus and Oppius. Ad Att. 9, 7 A, I. But it seems not to be Ciceronian, and Wesenb. thinks that something has dropped out, e.g. ' non modo.' He reads ' et . . novum.' Novum morbum. Perhaps the dis- order was Svaovpia, mentioned Ad Att. 10. 10, 3. 12. Gravedinem, 'cold in the head.' 'catarrh.' Perhaps an usual consequence of the sickness from which Atticus had been suffering. Boot reads ' novum morbum removisti,' omitting ' nedum,' and putting ' sed etiam gravedinem ' in brackets. The best MS. has ' novum vel nedum.' Te vegetum . . siste, 'present yourself to me,' 'let me find you in good health in Greece.' ' Vegetus ' = ' incolumis, vividus.' Forcell. Et litterarum aliquid, sc. ' mitte,' ' and meanwhile write to me.' Cp. on the ellipse Epp. 9, 8 ; 15, 10, notes. 3«4 M. rULLII CICERONIS [part III. 75. To TERENTIA (AD FAM. XIV. 7). On shipboard in the port of Caieta, (?) June 7. 49 b.c. (70.5 A.U.C.) I. I can relieve you and Tullia from all anxiety as to my health, thanks to the aid of some god, to whom I hope you will make a fitting acknowledgment. 2. I think I have a good vessel, and writ-' on board; I will recommend you and Tullia to several friends by letter. I know your firmness, and will spare exhortations. I hope you will be free fiom annoyance in Italy, and that I shall be able to serve the state with others like myself. 3. Take care of your health, and, if possible, stay in villas remote from any mditary post. Marcus sends his good wishes. TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE SAL. PLURLMAAI. Omnes molestias et sollicitudines, quibus et te misernmam 1 habui, id quod mihi molestissimum est, et Tidliolam, quae nobis nostra vita dulcior est, deposui et eieci ; quid causae autem fuerit, postridie intellexi, quam a vobis discessi : ■)(o\i]v aKparov noctu 5 eieci ; statim ita sum levatus, ut mihi deus aliquis medicinam fecisse videatur, cui quidem tu deo, quern ad modum soles, pie et caste satis facies [id est Apollini et Aesculapio], Navem 2 spero nos valde bonam habere ; in earn simulatque conscendi, haec scripsi. Deinde conscribam ad nostros famihares multas 10 epistolas, quibus te et TulHolam nostram dihgentissime com- mendabo. Cohortarer vos, quo animo fortiore essetis, nisi vos fortiores cognossem quam qucmquam virum. Et tamen eius modi spero negotia esse, ut et vos istic commodissime sperem Caieta. In Ep. 54, 6, Cicero had written th.it he had ships ready at Caieta and at Brundisium in case he decided to sail for Pompeys cimp. I. Quibus . . habui, ' owing to which I kf pt you in a very ujieasy state.' Cp. Nagelsb. 1 10. 300; Pro Flacco 29, 71 'cur unus tu ApoUonidenses . . miseriores habes quam aut Mithridates aut . . pater tuus habuit usquam.' On the abl. ' quibus,' cp. Ep. 74, 4, note. 3. Quid . . fuerit, ' what has been the reason ' for my ill-health. On the tense cp. Ep. 71, 3, note ; and on the gen. ' causae,' Madv. 2S5 b. 4. Postridie . . discessi. He had ap- parently parted from them at his vilLa near Cumae. Cp. Ep. 74, 4-5. )(^o\fjv aKpaTov. He uses Greek words perhaps for delicacy's sake, or, as Mr. Jeans says, as Latin is used now: cp. Ep. 104, i. 5. Eieci =' evomui.' Forcell. Medicinam fecisse, ' to have adminis- tered a remedy.' ' Facere ' = ' adferre.' For- cell. Cp. De Oral. 2. 44, 186 ' adhibere medicinam.' 7. Satis facies =' gratias ages.' Frey. ' coles.' Forcell. On the mood and tense, see Ep. II, 3. 11. Quo='ut eo,' 'that by so much.' Cp. Madv. 440 b, Obs. I. 12. Et tamen : cp. Ep. 71, 6. 13. Spero esse, foil. Cicero here twice uses the present iiitiaitive with 'spero.' Cp. Ep. I, T, note. Istic, ' in Italy.' Commodissime . . esse : cp. Ad Fam. 14. I8, I ' tuto esse;' also Epp. 4, 1 ; 49, notes. KP. 76.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VIII. i-,. 3S5 esse et me aliquarido cum similibus nostri rem publicam defen- 3 suros. Tu primum valetudinem tuam velim cures ; deinde, si tibi videbitur, villis iis utere, quae longissime aberunt a mili- tibus. Fundo Arpinati bene poteris uti cum familia urbana, si annona carior fuerit. Cicero bellissimus tibi salutem plurimam 5 dicit. Etiam atque etiam vale. D. vii. Idus lun. 76. M. CAELIUS RUFUS to CICERO (AD FAM. VIII. 17). Italy, early in 48 b.c. (706 a.u.c.) I. Would that I had been at Formiae when you sailed! I have acted too much from private feeling, and you should have warned me before. I do not distrust our prospects of success, but detest my associates. 2. If people did not fear your cruelty, we should long ago have been driven from Rome. Nearly everybody is for Pompey, and I have done much to bring about this change of feeling. You are letting a great chance escape you. If you wait for a pitched battle, you will do just what Caesar with his hardy troops would wish. CAELIUS CICERONI SAL. 1 Ergo me potius in Hispania fuisse tum quam Formiis, cum tu profectus es ad Pompeium ! Quod utinam aut Appius Claudius in hac parte fuisset aut in ista parte C. Curio, cuius amicitia me paulatim in banc perditam causam imposuit ; nam mihi sentio 10 bonam mentem iracundia et amore ablatam. Tu porro, cum ad te proficiscens Arimino noctu venissem, dum mihi pacis mandata I. Defensuros, 'will defend with sue- Caelius having apparently taken place early cess.' Hofm. Cp. Livy 26. 27 ' aedes in 48 B.C. Cp. Iiitr. to Part III, § 12, Vestae vix defensa est.' On the plural ' de- p. 300, notes 5 and 6. fensuros,' cp. Madv. 215 c. Wesenb. points 7. Ergo. ' Servit eleganter conquestioni out that this construction is not Ciceronian, et indignation].' Forcell. and prefixes t to ' defensuros.' Me potius . . fuisse, 'to think that I 3. Utere, apparently future, v. sup. on should rather have been.' Cp. Ep. 12, 1, ' satis facies,' Wesenb. however, as ' cures ' note. has gone before, reads ' utare.' 8. Quod utinam, foil. ' Quod' = 'aiid.' A militibus, sc. Caesarianis. Cp. Madv. 449. 4. Cum familia urbana, 'with the slaves 9. In hac parte, 'on Caesar's side.' of our town establishment.' They could be Me .. imposuit, 'led me by degrees maintained more cheaply at Arpinum than to embark in this desperate cause.' ' linpo- at Rome, probably. The estate at Arpinum suit ' = ' iniecit.' Forcell. has been mentioned Ad Att. 5. 1,3. Cp. 11. Iracundia et amore, 'by anger De Legg. 2. i ; Appendix 5, § 1. against Appius and affection for Curio.' 5. Cicero bellissimus, young Marcus. 1 2. Proficiscens Arimino perhaps only On this use of the superlative with a proper means ' from Ariminum.' Caelius had been name, cp. Ep. 43, i, note. sent to Liguria by Caesar early in the civil war (cp. Ad Fam. 8. 15, 2), and probably The date of Ep. 76 seems to be fixed rejoined his commander at Ariminum. by the allusion in § 2 to Caesar's army as Where Cicero received his visit does not apparently already in presence of Pompey's, appear. On the tense of das and agis, and on the other hand, by the death of cp. Ep. 69, 3, note. c c 3'86 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part hi. das ad Caesarem et mirificum civem agis, amici officium neglexisti neque mihi consuluisti. Neque haec dico, quod diffidam huic causae, sed crede mihi, perire satius est quam hos videre. Quod 2 si timor vestrae crudelitatis non esset, eiecti iam pridem hinc 6 esscmus ; nam hie nunc praeter faeneratores paucos nee homo nee ordo quisquam est nisi Pompeianus. Equidem iam efifeci, ut maxime plebs et, qui antea noster fuit, populus vester esset. 'Cur hoc?' inquis. Immo reHqua exspectate ; vos invitos vin- cere coegero. Gerani alterum me Catonem : vos dormitis, neque 10 adhuc mihi videmini intellegere, quam nos pateamus et quam simus imbecilli. Atque hoc nullius praemii spe faciam, sed, quod apud me plurimum solet valere, doloris atque indignitatis causa. Quid istic facitis ? proeHum exspectatis, quod firmissimum habet ? Vestras copias non novi ; nostri valde depugnare et facile algere 15 et esurire consuerunt. 1. Et mirificum civem agis, 'and in playing the part of an excellent citizen,' by trying to effect a pacification. 2. Diffidam: cp. Ep. 28, 7, note, for the mood. 3. Hos, Caesar's friends. Caelius was offended because Trebonius received the ' praetura urbana ' while he only had the ' peregrina.' Cp. Dion Cass. 42, 22; Veil. 2. 68 ; Livy Epit. 11 1. 4. Vestrae crudelitatis, 'of the cruelty of Ponipey and his friends.' Hinc, ' from Rome,' or ' from Italy.' 5. Faeneratores. The great capital- ists, who were pleased by Caesar's measures for tlie maintenance of public credit. Intr. to Part III, §§ 8 ; 12; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. I ; Monimsen 4. 2, 379 380. 7. Plebs, 'tlie rabble.' Cp. Ep. 8, il ' misera ac ieiuna plebecula.' Populus, ' the sounder part of the popu- lation.' The words can hardly be explained here as on p. 238, 1. 4, note. Esset. On the tense, cp. Madv. 383. 8. Reliqua, 'the sequel' of my con- duct. Vos invitos vincere coegero, 'I shall compel you to conquer against your will,' a sneer at the mismanagement of the Pom- peians. 10. Quam nos pateamus, 'how ex- posed we are.' Cp. De Off. i. 21, 73 ' minus multa patent in eorum vita quae fortuna feriat.' Caelius perhaps meant that Pompey should land in Italy instead of con- tinuing the struggle in Greece. 11. Quod apud me, foil. The neuter seems rather irregular, but cp. Ep. 6, 3 'id ;' also Madv. 315 b. 12. Indignitatis, 'indignation.' Cp., however, Ep. 7i> 3> note. 13. Istic, i.e. 'in Epirus.' Quod firmissimum habet, sc. Caesar. ' On the result of which Caesar may rely with the greatest confidence.' This use of •firmus' seems peculiar, but cp. Ep. 12, 4, note on ' firmissimum habere.' Wesenb. doubts whether these words can bear such a meaning, and prints the MS. reading ' quod firmissimum i" haec' 14. Valde depugnare, ' to fight stoutly.' Facile ='libenter.' Forcell. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 47-49, for instances of the en- durance of Caesar's soldiers. EP. 77-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX.^. 387 IT. DOLABELLA to CICERO (AD FAM. IX. 9). From Caesar's camp in Epirus, May, (?) 48 b.c. (706 a.u.c.) I. I can give you good accounts of your family. I hope you will believe that in exhorting you to be neutral in this v/ar, I am and have been only influenced by friend- ship. 2. You see that Pompey has done nothing worthy of his fame and resources ; I hope you will set some limit to your devotion to him. 3. You had better retire to some neutral city, where I should join you. Caesar will, I am sure, receive any requests from you with favour, and I will plead your cause with him. I hope you will secure the safe return of my messenger. DOLABELLA S. D. CICERONI. 1 S. V. g, V. et Tullia nostra recte v. Terentia minus belle habuit, sed certum scio iam convaluisse earn. Praeterea rectissime sunt apud te omnia. Etsi nullo tempore in suspitionem tibi debui venire partium causa potius quam tua tibi suadere, ut te aut cum Caesare nobiscumque coniungeres aut certe in otium referres, 5 praecipue nunc iam inclinata victoria, ne possum quidem in ullam aliam incidere opinionem nisi in cam, in qua scilicet tibi suadere videar, quod pie tacere non possim : tu autem, mi Cicero, sic haec accipies, ut, sive probabuntur tibi sive non probabuntur, ab op- timo certe animo ac deditissimo tibi et cogitata et scripta esse lo For notices of Dolabella, cp. Intr. to Parts II, § 26 ; IV, § 5 ; V, § 3 ; Epp. 35, I and 2; 42, I. He supported Caesar ac- tively in the civil war. The date of this letter is taken from Baiter. 1. S. V. g. v = ' si vales gaudeo ; valeo.' Minus belle habuit, 'has been unwell.' Cp. Ep. 53, I ; and ' recte hoc par habet ' Ep. 34, 3. ' Se habere ' is also used in similar passages. Cp. Ad Att. 12. 37, I ' Atticam . . belle se habere.' 2. Certum, adverbial: cp. Pro Scauro 15, 34 'sive patricius sive plebeius esset — nondum enim certum constituerat.' 3. Apud te, 'in your home.' Dolabella would have later news of Cicero's family than Cicero himself as Italy was held by Caesar's friends. 6. Inclinata, 'half won.' Cp. Ep. 21, 3- . . In . . aliam incidere opinionem. Hofm. hesitates between 'come to any other opinion ' and ' meet with any other repu- tation.' Siipfle adopts the last, which is supported by Ad Fam. 8. 10, 2 ' in earn opinionem Cassius veniebat . . finxisse hel- ium.' Wesenb. agrees with Siipfle, and makes the words = ' in ullam aliam suspiti- onem tibi venire.' Mr. Jeans agrees in substance with Siipfle, and remarks that the apodosis begins with 'praecipue nunc' 7. In qua scilicet, foil. These words are very curious; 'scilicet ut videar' would be more regular ' than of being thought to recommend what I cannot with propriety omit to mention.' Wesenb. omits 'in' before 'qua.' On the conj. 'videar,' cp. Ep. 5, 8. ' Scilicet ' = ' to be sure,' * I mean,' ' that is.' See Epp. 12, 4 ; 38, 7. 9. Ab optimo . . animo. The prepo- sition seems superfluous ; but cp. Madv. 256, Obs. I. CC3 388 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part ill. iudices. Animadvertis Cn. Pompelum nee nominis sui nee rerum 2 gestarum gloria neque etiam regum ac nationum clientelis, quas ostentare crebro solebat, esse tutum, et hoc etiam, quod infimo cuique contigit, illi non posse contingere, ut honeste effugere 5 possit, pulso Italia, amissis Hispaniis, capto exercitu veterano, circumvallato nunc denique ; quod nescio an nulli umquam nostro accident imperatori. Quam ob rem, quid aut ille sperare possit aut tu, animum adverte pro tua prudentia ; sic enim facillime quod tibi utilissimum erit consilii capies. Illud autem a te peto, 10 ut, si iam ille evitaverit hoc periculum et se abdiderit in classem, tu tuis rebus consulas et aliquando tibi potius quam cuivis sis amicus : satis factum est iam a te vel officio vel familiaritati, satis factum etiam partibus et ei rei publicae, quam tu probabas. Reliquum est iLt, ubi nunc est res publica, ibi simus potius quam, 3 15 dum illam veterem sequamur, simus in nulla. Qua re velim, mi iucundissime Cicero, si forte Pompeius pulsus his quoque locis rursus alias regiones petere cogatur, ut tu te vel Athenas vel in quamvis quietam recipias civitatem ; quod si eris facturus, velim mihi scribas, ut ego, si ullo modo potero, ad te advolem. Quae- 20 cumque de tua dignitate ab imperatore erunt impetranda, qua est 1. Animadvertis, 'you must be aware.' 89 'non ne animadvertis . . quam multi Metzg. votis vim tempestatis effugerint.' 2. Neque etiam, 'nor yet.' For its 9. Quod . . consilii capies. On the force after nee, cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 5 gen., cp. Ep. 75, i, note; on the omis- 'nec . . sui periculi deprecandi . . neque sion of ' id,' Ep. 34, 7, note. etiam extrenii iuris . . retinendi.' 10. Se abdiderit, 'shall have retired.' Regum et nationum clientelis, cp. 12. Satis factum est, foil., 'you have Appendix 7, and Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 3-4. satisfied the claims of duty and intimacy,' 3. Ostentare, ' to boast of.' Forcell. freq. in this sense. Forcell. Neque. . esse tutum, ' cannot look for 13. Ei rei publicae, 'that constitu- safety to.' Cp. De Dom. 42, 109 'reli- tion ' (Siipfle,) (Hofm.). gionibus tuta.' 14. Reliquum est ut. ' Ut ' is perhaps 5. Italia. For the omission of a prepo- needless. Cp. Ad Fam. 15, 21, 5 'reliquum sition, cp. § 3 ' his quoque locis ; ' also Ep. est tuam profectionem amore proseqnar.' 63,4; Madv. 262. Baiter has inserted it from Lanibinus in Capto exercitu veterano, i.e. the both places, army of Afranius and Petreius in Spain. Res publica, ' the seat of political life,' Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 8. • the government.' 6 Circumvallato, dat. agreeing with I5. Dum .. sequamur. 'Dum' = 'while,' 'illi.' For the facts, Cp. Intr. to Part III, 'so long as,' ' in our devotion to the com- § II. men wealth of the past.' Cp. on the mood Quod nescio an nulli, foil., 'which of ' seqnaniur,' Madv. 360, Obs. 2. The in- perhaps has happened to no general of ours.' dicative would, I think, be more regular. Cp. Madv. 453. And on nostro impera- Cp. Ep. 61, 5. tori='e ncstris imperatoribus,' Cp. Caes. 16. His quoque locis: cp. § 2 ' Italia,' Bell.Civ. 3. q6 'paucos suos ex fuga nactus,' This shews that Dolabella was now with and Madv. 284, Obs. 7. Caesar. 8. Animum adverte, ' consider.' With 20. De tua dignitate, 'about main- the whole clause, cp. De Nat. Deor. 3. 37, taining you in a proper position.' On EP. 78.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM XL 4. 3«9 humanitate Caesar, facillimum erit ab eo tibi ipsi impetrare ; et meas tamen preces apud eum non minimum auctoritatis habi- turas puto. Erit tuae quoque fidei et humanitatis curare, ut is tabellarius, quem ad te misi, reverti possit ad me et a te mihi litteras referat. 5 78. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XI. 4). Camp near Dyrrhachium, June or July, 48 b.c. (706 a.u.c.) 1. I have received three letters from you. I hope you will aid my family in their difficulties I have had nothing to write about, as I do not approve of our measures, and take no part in directing them. Would that I had conferred with you in person before leaving Italy ! 2. Isidorus will tell you the news ; the rest of our task seems equally easy. I hope you will attend to what especially interests me. I am far from well ; if I get better I shall join Pompey, who is very sanguine. Brutus is doing what he can for us. Consider well what should be done about the ' second payment.' CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Accepi ab Isidore litteras et postea datas binas : ex proximis cognovi praedia non venisse ; videbis ergo, ut sustentetur per te. the meaning of ' dignitas,' cp. Epp. 29. 5 ; 47, 1 ; 64, 2, notes. Qua est humanitate, descriptive abl., ' considering Caesar's courtesy.' Cp. Madv. 446. 1. Ipsi, ' by yourself.' Impetrare, sc. 'ea:' for the •omission of which, cp. note on ' quod ' in the pre- ceding section. Et meas tamen, foil., 'however, I think that my entreaties will have much weight with him.' On ' tamen ' in such passages, cp. Ep. 29. 21, note. 2. Non minimum = 'maximum.' For- cell. 3. Erit tuae quoque fidei, foil., 'more- over your honour and good feeling will bid you take care that my messenger is allowed to return to me,' instead of being detained by Pompey's partisans. On the gen. ' fidei,' cp. Madv. 2S2, Obs. 2. 'Quoque' = ' on your part,' as a return for my services. Siipfle. June or July. The first portion of this letter seems to have been written before, the second after Caesar's defeat before Petra, on which cp. Intr. to Part III, § II. Now Caesar (Bell. Civ. 3. 49) says that the corn was beginning to ripen before that disaster, and (lb. 81) that the harvest in Thessaly was nearly ripe when he reached Metropolis. Cicero seems to have remained at Dyr- rhachium after Caesar's departure from the neighbourhood of that place. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 10. 6. Isidoro. Isidorus seems to have been a slave or freedman of Atticus, He is only mentioned in this letter. Binas. Distributive numerals are gene- rally used with plural substantives denoting compound objects, which can be repeated and counted. Cp. Madv. 76 c. But of one letter ' uuae litterae,' not ' singulae,' is said. Cp. Ep. 45, I, note; also Ep. 79, 3, note, 7. Praedia. Some estates which Cicero had wished to sell for the benefit of Tullia and Terentia. Cp. Ad Fam. 14, 6. Videbis ='curabis.' Forcel!. Cp. Ep. 70, 7, note. Ut sustentetur, sc. Tullia (Boot), 'be supported.' 390 M. TULLII CICERO NIS [part III. De Frusinati, si modo futuri sumus, erit mihi res opportuna. Meas litteras quod requiris, impedior inopia rerum, quas nullas habeo Htteris dignas, quippe cui nee quae accidunt nee quae aguntur ullo modo probentur. Utinam coram tecum olim potius 5 quam per epistolas ! Hie tua, ut possum, tueor apud hos. Cetera Celer. Ipse fugi adhuc omne munus, eo magis, quod ita nihil poterat agi, ut mihi et meis rebus aptum esset. Quid sit gestum novi, quaeris : ex Isidoro scire poteris ; reliqua 2 non videntur esse difficiliora. Tu id vehm, quod scis me maxime lo velle, cures, ut scribis, ut facis. Me conficit sollicitudo, ex qua etiam summa infirmitas corporis ; qua levata ero una cum eo, qui 1. De Frusinati, 'about the property near Frusino,' which was a town situated on a feeder of the Trerus, about 15 miles S.E. of Anagnia. Cicero had sold this land, re- serving power to repurchase it apparently, which he now seems to have been anxious to do. Cp. Ad Att. II. 13, 4. Manut. Si modo futuri sumus, 'if I am still to exist.' ' Futuri ' = ' victuri.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Earn 6. 3, 4 ' si non ero sensu onmiiio carebo.' Wesenb. suggests ' salvi futuri,' but does not adopt it in his text. 2. Meas litteras quod requiris, 'as to your wanting letters from me.' ' You are surprised at my writing so seldom, but.' Metzg. 'Rfquirere' = 'to miss.' Cp. Ep. 15, 8. On 'quod requiris' cp. Ep, 8, 14, note ; and on 'meas' in this sense, Epp. 72, I ; 77, 2, notes. Quas nullas : cp. Ep. 77, 2, note on ' nostro.' 3. Q.uippe cui . . probentur, 'as I am not at all satisfied either with what is going on or with the measures taken.' The indi- catives are used after the indefinite pronoun 'quae;' the conj. 'probentur' as giving a reason. Cp. Madv. 366, Obs. 2. and 362 a. Accidunt casu ; aguntur, 'ex consilio et voluntate Pompeii.' Manut. 4. Utinam coram tecum, sc. ' delibe- ravissem.' Cp. Ad Att. 11. 3, i 'si tecum olim coram potius quam per litteras . . deli- beravissem.' Cicero probably thought that Atticus would have dissuaded him strongly from leaving Italy. 5. Tua, 'your estates.' Atticus' pro- perty in Epirus has often been mentioned in Cicero's letters ; e g. 6. I ; 16, 6. Apud hos, sc. Pompeianos. Cetera Celer, sc. 'dicet.' He was a freedman of Atticus. Cp. Ep. 68, 4- 6. Omne munus, 'any office.' Wieland. Ita nihil . . aptum esset, ' becatise no duties were open to me, suited to myself and to my interests.' Either he was not offered a high enough command, which would de- grade himself, or he feared by accepting one to irritate Caesar, and so injure his pro- spects. § 2. With this section either the letter is resumed after a long interval, or a new one begins. 8. Quid sit gestum novi . . scire poteris. Cicero here refers probably to a defeat of Caesar near Dyrrhachium, described Cats. Bell. Civ. 3. 66-72. After that affair Caesar marched into the interior, and Pompey followed him, while sickness de- tained Cicero near Dyrrhachium (cp. Plut. Cic. 39). This accounts for Cicero's lan- guage below, ero una cum eo, foil. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 10. Reliqua, ' the rest of our task.' Cicero does not say if he shares the general con- fidence expressed by videntur. On 're- liqua,' cp. Ep. 76, 2, note. 9. Id . . quod scis me maxime velle. Probably that he would take care of Terentia and Tullia. 10. Ut scribis, ut facis, 'as you write that you do, and really do.' Cp. Tac. Dial, de Orat. 23 ' ut potestis ut facitis.' Ex qua etiam, foil., 'and great bodily weakness arising from it.' Wesenb. suggests the insertion of ' est ' after ' corporis.' Sollicitudo. Anxiety either (i) as to the results of Pompey's excessive confi- dence— cp. Ep. 88, 2 — or (2) as to the probable behaviour of Pompey and his sup- porters after decisive success : the last is Manutius' suggestion. 11. Qua levata, ' but when this has been alleviated.' 'Levatus' might also be used. Forcell. Cum eo, Pompeio. EP.78.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTIC UM XI. 4. .391 negotium gerit estque in spe magna. Brutus amicus ; in causa versatur acriter. Hactenus fuit quod caute a me scribi posset. Vale. De pensione altera, oro te, omni cura considera, quid faciendum sit, ut scrips! iis litteris, quas Pollex tulit. 1. Negotium gerit, 'is actively en- gaged.' Brutus. M. Junius Brutus, now with Pompey. Cp. Plut. Brut. 4. Amicus, sc. ' mihi est.' In causa, foil. ' is serving our party with energy.' Billerb. 2. Versatur = ' agit.' Forcell. Hactenus fuit . . . posset, 'only thus much can I write without imprudence.' On the tense of 'posset,' cp. Ep. i, i, note ; and on the mood, Ep 21, 3, note. Cicero was probably a good deal threatened by violent partisans of Pompey. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 10; Ep. 80, 2. 3. De pensione altera, 'about the payment of the second instalment ' of Tul- lia's portion to Dolabella. Boot, on Ad Att. II. 3, I ; cp. II. 2, 2. 4. lis litteris, perhaps Ad Att. 11. 3. Man. Pollex, a slave whom Cicero employed as a messenger. Cp. Ad Fam. 14, 6; Ad Att. 8. 5, I. PART IV. Cicero under the Government of Caesar. October, (?) 48 to March 15, 44 b.c. INTRODUCTION. 48-47 B.C. § I. After his landing in Italy, Cicero remained for some months at Brundisium, where he heard ' of the fate of several of the leaders of his party. He was disquieted by many troubles ; it was with some difficulty that he obtained^ leave to remain in Italy from Antony, Caesar's repre- sentative ; his brother and nephew, who had gone to make their peace with Caesar in Asia, seem to have calumniated ^ him ; his daughter's marriage was unhappy*, and he had some difficulty in paying her dowry; while he was by no means satisfied with the conduct of Terentia ^ to whose extravagance he attributed, in great measure, his existing em- barrassments. Above all, however, he was seriously alarmed by the aspect of public affairs. He had returned to Italy under the impression that the war was virtually at an end®; but Caesar's delay at Alexandria^, and the reports which were circulated of the growing strength of the optimates in Africa® dispelled this hope, and he accused himself of precipitation — especially as a proclamation of Antony, which gave him leave by name to remain in Italy, would mark him out for the suspicion of the optimates in case of their ultimate success '. Harassed by these anxieties, he remained at Brundisium till the Sep- tember of 47 B.C., when Caesar^" landed at Tarentum after his victories ' Ad Att. II. 6, 5 and 6. ^ lb. ii. 9, i. ° lb. 11. 9, 2 ; 11. 10, i. * lb. II. 23, 3; II. 24. I : cp. II. 2, 2. =* Ad Att. 11. 16, 5 ; i r. 24, 3 ; cp. Ad Fam. 4. 14, 3. 6 Ad Fani. 15. 15, 2. ' Below, § 3 ; Ad Fam. 15. 15, 2 ; Ad Att. II. 16, 1. « Ad Att. II. 10, 2 ; II. 12, 3. * lb. 11. 7, 2. *" Ad Fam. 14. 22; Plut. Cic. 39. 394 INTRODUCTION over Ptolemy and Pharnaces. Cicero hastened to meet him, was kindly received, and seems to have got leave to fix his residence wherever he chose. He probably spent the rest of the year ^ in Rome, or at some of his villas in the neighbourhood. § 2, His letters from Brundisium are perhaps more depressed in tone than any others ; and as Abeken ^ remarks, this is probably to be ac- counted for by his feeling more self-reproach than he had felt at the time of his exile in 58 b.c. Then he found some reUef in attacking others for their perfidy; now he could only blame himself. His two principal correspondents were Atticus and Terentia. Perhaps he hardly ventured to write to any less intimate friends. He expressed ^ however, to C. Cassius his discontent at the prolongation of the war. His brother Quintus had made *, though in rather ambiguous terms, an apology for his hostility. Afterwards, however, when Caesar seemed inclined to pardon Marcus, Quintus warmly congratulated ^ his brother ; and a good understanding seems to have been re-established between the brothers — at least outwardly, though Marcus had reason to find fault again subsequently". § 3. Caesar, after the battle of Pharsalus, pardoned many of his opponents, including M. Brutus ^ He then with a small force followed Pompey-, and received in Asia the submission of C. Cassius, who had commanded a squadron in the Ionian sea at the time of the decisive battle, and had made partially successful attacks on the naval forces which were being organized for Caesar at Messana and Vibo ^ Caesar did not overtake Pompey, and the latter having reached the roadstead of Alexandria with a few ships, was treacherously murdered there on Sept. 28^° by order of the young king Ptolemy's advisers. Caesar re- ceived the news of the crime with horror, and hastened to Alexandria, where he arrived early in October ". He secured two rival claimants for the throne of Egypt, Ptolemy and his sister Cleopatra ; but had to wage a long and doubtful struggle with Arsinoe '^, younger sister of Ptolemy, who was supported by the royal army and by the populace of Alexandria. So embarrassing was Caesar's position, that he released Ptolemy in the hope that he might act as mediator ; but the young king took the lead among Caesar's enemies. Mithridates of Pergamus, how- ever, advanced to Caesar's support from Asia with a considerable force '^; ' Ad Att. 12. I ; Ad Fam. 14. 20. ^ p. 31S. ' ^d Fam. 15. 15. ♦ Ad Att. II. 13, 2. 5 iij j,_ 23, 2. « lb. 12. 5, I. ' Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 98 : cp. Ad Fam. 6. 6, 10 ; Plut. Caes. 46. * Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 102-106. * lb. 3. loi, cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 88. " lb. 104 ; Plut. Pomp. 79; Veil. 2. 53 ; Pliny H. N. 37, 2; Ad Att. li. 6, 5. i' Plut. Poinp. 80; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 106; Livy Epit. 112. '^ Livy Epit. 112 ; Bell. Alex. 1-25. '^ Bell. Alex. 26-32. TO THE FOURTH PART, 395 Ptolemy's army was routed on March 27, and the young king himself drowned in trying to escape \ Resistance now ceased. Caesar made Cleopatra queen of Egypt, detained Arsinoe as a prisoner, and departed in July^ for Asia, where the successes of Pharnaces demanded his pre- sence. That prince, son of the famous Mithridates, had defeated^ Cn. Domitius Calvinus, whom Caesar had left in charge of Asia Minor. But Caesar obtained a decisive success on August 2 at Zela in Pontus, and after making provision for the government of Asia, landed in Sep- tember at Tarentum *. § 4. In Illyricum the fortune of war had been variable. After the battle of Pharsalus, Caesar had left Q. Corniticius there with two legions, and that army was subsequently re-inforced by Cicero's old enemy, A. Gabinius. The latter suffered some reverses at the hands of the Dalmatians, and afterwards died of fatigue and vexation. M. Octavius, who commanded a naval force in the Adriatic for the optimates, at- tempted subsequently, in conjunction with the natives, to occupy the province, but was baffled by the energy of P. Vatinius ®, who fitted out a naval force hastily at Brundisium and defeated Octavius. Thus the province remained in the hands of Cornificius, and Octavius sailed to Africa, whither many of the leaders of the optimates had already betaken themselves. Among them were Cn. Pompeius the younger, Metellus Scipio, Afra- nius, Petreius, Faustus Sulla, and Labienus. Cato, too, carried a body of troops by sea from Corcyra to Cyrene, and thence led them by a toil- some march to the province of Africa ^ At his suggestion, Cn. Pom- peius retired to Mauretania, and thence to the Balearic islands and to Spain, to take advantage of the disaffection which had been caused there by the misgovernment and dissensions of Caesar's officers ''. § 5. Italy had been disturbed during these months. When the news of Pompey's death reached Rome, the senate voted that Caesar, em- powered to deal according to his own pleasure with members of the conquered party, and to make peace and war on his own authority, should be named dictator for a year, and should have power to name the curule magistrates for several years in advance I M. Antonius, who had landed with some troops for the defence of Italy, was named his master of the horse rather irregularly, for it was usual for the dictator to ' Bell. Alex. 31-32 : cp. 6.s ; Fasti Maff. ap. Mommsen, C. I. L. i. 304. ^ Bell. Alex. 33-41. 3 Yq 65 ; Plut. Caes. 50 ; Livy Epit. 1 12. ^ Bell. Alex. 74-78 : cp. Ad Fam. 14. 20 and 22; Plut. Cic. 39; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 91. Caesar used tiie celebrated words 'veni vidi vici' with regard to this victory. Cp. Plut. Caes. 50; with Livy Epit. 113, and Suet. lul. 37. ^ ggH y^ig^. 42-47. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 87; Bell. Afric. 13; Plut. Cat. 56 ; Lucan Phars. 9. 587, foil. ' Bdl. Afric. 22-23 : Bell. Hisp. 1 ; Bell. Alex. 48-64. * Dion Cassius 42. 20. 396 INTRODUCTION name his own master of the horse, and there was no time to send to Caesar at Alexandria ^ Antony was thus again entrusted with the govern- ment of Italy 2, as in 49 b.c. He seems to have abstained from acts of cruelty, and treated Cicero in particular with much consideration ^ ; but the measures of defence which he had to adopt were probably burden- some to several towns, and, if we may believe Cicero, his licentiousness and arrogance caused general disgust *. No ordinary curule magistrates were elected for the year 47 b.c. till towards its close. P. Dolabella, now tribune ®, raised an agitation * in favour of an abolition of debts, which threatened to become serious, but was checked by Antony, who introduced a body of troops into the capital and slaughtered 800 of the rioters. The agitation was not, however, completely appeased till the return of Caesar from the East ''. A mutinous spirit, also, prevailed among the veterans quartered in Campania ^ and the efforts of Caesar's officers to quell it were met by outrage. Caesar met the mutineers probably in October, and when they clamoured for a discharge granted it at once. They were confounded, and asked permission to remain in his service, which he granted with some difficulty. For the last months of the year, Q. Fufius Calenus, and P. Vatinius, were elected consuls ®. Caesar shewed himself anxious to win over as many of the optimates as possible ; he named C. Cassius one of his legates; entrusted Cisalpine Gaul to the government of M. Brutus, and Greece to that of Ser. Sulpicius Rufus ^^ 46-45 B.C. § 6. During this year and the next there was comparatively little con- nection between the personal history of Cicero and the course of public events, and he employed himself principally in the composition^^ of philosophical and rhetorical treatises. He used his influence, however, eagerly on behalf of his friends ^^ in the vanquished party, and for their sake and his own kept up as good an understanding as he could with various friends of Caesar", especially with Hirtius, Dolabella, and Cornificius. Partly perhaps to quiet his ' Philipp. 2. 2;, 62; A. W. Zumpf, S. R. 212. Plutarch, however, (Ant. 8) savs that Caesar named Antony his master of the horse and sent him to Italy. Lange, 3. 421 follows Plutarch. ^ Philipp. 1. c. ; Plut. Ant. 9. ^ Ad Att. 11. 7, 2 : cp. Philipp. 1. 4, 11 ; 2. 24. 59. * Philipp. 2. 25, 62; Plut. Ant. 9. * He had gone over to the plebs, to enable him to hold that office : cp. Dion Cassius 42. 29. ^ Bell. Alex. 65 ; cp. Ad Att. II. 12, 4; II. 23, 3 ; Livy Epit. 113; Plut. Caes. 51 ; Ant. 9. '' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 92 ; Dion Ca<-sius 42. 33. * App. Bell. Civ. 2. 92-94; Plut. Caes. 51 ; Suet, lul. 70. " Dion Cassius 42. 55. '" Ad Fam. 6 6, 10 ; 4. 4, 2 ; 15. 15, 3. " lb- 4- 3' 3 9- I. 2; 9. 18. 3. 'Mb. 6. 6, 13; 6. 8, I ; 6. 14, I ; 6. 12, I. " lb. 6. 1 2, 2 ; 9. 16, 2 ; 9. 18, I and 3. TO THE FOURTH PART. 397 own uneasy feelings he vindicated in various letters ' the policy he had pursued before the civil war, which he represented as having been one of conciliation — and his determination to retire from the struggle after a decisive battle. Many of his letters were written to console friends living in exile, and to hold out hopes to them of a speedy return to their country. Such were those to Caecina, Torquatus, and Plancius'^. He expressed his gratitude in the senate for the pardon of M. Marcellus', and subse- quently pleaded with much independence for that of Q. Ligarius *, who was accused before Caesar of having shewn peculiar hostility to him in Africa. Next year he defended Deiotarus of Galatia, accused of having plotted against the life of Caesar •'. His expressions of opinion on public affairs in the letters of this time are very guarded, and he seems to have been moved by conflicting feel- ings ; on the one hand^, by regret for the fall of the old constitution, and for the loss of his old influential position; on the other'', by an involuntary admiration of Caesar's magnanimity. His dislike * of some of Caesar's most prominent adherents remained unchanged, and may have contributed to dissuade him from mixing in public affairs. He had little desire ^, however, for the triumph either of the optimates in Africa, or of the sons of Pompey in Spain ; his hasty abandonment of his party in the autumn of 48 b.c. would not have been forgiven in either case. Caesar's victory at Thapsus relieved him from this ap- prehension for a time ; and he seems to have spent the last half of 46 in comparative cheerfulness '". § 7. His family troubles, however, continued. Towards the close of this year, or at the beginning of the next, he thought it advisable to divorce Terentia ''. What grounds for displeasure she had given him besides her alleged extravagance it is hard to say. His letters to her during the previous year had been short and rather cold '^. Cicero was still much in want of money ; and to relieve himself from his difficulties, married his young and wealthy ward, Publilia '^. She seems to have been jealous of Tullia, and to have received little affection from her husband. The severest blow which he suffered was the death " of his daughter 1 Ad Fam. 6. 6, 5 ; 7. 3, 3 ; 15. 15. i ; Ad Alt. 11. 6, 2. "^ Ad Fani. 6. 1-8 ; 4. 14 and 15. 3 ji, ^ ^_ ^ . p^Q Marcello. * Ad Fam. 6. 14 ; Ad Att. 13. 19, 2 ; Pro Ligario. ^ Ad Fam. 9. 12, 2 ; Pro Deiot. ® Ad Fam. 4. 14, I ; 4. 6, 2. ■' lb. 4. 4, 4 ; 6. 6, 10. ' lb. 4. 4, 5 ; 12. 18, 2. * Ad Att. II. 7, 3; II. 12, 3. " lb. 12.4, I ; 12. 6, 2 ; Ad Fain. 9. 17 and 18. " Pint. Cic. 41 ; Dion Cassius 46. 18. *'-' Ad Fam. 14. 20-24. " "'• 4 ^4 \ Plut. Cic. 41. 1' Plut. Cic. 1. c. : Ad Fam. 6. 18, 5 ; 4. 5, i. 398 INTR OD UC TION early in 45 b.c. Her unhappy marriage with Dolabella had been ended by a divorce^ and shortly afterwards she gave birth to a child, but did not long survive. Her father was long inconsolable; her society^ had been his principal comfort, and neither philosophy ^ nor the consolatory letters * of friends could give him much relief. He cherished for some time a wish to build a shrine^ in her honour, but does not appear to have carried it out. The society of his young wife was now more than ever distasteful to him ; he refused ^ to see her with much harshness, aijd presently divorced her. His son Marcus seems to have been restless, and to have wished either to take service under Caesar in Spain '', or to live separately from his father at Rome. Finally, however, he acceded to his father's suggestion, that he should go to study at Athens ^ for which place he set out in March, 45 b.c. The youth seems to have complained of his father's parsimony ® ; probably without good grounds. Cicero's brother had already paid court to Caesar by allowing his son to become a Lupercus^**, and to attend Caesar on his Spanish campaign. § 8. About this time Cicero seems to have thought of sending to Caesar a letter " — probably on the state of the commonwealth, but was dissuaded from doing so by Caesar's friends, who doubted the accepta- bility of his recommendations. He also wrote some complimentary but independent remarks on Caesar's ' Anticato,' which were sent to Caesar with the approval of Oppius and Balbus. At the very end of the year 45 b.c. Cicero received a visit from Caesar at his villa near Puteoli, of which he has given a lively account^'*. He seems to have enjoyed the interview, but not to have been anxious for its repetition. § 9. During Caesar's stay in Italy after the defeat of Pharnaces he quelled, as has been already mentioned, the mutinous spirit of his veterans, and re-established tranquillity in the capital. He also filled up the ranks of the senate '^, which had been greatly thinned by the civil war; increased the number of the praetors from eight to ten"; and added one member to each of the great priestly colleges ^^. * Ad An. II. 2,:;, 3. ^ lb. 12. 15; Ad Fam. 4. 6, 2. ^ Ad Att. 12. 14, 3. * lb. 12. 13, I ; 12. 14, 3 and 4 ; 13. 20, i. Caesar, Sulpicius, Lucceius (Ad Fam. 5. 13), and M. Brutus were among those who wrote to him. ^ ' Faiium.' He would thus escape the penalties for excessive expenditure on sepulchral monuments : cp. Ad Att. 12. 36, I ; 12. 12, I. 6 lb. 12. 32, i ; Plut. Cic. 41. ' Ad Att. 12. 7, I. 8 lb. 12. 24, I. ' lb. 12. 7, I ; 12. 32, 2. " lb. 12. 5, I ; 12. 7, I. » lb. 13. 27, I ; 13. 31, 3 ; 13. 50, i. " lb. 13. 52. " Suet. lul. 41 ; Dion Cassius 42. 51. " Dion Cassius 1. c. " lb. TO THE FOURTH PART. 399 He then went to Lilybaeum ', and after spending some days there, sailed for Africa on Dec. 25. After three days he landed at Adru- metum^ and pitched his camp at Ruspina on the first day of the new year^. § 10. Caesar was consul for the third time at the beginning of this year, with M. Aemilius Lepidus as his colleague. As both were patricians, this was a violation of the ' Leges Liciniae Sextiae *.' Towards the close of the year Caesar was perhaps dictator for the third time, with Lepidus for his master of the horse. Cp. Appendix 10, 4. Caesar's force was for some time small, composed in great measure of raw recruits, and in cavalry especially inferior to the enemy ^ The optimates could bring into the field 70,000 regular infantry, composed, indeed, in great measure of hasty levies and emancipated slaves, with an immense number of cavalry and light troops, and several elephants furnished by their ally Juba. Nor were capable officers wanting in their ranks ; Afranius, Petreius, and Labienus had all served with distinction ; and the resolute endurance of Cato had been recently attested ''. But the chief command fell, according to constitutional rules, to Scipio, who was incapable and obstinate^; Juba, proud of his victory over Curio, set up pretensions which it was embarrassing either to admit or to resist^; the provincials were harassed by op- pression^"; and the Gaetulians and Mauretanians " retained a kindly remembrance of Marius, which disposed them to regard with favour the representative of his party. Still, for some time Caesar's position was difficult. \\\ an engage- ment fought soon after his landing, the advantage remained with his enemies ^^ and he was obliged to remain nearly inactive for more than two months. Gradually, however, his position improved as reinforce- ments came in from Sicily '%• and a diversion made in his favour by P. Sittius, a Roman adventurer, and by Bocchus of Maurctania", compelled Juba to withdraw for a time to protect his own dominions. The provincials, too, as far as they dared, shewed their good will to Caesar ^^ At last, early in April, he felt strong enough to risk a general battle. 1 Bell. Afric. 1-2 ; Cic. de Divin. 2. 24, 52 ; Plut. Caes. 52. " Bell. Afric. 3. 3 lb. 6. * Livy 6. 35 and 42. ^ Bell. Afric. i ; 3; 5 ; 10. « Intr. to Part III, § 8 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. 2. 26, alib. ' Supra, § 4. » Bell. Afric. 4 ; Plut. Cat. Min. 57. « Plut. Cat. I. c. ; Bell. Afric. 57 ; Ad Att. II. 7, 3. '» Bell. Afric. 26. " lb. 35. " lb. 13-17. " lb. 34. " lb. 25. » lb. 26 ; 33. 400 INTRODUCTION The armies met near Thapsus^ and Caesar obtained a decisive victory. His orders to give quarter were disobeyed, and the slaughter was very great. Soon after the battle Cato killed himself^ at Utica, and the leaders of the defeated party perished almost without exception by their own hands or by those of the enemy. Scipio, Petreius, Juba, Afranius, and Faustus Sulla, none of them long survived Cato ^ Labienus fled to Spain, and there co-operated with the sons of Pompey *. § II. Caesar, having speedily made such arrangements in Africa as seemed most necessary ', and having reduced Numidia to the form of a province*, sailed for Sardinia on June 13'^, and thence to Italy. He entered Rome on July 26. In August he celebrated four splendid triumphs * for his victories in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. Representations of the deaths of Scipio and Cato were carried in the procession, which gave much offence. The triumphs were accompanied or followed by liberal grants^ of money and food to the soldiers and people, and by street improvements on a great scale ; among which were the laying out of the Forum lulium, and the erection of a temple to Venus Genitrix^°. Caesar also allotted lands to his veterans as he had promised, but these were not contiguous, and thus there was less in- terference with existing rights of possession " than had been usual in such cases. For an account of the honours now voted to Caesar, of his legislation, and of his amendment of the Calendar, see Appendices 8-10. Owing to the amendment of the Calendar, the nominal and real dates correspond from the beginning of 45 B.C. § 12. Towards the close of 46 b.c. Caesar started for Spain ^^ where the sons of Pompey, aided by Labienus, had gained great strength. The war was obstinately maintained for nearly three months, and was decided by a desperate battle fought at Munda (in Baetica) on March 17, 45 b.c.^' Cn. Pompeius and Labienus died in the battle, or soon afterwards ; but Sextus Pompeius escaped, and maintained himself in Spain till Caesar's ^ On April 6. Bell. Afrlc. 79-85 ; Mommsen, 4. 2, 445. ^ Bell. Afric. 88 ; Plut Cat. Min. 70. 3 Bell. Afric. 91-96 ; Livy Epit. 1 14; Ad Fam. 9. iS, 2. * Bell Hisp. 31. ^ Bell. Afric. 90, foil. ; Dion Cassius 43. 14. * Bell. Afric. 97 ' lb. 98 ; Ad Fam. 9. 7, 1. « Veil. 2. 56; Suet. lul. 37; Livy Epit. 115; Plut Caes. 56; App. Bell. Civ. 2. loi ; Dion Cassius 43. 19. ^ Suet. lul. 38 ; App, Bell. Civ. 2. 102. *" App. Bell. Civ. 2. 102 : Dion Cassius 43. 22 : Suet. lul. 44 " Suet. lul. 38 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 94 ; Dion Cassius 42. 54. *= Bell. Hisp. 2 ; App Bell. Civ. 2. 103 ; Dion Cassius 43. 32. " Bell. Hisp. 29-31 ; Livy Epit. 115 ; Dion Cassius 43. 37 and 38. TO THE FOURTH PART. 401 death \ C. Asinius Pollio remained as Caesar's legate in the P'arther Spain". C. Octavius, afterwards emperor, attended his great uncle Caesar in this campaign ^. Caesar was detained in Spain till late in the summer*; returned to Italy in September, and entered Rome in triumph in October ^ Two of his legates, Q. Fabius and Q. Pedius, triumphed '' shortly afterwards for successes in Spain. Fabius was elected consul for the last months of this year with C. Trebonius'^; but Fabius died while in office, and was succeeded for one day only by C. Caninius Rebilus, a piece of scrupulous formality which occasioned much amusement *. The distribution of lands to the veterans continued during this year '. Caesar's triumphal festivities were marked by one incident which seems to have made a painful impression ; a knight named D. Laberius, known as a writer of farces, was obliged to represent a character in one of his own ^° pieces on the stage. The election of consuls for 44 b.c. was marked, according to Cicero, by perfidy to Dolabella ", who had been led by Caesar to hope for the consulship, but for whom Caesar substituted himself. Dolabella's elec- tion would have been a violation of the ' Leges Annales ''^,' but Cicero does not notice this. 44 B.C. § 13. The earliest months of this year were employed by Caesar, now consul for the fifth time and dictator for the fourth, in preparations for an expedition against the Parthians '^ He had formed a considerable camp in Macedonia^*, and had sent the young Octavius to Apollonia, probably that he might become acquainted with the soldiers, while pur- suing his studies. Meanwhile the conspiracy was being formed which proved fatal to Caesar. Both the old parties in the State were represented among the conspirators. C. Cassius and M. Brutus had both served under Pom- pey-"^; D. Brutus and C. Trebonius had been active on behalf of Caesar ^", Seneca remarks ''^, ' Divum lulium plures amici confecerunt 1 Bell. Hisp. 32; 39; Livy Epit. 115; Plut. Caes. 56; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 105. ^ Dion Cassius 45. 10. ^ lb. 43. 41 ; Suet. Oct. 8 ; Veil. 2. 59. * Ad Att. 13. 45, 1. = Livy Epit. 116; Veil. 2. 56. ^ Acta Triumph. Capit. ap. Mommsen, Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. 461 ; Dion Cassius 43. 42. '' Suet. lul. So; Dion Cassius 43. 46. * Dion Cassius 1. c. ; Ad Fam. 7. 30, I ; Suet. lul. 76. 9 Ad Fani. 13. 4. " Suet. lul. 39 ; Macrob. Sat. 2. 7; Ad Fam. 12. 18, 2. "^Philipp. 2. 32, 79. " App. Bell Civ. 3. 88. " lb. 2. no; 3. 24 ; Plut. Caes. 58 ; Suet. lul. 44; Dion Cassius 4.^. 51. " App. Bell. Civ. 2. Iio ; 3. 9; Plut. Brut. 22 ; Livy Epit. 117 ; Veil. 2. 59. ^'■' Supra, § 3. " Intr. to Part 111, § 8. " De Ira 3. 30, 4 and 5. D d 402 INTRODUCTION quam inimici.' Two feelings probably animated the Caesarian members of the conspiracy : jealousy of such of their comrades as enjoyed a larger measure of their leader's favour, and apprehension that Caesar might assume the title of king. The increasing haughtiness of his demeanour strengthened suspicion ; and the royal tide was to the Romans of this period associated with oriental despotism \ M. Brutus probably believed that he was acting in the public interest. C. Cassius is said to have been jealous of the favour shewn to M. Brutus by Caesar. Both the two last-mentioned conspirators held office under Caesar as praetors when they conspired against him -. § 14. Early in the year Caesar's statue" on the Rostra was decorated by some officious friend with a laurel crown bound with a ribbon. The tribunes Flavus and Marullus removed the crown, and though Caesar took no measures against them he v/as annoyed. Somewhat later *, as he was returning on Jan. 26 from celebrating the ' Feriae Latinae,' he was greeted as king by some of the crowd who met him. He made the adroit reply, * non Rex sum sed Caesar;' but when the two tribunes mentioned above arrested the man who had first greeted him as king, Caesar was very indignant, and caused them to be deposed and excluded from the senate. On the day of the ' Lupercalia ^' Feb. 15, Antony offered Caesar a diadem half concealed under a laurel crown, and though Caesar refused it, his sincerity was doubted. On Antony's pro- posal, the name of the month Quintilis was now changed to lulius ". All these occurrences probably estranged the people's affections, and confirmed the conspirators in their resolution. On some day before the ' Lupercalia ',' comitia were held for the election of a consul to hold office after Caesar should have departed for Parthia. Dolabella was the candidate favoured by Caesar, but Antony, who presided, adjourned the proceedings after several cen- turies had voted, declaring as augur that the day was unfavourable. This proceeding, according to Cicero, was irregular ^ It is doubtful if Caesar executed in this year his intention of sending numerous colonists to Corinth and to Carthage. Appian^ assigns the measure to Augustus, but other authorities ^^ to Julius, and the majority of them to this year. 1 Ad Att. 14. I, 2 ; 14. 2, 3; Suet. lul. 79 ; Livy Epit. 116; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 108- III ; Plut. Caes. 60; 61. ^ Plut. Cues. 62; Brut. 7; Ad Fani. ti. 3, i ; Philipp. i. 15. 36; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 112. 8 Plut. Caes. 61 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. xo8 ; Dion Cassius 44. 9. * App. 1. c. ; Plut. 1. c. ; Suet. lul. 79 ; Dion Cassius 44. 10. = Plut. Caes. 61 ; Ant. 12 ; Cic. Philipp. 2. 34. « Cens. de Die Nat. 22; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 106; Dion Cassius 44. 5. ' Philipp. 2. 32 and 33. « lb. » Punica 8. 136. i» Suet. lul. 42 ; Plut. Caes. 57; Dion Cassius 43. 50. TO THE FOURTH PART. 403 Caesar proposed, apparently, to leave Rome soon '. His presence was required in the East, not only to chastise the Parthians, but to restore order in Syria. For Sextus Caesar, whom he had entrusted with the command of a legion in that province, had been killed in the year 46 b.c. by his soldiers, at the instigation of Q. Caecilius Bassus^ who presently got together a numerous army, composed partly of the mutinous troops of his predecessor, partly of new levies. The generals sent against him by Caesar had not been able to suppress the rebellion ^. § 15. The senate was convened for March 15 *, probably to hear and approve Caesar's preparations for his expedition, and his provisions for the government of Italy and the provinces till his return. It was reported that a proposal would be made on that day to declare Caesar •' king, and alleged prophecies were ^ circulated, not perhaps for the first time, that the Parlhians could only be conquered by the Romans if the latter were commanded by a king. The meeting of the senate took place in a building near the theatre "^ of Pompey, and consequently outside the walls. Caesar, in spite of omens * and warnings, was present, attended by Antony, who, however, was drawn aside by Trebonius ®, probably from fear of his courage and devotion to Caesar, or from a wish to spare needless bloodshed. L. Tillius Cimber presented ^^ a petition to Caesar on behalf of his brother, then in exile ; and Caesar's refusal to grant it was the signal for a general attack upon him by the conspirators. He fell, pierced with twenty-three wounds. Antony fled to his home, and the senate broke up in confusion ^'. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. no; in; Piut. Caes. 58; Dion Cassius 43. 51; 44. 15. ^ Livy Epit. 114; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 77; Dion Cassius 47. 26. ' Phiiipp. 11. 13, 32 ; App. 1. c. ; Dion Cassius 47. 27. * Phiiipp. 2. 35, 88 ; Suet. lul. 80. ' Plut. Caes. 64; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 113 : cp. in ; Dion Cassius 44. 15. * Dion Cassius 1. c. ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. no; Suet. lul. 79; Cic. de Divin. 2. 54; Merivale 2.470, foil. ' Plut. Caes. 66; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 115; Dion Cassius 44. 16. ^ Suet. lul. 81; Plut. Caes. 63; Veil. 2. 57; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 115; Dion Cassius 44. 17. * Phiiipp. 2. 14, 34; Plut. Caes. 66; Ant. 13; Veil. 2. 58; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 117; Dion Cassius 44. 19. '" Plut.; Dion Cassius ; App. 11. cc. ; Veil. 2. 56. " Phiiipp. 2. 35, 88 ; Plut. Caes. 67; Ant. 14; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 118 ; Dion Cassius 44. 20. D d 2 SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART IV. 79. To A T T I C U S (AD ATT. XI. 5). Brundisium, early in November, 48 b.c. (706 a.u.c.) I. The reasons which have suggested this hasty return to me have been painful but weighty. You are evidently rather confounded by my haste. 2. I do not think I should do much good by travelling to Rome in the way you propose. 3. Great discomfort, both of mind and body, prevents my writing many letters ; I shall be glad if you will write for me. 4. Vatinius and others I have no doubt would serve me if they could. My brother was lately at Patrae, very ill-disposed towards me. I think his son has joined him there, and that both have gone away, with others. CICERO ATTICO SAL. QUAE me causae moverint, quam acerbae, quam graves, quam novae, coegerintque impetu magis quodam animi uti quam cogitatione, non possum ad te sine maximo dolore scri- bere ; fuerunt quidem tantae, ut id, quod vides, effecerint. On landing at Brundisium, Cicero seems 2. Novae, ' strange.* Cicero refers, per- to have written to his family and to Atticus, haps, partly to his quarrel with Quintus, and to have received answers from them. (cp. Intr. to Part IV, § i), partly to the He replied to Atticus and to Terentia, and threats (and violence) of the Pompeians his answer to the latter was dated November at Corcyra and elsewhere. Cp. Ep. 78, 4. Cp. Ad Fam. 14. 12. It is probable, notes. therefore, that this letter was written about Impetu . . uti, 'to be guided by im- the same time. pulse rather than by reflection.* I. Quae me causae moverint, 'what 4. Id, quod vides, i.e. ' my sudden re- causes induced me' to return to Italy. turn to Italy.' 4o6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. Itaque nee quid ad te scribam de meis rebus nee quid a te petam, reperio. Rem et summam negotii vides. Equidem ex tuis litteris intellexi et iis, quas communiter cum aliis scrip- sisti, et iis, quas tuo nomine, quod etiam mea sponte videbam, 5 te subita re quasi debilitatum novas rationes tuendi mei quae- rere. Quod scribis placere, ut propius accedam iterque per 2 oppida noctu faciam, non sane video, quem ad modum id fieri possit ; neque enim ita apta habeo deversoria, ut tota tempora diurna in iis possim consumere, neque ad id, quod quaeris, 10 multum interest, utrum me homines in oppido videant an in via. Sed tamen hoc ipsum, sicut aha, considerabo quem ad modum commodissime fieri posse videatur. Ego propter incre- 3 dibilem et animi et corporis molestiam conficere plures htteras non potui ; iis tantum rescripsi, a quibus acceperam. Tu vehm 15 et Basilo et quibus praeterea videbitur, etiam Servilio conscribas, 1. Itaque. . reperi o, ' accordingly, since what I have done was sudden and undesigned, I have no plans to explain to you, nor do I know in what to ask your assistance.' 2. Rem et summam negotii, 'the whole state of the case.' 3. Litteris. For the use of this word signifying more letters than one, cp. Ep. 62, 4, note. Quas communiter . . . scripsisti, ' which you wrote, and addressed as from several other friends besides.' It is to be presumed that Atticus submitted his letter to these friends for their approval, and then prefixed their names with their leave. Speci- mens of such letters are to be found Ad Fam. 16. 3, foil. 4. Quod . . videbam, 'what I needed no assistance to be convinced of,' referring to what immediately follows. 5. Subita re, i.e. 'by my sudden re- turn.' Novas rationes. Ever since the battle of Pharsalus, Atticus seems to have been employing his influence for Cicero's protec- tion, and now the latter's return to Italy would require a change of Atticus' mode of action. Cp., on Atticus' exertions, Ad Att. II. 7, 5; II. 9, I. 6. Quod scribis placere: cp. Ep. 8. 14, note. Accedam, i.e. to Rome. Iterque . . faciam, i.e. to travel along the Appian way from Brundisium to Rome, taking care to pass through the towns by night. Cicero remarks that he knew of no lodgings where he might pass the whole of each day, and so travel by night only ; and that, with a view to the avoidance of pub- licity (ad id quod quaeris), it would make little difference where he was seen, if he had to travel by day at all. Manutius appears to consider 'per oppida '=' from town to town : ' i.e. Cicero was to spend the days in doors, and only travel by night. 8. Deversoria. Cicero owned houses in various places which he called by this name, but he can hardly have had such lodgings all along the road from Rome to Brundisium. He probably here refers to inns, or to friends' houses. II. Hoc ipsum, sicut alia, ' this plan, like others you have suggested.' 13. Corporis molestiam. The air of Brundisium seems to have affected Cicero's health. Cp Ad Att. 11. 22, 2. Plures Htteras, 'many letters.' The Latin word sometimes corresponds to the English plural, even without a distributive numeral. Madv. 52; cp. sup. § I, note, and Ep. 62, 4, note. 15. Basilo. L. Minucius Basilus, who had served under Caesar in Gaul (Caes. Bell. Gall. 6. 29), and seems to have remained faithful to him during the civil war, ulti- mately joined the conspiracy against him, and was afterwards murdered by his own slaves for his cruelty (Ad Fam. 6. 15 : cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 113 ; 3. 98). Quibus praeterea videbitur, sc. ' scri- bendum esse.' Etiam Servilio. These words would come more naturally before ' et quibus,' but Cicero may have forgotten Servilius, and EP. 8o.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XI. 6. 407 ut tibi videbitur, meo nomine. Quod tanto intervallo nihil omnino ad vos scripsi, his litteris profecto intelleges rem mihi 4 deesse, de qua scribam, non voluntatem. Quod de Vatinio quaeris, neque illius neque cuiusquam mihi praeterea officium deesset, si reperire possent, qua in re me iuvarent. Quintus 5 aversissimo a me animo Patris fuit ; eodem Corcyra filius venit. Inde profectos eos una cum ceteris arbitror. 80. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XL 6). Brundisium, Nov. 27, 48 b.c. (706 a.u.c.) I. The anxiety which I see you feel on my behalf increases my trouble, but I am glad to learn that you and others approve my conduct. 2. I do not regret having left the seat of war, but wish I had retired to some place out of Italy. 3. I hear that Caesar is disposed to treat me with great consideration ; pray tell Pansa and other friends of Caesar that I have acted by their advice. 4. TuUia's health causes me great anxiety. 5. I never doubted what Pompey's end would be, but must lament such a death for such a man. 6. For others who have fallen I have less pity. 7. I hear that my brother has gone to Asia to sue for pardon. Write to me whenever you have anything to say. not cared to correct his omission. P. Servi- lius Isauricus is mentioned with respect in the Philippics. Cp. 11. 8, 19; II. 10, 25; 12. 2, 5. Cp., also, Ep. 9, 10, note. He was now Caesar's colleague as consul. 1. Ut tibi videbitur, 'as you shall think proper.' Meo nomine, 'as from me.' Cp. ' tuo nomine' in § I. 2. His litteris. We might have ex- pected ' ex his litteris.' But the simple ablative is sometimes used after ' verba intel- ligendi.' Cp. Ad Fam. I. 5 b, i ' ea te et litteris multorum . . cognosse arbitror.' Boot. Rem mihi deesse: cp. § i, and note on ' itaque.' 3. De Vatinio. Atticus had apparently asked how Vatinius, governor of Brundisium for Caesar (cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 100), be- haved to Cicero. On the previous relations of Cicero and Vatinius, cp. Intr. to Part H, §§ 2; 10. 4. Cuiusquam. Probably ' of any friend of Caesar.' 5. Si reperire . . iuvarent. Perhaps Caesar's absence made his officers unwilling to act without special instructions. Or Cicero may be speaking ironically. ' They V ould serve me if they only knew how.' Quintus . . . fuit. Perhaps Quintus, who was hot-tempered, was annoyed by his brother's vacillation, and would have pre- ferred that his brother should either never have gone to Pompey's camp, or should not have despaired so soon. 6. Aversissimo . . . animo . . . fuit, 'expressed his discontent with me loudly' (Wiel.) when I last heard of him. Patris. The unfriendly language used by Quintus there, is mentioned again Ad Att. II. 16, 4. Patrae was a city in the west of Achaia. Mr. Jeans' translation im- plies an opinion that Marcus Cicero accom- panied his brother there from Corcyra, and Drumann. 6, 238, note 41, refers to Ad Fani. 13. 17, I in support of this opinion. Filius. The younger Quintus, appa- rently. Venit = 'ivit.* Cp. Ad Fam. I. 10 ' illo si veneris.' 7. Profectos eos. ' That they have gone to Asia ' to sue for pardon from Caesar. Cp. Ep. 80, 7. Cum ceteris, i.e. 'with the other re- pentant Pompeians.' 4o8 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part iv. CICERO ATTICO SAL. DICIT. Sollicitum esse te cum de tuis communibusque fortunis, turn i niaxime de me ac de dolore meo sentio ; qui quidem meus dolor non modo non minuitur, cum socium sibi adiungit dolorem tuum, sed etiam augetur. Omiiino pro tua prudentia sentis, 5 qua consolatione levari maxime possim ; probas eiiim meum consilium negasque mihi quicquam tali tempore potius facien- dum fuisse. Addis etiam— quod etsi mihi levius est quam tuum indicium, tamen non est leve — ceteris quoque, id est, qui pondus habeant, factum nostrum probari. Id si ita puta- 10 rem, levius dolerem. ' Crede ' inquis 'mihi.' Credo equidem, 2 sed scio, quam cupias rninui dolorem meum. Me discessisse ab armis numquam paenituit : tanta erat in illis crudelitas, tanta cum barbaris gentibus coniunctio ut non nominatim, sed generatim proscriptio esset informata, ut iam omnium iudicio 15 constitutum esset omnium vestrum bona praedam esse illius victoriae. 'Vestrum' plane dico ; numquam enim de te ipso nisi crudelissime cogitatum est. Qua re voluntatis me meae numquam paenitebit ; consilii paenitet. In oppido aliquo mal- lem resedisse, quoad arcesserer : minus sermonis subissem, minus 20 accepissem doloris ; ipsum hoc me non angeret. Brandish iacere in omnes partes est molestum. Propius accedere, ut suades, quo modo sine lictoribus, quos populus dedit, possum ? 3. Cum socium . . . tuum. On the Pompey.' accus. of adjectives as predicates, cp. Ep. 33, 16. Vestrum, ' of you who remained in 2, note; Madv. 227 a. Italy.' 9. Id si ita putarem, sc. 'esse.' Cp. Plane, 'expressly.' Nagelsb. 86, 235. Ep. 71, 2. Or is 'ita' pleonastic? Cp. 17. Voluntatis, ' of my wish to retire Zumpt, L. G. 748. from the struggle.' 12. In illis, 'among the Pompeians.' 18. Consilii, ' of the way in which 1 In illustration of the following passage, cp. have carried out my wish.' Intr. to Part III, §§7; 10; also Epp. 61, In oppido aliquo, 'in some town out 4; 62, 2; 63. 3, and Ad Att. 11. 7, 3, of Italy,' apparently, from the context, where he says of the war in Africa, ' iudi- 19. Quoad arcesserer, ' until I was sent cio hoc sum usus, non esse barbaris auxiliis for by Caesar,' ' until I had leave to return.' fallacissimae gentis rem publicam defenden- Minus sermonis subissem, 'I should dam.' in that case have been subjected to less 13. Ut non nominatim .. informata, criticism.' On the omission of a clause with ' that a proscription had been planned, not ' si," cp. Madv. 347 c. against individuals, but against whole classes.' 20. Ipsum hoc, 'my present trouble,' 14. Generatim =' universim, genera- i.e. self-reproach for having acted unwisely, liter ' (Forcell.) ; ' informata ' = ' mente con- Boot. cepta' (Boot). Cp. Ep. i, 2. 21. In omnes partes = 'omnino.' For- Omnium iudicio, 'in the opinion of cell, all ' the Pompeians. 22. Sine lictoribus. Cicero had not 15. Illius victoriae, 'of the victory of entered Rome (i.e. the ' urbs') since leaving EP.80.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XL 6. 409 qui mihi incolumi adimi non possunt ; quos ego nunc paulisper cum bacillis in turbam conicci ad oppidum accedcns, nc quis 3 impetus militum fieret. t Recipio tempore me domo, Te nunc ad oppidum et quoniam his placeret modo propius accedere, ut hac de re considerarent : credo fore auctores. Sic enim reci- 5 piunt, Caesari non modo de conservanda. sed etiam de augenda mea dignitate curae fore, meque hortantur, ut magno animo sim, ut omnia summa sperem : ea spondent, confirmant, quae quidem mihi exploratiora essent, si remansissem. Sed ingero praeterita. Vide, quaeso, igitur ea, quae restant, ct explora 10 cum istis, et si putabis opus esse et si istis placebit, quo magis factum nostrum Caesar probet quasi de suorum sententia factum, adhibeantur Trebonius, Pansa, si qui ahi, scribantque ad Cae- sarem me, quicquid fecerim, de sua sententia fecisse. 4 Tulliae meae morbus et imbecillitas corporis me exanimat, 15 quam tibi intellego magnae curae esse, quod est mihi gratissi- Cilicia, and consequently, not having for- feited his ' impcriuiii,' he was still attended by the lictors whose presence had so much embarrassed him. Cp. Ep. 46. Quos populus dedit. Cicero had prob- ably been invested with 'Iniperium' by a Lex Curiata, and may here refer to that fact. He had received his commission to govern Cili- cia from the senate. Intr. to Part II, § I7- 1. Incolumi, 'while I retain my poli- tical rights.' Cp. Ep. 16, 2. In this case Cicero means his ' imperium.' Hofm. 2. Cum bacillis, 'with their staves.' Opposed to ' fasces,' as single staves to a bundle. Forcell. Cp. De Leg. Agr. 2. 34, 93- In turbam conieci, 'caused to mingle with the crowd.' A rare sense of the word; ' se coniicere ' is common. Forcell. says ' coniicere ' sometimes— ' agere.' Oppidum, Brundisium. 3. Militum, of the garrison, which might be offended at the sight of a Pompeian sur- rounded by the ensigns of office. The words from recipio to considera- rent are evidently corrupt. The sense seems to be, that Cicero would resume the attendance of his lictors at a proper time, and wished to know what Oppius and some one else thought of the propriety of his drawing nearer to Rome. Billerb., Boot. Wesenb. suggests in a note ' Recipio tem- pore me ad Romam. Tu nunc ad Balbum et ad Oppium, quoniam lis placet me pro- pius accedere . . . considerent ; ' or, ' [Re- cipio me domo.] Tu nunc ad Oppium et * * * quoniam iis placeret me . . . con- siderarent' ut exciderit aliquid unde penderet ' quoniam . . . consid.' 6. De augenda . . dignitate. Prob- ably by granting him a triumph. Cp. Hofm. on ' praeterita ' below. 9. Si remansissem, ' if I had remained in Ital)',' instead of joining Pompey in Epirus. Ingero praeterita, 'I force past events on you,' ' trouble you with matters for whicii the time is past.' The verb is very rare in Cicero. Forcell. gives as equivalents, ' inmittere, iniicere prae^ertim hostilem im- petuni et crebram . . alicuius rei comniemo- rationem.' 10. Vide . . ea quae restant, 'con- sider what I can still effect.' Boot, Hofm. 11. Cum istis. Apparently with the persons referred to in the obscure passage at the opening of this section. 13. Trebonius : cp. Ep. 54, 7, note. Pansa : cp. Ep. 34, 7, note ; also Intr. to Part V, and several letters in that part. 14. Fecerim. On the tense, cp. Ep. 71, 3, note. 15. Tulliae . . morbus: cp. Ad Fam. 14. 9. She was now ill at Rome, but seems to have recovered before the spring of the next year. Exanimat, 'terrifies.' 9, I ' adventus Philotimi omnes qui mecum erant.' and Hor. Carm. 2. 17, I. Cp. Ad Att. 10. . . . exanimavit Also Ep. 69, I, 4IO M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. mum. De Pompeii exitu mihi dubium numquam fuit ; tanta 5 enim desperatio rerum eius omnium regum et populorum animos occuparat, ut, quocumque venisset, hoc putarem futurum. Non possum eius casum non dolere ; hominem enim integrum et 5 castum et gravem cognovi. De Fannio consoler te ? perniciosa 6 loquebatur de mansione tua ; L. vero Lentulus Hortensii domum sibi et Caesaris hortos et Baias desponderat Omnino haec eodem modo ex hac parte fiunt, nisi quod illud erat infinitum ; omnes enim, qui in Italia manserant, hostium numero habe- 10 bantur. Sed velim haec aliquando solutiore animo. Quintum 7 fratrem audio profectum in Asiam, ut deprecaretur ; de filio nihil audivi. Sed quaere ex Diochare, Caesaris liberto, quem ego non vidi, qui istas Alexandreas litteras attulit. Is dicitur vidisse [an] euntem, an iam in Asia. Tuas litteras, prout res I. De Pompeii exitu. Pompey was murdered off Alexandria, Sept. 28, 48 B.C., the day before his 58th birthday. Cp. Veil. 2- 53. 4- 3. Hoc, 'what has happened.' Cicero often uses the pronoun in this sense. Non possum, foil. Cicero's regret is rather coldly expressed ; partly, perhaps, owing to his view of Ponipey's conduct before and during the civil war, partly to complaints of longer standing. Cp. Ep. 54. 3 and 7. 5. De Fannio. This Fannius is per- haps identical with one mentioned Ad Att. 7. 15, 2, and 8. 15, 3, as commissioned to occupy Sicily for the Pompeians. He seems to have died in or soon after the battle of Pharsalus. Perniciosa . . . tua, 'he held very threatening language about your stay in Italy.' 6. L. Lentulus. The consul of 49 B.C. He was put to death at Alexandria by the Egyptian government shortly after the mur- der of Pompey. Cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 104. Hortensii. The younger Hortensius is referred to, about whom cp. Ep. 74, 5. 7. Hortos, some gardens near Rome, probably. Baias, 'an estate at B,iiae.' Such pro- perties were sometimes called simply by the name of the place near which thev were situated. Cp. Philipp. 2. 19,48, Misenum ; also Ep. 71, 10. Desponderat, 'had bargained for,' 'had made his own by anticipation,' as his share of the spoil. Haec, 'such confiscations.' Cp. Philipp. 2. 25 and 26, on the exactions of the Cae- sariaiis. 8. Ex hac parte, 'on the victorious side.' Illud, 'what the Pompeians threaten- ed.' Erat^ On the mood and tense, cp. Ep. 9, 7, note. 9. Habebantur, 'were esteemed,' and would have been treated. On the facts, cp. Ep. 61, 4, alib. 10. Solutiore animo, sc. ' disseramus.' 11. In Asiam : cp. § 4 of the preceding letter. Quintus, apparently, did not know how Caesar had hastened to Alexandria. Ut deprecaretur, sc. ' iram Caesaris.' We should expect ' deprecetur.' But the ambiguity of the Latin past tense profec- tum, which might mean either 'went,' or ' has gone,' leads to this irregularity, even where, as here, it means 'has gone.' Cp. Zumpt, L. G. 514, note i. Filio. The younger Quintus. Cp. Ad Att. II. 7, 7 'Quintum filium vidi qui Sami vidissent, patrem Sicyone — quorum deprecatio est facilis.' 12. Ex Diochare. ' Diocharinae epi- stolae' are mentioned Ad Att. 13. 45, i. 13. Istas Alexandreas litteras, 'that letter from Alexandria.' On this use of the adjective, cp. Ad Att. 8. 13, l ' nuntiis Brundisinis.' Cicero elsewhere uses the form ' Alexandrinus,' and hence Boot and Baiter substitute ' Alexandrea ' for the read- ing in the text, which is, apparently, that of the best MS. Caesar seems to have sent a letter from Alexandria by the hand of Dio- chares, which Atticus had seen or mentioned to Cicero, ' istas.' 14. Vidisse, sc. ' Q^ filium.* Euntem, 'on his way to Asia.' EP. 8 1 .] EP IS TO LA R UM AD A TTIC UM XL 9 . 411 postulat, cxspecto ; quas velim cures quam primum ad me per- ferendas. Illl. K. Decembr. 8]. ToATTICUS (AD ATT. XL 9)- Brundisium, Jan. 3, 47 B.C. (707 a.u.c.) I. You are quite right in saying that I have been hasty, and the leave granted me to remain in Italy prevents my retiring elsevi'here. I can only blame myself for my devotion to a hopeless cause. 2. I did as my nearest friends wished : how has my brother repaid me ! I learned that he had been writing letters full of abuse of me, and opened some which quite bore out what I had heard. I send them to you ; forward them or not as you choose. Pomponia has his seal. 3. I hope you will attend to Tullia's wants ; she has no other protector. I write on my birthday, an unhappy anniversary ! CICERO ATTICO .SAL. 1 Ego vero et incaute, ut scribis, et celerlus, quam oportuit, feci nee in ulla sum spe, quippe qui exceptionibus edictorum retinear ; quae si non essent sedulitate effectae et benevolentia 5 tua, liceret mihi abire in solitudines aliquas : nunc ne id quidem licet. Quid autem me iuvat, quod ante initum tribunatum veni, si ipsum^ quod veni, nihil iuvat? iam quid sperem ab An, ' or perhaps.' Nearly = ',iut.' Boot, Hofm. Tuas litteras, 'a letter from you.' On this use of a possessive pronoun, see £p. ^2, I, note. 3. Ego vero, 'yes, I.' 'Vero,' though at the beginning of a letter, has its usual force of a corroborative reply, as 'ut scribis' shews. Cp. Ep. 99, I. 4. Feci, 'acted,' in returning to Italy. Exceptionibus edictorum, 'the excep- tions made in my favour in various edicts,' i.e. the permission to remain in Italy granted by them. Cp. Ad Att. 11. 7, 2 ' ille"(Auto- nius) edixit ita ut me exciperet et Laelium nominatini.' Tfiis annoyed Cicero ; he would have preferred to have had the per- mission granted in general terms, and not to have been mentioned by name. 5. Retinear, 'am detained here.' To leave Italy again would have seemed to slight Caesar's clemency. Cp. ' ne id qui- dem licet,' below, and Ad Att. 11. 7, 2. 7. Ante initum tribunatum, ' before the present tribunes came into office,' which they did on Dec. 10. Atticus may have congratulated Cicero on having returned to Italy before that date, because the new tribunes had carried, apparently, a law against absentees. Cp. lege, below. Cicero alfccts to believe that this law might be enforced .against him retrospectively. In substance, from Wieland. 8. Ipsum, quod veni, 'my having returned at all,' without reference to the date. There is something tautologous in this, or rather, perh.ips, a false antithesis. We should expect words meaning, ' If I am no better off than those who have remained abroad.' Jam, 'moreover.' Cp. Ep. 5, 2. Ab eo, 'from Antony,' most probably; some say ' from Dolabella.' 412 M. TULLII CICERO N IS [part IV. eo, qui mihi amicus numquam fuit, cum iam lege etiam sim confectus et oppressus ? qtioHdie. iam Balbi ad me litterae langui- diores, multaeque multorum ad ilium, fortasse contra me. Meo vitio pereo ; nihil mihi mali casus attulit ; omnia culpa con- 5 tracta sunt. Ego enim, cum genus belli viderem, imparata et infirma omnia contra paratissimos, statueram, quid facerem, ce- peramque consilium non tarn forte quam mihi praeter ceteros concedendum. Cessi meis vel potius parui, ex quibus unus 2 qua mente fuerit, is, quem tu mihi commendas, cognosces ex 10 ipsius litteris, quas ad te et ad alios misit, quas ego numquam aperuissem, nisi res acta sic esset : delatus est ad me fasciculus ; solvi, si quid ad me esset litterarum : nihil erat ; epistola Vatinio et Ligurio altera ; iussi ad eos deferri ; illi ad me statim ardentes dolore venerunt, scelus hominis clamantes ; epistolas mihi legerunt 15 plenas omnium in me probrorum. Hie Ligurius furere : se enim 1. Lege etiam, ' by a law, as well as by Antony's proclamation.' It may have been proposed by the new tribunes, of whom Dolabella wasone. Manut. Without know- ing its terms it is impossible to explain this passage. It may have forbidden any who had served in Pompey's army to return to Rome; in which case Cicero, by the words ipsum quod veni nihil iuvat, would mean that his position was as bad at Bruu- disium as it would have been if he had stayed in Greece. Or the law may merely have excluded such persons from Italy, in which case Cicero must be affecting to fear that it might be retrospective, in contradic- tion to what he implies in ' retinear ' above. He writes in depression and vexation, and his words should not be too closely criti- cised. He had little reason to fear Dola- bella, if it was true, as he had written to Antony, that Caesar had signified to Dola- bella his wish that Cicero should return to Italy. Cp. Ad Att. ii. 7, 2. 2. Balbi : cp. Epp. ^27, 2 ; 44, 6, notes. Languidiores, ' more lukewarm.' 3. Ad ilium, 'to Caesar.' Boot. How Cicero learned that so many letters were written to Caesar, we cannot tell. Cp. Ad Att. II. 7, 5; II. 8, i; Manut. suggests that the bearers would embark at Brun- disium where Cicero was. Meo vitio, 'by my own fault.' Cp. the next sentence. 5. Genus belli, 'the nature of the con- test.' Cp. Pro Leg. Man. 2-7. Imparata . . paratissimos, 'that our forces were weak and unready in all re- spects, and those of our enemy admirably prepared.' 6. Statueram, quid facerem : cp. Madv. 356, Obs. 2, ' I had settled what to do.' 7. Mihi . . concedendum. Because he had opposed violent measures, and was under no special obligations to Pompey. 8. Unus, his brother Quintus. See below. 9. Commendas. In one of his letters, apparently. Atticus might fear more for Quintus than for his brother. See below in this section. 11. Sic, 'as I am going to tell you.' Fasciculus, 'a packet of letters.' Cp. Ep. 31- 7- 12. Solvi, si quid, 'I broke it open, (to see) whether.' For a similar ellipse, see Ep. 98, 4. The conj. of 'possum' with an infinitive is most common in this construc- tion. Cp. Madv. 451 d. Epistola, sc. ' missa erat,' 'there was a letter for Vatinius.' 13. Ligurio. 'A. Ligurius, Caesaris familiaris, mortuus est, bonus homo et nobis amicus' Ad Fam. 16. 18, 3: cp. Ad Q^ F. 3- 7. 2. 14. Scelus hominis clamantes, 'ex- claiming, " what shameful conduct." ' On the accus., cp. Ep. 67, 3, note. 'Homo' is here used depreciatingly. Cp. De Offic. 3. 6, 31- 15. Hie, 'hereupon.' Common in Cicero in this sense. Furere, hist. inf. Madv, 392. EP. 8 1.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XI. 9. 413 scire summo ilium in odio fuisse Caesari ; hunc tamen non modo favisse, sed etiam tantam illi pecuniam dedisse honoris mei causa. Hoc ego dolore accepto volui scire, quid scripsisset ad ceteros ; ipsi enim illi putavi perniciosum fore, si eius hoc tantum scelus percrebruissct. Cognovi eiusdem generis, ad te misi ; quas si 5 putabis illi ipsi utile esse reddi, reddes ; nil me laedet. Nam, quod resignatae sunt, habet, opinor^ eius signum Pomponia. Hac ille acerbitate initio navigationis cum usus esset, tanto me dolore adfecit, ut postea iacuerim, neque nunc tam pro se quam contra 3 me laborare dicitur. Ita omnibus rebus urgeor, quas sustinere vix 'o possum vel plane nullo modo possum ; quibus in miseriis una est pro omnibus, quod istam miseram patrimonio, fortuna omni spoliatam relinquam : qua re te, lit polliceris, videre plane velim ; alium enim, cui illam commendem, habeo neminem, quoniam matri quoque eadem intellexi esse parata, quae mihi. Sed, si 15 1. Scire, orat. obliq. Madv. 403, and Obs. 2. Ilium, i.e. Quintus. Hunc, i.e. Caesar. 2. Favisse,'had shewn regard for him,' by appointing him his legate in Gaul. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 11. Tantum. .pecuniam dedisse: cp. Ep. 29, 18, note. Honoris mei causa, ' as a compliment to me.' 3. Quid scripsisset, sc. Quintus. 4. Ipsi . . illi, (>uinto. 5. Percrebruissct, ' should have become generally known.' On the plup., depending on putavi fore, cp. Ep. 56, 5, note. Cognovi . . generis, sc. ' epistolas esse.' 6. Illi . . utile, 'to Quintus' own advantage.* Reddi, 'should be delivered to those to whom they are addressed.' Reddes : cp. p. 80, note on 1. 2. Nam : cp. Ep. 9, 3, note. ' Never mind their having been opened, for.' 7. Qiiod resignatae sunt, ' as to their having had their seals broken,' which would of course surprise the recipients. On ' quod,' cp. Ep. 8. 14, note. Habet.. Pomponia. Pomponia, wife of Quintus, had apparently been entrusted with his seal, and seems to have been at Rome, so that Atticus might borrow the seal and reseal the letters. See the remarks of Merivale on this curious incident, in a note to his translation of Abeken, p. 321, Hac . . acerbitate, 'the same bitter- ness of feeling.' 8. Initio navigationis, 'at the begin- ning of our voyage' from Corcyra. Ablat. of the date, cp. Ep. 8, 11, note. The two brothers apparently sailed in company for some time, perhaps to Patrae, and then parted, Quintus for Asia, Marcus for Italy. Cp. Ep. 79, 4. 9. Ut postea iacuerim, 'that I have been quite out of spirits ever since.' On the force of the tense, cp. Madv. 382, Obs. I ; and on this meaning of ' iacere,' Ad Fam. 9. 20, 3 ' cura . . ut valeas ne ego te iacente bona tua comedim.' 11. Vel = ' vel potius.' Niigelsb. 84, 233. Una est pro omnibus, ' grieves me as much as all the rest put together.' Cp. Ad Att. 2. 5, I ' Cato . . qui mihi unus est pro centum millibus.' 12. Istam miseram, i.e. TuUia. On her troubles, cp. Epp. 71, 9; 78, i; 80, 4. Patrimonio. Cicero feared, or pre- tended to fear, that Caesar might confiscate his property and Terentia's, thus depriving Tullia of her 'patrimoniuni,' while Dolabella was embarrassed and unable to do much for her. 13. Relinquam, i.e. ' at my death.' Videre = ' convenire' (Forcell.), 'to have an interview with you here,' 14. Illam, i.e. Tullia. 15. Matri. Severity to women had been little practised in the Roman revolutions, though an instance may be found in the 414 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. me non offendes, satis tamen habeto commendatam patruumque in ea, quantum poteris, mitigate. Haec ad te die natali meo scripsi, quo utinam susceptus non essem aut ne quid ex eadem matre postea natum esset ! Plura scribere fletu prohibeor. 82. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XI. 12). Brundisium, March 8, 47 b.c. (707 a.u.c.) I. I have always told Caesar that I left Italy because I found men's criticisms intolerable, 2. and wrote lately to assure him that Quintus had had no influence on my movements. 3. I shall hold similar language if I meet Caesar. I am very anxious about the state of affairs in Africa and Spain, and so I think are you, though you are luiwilling to alarm me. 4. Write to Antony on my behalf, if you think it desirable. I am ashamed of Dolabella. Write to me even if you have nothing to say. I have accepted Galeo's bequest. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 5 Cephalio mihi a te litteras reddidit a. d. VIII. Idus Mart, ves- 1 pere. Eo autem die mane tabellarios miseram, quibus ad te dederam litteras : tuis tamen lectis litteris putavi aliquid rescri- benduni esse, maxime, quod ostendis te pendere animi, quamnam rationem sim Caesari allaturus profectionis meae tum, cum ex treatment of Licinia, wife of C. Gracchus. Cp. Plut. C. Gracchus, 17. Cicero's fears were hardly justified, even leaving Caesar's clemency out of consideration. Si me non offendes. Graevius (ap. Boot) supposes that Cicero hints at suicide ; but Boot, that he merely alludes to an intention of leaving Brundisium. 1. Habeto . . mitigato. According to Madv. 109 and 384, these are futures. Patruumque, i.e. the elder Quintus. 2. In ea, 'towards her.' Cp. Madv. 230, In, b, Obs. 1. Mitigato,' appease.' Forcell. Die natali meo, the third of January. It was his fifty-ninth birthday. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § I. 3. Scripsi, 'I have written.' Utinam . . non. ' Ne ' is much more common, but perhaps ' non' is considered as forming one verb with ' susceptus essem.' Cp. Madv. 351 b, Obs. I. Susceptus, 'raised from the ground' by his father, in token of recognition. 'Sublatus' is also used in this sense. Aut ne quid . . natum esset, 'or that no other offspring had been born afterwards of the same mother.' An outburst of vexa- tion against his brother. 5. Cephalio, a letter carrier in the ser- vice of Atticus. Cp. Ep. 68, 2. Mihi. .litteras reddidit . . dederam litteras. 'Dare' is used of letters either with the nom. of the writer and dat. of the bearer, or with the nom. of the bearer and dat. of the receiver. The letter of his own to which Cicero refers is Ad Att. II, II. 8. Te pendere animi, 'that you are very anxious.' On this genitive, cp. Madv. 296 b, Obs. 3. 9. Rationem . . allaturus. ' Adferre rationem ' is a common phrase. Cp. De Fin. 5. 10, 27. Profectionis meae . . discesserim, ' of my departure, I mean when I left Italy.' The adverb ' tum ' is apparently joined with a substantive, but the expression is a concise one for ' quae tum facta est.' Cp. Madv. 301 c, Obs. 2. EP.82.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XI. 12. 415 Italia discesserim. Nihil opus est mihi nova ratione ; saepe enim ad eum scripsi multisque mandavi me non potuisse, cum cupissem, scrmones hominum sustinere, multaque in eam sen- tentiam. Nihil enim erat, quod minus eum vcllem existimare, quam me tanta de re non meo consilio usum esse. Posteaque, 5 cum mihi litterae a Balbo Cornelio minore missae essent ilium existimare Ouintum fratrem lituum meae profectionis fuisse — ita enim scripsit — , qui nondum cognossem, quae de me Quintus scripsisset ad multos, etsi multa praesens in praesentem acerbe dixerat et fecerat, tamen nihilo minus his verbis ad Caesarem 10 scripsi : 2 ' De Ouinto fratre meo non minus laboro quam de me ipso, sed eum tibi commendare hoc meo tempore non audeo ; illud dum- taxat tamen audebo petereabs te, quod te oro, ne quid existimes ab illo factum esse, quo minus mea in te officia constarent minusve 15 te diligerem, potiusque semper ilium auctorem nostrae coniunc- tionis fuisse meique itineris comitem, non ducem : qua re ceteris in rebus tantum ei tribues, quantum humanitas tua amicitiaque 1. Nova ratione, ' of any new plan ' or ' mode of defence.' 2. Scripsi multisque mandavi, 'I wrote and charged many friends to write.' Cum cupissem, 'though I had been anxious to do so.' 3. Sermones hominum, ' what people said of my conduct.' See Ep. 59, I. Multaque in eam sententiam, ' and much more to the same effect.' 4. Nihil enim . . usum esse, ' the last thing I could wish Caesar to think would be that I did not act independently.' Cicero has just said that he assured Caesar that he was influenced by the opinion of his party, but apparently he feared that his brother might be charged with having induced him to leave Italy. 6. Balbo, cp. Ep. 55, 4, note. Ilium, sc. Caesarem. For the omission of words meaning ' to the effect that ' after missae essent, see Ep. 74, 4, note. 7. Lituum . . fuisse, 'had given the signal for my departure.' The words are probably a quotation from Balbus or from Caesar. Cp. Ad Fam. 6. 12, 3, where T. Ampius Balbus is said to have been called 'tuba civilis belli.' 8. Qui nondum cognossem .. scrip- si, ' I wrote as follows to Caesar, not know- ing how Quintus had written of me.' From etsi to nihilo minus inclusive seems to be parenthetical, and tamen pleonastic. The general drift seems to be, that Cicero was not induced to desert his brother's interest by the latter's violent language, but might have been more affected by a know- ledge of his letter. 13. Hoc meo tempore, 'in my present unhappy position.' Cp. Epp. i, 4; 29, 8, note. 14. Quod te oro. 'Quod' is here a relative, illud being its antecedent. The sentence is rather pleonastic. Cp. id te . . rogo below. On the accus. ' quod,' cp. Mad v. 228 b, Obs. i. 15. Quo minus .. constarent, ' to pre- vent my services to you continuing without interruption.' Forcell. gives ' permanere' as a synonym for ' constare.' On the construc- tion, cp. Madv. 375, b. 16. Potiusque, 'but rather.' Cp. Madv. 433, Obs. 2. Nostrae coniunctionis, ' of an union between you and me.' 17. Meique . . non ducem, ' and that when I left Italy he was my companion and not my leader.' Ceteris in rebus, ' in all other respects' (Wiel.), i. e. without considering his sup- posed influence upon me. 18. Tribues : cp. Ep. 11, 3, note. 4i6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. vestra postulat ; ego ei ne quid apud te obsim, id te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo.' Qua re, si quis congressus fuerit mihi cum Caesare, etsi non 3 dubito, quin is lenis in ilium futurus sit idque iam declaraverit, 5 ego tamen is ero, qui semper fui. Sed, ut video, multo magis est nobis laborandum de Africa, quam quidem tu scribis confirmari quotidie magis ad condicionis spem quam victoriae. Quod utinam ita esset ! sed longe aliter esse intellego, teque ipsum ita existi- mare arbitror, aliter autem scribere, non fallendi, sed confirmandi lo mei causa, praesertim cum adiungatur ad Africam etiam Hispania, Quod me admones, ut scribam ad Antonium et ad ceteros, si quid 4 videbitur tibi opus esse, velim facias id, quod saepe fecisti ; nihil enim mihi venit in mentem, quod scribendum putem. Quod me audis erectiorem esse animo, quid putas, cum videas accessisse ad 15 superiores aegritudines praeclaras generi actiones ? Tu tamen velim ne intermittas, quod eius facere poteris, scribere ad me, etiam si rem, de qua scribas, non habebis ; semper enim adferunt aliquid mihi tuae litterae. Galeonis hereditatem crevi ; puto enim 1. Ego ei . . obsim, ' that he may not suffer for my behaviour.' 2. Etiam atque etiam, 'repeatedly,' hence ' pressingly,' ' earnestly.' Forcell. 3. Congressus, ' interview.' Etsi non dubito . . fui, 'though I do not doubt thai Caesar is kindly disposed to my brother I shall continue to intercede for him, and not try to lay the blame of my mistake on him.' 5. Sed ut video . . de Africa, ' I see that we ought to be far more anxious about Africa ' than about Caesar's reception of us. The republicans were collecting large forces in Africa, and if they prevailed against Caesar, Cicero's hasty return to Italy would disgrace him in the eyes of the victors, and perhaps exj)ose him to danger. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 4, on the facts. 6. Quam confirmari, foil., 'which you say is gaining strength, but after such a fashion as to give more hopes of a treaty (Niigelsb. 64, 173) than of a victory.' Cp. Ep. 100, 2 'si armis aut condicione po- sitis,' foil. 8. Longe aliter esse, so. 'id.' On the adverb as pred., cp. Ep. 4, I. Cicero feared the triumph of such men as Labienus and the sons of Pompey, and thought that Atticus was cherishing vain hopes of a settle- ment by negotiation. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, §6. 9. Confirmandi, ' of encouraging.' 'Confirmare' = ' solari.' Forcell. On the sense, cp. Ep. So, 2. 10. Praesertim cum refers to the main drift of the sentence ' te ita existimare,' foil. Hispania. Disafl'ection had been caused in Spain by the misconduct of Caesar's lieu- tenant, Q. Cassius Longinus. Cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 13; IV, § 4. 12. Id quod saepe fecisti, i.e. written letters in my name. Cp. Ep. 79, 3. 14. Quid putas, ' what do you think of the probability of such a rumour ?' 15. Praeclaras generi actiones. Ci- cero refers to Dolabella's attacks upon the public credit. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 5 ; Dion Cassius 42, 29-32. 16. Quod eius, foil. On the construc- tion, cp. Madv. 284. 18. Galeonis. Galeo seems to be only mentioned here. Crevi, 'have decided to accept.' After a will had been read a certain time was allowed in most cases for the heir named in it to decide if he would accept the inherit- ance. If it was much encumbered he might be unwilling to do so. Smith, Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' Heres,' p. 599. EP. 83.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XV. i^. 417 cretionem simplicem fuisse, quoniam ad me nulla missa est- Vlll. Idus Martias. 83. To C. CASSIUS (AD F A M. XV. 15). Brundisium, 47 B.C. (707 A.U.C.) I. We 1)oth agreed that the issue of a single pitched battle should decide our conduct, 2. but our calculations have been baffled by the delay in Caesar's move- ments, which has resulted from the hostility of the Alexandrians and of Pharnaces, and from the obstinacy of his Roman enemies. 3. Our decision v/as the same; our position has been different ; you have been vk'ith Caesar, I have been a witness of the misery of Italy and of its capital. 4. Write me word of all that you see and anticipate. Would that I had obeyed your advice two years ago ! M. CICERO S. D. C. CASSIO. 1 Etsi uterque nostrum spe pacis et odio civilis sanguinis abesse a belli pertinacia voluit, tamen, quoniam eius consilii princeps ego fuisse videor, plus fortasse tibi praestare ipse debeo quam a 5 te exspectare : etsi, ut saepe soleo mecum recordari, sermo fami- liaris mens tecum et item mecum tuus adduxit utrumque nostrum ad id consilium, ut uno proelio putaremus, si non totam causam, at certe nostrum iudicium definiri convenire. Neque quisquam hanc nostram sententiam vere umquam reprehendit praeter eos, 10 qui arbitrantur melius esse deleri omnino rem publicam quam 1. Cretionem simplicem, ' an accep- shewn. Hofm. On the movements of Cas- tance and iioihing more.' Cicero means that sius and Cicero afler the battle, cp. Intr. to he got nothing by the bequest. Boot, Part IV, § 3, Cicero had been the first of Siipfle, Rein, Privatrecht, 829, note. the two to decide on neutrality. Nulla, sc. 'hereditas.' Forcell. and Wiel., 5. Plus .. praestare, ' to furnish more ' however, with whom Mr. Parry and Mr. in the way of advice — which, however, in Jeans agree, follow M.nnitius in thinking § 4, Cicero asks of Cassius. that the words mean 'I think 1 am sole heir, 6. Etsi, ' however.' Cp. Epp. 36, 3 ; for I have received no notice from other 'Jl, 9, notes. claimants.' In that case ' cretio ' meaning Sermo . . mecum tuus, 'my remarks ' a formal declaration to accept' (on the part to you and yours to me in friendly inter- of another 'heres') must be supplied with course.' ' missa est.' 8. Ad id consilium ut .. putaremus, ' to this conclusion, that we thought.' For 3. Uterque nostrum. On the different similar pleonasms, cp. Madv. 481 b. use of 'nostrum' and 'nostri,' cp. Madv. Si non totam .. iudicium, 'if not the 297 c, Obs. whole quarrel, at least our own judgment ' Abesse . . pertinacia, 'to keep away what to do. from a war to be waged with obstinacy,' 10. Vere, 'really.' 'from an obstinate perseverance in war.' Eos qui . . manere. The violent After Pharsalus both sides would fight ob- Pompeians. stinately, and there would be little mercy E e 4i8 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part IV. imminutam et debilitatam manere : ego autem ex interitu eius nullam spem scilicet mihi proponebam, ex reliquiis magnam. Sed ea sunt consecuta, ut magis mirum sit accidere ilia potuisse, 2 quam nos non vidisse ea futura nee, homines cum essemus, 6 divinare potuisse. Equidem fateor meam coniecturam banc fuisse, ut illo quasi quodam fatali proelio facto et victores com- muni saluti consuli vellent et victi suae, utrumque autem positum esse arbitrarer in celeritate victoris : quae si fuisset, eandem cle- mentiam experta esset Africa, quam cognovit Asia, quam etiam 10 Achaia te, ut opinor, ipso legato ac deprecatore ; amissis autem temporibus, quae plurimum valent, praesertim in bellis civilibus, interpositus annus alios induxit, ut victoriam sperarent, alios, ut ipsum vinci contemnerent. Atque horum malorum omnium culpam fortuna sustinet : quis enim aut Alexandrini belli tantam 15 moram huic bello adiunctum iri aut nescio quern istum Pharnacem Asiae terrorem illaturum putaret ? Nos tamen in consilio pari 3 2. Scilicet, 'naturally,' 'of course.' Cp. Ep. 12, 4. 3. Sed ea . . potuisse, 'our conduct then was reasonable ; but subsequent events have prevented our enjoying the full benefit of our prudence; and no one could have fore- seen the turn things have taken.' Cicero re- fers to the prolongation of the war in Egypt and Pontus. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 3. 4. Homines cum essemus, 'as we were but men.' ' Homo' here implies 'im- becillitatem et peccandi facilitatem,' as in passages quoted by Forcell. 5. Meam coniecturam . . ut . . vel- lent. On this use of ' ut ' in explaining substantives, cp. Ep. 13, 3, note. ' My con- jecture was that the conquerors were will- ing.' A condensed expression for 'ut putarem velle.' Hofm. The usual construction fol- lows in ' ut arbitrarer,* on which cp. note on § I. 6. Et victores . . suae, 'that the con- querors would shew their care for the general interest by offering easy terms, and the conquered for their own by laying down their arms.' 7. Utrumque . . positum . . victoris, ' but thought that the fulfilment of both these hopes depended on Caesar's following up his advantages with speed.' 8. Quae si fuisset, sc. ' celeritas,' 'and if he had done so.' 9. Africa . . Asia . . Achaia. These words refer to the Pompeian refugees in the three countries mentioned, some of whom had been forgiven by Caesar. Cp. Ad Att. II. 14, I ' Achaici deprecatores .. quibus non erat ignotum, etiam quibus erat;' lb. II. 20, 2 ' omnino dicitur (Caesar) nemini negare.' Etiam, i.e. because Achaia had been the scene of actual war. Hofm. 10. Te . . legato, foil., 'with you for their representative and spokesman,' abl. abs. 11. Temporibus = tSjv Kaipwv, 'the proper times for action.' Cp. Pro Muren. 21, 43 ' amisso iam tempore.' 12. Interpositus annus, 'the year which has intervened ' since the battle of Pharsalus, which was fought Aug. 9, 48 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 11. Induxit, 'beguiled,' a common sense of the word. 13. Ipsum vinci, 'defeat itself.' Cp. Ep. 47, 2 ; Nagelsb. 33, 104. 14. Fortuna : cp. the beginning of this section. Alexandrini .. moram: cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 3. On the genit. 'belli/ cp. Ep. 27, 3, note. 15. Pharnacem: cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 3, and Caes. Bell. Alex. 35-41. 16. Putaret, almost = ' putasset : ' cp. Ep. 63, 2 ' quaereretur,' and Zumpt, L. G. 52 = , note 2. In consilio pari, 'though our plans were the same.' Cicero rather misrepre- sents what had happened, perhaps. For except from this passage we should not suppose that Cassius decided to lay down EP.83.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XV.i^. 419 casu dissimili usi sumus : tu enim earn partem petisti, ut et con- siliis interesses et, quod maxime curam levat, futura animo prospicere posses ; ego, qui fcstinavi, ut Caesarem in Italia viderem— sic enim arbitrabamur — eumque multis honcstissimis viris consei'vatis redeuntem ad pacem currentem, ut aiunt, inci- 5 tarem, ab illo longissime et absum et afui. Versor autem in gemitu Italiae et in urbis miserrimis querelis, quibus aliquid opis fortasse ego pro mea, tu pro tua, pro sua quisque parte ferre 4 potuisset, si auctor adfuisset. Qua re velim pro tua perpetua erga me benevolentia scribas ad me, quid videas, quid sentias, 10 quid exspectandum, quid agendum nobis existimes. Magni erunt mihi tuae litterae ; atque utinam primis illis, quas Luceria miseras, paruissem ! sine ulla enim molestia dignitatem meam retinuissem. his arms on hearing the news of Pharsalus. His submission at the Hellespont (cp. p. 394) may have been the result of a momentary impulse. I. Casu dissimili, foil., 'have met with a different fate.' Earn partem petisti, 'you joined a party [in which].' Cp. Ep. 129, 2 'cum vero non iiceret mihi nullius partis esse.' Ut et consiliis interesses, 'where you could take part in deliberations.' Ut . . prospicere posses. Cassius per- haps attended Caesar during the war of Alexandria, and certainly acted as his legate at some time between 48 and 46 B.C. Cp. Ad Att. II. 15, 2 ; Ep. 91, 10. 4. Sic enim arbitrabamur, sc. 'fore,' ' for we thought he would soon be there,' as not ftireseeing the Alexandrine war, and that with Pharnaces. Multis . . conservatis: cp. § 2. Cicero refers to Caesar's clemency after the battle of Pharsalus. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 3 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 98. M. Brutus and C. Cassius were among those whom he spared. 5. Currentem .. incitarem, 'spur him though already willing." A proverbial ex- pression. Cp. Ad Q. F. I. I, 45 ; Philipp. 3. 8, 19 ; De Orat. 2. 44, 1S6. Cicero tries to make out that his conduct had been more patriotic than that of C;issius. 6. Versor autem, 'while I am sur- rounded by.' 7. Gemitu . . querelis. These com- plaints were probably caused, partly by the licentious conduct of Antony, partly by the quarrels of Trebellius and Dolabella. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 5. 9. Si auctor adfuisset, 'had one been present to give us the protection of his name,' i.e. Caesar. Hofm. 10. Quid videas, quid sentias, 'what your views and feelings are on our pro- spects.' 11. Nobis, dat. of the agent. Cp. Madv. 250 b. 12. Luceria. Pompey's head-quarters were at Luceria for some time before he left Italy in 49 B.C. Cp. Epp. 49 ; 54, 4-5. Cassius seems to have been there with him, and to have warned Cicero in the letter here referred to, 'primis illis,' not to leave Italy. 13. Dignitatem . . retinuissem. He could probably have maintained an honour- able neutrality, or if he had wished to ap- pear in the senate might have held a good position there, and have obtained a triumph. Cp. Epp. 54, 6; 67, I; 73, 2. On the meaning of ' dignitas,' cp. Ep. 47, i, note. E e 2 420 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. 84. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XII. i). Near Arpinum, May (?) 25, 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I. I hope to be at the appointed place on the 28th. I would gladly see Tullia and Attica at once; remember me to the latter, and to Pilia. 2. I have just received your letter, and am sorry to hear of Attica's feverish attack. I shall, however, visit you on the day on which you expect me. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Undecimo die postquam a te discesseram, hoc litterularum 1 exaravi egrediens e villa ante lucem, atque eo die cogitabam in Anagnino, postero autem in Tusculano ; ibi unum diem. V. Ka- lend. igitur ad constitutum ; atque utinam continue ad complexum 5 meae Tulliae, ad osculum Atticae possim currere ! quod quidem ipsum scribe, quaeso, ad me, ut, duni consisto in Tusculano, sciam, quid garriat, sin rusticatur, quid scribat ad te, eique interea aut scribes salutem aut nuntiabis, itemque Piliae. Et May. I had followed Baiter (with whom Schiitz and Billerb. agree) in giving this date. But as no month is mentioned in the letter, and as Ep. 85 seems not to have been written later than April (see the introductory note on it), I now think that the present letter may belong to an earlier month, perhaps March, 1. Undecimo die postquam. For this and similar modes of expressing dates, cp. Madv. 276, Obs. 6. Hoc litterularum. The subst. seems to be only here used in this sense by Cicero. On the gen., cp. Ep. 75, i, note. 2. Exaravi, epistolary: cp. Ep. I, I, note. The word occurs again Ad Att. 13. 38, I. It means, 'scratched on the waxed tablets.' Mr. Tyrrell, however, Intr. p. Iv, thinks that the word might be applied to a letter written with pen and ink. Egrediens, 'on leaving,' 'just before leaving.' E villa, probably at Arpinum, which would suit the following dates. In Anagnino, sc. ' manere.' Such el- lipses are common in letters. Cp. Ep. 106, 4. One of Cicero's numerous villas appa- rently was at Anagnia, the old chief town of the Hernici. 3. V. Kalend. Boot remarks 'cuius mensis Kalendae fuerint non liquet.' 4. Ad constitutum, sc. 'eram venturus.' ' Constitutum ' often stands alone, and its sense must be determined by the context. Sometimes (cp. Ad Att. II. 16, 2) 'consti- tutum ' is a substantive, when ' ad const.' would mean ' by appointment.' According to Boot on the passage last quoted, it means ' anything settled,' whether time, place, or business. Here he says 'ad constitutum ' = ' in locum ubi tecum constitui ' — which makes very good sense. Forcell. explains it ' ad constitutam diem.' Atque utinam . . currere. Perhaps the place where Cicero and Atticus were to meet was unhealthy or otherwise inconve- nient for the family of Atticus. 5. Q^uod quidem ipsum, 'as to this very thing.' Grammatically these words refer to 'osculum Atticae,' but in sub- stance to Attica herself. She was now 4 or 5 years old. Cp. Ad Att. 6. 5, 4, and Ap- pendix 3, § 7. 7. Quid garriat, 'what she prattles about.' Sin rusticatur, 'or if she is in the country,' Atticus apparently being at Rome. ' Rusticari,' = ' ruri degere.' Forcell. Quid scribat, Attica must have been carefully educated, or she might dictate her letters, as her elders did generally. 8. Interea, 'on the strength of this letter, before I hear from you again.' Scribes, ' write ' if she is away ; nun- tiabis, 'tell her' if she is with you. On the -2nd pers. fut. ind. in this sense, cp. Ep. II, 3, note. Piliae : cp. Ep. 31, 7, alib. EP. 84.] JSP IS TOLA RUM AD ATTICUM XII. i, 421 tamen, etsi continuo congressuri sumus, scribes ad me, si quid habebis. Cum complicarem hanc epistolam, noctuabundus ad me venit cum epistola tua tabellarius, qua lecta de Atticac fcbricula scilicet valde dolui. Reliqua, quae exspectabam, ex tuis litteris cognovi 5 omnia ; sed quod scribis ' igniculum matutinum yepovTiKuv,' yepov- TiKcoTfpov est memoriola vacillare : ego enim IIII. Kal. Axio de- deram, tibi ill., Quinto, quo die venissem, id est prid. Kal. Hoc igitur habebis, novi nihil. Quid ergo opus erat epistola.!^ Quid.? cum coram sumus et garrimus quicquid in buccam ? Est profecto 10 quiddam Ae'rrx??, quae habet, etiam si nihil subcst, collocutione ipsa suavitatem. I. Tamen, etsi, 'yet even, although,' often written ' tanietsi,' but dtfeiided by Boot in this place. 3. This section is a postscript. Complicarem, 'was fastening up' for despatch. Cp. note C on Part I. Noctuabundus. This word only occurs here, and presents a difficulty : for such words are generally derived from verbs, and we know of no verb ' noctuare.' Boot accordingly suspects the word. But perhaps Cicero was deceived by a false analogy. Cp. Ep. 38, 3- He did not often form such words from verbs of the first conjugation, though we find ' volutabundus ' in a fragment of de Rep. II, 41, 68. The meaning of such words is equivalent to that of a present active. Cp. Madv. II5 g, here 'travelling all night.' ' Noctu vagans.' Forcell. ; qui de niulta nocte ambulasset, Manut. 4. De Atticae febricula, 'about At- tica's slight attack of fever.' The word is rare. Atticus seems to have mentioned the illness in the letter just referred to. It was tedious. Cp. Ad Att. 12. 6, 4. Scilicet : cp. Ep. 12, 4, note. 5. Reliqua . . omnia, 'all the other news I was w.iiting for.' What Cicero refers to we cannot tell. 6. Igniculum . . y^povr lkuv, 'that to want a little fire in the morning is a sign of old age.' Cicero had probably asked At- ticus to have a little fire made for him in the morning when he should stay with him. ' This,' Atticus said, ' is a sign of old age.' Cicero rose early (cp. § i), and the C.ilendar was really about two months in advance of the true season. Cp. Appendi.x 8. The word fipovTiKuv occurs Plat. Legg. 761 C. •yepovTiKwTipov . . v3.c\\\Axe, 'it is a surer sign of old age that one's poor memory should falter.' 7. Memoriola only occurs here ; it is used to express pity and depreciation. Cicero refers to Atticus having forgotten his engage- ment. See the next words. Vacillare ='dubitare,' 'labare.' Forcell. Ego enim . . prid. Kal, 'as yours does, for I had originally intended to spend the 29th with Axius, the 30th with you, and the 31st with Quintus.' But when I found you had mistaken the day, and were ex- pecting me on the 28th, I wrote above (cp. p. 420, 1. 3) to say I would be with you on the 28th. Cicero was probably to visit Atticus in a suburban villa, as he was to be with Quintus on the day he reached Rome — quo die venissem. These dates are calcu- lated on the supposition that the month was March or May. Axio : cp. Ep. 28, 5. Dederam, 'had assigned to.' The ob- ject is IV. Kal. 8. Hoc . . habebis . . nihil, 'take this retort and expect no news.' Hoc refers to Cicero's sally about his friend's bad me- mory. ' Habebis ' is used in the gladiatorial sense. Boot. Cp. Ad Att, I. 10, I 'erit hoc tibi pro illo tuo.' 9. Quid ergo . . epistola? 'if there is no news, why write?' Atticus is supposed to say. Quid cum. foil., sc. ' opus est.' Cicero replies, ' And pray what is the use of our chattering when we are together and say whatever comes uppermost V 10. Quicquid in buccam, sc. 'venerit.' Cp. Ep. 46 ; Ad Alt. I. 12, 4. Est profecto quiddam Ki^xi' 'talk has doubtless a certain value.' Cp. Ad Att. 13. 44, 2 'est quiddam . . animum levari.' The Greek word is quite classical. 11. Etiam si nihil subest, 'even if there is nothing in it.' 422 M. TULLII CICERJDNIS [part IV. 85. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XII. 2). Rome, April (?), 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I. We hear various rumours about the war in Africa, but on no good authority. 2. Hirtius and other friends of Caesar are enjoying t emselves at Praeneste, and Balbus goes on with his building. I hope you will visit me directly after your arrival. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Hie rumor est Statium Murcum perisse naufragio, Asinium 1 delatum vivum in manus militum, L. naves delatas Uticam reflatu hoc, Pompeium non comparere nee in Baliaribus omnino fuisse, ut Paciaecus adfirmat ; sed auctor nullus rei quisquam. Habes 5 quae, dum tu abes, locuti sunt. Ludi interea Praeneste : ibi 2 Hirtius et isti omnes ; et quidem ludi dies Vlll. Quae cenae ! Collocutione ipsa, ' by the very act of our talking together,' abl. caus. April. The war in Africa was decided by a battle at Thapsus on April 6, of which Cicero does not seem to have heard. Hence this letter can hardly have been written later than April. Intr. to Part IV, § lo. 1. Statium Murcum. L. Statius Mur- cus was one of Caesar's officers, and is men- tioned Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 15. The report here referred to was false, for Murcus after- wards commanded a force in Asia. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. II, I ; Philipp. 11. 12, 30. Asinium. C. Asinius Pollio, one of Caesar's officers, was celebrated both as a poet and as a historian. Cp. Hor. Carm. 2. I. He did good service in Sicily and Africa ; governed Baetica for Caesar, and maintained a doubtful attitude there after Caesar's death. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 15 ; 18 and 19 ; Ad Fam. 10. 31-33; II- 9; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 40 and 46. He is called 'praetorius' by Velleius (2. 73), writing of 44 B.C. 2. Militum, 'of the forces holding Africa against Caesar.' L. naves . . hoc, ' that 50 ships have been carried [in]to Utica by this contrary wind,' i.e. that which caused the shipwreck. Reflatus is a rare word. Utica was held by Caesar's enemies. Cp. Bell. Afric. 22 ; 87. Boot suspects that the real reading is ' L. navem.' * L.' being an abbreviation of the genitive of a praenomen. The best MS. appears to have ' L. navis delata in.' As the report seems to have been false, there is no necessity for giving it a probable form. 3. Pompeium, i.e. Cn. Pompeius, the eldest son of the great Pompey. On his pro- ceedings, cp. Intr. to Parts III, § 10 ; IV, §§ 4 and 12 ; Auct. Bell. Hisp. I. 4. Paciaecus. L. lunius Paciaecus, a Spaniard of Baetica, but apparently a Roman citizen, opposed the sons of Pompey in Spain. Cp. Bell. Hisp. 3 : also Ad Fam. 6. 18, 2. Auctor, 'warrantor,' 'one to attest.' Forcell. 5. Ludi. Perhaps these games were in honour of Fortune, to whom there was a famous temple at Praeneste. The ablative of names of towns in ' e ' ends in ' e.' Cp. Madv. 42.3 b. Praeneste is neuter generally, but some- times feminine by synesis, ' urbs ' being understood. Cp. Madv. 41. i ; Verg. Aen. 7, 682 ; 8, 561 ; and on the local ablative, Madv. 273 a. 6. Isti omnes, ' all Caesar's friends,' i.e. who were in Italy. Et quidem ludi, 'and games too.' Cp. Philipp. 2. 21, 51 'id decrevit senatus et quidem incolumis.' Dies octo, accus. of duration of time. Cp- Ep. 52, 3, note. Quae cenae I quae deliciael ' Deli- ciae,' ' luxury.' On the tastes of Hirtius and others of Caesar's friends, cp. Ep. 87, 3. EP.86.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX. ^. 433 quae deliciae ! Res interea fortasse transacta est. O miros ho- mines ! At Balbus aedificat ; ri yap avr^ //e'Aet ; verum si quaeris, homini non recta, sed voluptaria quaerenti nonnc ^e/3tcorat ; tu interea dormis. lam explicandum est -npoftki-i^a, si quid acturus es. Si quaeris quid putem, ego f fructum puto. Sed quid multa ? 5 iam te videbo, et quidem, ut spero, de via recte ad me ; simul enim et diem Tyrannioni constituemus et si quid aliud. 86. To M. VARRO (AD FAM. IX. 5). Rome, June, 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I, I think the 7th will be quite early enough. 2. I do not regret my past conduct, and have no patience with those who remain neutral themselves and censure me for want of vigour. 3. I shall see you near Tusculum before the 7th if possible; if not, I shall follow you to Cumae. 1. Res . . transacta est, ' meanwhile, it may be, the issue of the war has been de- cided.' O miros homines! ' strange people !' Cicero was shocked by their apparent indif- ference at such a crisis. But probably they had better information as to Caesar's pro- spects, or at any rate felt more confidence than the Roman public. 2. Aedificat, 'is building,' probably a splendid villa. Cp. Ep. 44, 6, where ' Balbi horti et Tusculanum ' are mentioned with evident jealousy. Ti jap avToi fxtXei; 'for what does he care for the state ?' Verum si quaeris . . ^i^icoTai; 'but if you ask my opinion, if a man makes plea- sure and not duty his object has he not lived his life?' referring to Balbus. ySe/Sicurat seems to mean ' have had enough of life.' Cp. Ep. 112, 3. In the case of a life of pleasure, Cicero hints, a little would be enough. 3. Voluptaria = Tep7ri'd. Forcell. Tu interea dormis, 'you meanwhile are doing nothing,' an allusion to the Epi- cureanism of Atticus. 'Dormire' = 'cessare, inertem esse.' Forcell. 4. Iam explicandum . . acturus es, ' you must answer the question before you at once if you are to do any good.' These words are very obscure. They may mean either ' you must make up your mind which party is likely to prevail in Africa if you intend to secure your interests with either ' (Schiitz), or, 'you must speedily choose be- tween ease and patriotism.' For Trpu^Krjfw. 'via ' being understood in a similar sense, cp. Ep. 45, 2. 5. Ego fructum puto. Instead of ' fructum,' some word meaning ' settled ' is wanted, referring to the struggle in Africa. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 2, 4 ' ego confectum exis- timo.' Wesenb. suggests ' ego transactum negotium puto' or 'ego fractum ilium puto.' Manutius explains the existing text as ='I think enjoyment preferable.' 6. De via recte ad me, sc. ' venien- tem,' ' coming to me at once on your arrival in Rome,' or ' after your journey.' ' Recte,' and more commonly ' recta,' are used in the sense of ' at once; in the latter case. Cp. Ep. 25, 3. Simul enim, foil., 'for so we shall be able to Settle our important affairs the sooner.' 7. Diem Tyrannioni, foil., 'shall fix a day for Tyrannic,' i.e. apparently for his treatise to be read. Cp. Ad Att. 12. 6, 2 : from a comparison of which pnssage with Servius de Accentibus 20, Boot infers that Tyrannio's book was on accents. For an account of Tyrannic, cp. p. I77' "ote on 1. 17. Et si quid aliud, sc. 'agendum erit, agenius,' the verb being supplied from ' con- stituemus.' VARRO (M. Terentius), after the close of the Spanish campaign in 49 B.C., went to Greece, and was at Dyrrhachium during the battle of Pharsalus (De Divin. i. 33, 68). He was pardoned by Caesar, and entrusted with the formation of a public library at Rome (Suet. lul. 44) ; was proscribed by 424 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. CICERO VARRONI. Mihi vero ad Nonas bene maturum videtur fore, neque solum i propter rei publicae, sed etiam propter anni tempus : qua re istum diem probo ; itaque eundem ipse sequar. Consilii nostri, ne si 2 eos quidem, qui id secuti non sunt, non paeniteret, nobis paeni- 5 tendum putarem ; secuti enim sumus non spem, sed officium ; reliquimus autem non officium, sed desperationem : ita verecun- diores fuimus quam qui se domo non commoverunt, saniores quam qui amissis opibus domum non reverterunt. Sed nihil minus fero quam severitatem otiosorum et, quoquo modo se res 10 habet, magis illos vereor, qui in bello occiderunt, quam hos euro, the second triumvirate (App. Bell. Civ. 4. 47), but managed to escape, and died 28 B.C., aged 88 or 89. Cp. Hieron. in Euseb. Chron. Olymp. 188; Clinton, Fasti Hell. 28 B.C. (hi. 231). — Pliny, H. N. 29, 4, says that he wrote in his 83rd, or according to some MSS. in his 88th year. I. Mihi vero . . fore, 'yes, I think the Nones (of July) will be quite early enough' for our meeting with Caesar. On 'vero,' cp. Ep. 81, i,note. On 'ad Nonas,' ' on the Nones,' cp. Zumpt, L. G. 296 ; A^.d Att. 13. 45, 2. It resembles the expression ' ad diem.' Some such phrase as ' Caesari nos obviam ire ' should be supplitd. On the structure of the proposition, cp. Madv. 218 d. The month referred to was probably July. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 1 1, on Caesar's movements. It seems to have been uncer- tain by what route and when he would return from Africa (cp. Ad Fam. 9. 7, 2), and Varro had suggested that he and Cicero should go to Baiae to await Caesar's arrival (cp. Ad Fam. 9. 2, 5). Caesar spent, how- ever, twenty-eight days on his journey to Rome. Neque solum . . tempus. The last word is used ambiguously ; ' on account not only of the state of public affairs, but of the season of the year.' In Ad Fam. 9. 2, 5, Cicero had told Varro that they had better delay visiting Baiae till they would be thought to have gone there for retirement, and not for amusement — ' ploratum, potius quam natatum.' The state of public affairs for- bade them to join the crowd of idlers during the fashionable time ; and apparently Rome had not yet become unhealthy. The Ca- lendar was much in advance of the real season, so that the Nones of July may well have fallen in spring. Cp. Ep. 84, 2, note. 3. Eundem ipse sequar, ' I shall abide by the same day myself.' A rare sense of the verb. Consilii nostri. 'our decision not to persevere in the struggle till its end.' Ne si eos . . paeniteret, 'not even if those who did not follow it did not regret theirs (as they do).' On words inserted be- tween ' ne ' and ' quidem,' cp. Madv. 457. 5. Secuti enim . . desperationem, ' we were guided, not by hope, but by grati- tude (in joining Pompey) ; we turned our backs, not on duty, but on despair (in re- turning to Italy),' i.e. we obeyed the call of gratitude while there was any, even if a poor, hope of success ; we abandoned a cause that had become altogether desperate. For ' sequi," in the sense in which it is here used, cp. Ep. 61, 3. 6. Verecundiores, 'were more sensi- tive ' to the call of honour. 7. Qiii se . . non commoverunt. Those who never left Italy, such as Ser. Sul- picius, P. Servilius, L. Volcatius, and others are meant. Ad Att. 9. lO, 7 ; 9. 19, 2. Saniores, 'less infatuated ' = CTa;(^/>oj'«'- arepoi. Forcell. 8. Q^uam . , reverterunt, 'than those who after the ruin of their party did not return home,' but either stayed in Greece or Asia, or renewed the war in Africa. 9. Severitatem otiosorum, 'the harsh judgment of those who have remained neu- tral.' Cp. Ad Fam. 9.6, 3 'crudeliter enim otiosissimi minabanlur.' Quoquo modo se res habet, 'what- ever happens ' (Wiel.), i.e. even if my anti- cipations are falsified by the event ; ' how- ever things stand.' 10. Illos vereor, 'feel respect for those,' ' feel shame at the thought of those.' Quam hos euro, ' than regard those, now with us :' the ' otiosi ' just mentioned. ' Curo ' = ' curae habeo.' Forcell. EP. 87.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX.\^. 425 3 quibus non satis facimus, quia vivimus. Mihi si spatium fuerit in Tusculanum ante Nonas veniendi, istic te videbo ; si minus, persequar in Cumanum ct ante te certiorcm faciam, ut lavatio parata sit. 87. To L. PAETUS (AD FAM. IX. 18). Rome or ^Tusculum, July, 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) ' I.I am glad to hear that you approve my imitation of Dionysius in opening some- thing like a school. 2. I secure myself protectors by acting thus, and have no reason to envy any of our leaders, unless perhaps Cato, whose death I can imitate if the worst happens. 3. My employment improves my health too ; nor are the entertainments of my pupils to be despised. Come and see me. 4. If you are embarrassed for want of money, I will gladly accept your services as second teacher. CICERO S. D. PAETO. 1 Cum essem otiosus in Tusculano, propterea quod discipulos 5 obviam miseram, ut eadem me quam maxime conciliarent fami- liari suo, accepi tuas litteras plenissimas suavitatis, ex quibus intellexi probari tibi meum consilium, quod, ut Dionysius tyran- ' I. Quibus non satis facimus, foil., ' who are discontented with us for surviving,' i.e. who say that we have secured our lives by flight. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 2, 2, where Cicero says that he and Varro ought to avoid pub- licity for ' qui victoria se etferunt quasi victos nos intuenturj qui auteni victos nostros nio- leste ferunt, nos dolent vivere.' Spatium, 'time,' 'leisure.' 2. In Tusculanum. Varro, then, would be at Tusculuni till the Nones, when he would leave forCumae. Cicero says that he would visit him at Tusculuni if he had time; if not, that he would follow him to Cumae, where, apparently, Varro had a villa. Cicero did not, however, go to Cumae, and Caesar does not seem to have landed in that neigh- bourhood. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 6, i. 3. Ut lavatio parata sit, 'so that a bath may be ready for me.' ' Lavatio ' = ' instrumeiituni balneare ' (Forcell.) would include all that a bather would want. It is a rare word in Cicero. He seems to have been fond of warm baths. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 16, 9 'ego tibi uiium suniptum adferam quod balneum calfacias oportebit.' L. Papirius Paetus was a learned and witty Epicurean, who seems to have taken no part in politics, and to have been wealthy. Cp. Ad Att. I. 20, 7; Ad Fam. 9. 16, 7; 9. 20, I. A comparison of the first paragraph of this letter with the last leaves some doubt if it was written at Rome or Tusculuni ; but the latter is most probable. Caesar returned to Rome on July 26 (Bell. Afric. 98), and as Cicero's 'pupils' had already left him to greet their leader when this letter was writ- ten, its date must probably be placed late in July. 5. Otiosus, 'with nothing to do.' Discipulos, i.e. Hirtius and Dolabella, whom he calls ' dicendi discipulos ' Ad Fam. 9. 16. 7. 6. Obviam, sc.Caesari exAfrica redeunti. Manut. Eadem, sc. 'via,' to be supplied from ' obviam.' Siipfle. Conciliarent familiari suo, 'might recommend me to their friend,' i.e. might make as favourable a report to Caesar of my disposition as they could. ' Conciliare ' = ' commendare.' Forcell. ' F'amiiiaris ' is sometimes used as a substantive = ' neces- sarius.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Fam. 3. i, 3 ' est ex meis domesticis atque inlimis fami- liaribus.' 8. Meum consilium, quod . . coe- 426 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part IV. nus, cum Syracusis pulsus esset, Corinthi dicitur ludum aperuisse, sic ego [sublatis iudiciis] amisso regno forensi ludum quasi habere coeperim. Quid quaeris? me quoque delectat consilium ; multa 2 enim consequor : primum, id quod maxime nunc opus est, munio 5 me ad haec tempora. Id cuius modi sit, nescio ; tantum video, nullius adhuc consilium me huic anteponere, nisi forte mori melius fuit : in lectulo, fateor, sed non accidit ; in acie non fui. Ceteri quidem, Pompeius, Lentulus tuus, Scipio, Afraniusfoede perierunt. ' At Cato praeclare.' lam istuc quidem, cum volemus, licebit ; TO demus modo operam ne tam necesse nobis sit quam illi fuit ; perim. On the conj., cp. Madv. 357 a, latter part. The force of 'quod ' is perhaps slightly different in Ep. 47, 3. Cicero is probably quoting what Paetus had said. Dionysius tyrannus. The younger Dionysius, after his expulsion from Syracuse. Cicero appears to be the earliest authority for this story. It is told in different forms by Plutarch, (Timoleon 14), and Justin, (21. 5). Grote (xi. 217) expresses no opinion as to its truth. 1. Aperuisse. ' Aperire ' seems an un- usual word to use with ' ludus.' 2. [Sublatis iudiciis]. If these words are genuine, they may refer to a suspension of the regular action of the tribunals during the civil war. Pompey in 52 B.C., and Caesar introduced considerable changes into the constitution and procedure of the courts, but the date of Caesar's changes is uncertain. Mommsen 4. 2, 325 and 483-485. Amisso regno forensi: cp. Ep. i, i, note, and Qiiintil. Inst. Orat. 10. I, II 2 'quare non immerito ab hominibus aetatis suae regnare in iudiciis dictus est (Cicero).' Ludum . . habere, 'to keep as it were a school.' His instruction of Hirtius and Dolabella in rhetoric could only metaphor- ically be called keeping a school. 3. Quid quaeris : cp. Ep. 7, 6, note. Me quoque, 'me as well as you.' Cp. ' tibi probari,' above. 4. Primum. This first reason occupies the remainder of the section. Munio me ad haec tempora, 'I secure myself with regard to the dangers of the times.' 'Ad' is used ' de consilio seu fine.' Forcell. He denies that it can have the force of ' adversus.' Cicero means that the influence of his pupils would be his pro- tection. 5. Id cuius modi sit, 'the value of this protection.' Tantum video, 'thus much 1 know.' 'Video ' — ' intelligo.' Forcell. 6. Nullius, ' no one's,' among the Pompeians. Explained by ' ceteri quidem,' below. Adhuc, common with pres. Forcell. Melius fuit: cp. Madv. 348 e, Obs. I. 7. In lectulo. This may refer to his illness at Dyrrhachium. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 10, and also Ep. 7I) 7. note, for the phrase ' in lectulo mori.' ' I vi^ish a peaceful death had spared me the sight of what we see.' Non accidit, 'it was not my fortune.' In acie, sc. Pharsalica. He means that he had not shewn cowardice in the field. Ceteri . . perierunt, 'our other leaders perished miserably, and I cannot envy them.' None of these presently mentioned died by the hand of an enemy in fair battle. 8. Lentulus tuus, according to Manuf. L. Lentulus Crus, consul of 49 B.C. On his death, cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 104 ; or, as Orell. P. Lentulus Spinther, Cos. 57 b.c, who appears to have perished in the civil war: Philipp. 13. 14, 29. Scipio: cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 10: Bell. Afric. 96; Livy Epit. 114. Afranius : Intr. 1. c. ; Bell. Afric. 95. Foede, 'miserably.' For there was no- thing dishonourable about the death of any of them. 9. At Cato praeclare, sc. ' mortuus est.' Cp. Ep. 63, 3, note on ' at Sulla,' foil. lam istuc . . licebit, ' I shall still be able to do as he did whenever I please.' ' lam,' from its position seems to be transi- tional ; ' well ' would suit the sense. The form ' istic ' for ' iste ' is found in a report of a conversation with Matius, Ep. 105, I. On the personal construction of ' licere ' with neuter pronouns, cp. Madv. 218 a, Obs. 2. 10. Demus modo . . agimus, ' only let me take care, as I do, not to be compelled to do it, as he was.' Cato's uncompromising EP.S;.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX.\?>. 427 3 id quod agimus. Ergo hoc primum. Sequitur illud : ipse melior fio ; primum valetudine, quam intermissis exercitationibus ami- seram ; dcinde ipsa ilia, si qua fuit in me, facultas orationis, nisi me ad has exercitationes rettulisscm, exaruisset. Extremum illud est, quod tu nescio an primum putes : plures iam pavones 5 confeci quam tu pullos columbinos. Tu istic te Hateriano iure delectas ; ego me hie Hirtiano. Vcni igitur, si vir es, et disce a me TrpoAeyojueVa?, quas quaeris : etsi sus Minervam. Sed quo 4 modo, videro. Si aestimationes tuas vendere non potcs neque ollam denariorum implere, Romam tibi remigrandum est : satius 10 opposition to Caesar had left him no choice after defeat ; Cicero was conciliating some members of the victorious party. 1. Ergo hoc primum, sc. ' conseqnor.' Cp. the beginning of this section. Sequitur illud, 'next comes the fol- lowing advantage.' On ' illud,' cp. Ep. 5. 3, note. Ipse melior fio = ' convalesco,' 'I my- self am getting better.' Forcell. 2. Primum valetudine . . . deinde ipsa ilia. A slight, but easily intelligible, anacoluthon. ' Valetudo ' is a neutral word (cp. Ep. 52, 5); here its meaning is fixed by amiseram. Intermissis exercitationibus, a curious illustration of Roman habits. The declamations seem to have supplied the place of out-of-door exercise. Cp. Philipp. 2. 17, 42, where Cicero accuses Antony of practising declamation in order to get rid of the effects of intemperance. 3. Deinde . . . exaruisset, 'secondly, whatever flow of oratory I could command would have been dried up.' The metaphor- ical sense of 'exaresco' is common in Cicero. Cp. Brut. 4, 1 6. 4. Extremum . . . est, 'thirdly and lastly.' Cictro varies his introductory phrases for the three heads : ' primum,' ' sequitur illud,' ' extremum . . est.' 5. Nescio an: cp. Ep. 77, 2, note. Plures . . . columbinos, ' I have got through more peacocks than you have young pigeons.' Peacocks were a notorious luxury at Rome. Cp. Hor. Sat. 2. 2, 23, alib. 6. Confeci. ' Conficere' = 'consumere.' Forcell. Istic, i.e. at or near Neapolis. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. I.:, 3 and 4; 9 23. Hateriano iure, 'the law of Haterius,' who may have been a jurisconsult staying at Neapolis. Iure . . . Hirtiano, 'the gravy which Hirtius provides.' 'lus,' meaning both Maw' and 'gravy,' suggests a similar pun, In Verr. 2 Act. I. 46, 121 ' ius Verrinuin.' On the luxurious tastes of Hirtius, cp. Ad Fam. 9. 16, 7, where Cicero calls him one of his teachers in the art of dining. 7. Si vir es, ' if you are a man of spirit' with a proper enthusiasm for good living. 8. -rrpoXeyo/j.ivas sc. Oicxfii, ' intro- ductions 'to the higher culinary art : again a word equally applicable to jurisprudence. Orel!., Onom. Quas quaeris. Paetus may have asked for some hints on cookery. Sus Minervam, sc. ' doceret si a me disceres.' The proverb is found, De Orat. 2- 57, 233; Acad. Post. i. 4, iS. Quo modo, sc. 'eas futurum sit ut dis- cas.' Baiter. 9. Aestimationes tuas, 'the property assigned you on a valuation.' ' Aei'tiniatio pro re aestimata.' Forcell. Cp. a similar use of 'emptio,' Ad Att. i. 5, 7 ' Epiroticam emptionem gaudeo tibi placere.' Caesar's measures for the relief of debtors and for the restoration of public credit had forced a large amount of land into the market at once, and there was naturally a difficulty in getting a good price for it. Cp. Appendix 9, I, I ; Ad Fam. 9. 16, 7 'non eo sis consilio ut cum me hospitio recipias aestimationem te ali- quam putes accipere ; etiam haec levior est plaga ab amico quam a debitore ; ' also Ep. 96, 4. 10. Ollam denariorum. 'your money- pot.' Siipfie and Billerb. The latter sees an allusion to the money-pot of Euclio in the Aulularia of Plautus. Romam tibi remigrandum est, 'you must make your way back to Rome,' where plenty of friends will be glad to give you a dinner. ' Remigrare ' is a common word, Forcell. 428 M. TULLII CICERONIS [PART IV. est hie cruditate quam istic fame. Video te bona perdidisse ; spero idem istuc familiares tuos. Actum igitur de te est, nisi provides, Potes mulo isto, quern tibi reliquum dicis esse, quoniam canthe- rium comedisti, Romam pervehi. Sella tibi erit in ludo tamquani 5 hypodidascalo proxima ; eam pulvinus sequetur. 88. To M. MARIUS (AD FAM. VII. 3). Rome, July or August, (?) 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I. I often think of our meeting three years ago; we then both of us hesitated what I ought to do with a view both to safety and to honour. I thought most of the last, 2. and regret my choice, not so much for the danger it involved, as because of the incapacity and ferocity of those whom I joined. I advised Pompey first to negotiate for peace, which he declined ; then to avoid a pitched battle which he might have done but for the confidence inspired by a partial success. His subsequent flight 3. relieved me from any obligation to persevere in the struggle ; and I thought sub- mission to the conqueror the least bad of the courses open to me. 4. I console myself with my intellectual resources, and with reflection on my past distinctions. 5. My regard for you leads me to explain myself to you thus at length, 6. that you may be able to vindicate my conduct when you hear it severely criticised. M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO. Persaepe mihi cogitanti de communibus miseriis, in quibus tot 1 annos versamur et, ut video, versabimur, solet in mentem venire illius temporis, quo proxime fuimus una ; quin etiam ipsum diem memoria teneo : nam a. d. III. Idus Maias, Lentulo et Marcello 1. Hie, 'in this neighbourhood.' It is dere ' = ' absuniere.' lb. not perhaps neceaary to suppose that the 4. In ludo, 'in my school of rhetoric' letter was written at Rome on comparing Cp. § i, note. 'Romam . . hie' A writer at Tusculum 5. Hypodidascalo. This word is only might speak of Rome as 'in this neighbour- here used by Cicero, but is found in Plato, hood,' as compared with Campania. Ion 536 A. Cruditate, sc. 'mori,''to die of indiges- Proxima, 'next my own." tion,' caused by good living. Eam pulvinus sequetur, 'you shall Istic, i.e. 'on the Bay of Naples.' presently receive a cushion too,' as a mark Bona perdidisse, ' have lost your pro- of honour, perty,' by having to take land at a price above its real value. M. MARIO. Of this M. Marius little Spero idem istuc, sc. ' passos esse,' *I is known. He was a native of Arpinum, suppose your friends at Neapolis are in the rich, and rather infirm in heaUh. He same plight,' so that their hospitality cannot seems to have lived little in Rome. Cp. keep you there. On 'spero' with past Ad Q. F. 2. 10, 3; Ad Fam. 7. 1, 1 and 5; 7. 4. tenses = 'opinor,' cp. Forcell., and Ep. I, 4. 6. Tot annos. From Caesar's first con- ' Istuc' on this form, cp. note on § 2. sulship? (Manut.) or from the beginning of 2. Nisi provides, 'unless you provide the civil war ? for yourself,' e.g. by serving me as my under 7. Solet . . una, 'I am reminded of the teacher. last time we met.' On the genit. after ' in 3. Quoniam cantherium comedisti, mentem venire,' cp. Madv. 291, Obs. 3. 'since the expenses of your establishment 9. A. d. in. Idus Maias, 'May 13, 49 have eaten up your hack.' 'Cantherium,' b.c' According to Ep. 74, 4, Cicero arrived 'a gelding.' Forcell. Comedisti, 'come- at his villa at Pompeii on May 12th. EP. 88.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VII. ^. 429 consulibus, cum in Pompeianum vesperi venissem, tu mihi sollicito animo praesto fuisti ; sollicitum autem te habebat cogitatio cum officii, tum etiam periculi mei : si manerem in Italia, vercbare ne officio dcessem ; si proficiscerer ad bcllum, periculum te meum commovebat. Quo tempore vidisti profecto me quoque ita contur- 5 batum, ut non explicarem, quid esset optimum factu ; pudori tamen malui famaeque cedere quam salutis meae rationem duccre. 2 Cuius me mei facti paenituit non tam propter periculum meum quam propter vitia multa, quae ibi offendi, quo vencram : primum neque magnas copias neque bellicosas ; deinde, extra ducem pau- 10 cosque praeterea — de principibus loquor — , reliquos primum in ipso bello rapaces, deinde in oratione ita crudeles, ut ipsam vic- toriam horrerem ; maximum autem aes alienum amplissimorum virorum. Ouidquaeris? nihil boni praeter causam. Quae cum vidissem, desperans victoriam primum coepi suadere pacem, cuius 15 fueram semper auctor ; deinde, cum ab ea sententia Pompeius valde abhorreret, suadere institui, ut bellum duceret : hoc interdum probabat et in ea sententia videbatur fore et fuisset fortasse, nisi 1. In Pompeianum, 'to my villa at Pompeii.' Cp. Ep. 74, 4; Appendix 5, § i. M. Marius also seems to have had a villa at Pompeii. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. 4. Tu mihi . . praesto fuisti, ' you were there to meet me.' Cp. Ep. 16, 7 j Pro Muren. 20, 42 ' Romae . . amicis praesto fuisti.' 2. Sollicitum . . te habebat. On the double accus., cp. Ep. 7.5. i) "ote ' and your anxiety arose from considering.' Autem, used in the continuation of a discourse. Cp. Ep. 7, x, note, p. 47. 3. Officii, ' my duty to Pompey and to his party.' 4. Si proficiscerer . . commovebat: cp. Madv. 348 b. Or perhaps, with Hofm., we may take the conditional clause as quali- fying or explaining the word ' periculum.' Hofm. quotes De Divin. 2. 1, I 'nulla maior occurrebat [res] quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus.' 5. Ita . . factu, ' so agitated, that I could not decide which course was the best.' On the use of the supine in 'u,' cp. Madv. 412. 6. Explicarem. 'Explicare ' ='expedire rem iiitellectu diflicilem.' Forcell. Pudori ..famaeque cedere, 'to yield to the claims of honour and of public opinion.' 7. Rationem ducere: cp. Ad Att. 8. II D, 7 ' duxi meam rationem.' ' Habere rationem ' is more common. 9. Vitia multa .. offendi, 'the nu- merous defects which I found there,' i.e. in Pompey's camp. 10. Neque magnas copias neque bellicosas. With the last epithet, cp. the concluding words of this section. Pompey's army must have been considerably increased after Cicero's arrival in his camp, for at Pharsalus it more than doubled Caesar's. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § II ; C.ies. Bell. Civ. 3. S8-89. The accus. 'copias' is governed by 'offendi,' and so is aes alienum. The MS. has reliqui for 'reliquos,' which in- volves a slight break in the construction. On the language and hopes of Pompey's partisans, cp. Epp. So, 2 ; 91,6. Several of them, e.g. L. Lentulus Crus (Caes. Bell. Civ. I. 4), Faustus Sulla, Libo, and Scipio (Ad Att. 9. II, 4), hoped to get rid of their debts in the confusion caused by the war. 11. In ipso bello rapaces. e.g. Scipio, who levied very heavy contributions in Asia. Caes. BtU. Civ. 3. 32. 12. In oratione, 'in their language.' Hofm. 14, Nihil boni, sc. 'inveni,' to be sup- plied from ' offendi.' 15. Suadere pacem, 'to recommend peace.' 17. Ut bellum duceret, * to protract the war.' Cp. Ep. 28, "j, for this sense of ' duco.' 18. In ea sententia . . fore, ' to abide by that judgment.' 430 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. quadam ex pugna coepisset suis militibus confidere. Ex eo tempore vir ille summus nullus imperator fuit : signa tirone et collecticio exercitu cum legionibus robustissimis contulit ; victus turpissime amissis etiam castris solus fugit. Hunc ego mihi belli finem 3 5 feci, nee putavi, cum integri pares non fuissemus, fractos supe- riores fore ; discessi ab eo bello, in quo aut in acie cadendum fuit aut in aliquas insidias incidendum aut deveniendum in victoris manus aut ad lubam confugiendum aut capiendus tamquam exsilio locus aut consciscenda mors voluntaria : certe nihil fuit praeterea, 10 si te victori nolles aut non auderes committere. Ex omnibus autem iis, quae dixi, incommodis nihil tolerabilius exsilio, prae- sertim innocently ubi nulla adiuncta est turpitudo ; addo etiam, cum ea urbe careas, in qua nihil sit, quod videre possis sine dolore : ego cum meis, si quicquam nunc cuiusquam est, etiam 15 in meis esse malui. Quae acciderunt, omnia dixi futura ; veni * 1. Quadam ex pugna, 'in consequence of a certain engagement,' i.e. that near Dyrrhachium, alluded to in Ep. 78, 2. 2. Nullus imperator, 'nothing of a general.' Cp. Ep. 48, i, where Pompey is called d(TTpaTJ777jTor; Ep. 59, i, daTpaTTjyi- Kwraros. This use of ' nullus ' is not quite the same as in Ad Att. 11. 24, 4 ' Philoti- mus nullus venit,' where it = 'non,' but is found Tusc. Disp. 2. 5, 13 'nullum . . argu- mentum.' Tirone et collecticio exercitu, • having an untrained and motley army.' Abl. abs., cp. Madv. 277, Obs. 2. 'Tiro' is used as an adjective, Philipp. II. 15, 39 ' non tarn veteranns intuendos arbitror quam quid tirones niiliies.' On the composition of Pompey 's forces, cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 4. 3. Robustissimis, 'most efficient.' For Caesar's army was weak in numbers. Cp. Intr. to Part III. § 11. 4. Hunc . . finem feci, 'I made this the limit of my service.' Cp. Ep. 83, I. 7. In aliquas insidias incidendum, as had been the fortune of Pompey, L. Len- tulus and others. Deveniendum in victoris manus, i.e. by a compulsory surrender, as did M. Brutus. Opposed to victori se commit- tere below, which means, ' to throw one's self voluntarily on the victor's mercy,' as did C. Cassius, cp. p. 394. 8. Aut capiendus tamquam exsilio locus, 'or must choose some place, as if for a residence in banishment.' 'Tamquam,' because such self- expatriation would not be legal ' exsilium.' The case of Marcellus is probably referred to. Cp. § 5, note. 9. Nihil fuit praeterea, 'there was no course except one of these.' 10. Nolles . . auderes, conj. poten- tialis. Hofm. Boot. 12. Ubi . . est turpitudo. On the mood, cp. Madv. 362 a. 13. Cum ea urbe careas. 'Urbe ca- rere,' in the sense of exile, is common. Cp. Philipp. I. 2, 6. 'Cum'='in case,' 'in so far as.' Wiel. 14. Ego cum meis, foil., ' I wished to live with my own family, if one can now call anybody one's own, and also on my own property.' Miiller. This seems to be the import of the words as they stand, but in- volves an untrue charge against Caesar, who had shewn no wish to molest the relations of his adversaries. If ' et ' were prefixed to ' si,' the sense would be improved, for Cicero, as one who had been in Pompey 's camp, might naturally fear fine or confiscation. Hofm. does not alter the text, but makes the words 'si quicquam' foil, refer to 'etiam in meis.' Manutius attaches quite a differ- ent sense to these words. He makes 'cum' mean, ' in possession of,' expressing secur- ity ; ' in,' ' upon,' as a mere occupant ; etiam, ' or if it must be so,' expressing in- dignation. The first ' meis ' he explains as = ' propinquis et amicis.' 15. Veni domum . . . asset. 'I came home, not that I hoped to find life there very satisfactory.' On the meaning of noil quo . . esset, cp. Ep. 28, 7, note. EP. 88.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES VII. 3. 431 domum, non quo optima vivendi condicio esset, sed tamen, si esset aliqua forma rei publicae, tamquam in patria ut essem, si nulla tamquam in exsilio. Mortem mihi cur consciscerem, causa non visa est ; cur optarem, multae causae ; vetus est enim, ubi non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis vivere. Sed tamen vacare 5 culpa magnum est solacium, praescrtim cum habeam duas res, quibus me sustentem, optimarum artium scientiam et maximarum rerum gloriam ; quarum altera mihi vivo numquam eripietur, 5 altera ne mortuo quidem. Haec ad te scripsi verbosius et tibi molestus fui, quod te cum mei, turn rei publicae cognovi aman- 10 tissimum. Notum tibi omne meum consilium esse volui, ut primum scires me numquam voluisse plus quemquam posse quam universam rem publicam ; postea autem quam alicuius culpa tantum valeret unus, ut obsisti non posset^ me voluisse pacem ; amisso exercitu et eo duce, in quo spes fuerat uno, me voluisse 15 etiam reliquis omnibus ; postquam non potuerim, mihi ipsi finem fecisse belli ; nunc autem, si haec civitas est, civem esse me ; si non, exsulem esse non incommodiore loco, quam si Rhodum me 6 aut Mytilenas contulissem. Haec tecum coram malueram ; sed quia longius fiebat, volui per litteras eadem, ut haberes, quid 20 r. Sed tamen, foil., ' but that, if any- substance of this charge, Ep. 54, 3. thing like a free Commonwealth was to 14. Unus, sc. Caesar, remuin, I might live as in my country.' Cp. Obsisti, impers. § 5 ' civem esse me.' 15. Amisso exercitu, i.e. at Pharsalus. 4. Vetus est enim, sc. ' dictum.' Cp. Volui'sse etiam reliquis, sc. ' pacem.' Pro Quinct, 17, 51;; Nagelsb. 21,64. The Siipfle. But does not the contrast between quotation which follows is thought to be 'reliquis omnibus' and 'mihi ipsi ' suggest from an old tragedian, with slight variation. that we should supply ' finem facere belli ' 5. Non esse cur = 'non esse causam from below, with Miiller? cur.' Cp. Forcell. on 'est quod;' Madv. 16. Postquam non potuerim, 'now 372 b., Obs. 6. that I have failed in that.' The sequence of 7. Maximarum rerum gloriam, ' dis- the tense here changes, from the historic to tinction won by the greatest exploits.' Gen. the primary. poss. cp. Rp 4, 2, note on p. 35. 18. Rhodum. Rhodes was an agreeable 8. Altera, sc. ' scientia.' island wiih a refined population. Its people, 9. Altera, sc. 'gloria.' however, refused an asylum to some of the Verbosius, 'at considerable length.' Cp. fugitives from Pharsalus. Caes. Bell. Civ. Ep. 54, 6. 3, 102. Tibi molestus fui, 'have thus troubled 19. Mytilenas. Both the singular and you.' plural forms of ihis word are found in Roman 11. Omne meum consilium, 'the authors. Cp. Hor. Carm. 1. 7, i ; Epp. i. grounds of my whole conduct.' 11,17. M. Marcellus had gone to Mytilene. 12. Primum, not followed by 'deinde' Cp. Ad Fam. 4. 7, 4 ; Biut. 71, 250. Both or any such word but by a change in the Rhodes and (Veil. 2. 18) Muilenae were form of the sentence. Hofm. (nominally) independent states (Manut.), so Plus quemquam posse, foil., 'that a that a Roman could go into exile at either, single man should be more powerful than Coram, sc. ' loqui.' the State.' On the constr., cp. Ep. 15, 11, Malueram. On the mood, cp. Ep. 12, note. 3, note. 13. Alicuius, sc. Pompeii. Cp. on the 20. Quia longius fiebat, 'as it was 432 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part IV. diceres, si quando in vituperatores meos incidisses ; sunt enim qui, cum meus interitus nihil fuerit rei publicae profuturus, cri- minis loco putent esse, quod vivam, quibus ego certo scio non videri satis multos perisse : qui, si me audissent, quamvis iniqua 5 pace, honeste tamen viverent ; armis enim inferiores, non causa fuissent. Habes epistolam verbosiorem fortasse, quam velles ; quod tibi ita videri putabo, nisi mihi longiorem remiseris. Ego, si, quae volo, expediero, brevi tempore te, ut sperOj videbo. 89. To L. PAETUS (AD FAM. IX. 17). Rome, August, (?) Bait. 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I. How absurd your question was about the towns and lands in your neighbour- hood. I ought rather to ask you what will become of us all, but I see that we ought to be grateful for every day that we escape ruin. 2. My own property seems to be endangered, but I have chosen to accept life as a gift, and must be grateful to the giver. He wishes, perhaps, to rule with moderation, but is embarrassed by his con- nections, 3. and must fashion his policy according to the demands of the times. In conclusion, I have heard no rumours of the danger you fear. CICERO PAETO. Non tu homo ridiculus es^ qui^ cum Balbus noster apud te fuerit, 1 gettins; too long,' i.e. 'the interval before we met;' or, 'as time was going on,' I could not wait for a meeting. Here the construc- tion is impersonal, but another is admissible. Cp. De Legg. I. 7. 22 'non faciam longius.' On the mood, cp. Madv. 357 a, and on the tense, lb. 337. Eadem, sc. 'tibi exponere.' Ut haberes quid diceres, 'that you might know what to say.' On ' habeo quid,' cp. Ep 66. I, note. 1. In vituperatores meos: cp. Ep. 86, 2, note. 2. Cum meus interitus, foil., 'though my death would have been of no service to the State.' On the tenses, cp. Ep. 10, 2, note. 3. Quibus . . perisse, ' who, I know for certain, do not think that victims enough have fallen.' 4. Qui si me audissent. ' Pacem suadentem,' cp. § 2. Manut. This must refer to those who had fallen, though the construction is harsh. Cp. with the general sense of the passage, Ep. 94, 2. Quamvis iniqua pace, abl. abs. (cp. § 2, note), 'however hard the terms of peace.' Armis enim . . fuissent, 'for they would have yielded to their enemy's supe- riority in arms, not in the justice of his pre- tensions,' and so there would have been no discredit in their submission to brute force. The argument seems rather ingenious than convincing. 6. Habes epistolam, 'there is a letter for you.' Cp Do Orat. 2. 88, 361 • habetis sermonem bene longum.' 7. Quod tibi . . putabo, 'and I shall think you agree with me as to its tedious- ness.' 'Qiiod' = 'et id.' Cp. Ep. 26, I, note. Either 'quod' or ' ita ' seems super- fluous. Cp. Zumpt, L. G. 748. 8. Si quae volo expediero : cp. Ad Att. 12. 5, 4. The words seem to refer to his anxiety about TuUia's divorce ; perhaps also to his own money difficulties. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, §§ I and 7; Appendix 5, §3- 9. Non = ' nonne.' Cp. Pro Rose. Com. 2, 5 ' suarum perscriptionum . . adversaria proferre non amentia est?' Wesenb, has 'ne.' Cum Balbus noster apud te fuerit, 'though you have had a visit from our friend Balbus.' Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 19, where the visit is described. EP. 89.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX.x-]. 433 ex me quaeras, quid de istis municipiis et agris futurum putcm ? quasi aut ego quicquam sciam, quod iste nesciat, aut, si quid aliquando scio, non ex isto soleam scire. Immo vero, si me amas, tu fac ut sciam, quid de nobis futurum sit ; habuisti enim in tua potestate, ex quo vel ex sobrio vel certe ex ebrio scire posses. Scd 5 ego ista, mi Paete, non quacro : primum quia de lucro prope iam quadriennium vivimus, si aut hoc lucrum est aut haec vita, super- stitem rei publicae vivere ; deinde, quod scire ego quoque mihi videor, quid futurum sit : fiet enim quodcumque volent qui vale- bunt ; valebunt autem semper arma. Satis igitur nobis esse debet 10 quicquid conceditur : hoc si qui pati non potuit, mori debuit. 2 Veientem quidem agrum et Capenatem metiuntur ; hoc non longe abest a Tusculano. Nihil tamen timeo : fruor, dum licet ; opto, ut semper liceat. Si id minus contigerit, tamen, quoniam ego vir fortis idemque philosophus vivere pulcherrimum duxi, non possum 15 eum non diligere, cuius beneficio id consecutus sum ; qui si cupiat 1. De istis municipiis et agris, 'about the municipal towns and lands in your neighbourhood,' i. e. in Campania. Paetus seems to have feared that Caesar might make a new assignation of lands among his veterans at the expense of pre- vious proprietors ; which, however, Caesar avoided. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. 94; Ep, 102, notes. Istis, ' which you are concerned about.' 2. Quasi , . sciam. On the mood and tense, cp. Madv. 349 Obs. 4. Qiiid de nobis . . sit, 'what is to become of ourselves.' Cicero had still some doubts, apparently, as to Caesar's inten- tions, though he had written with much confidence to Paetus. Ad Fam. 9. 16, 2 and 3. Habuisti enim, sc. ' hominem,' • for you have had a man at your disposal.' 5. Ex ebrio. I cannot find that Balbus is elsewhere charged with intemperance. But he is said (Ad Fam. 6. ig, 2) to have suffered ' pedum doloribus,' which may have been caused by excess. On the repetition of ' ex,' cp. Madv. 470 ; Zsmpt, L. G. 745. The present case, however, seems not to come under the rules there given. 6. Ego ista . . non quaero, 'I do not trouble myself about these matters,' i.e. the assignations of land. Wiel. De lucro . . viv imus, ' our life has for nearly four years been clear gain,' i.e. what we had no right to reckon on. It had been due to the mercy of a conqueror. Cicero dates apparently, with some exaggeration, from the beginning of 49 B.C. With the expression ' de lucro,' cp. Hor. Carm. i. 9, 14 ' quem fors dierum cunque dabit lucro Appone.' 9. Qui valebunt, 'those who shall pre- vail.' Cp. Ep. 61, 5. 10. Autem: cp. Ep. 7, i, note. 11. Quicquid conceditur, 'whatever the conqueror allows us.' Hoc si quid . . debuit, 'all who could not be content with this ought to have died,* ' Hoc' = ' this state of things.' 'Siquis' is more common than ' si qui ' without a sub- stantive. Cp. Madv. 90. I. 12. Veientem, of Veii. Capenatem, ' of Capena,' a town of Etruria, about eight miles from Soracte, between it and the Tiber. The site of Veii would be about twenty-three miles N.W. of Tusculum. Metiuntur, sc.'agrimensoresCaesariani,' ' are measuring for assignation.' Hoc . . Tusculano, 'this comes very near the territory of Tusculum,' and threat- ens my villa there. ' Hoc ' refers to the substance of the previous sentence. Cp. note on the previous section. 13. Fruor, ' I enjoy my property.' Opto, ut : cp. Ep. 58, I, note. 14. Vir . . ph ilosophus, ' a brave man, and a philosopher to.' Ironical. 15. Vivere . . duxi, 'have thought life more precious than anything else.' For the infin. as an object, cp. Ep. 47, 2. 16. Eum, Caesarem. Si cupiat . . non habet: cp. Madv. F f 434 ^^- TULLII CICEROyiS [part IV. esse rem publicam, qualem fortasse et ille volt et omnes optare de- bemus, quid faciat tamen non habet ; ita se cum multis colligavit. Sed longius progredior ; scribo enim ad te. Hoc tamen scito, noa 3 modo me, qui consiliis non intersum, sed ne ipsum quidem princi- 5 pern scire, quid futurum sit ; nos enim illi servimus, ipse tempori- bus : ita nee ille, quid tempora postulatura sint, nee nos, quid ille cogitet, scire possumus. Haec tibi antea non rescripsi, non quo cessator esse solerem, praesertim in litteris, sed, cum explorati nihil haberem, nee tibi sollicitudinem ex dubitatione mea nee lo spem ex adfirmatione adferre volui. Illud tamen adscribam, quod est verissimum, me his temporibus adhuc de isto periculo nihil audisse : tu tamen pro tua sapientia debebis optare optima, cogi- tare difficillima, ferre quaecumque erunt. 90. To SERVIUS SULPICIUS (AD FAM. IV. 4). Rome, September (?) 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) I. I accept of your excuses for writing many copies of one letter, but cannot admit that of want of talent. 2. Your letter strengthens my approval of your decision to accept the government of Achaia. Each of us thinks that sight most grievous which is before his own eyes ; but you have greater freedom in writing than I have. 3. 1 am glad, however, to have been present when Caesar granted Marcellus his pardon 352; also Ad Att. 5. 4, I 'si iam res pla- 4. Consiliis, Caesarianorum. ceat agendi tamen viam non video.' 'Si' Ipsum . . principem, i.e. Caesar, of = 'etiamsi.' Forcell. whom Cicero here speaks with remarkable 1. Esse rem publicam, 'that a free candour. government should exist.' 5. Ipse temporibus, sc. ' servit.' Cp. 2. Ita se cum multis colligavit, ' to De Prov. Cons. i. 2 'non iracundiae ser- such an extent has he entangled himself with viam.' many people.' 'Colligare' = ' irretire.' 7. Non rescripsi, i.e. in answer to your Forcell. The order of the words is virtually enquiry. Cp. § I. transposed ; ' ita se cum multis colligavit ut 8. Cessator =' iners, piger.' Forcell. quid faciat non habeat ' is what we might lo. Ex adfirmatione = ' enuntiatione,' expect. Cp. Livy 2. 27 ' tergiversari res ' by a declaration.' Forcell. A rare word. cogebat : adeo in alteram causam . . collega 11. His temporibus, 'at present.' . . praeceps erat.' ' Ita ' = ' adeo.' Forcell. De isto periculo, ' about the danger to Cp. Ep. 60 ' ita de me mereris.' Caesar was which you refer,' i. e. of assignations of obliged to reward his partisans, which could lands in Campania. hardly be done without injury to the consti- 12. Tu tamen . . erunt, ' it will be right tution. for you, however, in your wisdom to hope 3. Longius progredior, ' I am running for the best, to look on the hardest fate as on too long.' Witli this use of ' progredior,' possible, to bear whatever comes.' cp. De Orat. 3. 30, 1x9 'nunc ad reliqua progrediar.' September (?). This letter was written Scribo enim ad te, ' for I am writing after Caesar's return to Rome from the to you, who know more than I do.' African campaign. He reached Rome on Non modo me. On 'non modo,' cp. July 26. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 11. Epp. 10, 2 ; 16, 4; notes. EP. 90.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMTLIARES IV. 4. 435 at the req^e^t of the senate. 4. I d clared my thankfulness at some length, and so I fear I may have more difficulty in aljstaining from public life in future ; hut I mean to keep a good deal of my time for literature. 5. Your official business prevents your indulging a similar taste, but the long nights will give you more leisure. Your son shews me much attention, and often converses with me about your plans. I think we ought to consult Caesar's wishes in every way, for his generosity is the one re- deeming feature of the times. M. CICERO S. D. SER. SULPICIO. 1 Accipio excusationem tuam. qua usus cs, cur saepius ad me Htteras uno exemplo dedi.sses, sed accipio ex ea parte, quatcnus aut neglegentia aut improbitate eorum, qui epistolas accipiant, fieri scribis ne ad nos perferantur : illam partem excusationis, qua te scribis orationis paupertate — sic enim appellas — isdem verbis 5 epistolas saepius mittere, nee nosco nee probo ; et ego ipse, quem tu per iocum — sic enim accipio — divitias orationis habere dicis, me non esse verborum admodum inopem agnosco : tlpiav^veadai enim non necesse est : sed tamen idem — nee hoc eipoovevajxeros — 2 facile cedo tuorum scriptorum subtilitati et elegantiae. Consi- 10 SER. SULPICIO. On Servius Sulpi- cius, cp. Iiitr. to Parts II, § 17; V, § 12, several passages in the oration Pro Murena, and nearly the whole of the 9th Philippic. 1. Qua usus es. Cobet. om. Cur dedisses. According to Hofm. the fault excused is more ofien expressed by the genitive than by a clause beginning with ' cur.' 2. Uno exemplo, ' with the same con- tents.' Siipfle. Cp. ' iisdem verbis' below, and 'eodeni exemplo' Ad Fam. 9. 16, i. Sulpicius had apparently excused himself for sending several letters with the same con- tents, on two grounds ; first, that he could not rely upon his messengers ; secondlv, that his pen was not fluent. Cicero accepts the first reason, but not the second. Ex ea parte quatenus, ' only in so far as you say.' 3. Neglegentia . . perferantur, 'that the carelessness or dishonesty of those en- trusted with your letters prevents their reaching us regularly.' This would be espe- cially likely to happen when the distance was so considerable, Sulpicius being in Achaia. Cicero often expresses want of confidence in those who carried his letters. Cp. Epp. 6, I ; 12, 5, alib. 4. Illam partem .. qua, 'but that part of your plea wherein,' opposed to 'ex ea parte, quatenus ' above. 5 Orationis.. paupertate, 'owing to an insufficient command of language.' Not Ciceronian, apparently, as the words sic enim appellas, 'for such are the words you use ' — seem to imply. Isdem verbis, abl. qualitatis : cp. Ep. 6, 2, note. 6. Nee nosco nee probo, 'I neither admit nor allow.' Sii^.fle, Matth. ' [Noscere] est interdum probare, et admittere, agnos- cere.' Forcell. 7. Per iocum. .accipio, 'jestingly, for so I understand it.' 8. (IpwvfveaOai, 'to shew any mock modesty.' The verb occurs Arist. Pol. 3, 2, 2; the character is described Arist. Eth. Nic. 4- 7. 3- 9. Nee hoc ei paivevo /j.(vos, sc. ' dico.' Cicero refers to what follows 'cedo,' foil. 10. Subtilitati. Forcell. gives ' puritas,' 'venustas,' ' naturalis quasi color,' as syno- nyms for 'subtilitas,' 'purity, naturalness, absence of affectation.' See also Quint. Inst. Orat. 12. 10, 58. (Hofm.) Elegantiae, 'propriety.' In Orat 23. 79 'elegantia' is coupled with 'munditia' and opposed to ' fucati medicamenta can- doris.' It was a lawyer's word, and Sulpi- cius was a great lawyer. Cicero praises his style. Brut. 41, 152; 42, 153. Consilium recusavisse, ' the grounds on which you decided to accept your present (2 43^ M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. lium tuum, quo te usum scribis hoc Achaicum negotium non recusavisse, cum semper probavissem, turn multo magis probavi lectis tuis proximis litteris ; omnes enim causae, quas comme- moras, iustissimae sunt tuaque et auctoritate et prudentia dignis- 5 simae. Quod aliter cecidisse rem existimas atque opinatus sis, id tibi nullo modo adsentior ; sed quia tanta perturbatio et con- fusio est rerum, ita perculsa et prostrata foedissimo bello iacent omnia, ut is cuique locus, ubi ipse sit, et sibi quisque miserrimus esse videatur, propterea et tui consilii paenitet te et nos, qui domi lo sumus, tibi beati videmur, at contra nobis non tu quidem vacuus molestiis. sed prae nobis beatus. Atque hoc ipso meHor est tua quam nostra condicio, quod tu, quid doleat, scribere audes, nos ne id quidem tuto possumus, nee id victoris vitio, quo nihil mode- ratius, sed ipsius victoriae, quae civilibus bellis semper est in- 15 solens, Uno te vicimus, quod de Marcelli, collegae tui, salute 3 government of Achaia.' Sulpicius, who had taken no part in the civil war, seems to have retired to Asia after the battle of Pharsalus, and there to have received from Caesar a commission to govern Achaia. Cp. Ep. 98, 4. So Slipfle. The details of his appoint- ment are wanting. Hofm. infers from Philipp. XIII. 14, 29 that Sulpicius joined Pompey in Greece, but Mr. King (see his note on that passage) does not think this a necessary inference. I. Achaicum. A. W. Zumpt, Com- ment. Epigr. 2. 227-231 has argued with great ingenuity that Achaia or southern Greece was still attached to the province of Macedonia ; but Cicero's language is hard to reconcile with this, and would rather imply that Achaia was now a separate province, perhaps constituted in 48 or 47 B.C. 5. Quod aliter . . adsentior, 'as to your opinion that the affair has turned out differently from your expectations, I cannot agree with you at all.' Sulpicius very likely found his position embarrassing. Many Pompeian refugees were in his province, including probably several old friends of his own ; and his relations with them and with the triumphant Caesarians must have been awkward. Cicero, however, replies that if Sulpicius is disappointed he is unreasonable, for that he would be no better off in Italy. Wesenb. has ' opinatus esses,' arguing that Sulpicius would have said ' opinatus eram.' 6. Id , . adsentior. This neut. accus. is not uncommon with such verbs as ' ad- sentior.' Cp. Madv. 229 a. Sed quia, foil. The apodosis begins with ' propterea.' 8. Ut . . videatur explains the sen- tence from 'tanta' to 'omnia,' 'that each one thinks the place he is in most miserable, and himself the most wretched of men.' 10. Non tu quidem : cp. Ep. 26, 7, note, 11. Prae nobis, ' compared with us' at Rome. Hoc ipso 'this very point' that you can complain shews that your complaint is unreasonable. 12. Quod. T. has ' quo.' Nos ne id., possumus. Cicero very likely thought that the letters of Sulpicius as a public officer, would be less liable to be tampered with than his own — yet he writes freely enough ; and Sulpicius was not with- out apprehensions on this point. Cp. § I. 14. Ipsius victoriae: cp. Ad Fam. 4. 9, 3 'miserius nihil quam ipsa victoria, quae etiamsi ad nieliores venit tamen cos ipsos ferociores impotentioresque reddit,' Cp. also Ep. 89, 2 note. 15. Uno te vicimus, ' in one point we (at Rome) have had an advantage over you.' Marcelli. Sc. M. Marcelli, cos. 51 B.C. Cp. Epp. 31, 2 ; 34. 5 ; 95. He and Sulpi- cius had been consuls together. Salute, 'restoration from exile.' Cp. Ep. 29, 10 for the word; and the following sec- tions of this letter for the fact. EP. 90.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IV. 4. 437 paulo ante quam tu cognovimus, etiam mehercule quod, quern ad modum ea res ageretur, vidimus. Nam sic fac existimes : post has miserias, id est post quam armis disceptari coeptum est de iure publico, nihil esse actum aliud cum dignitate ; nam et ipse Caesar accusata acerbitate Marcelli— sic enim appellabat — 5 laudataque honorificentissime et aequitate tua et prudentia repente praeter spcm dixit, se senatui roganti de Marcello ne hominis quidem causa negaturum. Fecerat autcm hoc senatus, ut, cum a L. Pisone mentio esset facta de Marcello et C. Marcellus sc ad Caesaris pedes abiecisset, cunctus consurgeret et ad Caesarem 10 supplex accederet. Noli quaerere : ita mihi pulcher hie dies visus 1. Etiam . . vidimus, 'yes, and what is more, in witnessing how that affair was brought about.' 2. Fac existimes: cp. Madv. 372b, Obs, 4. 3. Disceptari. A legal term, here trans- ferred to war. 4. Nihil ..aliud cum dignitate, ' that this is the only dignified proceeding which has taken place.' In contrast, probably, with the general servility of the senate. Et ipse Caesar, ' even Caesar with his own lips.' Hofm. remarks that there is no corresponding clause, and consequently a slight anacoluthon. We should expect ' et senatus.' 5. Acerbitate, ' bitferness' = 'nimia se- veritate.' Forcell. For illustrations of Marcellus' hostility to Caesar, compare the passages quoted in a note on p. 436, 1. 15. Sic enim appellabat, ' for that was the word he used.' The phrase expresses sur- prise. Cp. § I, note. 6. Aequitate . . prudentia, ' your fair- ness and prudence.' Sulpicius had during his consulship urged strongly the misery of civil war, and pleaded against measures cal- culated to drive Caesar to despair. Cp. Intr. to Part II, § 17 ; Ad Fam. 4. 3, I. 7. Ne hominis . . negaturum, ' that he would not make even his personal quarrel with Marcellus a ground for opposing the senate's request.' Matth., Siipfle. Forcell. says that this use of ' homo' for a pronoun (here 'ipse') is 'elegans et frequens usus.' He quotes no other examples from Cicero, but see Ep. 7, 7, note, pp. 51-52, where, however, the word is used without empha- sis. Hofm. reads ' ominis.' The original reading of M. seems to be ' neominis.' 'Ominis' Wfuild mean 'though this inter- cession for Marcellus was no good omen for their co-operation.' 8. Fecerat . . ut . . consurgeret. On the pleonasm, cp. Ep. 16, 2, note. A L. Pisone. Piso was consul 58 B.C. Cp. Ep. 48, 1, note. He behaved with much independence in the troubled times between 50 and 42 B.C. Cp. Epp. 48, I ; 117, 5-7 ; Philipp. I. 4, lo ; 12. 6, 14. 9. C. Marcellus : cp. Ep. 95, where M. Marcellus .'peaks of him as his ' frater.' The consul of 50 B.C. was first cousin ; of 49 B c. brother, to M. Marcellus. Hence we should naturally suppose the latter to be re- ferred to here, with Orell., Onom. But Billerb and Drumann (2. 399, cp. 401) sup- pose that he died about tfie time of the battle of Pharsalus. He is certainly reck- oned among the dead by Cicero in 43 B.C. (cp. Philipp. 13. 14, 29) ; and M. Marcellus may have spoken of his cousin as ' frater.' Cp. the use of the word in Post Red. in Sen. 10, 25, and Orelli's conmient thereon in his Onomasticon, sub nom. Metellus Celer. The proceedings in the senate seem to have been as follows. L. Piso, probably when some other business was before the senate, had mentioned M. Marcellus ; on which the whole senate had entreated Caesar to par- don him, and Caesar had declared that he would not oppose the senate's wishes. Thereon the question seems to have been formally put, whether M. Marcellus should be allowed to return. He had been probably excluded from Italy by a proclamation of Caesar, forbidding all who had served Pom- pey in Epirus to appear there. Cp. Ad Att. 11. 7, 2. II. Noli quaerere='quid quaeris?' Forcell. On which, cp. Ep. 7, 6, note. Ita mihi pulcher . . est. Merivale (note on Abeken, p. 336) thinks that Cicero's extravagant expressions of de- light are to be accounted for by his now being finally relieved from the fear of pro- scription. 438 M. TULLII CICERONI S [part IV. est, ut speciem aliquam viderer videre quasi reviviscentis rei publicae. Itaque cum omnes ante me rogati gratias Caesari 4 egissent praeter Volcatium — is enim, si eo loco esset, negavit se facturum fuisse — , ego rogatus mutavi meum consilium : nam 5 statueram non mehercule inertia, sed desiderio pristinae digni- tatis, in perpetuum tacere. Fregit hoc meum consilium et Caesaris magnitudo animi et senatus officium ; itaque pluribus verbis egi Caesari gratias, meque metuo ne etiam in ceteris rebus honesto otio privarim, quod erat unum solacium in malis. 10 Sed tamen, quoniam efifugi eius ofifensionem, qui fortasse arbi- traretur me banc rem publicam non putare, si perpetuo tacerem, modice hoc faciam aut etiam intra modum, ut et illius voluntati et meis studiis serviam. Nam etsi a prima aetate me omnis ars et doctrina liberalis et maxime philosophia delectavit, tamen 15 hoc studium quotidie ingravescit, c^edo et aetatis maturitate ad 2. Omnes ante me rogati. On the order of precedence in the senate, cp Epp. 6, 2 ; 71, 3, notes. On the present occasion Caesar would be the only consul elect, as he held office alone for the first five months of 45 B.C. ; and as he was also consul he would put the question. If his colleague Lepidus was present, the latter may have been asked his opinion early in the de- bate. 3. Volcatium. L. Volcatius Tullus had been consul 66 B.C. During the civil war he remained in Italy and offered no oppo- sition to Caesar. Cp. Epp. 55, 3 ; 63, 7. He stems to have been on bad terms with Marcellus. Si eo loco esset, ' if lie were in Caesar's place,* Hofm. with whom Mr. Jeans agrees. Siipfle, Miiller, Schiitz ; ' in Marcellus' place' Matth., Orell., ap. Billerb., i.e. ' that if he had done as much as Marcellus to offend Caesar he would not accept pardon.' 4. Mutavi meum consilium, ' broke my resolution.' He explains below what it had been. 5. Non mehercule.. dig n itati s, ' not from inactivity, but from pain at the loss of my former position,' as a leading senator. The ablatives are causal. Cp. Madv. 2:5. 6. Fregit hoc meum consilium,' was too much for my resolution,' a rare phrase. 7. Caesaris magnitudo animi. On the double gen., cp. Ep. 29, 8, note. Senatus officium, ' the senate's dutiful- ness ' (Siipfle) or ' loyalty ' to one of its members. Pluribus verbis. Perhaps in the Ora- tio pro Marcello, of which the genuineness has been questioned. 8. In ceteris rebus, 'on other occa- sions.' Wiel. 9. Honesto otio privarim, 'have de- prived myself of honourable leisure.' For now that he had spoken once, Caesar would expect him to speak often. 10. Eius offensionem, ' the displeasure of Caesar,' gen. possess. Cp. In Verr. I. Act, 12, 35 'in odium offensionemque populi Romani itruere.' 11. Me hanc rem publicam nou pu- tare, 'that I did not recognise the present system as constitutional.' On the gender of ' hanc,' cp. Madv. 313. 12. Hoc faciam =' shall take part in public affairs.' I cannot think that Siipfle is right in referring these words to tacere : the general drift of the passage seems to me to be ' since I have now escaped Caesar's di. 26. 474 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. tantum instare malorum suspicabatur, misera est ilia quidem consolatio, tali praesertim civi et viro, sed tamen necessaria, nihil esse praecipue cuiquam dolendum in eo, quod accidat universis. Quae vis insit in his paucis verbis — plura enim 3 6 committenda epistolae non erant — , si attendes, quod facis, profecto etiam sine meis litteris intelleges te aliquid habere, quod speres, nihil, quod aut hoc aut aliquo rei publicae statu timeas ; omnia si interierint, cum superstitem te esse rei publicae ne si liceat quidem velis, ferendam esse fortunam, praesertim quae lo absit a culpa. Sed haec hactenus. Tu velim scribas ad me, quid agas et ubi futurus sis, ut aut quo scribam aut quo veniam scire possim. 101. SERVIUS SULPICIUS to CICERO (AD FAM. IV. 12). Athens, May 31, 45 b.c. (709 a.u.c.) I. On landing at Piraeus on May 23rd, I found M. Marcellus there, and spent the day with him. 2. Two days afterwards I heard that he had been badly wounded 4. Quae vis . . verbis, ' the drift of these few hints.' Plura enim . . non erant, ' which are all that I wish to entrust to a letter.' Epi- stolary tense. Enim explains why Cicero did not write at greater leng;h. 5. Si attendes, ' if you consider.' In English these words would precede 'quae vis . . insit,' ' if you consider the force of these few words.' ' Attendes,' sc. ' animum ; ' but the verb is often used absolutely, as bere. Forcell. 6. Sine meis litteris, 'without any letter from nie.' On this use of the poss. pron., cp. Ep. 72, i, note. Aliquid habere quod speres, 'that you have something to hope for,' i.e. com- plete restoration to his previous position. Cp. note on the address of the letter. 7. Aut hoc . . statu. On the ablat. abs., cp. Ep. I, 2, note, 'if the present or any other form of legal government be main- tained.' Cicero had toldTorquatus Ad (Fam. 6. I, 6) 'non debes . . dubitare quin aut aliqua re publica sis is futurus qui esse debes, aut perdita non adflictiore condicione quam ceteri.' Aliquo seems here to mean ' any other.' Cp. In Cat. I. 8, 20 ' Catilina dubitas . . abire in aliquas terras;' Tac. Ann. I. 4 ' Tiberium . . ne iis quidem annis . . ali- quid quam iram . . meditatum.' Aliquis is used in negative clauses where the negative particle is attached to the verb, or where the negation applies to a special affirmative idea. Otherwise 'ullus' or 'quis- quam ' is used. Cp, IVladv. 494 a, Obs. I. 8. Omnia si interierint, adversat. conj. omitted. ' Sin autem ' would be more regular. Cp. on the omission, Ep. 6, 2, note. Cum superstitem . . velis, ' since you would wish to survive the Commonwealth, not even if it should be in your power to do so.' So these words may be literally translated. In English the order of the two clauses would be changed, 'you would not wish to survive the Commonwealth, even if you could.' On the tenses of velis and liceat, cp. Ep. 5, 3, note. 9. Quae absit a culpa, ' as you have incurred it by no fault of yours.' Cp. Ep. 16, 2, note. IX. Ubi futurus sit . . quo veniam. This seems to shew that Torquatus had a good prospect of returning to Italy, for Cicero would hardly have proposed to cross the sea to him. Manut. thinks that Torquatus was already in Italy. EP. TOi.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IV. 13. 475 by P. Magius Cilo, and that the assassin had killed himself. As I drew near Piraeus at dawn, taking surgeons with me, I heard that Marcellus was dead. 3. 1 took back the body to Athens in my litter, and had it burned in the Academy, the most honourable place where such a ceremony could legally be performed. I also caused the Athenians to provide for the erection of a monument to Marcellus there. SERVIUS CICERONI SAL. PLUR. 1 Etsi scio non iucundissimum me nuntium vobis adlaturum, tamen quoniam casus et natura in nobis dominatur, visum est [faciendum], quoquo modo res se haberet, vos certiores faccre. A. d. X. Kal. lun. cum ab Epidauro Piraeum navi advectus essem, ibi M. Marcellum, collegam nostrum, conveni eumque diem ibi 5 consumpsi, ut cum eo essem. Postero die cum ab eo digrcssus essem eo consilio, ut ab Athenis in Boeotiam irem reliquamquc iurisdictionem absolverem, ille, ut aiebat, supra Maleas in Italiam 2 versus navigaturus erat. Post diem tertium eius diei, cum ab Athenis proficisci in animo haberem, circiter hora decima noctis 10 1. Vobis, 'to you and to our common friends at Rome.' 2. Quoniam . . . dominatur, 'since you will be the less surprised from knowing that nature and chance control our lives.' The distinction between natura and casus is rather popular than philosophical. Death by disease, however sudden, would be called natural; death by the hand of an assassin, casual ; though ' casus,' in the strictest sense, is confined to events which exclude human agency altogether. Cp. Forcell. Manut., however, thinks that only a death from old age could be strictly called ' natural.* On the sing, 'dominatur,' cp. Ep. 34, 6, note. But Andr. thinks that ' dominantur ' should be read. Visum est = ' placuit.' Forcell. 3. Quoquo modo res se haberet, ' the circuuistances, however painful,' what- ever may be the nature of the case.' ' Wie auch immer die Sache sich verhalten mcichte.' Andr. Vos certiores facere. The infinitive is to be accounted for as following one of the ' verba voluntatis.' Madv. 396. We- senb. has * faciendum . . ut facerem,' which Cobet also suggests. 4. A. d. X. Kal. lun., 'May 23.' Piraeum. Cicero thought this form more correct in Latin than Piraeea. Cp. Ad Att. 7. 3, 10. Navi. This ablat. has an adverbial force. Siipfle. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 20, i. On the form, cp, Madv. 42. i and 3. 5. Collegam nostrum, ' my colleague as consul?' or 'our colleague as augur?' Miiller and Andr. think the former; Billerb. on § 3, and Wesenb. the latter. Ep. 90, 3, rather supports Miiller. 7. Reliquamque iurisdictionem, ' the rest of my judicial business,' which he had to discharge before leaving his pro- vince. It was usual for the governor to make a circuit of liis principal towns for this purpose. See Cicero's account of his pro- ceedings in Cilicia, Ep. 36,9. The province of Achaia would include nearly all Greece proper, even if Macedonia was not also under the government of Sulpicius. Cp. Ep. 90, 2, note ; Smith's Diet, of Geog. I. 17. 8. Supra Maleas, ' round Maleae.' The singular form of this word is more common than the plural, which, however, occurs Herod. 1. 82. Malea was the S.E. promon- tory of Laconia. In Italiam versus. ' Versus' is prob- ably a preposition, correcting 'in.' 'To Italy, I mean in that direction.' Cp. For- cell. 9. Post diem tertium eius diei. Probably on May 26. This expression is not apparently Ciceronian, cp. Madv. 276, Obs. 6, but resembles 'postridie eius diei,' which is comuion in Caesar. 10. Hora decima noctis. This would be about two hours before dav-break, or rather before 3 o'clock in the morning. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. ' hora,' p. 614. 47<5 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part IV. P. Postumius, familiaris eius, ad me venit et mihi nuntiavit M. Marcellum, collegam nostrum, post cenae tempus a P. Magio Ci- lone, familiare eius, pugione percussum esse et duo volnera accep- isse, unum in stomacho, alterum in capite secundum aurem ; 5 sperari tamen eum vivere posse ; Magium se ipsum interfecisse postea ; se a Marcello ad me missum esse, qui haec nuntiaret et rogaret, ut medicos cogerem. Coegi et e vestigio eo sum pro- fectus prima luce. Cum non longe a Piraeo abessem, puer Acidini obviam mihi venit cum codicillis, in quibus erat scriptum, paulo 10 ante lucem Marcellum diem suum obisse. Ita vir clarissimus ab homine deterrimo acerbissima morte est adfectus, et, cui inimici propter dignitatem pepercerant, inventus est amicus, qui ei mortem offerret. Ego tamen et tabernaculum eius perrexi : 3 inveni duos libertos et pauculos servos ; reliquos aiebant profu- 15 gisse metu perterritos, quod dominus eorum ante tabernaculum interfectus esset. Coactus sum in eadem ilia lectica, qua ipse delatus eram, meisque lecticariis in urbem eum referre, ibique pro ea copia, quae Athenis erat, funus ei satis amplum facien- dum curavi. Ab Atheniensibus, locum sepulturae intra urbem 1. P. Postumius is apparently only here either to pitch a tent or to stay on board ship mentioned. OrelL, Onom. in the harbour. 2. A P. Magio Cilone. Some suspected Tamen, 'though it was too late to be of Caesar of instigating Magius, but both Bru- service to Marcellus.' Andr. tus and Cicero disbelieved the charge, and 14. Profugisse . . perterritos. Lest Cicero thought that Magius killed Marcellus they should be punished for complicity with in a fit of rage at Marcellus having refused the assassin, or for failing to defend their him help in some money difficulties. Cp. master. A provision for the punishment of Ad Att. 13. 10, 3. slaves in such a case was probably contained 7. Medicos cogerem. T. has ' medi- in the Leges Corneliae (L. SuUae) ; and a cos ei mitterem itaque medicos coegi.' decree of the senate embodying a similar E vestigio, 'at once.' Forcell. provision was adopted under Augustus — the 8. Acidini. C. Manlius Acidinus was Senatus Consultum Silanianum. Cp. Digest. a youth of good family studying at Athens 29. 5, 25. Later legislation was very severe apparently. Cp. Ad Att. 12. 32, 2. on this subject, Cp. the case of Pedanius 9. Codicillis, 'tablets,' on which letters Secundus (Tac. Ann. 14. 42-45), on which were written. Forcell. the historian remarks that it was ' vetus 10. Diem suum obisse: cp. Ep. 98, 4, mos ' for the whole of a man's domestic note. slaves to be executed if he had been mur- 11. Acerbissima. Perhaps ' most un- dered in his house. Cp. Tac. Ann. 13. 32. timely.' Cp. Verg. Aen. 6. 428-9. 17. Meisque lecticariis, ' and by the ' Ab ubere raptos hands of my bearers.' Ablat. instr. ; ' per Abstulit atra dies et funere mersit acerbo,' nieos lect.' would be more common. Cp. with Conington's note. If Marcellus was Madv. 254. Obs. 3. The word ' lectica- elected consul as early as he was qualified rius' occurs Pro Rose. Am. 46, 134. for election, he would be forty-nine yeais old Referre. Marcellus then had probably in 45 B.C. passed through Athens on his way to Piraeus.. 13. Ad tabernaculum. Piraeus lay in See Andr. ruins (cp. Ep. 98, 4, note), so that those 18. Pro ea copia . . erat, 'so far as who wished to spend a night there had the means available at Athens allowed.* EP. I02.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XIII. 4. 477 ut darcnt, impetrare non potui, quod religione se impediri dice- rent ; neque tamcn id antca cuiquam concesserant : quod proxi- mum fuit, uti in quo vellemus gymnasio eum sepeliremus, nobis permiserunt. Nos in nobilissimo orbi terrarum gymnasio Aca- demiae locum delegimus ibique eum combussimus, posteaque 5 curavimus, ut eidem Athenienses in eodem loco monumentum ei marmoreum faciendum locarent. Ita, quae nostra officia fuerunt, pro collcgio et pro propinquitate et vivo et mortuo omnia ei praestitimus. Vale. D, pr. Kal. lun. Athenis. 102. To Q. VALERIUS ORCA (AD FAM. XIII. 4). Rome, October (Bait.), 45 b.c. (709 a.u.c.) 1. I am on very good terms with the people of Volaterrae, and shall be much indebted to you if you can save their lands from distribution to military colonists. During my consulship 2. I interposed foi their protection, and Caesar exempted their territory from distribution four years afterwards. I think you should either follow his example or wait till you can refer the whole matter to him. 3. I now turn from argument to entreaty, and recommend the city to your protection in the strongest terms. 4. I should certainly appeal to the people on their behalf if the times admitted of it, and hope I may have as much influence with you as I might have with the people. 1. Quod . . dicerent : cp. Epp. i, 3 ; 20, 6, notes. 2. Neque tamen, foil. These words admit some justice in the Athenians' plea ; ' quod . . dicerent ' would rather imply that it was a mere pretext. ' However, I may say in their defence that they had never granted the privilege to any one before.' The words are rather obscure ; every step in the argument is not drawn out, but this is natural enough in a letter. The Greeks generally buried their dead without the walls of their cities. See Thucyd. 2, 34 ; but cp. Plut. Timol. 39. Mr. Jeans re- marks, that this passage 'shows, as Mr. Long justly points out, the toleration of the Ro- mans for the national and religious customs of the different people in their empire.' Quod proximum fuit, ' the next best thing,' or. as Andr. ' my next request.' 3. Gymnasio. The gymnasia were places held in much esteem. Cp. Corn. Nep. Timol. 5. 4. The term was now extended so as to include schools and places of dis- cussion, perhaps because originally the public places of exercise were chosen by philoso- phers for their lectures and conversations. Cp. p. 31. 4. Orbi terrarum, 'in the whole world.' Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 4. 38, 82 'cuius amplis- simum orbi terrarum clarissimumque monu- mentum est.' Andr. reads ' orbis.' Academiae. The celebrated gardens where Plato taught, on the north side of Athens. 6. Curavimus, i.e. by command or re- quest. There would be little difference between the two when made by a Roman governor. 7. Quae nostra . . fuerunt, 'the atten- tions which could be expected from me.' Wesenb. omits the comma after ' fuerunt ' and places one after ' propinquitate.' 8. Collegio, 'our relation as colleagues.' Cp. Livy 10. 22 'nihil concordi collegio firmius ad rem publicam tuendam esse ; ' lb. 10. 24 'invidisse Decium concordibus coUe- giis tribus.' Propinquitate, 'intimacy.' Forcell. does not give this sense as Ciceronian, but Sulpicius may have been less precise, and I cannot find that he was connected with Marcellus by blood or marriage. Andr., however, assumes a relationship between Sulpicius and Marcellus. 478 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. M. CICERO S. D. Q. VALERIC Q. F. ORCAE LEGATO PROPR. Cum municipibus Volaterranis mihi summa necessitudo est ; i magno enim meo beneficio adfecti cumulatissime mihi gratiam rettulerunt ; nam nee in honoribus meis nee in laboribus umquam defuerunt. Cum quibus si mihi nulla causa intercederet, tamen, 5 quod te vehementissime diligo quodque me a te plurimi fieri sentio, et monerem te et hortarer, ut eorum fortunis consuleres, praesertim cum prope praecipuam causam haberent ad ius obti- nendum : primum quod Sullani temporis acerbitatem deorum immortalium benignitate subterfugerunt, deinde, quod summo 10 studio populi Romani a me in consulatu meo defensi sunt. Cum 2 enim tribuni plebi legem iniquissimam de eorum agris promul- gavissent, facile senatui populoque Romano persuasi, ut eos cives, Q^VALERIO. This Valerius had been praetor 57 ^•''•' ^"^^ ^^'^ supported Cicero's recall from exile. Post Red. in Sen. 9, 23. Next year he governed Africa as propraetor or proconsul (Ad Kam. \},. 6 a, 2), and when this letter was written he was one of the commissioners appointed by Caesar to superintend an assignation of lands in Italy, on which cp. Ep. 89. Similar letters to this are found, as 5, 7, and 8 of this 13th book Ad Famili.ires. I. Municipibus. The people of Vola- terrae had probably received the Roman franchise by the ' Lex lulia ' 90 B.C. Their city was an ancient and famous one in the north of Etruria, still called Volterra. 1. Magno . . beneficio adfecti: cp. notes on § 2 for the facts. On the expres- sion 'adficere beneficio,' cp. Pro Muren. 2, 4, ' honore adfecto.' 3. Honoribus . . laboribus. These two words seem to refer to Cicero's days of good and evil fortune respectively. Cp. Ad Fam. 13, 7, for a similar contrast. 4. Defuerunt, sc. ' suffragiis,' ' failed to support me ' by their votes. Cum quibus si . . intercederet, 'and if no such tie existed between us.' Causa = 'coniuiictio.' Forcell. Cp. Pro Quinct. 15, 48 'quicum tibi . . omnes . . causae et necessitudiues veteres intercede- bant.' ' " Intercedere " de iis dicitur per quae alteri iungimur vel alienamur.' Forcell. 5. Qiiod te . . diligo. Cicero's regard for Valerius induced him to warn him how Caesar had inte posed for the protection of Volaterrae. Cp. next section. 6. Ut eorum fortunis consuleres, ' that you would protect them in the enjoy- ment of their property.' 7. Prope praecipuam causam, ' well- nigh the strongest claim.* 8. Sullani temporis acerbitatem. Volaterrae had afforded an asvlum to some of the proscribed partisans of Marius, and had stood a siege of two years, surrendering at last to Sulla upon terms. Sulla had then declared its lands confiscated, but had not assigned them to new occupants ; and had carried a law at Rome depriving the people of Vola- terrae of their rights as Roman citizens. The courts, however, refused to recognize the validity of the latter law, and the confiscation was never actually carried out. Hence Cicero represents that the gods had interposed to pro- tect the people of Volaterrae. Their sufferings in the cause of Marius would give them a claim upon Caesar. Cp. Pro Caec. 7, 18 and 35, 102; De Dom. 30, 79; Livy Epit. 89. g. Summo studio populi Romani, ' with the most hearty approval of the Roman people.' 10. In consulatu meo. If this was the first service which Cicero rendered to the people of Volaterrae, it seems probable that the first obligation must have been conferred by them, for 'in honoribus' can hardly refer to a time subsequent to Cicero's consulship. 11. Tribuni plebi. RuUus took the lead among them. Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9. Cicero pleaded again for the exemption of the lands of Volaterrae from the operation of the law of Flavius in 60 b c. Cp. Ad Att. I. 19, 4. Plebi, a rare gen. from ' plebes.' Forcell. EP. I02.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XIII. 4. 479 quibus fortuna pepercisset, salvos esse vellent. Hanc actionem meam C. Caesar primo suo consulatu lege agraria comprobavit agrumque Volaterranum et oppidum omni periculo in perpetuum liberavit, ut mihi dubium non sit quin is, qui novas necessi- tudincs adiungat, Vetera sua beneficia conservari velit. Quam 5 ob rem est tuae prudentiae aut sequi eius auctoritatem, cuius sectam atque imperium summa cum tua dignitate secutus cs, aut certe illi integram omnem causam reservare ; illud vero dubitare non debes, quin tarn grave, tam firmum, tarn honestum municipium tibi tuo summo beneficio in perpetuum obligari velis. 10 3 Sed haec, quae supra scripta sunt, eo spectant, ut te horter ct suadeam : reliqua sunt, quae pertinent ad rogandum, ut non solum tua causa tibi consilium me dare putes, sed etiam, quod mihi opus sit, me a te petere et rogare. Gratissimum igitur mihi feceris, si Volaterranos omnibus rebus integros incolumes- 15 que esse volueris : eorum ego domicilia, sedes, rem, fortunas, quae et a dis immortalibus et a praestantissimis in nostra re publica civibus summo senatus populique Romani studio conser- 4 vatae sunt, tuae fidei iustitiae bonitatique commendo. Si pro 1. Fortuna: cp. ' deorum inimortalium il. Eo spectant . . suadeam, ' are by benignitale,' in § i. way of exhortation and advice.* 2. Lege agraria. In 59 B.C. Cp. 12. Reliqua . . rogandum, ' the pur- Intr. to Part I, § 17. pose of what follows is to entreat you,' 3. Omni periculo . . liberavit, ' se- ' I have hitherto advised you with a view to cured against all danger' of seeing its lands your own interest; I now entreat you to do assigned under an agrarian law. 1 his might me a favour.' On 'pertinere ad,' cp. Ep. 55, perhaps be effected by clauses inserted in the I, note. law of 59 B.C. 13. Quod mihi opus sit, ' what I ought 4. Qui • . adiungat, 'seeing that he is to ask.' On the difference of 'opus esse' forming new connections,' i.e. by favours and ' necesse esse,' cp. Ep. 29, 25, note, conferred on difl'eieiit cities. 15. Feceris, si . . volueris. The 6. Auctoritatem, 'the authority of his double future perfect implies that the corn- example.' pletion of both actions will be simultaneous. 7. Sectam, 'party,' whether philoso- Cp. Madv. 340, Obs. 2. phical or political. For the latter sense, cp. Omnibus rebus, foil., 'with all their Livy 8. 19 'Vitruvio sectamque eius secutis.' property untouched and unimpiiired.' Summa . . dignitate, 'without any 16. Rem =' rem publ cam.' Wiel., For- sacrifice of independence on your part.' cell. Cp. Livy i. 28 'inter Fidenatem Ro- 8. Illi integram . . reservare, 'to manamque rem.' keep the whole case for Caesar's free deci- 17. Praestantissimis . . civibus. sion,' i.e. not to take any step that would Cicero probably refers to himself and Cae- conimit Caesar. sar. See the preceding section. Miiller. Illud vero . . quin . . velis. On the 19. Bonitatique, ' bonitas speciatim su- accus. 'illud,' cp. Madv. 229 a. The words miturpro benignitate, liberalitate, dementia.' 'dubitare . . quin . .velis' mean 'hesitate to Forcell. It is noticeable that the meaning desire.' Cp. Ep. 71, 5, note, on the con- of 'bonitas' and ' inalitia ' was narrowed struction. down from general goodness and badness to 9. 'Grave, moribus ; firmum, opibus : benevolence and unkindness. honestum, splendore municipum.' Manut. Si pro meis . , daret, 'if circum- 48o M. TULLII CICERO N IS [part IV. meis pristlnis opibus facultatem mihi res hoc tempore daret, ut ita defendere possem Volaterranos, quern ad modum consuevi tueri meos, nullum officium, nullum denique certamen, in quo illis prodesse possem, praetermitterem ; sed quoniam apud te 5 nihilo minus hoc tempore valere me confido, quam valuerim semper apud bonos omnes, pro nostra summa necessitudine pari- que inter nos et mutua benevolentia abs te peto, ut ita de Volaterranis mereare, ut existiment eum quasi divino consilio isti negotio praepositum esse, apud quem unum nos eorum per- lo petui defensores plurimum valere possemus. 103. To Q. CORNIFICIUS (AD FAM. XII. i8). Rome, late in 45 b.c. (709 a.u.c.) I. I have taken advantage of every opportunity of writing to you. I am glad to learn that you will wait to see how the enterprise of Bassus turns out. Pray write to me frequently. The aspect of affairs has suddenly changed, both 2. in Syria, where it is now warlike, and here, where it is peaceable. But the peace we enjoy has several unpleasant accompaniments — which are distasteful, I believe, to Caesar him- self. But I have learned to acquiesce in them ; and only need some congenial com- panion like yourself to share my amusement at some of the things that are taking place. CICERO S. D. CORNIFICIO COLLEGAE. Quod extremum fuit in ea epistola, quam a te proxime accept, 1 stances gave me at this time power to pro- 9. Tsti negotio, 'the business in which tect the people of Volaterrae as effectively as you are engaged,' i.e. the assignation of lands, my previous influence did.' Cp. the introductory note on this letter. I. Res =' factum.' Forcell. Cicero re- fers probably to the years between 63-60 CORNIFICIO. This Comificius was prob- B.c, when he had been one of the most ably the son of one mentioned Ep. I, x. He influential men in the State. took Caesar's side in the civil war. and after 3. Meos, 'my friends' or clients. Not the battle of Pharsalus was entrusted with the opposed to ' Volaterranos,' but including government of Illyricum. Cp. Bell. Alex. 42. them in a larger class. In 44-43 B.C. we find him governing Africa, Certamen, 'contest' with those who where he supported the authority of the attempted to wrong them. senate, and afterwards of Octavian, against 5. Hoc tempore, ' even now.' Antony. He was, however, defeated and 6. Bonos. The insertion of this word killed by T. Sextius, acting in Antony's in- seems necessary, for it would be no compli- terest as governor of Numidia. Cp. Dion ment to Valerius to say, 'I have as much Cassius 48. 21. He is mentioned, Ep. 124, influence with you now as I have always i, as joint colleague of Cicero and Antony, had with all,' unless, indeed, ' semper ' mean probably as augur. On his position at the ' alwaj's in better times.* date of this letter, cp. § I, note. 8. Mereare. The form in '-re ' of the 11. Quod extremum fuit. A com- 2nd pers. sing, of passive verbs is most com- plaint, apparently, that Cicero did not write monly used by Cicero, except in the present often enough. Cp. below 'epistolas requiris indie. Cp. Madv. 114 b. meas.' EP. 103.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XII. 18. 481 ad id primum respondebo ; animum advorti enim hoc vos magnos oratores facere nonnumquam : epistolas requiris meas ; ego autem numquam, cum mihi denuntiatum esset a tuis ire aliquem, non dedi. Quod mihi videor ex tuis htteris intellegere te nihil com- missurum esse temere nee ante, quam scisses, quo iste nescio qui 5 CaeciHus Bassus erumperet, quicquam certi constiturum, id ego et speraram prudentia tua fretus et, ut confiderem, fecerunt tuae gratissimae mihi htterae ; idque ut facias quam saepissime, ut et quid tu agas et quid agatur scire possim et etiam quid acturus sis, valde te rogo. Etsi periniquo patiebar animo te a me digredi, 10 tamen eo tempore me consolabar, quod et in summum otium te ire arbitrabar et ab impendentibus magnis negotiis discedere : 1. Hoc . . facere, i.e. answer the last re- mark of another first. Cp. Ep. 8, i, where Cicero speaks of the practice as Homeric. Vos magnos oratores. Cornificius seems to have had some pretensions to elo- quence and learning. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. 17, 2. It has been thought that Quintilian assigns the Rhet. ad Herenn. to him. Cp. Inst. Orat. 3. i, 21 ; 9. 3, 98. 2. Requiris: cp. Ep. 91, I. Meas, as often, = ' a me.' 3. Cum mihi . . a tuis, ' whenever I had received information from your friends here.' Denuntiatum differs from'renuntiatum,' on which, cp. Ep. 98, i, note. Esset, This tense is used because num- quam non dedi means 'I never failed to give,' a tuis, 'from your agents and repre- sentatives here.' Wesenb. suggests ' est,' saying that the sense of ' quotiescunque ' suits ' cum ' here better than that of ' post- quam.' Ire, sc. 'ad te,' 'that some one was going to you ' as a messenger. On the tense, cp. Ep. 1,1, note. 4. Quod mihi . . intellegere, 'as for what I think I may infer.' Cp. Ep. 97, 3, note. ' Quod ' = ' whereas.' Smith, Lat. Diet. 'Inservit continuandae orationi.' For- cell. Nihil temere, foil. In accepting the dangerous commission offered him by Caesar. 5. Nee ante . . constituturum. It is doubtful where Cornificius was at this time. From Ad Fam. 12. 17, i 'ex Syria nobis tumultuosiora quaedam nuntiata sunt: quae quia tibi sunt propiora quam nobis . .' we may infer that he htld some commission in the East, and was in doubt how to act with regard to Q^Caecilius Bas.sus. He was sub- sequently entrusted with the conduct of the war in the East, and with the province of Syria, by Caesar (cp. Ad Fam. 12. 19, i), but seems speedily to have resigned it, for in 44 B.C. he was governing Africa. Cp. introductory note on this letter. Scisses. Videor intellegere implies a past tense, ' I seem to have gathered,' and the construction soon drops into the past tense altogether. Quo . . erumperet, 'what that Bassus was aiming at.' WIel. 6. Bassus rose in insurrection against Caesar's authority in Syria, organized a plot which led to the death of Sex. Caesar, lieu- tenant of the dictator, and procured Par- thian support for his enterprise. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 9, 3 ; Pro Reg. Deiot. 9. 25 ; Dion Cas- sius 47, 26 and 27. The prospects of Bassus might influence the decision of Cor- nificius about accepting the government of Syria. 7- Speraram, 'I had hoped' before I heard from you; et . . Htterae, 'and your letter gave me confidence.' 8. Idque ut facias. The context requires, apparently, a reference to 'ht- terae,' 'that you will continue to write.' Wiel. 9. Quid tu agas, 'your own proceed- ings;' 'quid agatur,' the news. Cp. Ep. 18, 6, note, p. 114. 10. Periniquo, a rare word. It occurs Pro Leg. IVIan. 22, 63. 11. Eo tempore. Cobet om. ' tempore.' In summum otium, 'to.a most peace- ful district.' This would hardly be true of Africa, where OrcU. (cp. his Onomasticon) thinks that Cornificius now was. 12. Ab impendentibus . . negotiis. I 1 483 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part IV. utrumque contra accidit ; istic enim bellum est exortum, hie pax 2 consecuta, sed tamen eius modi pax, in qua, si adesses, multa te non delectarent, ea tamen, qua ne ipsum Caesarem quidem delectant ; bellorum enim civilium ii semper exitus sunt, ut non 5 ea solum fiant, quae velit victor, sed etiam, ut iis mos gerendus sit, quibus adiutoribus sit parta victoria. Equidem sic iam ob- durui, ut ludis Caesaris nostri animo aequissimo viderem T. Plancum, audirem Laberii et Publilii poemata. Nihil mihi tarn deesse scito quam quicum haec familiariter docteque rideam : is ' From great troubles impending here.' Per- haps this refers to the war in Spain. But as we do not know the date of Cornificius' departure it is difficult to say for certain. The contrast of ' otium . . negotium' may be noticed. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. 17, I ' Romae summum otium est sed ita ut malis salubre aliquod et honestum negotium.' I. Utrumque contra accidit, ' in both points my expectations have been falsified.' Istic, 'where you are,' in Syria. 3. Ea tamen, foil.. ' which, however, I allow.' A very candid admission. Cp. Ep. 90, 2, note. 4. Ut non ea solum, foil. The fol- lowing clause sed etiam ut, foil., does not precisely correspond to this: we should ex.- pect ' sed etiam ea quae velint adiutores.' On the position of ut after 'sed etiam' in- stead of between those two words, cp. Madv. 465 b. Obs. 5. Mos gerendus sit. ' Moreni ge- rere ' = ' obsequi.' Forcell. 'Those also must be humoured [by Caesar ? or by people in general ?] who have aided in win- ning the victor)'.' 6. Quibus adiutoribus, abl. abs. : cp. Ep. S8, 2. note. Obdurui : cp. Ep. 70, i. Cicero often uses the word in a metaphorical sense. 7. Ludis. The games which Caesar cele- brated in honour of his victory in Spain. They took place, probably, in October, 45 B.C., and help to fix the date of this letter. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 12 ; Fischer, Rom. Zeitt. pp. 302, 304, sub ann. 45 b.c. Caesaris nostri ; Cicero is writing to a Caesarian. Animo aequissimo, 'with the greatest indifference.' Viderem T. Plancum, audirem . . poemata. There is much pungency in this comparison of the personal worthless- riess of Plancus and the badness of the poems of Laberius and Publilius. Mr. Jeans remarks that Mommsen 4. 2, 581 speaks of the ' mimes' of Laberius with high praise. So does Mr. W. B. Donne (Diet, of Biography, 2. 693) : and there is much to be said for Mr. Jeans' view that what disgusted Cicero was the sight of a Roman knight acting in his own piece. But this would not apply to Publilius Syrus. And Cicero does not seen; to have been on good terms with La- berius: cp. Macrob. Sat. 2. 3, 10. T. Plancum. T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was tribune 53-52 b.c. He was banished under the ' Lex Pompeia de vi,' but restored by Caesar. He was a bitter enemy of Cicero, and, after Caesar's death, an active supporter of Antony. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. 2, 2 ; Ad Att. 6. 1, 10; Philipp. 6. 4, 10; 13. 12, 27. It is uncertain in what character he was prominent at Caesar's games. Siipfle suggests that it was as a gladiator. 8. Audirem, an asyndeton. Cp. Ep. 20, 6, note. Laberii et Publilii. This form of the genitive of nouns in '-ius' and '-ium' was the later one ; the old genitive was in ' i,' e.g. in Plautus and Sallust, the latter affect- ing archaic forms. It is also retained by Horace and Virgil. Decimus Laberius, a writer of farces {' mimi ') appeared at Caesar's request or com- mand as an actor in one of his own pieces, but lamented his dishonour in a prologue quoted by Macrobius, Sat. 2. 7. Cp. Suet. Jul. 39. He received a present of 500 000 sesterces from Caesar, but not the prize, which was awarded to Publilius Syrus, the other farce writer here mentioned by Cicero, who had been a slave. Cp. Ma- crob. 1. c. 9. Familiariter = 'amice et libere.' Forcell. Docte ='scite' (Forcell.), ' with the taste of philosophers,' who would scorn such entertainments as those to which Cicero here refers. 'Docti'= ' philosophi.' Cp. 'doctrinae,' Ep. 91, 3. Cicero had re- EP. 104.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XIII. 52. 483 tu eris, si quam primum veneris ; quod ut facias, non mea solum, sed etiam tua interesse arbitror. 104. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XIII. 52). Near Puteoli (?), December 19, 45 b.c. (709 a.u.c.) 1. I do not regret having entertained my formidable visitor. His numerous escort had given trouble at the villa of Philippus, but mine was protected from intrusion by sentries. Caesar heard about Mamurra. My entertainment was handsome, 2. and Caesar seemed to enjoy himself. The conversation was mainly literary. I shall shortly go to Tusculum. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 O hospitem mihi tam gravem a\i^Ta\xi\r\rov ! fuit enim periu- cunde. Sed cum secundis Saturnalibus ad Philippum vesperi venisset, villa ita completa militibus est^ ut vix triclinium, ubi 5 marked the increasing popularity of the ' mimes,' which Siipfle thinks Caesar en- couraged for political reasons. Puteoli. Boot thinks that this letter was written from P'ormiae, as we learn from Ad Att. 15. 13, 5 that Dolabella had a villa there. But cp. infr. § 2. 3. O hospitem . . dixeTaiXf\i]Tov. The accus. expresses astonishment. Cp. Madv. 236. ' My formidable guest's visit gave me no cause to regret it !' Cp. § 2 ' habes . . imaTaOtxfiav,'' foil. The Greek word is quite classical. Liddell and Scott. Gravem, perhaps referring to the num- ber of Caesar's escort. Fuit enim periucunde, ' for he was in a very good humour.' The word ' periu- cunde' occurs Pro Cael. 11, 25. On the adverb as a predicate, cp. Ep. 4, 1, note ; Nagelsb. 144, 412. 4. Sed, ' but to come to the point.' Siipfle. It is resumptive, after the exclamation with which the passage opens. Secundis Saturnalibus, ' on the second day of the Saturnalia,' i.e. on Dec. 18. Livy (2. 21, 1) says 'Saturnalia institutus festus dies,' from which it appears that the festival originally only lasted one day. It was held xiv Kal. Ian., i.e., before Caesar's reform of the Calendar, on December 17th according to Macrobius. Sat. 1. 10, 2, if I underst4nd him rightly. The same writer says that the fes- tival was prolonged for three days owing to the diversity of practice caused by Caesar's I 1 reform. But this seems hardly likely, for not only does Cicero here use the words 'secundis Saturnalibus' without any hint that they imply a recent change, but the words ' tertiis Saturnalibus ' occur (Ad Att. 5. 20, 5) in a letter written before the re- form of the Calendar took place. Perhaps Prof. W. Ramsay is right in suggesting [see art. ' Saturnalia,' in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities] that the popular practice had been for some time to keep three days, but that Augustus first formally sanctioned the prolongation. Cp. Macrob. Sat. i. 10, 4. Andresen's note has called my attention to the insufficiency of my own note in pre- vious editions, but I can hardly agree with him in thinking that the festival was cele- brated from December 19 to December 21, before Caesar's reform of the Calendar, and from December 17 to December 19 after it. Ad Philippum. L. Marcius Philippus was one of the consuls for 56 b.c, and step- father of Octavian. He seems to have had a villa near Puteoli. 5. Completa militibus. The best MS. seems to have ' a militibus,' which slightly changes the meaning from ' filled with sol- diers ' to 'thronged by soldiers,' — the latter bringing out their action more prominently. Ut vix triclinium, foil., 'that a room where Caesar was to dine could hardly be kept free.' Triclinium = 'cenatio.' Forcell. It originally meant a couch for three people. 2 484 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part IV. cenaturus ipse Caesar esset, vacaret ; quippe hominum Clo CID. Sane sum commotus, quid futurum esset postridie, ac mihi Barba Cassius subvenit : custodes dedit. Castra in agro ; villa defensa est. Ille tertiis Saturnalibus apud Philippum ad h. Vll., nee 5 quemquam admisit : rationes opinor cum Balbo ; inde ambulavit in litore. Post h. Vlll. in balneum ; tum audivit de Mamurra ; non mutavit. Unctus est, accubuit. 'Ejx^tlki^v agebat ; itaque et 1. Esset. Ubi seems to have the force of ' in qua,' and thus the mood may be ex- plained by Madv. 364, and Obs. I. Quippe hominum cio cio, sc. ' fue- runt.' ' For there were two thousand of them:' genitivus generis. Cp. IVIadv. 285 a. If, as Wieland seems not to doubt, all these men were entertained in the establishment of Philippus, the passage gives a great idea of its size and resources. Cp. Merivale 7. 332 foil., for another account of a Roman villa. 2. Sane cum commotus . . postridie, ' I was disturbed to think what was going to happen on the next day,' sup. ' reputans ' from 'commotus sum,' or, 'I was disturbed and anx'ously asked myself.' Andr. Caesar had probably given Cicero notice of his in- tention to visit him, and Cicero did not like the prospect of entertaining so large a body of men. Ac, ' when' = 'et statim.' Boot. Barba Cassius is mentioned as one of the ' naufragia Caesaris amicorum ' who were with Antony before Mutina. Philipp. 13- 2, .^. 3. Custodes dedit, ' set a guard over my villa,' explained by what follows. The soldiers were obliged to encamp in the open fields instead of crowding Cicero's villa. 4. Ille, Caesar. Apud Philippum, sc. *mansit.' Ad horam vii., 'till a little after noon.' Cp. Ep. 101, 2, note. 5. Admisit, * admitted to an interview.' Rationes opinor, sc. ' conferebat,' or 'conficiebat,' 'he was settling accounts with Balbus' his treasurer, on whom cp. Epp. 27, 2, note; 44, 6; 58. For alleged instances of his influence with Caesar, cp. Suet. lul. 78 ; Plut. Caes. 60. 6. In litore, 'on the shore of the bay of Baiae.' Boot suggests, very probably, that words have dropped out after post h. VIII, describing Caesar's arrival at Cicero's villa. In balneum, sc. 'ivit.' This was pro- bablv at Cicero's villa. Audivit de Mamurra. This obscure allusion has been explained as meaning, (i) Heard of Mamurra's death. Boot. (2) Heard of Mamurra's offences against the sumptuary laws. Manut. (3) Heard of the bitter attacks of Catullus (Epigr. 29 and 57) upon Mamurra. Lambin. and Siipfle. There is no evidence that Catullus lived later than 47 B.C. ; it is doubtful there- fore 'f one of his epigrams could be referred to as a piece of news in 45 B.C. On the whole I incline to (2), but the subject is very obscure. On Mamurra, cp. Ep. 44, 6, note. Wesenb. has ' dum audivit de Ma- murra, vultum non mutavit.' Andr. thinks that the allusion is to Mamurra's death and reads ' vultum non mutavit.' 7. Non mutavit. 'Non mutare dicun- tur qui aliquid ab alio dictum factumve laudant probant' Forcell. But in one of the passages which he quotes the reading is doubtful. This would make good sense if we suppose that Mamurra had been convicted of transgressing the sumptuary law, and that Caesar approved his conviction. The sumptuary law is noticed Ad Fam. 7. 26, 2 ; Ad Att. 13. 7, I. Unctus est, as was usual before dinner. Cp. Hor. Carm. 2. 11, 16 ' Assyriaque nardo Potamus uncti.' Accubuit, 'he took his place at table.' IpLfTiKTiv agebat, 'he intended to take an emetic' after dinner. Imperf. of the at- tempt. Cp. Ep. 42, 4 ; Madv. 337, Obs. I. So Billerb., Siipfle, Matth., Andr. But the fern. (jxeTifCT] seems not to be classical as a substantive, and the passage is otherwise very harsh. Perhaps Peerlk.imp's (ap. Boot) suggestion ijXiTiKuv is to be adopted. = ' agebat partes eius qui vomere vellet.' Cp. Pro Reg. Deiot. 7. 21 'cum . . vomere te post cenam veile dixisses.' (fxeTiKov is approved by Mr. H. A. J. Munro, Journal of F'hilology, 2. 3, p. 21, 1869. For the use of a Greek medical term, cp. Ep. 75, i, note. EP. 104.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XIII. 52. 485 edit et bibit aSeco?, et iucunde, opipare sane et apparate, nee id solum, sed bene cocto, condito, sermone bono et, si quaeri', libenter. 2 Praeterea tribus tricliniis accepti 01 vrept ovtov valde copiose ; 5 libertis minus lautis servisque nihil dcfuit : nam lautiores cle- ganter accepti. Quid multa ? homines visi sumus. Hospes tamen non is, cui diceres: ' amabo te, eodem ad me, cum rev^ertere.' Semel satis est. ^Tiovhaiov ovbev in sermone, (pLXoXoya multa. Quid quaeris? delectatus est et libenter fuit. Puteolis se aiebat 10 unum diem fore, alterum ad Baias. Habes hospitium sive iin- I. dSews, 'freely,' as he intended to pro- vide against indigestion. Opipare . . et apparate, sc. ' acceptus est,' to be supplied from ' edit et bibit,' ' he was entertained with plenty and in good style.' Forcel!. gives ' copiose ' as an equi- valent for ' opipare ; ' ' magnifice ' for ' ap- parate.' 3. Bene cocto, foil. This is a frag- ment from Lucilius which Cicero quotes, also de Fin. 2. 8, 25. The construction is not very clear. Forcell. sub voc. ' con- ditus ' takes all the epithets as applying to ' sermone,' in which case the ablatives will be of the manner, in apposition to ' opipare.' Mr. Munro also appears to connect ail the epithets with ' sermone.' P. and B. render ' bene cocto condito,' something well cooked and seasoned," and say that the ablatives probably depend on some verb preceding them in the original. Mr. Jeans renders freely ' Though the cook was good, 'Twas Attic salt that flavoured most the food.' 4. Libenter, ' to his taste.' 5. Tribus tricliniis, 'in three dining rooms.' Cp. sup. 01 irepl avTov, ' his immediate attend- ants.' Copiose = 'large, cum copia.' Forcell. 6. Nihil defuit, 'wanted for nothing.' Nam : cp. Epp. 9, 8; 26, 2, notes. Lautiores, sc. ' liberti.' ' lautus' = ' qui laute vivit.' Forcell. Eleganter, 'appropriately,' 'in good taste.' =' apte, concinne, laute.' Forcell. It is contrasted with the abundant supply of necessaries mentioned above — ' nihil de- fuit.' The best MS. seems to have ' accepi,' and Wesenb. retains it. 7. Quid multa ? ' in a word.' Homines, 'a man who understood hos- if vou would oblige me.' pitality,' or, as Andr. 'a man of taste.' ' Homo' is also used in a good sense Ep. 28, 2 ' si vis homo esse.' P. and B. say that the words mean ' we seemed on friendly terms as men should be with one another.' Hospes tamen, 'yet though so agree- able he was not a guest,' etc. 8. Amabo te, Cp. Ad Fam. 2. 7, 2 ' amabo te cura et cogita;' alsoEp. 35, 5. Eodem ad me, 'come and see me the next time you pass this way.' Boot, after Peerlkamp, says that these words form an iambic line from a comic poet. In that case the ' dem ' in 'eodem ' must not be elided. 9. anovSaioi' . . multa, sc. 'fuerunt.' ' Nihil de re publica nuilta de libris et doc- trinae sludiis ' Boot. t\6\oya = ' eiud'ita.' Orell. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 15, 2. 10. Quid quaeris: cp. p. 51, note on 1- I.?; P- .55. "ote on 1. 6. Libenter fuit: cp. § I, note. 1 1. Ad Baias : cp. Ep. 71, 10, note, ' in the neighbourhood of Baiae.' Habes, 'you now know all about.' ' Ha- bere' in this sense of being informed abor.t' is usually found in the second person. Cp. Epp. 29, 20; 88, 6. kTnaTaOjxiiav. Liddell and Scott ex- plain this word as meaning a ' liability to have soldiers quartered upon one,' and Orell. gives substantially the same explan.ition. It seems to me to be equivalent to the Latin ' deductio,' 'a billeting,' and Cicero refers partly to the numerous escort which ac- companied Caesar, partly to the fact that a proposal from Caesar to visit him was equi- valent to a command. The Greek word is found in Diodorus and Plutarch in the mili- tary sense. Andr. thinks that Cicero uses it to express the shortness of Caesar's visit, which he could hardly call ' hospiiium.' 486 M. TULLIl CIC FRONTS EP. AD ATT. XIII. 52. (naQ\idav odiosam mihi, dixl, non molestam. Ego paulisper hie, deinde in Tusculanum. Dolabellae villani cum praeteriret, omnis armatorum copia dextra sinistra ad equum nee usquam alibi. Hoc ex Nicia. 1. O iosam . . molestam, ' which as I said was distasteful to me, though not an- noying.' Forcell. makes these two words synonymous. Dixi. In the first words of this letter. Cicero means, I think, that he did not like being virtually compelled to entertain Caesar though he found him an agreeable guest enough when he did come. Orell. puts a semicolon after ' odiosam,' which does not much alter the sense ' I have described to you a visit of an unpleasant kind, though to me, as I s lid, it was not annoying.' For a free translation of this letter, cp. Merivale 2- 457- Ego paulisper hie manebo deinde in Tusculanum ibo. Such ellipses are very common in letters. 2. Dolabellae villa m. Probably at Baiae. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 12, i (a letter written about this time) ' gratulor Bails nostris si quidem, ut scribis, salubres repente factae sunt.' Cum praeteriret, Caesar. Omnis armatorum . , ad equum, 'his whole escort paraded on either side of him,' i.e. in regular military array. 3. Dextra sinistra. On the asyndeton, cp. Madv. 434. Ad equum, sc. Caesaris, Andr. Nee usquam alibi, 'and this happened nowhere else.' It was a special honour paid to Dolabella. Boot. 4. Hoc ex Nicia, sc. ' audivi,' Stipfle, Curtius Nicias was a grammarian of Cos, infmate both with Cicero and with Doli- bella. He was with Cicero in Cilicia (cp. Ad Att. 7- .!> 10), but Cicero does not seem to have had a high opinion of him (lb. 12. 26, 2), and Nicias subsequently attached himself to Dolabella (lb. 13. 28, 3). APPENDIX VIII. 487 APPENDIX VIII. On the Calendar. Before the reformation of the Roman Calendar by Julius Caesar seven months had 29 days each; four— ]\Iarch, May, July, and October — had 31; and February 28, thus making up a year of 355 days. In alternate years a month was intercalated after the 23rd of February, which in the intercalated years had only 23 days. This intercalated month had alternately 27 and 28 days. Thus the quadriennial cycle would consist of 1465 days. For 355x4=1420 + 55 (two intercalary months)— 10 (five days twice deducted from February) = 1465. This gave four days too many, and Macrobius (Saturn, i. 13) says that in every third period of eight years only 66 days were inserted, which would correct the mistake. Great irregularity, however, prevailed with regard to intercalation ; the pontifices appear occasionally to have applied it to suit the interests of magistrates and governors who were anxious to shorten or to prolong their term of office, and in the year of Cicero's consulship the first of January of the old calendar would have corresponded to the fourteenth of March of the Julian. No intercalation seems to have taken place between that year and 52 e.g., and thus the discrepancy of the official and solar year constantly increased. In 52 e.g. the first of January of the unreformed calendar fell really on Nov. 21, 53 e.g., but an inter- calary month of 27 days being inserted after the 23rd of February as usual, the nominal Jan. i of 51 was postponed to Dec. 3, 52. After this year no intercalation is found till 47 e.g., which had 377 days; its last day fell on Oct. 12th of the corrected calendar. Then followed the year of transition, 708 v.c. or 46 e.g. Its Jan. i fell on Oct. 13, 707 u.c. of the corrected calendar, and Caesar inserted in it, besides the ordinary intercalary month, two extraordinary intercalary months numbering 29 and 28 days respectively, which were inserted between November and December, 46 e.g., and ten days. The trans- itional year would thus number 445 days, i.e. 355 — 5 deducted from February + (29 + 28 + 28 + 10) intercalated, and its last day would cor- respond to the Julian 31st of December. Mommsen (Romische Chronologic, pp. 276, 277) explains the change rather diff'erently. He thinks that the official year began on March i 488 APPENDIX VI 11, till 45 B.C., and that all that Caesar did in 46 was (i) to insert between November and December two intercalary months instead of January and February : for as 46 would naturally end with February, and he intended 45 to begin with January, the repetition of two months so soon after each other would cause confusion; (2) to add ten days to the year, which seem to have been appended to the ' mensis intercalaris posterior.' The ordinary year from 45 b.c. was one of 365 days, but to com- plete the quadrennial cycle the insertion of one day every four years was requisite, and this took place in February after the vi. Cal. Mart. The extra day was called ' bis vi. Cal. Mart.,' whence the term bissextile for leap year. 45 b.c was a leap year. Cp. IMommsen, Romische Chron. 279-281. The Julian year of 365 days 6 hours exceeded the solar year by about eleven minutes. A table is appended of the days on which the first of January of the unreformed calendar fell according to one reckoned back on the Julian system to 63 b.c. inclusive. In 63 B.C., March 14. 62 j> March 4- 61 J) Feb. 22. 60 )j )> II. 59 >j >> I. 58 >) Jan. 22. 57 j> » 12. 56 >j )j I, 55 )> Dec. 22. 698 u.c. 54 )) >> 12. 699 53 >) )» 2. 700 52 j> Nov. 21. 701 51 >> Dec. 3- 702 50 j> Nov. 23- 703 49 )) 5) 13- 704 48 J) )> 2. 705 47 >) Oct. 23- 706 46 )> j> 13- 707 In drawing up this table a day has been inserted according to the Julian system in 61, 57, 53, and 49 — reckoning back from 45 b.c The authorities consulted have been Korb's tables, in Orelli's Ono- masticon ; Suringar's Annales Ciceroniani ; Smith's Dictionary of Anti- quities, art. ' Calendarium ; ' and Th. Mommsen's Romische Chro- nologic. APPENDIX AY. 489 APPENDIX IX. Caesar's Laws enacted from 49-44 b.c I. Laws proposed by Caesar as dictator in 49 b.c. 1. Lex Julia (?) de exsulibus, — restored, according to some accounts, all exiles who had been sentenced under the 'Leges Pompeiae' of 52 B.C., except Milo. Caesar's own statement, however, says that it only applied to a few persons. The plea for this enactment was that the pro- ceedings for bribery (' ambitus ') under those laws had been irregular \ The restoration included all exiles whatever except Milo, according to Appian and Dion Cassius. The act of restoration seems actually to have been proposed by the praetors and tribunes, and Cicero charges Antony, one of the latter, with having been its author ^ 2. Lex lulia de pecuniis mutuis^ Caesar proposed this law as dic- tator towards the close of 49 b.c. It was intended to provide a remedy for the scarcity of money caused by the civil war, and enacted that public valuers should be appointed to ascertain what the worth of land and other property had been before the civil war. Creditors were then obliged to take land at the value so ascertained in payment of their claims; whereby about a quarter of what they could otherwise have claimed was lost. Dion Cassius * mentions also a law limiting to 15,000 drachmae the amount of gold or silver coin which any one might possess, but he does not describe it as a new law. Tacitus ^ seems to include it under 2, but his language is not very precise, ' legem dictatoris Caesaris qua de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam cavetur.' 3. Lex lulia de Transpadanis ", — granting the Roman franchise to the Gauls living beyond the Po and south of the Alps. Tacitus, however, affirms "' that that grant was made during a time of peace. 4. Lex Rubria, passed probably at Caesar's instance to regulate the jurisdiction of the magistrates of municipal towns in Cisalpine GauP. Perhaps 5. a Lex Hirtia de Pompeianis may belong to this year. A. Hirtius was tribune in 49-48 and praetor in 47 b.c The import of the law is doubtful; perhaps it excluded those who had served in Pompey's army from public offices ". ' Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. I ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 4S ; Dion Cassius 41. 36. "^ Caes. 1. c. ; Cic. Philipp. 2. 23, 56. 3 Caes. 1. c. * 41. 38. '•' Ann. 6. 16. * Dion Cassius 41. 36. ' Ann. ii. 24. ' Corp. Insc. Lat. I. pp. 1 15-1 19. 3 Philipp. 13. 16, 32. 490 APPENDIX IX. 6. Lex Antonia? de proscriptorum filiis, — admitting the children of those whom Sulla had proscribed to curule offices. Pansa was one of them ^ This measure apparently was passed early in the year. 7, 8. Other laws, giving citizenship to the people of Gades and depriving the people of Massilia of some of their privileges, may belong to this time ^. II. Laws of Caesar as 'dictator iterum' 47 b.c.^ 1. Increase of the number of praetors to ten. 2. Increase of the three greatest priestly colleges by one member each. 3. Remission of a proportion of rents due for houses in Rome and Italy. III. Laws of Caesar as ' consul m, dictator iii' 46 b.c. 1. Lex lulia iudiciaria, — providing that the judges should be taken exclusively from among the senate and the equestrian order, excluding the ' tribuni aerarii *.' 2. Leges luliae de vi et de maiestate, — fixed as the penalty of those crimes * interdictio aquae et ignis,' and forfeiture of half the offender's property l As the trials would be before one of the permanent courts an appeal to the people would be ipso facto excluded. 3. Lex lulia de collegiis : abolished all guilds and political clubs re- cently instituted. This law was probably designed to rescind the Lex Clodia of 58 B.c.^ An exception from its penalties was granted to the Jews ''. 4. Lex lulia de sacerdotiis, — apparently provided that candidates for priestly offices need not canvass in person **. It was perhaps connected w^th a law of 47, or with a law of 45 b.c. vid. sub ann. 5. Lex lulia sumptuaria^ — forbade the use of litters, of purple dresses, and of pearls, except to persons of a certain age or position. It restricted also the liberty of buying certain dainties. A strict watch was kept on the markets, and sometimes dishes which had been already set on table were forcibly removed by Caesar's orders. 6. Lex lulia de provinces, — providing that the praetorian provinces should not be held for more than one year by the same governors, nor 1 Dion Cassius 41. 18; 45. 17; Pint. Caes. 37; lutr. to Part I. § 9; Ad Alt. 2. r, 3, note. '^ Dion Cassius 41. 24; 25. Livy Epit. 110. ^ Dion Cassius 42. 50 51 ; Suet. lul. 38 ; 41. * Philipp. 1. 8, 19 ; Suet. Iul.41 ; Dion Cassius 43. 25. * Philipp. I. 9. 23; Suet. lul. 42. ^ Intr. to Part I, § 19; Suet. lul. 42. ^ Josephus Antiqq. I4. lo, S. * Cic. ad Brut. I. 5, 3. ^ Suet. lul. 43; Dion Cassius 43. 25 ; Ad Att. 13. 7, i ; Ad Fam. 7. 26, 2 ; 9. 15, 5. APPENDIX IX. 491 the consular for more than two \ The assignation of praetorian pro- vinces had been already conceded to Caesar, while that of the consular provinces remained nominally with the senate ^ 7. Lex lulia de liberis legationibus,— probably extended the time for which their privileges were enjoyed. Cicero had limited this to a year by a law proposed in his consulship ^ Caesar also reduced the number of recipients of corn furnished at the public expense from 320,000 to 150,000*. IV. Leges agrariae. Those of 59 B.C. have been already mentioned. Cp. Intr. to Part I, §17. A. W. Zumpt thinks'^ that they remained legally valid, and might be put into operation whenever there was money in the treasury to buy land ; and that as dictator Caesar actually did revive the laws of his con- sulship with only two alterations, viz. 1. That their operation was extended to lands out of Italy ^ 2. That ' vigintiviri' were no longer appointed to superintend their execution, which was now entrusted to Caesar's legates '. In any case lands were assigned to veterans in various parts of Italy * in 46 B.C. Such lands had probably either been previously unoccupied, or recently confiscated, or were purchased. The towns where such sol- diers were settled were not necessarily called 'coloniae,' and the lands assigned were for the most part not contiguous. None but soldiers received lands in Italy *. V. Laws of Caesar as ' consul iv, dictator iv' {? see p. 494) 45 b.c. 1 . Increase of the senate to 900 ^^ 2. Creation of new patrician families". 3. Increase of the 'triumviri monetales' to 4. Connected perhaps with a permission granted to Caesar to stamp coin with his name ^". 4. Addition of a third class, called luliani, to the Luperci ". 5. Continuation of distribution of lands begun 46 B.C.** * Philipp. 1.8, IQ ; 5. 3, 7 ; Dion Cassius 43. 25. ^ Dion Cassius 42. 20. 3 Cp. Intr. to Part I, § 9, with Ad Att. 15. II, 4. * Livy Epit. 115 ; Dion Cassius 43. 21 ; Suet. lul. 41 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 202; Plut. Caes. 5:. ^ Com- ment. Epigr. I. 300 foil. ^ Intr. to Part IV, § 14; A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigr. I. 301, foil. ' Ad Fam. 13. 4. * Intr. to Part IV, § 11 ; Ad Fam. 9. 17; Dion Cassius 42. 54; Suet. lul. 38. ' Suet. lul. 1. c. ; A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigr. i. 302. ^" Ad Fam. 13. 5, 2 ; Suet. lul. 41 ; 76 : 80 ; Dion Cassius 43. 47. " Dion Cassius 1. c. ; Tac. Ann. II. 25, '- Suet. lul. 76 ; Dion Cassius 44. 4 ; Smith, Diet, of Antiq., sub voc. ' Moiieta,' p. 766. 1' Philipp. 13. 15, 31 ; Suet. lul. 76; Dion Cassius 44. 6. " Ad Fam. 13. 4; 13- 5 ; 13- 7 ; 13- 8 ; Dion Cassius 43. 47. 493 APPENDIX X. 6. Increase of the number of quaestors to 40; of praetors, first to 14 and then to 16 ; of aediles to 6 \ 7. Lex lulia municipalis. This appears to have comprised firstly, re- gulations as to the distribution of corn at the public expense at Rome ; secondly, police regulations especially relating to the traffic in the streets of Rome; thirdly, regulations as to the qualifications and duties of magistrates and senators in muni- cipal towns ^. Other laws of uncertain date, but which must have been enacted within the period here referred to, are mentioned by Suetonius *. 1. A law restraining the liberty of Roman citizens, especially of the higher classes, to travel or reside out of Italy. 2. A law providing that a third part of the herdsmen employed on estates consisting of pasture lands should be freemen. 3. A law granting citizenship to physicians and teachers of liberal arts who should settle at Rome. 4. A law increasing the severity of penalties for the higher crimes. APPENDIX X. On the honours voted to Caesar. § 1. I. 49 B.C. Perhaps when Caesar met the senate on April i he received procon- sular power throughout the whole empire, by virtue of which he disposed of different provinces *. Chronological writers ^ assigned to Caesar a reign of four years and seven months, evidently dated from his first dictatorship. This would fix its grant to the middle of August, 49 b.c. ; a date supported by the probability that his nomination followed the announcement of his victory over Afranius and Petreius, who surrendered on August 2 ". His nomination took place under a law proposed by Lepidus, and he held the office, probably, ' comitiorum habendorum causa '^,' for he had no ' magister equitum.' He held the dictatorship for eleven days, and resigned it on leaving Rome for Brundisium ^^ ; in December, according to the Calendar, in October, according to the real season. 1 Dion Cassius 43. 47 and 51. ^ Cp. Mommsen Corp. Inscr. Lat. I. 1 19-125. 3 lul. 42. *"a. W. Zumpt, Studia Romana, 201-204; Ad Att. 9. 17, 1 ; Cp. Dion Cassius 41, 15-17. = Cp. A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 204. ^ Intr. to Part III, § 8. ' Ad Att. Q. 9, 3; Dion Cassius 41. 36; Caes. Bell. Civ. 2. 21. ^ Plut. Caes. 37; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 48; Dion Cassius 41. 36-39. APPENDIX X. 493 2. 48 B.C. Second consulship. He was absent from Rome throughout its dura- tion, as he entered upon it at Brundisium \ After Pompey's death was known at Rome, the senate and people voted to Caesar 1. The consulship for five years; 2. A dictatorship for one year^. The consular power would last from 48 to 44, or from 47 to 43 B.C., according as the year 48 was included or not. He entered upon his second dictatorship * at once/ says Dion Cas- sius ^. That is, probably, as soon as he heard of his nomination. Now Pompey was killed on Sept. 28 *, and his death might be known in Rome by the middle of October, from which time Caesar's dictatorship probably dated. M. Antonius was named his master of the horse, probably by the consul P. Servilius ^. Caesar seems to have retained this dictatorship till the end of 47 B.C., if we may trust the statements of Dion Cassius'' and Plutarch''; and Mommsen (Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. pp. 451-453) believes that this dictatorship was conferred for an un- defined period ' rei publicae constituendae causa.' Coins, with the in- scription 'Cos. tert. Diet, iter.' support this view. lb. p. 449, and Lange 3. 420. 3. 47 B.C. Second dictatorship, till the close of the year. Third consulship (?). So Suetonius ^ But Caesar only held a titular consulship in 47 b.c, and both the Fasti Capitolini '■* and Dion Cassius^" place in 4. 46 B.C. Caesar's third consulship, to which he seems to have been regularly elected with Lepidus '\ Third dictatorship, decreed to him when the news of the battle of Thapsus reached Rome. It was for ten years, and probably * rei pub- licae constituendae causa.' Caesar was named by his colleague Lepidus, who named himself master of the horse, contrary to precedent ^^, The Fasti Capitolini place this dictatorship in 45 b.c; either, as \V, Henzen (Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. pp. 448-449) thinks, because the * App. Bell. Civ. 2. 48 ; Dion Cassiiis 41. 3g. ^ Dion Cassius 42. 20. ^ lb. 42. 21. * Intr. to Part IV, § 3. ^ Philipp. 2. 25, 62 ; Dion Cassius 42. 21 ; A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 212 ; Intr. to Part IV, § 5 ; but Lange, R. A. 3. 421- 422, says he was named by Caesar as usual. * 42. 55. ' Caes. 51. " lul. 76; cp. A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 215 ; e contr. Fasti Cap. sub anno. ^ lb. Zumpt, S. R. 200. '" 43. I. " Fasti Capitolini, sub anno. Mommsen, C. I. L. I. 452. Suetonius, (lul. 76) and Dion Cassius, (43, 33) take a dift'erent view. '^ Dion Cassius 1. c. : cp. 43. 14. 494 APPENDIX X. greater part of its duration was comprised in that year, — a remark which applies equally to his second dictatorship with reference to the years 48 and 47 b.c, — as the fourth dictatorship only began late in 45 b.c. at the earliest; or, as Mommsen (Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. 452) thinks, be- cause the ten years' dictatorship voted to Caesar in 46 was to begin Jan., 45 BC. 5. 45 B.C. Fourth consulship, without a colleague. The consulship for ten years was decreed to him when the news of the battle of Munda reached Rome ^ He accepted the grant at first, but resigned the consulship on entering the capital early in October, when Q. Fabius and C. Trebonius were elected as ' consules sufFecti ^.' According to Dion Cassius ', Caesar did not discharge the functions of the consulship to which he was regularly elected for long : but Appian * seems to affirm that he declined the ten years' consulship offered to him, and was content with that which he held by regular election from Jan. i, 45 B.C. He was made Praefectus Morum for three years after his African victories •^ And received the title ' Imperator ' for himself and his posterity in 45 B.C.' 6. 44 B.C. Fourth dictatorship. Perhaps Caesar entered upon this before the close of 45b.c.'^ It was perpetual; perhaps an exten- sion for life of that granted him in 46 b.c.^ for ten years. But it was ' regarded apparently as a series of yearly dictatorships, as the masters of the horse changed from )'ear to year. Cp. Fast. Capit. sub anno 44 b.c, Mommsen, C. I. L. 1.452. Fifth consulship ^ § 2. The title ' Imperator 'V ■ It was used as a prefix to the names of the emperors " ; but it is doubtful if Caesar used it thus. A. W. Zumpt thinks '- that he only used it a/Ur his name, as had been the practice of the republican period, and without numbers, e.g. 11, iii, appended to it. Mommsen considers ^^ the new 'imperium' to have been a continuation of the old consular or pro- consular 'iroperium' without the 'pomoerium.' 1 Dion Cassius 43. 45. The news arrived the day before the Parilia, i.e. on April 20, lb. 43, 42. ^ Veil. 2. 56 ; Suet. lul. 76; Dion Cassius 43 46. ^ 43. 46. * Bell. Civ. 2. 103; 107. * Dion Cassius 43. I4. * lb. 43. 44. ' The remarks on the way of dating the third dictatorship apply equally to the fourth. Cp sup. 4. * Dion Cassius 43. 14; Appian, De Bell. Civ. 2, 106; A. W. Zunipt, S. R. 229 foil. 9 lutr. to Part iv", § 12. i" Note E, p. 123; Zumpt, S. R. 233 foil. " Suet, lul. 76 ; Dion Cassius 43. 44. ^ 1. c. " 4. 2, 470. APPENDIX X. 495 §3- For the year 48 b.c. the usual magistrates were elected \ In 47 B.C. no curule magistrates were elected except for the last three months ^. For 46 B.C. the usual magistrates were elected ^ But on leaving for Spain Caesar appointed praefects, not praetors ^ to govern Rome in his absence. At the end of the year 45 b.c the usual magistrates were elected for its last few months ^ § 4. Tribunicia potestas. Granted to Caesar for life in 48 b.c/' The most important privileges which it included were (i) lus auxilii ferendi. (2) lus intercedendi. (3) lus senatuni consulendi^. (4) lus agendi cum plebe. (5) Personal inviolability *. In 45 B.C. he received the power of deciding who should be tribunes ^ ' A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 241. ^ lb. 243; Dion Cassius 42. 27. ' Dion Cassius 42. 51. *■ lb. 43. 28. ^ lb. 43 46; Zumpt, S. R. 245 : Intr. to Part IV, § 12. ^ Dion Cassius 42. 20: cp. Zumpt, S. R. 252. ''" A. Geil. N. A. 14, 7; Smith, Diet, of Antiq. 1131. The tribunes, if no one of their own body interfered, could probably bring questions before the senate even if a consul opposed them ; the Caesars probably had this power personally, without being subject to intercession. Ziimpt, S. R. 2r)2. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 16, i ; Ep. 22, 2, note. * Dion Cassius (44. 5), App. (Bcli. Civ. 2. ic6), and Livy (Epit. 116), say that Ca-sar was declared inviolable 44 b.c. A. W. Zumpt suggests that this inviolability was not limited locally, while that of the tribunes could only be vindicated in the capital — and that it protected the emperor at all times — not only in his official acts. S. R. 252, foil. ' Dion Cassius 43- 45. PART V. From the Death of Caesar to that of Cicero. March 15, 44B.C. to December 7, 43^.0. INTRODUCTION. § I. It has been mentioned that after Caesar's murder Antony fled to his home \ and the senate broke up in confusion '. Lepidus heard of the event in the forum''. He was master of the' horse* and governor of Narbonensis and Hither Spain, and had a legion in the island of the Tiber. Many also of Caesar's veterans filled the city ^ On the other hand, D. Brutus had at his disposal a body of gladiators " ; and under their protection, after a fruitless appeal to the people '^, the conspirators occupied the Capitol, where they were presently joined by Cicero and other nobles ^, including Dolabella, who Caesar had intended should succeed him as consul for the last part of 44 b.c. The conspirators employed the i6th apparently in making a second appeal to the people^, and in attempting to sound the disposition of Antony and Lepidus. Meanwhile Calpurnia ^"j Caesar's widow, placed at the disposal of Antony her husband's papers and a considerable sum of money. § 2. On the 17th an important meeting of the senate was held in the temple of Tellus ". Cicero took a leading part in the debate. Appeals had been made to him by the conspirators immediately after the murder '^, and Antony afterwards accused him of complicity with them. It is not likely however, that he was in the secret ; nor did he, like some others, pretend to have been so ". He now advocated a general amnesty '*, and 1 Intr. to Part IV, § 15. 2 j], 3 ;^pp_ Be]]_ civ. 2. 118; Dion Cassius 44. 22. ■* App. 1. c. ; Dion Cassius 43. 49-51. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 119. * lb. 2. 122; Veil. 2. 58. '' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 1 19; Dion Cassius 44. 20. ' App. Bell. Civ. 1. c. ; Dion Cassius 44. 22 ; Veil. 2. 58 ; Philipp. 2. 35, 89 ; Ad Att. 14. 10, I. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 2. 122-124. ^^ It). 125 ; Plut. Ant. 15. " Ad Att. 14. 14, 2 ; Philipp. I. I, I ; 2. 35, 89 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 126. '- Philipp. 2. 12 ; Dion Cassius 44. 20. '^ Philipp. 2. II, 25; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 1 19; Dion Cassius 44. 21. ^^ Philipp. i. i ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 135 ; Dion Cassius 44. 34. K k 498 INTRODUCTION the senate adopted his proposal, combining with it, however, a ratification of Caesar's acts. An apparent reconciliation followed between Antony ^ and the conspirators. But Caesar's friends, headed by his father-in-law% L. Piso ^, procured the consent of the senate to the publication of his will and to a public funeral for his body. Brutus subsequently addressed^ the people in defence of Caesar's murder, trying especially to quiet the apprehensions of the veterans ; and his speech, which produced a good effect, was followed next day by one from Cicero * in defence of the amnesty. About the same time Caesar's will was read ^, in which Octavius was adopted, and named his heir, and a sum of money, variously stated, was bequeathed to every Roman citizen. A painful feeling was excited when the name of D. Brutus w^as read among the ' second heirs ; ' and was intensified by the public funeral ^ which followed, and by Antony's ad- dress on that occasion. The people and the veterans committed many acts of violence, and the conspirators had to hide themselves or to with- draw from Rome. But Antony presently reassured the nobles by consulting some of the more eminent of their number as to his measures ^, and by proposing the abolition of the dictatorship, which the senate gladly sanctioned. Nor did Antony oppose the adoption by the senate of a decree ^ forbid- ding the registration of any resolution found in Caesar's papers to confer immunities or similar special privileges on individuals or communities. The favourable impression thus created was deepened by the suppression of disorders caused by an impostor named Herophilus or Amatius, who pretended to the name of C. Marius, and was executed by Antony's order *. § 3. These hopes, however, were presently dispelled by the use which Antony made of Caesar's papers ^", and of the aid of Faberius, a scribe who had been in Caesar's service, and who now forged many documents purporting to be Caesar's. Exiles were restored ; privileges " and ex- emptions granted to individuals and communities ; and the aid of Dolabella purchased with a large sum ^^. The populace was offended by Antony's vigorous maintenance of order, and he made its hostility a plea for sur- ' Philipp. I. I, 2 ; 2. 36, 90; Veil. 2. 58. '^ Ad Att. 14. 10, i ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 136 ; 143; Veil. 2. 59; Dion Ca?sius 44. 35. ' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 137-141. * lb. 2. 142. = lb. 2. 143 ; Dion Cassius 44 35. ^ Philipp. 2. 36 ; App. Bell. Civ. 2. 143-148 ; Dion Cassius 44. 36-50. '' Philipp. i. i ; 2. 36. ^ Philipp. I. I, 3; 2. 36, 91. " lb. I. 2, 5 ; Livy Epit. 116 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 2 and 3 ; Dion Cassius 44. 5T. The execution probably took place in April. Ad Att. I4. 8, I. '0 Philipp. I. 8-10 ; 2. 36-39 ; Veil. 2. 60 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 5. " Philipp. J. ic, 24; 2. 36-38 ; Plut. Ant. 15 ; Dion Cassius 44. 53. '^ Ad Att. 14. 18, I. TO THE FIFTH PART. 499 rounding himself with a guard \ The senate sanctioned this step, and the number of the guard was gradually increased to several thousands. But Antony was anxious to revive his failing popularity, and with that object procured, with the aid of his brother Lucius, now tribune, the enactment of an agrarian "^ law. He left Rome in April to superintend its execution. Meanwhile Dolabella, who had acted as consul since Caesar's death, overthrew an altar erected in memory of Caesar by Amatius, and punished with great severity those who had assembled to worship there ; a service which Cicero praised in extravagant terms ^. § 4. Octavius landed in Italy apparently in April*. He came to claim his inheritance, and to assume the name of his adoptive father. As he approached Rome he received promises of support ^ from the veterans settled in Campania, but declined them. Antony had returned to the capital when Octavius arrived there and claimed Caesar's bequest ". Antony had already spent the money, but Octavius borrowed from his friends enough, added to his own resources, to pay a portion at least of Caesar's legacies to the people, and to celebrate some days afterw'ards the games of Venus Victrix in honour of Caesar's victory at Pharsalus ''. Owing to the opposition of Antony's friends the enactment of a ' Lex Curiata' for his adoption was delayed^. Trebonius had already, apparently, left for Asia, and D. Brutus for Cisalpine GauP — where, if we judge by results, he was not warmly wel- comed, and undertook various petty operations " to gratify his soldiers with plunder. M. Brutus and C. Cassius still lingered in the neighbour- hood of Rome". An important meeting of the senate took place on June i ^-, when Macedonia was assigned to Antony, and Syria was assigned about the same time by a vote of the people ^^ to Dolabella, who then finally broke with the republican leaders. On the 5lh, apparently, M. Brutus was released from his obligation to reside in Rome as praetor ", and, with C. Cassius, commissioned to supply corn. Both remained, however '•'', in Italy to * App. Bell. Civ. 3. 4 and 6 ; cp. Philipp. i. 11, 27. ^ Ad Att. 14. 21, 2 ; Philipp. 2. 39 ; 5. 3, 7 ; 5. 7, 20. •' Ad Att. 14. 15, 2 ; Ad Fain. 9. 14 ; Philipp. I. 2, 5. * Ad Att. 14. 10, 3 ; 14. 12, 2 ; Veil. 2. 59 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 9-1 1. 5 App. Bell. Civ. 3. II and 12. * lb. 3. 17 and 20. ' lb. 3. 23 ; Ad Att. 15. 2, 3; Dion Cassius 45, 6. * Dion Cassius 45. 5. ' Ad Att. 14. 10, I ; 14. 13, 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 2. '" Ad Fam. 11.4. " App. 1. c. ; Ad Att. 14. 10, i. ^'' Philipp. I. 2, 6 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 7 and 8. 13 ? in April, Halm. Intr. to Philipp. §§46. 47. " Ad Att. 15. 9, 1 ; 15.11,1; 15.12,1; Philipp. 2. 13, 31 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 6 and 8. ^'' Ad Att. 15. ^6, 1 ; 15. 28 ; 16. i, 1 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 24. K k 2 500 INTRODUCTION see what effect might be produced by the Ludi Apollinares^ celebrated in the name of M. Brutus on the 7th of Quinctilis, now first called lulius ^ The people applauded; but their cheers were not followed by any im- portant results ^ § 5. Since March 1 7 * Cicero had been living mostly in retirement. He was soon undeceived as to the probable results of Caesar's death. His first letter '" after that event was written in great exultation, a feeling soon exchanged for regret ^ that the deed had been done with so litde regard for consequences, and that Caesar's power had passed with litde diminution into the hands of Antony. Cicero left Rome '' early in April, and exchanged friendly letters * with Antony as to the restoration of one Sex. Clodius from exile. His gratification at the vigorous mea- sures of Dolabella has been already ^ mentioned. The landing of Octavius ^° at first gave him no pleasure, and he was alarmed by the prospect of civil war " with D. Brutus and Sex. Pompeius, and by rumours that Antony would attempt to seize the Gallic pro- vinces ^'^. He had not as yet " much confidence in the consuls elect Hirtius and Pansa, but was pleased with an edict '* of Brutus and Cassius, in which they seem to have held moderate language, dismissing the friends who came from the country towns to protect them. The re- grets, however, openly expressed ^^ for Caesar by Matius and others disquieted him, nor was he much reassured by a correspondence ^'^ with Matius. § 6. Cicero spent the greater part of the spring and early summer in different villas : we find him dating letters from Tusculum ^'^, Lanuvium ", Puteoli ^^ Sinuessa ^'', Pompeii '^^ Arpinum ^-', Antium ^^, and other places. At Antium he had an interview with Brutus and Cassius, and found both of them discontented with the commissions proposed for them, and Cassius very violent ^^ Cicero was alarmed by Antony's intrigues "^^ with the veterans settled in Campania, and annoyed by the name lulius^® given to the seventh month. These anxieties did not, however, make him careless of his private interest ; his affairs seem to have been in a * Philipp. I. 15, 36; App. 1. c. "^ Ad Att. 16. i, i ; i6. 4, I ; Cens. de Die Nat. 22. 2 Ad Att. 16. 2, 3 ; Philipp. i. 15, 36. According to Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 24) the demonstration in favour of Brutus proceeded from hired partisans of his own. and the people broke into the theatre and silenced them. * Supra, § 2. ^ Ad Fam. 6. 15. * Ad Att. 14. 4, 2 ; 14. 9, 2 ; 14. 12, i ; Ad Fam. 12. i. '' Ad Att. 14. I. ' lb. 14. 13 A and B. ^ Supra, § 3. ^^ Ad Att. 14. 12, 2. '' lb. 14. 13, 2 ; 15. 20, 3. '^ Philipp. I. 3, 8 ; Ad Att. 14. 14, 4. ^^ Ad Att. 14. 12, 2 ; 14. 19, 2 ; 14. 21, 4 ; 15. 12, 2 ; 16. I, 4. " lb. 14. 20, 4 ; Ad Fam. 11. 2. ^^ Ad Att. 14. i, i ; 14. 2, 3 ; I4. 22, i. '^ Ad Fam. il. 27 and 28. " Ad Att. 14. 3. i« lb. 4. i" lb. 9. ^o ]b. 8. =1 lb. 17. 22 lb. 15. 26. ^' lb. II. ^* lb. 15 II, I. 25 lb. 14. 21, 2 ; Philipp. 2. 39, 100. ^' Ad Att. 16. I. I ; 16. 4, I. TO THE FIFTH PART. 501 very disorderly state, and this increased his eagerness to get money owing him, from Dolabella and others, repaid \ Seeing hide hope of doing any good by remaining at Rome, he decided on retiring to Athens ^ till the beginning of ihe next year. Dolabella had named him his legate with peculiar privileges on June 2 ^, and this gave him a pre- text for leaving Italy. He was also anxious to see his son, then studying at Athens, of whose behaviour unfavourable rumours had reached him *. Early in July ■' he saw M. Brutus at Nesis, where he also heard news " of Sextus Pompeius, who was still in arms. He was much pleased by the behaviour of his brother Quinlus ' at this time, and the good under- standing between them seems not to have been again disturbed. § 7. Cicero seems to have embarked about the middle of July. He touched at Vibo on the 23rd ^ and at Syracuse'' on August i. He set sail next day for Greece, but was presently driven back by contrary winds which he encountered off Leucopetra in the territory of Rhegium. On landing, he heard " that there was a fair prospect that Antony would be reconciled to Brutus and Cassius, and would renounce the Gallic pro- vinces. He also read a satisfactory speech of Antony, and a proclamation of Brutus and Cassius, in which they expressed their willingness to retire from Rome in the interest of public tranquillity. He was not aware that an angry correspondence " was probably going on at that very time between Antony and Brutus and Cassius, and was eager to return to Rome in time for a meeting of the senate announced for September i. A letter from Atticus, reproaching him ^- for deserting his country, strengthened him in this resolution. He travelled back, accordingly, towards Rome; a meeting with Brutus at Velia '^, from whom he learned that L. Piso had spoken against Antony in the senate on the first of August, undeceived him as to political pros- pects, but he persevered and arrived at Rome on August 31 '*. § 8. Important events had happened during his absence. Antony had procured early in the summer ^° a vote of the people sanctioning an exchange of provinces between him and D. Brutus, and empowering him to transport the army of Macedonia to Cisalpine Gaul. He owed his success in this manoeuvre to the co-operation of Octavius, with whom 1 Ad Att. 14. 18, I ; 14. 19, 1 ; 14. 21, 4 ; T5. 20, 4 ; 16. i, 5. - lb. 16. 3 ; Philipp. I. 2, 6. ^ Ad Att. Ij. II, 4 ; Philipp. 1. c. '' Ad Att. 14. 16. 3. = lb. 16. 4, I. « lb. 16. 4/2. ^ lb. 16. 5, 2. 8 lb. 16. 6, I. s Philipp. 1. 3, 7. '" Ad Att. 16. 7, I ; Pliilipp. I. 3, 8 ; Ad Fum. 11. 3, 3. " Ad Fam. 11. 3. ^' Ad Att. 16. 7, 2 and 4. '^ lb. 16. 7, 5 ; Philipp. I. 4. " Plut. Cic. 43 ; cp. Philipp. 5. 7, 19. '= App. Bell. Civ. 3. 27-30 ; Dion Cassius 45. 9; Appendix 11. il. 503 INTRODUCTION he had effected a temporary reconciliation. An enactment ^ presently followed, extending the duration of proconsular governments from two years to six. This was in direct violation of a law of Caesar. Notice was also given ^ of measures introducing a more popular element into the courts of law, and granting the privilege of appeal to the people to criminals convicted of riot or treason (' vis ' or ' maiestas '). § 9. On September i ^ the senate was convoked to consider the propriety of adding a day to the public thanksgivings, in honour of Caesar. Cicero sent an excuse to Antony for his absence, but Antony spoke of him with much violence. On the next day Cicero addressed the senate, Antony being absent. His speech, the first Philippic, was a criticism of Antony's policy, free, however, from personal hostility. He complained * espe- cially of the promulgation of measures directly violating laws of Caesar, and of the use ^ made of Caesar's papers ; artfully mixed praise and cen- sure '^ of the presiding consul Dolabella ; spoke of Hirtius'' with much regard ; and warned * Antony what his fate would probably be if he persisted in his actual course. Antony replied^ on September 19 with a violent attack on Cicero's whole career, and left Rome ^^ on October 9 for Brundisium, where three or four legions of the army of Macedonia had landed. They had been tampered with, probably, by agents of Octavius, and received Antony badly. The good understanding be- tween Antony and Octavius had not lasted long ; and Antony had charged " Octavius with plotting his assassination. Having punished ^^ some of the mutinous soldiers, Antony set out for Rome attended by the fifth legion'^ ('Alaudae'). The legions of Macedonia were to proceed along the coast road to Cisalpine Gaul. Antony returned to Rome '* about the middle of November. He left the greater part of his troops at Tibur, but brought an escort into the capital. Having heard of the open mutiny of the Martian legion he summoned the senate for a meeting on the 28th ^^, when he probably intended to ask its sanction for decisive measures against Octavius. But he heard during the sitting that the fourth legion had followed the example of the Martian '", and contented himself with procuring a vote in honour ' Philipp. I. 8, 19 ; 5. 3, 7 ; 8. 9, 28. = lb. i. S and 9. ^ lb. I. 4-6 ; 5. 7, 19. * lb. I. 8 and 9. ^ yq \. 10. * lb. i. 12. ■^ lb. I. 15, 37. 8 Yti I. 14, 34. ^ Ad Fam. 12. 2, i ; Philipp. 5. 7. '" Ad Fam. 12. 23, 2 ; Ad A'.t. 16. 8, 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 40 and 43 ; Dion Cassius 45, I 2. '^ Ad Fam. 12. 23, 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 39. '^ App. Bell. Civ. 3. 43 ; Philipp. 3. 2, 4; 3. 4, 10. " Ad An. 16. 8, 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 44 and 45 ; Dion Cassius 45. 13 ; Appendix II, II. " Ad Att. 16. 10, I ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 45. ^ App. 1. c. ; Philipp. 3. 8. " Philipp. 3. 3, 6 ; 3. 9 ; 5. 8-9; 13. 9, 19. Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 45) says that he only heard ot the revolt of the Martian legion as he was eniciing the senate house. TO THE FIFTH PART. 503 of Lepidus ', and with making provision, with the apparent approval of the senate, for the government of the provinces during the year - 43 b.c. The most important nomination was that of his brother Gains to super- sede M. Brutus in Macedonia. Antony then retired to Tibur ^ where an attempt at mediation was made by several senators who attended him to his quarters, but failed, owing to the opposition of his brother Lucius *. He then set out for Cisalpine Gaul at the head of a large force '\ D. Brutus prepared to resist ^ him, but was obliged to evacuate one town after another, and finally was besieged in Mutina. § 10. Octavius meanwhile had raised a considerable force of veterans in Campania ; during Antony's absence he approached Rome, and on the invitation of the tribune Cannutius he entered the city and addressed the people, professing his readiness to oppose Antony. The Martian legion had occupied Alba for him ; and he named Arretium as the gathering-place for his followers "' . Cicero seems not to have appeared in Rome between the middle of October and the 9th of December ^ ; he employed himself in compos- ing a reply' to Antony's attack of September 19. This reply, the second Philippic, after being submitted to Atticus for criticism, was probably pubhshed after Antony had left Rome. Cicero was not satisfied with the demeanour of Octavius ^^, and wrote to various provincial governors " to confirm them in their allegiance to the senate. His leisure was occu- pied in the composition of philosophical ^- works, as it had been earlier in the year. On December 20, however ^^, an opportunity presented itself to him for resuming his duties as a senator. The new tribunes of the people had then come into office, and convoked the senate on that day to take steps for securing the freedom of its deliberations on January i. Cicero, however, did not confine himself to the question, but suggested votes in honour of D. Brutus, Octavius, and others, and com.mented severely on the proceedings of Antony and his brother Lucius. He also proposed " that the provisions made by Antony for the government of the provinces during the year 43 B.C. should be treated as null and void, a suggestion which the senate seems to have approved. On the same day he addressed ^'^ the people, to stimulate their zeal on behalf of the senate. § II. M. Brutus and C. Cassius had probably by this time entered the 1 Philipp. 3. 9. ^ lb. 3. 10; Appendix (I. ■' App. Bell. Civ. 3. 45 and 46 ; Dion Cassius 45. 13. ^ Philipp. 6. 4, 10 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 46. * App. 1. c. ; Dion Cassius 1. c. ; Philipp. 3. 12, 31. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 3. 49 : Dion Cassius 45. 14 ; Philipp. 3. 4, 8. ^ Ad Att. 16. 8, i ; 16. 9; 16. 15, 3; Philipp. 3. 2, 3; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 40-42. * Ad Fani. ii. 5, I : cp. 12. 23, 2, and Ad Att. 15. 13, 1. ® Ad Att. 15. 13, I ; 16. II, I and 2. '» lb. 16. 8; 16. 9; 16. II, 6; 16. 15, 3. " Ad Fam. 10. i ; 11. 5. >2 Ad Att. 16. II. 3-4. '" Ad Fam. II. 6, 2; Philipp. 3, passim. '< Philipp. 3- 15. 38 ; cp. Philipp. 3. 10; Ad Fam. 12. 22, 3. *■' Philipp. 4. I, i. 504 INTRODUCTION provinces ' assigned them under Caesar's arrangements, Macedonia and Syria. Dolabella ^, to whom Syria had been granted (by a vote of the people) about the same time that Macedonia had been assigned to Antony, had also left Rome. Sex Pompeius "" had been induced by M. Lepidus to disband his army under a promise of the restoration of his father's property, and of his being allowed to return himself to Rome. He waited, however, for some time at Massilia to watch events *. § 12. On the first of January^ an important meeting of the senate took place. That body was convened by the two consuls Hirtius and Pansa, for discussion of the policy to be adopted towards Antony. Cicero proposed ^ to invest the consuls with full powers, and to offer an amnesty to such of Antony's followers as might leave him before the first of February. He also ' proposed votes in honour of D. Brutus, Lepidus, Octavius, and others. The senate, however, after a long debate, decided on Jan. 4 to send envoys to Antony, who should require ^ him to evacuate the province of D. Brutus and to obey the senate and people. Ser. Sulpicius Rufus '\ L. Piso, and L. Philippus were chosen as envoys, and Cicero's proposals as to honorary votes were adopted ; but he was much dissatisfied with the result of the proceedings, and expressed his discontent in a speech '^^ delivered to the people after the division in the senate had taken place, and also in a letter written shortly afterwards to Cassius, in which ", as in one to Trebonius, he complains of the weakness of the consulars, but praises the behaviour of the consuls and of the majority of the senate. Appian ^^ charges Cicero with having tampered with the instructions given by the senate to the envoys, so as to make them less conciliatory than the senate had intended them to be. This charge is not, however, preferred by any other writer, and Cicero ^^ says that the instructions were drawn up in accordance with the advice of Sulpicius. The envoys set out for Antony's camp ; but as they approached it Ser. Sulpicius died ^* ; his colleagues went on, but did not, according to Cicero, execute their commission with sufficient firmness. During their absence Hirtius ^^ set out to take the command of the forces destined to relieve Mutina, and Cicero again addressed ^^ the senate, to prove that peace was dangerous, disgraceful, and impossible. ' Ad Fani. 12. 2, 3; 12. 3, 3; Philipp. 10. I, I ; 10. 4, 9; Livy Epit. 118; Veil. 2. 62; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 24 and 26; Plut. Brut. 24; Appendix 11. 2 ^pp gg]] qj^^ 3. 7 and 8; 24 and 26; Philipp. II. 2, 4; Appendix II ; supra, § 4. ^ Philipp. 5. 14; Veil. 2. 73; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 84; Dion Cassius 45. 10. * Philipp. 13. 6, 13 ; App. Bell. Civ. 1. c. ' Philipp. 5. i. ^ lb. 5. 12, 34. ' lb. 5. 13-19. « lb. 6. I, 3; 6. 2,4. "lb. 9. I, I. 1" Philipp. 6. " Ad Fani. 12.4, I ; cp. 10. 28, 3. *^ Bell. Civ. 3. 6l. '^ philipp. 9. 3, 7 ; see Cobet's notes on the Philippics in Mnemosyme 7- 173^1 74- (1879). ^* Philipp. 9. 3, 7; Ad Fani. 10. 28, 3; 12. 4, i ; 12. 5, 3. '^ phijipp. 8. 2, 5. i« Philipp. 7. TO THE FIFTH PART. 505 § 13. After the return of Piso and Philippus, who had not been allowed to confer with D. Brutus \ and brought counter proposals from Antony, the senate met to consider those proposals. Cicero was anxious "^ for an immediate declaration of war against Antony, but the senate substituted for war the less decided term ' tumult ^' greatly to Cicero's annoyance. He tried to promote his object indirectly, by proposing* that the memory of Ser. Sulpicius should receive honours which had previously been only granted in the case of envoys who had been killed in the service of their country, and the senate seems to have adopted his proposal ^ Shortly afterwards a despatch ^ arrived from M. Brutus describing his successful operations in Macedonia. During the last months of 44 and the beginning of 43 b.c, he had been acdvely employed, and had made'' himself master both of Macedonia and of Illyricum. He gained over some troops which should have followed Dolabella into Asia, and levied others in Greece ; a large sum of money and considerable stores of arms also fell into his hands. In these operations he was effectively supported by Cicero's son Marcus, and the poet Horace held a command in his army. Q. Hortensius, governor of Macedonia for 44 b.c, recognized Brutus as his lawful successor, and P: Vatinius in Illyricum was unable or unwilling to oppose him ; but C. Antonius, brother of IMarcus, landed late in 44 to assume the government of Macedonia by virtue of an appointment already referred to **. Brutus, however, defeated him, and wrote, as before mentioned, to announce his successes to the senate. In the debate which followed, Q. Calenus ^ recommended that Brutus should be required to surrender his army and provinces to Vatinius and C. Antonius ; but Cicero opposed ^^ this strongly, and proposed that the proceedings of Brutus should be approved and his authority confirmed. The senate seems to have adopted this suggestion. § 14. Important events were presently reported from the East", Dolabella had left Rome in the autumn of the previous year to take the command in Syria, as he had been authorized to do by a vote of the people. Some of his soldiers had been gained '^ over by Brutus on their march through Macedonia, but at the head of such as remained faithful, he marched through the province of Asia ", captured its governor, Tre- bonius, by a treacherous surprise, and had him put to death. When the 1 Philipp. 8. 7-10. 2 lb. 8. 1, I. » lb. * lb. 9. 1.3. ' Pcmpoiiius de Origine luris ap. Digest, lib. i, tit. 2, 43, recogn. T. Mommsen. * Philipp. 10. I, I. '' lb. 10. 5 and 6; Plut. Brut. 24-26; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 79; Dion Cassius 47. 21 and 22. 8 Supra, § 9. '-' Philipp. 10. 3, 6. ^^ lb. 10. 11. " lb. II. I, K 12 lb. 10. 6, 13. '3 lb. II. 2; Ad Fam. 12. 12, 1 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 26 ; Dion Cassius 47. 29. 5o6 INTRODUCTION news of this event, which may have happened in February, 43 b.c, reached Rome, the senate was convoked to consider what steps should be taken in consequence. There \vas a general agreement as to the atrocity of Dolabella's conduct ; Calenus ^ proposed that he should be declared a public enemy, and his property confiscated. The senate seems to have adopted this proposal ; but Cicero was unable, owing to the opposition^ of Pansa, to secure that the conduct of hostilities against Dolabella should be entrusted to C. Cassius, of whose successful opera- tions in Syria Cicero had heard ^ The conduct of the war with Dolabella was actually entrusted to the consuls *, who were, after relieving D. Brutus, to cast lots for Syria and Asia. Many, no doubt, supported this proposal in the hope that the con- suls' attention might be diverted from Mutina. Events, however, deprived the vote of any practical importance. Cicero attempted, apparently, to get it reversed at once ^ by the people, but failed, owing to the opposition of Pansa and the fears of the nearest relatives of Cassius. On March 17 a despatch'' arrived from Q. Cornificius, describing his resistance to the officers of Calvisius, Antony's nominee for the govern- ment of Africa. The senate approved his proceedings, but declined to adopt any severe measures against his opponents. § 15. After the return of Piso and Philippus from the seat of war, it was proposed'^ in the senate that a fresh embassy should be sent to Antony. Cicero had always opposed such a step ; but Antony's friends now held very despondent language *^ as to his prospects, repre- sented that he would make great concessions, and by these artifices inveigled Cicero into a promise to serve as an envoy. No sooner, how- ever, had he made that promise than he was eager to retract it, for the language of Antony's supporters ^ presently changed. P. Servilius, another of the envoys proposed, shewed equal unwillingness to serve, and the scheme fell to the ground. The senate paid Cicero a compliment ^'^ on the 1 9th of March, by voting for the restoration of a statue of Minerva which Cicero had dedicated in the Capitol on the eve of his exile in 58 b.c, and which had been throv/n down by a storm. On the 20th", apparently, Pansa left Rome at the head of his new * Philipp. II. 6, 15. ^ Ad Fam. 12. 7, I. ^ lb. 12. 5, I ; Philipp. II. 13. * The language of Ad Fam. 12. 7, I, supports Dion Cassius 47. 29, rather than Appian Bell. Civ. 3. 63. Cp. Philipp. 11.9. ^ Ad Fam. 12. 7, I. « Ad Fam. 12. 25, I. ' Philipp. 8. 7, 20. * lb. 12. I and 2. '^ lb. 12. 2, 4. ^^ Ad Fam. 12. 25, I : cp. Plut. Cic. 31 ; Dion Cassius 38. 17. " Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 6, 3, with Philipp. 13. 7, 16, ahb. Pansa was not, apparently, present during the delivery of the thirteenth Philippic: see note 2 on the next page. TO THE FIFTH PART. 507 levies. M. Cornutus, the praetor urbanus ^ was left in charge of the capital ; and seems, on the very day ^ of Pansa's departure, to have convoked the senate for the consideration of despatches ' from Lepidus and Plancus which recommended the adoption of a conciliatory policy towards Antony. P. Servilius* spoke against their recommendations, and was followed by Cicero in a long speech ■'"'. Cicero warned Lepidus against disloyalty, and read aloud, with a running commentary, a letter ^ lately addressed by Antony to Hirtius and Octavius. Antony complained bitterly of the hostility to the Caesarian cause which the senate's measures implied, and invited Hirtius and Octavius to combine with him against their common enemies. The result of the discussion seems to have been that the senate renounced all idea of negotiations ; and Cicero wrote an account'^ of the proceedings at once to Plancus, and perhaps to Lepidus also. To Plancus he used a tone of friendly re- proof ; to Lepidus he coldly expressed dissatisfaction with the ingratitude which he shewed to the senate. Cicero heard about the same time, pro- bably, from PoUio ^ that he was anxious for peace, and would oppose its disturbers ; but that he regretted the absence of instructions from the home government, which, however, he was prepared to support. Towards the close of the month another letter ^ arrived from Plancus of more satisfactory import. Plancus excused himself for the hesitation of his previous language, alleging that it was necessary to secure the affection of his soldiers and of the provincials before he committed himself by a declaration of opinion. Cicero wrote ^^ to thank him, and to exhort him to persevere in his good disposition. He also wrote to C. Cassius", to say that D. Brutus was reduced to the last extremity by famine, and that the main hope of the Commonwealth was in the armies of Syria and Macedonia. § 16. Meanwhile Pansa, with four legions^- of recruits, drew near to the seat of war. Some partial engagements ^^ had already taken place ; Antony's outposts had been driven from Claterna, and he afterwards evacuated Bononia without a battle to concentrate his forces nearer to Mutina. He. commissioned his brother Lucius " to watch D. Brutus, while he himself prepared to resist the advance of Hirtius and Octavius. ' Ad Fam. lo. 12, 3. ^ Cicero writing to Plancus on March 20 (cp. Ad Fam. 10. 6) speaks of the despatches of Plancus and Lepidus as having been already read in the senate, while in a letter to Cornificius (Ad Fam. 12. 25, i) he mentions Pansa as having been present in the senate on March 19, and in the thirteenth Philippic (7, 16) speaks of him as having already left Rome when the despatches of Lepidus and Plancus were consi- dered in the senate. ^ ^.d Fam. 10. 6, i ; 10. 27. * Philipp. 13. 21, 50. 5 Philipp. 13. 6 lb. cap. 10, foil. ^ Ad Fam. 10. 6 ; 10. 27. * lb. 10. 31. Mb. 10. 8. 1" lb. 10. lo. 'Mb. 12. 6. 'Mb. 10. 30, I ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 66. " Philipp. 8. 2, 6 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 65 ; Dion Cassius 46. 36 and 37. 1* Dion Cassius 46. 37. 5o8 INTRODUCTION Antony had a decided superiority ^ in cavalry, but the country was not well suited for its action. On receiving news of Pansa's approach he marched out with his cavalry ^, two veteran legions, two praetorian co- horts, and other veterans to intercept him. Hirtius, however, had already sent out the Martian ^ legend and two praetorian cohorts under D. Carfu- lenus to escort Pansa to his camp ; Ser. Galba*, one of Caesar's mur- derers, went on to announce their approach, and when joined by these troops, Pansa advanced along the Aemilian way till he encountered Antony, a little to the east of Forum Gallorum, on April 15th. An obstinate engagement followed, in which Pansa was severely wounded, and his forces defeated with great slaughter ; but Hirtius fell upon Antony as he returned to his lines, and inflicted great loss upon him ^ Octavius, meanwhile, repulsed an attack made upon his camp. Galba reported -' this action to Cicero, and despatches from the consuls and from Octavius arrived at Rome about the same time with his letter. Reports had "' been previously flying about of a victory of Antony ; others of usurpation contemplated by Cicero. They met with little credence, however; the truth was known on April 20, and Cicero went up to the Capitol to thank the gods for the victory they had granted ^ Next day the senate^ met, and Cornutus read the despatch of the consuls, which begged that a thanksgiving might be ordered in honour of their victory. P. Servilius ^"^ argued that their request should be granted, but did not apply the term ' hostis ' to Antony, nor the term ' imperatores ' to the consuls. On this Cicero remarked " that thanksgiv- ings could only be ordered with propriety in cases when those two words would be appropriate. He ^'^ proposed that thanksgivings for fifty days should be off"ered ; that a monument should be erected in honour of the soldiers who had fallen, and that the promises made to them should be fulfilled to their surviving relatives. The senate adopted these sug- gestions-, and declared Antony a public enemy. Cicero had been much embarrassed at this time by the personal jealousies which prevailed at Rome. Plancus ^^ was evidendy discon- tented by the senate's inadequate recognition, as he thought it, of his services, and Cicero had some difficulty in soothing him. P. Servilius ^ App. Bell. Civ. 3. 65 and 66. - Ad Fam. 10. 30, I ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 66. ^ Ad Fam. 1. c. ; App. BeU. Civ 3. 66. * Ad Fam. 1. c. ; Philipp. 13. 16, 33. ' Ad Fam, 10. 30; Philipp. 14. 9 and 10; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 69-70 ; Dion Cassius 46. 37. * Ad F"ani. 10, 30. ^ Philipp. 14. 5 and 6. * lb. 1. c. * Philipp. 14. 5. '" lb. 14. 3, 7. " lb. 8 and 9. ^^ lb. 14; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 74 ; Dion Cassius 46. 39. The two latter, however, in their condensed accounts, place the votes after the raising of the siege of Mutina. Cp. Livy Epit. II9 ; Corn. Nep. Att. 9. " Ad Fam. 10. 12 ; cp. 10. II, 3. TO THE FIFTH PART, 509 Isauricus, M. Cornutus, and P. Titius, one of the tribunes, were all unfriendly to Plancus. § 17. After the battles near Forum Gallorum, Hirtius and Octavius had brought together the forces which they could employ against Antony ^ After some days of inactivity, the consul's manoeuvres^ drew Antony from his entrenchments towards the close of April, and a general action followed, in which Antony was completely beaten, and compelled to raise the siege of Mutina. Hirtius, however, fell ^ and Pansa died not long afterwards of his wounds. D. Brutus was unable*, for want of transport, and Octavius probably unwilling, to press Antony hard on his retreat ; and the latter was thus able to form a junction ^ at Vada in Liguria with P. Ventidius Bassus, who had raised three " legions in Pice- num and elsewhere, and after threatening, perhaps entering, Rome, had led his forces to North Italy. After his union with Ventidius, Antony saw himself again at the head of a formidable force, and marched rapidly '' towards Gallia Narbonensis. The senate seems now to have summoned Lepidus and Plancus to Italy ^ but Antony ^ arrived at Forum lulii on May 15, and encamped " near Lepidus, whose army was posted near Forum Voconii, and on the Argenteus ". Intrigues soon began for an union of the two armies, and Lepidus either was'^, or pretended to be, compelled by his soldiers' outcries to consent to it. The united armies must have numbered nearly 80,000 men, mainly veterans ; and Plancus, who had crossed the Isara ^^ to support Lepidus against Antony, now recrossed " that river, on June 4, to await in security the arrival of D. Brutus. Lepidus wrote ^° to the senate to plead compulsion as an excuse for his treachery, but was declared i'' a public enemy by its unanimous vote on June 30. He had written eight " days before his revolt to assure Cicero of his loyalty. § 18. During the past month the senate, under Cicero's guidance, had been trying, without much discretion, to impair the influence of Octa- vius by teaching his army to look to them for rewards, and by placing Pansa's recruits under the command of D. Brutus, who was commissioned to prosecute the war against Antony ^^ Nor was a place found for 1 App. Bell. Civ. 3. 71 ; Dion Cassius 46. 38. '^ App. 1. c. ^ lb. ; Veil. 2. 61 ; Dion Cassius 46. 39. * Ad Fam. 11. 10, 4; 11. 13 a, i. 5 lb. II. 10, 3. « App. Bell. Civ. 3. 66. ' lb. 3. 72 ; Dion Cassius 46. 50; Ad Fam. 11. 11, i ; Veil. 1. 63. ' App. Bell. Civ. 3. 74; Ad Fam. 10. 33, I. " lb. 10. 17, I. "" App. Bell. Civ. 3. 83 and 84; Dion Cassius 46. 5 I ; Plut. Ant. iS. " Ad Fam. 10. 34, I and 2, '2 lb. 10. 23, 2 ; 10. 35, I ; App. and Dion. 11. cc, '^ Ad Fam. 10. 18, 4. '* lb. 10. 23, 3. ^5 15 lo. 35. ^^ lb. 12. 10, i; Dion Cassius 46. 51. I'' Ad Fam. 10". 34. '* Veil. 2. 62 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 74 ; Dion Cassius 46. 40 and 41. 5 1 o INTR OD UC TION Octavius on a commission ^ often, which seems to have been appointed to distribute the rewards intended for the conquerors of IMutina. Cicero had already proposed ^ a decree in honour of Sex. Pompeius, who was now invested with the chief command at sea ^. As the eastern pro- vinces were almost entirely controlled by Cassius and I\r. Brutus, the senate's measures would naturally alarm even moderate Caesarians ; and their apprehensions would be increased by the appointment of a fresh commission of ten, nominally to review the administration of Antony, but really, Appian suggests *, to reverse Caesar's acts. Cicero continued to urge ^ D. Brutus and Plancus to energetic co- operation, and was encouraged by news of their union, which took place early in June ^ Their combined forces must have outnumbered '' those of Antony and Lepidus, but comprised only four legions of veterans. They did not, therefore, venture to take the offensive *, while their adver- saries hoped to prevail without a battle. Pollio remained inactive ' in Spain, thinking himself slighted that the senate did not seek his aid. Mean- while the contest of intrigue was waged unremittingly in Italy. Octavius was ordered to support D. Brutus, but had been offended by the ambi- guous language of Cicero, by the preference shewn for Caesar's murderers in the distribution of honours and power, and by the persistent efforts made to estrange his soldiers from him ^*'. Having allowed the effects of these insults to ripen in the minds of his men, and having made over- tures '^ for reconciliation to Antony and Lepidus, Octavius caused his soldiers to demand ^^ the consulship for him. His youth was a legal disqualification for that office, but had been disregarded in the vote" of the first of January. The dominant party in the senate made desperate appeals for aid to the officers commanding '* in the East and in Africa. Cicero's last letter^' preserved to us, is a request to C. Cassius to come to Italy. From Africa two legions ^* did actually land, but, as will be seen, subse- quently went over to Octavius. The last letter addressed to Cicero, which is still extant, is one" from Plancus, dated July 28, in which Plancus speaks of his reluctance to risk a battle, and complains of the ambition of Octavius. Letters subsequently written or received by ' Ad Fam. 11. 14, i ; il. 20, i ; 11. 21. ^ Philipp. 13. 21, 50. ' Dion Cassius 46. 40. * Bell. Civ. 3. 82. ^ Ad Fam. 10. 13, alib. ; II. 12, alib. ^ lb. 10. 23, 3. A few clays before D. Brutus had made a most earnest appeal for reinforcements ; lb. II. 26. ' lb. 10. 24, 3. ' lb. 9 lb. 10. 33, I. 1" lb. II. 20, I ; Veil. 2. 62 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 74 ; 85 ; 86. " Dion Cassius 46. 41, 43. " Ad Fam. 10. 24, 6 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 88 ; Dion Cassius 46. 42, 43. '^ Supra, § 12; Philipp. 5. 17. " App. Bell. Civ. 3. 85: cp. 91 and 92. ^5 Ad Fam. 12. 10. ^^ App. Bell. Civ. 3. 91 ; Dion Cassius 46. 44. " Ad Fam. 10. 24. TO THE FIFTH PART. 511 Cicero have probably been destroyed by men whose reputation N\ould have suffered by their preservation. § 19. When a deputation from the army of Octavius arrived in Rome ^ to demand the consulship for him, the senate refused him leave to stand, on account of his age. His soldiers, when the deputation re- turned, demanded to be led to Rome, and he complied ^ with their wish. He had eight legions, with cavalry and light troops, and the news of his advance caused a great panic. It was allayed, however, for a time by the arrival of the African legions^; they were encamped, together with one left behind by Pansa, for the defence of the city, and new levies were ordered. But the African legions consisted in great measure of old soldiers of Caesar; Octavius probably did not spare promises, and on his approach the troops which should have opposed him submitted to him*. The senate was now defenceless; the praetor M. Cornutus slew himself, and Cicero went to greet Octavius, who repHed to his salutation in ambiguous terms. In the night a rumour was spread ^ abroad that two legions had revolted against Octavius, and Cicero and the senate regained courage for a moment, but were speedily undeceived. Nothing now remained but submission; the necessary forms were hurried through, and Octavius was elected consul" in his 20th year, with Q. Pedius for his colleague. The news of this event produced great effects in the provinces ; Pollio seems at once to have declared for Antony and Lepidus. Plancus remained faithful to the senate for some time longer, till Pollio effected by his mediation a recon- ciliation between him and Antony'^. D. Brutus was now quite unable to hold his ground, and desertion rapidly thinned his ranks. He resolved, therefore, to try to force his way to M. Brutus, and by a difficult route reached Aquileia, where he fell into the hands of a Gaulish chief to whom he had formerly done service, but who now killed him at Antony's bidding, probably in October ^ § 20. M. Brutus, meanwhile, had captured ^ C. Antonius, but treated him very well at first. He secured his position in Greece, and after ' App. Bell. Civ. 3. ?8 ; Dion Cassius 46. 43. '^ App. Dion. 11. cc. ' App. Bell. Civ. 3. 91 ; Dion Cassius 46. 44. ■* App. Bell. Civ. 3. 92 ; Dion Cassius 46. 45. •'' App. Bcli. Civ. 3. 93. •> lb. 3. 94; Dion Cassius 46. 46. According to Suetonius (Octavius 31) in August; Dion Cassius 56, 30 says on the 19th; according to Vclleius (2. 65) on September 22. Perhaps the first date is that of the senate's decree authorizing him to stand ; the second that of the election. Cp. Dion Cassius 55. 6; 56. 30. Lange, Rom. •Alt- 3- 535~53*^> agrees with Suetonius and Dion Cassius. See also Corp. Inscr. Lat. I. pp. 310; 4C0. ' Veil. 2. 63 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 97 ; Dion Cassius 46. 53. 8 App. Bell. Civ. 3. 97 and 98 ; Veil. 2. 64 ; Dion Cassius 1. c. " App. Bdl. Civ. 3. 79; Dion Cassius 47. 21, 5 1 3 INTR OD UC TION visiting Asia, returned to Europe, and obtained successes against some Thracian tribes, which, however, were a poor compensation for his absence from Italy at a critical moment ^ The operations of Cassius had been more important ; after the battle of Mutina the senate commissioned ^ him to act against Dolabella, whom he besieged in Laodicea. A strict naval blockade of the same place was main- tained by Patiscus, TuruUius, and C. Cassius, a quaestor. Some of the gates were subsequently betrayed to Cassius, and Dolabella killed himself. Cassius, after occupying the place, marched towards Egypt, but was recalled by a letter from Brutus, and went to meet him in the province of Asia^. § 21. The remainder of Cicero's life may be described in a few words. When Octavius had received the consulship, he ascended to the Capitol to make the usual vows and sacrifices ; paid Caesar's bequests to the people ; thanked the senate for releasing him from the restric- tion of the ' Leges Annales,' and procured the enactment of a ' Lex Curiata*' to sanction his adoption. Other laws of importance fol- lowed ; one removing the outlawry of Dolabella, and another ° directing that an enquiry should be made about the murder of Caesar, and fixing a punishment for the principals and accomplices in it. Under this law, the conspirators and others who had merely sympathised with them were condemned in their absence to exile and confiscation, which of course implied the loss of commands and provinces ". § 2 2. Octavius now left Rome, professedly to act against Antony. But on his way a message reached him from the senate, saying that his colleague had proposed the reversal of the outlawry of Antony and Lepidus. He signified his approval, and the reversal was car- ried''. Meanwhile Antony and Lepidus, leaving L. Varius Cotyla in charge of Gaul, marched into Italy ^ at the head of a large army, and met Octavius near Bononia, where, in an island® formed either by the Lavinius or the Rhenus, the three generals met to provide for the government of the western part of the empire, for the prose- cution of the war with Brutus and Cassius, for the removal of their own most formidable enemies, and for the reward of their soldiers 1 Livy Epit. 122 ; Plut. Brut. 27 ; 28; Dion Cassius 47. 24 and 25. * Dion Cassius 46. 40. ^ Veil. 2. 69 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 60-62 ; Dion Cassius 47. 30 ; Plut. Brut. 28. * App. Bell. Civ. 3. 94 ; Dion Cassius 46. 47. ^ Lex Pedia ; cp. Veil. 2. 69. 8 Arp. Bell. Civ. 3. 95 ; Dion Cassius 46. 48 ; Plut. Brut. 27 ; Veil. 2. 69. ■^ Veil. 2. 65 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 96 ; Dion Cassius 46. 52. « Plut, Ant. 18; Dion Cassius 46. 54. '•• Plut. Ant. 19; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 2 ; Dion Cassius 46. 55 and 56. TO THE FIFTH PART. 513 by confiscation \ Their measures were agreed upon by about the end of October^, and a despatch^ was at once sent off to Rome bidding the consul Pedius to put to death at once seventeen of the proscribed, including Cicero. According to some accounts *, Octa- vius had struggled long before sacrificing him to Antony, A terrible agitation followed the arrival of the despatch at Rome, and Pedius died° from excitement caused by his efforts to restore confidence. Shortly afterwards, at the close of November, the triumvirs ap- peared", and received a commission to regulate the affairs of the Commonwealth for five years. Octavius then laid down the consul- ship, and P. Ventidius Bassus and C. Albius (?) Carrinas were elected consuls for the remainder'' of 43 b.c. § 23. Cicero was at this time at Tusculum, and ill-provided with money ; he was anxious to fly to Macedonia, and his brother and nephew entered Rome to procure supplies for the journey, but were taken and put to death I Cicero himself travelled to Astura ; coasted along to Circeii; returned to Astura, and thence sailed to Caieta, landed, and passed a night in his Formian villa. He was weary of suspense, and disliked the thought of a voyage in winter ; but his slaves persuaded him to let them carry him to his ship. He was driven back more than once by bad weather, and returned to his villa, saying, 'Let me die in the country I have often saved.' He passed another night there; next day a party sent in search of him approached, and his slaves made a last effort to carry him to the ship, but were overtaken in a wood by soldiers, under the command of Popilius Laenas, a tribune, and Herennius, a centurion. The slaves prepared to defend their master, but Cicero forbade them, and stretched out his neck to the sword of Herennius or Popilius. The latter had once been Cicero's client in an action*. Cicero was killed on December 7 ; he had nearly completed his 64th year. His head and hand were cut off, and displayed on the Rostra at Rome, after his head had received insults from Fulvia. Antony paid to his murderers ten times the reward promised them ^^ * Veil. 2. 66 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 2 and 3 ; Plut. ; Dion Cassius ; 11. cc. ^ Fischer, Romische Zeittafelii, sub anno. •* App. Bell. Civ. 4. 6. * Suet. Oct. 27 ; Veil. 2. 66 ; Plut. Ant. 19. ^ App. 1. c. ^ Dion Cassius 47. 2 : cp. 46. 55 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 7. '' App. Bell. Civ. 4. 2 ; Veil. 2. 65 ; Fasti Consulaies (apud Orell. Onomast.), sub anno. * Plut. Cic. 47 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 20 j Dion Cassius 47. 10. ^ Dion Cassius 47, II ; M. Seneca, Controv. 3. 17. ^^ Livy, Fragm. 50, e lib, 120 ; Plut. Cic. 47-49 ; Veil. 2. 64 and 66 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 19 and 20 ; Dion Cassius 47. S and n. Ll SELECT LETTERS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO. PART V. 105. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XIV. i). Matius' Suburban Villa, about April 7,44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I have come to visit Matius, who says, with some satisfaction, that Caesar's death will cause great confusion. 2. Tell me any news you hear, especially about Brutus. I remember a striking remark of Caesar's about him ; and that reminds me of another, referring to my humiliation under the late system. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 DEVERTI ad ilium, de quo tecum mane. Nihil perditius : ' explicari rem non posse ; etenim si ille tali ingenio exitum non reperiebat, quis nunc reperiet ?' Quid quaeris ? perisse omnia aiebat, quod baud scio an ita sit ; verum ille guadens, adfir- matque minus diebus XX. tumultum Gallicum, in sermonen se 5 About April 7. A comparison of Ad 2. I lie, sc. Caesar. Att. 14. 2, 4 with 14. 5, 3 makes this date 3. Non reperiebat. There is rather a seem probable. harsh transition from the ' oratio obliqua' to I. D evert i, 'I have come on a visit.' the 'directa' in this clause. Ad ilium. Probably to C. Matius. Cp. 4. Quo d hau d scio .. sit, ' which per- Ad Att. 14. 3, I ; and, for an account of haps is the case.' Cp. Madv. 453. Matius, Ep. 113, note. Ille gaudens, sc. ' aiebat.' See above; De quo tecum mane, sc. 'locutus sum.' adfirniatque. Wesenb. has ' adfirmabat Cp., on the ellipse, p. 70, note onl. 7; p. 97. que.' 1. 13. 5. Tumultum Gallicum, sc. 'fore.' Nihil perditius. Probably Cicero's The word ' tunniltus ' was only applied by words, 'nothing could be more desperate* the Romans to a war in Gaul or Italy. Cp. than his tone. Boot says of the words 'si Philipp. 8. I, 3. The fears of Matius were Ciceronis sunt indicant illnm — C. Matium not justified by the event, non esse bonarum partiuui.' L1 2 5i6 31. TULLIl CICERONIS [part v. post Idus Martias praeterquam Lepido venisse nemini ; ad sum- mam, non posse istaec sic abire. O pudentem Oppium! qui nihilo minus ilium desiderat, sed loquitur nihil, quod quemquam bonum offendat. Sed haec hactenus. Tu, quaeso, quicquid 2 5 novi — multa autem exspecto— scribere ne pigrere: in his, de Sexto satisne certum, maxime autem de Bruto nostro, de quo quidem ille, ad quem deverti, Caesarem solitum dicere, ' magni refert, hie quid velit, sed quicquid volt, valde volt;' idque eum animadvertisse, cum pro Deiotaro Nicaeae diceret ; valde vehe- 10 menter cum visum et libere dicere; atque etiam — ut enim quidque succurrit, libet scribere — proxime, cum Sestii rogatu apud eum fuissem exspectaremque sedens, quoad vocarer, dixisse eum, 'ego dubitem quin summo in odio sim, cum M. Cicero sedeat nee suo commodo me convenire possit ? atqui, si quis- 15 quam est facilis, hie est ; tamen non dubito quin me male oderit.' Haec et eius modi multa. Sed ad propositum : quic- quid erit, non modo magnum, sed etiam parvum, scribes ; equi- dem nihil intermittam. 1. Lepido: cp. Ep.' 62, 3, note; and, on his position at this time, Intr. to Part V, § I ; Appendix II, 2. Ad sum mam, 'the general import of what he said was.' 2. Non posse . . abire, 'that these transactions could not pass unpunished.' Cp. De Fin. 5. 3, 7 ' etsi hoc . . fortasse non poterit sic abire cum hie adsit.' Oppium : cp. Ep. 70, 7, note. 3. Ilium, sc. Caesarem. 4. Quicquid novi, sc. ' audieris,' or ' acciderit.' 5. Pigrere. Apparently a ana^ \fy6- fitvov. De Sexto, Pompeio. This son of the great Pompey had maintained himself in Farther Spain after the battle of Munda, and probably Cicero wished to be informed of his movements. Later in the year he was induced by M. Lepidus to lay down his arms on favourable terms. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § II. 6. Satisne certum, sc. 'sit quod audi- tum est.' Cp. Ad Att. 14 4, i; 14. 13, 2. De Bruto nostro, 'what you hear about our friend Brutus.' On the force of ' noster,' cp. Ep. 38, 7> note. It is doubtful if M. Brutus had left Rome before this letter was written. If he had, he was prob- ably at Antium. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 2 ; 4; 6; Plut. Brut. 21. 7. Ille, sc. 'aiebat.' Magni refert, 'it is of much import- ance.' Plutarch (Brut. 6) gives the saying in a different and more intelligible form, ovk oJda [liv o ^ovKtTai, As it is quoted by Matius, the sed seems unmeaning; we should expect ' enim.' 8. Idque eum (Caesarem) . . cum . . diceret (Brutus). Cicero mentions this speech, Brut. 5, 21. There is some doubt whether it was delivered at the Bithynian Nicaea in 47 B.C., or at the Ligurian in 45 B c. Meier (Orat. Rom. Fragm. pp. 44S, 449,) pronounces for the former. — In earlier editions I retained Baiter's spelling ' Niceae.' 11. Sestii rogatu. From two rather obscure allusions it would appear that Ses- tius was tried 45 B.C. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. 24, 2 ; Ad Att. 13. 49, I. 12. Apud eum, sc. Caesarem. Sedens. Cicero probably sat in an ante- chamber till he was admitted to an audience by Caesar (quoad vocarer). 14. Suo commodo, abl. modi. For an account by Cicero himself of his feelings on such occasions, cp. Ad Fam. 6. 14, 2. 16. Haec . . multa, sc. 'Matius dicebat.' Ad propositum, sc. ' revertor,' 'to re- sume.' Cp. the beginning of this section. 'Propositum' seems to have another mean- ing in Ep. 60. E P . I o6 . ] EP IS TO LA R UM AD A TTICUM XI V. 2 . 0'/ 106. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XIV. 2). Near Rome, April 8, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I was glad to hear of the demonstrations at the theatre. 2. [Matius was not so well disposed for peace as you suppose.] 3. I will explain Caesar's remark about me referred to in my last. 4. I am going to Astura, by Tusculum and Lanuvium ; remember me to your wife and daughter. CICERO ATTICO SAL. D. 1 Duas a te accept epistolas heri : ex priofe thcatrum Publi- liumque cognovi, bona signa consentientis multitudinis ; plausus vero L. Cassio datus etiam facetus mihi quidem visus est. 2 Altera epistola de Madaro scripta, apud quern nullum (f)a\dKpcotJ.a, ut putas ; process! enim, sed minus diu ; eius sermone enim 5 3 sum retentus. Quod autem ad te scripseram, obscure fortasse, id eius modi est : aiebat Caesarem secum, quo tempore Sestii rogatu veni ad eum, cum exspectarem sedens, dixisse : ' ego nunc tam sim stultus, ut hunc ipsum facilem hominem putem April 8. Cp. § 4 of this letter with Ad Att. 14. 5, 3. 1. Theatruni Publiliumque, ' the demonstration at the theatre when a piece of Publilius (Syrus) was being played.' Brutus and Cassius seem to have been well received at the theatre. Cp. 14. 3, 2 ' po- puli imarjixaaiav et niimorum dicta perscri- bito.' A similar display took place at the Mudi Apollinares' in June. Cp. Philipp. i. 15, 36. On Publilius Syrus, cp. Ep. 103, 2, note. 2. Plausus : cp. Ep. 118, 2 ' infinito . . fratris tui plausu.' 3. L. Cassio. This Cassius was tribune for 45-44 B.C., and brother of the conspi- rator, but not himself an accomplice in the murder of Caesar. Hence the applause given to him amused Cicero. L. Cassius had been a Caesarian (cp. Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 34), b\it his conduct at this time dissatisfied Antony (cp. Philipp. 3. 9, 23). 4. Altera epistola, 'your second letter.' Madaro scripta, sc. ' est.' ' Madarus,' from the Greek /iaSapoj, 'bald.' Cp. Ad Att. 14. 5, I, where iMatius is called Cal- vena. The Greek word is used by Aristotle, Hist. An. 4. 6, ad iin. (but in a dift'erent sense apparently), and occurs in the Anthol. Pal. II. 434. (paKaupwtxa, foil. I cannot explain this passage as it stands. The Greek word might possibly mean, ' a mild or peaceable disposition, such as suits old age,' but is very difficult to connect with what follows, so as to make good sense. Moreover, in § 3 (pa\aKpwp.a seems to be a mere pun on Matius' surname Calvena. The MS , appa- rently, has (pakuKcufjia, the first letter being reported to be a correction, and ' processit enim sed minus diutius.' J. F. Gronovius (ap. Orelli) reads aaKaKwviaixa, apparently in the sense of ' luxury;' and Orelli adopts this, reading subsequent!}', ' processi enim sed minus. Diutius scrmone,' foil., ' I had no luxurious entertainment as you suppose ; I went on my way (before supper time), but not far. I was detained by a conversation with Matius.' If this reading be adopted we must suppose that Atticus had hinted that Cicero would prolong his stay with Matius for the sake of a good dinner. Boot sug- gests fiaXaKov Kuijxa, ' quiet sleep ; ' and the retention of the MS. 'processit' for 'pro- cessi,' ' I did not sleep sound as you ex- pected. It lasted for some time, but not long enough ; the remarks of Matius dis- turbed me.' Manut. has craAd/foi^a = 'inanis iactantia,' I indulged in no foolish boosts. 6. Quod . . ad te scripseram : cp. § 2 of the previous letter. 7. Id eius modi est, ' is of the follow- ing purport.' Aiebat, sc. Matius. 5i8 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part v. mihi esse amicunij cum tarn diu sedens meum commodum exspectet?' Habes igitur (pakaKpcoixa ininiicissimum otii, id est Bruti. In Tusculanum hodie, Lanuvii eras, inde Asturae cogi- ■* tabam. Piliae paratum est hospitium, sed vellem Atticam ; 6 verum tibi ignosco ; quarum utrique salutem. 107. D. BRUTUS to M. BRUTUS and C. CASSIUS (AD FAM. XL i). Rome (?), April, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I heard yesterday from Hirtius, that Antony is disposed to play us false. 2. I have applied accordingly for a 'free commission.' 3, 4. In any case I shall retire from Rome. 5 Let me know what you think. 6. My last talk with Hirtius makes me think it will be best for us to ask leave to live at Rome with a guard. D. BRUTUS BRUTO SUO ET CASSIO SAL. Quo in statu simus, cognoscite : heri vesperi apud me Hirtius 1 fuit ; qua mente esset Antonius, demonstravit, pessima scilicet et infidelissima. Nam se neque mihi provinciam dare posse 2. Igitur is obscure, for the words of Matius just quoted do not justify such an inference. Boot suggests that they recalled to Cicero the general import of the previous letter. Or 'igitur' may mean 'I say,' re- suming after a remark on another subject. Cp. Madv. 480. Otii, id est Bruti. Rather a harsh combination. It is explained, perhaps, by the words ' non posse istaec sic abire,' in § I of the previous letter. If Matius wished Caesar's death to be avenged, he must wish for war with his nuiriierers. For a similar use of ' id est,' cp. Ad Att. 4. 16, 9 ' accusa- torum incredibilis infantia id est L. Len- tuli.' 3. In Tusculanum hodie ire, Lanuvii eras manere, inde Asturae esse. See, on the ellipses, Madv. 479. Cicero spent some time at Astura after Tullia's death (cp. Ad Att. 12. 7-45), and embarked thence shortly before his own (cp. Intr. to Part V, § 23). On his ' Lanuvinum,' cp. Ep. 62, 4, note. 4. Sed vellem Atticam, sc. ' secum duceret.' Boot. 5. Tibi ignosco, 'I forgive you for wishing to have your daughter with you.' D. Brutus had served Caesar with ability in the Gallic and civil wars (cp. Intr. to Part III, § 8; Caes. Bell. Gall. 3, 11-14), and had been named by Caesar to hold the consulship in 42 B.C., with L. Plancus for his colleague (cp. Ad Fam. 10. lo, 2 ; 11. 15, I ; Suet. lul. 76). It was he who per- su.ided Caesar to go to the senate house on the Ides of March (App. Bell. Civ. 2, 115; Plut. Caes. 64). This letter seems to imply that he stayed longer at or near Rome than M. Bruius and C. Cassius. 6. Hirtius. A. Hirtius was consul de- signate for 43 B.C., and a devoted friend of Caesar. After the Ides of March he seems to have lived in retirement, but subsequently combined with Octavian to oppose Antony. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 12 ; 15-17. He was a man of much cultivation, and author of an eighth book appended to Caesar's work on the war in Gaul ; perhaps also of the treatises ' De Bello Alexandrino' and 'De Bello Afri- cano.' 8. Provinciam. The province of Cisal- pine Gaul had been destined for D. Brutus by Caesar, and Caesar's arrangements had been confirmed by the senate on March 17 ; cp. Intr. to Pt. V, § 2, p. 498. Philipp. 3. I, 1 ; Veil. 2. 60 ; Suet. Oct. 10. EP. lo;.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XI. i. 519 aiebat neque arbitrari tuto in urbe esse quemquam nostrum ; adeo esse militum concitatos animos et plcbis : quod utrumque esse falsum puto vos animadvcrtcre atque illud esse verum, quod Hirtius dcmonstrabat, timere eum ne, si mediocre auxilium dig- nitatis nostrac habuissemus, nullae partes his in re publica relin- 5 2 querentur. Cum in his angustiis vcrsarer, placitum est mihi ut postularem legationem hberam mihi reHquisque nostris, ut ahqua causa proficiscendi honesta quaereretur. Hanc se impetraturum pollicitus est, nee tamen impetraturum confido : tanta est homi- num insolentia et nostri insectatio ; ac si dederint quod petimus, 10 tamen paulo post futurum puto ut hostes iudicemur aut aqua et 3 igni nobis interdicatur. Quid ergo est, inquis, tui consiHi ? Dandus est locus fortunae ; cedendum ex ItaHa, migrandum Rhodum aut aHquo terrarum arbitror : si mehor casus fuerit, revertemur Romam ; si mediocris, in exsilio vivemus ; si pessi- 15 4 mus, ad novissima auxiha descendemus. Succurret fortasse hoc loco alicui vestrum, cur novissimum tempus exspectemus potius, quam nunc aliquid moliamur? Quia ubi consistamus non habe- mus praeter Sex. Pompeium et Bassum Caecilium, qui mihi 1. Aiebat, sc. ' Antonius.' The context seems to require this, but the change of sub- ject from ' demonstravit ' is strange. 2. Militum, i.e. of Caesar's veterans. Many of them seem to have come to Rome, and Lepidus had a legion in or near the city. 4. Si mediocre . . habuissemus, ' if our pretensions were even moderately sup- ported,' i.e. by the senate and people grant- ing them provinces. 5. Nullae partes . . relinquerentur, ' they (Antony and his party) would have no political part left to play.' Siipfle. Wesenb. does not think that 'his' can have the meaning here given to it, and suggests ' illis,' ' ipsis,' ' suis,' or ' sibi.' Andr. prefers 'illis,' and refers to § 6 of this letter for an instance of the application of that pronoun to oppo- nents. He remarlis that 'sibi' or 'suis' would be more natural, but that ' illis ' is used from the writer's point of view. 6. Versarer . . postularem. These tenses are not epistolary, but refer to the time of the conversation with Hirtius. Cp. ' hanc se impetraturum pollicitus est,' below. Placitum est: cp. Ep. 33, 4, note. 7. Legationem liberam : cp. Ep. ix, 3, note. 9. Pollicitus est, sc. Hirtius. Hominum, sc. Caesarianorum. 10. Insectatio. Not apparently Cicero- nian, ' underhand persecution.' Forcell. 11. Aqua et igni ..interdicatur. This was equivalent to banishment. Cp. p. 19, and Smith, Diet, of Antiq., sub voc. ' E.xsi- lium,' p. 516. 12. Tui consilii. On the gen., cp. Ep. 26, I, note. 13. Dandus est locus fortunae, 'we must yield to fortune.' Forcell. Cp. also Cic. Pro Quinct. 16, 53 'aliquid loci rationi et consilio dedisses.' 14. Rhodum : cp. Ep. 88, 5, note. Aliquo, ' somewhere or other.' Andr. Cp. Ep. 100, 3. note. Melior. Rather curiously used for one of three possibilities, as opposed to ' pessi- mus.' 16. Ad novissima auxilia, 'to the most desperate expedients,* i. e. civil war, and co-operation with Bafsus and Sex. Pom- peius : on whose enterprises, cp. Intr. to Part IV, §§12; 14; Appendix II, 4 and 10. Succurret, ' will occur.' Andr. Cp. Ep. 105, 2. 18. Qjiam . . moliamur, 'than now try some decisive measure.' Ubi consistamus, 'a place where we may take up a safe position ; ' 'a rallying point.' Jeans. 520 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [PART V. videntur hoc nuntio de Caesare adiato firmiores futuri ; satis tempore ad eos accedemus, ubi quid valeant scierimus. Pro Cassio et te, si quid me velitis recipere, recipiam ; postulat enim hoc Hirtius ut faciam. Rogo vos quam primum mihi 5 S rescribatis — nam non dubito quin de his rebus ante horam quar- tam Hirtius certiorem me sit facturus — ; quern in locum con- venire possimus, quo me vehtis venire, rescribite. Post novissi- 6 mum Hirtii sermonem placitum est mihi postulare ut hceret nobis Romae esse pubHco praesidio : quod illos nobis conces- 10 suros non puto ; magnam enim invidiam iis faciemus. Nihil tamen non postulandum putavi, quod aequum esse statuerem. 108. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XIV. 12). PuTEOLi, April 22, 44 B.C. (710 a.u.c.) I. The 15th of March has profited little, except to satisfy our revenge. Antony's measures go further than Caesar's ever did, and he makes money out of all grants, such as those to Deiotarus and to the Sicilians. 2. Octavius treats me with much consideration, but I fear his advisers will prevent his ever being a good citizen, and am anxious to retire to some remote spot. I am more independent now, however, than I was during Caesar's life. 3. Write me any news you hear, especially of Brutus. CICERO ATTICO SAL. O mi Attice, vereor ne nobis Idus Martiae nihil dederint 1 praeter laetitiam et odii poenam ac doloris. Quae mihi istim I. Hoc nuntio, i.e. 'by the news of 10. Magnam enim .. faciemus, 'we Caesar's death.' shall make them very unpopular,' if it ap- Firmiores futuri, 'will grow stronger.' pears that the liberators cannot be at Rome Satis tempore, 'early enough.' The in safety without a guard. Facere invi- ablative is used adverbially. Forcell. diani is a rare phrase, according to Forcel I., 3. Si quid . . recipere, 'if you wish but is used by Asconius ad Orat. in Tog. me to make any engagements with Hirtius.' Cand. p. 1 11, invidiam facere competitori — Andr. a passage to which Professor NettJeship has 5. De his rebus, 'on the topics I have called my attention. It is also used by discussed,' on our prospects. Andr. thinks Juvenal. Cp. Sat. 15, 122 — that the writer refers to the thought of ap- ' Anne aliam terra Memphitide sicca plying for a 'libera legatio.' Cp. § 2. Invidiam facerent nolenti surgere Nilo?' 7. Post novissimum . . sermonem. The following passage seems to be a post- 13. Odii poenam ac doloris, 'the script written after the interview mentioned satisfaction of our hate and indignation.' just above had taken place. Gen. possess. Cp. Ep. 4, 2, note. The ex- 9. Publico praesidio, 'with a guard pression ' paena doloris' occurs in a slightly granted by the State.' Billerb. Abl. modi. diiferent sense in Ep. 8, 7. Illos, 'the friends of Antony.' Istim, 'from Rome.' EP. ro8.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM X1V.\2. 521 adferuntur? quae hic video? w TTpd^ew? /caA?/? \i.iv, areXovs 8e' ! Scis, quam diligam Siculos et quam illam clientelam honestam iudicem : multa illis Caesar, neque me invito, etsi Latinitas erat non ferenda, verum tamen — . Ecce autem Antonius ac- cepta grandi pecunia fixit legem a dictatorc comitiis latam, 5 qua Siculi cives Romani ; cuius rei vivo illo mentio nulla. Quid ? Deiotari nostri causa non similis ? Dignus ille quidcm omni regno, sed non per Fulviam. Sescenta similia. Verum illuc refero : tam claram tamque testatam rem tamque iustam, Buthrotiam, non 1. w Trpd^tcos K.T.X. Perhaps a quo- tation from some Greek play. It expresses Cicero's regret that Antony had not been killed witli Caesar. Cp. Epp. 126, i ; 127, I. 2. Quam diligam Siculos : cp. Div. ill Caec. 1,2' cum . . ita . . ex ea provincia decessissem ut Siculis omnibus iucundam diuturnamquememoriam quaesturae nominis- que mei lelinqnerem, factum est uti cum summum in veteribus patronis multis turn non nullum etiam in me praesidium . . arbi- trarentur.' Also Intr. to Part I, § 3. Illam clientelam, 'to have them for clients.' Cp. In Cat. 4. II, 23 ' clientelis provincialibus. 3. Multa illis Caesar, sc. ' dedlt.' Cp. Ep. 15, 10, note. Latinitas. The grant of the ' Jus Latii' to the inhabitants of Sicily by Caesar seems to be only referred to here. Cp. Merivale 2. 412. On the privileges conveyed by it, cp. Ep. 31, 2, note. 4. Non ferenda. ' An intolerable measure.' I prefer Wieland's interpretation ' etwas nicht zu duldendes' to that of Mr. Jeans ' not a proper measure to pass.' Verum tamen. An aposiopesis. Cp. Madv. 479 d, Obs. 6. Supply, ' it wras use- less to oppose it.' 5. Fixit legem . . latam, ' had a law posted up as having been carried by Caesar as Dictator in the comitia.' This was in- consistent with Antony's support of a motion made in the senate by Ser. Sulpicius, to the effect ' that no decree or grant of Caesar should be registered after the Ides of March.' ' Cp. Philipp. 1. I, 3. 6. Cives Romani, sc. ' facti sunt.' This law does not seem to have been carried out. Vivo illo, sc. Caesare. 7. Deiotari . . non similis? 'was not the case of my friend Deiotarus similar ?' On Deiotarus, cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 6 ; Philipp. 2- 37- Omni regno, 'of any amount of sov- ereignty,' or ' of his whole kingdom.' Cp. Pro Sest. 27, 59 'cum . . videant . . se for- tunis spoliari et regno omni posse nudari.' Antony restored to Deiotarus part of Ar- menia which Caesar had taken away. Cp. Philipp. 2, 1. c. 8. Per Fulviam. Antony's wife, Fulvia, was charged with procuring for money de- crees of Antony in favour of Deiotarus. Cp. Philipp. 1. c. ' syiigrapha , . per legatos . . facta in gyiiaeceo ; quo in loco plurimae res veniere et veneunt.' Illuc, 'to the affair I mentioned before.' Cp. Ad Att. 14. II, 2 ' de Buthrotiis et tu recte cogitas et ego non dimitto istam cu- ram.' Refero. This is the MS. reading, but ' I return ' seems an unusual sense of the word. Orell. has ' referor.' Wesenb. has 'me' before 'refero.' But Manut., with whom Mr. Lock agrees in defending ' re- fero,' explains it as meaning ' haec ideo dico ut ostendam ; cum haec de Siculis et Deiotaro fiant . . rem fore non ferendam si nos tam testatam rem . . Buthrotiam non teneamus.' Mr. Jeans remarks that 'refero' is surely transitive, whether we re- gard the object as being understood or ' illuc ' as being the neuter of the old form ' illic' Tam claram tamque testatam, 'so clear and well attested.' On the latter word, cp. Ep. 8, 2 note. 9. Buthrotiam. Caesar had imposed a heavy contribution on the town of Buthrotum in Epirus, and, when the inhabitants did not pay it, offered their lands to his soldiers. But Atticus advanced money to the Buthro- tians, on receipt of which Caesar issued a decree in their favour, attested by many eniinent Romans. It had, however, not been executed, and Cicero hoped that An- tony might be induced to carry it out. Siipfle. Cicero afterwards wrote on behalf of the Buthrotians to Cn. Plancus, brother 52i M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part v. tenebimus aliqua ex parte ? et eo quidem magis, quo iste plura ? Nobiscum hie perhonorifice et amice Octavius, quern quidem sui 2 Caesarem salutabant, Philippus non item, itaque ne nos quidem ; quem nego posse esse bonum civem : ita multi circumstant, qui 5 quidem nostris mortem minitantur. Negat haec ferri posse. Quid censes, cum Romam puer venerit, ubi nostri liberatores tuti esse non possunt? qui quidem semper erunt clari, con- scientia vero facti sui etiam beati ; sed nos, nisi me fallit, iacebimus. Itaque exire aveo, ' ubi nee Pelopidarum,' inquit. 10 Haud amo vel hos designatos, qui etiam declamare me coege- runt, ut ne apud aquas quidem acquiescere liceret. Sed hoc meae nimiae facilitatis : nam id erat quondam quasi necesse ; nunc, quoquo modo se res habet, non est item. Q\x2ivs\qtiam 3 dudum nihil habeo, quod ad te scribam, scribo tamen, non ut 15 te delectem meis Htteris, sed ut eliciam tuas. Tu, si quid erit de ceteris, de Bruto utique, quicquid. Haec conscripsi X. Kal. of the consul designate for 42 B.C., who had been commissioned by Caesar to super- intend the distribution of the lands. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 16 A, E, E, 1. Tenebimus, 'shall maintain' what Caesar had granted. See preceding note. Quo iste plura? 'the more grants Antony has made.' 2. Nobiscum, sc. ' agit.' Cp. Ep. 15, 10, note. Octavius. The future emperor. Caesar had adopted him by his will, but the adop- tion had not been ratified by the curiae. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 4. On the conduct of Octavius at this time, cp. Intr. 1. c. Sui, 'his adherents.' From the next clause they seem to have been numerous. According to Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 1 1 and 12) they were frcedmen or old soldiers of Caesar. 3. Philippus had married Atia, the mother of Octavius. Cp. Suet. Oct. 8 ; Veil. 2. 59 and 60. Matthiae, following Manu- tius, suggests that he objected to Octavius taking the name Caesar, because the curiae had not sanctioned his adoption. 4. Quem, sc. Octavium. 5. Nostris, i.e. 'to the assassins of Caesar.' Negat haec ferri posse, 'Octavius says that the present state of things is intoler- able.' Cp. Ep. 105, I ' [adfirmat Matius] non posse istaec sic abire.' Wesenb. sug- gests • minitantur, cum negant.' 6. Qijid censes, sc. 'eventurum' or ' facturum,' cp. Madv. 479 d. 8. Nos, ' our party.' Nisi me fallit,' if I am not mistaken.' Cp. Ep. 71, 8, note. 9. Iacebimus, 'shall get the worst.' Cp. Ep. 3, I. Ubi nee Pelopidarum, ' nomen nee facta audiam.' Apparently a quotation from some old play; perhaps, as Manut. and Boot suggest, from the Atreus of Attius. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. 30, i. Inquit seems needless. One would ex- pect ' ut inquit,' sc. ' poeta.' The absence of a subject to 'inquit' need present no difficulty. Cp. pp. 284, I. 12; 304, 1. 7, note. 10. Hos designatos, i. e. Hirtius and Pansa. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 11, 2. If this passage is serious, it may refer to the luke- warmness of Hirtius and Pansa, but it is more probably ironical. Declamare, 'to give them lessons in rhetoric' Cp. Ep. 87, I, note. 11. Ut ne : cp. Ep. 7, 5, note. 12. Meae nimiae facilitatis. On the gen., cp. Ep. 77, 3, note. Quondam, i.e. 'during Caesar's life.' 13. Non est item, 'it is not equally so.' Not compulsion, but his own excessive good nature now induced Cicero to give lessons. 15. Si quid erit . . quicquid, sc. erit velim scribas. 16. De ceteris, 'about the other con- spirators.' EP. 1 09 .] EP IS TOLA R UM AD A TTIC UM XIV. j^ A. 523 accubans apucl Vestorium, homincm remotum a dialecticis, in arithmeticis satis exercitatum. 109. ANTONY to CICERO (AD ATT. XIV. 13 A). About April 20 (?), 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I should have preferred to ask you in person 2. to approve the restoration of Sex. Clodius, which Caesar sanctioned. Your consent will place my step-son, P. Clodius, and myself under a great obligation. 3. Let my step-son think that your quarrel with his father was only political. You will prefer, I dare say, an old age of tranquillity to one of disquiet ; and I have done you services enough to have a claim for some return. I shall not, however, permit the restoration of Sex. Clodius if you object to it. M. ANTONIUS COS. S. D. M. CICERONL 1 Occupationibus est factum meis et subita tua profectione, ne tecum coram de liac re agerem ; quam ob causam vereor ne absentia mea levior sit apud te : quod si bonitas tua respondent 5 2 iudicio meo, quod semper habui de te, gaudebo. A Caesare petii ut Sex. Clodium rcstitueret : impetravi. Erat mihi in animo etiam turn sic uti beneficio eius, si tu concessisses ; quo magis laboro, ut tua voluntate id per me facere nunc lice at : quod si duriorem te eius miserae et adflictae fortunae praebes, 10 non contendam ego adversus te ; quamquam videor debere tueri commentarium Caesaris. Sed mehercule, si humaniter et sapien- ter et amabiliter in me cogitare vis, facilem profecto tc prae- bebis et voles P. Clodium, in optima spe puerum repositum, 1. Accubans, ' lying at table.' 7. Sex. Clodium. Sex. Clodius, a de- Vestorium. On C. Vestorius, cp. Ep. pendant of Publius, was banished for riot 34. I, note. Cicero says that he was more 52 b.c. Cp. Ep. 71,3; Ascon. in Milonian., familiar with accounts than with logic. He p. 159. lived at Puteoli, apparently. Cp. Ad Att. 8. Etiam tum, 'even after Caesar had 5. 2, 2. consented.' 2. Arithmeticis. This word seems to 9. Tua voluntate: cp. Madv. 257, and be rarely used in Latin for ' arithmetic' Obs. 5. Per me, 'by my own authority,' as 3. Profectione, 'departure from Rome.' Caesar had died without carrying out his 5. Absentia, 'a rare word. Here it purpose. seems to mean, ' my entreaties during my 11. Tueri commentarium Caesaris, absence.' Mr. Jeans renders ' I fear that in ' to carry out an intention of which Caesar my absence it,' the subject about which I had made a note.' On Caesar's ' commen- am now writing, 'may seem to you only of tarii,' cp. Intr. to Part V, § 3. They are lighter weight:' I presume that he refers often referred to in the two first Philippics, 'levior' to 'res,' and considers 'absentia' an 12. Sapienter. .cogitare. This verb ablative, seems not often to be used with adverbs. Levior sit, ' have less weight.' 14. Voles . . existimare : cp. Ep. 18, 3, Responderit, ' shall correspond.' For- note, cell. P. Clodium. Son and namesake of 524 31. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. existimare non te insectatum esse, cum potueris, amicos paternos. Patere, obsecro, te pro re publica videri gessisse simultatem cum 3 patre eius : non contempseris banc familiam ; honestius enim et libentius deponimus inimicitias rei publicae nomine suscep- 5 tas quam contumaciae. Me deinde sine ad banc opinionem iam nunc dirigere puerum et tenero animo eius persuadere non esse tradendas posteris inimicitias. Quamquam tuam fortunam, Ci- cero, ab omni periculo abesse certum habeo, tamen arbitror malle te quietam senectutem et honorificam potius agere quam lo sollicitam, Postremo meo iure te hoc beneficium rogo ; nihil enim non tua causa feci. Quod si non impetro, per me Clodio daturus non sum, ut intellegas, quanti apud me auctoritas tua sit, atque eo te pl^cabihorem praebeas. 110. To ANTONY (AD ATT. XIV. 13 B). Written apparently about April 25, from Puteoli, 44 B.C. (710 A.u.c) I. Your past services to the State, 2. and the friendly tone of your letter, 3. make me grant your request most willingly. I have never, moreover, been of a harsh dis- position. 4. Train the youthful Clodius in sound views ; I never felt any remarkable hostility to his father, and were he living should feel none now. 5. I grant your request, then, not from alarm for myself, but from regard for you. Cicero's old enemy Clodius. He afterwards died of the effects of gluttony. Cp. Val. Max. 3. 5. In optima spe . . repositum, ' of the highest promise.' A curious construction. I. Cum potueris, 'though it has been in your power to do so.' 3. Eius: non .. familiam. Wesenb. has ' eius, non quo,' i.e. ' not out of con- tempt for his family.' Hanc familiam. That of Clodius, with which Antony was now nearly con- nected. See below. Miiiler supposes it to refer to the Claudian house generally. 5. Contumaciae. The sense seems to require a word meaning ' personal dislike,' but I cannot find that 'contumacia' ever has that meaning. C. F. Hermann (ap. Baiter) suggests ' contumeliae.' Wesenb. thinks that ' contumaciae' = ' superbae con- temptionis.' 6. Dirigere puerum. Antony had married Fuivia, the widow of P. Clodius, and his step-son was probably brought up in his house. 10. Sollicitam, 'troubled by anxiety,' which it might be, even if free from any serious risk. There may be a hint here of Antony's employing Cicero's old enemies against him. Meo iure . . rogo, 'I have a good right to ask this favour of you.' ' Suo iure' = 'potestate a legibus seu iure concessa.' Forcell. Nihil enim . . feci. Antony refers, probably, to his support of Cicero against Clodius, 53 B.C., and to his protection of Cicero after the battle of Pharsalus. Cp. Philipp. I. 4, 1 1 ; 2. 3, 5 ; 2. 9, 21 ; 2. 20, 49. 11. Per me: see above. EP. 110.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XIV. 13 B. 525 CICERO ANTONIO COS. S. D. 1 Quod mecum per Utteras agis, unam ob causam mallem coram egisses : non cnim solum ex oratione, sed etiam ex voltu et oculis et fronte, ut aiunt, meum erga te amorem perspicere potuisses ; nam, cum te semper amavi, primum tuo studio, post etiam bene- ficio provocatus, tum his temporibus res publica te mihi ita com- 5 2 mendavit, ut cariorem habeam neminem. Litterae vero tuae cum amantissime, tum honorificentissime scriptae sic me adfece- runt, ut non dare tibi beneficium vidercr, sed accipere a te ita petente, ut inimicum meum, necessarium tuum, me invito servare 3 nolles, cum id nullo negotio facere posses. Ego vero tibi istuc, 10 mi Antoni, remitto, atque ita, ut me a te, cum iis verbis scrip- seris, liberalissime atque honorificentissime tractatum existimem, idque cum totum, quoquo modo se res haberet, tibi dandum puta- rem, tum do etiam humanitati et naturae meae ; nihil enim um- quam non modoacerbum in me fuit, sed ne paulo quidem tristius 15 aut severius, quam necessitas rei publicae postulavit. Accedit ut ne in ipsum quidem Clodium meum insigne odium fuerit umquam, semperque ita statui, non esse insectandos inimicorum amicos, praesertim humiliores, nee his praesidiis nosmet ipsos esse spo- 4 liandos. Nam de puero Clodio tuas partes esse arbitror, ut eius 20 1. Quod, ' as to the fact that.' Cp. Ep. note. 8, 14, note. Quoquo modo . . haberet, foil., 2. Voltu et oculis, foil., ' my expres- ' under any circumstances I should be willing sion, and eyes and brow.' The words ut to do this for yoii, even if my disposition aiunt seem to shew that Cicero is quoting were sterner than it is.' some familiar saying. 14. Nihil enim . . postulavit, 'there 4. Tuo studio, 'your devotion to me.' was never anything in me — 1 do not say Cp. § 3 of the previous letter, and note cruel, but — harsher or more rigorous than thereon. the State's need required.' Beneficio, i.e. after Pharsalus, Cp. Enim explains naturae meae. Philipp. I. 4, II ; 2. 3, 5. 16. Accedit ut. On this construction, 5. Provocatus, 'invited.' cp. Madv. 373, Obs. 3. Res publica, ' your public conduct,' or 17. Ne . . insigne . . umquam. Yet perhaps ' the public interest.' Cicero refers Cicero cherished for a long time his exulta- especially to Antony's behaviour on March tion over the death of Clodius. After more 17. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 2. than two years had elapsed he still counted 8. Ita petente .. nolles, 'as in making the days from that event. Cp. Ad Att. 6. I, your request you express unwillingness to 26. restore your friend against my will.' 19. His praesidiis, i.e. ' the services of 10. Ego vero, ' I certainly.' Cp. Ep. 40, our dependents,' whose exile would diminish I, note; also Pro Muren. 4, 9 'ego vero the number of their opportunities for serving libenter desinc' their patron's interest. Istuc . . remitto, ' I give up that quar- 20. Nam : ' I say nothing of the young rel to please you,' 'make that sacrifice for Clodius, for,' cp Ep. 26, 2, note, your sake.' Tuas partes esse. Because Antony 13. Totum, 'altogether.' Cp. Ep. 2, 2, was step-father to young Clodius. 526 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. animum tenerum, quern ad modum scribis, iis opinionibus imbuas, ut ne quas inimicitias residere in familiis nostris arbitretur. Con- tend! cum P. Clodio, cum ego publicam causam, ille suam defen- deret : nostras concertationes res publica diiudicavit ; si viveret, 5 mihi cum illo nulla contentio iam maneret. Qua re, quoniam 5 hoc a me sic petis, ut, quae tua potestas est, ea neges te me invito usurum, puero quoque hoc a me dabis, si tibi videbitur, non quo aut aetas nostra ab illius aetate quicquam debeat periculi suspicari aut dignitas mea ullam contentionem extimescat, sed ut nosmet 10 ipsi inter nos coniunctiores simus, quam adhuc fuimus ; interpel- lantibus enim his inimicitiis animus tuus magis patuit quam domus. Sed haec hactenus. Illud extremum : ego, quae te velle quaeque ad te pertinere arbitrabor, semper sine ulla dubitatione summo studio faciam ; hoc velim tibi penitus persuadeas, 111. To DOLABELLA (AD FAM. IX. 14). Near Pompeii, May 4, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I must write to thank you for the credit your conduct has reflected upon me, for there is a general impression that I am your adviser. 2. And though I cannot fairly claim this honour, I am unwilling altogether to disclaim it. 3. L. Caesar regrets that he has not as much influence with Antony as I am thought to have with you. 4. I do not seriously pretend to any share in your glory, which I would gladly increase. 5. My love for you has been strengthened by your recent service, as my love for Brutus was by his deed on the 15th of March. 6. You need no exhortation : 7. but I must congratulate you on having been both vigorous and popular as a magistrate, and on the admirable skill of your address to the people. 8. You have delivered your country from alarm, and I hope you will employ your influence thus won in the interest of our liberators. 4. Concertationes. A milder term aetate. Wieland. than ' conteiitiones,' according to Boot. Nosmet ipsi, Cicero and Antony. Diiudicavit, ' h.is decided' by recalling 10. Interpellantibus . . his inimi- Cicero. in spite ofClodius' opposition. citiis, 'owing to the interposition of the 6. Q_uae . . ea. On the order of the quarrel which you are aware of;' that is, of words, cp. Ep. 42, 3, note. Fulvia's animosity to Cicero, inherited from 7. Puero . . dabis, 'you will make her former husband Clodius. This excluded this a present from me to the young Clo- Cicero from Antony's house. dius.' ' E re pecuniaria ductum, in qua " ab 13. Quaeque ad te . . arbitrabor, ' and aliquo solvere " dicimur.' Matthiae. Cp. what I shall think for your true interest.' Ep. 36, II, note. Billerb. Non quo . . extimescat. An answer Antony, after his final breach with Cicero, to the hints of Antony in § 3 of the previous read this letter aloud in the senate, to shew letter. On ' non quo,' with the conj., cp. his enemy's inconsistency. Cp. Philipp. 2. Ep. 14, I, note. 4, 7. 9. Ullam contentionem, 'a dispute with anybody.' Opposed to ab illius Mav 4. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 17, i and 4. EP. III.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES IX. 14. c^i^ CICERO DOLABELLAE CONSULI SUO S. 1 EtsI contcntus eram, mi Dolabclla, tua gloria satisque ex ea magnam laetitiam voluptatemquc capiebam, tamen non possum non confiteri cumulari me maximo gaudio, quod volgo hominum opinio socium me adscribat tuis laudibus. Neminem conveni — convenio autem quotidie plurimos ; sunt enim permulti optimi 5 viri, qui valetudinis causa in hacc loca veniant, praeterea ex municipiis frequentes necessarii mei — , quin omnes, cum te summis laudibus ad caelum extulerunt, mihi continuo maximas gratias agant ; negant enim se dubitare quin tu meis praeceptis et con- siliis obtemperans praestantissmum te civem et singularem con- 10 2 sulem praebeas. Ouibus ego quamquam verissime possum respon- dere te, quae facias, tuo iudicio et tua sponte facere nee cuiusquam egere consilio, tamen neque plane adsentior, ne imminuam tuam laudem, si omnis a meis consiliis profecta videatur, neque valde nego — sum enim avidior etiam quam satis est gloriae — ; et tamen 15 non alienum est dignitate tua, quod ipsi Agamemnoni, regum regi, fuit honestum, habere aliquem in consiliis capiendis Nestorem ; mihi vero gloriosum te iuvenem consulem florere laudibus quasi 3 alumnum disciplinae meae. L. quidem Caesar^ cum ad eum aegrotum Neapolim venissem, quamquam erat oppressus totius 20 corporis doloribus, tamen ante, quam me plane salutavit, ' O mi Cicero,' inquit ' gratulor tibi, cum tantum vales apud Dolabellam, DOLABELLAE. For an account of on 1. 3. Dolabella, cp. Ep. 77, note and reff. 15. Gloriae; et tamen. Wesenb. omits I. Tua gloria; cp. Intr. to Part V, § 3 ; the; and explains 'tamen' as = ' praeterea ' also Ad Att. 14. 15, 2, where Cicero, de- ' moreover my love of fame does not injure scribing the vigorous measures of Dolabella, you.' Cp. Madvig on De Finibus, 2. 26, 84, says 'magnam dvaOewprjcni' res habet ; de where he says that the words are equivalent saxo, in crucem, columnam toUere, locum to ' et etiamsi ilia, quae dixi, dcfecerint, ilium sternendum locare.' tamen.' Itaque refertur particula ad taci- 3. Cumulari .. gaudio. Andr. compares tum intellectum et concessionem contrarii the expression, ' nunc meum cor cumulatur eius quod antea positum est. * If you do not ira,' Pro Cael. 16, 37, a quotation from a admit this justification, stillyoumust seethat.' dramatist. 16. Ipsi Agamemnoni : cp. Horn. II. 2. 4. Socium me adscribat, 'associates 370, foil. me,' ' Adscribere'='adiungere,' ' adnume- 17. In consiliis capiendis, ' when he rare.' Forcell. took advice,' ' as a counsellor.' Neminem conveni . . quin omnes. 18. Iuvenem: cp. App. Bell. Civ. 2. The sentence would naturally lun 'quin 122; Dion Cassius 44. 53. agat,' but after the inserted clause Cicero 19. L. Caesar : cp. Ep. i, 2, note, alters its structure. 22. Cum tantum vales, 'on having so 6. In haec loca, i.e. 'to the neigh- much influence.' The indie, is used as bourhood of the bay of Naples.' giving a real rer,son. Cp. Madv. 358, Obs. 14. Si omnis, sc. 'tua laus.' The ad- 2; also Pro Milon. 36, 99 ' te quidem cum jective is used adverbially. Cp. p. 32, note isto animo es satis laudare non possum.' 528 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. quantum si ego apud sororis filium valerem, iam salvi esse posse- mus. Dolabellae vero tuo et gratulor et gratias ago ; quern quidem post te consulem solum possumus vere consulem dicere.' Deinde multa de facto ac de re gesta ; turn nihil magnificentius, nihil 5 praeclarius actum umquam, nihil rei publicae salutarius. Atque haec una vox omnium est. A te autem peto, ut me hanc quasi 4 falsam hereditatem alienae gloriae sinas cernere meque aliqua ex parte in societatem tuarum laudum venire patiare. Quamquam, mi Dolabella — haec enim iocatus sum — , libentius omnes meas, si lo modo sunt aliquae meae, laudes ad te transfuderim quam aliquam partem exhauserim ex tuis : nam cum te semper tantum dilexerim, quantum tu intellegere potuisti, tum his tuis factis sic incensus sum, ut nihil umquam in amore fuerit ardentius ; nihil est enim, mihi crede, virtute formosius, nihil pulchrius, nihil amabilius. 15 Semper amavi, ut scis, M. Brutum propter eius summum ingenium, 5 suavissimos mores, singularem probitatem atque constantiam : ta- men Idibus Martiis tantum accessit ad amorem, ut mirarer locum fuisse augendi in eo, quod mihi iam pridem cumulatum etiam vide- batur. Quis erat qui putaret ad eum amorem, quem erga te habe- 20 bam, posse aliquid accedere ? Tantum accessit, ut mihi nunc deni- que amare videar, antea dilexisse. Qua re quid est quod ego te e horter, ut dignitati et gloriae servias? Proponam tibi claros viros, quod facere solent, qui hortantur ? neminem habeo clariorem quam te ipsum ; te imitere oportet, tecum ipse certes : ne licet quidem 25 tibi iam tantis rebus gestis non tui similem esse. Quod cum ita 7 sit, hortatio non est necessaria, gratulatione magis utendum est : contigit enim tibi quod haud scio an nemini, ut summa severitas 3. Deinde multa, sc. ' dixit,' which is again to be suppHed after tum. Cp. p. 70, note on 1. 7. 4. D e facto ac de re gesta, 'about the fact and the mode of execution.' Wie- land. Wesenb. has ' re gesta tua,' and omits ' turn.' 6. Hanc . . cernere, 'to accept this inheritance, as it were, of another's glory to which I have no claim.' On the phrase cer- nere hereditatem, cp. Ep. 82. 4, note. II. Cum . . tum : cp. Ep. 26, 3, note. 14. Formosius . . pulchrius. These two adjectives seem to be used as sy- nonymous by Cicero, cp. De Nat. Deor. I. 10, 24. 16. Suavissimos mores. Cicero used different language when proconsul of Cilicia. Cp. Ep. 36, 13. 18. Augendi, ' of an increase.' Cp. Na- gelsb. 31, 101. 'Augere' is sometimes a neuter verb. Siipfle, Forcell. Cumulatum, 'to have reached its great- est amount.' =' plenum.' Forcell. The example of Brutus is apparently introduced to show that it is possible for great atfection to be suildenly much increased. 21. Dilexisse, 'only to have esteemed you.' Cp. Ad Fam. 13, 47 'ut scires eum a me non diligi solum verum etiam amari.' Forcell. (s. v. 'anio') remarks, 'amare est e.\ appetitu ; diligere ex ratione.' 27. Quod haud scio, foil., ' which per- haps has been the lot of no one else.' Cp. Ep. 77, 2, note. Sumnia severitas: cp. § i.note. EP. 112.] EPIST0LARU3r AD ATTICUM XTV.21. 529 animadversionis non modo non invadiosa, sed etiam popularis esset et cum bonis omnibus turn infimo cuique gratissima. Hoc si tibi fortuna quadam contigissct, gratularer felicitati tuae ; sed contigit magnitudine cum animi turn etiam ingenii atque consilii ; legi enim contionem tuam : nihil ilia sapientius ; itapedetemptim 5 et gradatim tum accessus a te ad causam facti, turn recessus, ut res ipsa maturitatem tibi animadvertendi omnium concessu daret. 8 Liberasti igitur et urbem periculo et civitatem metu, neque solum ad tempus maximam utilitatem attulisti, sed etiam ad exemplum. Quo facto intellegere debes in te positam esse rem publicam tibi- 10 que non modo tuendos, sed etiam ornandos esse illos viros, a qui- bus initium libertatis profectum est. Sed his de rebus coram plura propediem, ut spero : tu quoniam rem publicam nosque conservas, fac ut diligentissime te ipsum, mi Dolabella, custodias. 112. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XIV. 21). PuTEOLi, May ii, 44 B.C. (710 a.u.c.) I . I am sorry not to have heard from you, but have had a good letter from Dola- bella. 2. Balbus has visited me ; he gave an unsatisfactory account of Antony's pro- ceedings, and his own disposition is questionable. 3. We clearly have war in prospect ; there was more courage than wisdom shewn in the great exploit. But this is of more importance for younger men than for me. 4. I write in Vestorius' house. I shall try to gain over Hirtius and others for the good cause, but am not sanguine, and think of leaving Italy. Remember me to Attica. I am anxious to see if Dolabella will pay his debt to me. 3. Fortuna . . magnitudine: ablatives of Tiberius. Manutius thinks the meaning of the cause. is that Dolabella spoke deliberately and 5. Contionem. Cicero seems to refer without hurry or passion, so as to leave the to a speech of Dolabella made in defence of impression that he had acted deliberately, his strong measures ; but such a speech does ' All allowed that the case itself shewed not appear to be mentioned elsewliere. that you had not been premature in taking Ita pedetemptim .. daret, 'socautiously such strong measures,' i.e. 'as the facts of did you first approach and then retire from the case and not your eloquence formed the subject that all had to allow that the your defence.' case was ripe for strong measures.' ' Facti' 9. Ad tempus, 'for the present.' is a participle, as the Master of University Utilitatem attulisti, ' you have done College has pointed out to me. The meta- good service.' Cp. Ep. 19, i, note, for this phors in these words are military. Slipfle, sense of ' adferre.' Andr., however, thinks that the comparison Ad exemplum, 'as an example for the is with the ebb and flow of the tide. The futnre.' general sense seems to be that Dolabella 11. Illos viros, i.e. ' the conspirators.' prepared his hearers skilfully to listen to 13. Propediem, sc. ' disseremus.' his excuses, whhout harping too much on 14. Custoaias: i.e. against plots devised the subject. Cp. Merivale's account (5. by Antony. 288-9) °^ ^^^ ' verbosa et grandis epistola ' u m 530 M. TULLII CICERONIS [fartv. CICERO ATTICO. Cum paulo ante dedissem ad te Cassii tabellario Htteras, v. Idus i venit noster tabellarius, et quidem, portenti simile, sine tuis lit- teris ; sed cito conieci Lanuvii te fuisse. Eros autem festinavit, utad me litterae Dolabellae preferrentur, non de re mea — nondum 5 enim meas acceperat — , sed rescripsit ad eas, quarum exemplum tibi miseram, sane luculente. Ad me autem, cum Cassii tabel- 2 larium dimisissem, statim Balbus. O dei boni^, quam facile per- spiceres timere otiuni ! et nosti virum, quam tectus ; sed tamen Antonii consilia narrabat: ilium circumire veteranos, ut acta 10 Caesaris sancirent idque se facturos esse iurarent, ut rata omnes haberent eaque duumviri omnibus mensibus inspicerent. Questus est etiam de sua invidia, eaque omnis eius oratio fuit, ut amare videretur Antonium. Quid quaeris? nihil sinceri. Mihi autem 3 non est dubium quin res spectet ad castra : acta enim ilia res est 15 animo virili, consilio puerili : quis enim hoc non vidit, regni heredem relictum ? quid autem absurdius ? hoc metuere, alterum in metu non ponere ? Quin etiam hoc ipso tempore multa virocroXoLKa. Pontii Neapoli- 2. Sine tuis litteris : cp. Ep. 100,3, secure that their validity should be respected note. by every one.' Wesenb. has ' arma ' for 3. Lanuvii. M. Brutus and Cassius 'rata,' supposing the duumviri to be the were there probably, and Atticus may have magistrates of the different colonies in which gone to visit one of them, Cp. Ad Att. 14, the veterans had been established. 10, i; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 7; Merivale 3. 11. Duumviri. These were probably to 77- be special commissioners appointed by An- Etos : cp. Ep. 96, 4, note. tony. 4. De re mea, 'about my own affair,' 12. De sua invidia, 'about his un- i.e. his debt to me. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 18, I popularity' as a friend of Caesar. Manut. ' Kal. Ian. debuit [Dolabella] ; adhuc non 13. Nihil sinceri, ' there is nothing ho- solvit.' nest in him,' i.e. Balbus. 5. Rescripsit, Dolabella. 14. Qiiin res spectet ad castra, 'but Eas, i.e. Ep. ill. tliat things liold out a prospect of war.' Cp. 6. Luculente, 'in excellent terms.' Ep. 43, i, note. = ' clare.' ' Aptis et copiosis verbis.' Eor- Ilia res, i.e. ' the murder of Caesar.' cell. 15. Regni heredem, i.e. Antony. 7. Statim Balbus, sc. ' venit.' 17. Hoc metuere .. ponere, 'to fearthe 8. Timere otium, ' is afraid of peace,' monarchy and not be afraid of its heir.' ' looks forward to it with alarm.' An iambic line, probably from a play. It Tectus, 'reserved,' 'cautious.' Forcell. is quoted also Topic 13. On the purport gives ' occnltus ' and ' cautus ' as synonyms. of the passage, cp. Ep. 115, I. 9. Circumire veteranos, 'is canvass- 18. Multa vrroaoKoiKa, 'there are ing the veterans,' especially those settled in many instances of something like bad taste.' Camjania. Cp. Philipp. 2. 39 and 40. ' Cir- The word vwoaokotKorfpos occurs in Plu- cumire'= 'ambire,' 'to court,' 'canvass,' tarch, Symp. i. 2, 615 D. Forcell., but is a rather stronger term. Pontii. L. Pontius Aquila incurred Cae- 10. Idque se . . haberent, ' and would sar's displeasure by his independent de- EP. 112.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XIV. 21. r^^j tanum a matre tyrannoctoni possideri ? Legendus mihi saepius est ' Cato inaior ' ad te missus ; amariorem enim me senectus facit. Stomachor omnia. Sed mihi quidem /3e/3t'toTat. Viderint iuvcnes. 4 Tu mea curabis, ut curas. Haec scripsi seu dictavi apposita secunda mensa apud Vestorium. Postridie apud Hirtium cogi- 5 tabam, et quidem ircvTeKoiTiov. Sic hominem traducere ad opti- mates paro. Aijpos ttoAvs. Nemo est istorum, qui otium non timeat. Qua re talaria videamus ; quidvis enim potius quam castra. Atticae salutem plurimam velim dicas. Exspecto Octavii contionem et si quid aliud, maxime autem, ecquid Dolabella tin- jo niat an in meo nomine tabulas novas fecerit. meanour as tribune, Suet. lul. 78 ; was one of the conspirators against him, App. Bell. Civ. 2. 113; Dion Cassius 46, 38, and did good service in the war of Mutina. Philipp. 11. 6, 14. Servilia, the mother of the 'tyrannicide' M. Brutus, was a favourite of Caesar, and it has been generally sup- posed that the property of Pontius near Neapolis (Neapolitanum) had been con- fiscated by Caesar, and granted to Servilia. But Drumann (3. 709 ; 710) remarks that no record of such confiscation has been pre- served, and that Pontius is afterwards men- tioned as lending money to D. Brutus. Cp. Dion Cassius 46. 40. Drumann suggests therefore that Pontius may have had to sell some property during the civil war, and that Servilia bought it cheap. 1. Possideri. On the infin., cp. Ep. 12, I, note. 2. Cato maior. Cicero's work on old age. He thinks he ought to study it in order to learn how to behave. 3. Stomachor omnia, 'I am vexed at everything.' The verb does not often govern an accusative. Mihi quidem /SeyS/curai : cp. Ep. 85, 2, note. Viderint iuvenes, 'let the young see to this,' with a reference probably to the conspirators. Cp. Ad Att. 14. 22, 2, where they are called ' illi iuvenes,' and Philipp. 2. II, 26 ' in tot hominibus . . partim adules- centibus.' 4. Mea curabis, ' attend to my affairs.' Cp. Ep. II, 3, note, for this sense of the fut. Seu dictavi. Boot suspects these words. Cicero he thinks, would have written ' stu potius dictavi.' Apposita secunda mensa, 'after the last course ha 3- M m 2 532 M. TULLII CICEROXIS [part v. 113. To MATIUS(AD FAM. XL 27). TuscuLUM, May 28, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I was sorry to hear from Trebatius that you were discontented with me. 2. I reckon you one of my oldest friends, and though we were separated for many years, I was much indebted to your good offices with Caesar before the civil war, 3, and to your advice and 4. sympathy during its earlier events. 5. After my return to Rome you did all you could to keep up a good understanding between Caesar and me. 6. AH these well-known services and the pleasure I have derived from your society, make me wonder that you should have suspected me of any breach of friendship. 7. I always defend your conduct. 8. But you must be aware that your respect for Caesar's memory is open to two constructions. I always represent it in the most favourable light, and I hope this letter will remove your suspicions of me. [M.] CICERO MATIO SAL. Nondum satis constitui molestiaene plus an voluptatis attulerit 1 mihi Trebatius noster, homo cum plenus officii, turn utriusque nostrum amantissimus ; nam cum in Tusculanum vesperi venis- sem, postridie ille ad me, nondum satis firmo corpore cum esset, 5 mane venit ; quem cum obiurgarem, quod parum valetudini par- ceret, turn ille, nihil sibi longius fuisse, quam ut me videret. ' Num quidnam " inquam ' novi .'' ' Detulit ad me querelam tuam, de qua prius quam respondeo pauca proponam. Quantum memoria 2 repetere praeterita possum, nemo est mihi te amicus antiquior ; 10 sed vetustas habet aliquid commune cum multis, amor non habet : dilexi te, quo die cognovi, meque a te diligi iudicavi. Tuus deinde discessus, isque diuturnus, ambitio nostra et vitae dissi- May 28. We learn from Ad Att. 15. 4, 2 perly of a letter or message, but also of the that Cicero expected to reach his villa at Tus- feelings called out by it in the receiver, culum on May 27, and this letter (cp. § i) Andr. seems to have been written on the next day. 2. Trebatius : cp. Ep. 27, i, note. MATIO. C.Matius was a Roman knight 6. Nihil .. longius fuisse. Force)], says of high education and amiable disposition. that 'nihil mihi est longius' = ' nihil magis He was bom about 84 B.C., and seems cupio.' A similar phrase occurs In Verr. 2 to have spent much of his early man- Act. 4. 18, 39, and Pro Rab. Post. 12, 35. hood in Greece. On his return to Rome 7* Qi'erelam tuam. Cicero had appa- he became very intimate with Caesar, but rently spoken with displeasure of the regard was not a keen partisan, and after Caesar's which Matius continued to shew for Caesar's triumph employed his influence on behalf memory (cp. Ep. 105, i; 122, i); and of members of the vanquished party. Our Matius had been hurt by his remarks, principal knowledge of him is derived from 10. Vetustas, 'length of acqviaintance.' this letter, and from Matius' answer (Ep. 12. Discessus. Probably Matius' retire- 144). Cicero praises his talents and dis- ment to Greece. See note on MATIO above, position very highly Ad Fam. 7. 15, 2. Ambitio nostra, ' 7h^ ambition.' Cicero 'C. Matii suavissimi doctissimique hominis.' chose a public life. Cp. Orell. Onom. Dissimilitudo. Matius had not taken I. Attulerit, 'adferre' is used most pro- part in public affairs like Cicero. Manut. EP. 113.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XI.i^. 533 militudo non est passa voluntates nostras consuetudine conglu- tinari ; tuum tamen erga me animum agnovi multis annis ante bellum civile, cum Caesar esset in Gallia : quod enim vehementer mihi utile esse putabas nee inutile ipsi Caesari, perfecisti, ut ille me diligeret, coleret, habcret in suis. Multa praetereo, quae 5 temporibus illis inter nos familiarissime dicta, scripta, commu- 3 nicata sunt ; graviora enim consccuta sunt. 'Ete/wn initio belli civilis cum Brundisium versus ires ad Caesarem, venisti ad me in Formianum. Primum hoc ipsum quanti, praesertim temporibus illis! Dcinde oblitum me putas consilii, sermonis, humanitatis 10 tuae ? quibus rebus interesse memini Trebatium, Nee vero sum oblitus litterarum tuarum, quas ad me misisti, cum Caesari ob- 4 viam venisses in agro, ut arbitror, Trebulano. Secutum illud tempus est, cum me ad Pompeium proficisci sive pudor mens coegit sive officium sive fortuna : quod officium tuum, quod stu- 15 dium vel in absentem me vel in praesentes meos defuit? quem porro omnes mei et mihi et sibi te amiciorem iudicaverunt ? Veni Brundisium : oblitumne me putas, qua celeritate, ut primum audieris, ad me Tarento advolaris? quae tua fuerit adsessio, oratio, confirmatio animi mei fracti communium miseriarum 20 5 metu ? Tandem aliquando Romae esse coepimus : quid defuit nostrae familiaritati ? In maximis rebus quonam modo gererem 2. Multis annis. On the ablat., cp. Caesar occurred when Caesar was moving Ep. 15, 15, note. from Brundisium to Rome, 49 B.C. Cp. Ad 7. Etenim. Wesenb. thinks that this Att. 9. 15, 6. word is out of place here, and retains ' et ' = 13. In . . Trebulano. There were ' both,' supposing that there is an anacolu- three places in central Italy called Trebula ; thon, the corresponding clause being ' secu- two iu the Sabine country and one, probably turn illud tempus est.' that here referred to, on the borders of 8. Cum Brundisium . . . Caesa- Samiiium and Campania, about ten miles rem, 'when you were travelling towards N.E. of Casilinum. The last mentioned is Brundisium to meet Caesar' in the spring of now called Treglia, 49 B.C. Cp. Ad Att. 9. 15, 6; 9. 17, I. 14. Pudor mens, ' my regard for public In Formianum, 'to my estate at For- opinion.' Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 5. miae.' On which, cp. Appendix 5, § i ; and 15. Sive officium, 'or gratitude to on the visit of Matins, Ad Att. 9. 11, 2. Pompey.' Matius left on Cicero's mind the impression 16. In praesentes meos, 'to my family that he was anxious for peace, and disgusted who remained at Rome.' with many of Caesar's adherents. 18. Veni Brundisium : i.e. after the 9. Hoc ipsum, ' your visiting me at battle of Pharsalus. Cp. Intr. to Part III, all.' § 10; IV, § 1. 12. Litterarum tuarum. I now think 19. Quae tua . . adsessio, ' how you that a letter from Matius and Trebatius to gave me the comfort of your presence.' Cicero transcribed in one to Atticus may be The word ' adessio ' seems only to be found the one referred to. It seems to have been here. written before they met Caesar. Andr. re- 21. Tandem aliquando : i.e. after marks that this meeting of Matius and eleven months. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § i. 534 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. me adversus Caesarem usus tuo consilio sum, in feliquis officio : cui tu tribuisti excepto Caesare praeter me, ut domum ventitares horasque multas saepe suavissimo sermone consumeres? tum, cum etiam, si meministi, ut haec (pL\oao(povuei'a scriberem, tu me 5 impulisti. Post Caesaris reditum, quid tibi maiori curae fuit, quam ut essem ego illi quam familiarissimus? quod effeceras. Quorsum igitur haec oratio longior, quam putaram ? Quia sum 6 admiratus te, qui haec nosse deberes, quicquam a me commissum, quod esset alienum nostra amicitia, credidisse : nam praeter haec, 10 quae commemoravi, quae testata sunt et illustria, habeo multa occultiora, quae vix verbis exsequi possum. Omnia me tua delectant, sed maxime [maxima] cum fides in amicitia, consiHum gravitas, constantia, tum lepos, humanitas, htterae. Ouapropter redeo nunc ad querelam. Ego te suffragium tulisse in ilia lege 7 15 primum non credidi ; deinde, si credidissem, numquam, id sine aliqua iusta causa existimarem te fecisse. Dignitas tua facit, ut animadvertatur, quicquid facias ; malevolentia autem hominum, ut non nulla durius, quam a te facta sint, proferantur : ea tu si non audis, quid dicam nescio ; equidem, si quando audio, tam 20 defendo, quam me scio a te contra iniquos meos solere defendi. Defensio autem est duplex : alia sunt, quae liquido negare soleam, I. In reliquis, sc. 'rebus.' Cicero means that he shewed independence on points which Caesar did not consider of vital im- portance. Cp. Abeken 339. and note ; also Ad Fam. 9. 16, 3 ' ut enim olim arbitrabar esse nieum libere loqui, cuius opera esset in civitate libertas, sic ea nunc amissa nihil loqui quod oft'endat aut iliius aut eorum qui ab illo diligiintur voluntatem. Effugere autem si velim non nuUorum acute aut facete dictorum famam, fama ingenii mihi sit abiicienda.' Cicero also, perhaps, refers to his intercession for Marcellus and Ligarius. Cp. Ad Fam. 4. 4, 3 ; 4. 7-1 1 ; 6. 13 and 14. 4. (pL\oao(povfjLiva. Among them were probably the treatises called Academica, De Fiiiibus, and Tusculanae Disputationes. See the list of his works at the beginning of this edition. 5. Post Caesaris reditum, 'after Caesar's return from Spain ' in 45 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 12. 6. Effeceras = ' effecisti.' But Andr. thinks that the pluperfect has its ordinary force here, and means 'you had already re- conciled Caesar to me, and continued to promote good feeling between us.' 10. Testata : cp. Ep. 8, 2, note. 11. O c c u 1 1 i o r a , ' more secret grounds' or ' ties of friendship.' Omnia . . tua, 'all your qualities.' 13. Lepos, ' wit,' 'grace.' Billerb. 14. Querelam: cp. § i, note. Wesenb. has Quapropter — redeo nunc ad querelam — which perhaps makes better sense. Andr. adopts the same punctuation. In ilia lege: i.e. about Caesar's law for the settlement of debts. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 8; Appendix 9, I. Cicero had pro- bably heard Matius accused of supporting it from selfish motives, though in reality his property had been impaired by it, Cp. Ep. 114, 2. 19. Quid dicam nescio, 'I do not know what to say," ' how to explain the news fail- ing to reach you.' 20. Iniquos, used as a substantive = ' ill wishers.' Cp. Pro Plancio 16, 40 ' iniquos . . meos.' 21. Defensio .. est duplex, 'myadvo- cacy takes two forms.' Liquido, 'confidently,' 'outright.' For- cell. The word occurs also Ep. 40, I. EP. 114.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XL2?>. 53.^ ut de isto ipso suffragio ; alia, quae defendam a te pic fieri ct 8 humane, ut de curatione ludorum. Sed te, hominem doctissimum, non fugit, si Caesar rex fucrit — quod mihi quidem videtur — , in utramque partem de tuo officio disputari posse, vcl in eam, qua ego soleo uti, laudandam esse fidem et humanitatem tuam, qui 5 amicum etiam mortuum diligas, vel in eam, qua non nulli utuntur, libertatem patriae vitae amici anteponendam. Ex his sermonibus utinam essent delatae ad te disputationes meae ! Ilia vcro duo, quae maxima sunt laudum tuarum, quis aut libentius quam ego commemorat aut saepius? te et non suscipiendi belli civilis gra- 10 vissimum auctorem fuissc et moderandae victoriac, in quo, qui mihi non adsentiretur, inveni neminem. Qua re habeo gratiam Trebatio, familiari nostro, qui mihi dedit causam harum litte- rarum, quibus nisi credideris, me omnis officii et humanitatis expertem iudicaris ; quo nee mihi gravius quicquam potest esse 15 nee te alienius. 114. MATIUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. XI. 28). Rome, end of May, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. I am glad to learn that as I supposed you do not believe the charges made against me, and I thank you for contradicting them, 2. I am aware that men call me a bad citizen for shewing regret for my friend ; but in Caesar I loved the man, not the politician ; I gained nothing by his triumph, and exerted myself on behalf of the con- quered. 3. I may therefore fairly grieve for his death, though our so-called liberators are anxious to suppress freedom of speech on the subject. 4. I will never be false to the claims of gratitude, but am anxious for peace and order 5. as my whole past life may testify. 6. I helped the young Caesar to celebrate his games out of regard both 1. De . . suffragio, 'about your alleged support of Caesar's law already referred to.' Cp. note on 1. 14 of the preceding page. Defendam, ' I maintain.' Nagelsb. 102, 279. Pie . . et humane, 'from devotion to Caesar, and from good feeling.' 2. De curatione ludorum. Cicero had expressed a different opinion to Atticus. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 2, 3 'ludorum . . apparatus et Matius et Postumus mihi procuratorcs non placent.* On the games in question, cp. Intr. to Part V, § 4. 3. In utramque partem . . posse, ' that opposite views may be taken of the propriety of your conduct.' But Andr, ex- plains ' officium' as = curatio ludorum. 8. Ilia vero duo. On ' ilia ' referring to something following, cp. Kp. 5, 3, note. 9. Maxima .. laudum. On the neut. plural of adjectives referring to substan- tives of another gender, cp. Madv. 211 b, Obs. I. 10. Te et non . . victoriae : cp. Ad Alt. 9. II, 2 ' Matius .. homo mehercule ut mihi visus est temperatus et prudens; existimatus quidem est semper auctor otii.' 13. Causam harum Jitterarum, 'a reason for writing this letter, gen. object. On which, cp. Ep. 16, 3, note. 16. Te alienius. The omission of 'a' before 'te' is rtrange, but Forcell. gives parallel instances. Wesenb. inserts ' a.' ^^e M. TULLII CICERONIS [PARTV. for himself and for his uncle. 7. My visits to Antony were only paid out of courtesy, and I cannot allow any one to dictate to me in my choice of friends : Caesar never did so. 8. I shall probably pass the rest of my life at Rhodes. I am grateful to Trebatius for making me acquainted with your disposition, and placing our friendship on a firmer footing. MATIUS CICERONI SAL. Magnam voluptatem ex tuis Htteris cepi, quod, quam speraram 1 atque optaram, habere te de me opinionem cognovi ; de qua etsi non dubitabam, tamen, quia maximi aestimabam, ut incorrupta maneret, laborabam. Conscius autem mihi eram nihil a me com- 5 missum esse, quod boni cuiusquam offenderet animum : eo minus credebam plurimis atque optimis artibus ornato tibi temere quic- quam persuaderi potuisse, praesertim in quern mea propensa et perpetua fui.sset atque esset benevolentia ; quod quonirm, ut volui, scio esse, respondebo criminibus, quibus tu pro me, ut par erat tua 10 singular! bonitate et amicitia nostra, saepe restitisti. Nota enim 2 mihi sunt, quae in me post Caesaris mortem contulerint : vitio mihi dant, quod mortem hominis necessarii graviter fero atque eum, quem dilexi, perisse indignor ; aiunt enim patriam amicitiae praeponendam esse, proinde ac si iam vicerint obitum eius rei 15 publicae fuisse utilem. Sed non agam astute : fateor me ad istum gradum sapientiae non pervenisse ; neque enim Caesarem in dis- sensione civili sum secutus, sed amicum, quamquam re offendebar, 7. Propensa ' inclined,' common. For- gone before. Andr. cell. 14. Proinde ac si, 'just as if.* 'Perinde' 9. Ut par erat, ' as was becoming.' is more common. Cp. Zumpt. L. G. 282. Miiller thinks the ablative 'bonitate' is Vicerint, ' they had proved.' For this causal, but the punctuation adopted by sense of ' vincere ' Andr. quotes, among Baiter is against this. In a fragment of other passages, Pro Cluent. 44, 124'vince Sallust (Hist. 4. 55) we find ' scalas pares deinde virum bonum fuisse Oppianicum.' On moenium altitudine: ' but Dietsch considers the tense, cp. Madv. 349; also Ad Fam. 'ahitudine' to be there a form of the dative. 16, 5, I 'lam te diligit quam si vixerit te- Lambinus (ap. Baiter) suggests 'pro tua,' and cum.' Siipfle renders ' considering your kindliness,' 15. Astute, ' artfully,' ' evasively.* Cp. p. without adding ' pro.' Andr. quotes de Divin. 370,1.18, Matius was unwilling to defend his 2. 55, 114 ' ita ut constantibus hominibus conduct on any other ground than the real par erat ' as a parallel passage, but allows one of his friendship for Caesar, that the conibination is rare. Istum gradum sapientiae, 'such a 10. Nota .. sunt, 'I am well aware.' height of philosophy, 'as to prefer the claims A kind of attraction for ' notum est.' of the State to those of friendship. Siipfle. 16. In dissensione civili, 'asthehead Enim refers to § 7 of the previous letter, of one side in a civil war.' ' ea tu si non audis.' It may be translated 17. Quamquam re offendebar,' though ' yes, certainly.' I was not pleased with the affair.' Billtrb. 11. Contulerint, ?c. 'homines.' The Perhaps he thought Caesar might have given CODJ. is used as though ' notum est ' had way. EP. 114.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAAIILIARES XI.^'^. 537 tamen non deserui, nequebellum umquam civile aut etiam causam dissensionis probavi, quam etiam nascentem exstingui summe studui. Itaque in victoria hominis necessarii neque honoris neque pecuniae dulcedine sum captus, quibus praemiis reliqui, minus apud eum quam ego cum possent, immoderate sunt abusi. Atque 5 etiam res familiaris mea lege Caesaris deminuta est, cuius bene- ficio plerique, qui Caesaris morte laetantur, remanserunt in civitate. Civibus victis ut parceretur, aeque ac pro mea salute 3 laboravi. Possum igitur, qui omnes voluerim incolumes, eum, a quo id impetratum est, perisse non indignari ? cum pracscrtim 10 idem homines illi et invidiae et exitio fuerint. ' Plecteris ergo,' inquiunt 'quoniam factum nostrum improbare audes.' O super- biam inauditam, alios in facinore gloriari, aliis ne dolere quidem impunite licere ! at haec etiam servis semper libera fuerunt, nt timerent, gauderent, dolerent suo potius quam alterius arbitrio ; 15 quae nunc, ut quidem isti dictitant libertatis auctores, metu nobis 4 extorquere conantur. Sed nihil agunt. Nullius umquam periculi terroribus ab officio aut ab humanitate desciscam; numquam enim honestam mortem fugiendam, saepe etiam oppetendam putavi. Sed quid mihi succensent, si id opto, ut paeniteat eos 20 sui facti? cupio enim Caesaris mortem omnibus esse acerbam. ' At debeo pro civili parte rem publicam velle salvam.' Id quidem me cupere, nisi et ante acta vita et reliqua mea spes 1. Causam dissensionis. Probably he 14. Impunite,appears to occur here only, means Caesar's claim to retain the govern- Haec, 'the following privileges.' Cp. nient of Gaul. Madv. 485 b. 2. Quam, sc. ' dissensionem.' Cp., on Ut timerent: cp. Madv. 374, on the what follows, note on § 3 of the previous construction. letter. 16. Ut quidem . . auctores, 'the au- 4. Reliqui, i.e. Caesar's other adherents. thors, as they profess themselves, of liberty.' 6. Lege Caesaris: cp. § 7 of the In substance, Andr. previous letter. Metu, 'by intimidation.' ' Metus acci- Cuius legis beneficio . . . civitate. pitur turn active tum passive.' F'orcell. Many embarrassed men were probably re- 17. Nihil agunt, ' they fail,' = ' frustra lieved by Caesar's legislation from the ne- operam dant.' Forcell. cessity of going into exile. 21. Cupio . . acerbam. For this use of 11. Idem homines. Some of those the accus. and infin. cp. p. 98, 1. 18, whom Caesar spared apparently. Perhaps note. Cassius may be especially referred to. Cae- 22. Pro civili parte, 'as much as a sar's old partisans may have been offended citizen can.' Ernest, ap. Matth.j ' pro civis by the consideration he shewed for their officio.' Manut. opponents; on which cp. Ep. 91, 10. Rem publicam velle salvam. On 12. Inquiunt, 'the murderers say.' the omission of 'esse,' cp. Madv. 396, Obs. 13. Alios . . gloriari. Infin. expressing 2; Zunipt. L. G. 61 1. indignation. Cp. Ep. 12, I, note. 23. Reliqua .. spes, 'my hope for the In facinore, 'about their crime.' Cp. future,' Siipfle ; 'the hope I have left after Ep. 36, 13, note. Caesar's death,' Andr. 538 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part V. tacente me probat, dicendo vincere non postulo. Qua re maiorem 5 in modum te rogo, iit rem potiorem oratione ducas mihique, si sentis expedire recte fieri, credas nullam communionem cum improbis esse posse. An, quod adulescens praestiti, cum etiam 5 errare cum excusatione possem, id nunc, aetate praecipitata, com- muteni ac me ipse retexam ? Non faciam, neque quod displiceat committam, praeterquam quod hominis, mihi coniunctissimi ac viri amplissimi doleo gravem casum. Quod si aliter essem ani- matus, numquam quod facerem negarem, ne et in peccando 10 improbus et in dissimulando timidus ac vanus existimarer. ' At ludos, quos Caesaris victoriae Caesar adulescens fecit, cu- 6 ravi.' At id ad privatum officium, non ad statum rei publicae pertinet ; quod tamen munus et hominis amicissimi memoriae atque honoribus praestare etiam mortui debui, et optimae spei 15 adulescenti ac dignissimo Caesare petenti negare non potui. Veni etiam consulis Antonli donium saepe salutandi causa ; ad 7 quem qui me parum patriae amantem esse existimant rogandi quidem aliquid aut auferendi causa frequentes ventitare reperies. Sed quae haec est adrogantia,quod Caesar numquam interpellavit, 20 quin, quibus vellem atque etiam quos ipse non diligebat, tamen 1. Dicendo vincere : cp. ' vicerint ' eo quod.' Cp. Forcell. ; also Ad Q. F. 2. in § 2. 14, I. 2. Rem potiorem. foil., 'that you will 8. Si aliter essem animatus, 'if I give more weight to things thai to words.' were otherwise disposed,' i.e. 'if I wished Matius appeals to his life as contradicting to promote disorder.' ' Auimatus ' = Sm/cei- the remarks of his enemies. But Andr., re- /^eroy. Forcell. ferring to 'dicendo vincere non postulo' 10. Vanus, ' false.' above, thinks that the words mean 'give 11. Ludos. These games were pro- more weight to facts than to 7ny words.' perly in honour of Venus Genitrix, to whom 3. Recte fieri, 'that things should go Caesar vowed a temple on the day of Phar- on well,' ' that law and justice should prevail.' salus, but their real object was to com- 5. Aetate praecipitata, 'now th;it memorate the victory. Octavius undertook my life has passed its middle point,' ' is to celebrate them, but Matius and others drawing near its close.' Forcell. supplied the necessary funds. Cp. Suet. Oct. 6. Me ipse retexam. A harsh ex- 10; Drumann I. 125. pression. Cp. In Verr. 2 Act. 2. 26, 63 Victoriae, 'in honour of the victory.' ' istius praeturam retexere.' Matius means Madv. 241. ' undo the work of my life.' Caesar adulescens, sc. Octavius. Non faciam, sc. ' ita ' or 'hoc' ' Facio' 19. Quae haec est adrogantia . . eos is often used without an accusative follow- . . conari. These words are to be taken ing it. together. On the use of the accus. and inf. Quod displiceat, sc. ' alicui,' 'anything in such a passage, cp. p. 84, 1. I, note. The likely to give offence.' Siipfle. words from quod Caesar to uterer are 7. Praeterquam quod . . casum, parenthetic, and 'quod' may be rendered 'except in lamenting the death of an 'whereas,' or perhaps 'though.' Forcell. intimate friend and a most eminent man.' Cp. De Amic. 24, 90 ' [se] obiurgari mo- This, Matius means, would be the only leste fernnt : quod contra oportebat delicto part of his conduct that could offend dolere.' anybody. 'Praeterquam quod ' = ' excepto Interpellavit, 'interfered with.' Cp. EP. 115.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XII.\. 539 iis uterer, eos, qui mihi amicum eripuerunt, carpenclo mc efficere 8 conari, ne^ quos velini; diligam ? Sed non vereor nc aut meae vitae modcstia parum valitura sit in posterum contra falsos rumores, aut ne etiam ii^ qui me non amant propter meam in Caesarem constantiam, non malint mei quam sui similes amicos 5 habere. ]\Iilii quidcm si optata contingent, quod reliquum est vitae, in otio Rhodi degam ; sin casus aliquis interpellarit, ita ero Romae, ut recte fieri semper cupiam. Trebatio nostro magnas ago gratias, quod tuum erga me animum simplicem atque amicum aperuit et quod eum, quern semper libenter dilexi, quo 10 magis iure colere atque observare debercm, fecit. Bene vale et me dilige. 115. To C. CASSIUS (AD FAM. XII. i). End of May, 44 b.c (710 a.u.c.) I. I think constantly of you and of Brutus. You two and D. Brutus are the main hopes of the Stale. I have been cheered lately by Dolabella's vigour, but on the whole your deed seems to have relieved us of a monarch, but not of monarchy. 2. Do not think, then, that you have done enough, and do not plead against me the decree which present need extorted from us on March 17. CICERO CASSIO SAL. Finem nullam facio, mihi crede, Cassi, de te et Bruto nostro, id est de tota re publica, cogitandi, cuius omnis spes in vobis est et in D. Bruto; quam quidem iam habeo ipse meliorem, re i; the next section ' sin casus aliquis inter- pellarit.' 2. Ne . . valitura sit. The fut. conj. is rarely found after ' non vereor ne,' but ' vereor' ma)' mean 'to expect with anxiety, and the first subordinate clause is referred to the future by the words ' in posterum.' Andr. 4. Aut ne, for 'aut' as though 'aut ne ' went before instead of ' ne aut.' Audr, Etiam ii, i.e. 'even Caesar's mur- derers.' 5. Mei quam sui similes. Matius contrasts his own fidelity with the treachery of several of Caesar's murderers, who had received great benefits from him 10. Aperuit. By write to Matius. Andr Libenter dilexi. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. 16, I ' ut lubenter quoque diligamus.' Andr. causing Cicero to Qj.10 magis. ' Quo ' is found at times with comparatives for ' ut ' with verbs like ' facio.' II. Bene vale. Cicero himself never uses this expression, but it is found in a letter of Curius, Ad Fam. 7. 29, 2. This letter was written after the suppres- sion of disorder by Dolabella, and apparently betbre the meeting of the senate on June I. to which Cicero does not refer. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 3 and 4. On C. Cassias, cp. Intr. to Parts II, §§ 16 and 20 ; IV', § 3 ; V, passim. 15. Quam quidem, sc. ' spem.' Re publica . . gesta, 'now that the measures of my dear Dolabella have done excellent service to the State.' On the measures refe;red to, cp. Ep. ill, notes. 540 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part V. publica a Dolabella meo praeclarissime gesta : manabat enim illud malum urbaiium et ita conroborabatur quotidie, ut ego qui- dem et urbi et otio diffiderem urbano ; sed ita compressa res est, ut mihi videamur omne iam ad tempus ab illo dumtaxat sordl- 6 dissimo periculo tuti futuri. Reliqua magna sunt ac multa^ sed posita omnia in vobis : quamquam primum quidque explicemus. Nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videmur ; interfecto enim regc regios omnes nutus tuemur. Ne- que vero id solum, sed etiam, quae ipse ille, si viveret, non faceret, lo ea nos quasi cogitata ab illo probamus. Nee eius quidem rei finem video : tabulae figuntur ; immunitates dantur ; pecuniae maximae discribuntur ; exsules reducuntur ; senatus consulta falsa referuntur : ut tantum modo odium illud hominis impuri et servi- tutis dolor depulsus esse videatur, res publica iaceat in iis pertur- 15 bationibus, in quas eam ille conieclt. Haec omnia vobis sunt 2 expedienda, nee hoc cogitandum, satis iam habere rem publicam a vobis : habet ilia quidem tantum, quantum numquam mihi in 1. Manabat, 'was spreading.' Cp. Philipp. 1. 2, 5 ' cum serperet in iirbe infini- tum malum iJque manaret in dies latius.' 2. Illud malum urbanum, ' the well- known disorder in the capital.' 4. Ab illo. . . periculo, 'from the most degrading danger referred to above,' i.e. that of mnb rule at Rome. Dumtaxat, 'at least.' Forcell. Cp. p. 78, 1. 14, note. 5. Reliqua, ' what remains for us to do,' i.e. to establish liberty on a secure basis. 6. Primum quidque, 'each question in proper order.' Cp. Nagelsbach 92, 253. Cicero hints, perhaps, that some provision for the establishment of liberty should have been made before the murder of Caesar was resolved on. Cp. Ep. 112,3' ^"^^^ enim ilia res est animo virili, consilio puerili.' Manut. thinks that Cicero means that to put down Antony was the most pressing business. 11. Tabulae figuntur, ' tablets are fixed up,' purporting to record grants of Caesar. The senate, with Antony's approval, had decreed that no such tablets should be fixed up after March 15. Cp. Phiiipp. i. i, 3. Immunitates, ' exemptions from taxa- tion.' Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 3 ; Philipp. I. 10, 24 ' immunitatibus infinitis sublata vecti- galia a mortuo.' 12. Discribuntur, ' are being distri- buted.' Forcell. prefers the form ' descri- buntur.' Exsules reducuntur : cp. Philipp. 1. 1. c. ' de exsilio reducti a mortuo.' Cicero had commended Antony for his abstinence from measures such as these during the period immediately following Caesar's death. Cp. Philipp. I. I, 3. 13. Referuntur, sc. 'ad aerarium,' the formal way of registering decrees of the senate. The practice as to the custody of the decrees of the senate seems to have varied ; after the fall of the decemvirs, it was provided that they should be kept in the temple of Ceres, under the custod)' of the aediles of the plebs (Livy 3. 55). But afterwards it is said that they were deposited in the treasury (Tac. Ann. 3. 51), and per- haps Cicero (De Legg. 3. 4) describes a similar custom as existing in his time. Cp. also Plut. Cat. Min. 17. Dr. Smith (Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' aerarium ') thinks that copies were taken for the ' aerarium ' of originals deposited in the temple of Ceres. That the measures taken for reporting and preserving decrees were inadequate, may be inferred from the plot referred to in Ep. 28, 7, and note. Odium . . et . . dolor depulsus . . vi- deatur. On the gender and number of 'depulsus,' cp. Madv. 213 a, 2; 214 a; Ep. 29, 7, note. There is a zeugma iu sense, ' we seem to have gratified our ha- tred, and have been relieved of our indig- nation.' EP. 1 1 6.] EPISTOLA R UM AD FA MI LI A RES XI. 3. 541 mentem venit optare, sed contenta non est et pro magnitudine et animi et beneficii vestri a vobis magna desidcrat adhuc. Ulta suas iniurias est per vos intcritu tyranni ; nihil amplius : orna- menta vero sua quae reciperavit ? an quod ei mortuo paret, quern vivum ferre non poterat ? cuius aera refigere debcbamus, eius etiam 5 chirographa defendimus? 'At enim ita decrevimus.' Fecimus id quidem temporibus cedentes, quae valent in re publica plurimum ; sed immoderate quidam et ingrate nostra facilitate abutuntur. Verum haec propediem et multa alia coram : interim velim sic tibi persuadeas, mihi cum rei publicae, quam semper habui carissi- lo mam, tum amoris nostri causa maximae curae esse tuam digni- tatem. Da operam, ut valeas. [Vale.] 116. BRUTUS AND CASSIUS to ANTONY (AD FAM. XI. 3). Neapolis (?), August 4Th, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) 1. Your letter, like your proclamation, is unworthy of you. We only asked 2, 3. leave to renounce some of our privileges and you replied by threats. They will have no effect upon us, and perhaps you uttered them in confidence that we should do nothing hastily. 4. We wish you to hold an honourable position in a free Common- wealth, but value our own freedom more than your friendship. Remember how short Caesar's reign was, and reflect on your own position. BRUTUS ET CASSIUS PR. S. D. ANTONIO COS. 1 S. V. b. Litteras tuas legimus simillimas edict! tui, contume- liosas, minaces, minime dignas quae a te nobis mitterentur. Nos, 2. Adhuc. With the following words, i. 7, 16'primum igitur acta Caesaris ser- cp. Philipp. 2. 44, 113 'res publica quae se vanda censeo.' On the force of 'at enim,' adhuc tantummodo ulta est, nondum recupe- cp. Ep. 15, 6, note. ravit.' Wesenb. has ' desiderat. Adhtic ulta.' 8. Abutuntur, sc. ' M. Antonius et 3. Ornamenta, 'privileges.' Cp. Ep. amici eius.' 99, 2. g. Haec propediem. sc. ' disseremus.' 5. Aera, ' the tablets recording his laws.' Cicero saw Cassius at Antium early in June. Refigere, ' to take down ;' hence ' aera Cp. Ad Att. 15. 11, i. refigere ' =' to repeal the laws of.' 6. Chirographa, 'notes in his hand- PR. — -praetores. writing.' Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 3 ; Philipp. it.. S. v. b. = ' si vales, bene,' sc. 'eft ;' on 7. 38, 97 'quid ego de rommentariis infini- which formula, cp note C, p. 121. tis quid de innumerabilibus chirographis Litteras tuas. Apparently a letter loquar,' written to intimidate Brutus and Cassius, At enim ita decrevimus, 'but you and hasten if possible their departure from will say that we voted that they should be Italy Cp. Dtunianii i. 142. It setms to observed,' i.e. in the temple of Tellus on have been preceded by a proclamation con- March 17. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 2 ; Philipp. taining much abuse of Brutus and Cassius. 542 M. TULLIl CICERONIS [part v. Antoni, te nulla lacessiimus iniura neque miraturum credidimus, si praetores et ea dignitate homines aliquid edicto postulassemus a consule : quod si indignaris ausos esse id facere, concede nobis ut dolcamus ne hoc quidem abs te Bruto et Cassio tribui. Nam de 2 5 dilectibus habitis et pecuniis imperatis, exercitibus sollicitatis et nuntiis trans mare missis quod \z questum esse negas, nos quidem tibi credimus optimo animo te fecisse, sed tamen neque agno- scimus quicquam eorum et te miramur, cum haec reticueris, non potuisse continere iracundiam tuam, quin nobis de morte Caesaris 10 obiiceres. Illud vero quem ad modum ferundum sit, tute cogita, 3 non licere praetoribus concordiae ac- libertatis causa per edictum de suo iure decedere, quin consul arma minetur. Quorum fiducia nihil est quod nos terreas ; neque enim decet aut convenit nobis periculo ulli submittere animum nostrum neque est Antonio postu- 15 landum, ut iis imperet, quorum opera liber est. Nos si alia hor- 1. Miraturum, sc. ' te.' Cp. Madv. 401, Obs. 2. The construction is somewhat irregular. 2. Ea dignitate, 'of such position as ours,' or as ' praetors.' Mr. W. Lock ; so, too, Wiel. ' Hac ' would be more in accord- ance with usage. On the abiat., cp. Ep. 6, 2, note- Edicto: cp. Intr. to Part V, § 7. Brutus had probably already received permission to be absent from Italy for more than ten days during his year of office as praetor, and hence the request here mentioned probably refers to something different. Perhaps, as Andr. thinks, they wished to be relieved of the commission to buy corn, but our ma- terials hardly warrant a decided opinion. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 9, I with Philipp. 2. 13, 31 ; and, on the public demand of Brutus and Cassius, Merivale 3. 98. Dean Merivale thinks that they wished for a formal permis- sion to be absent from Rome. 4. Ne hoc quidem, 'not even such a poor boon as this.' The reference is to the request alluded to in the previous sentence. Manut. paraphrases ' hoc saltem nobis non tamquam consul praetoribus sed tamquani Bruto et Cassio tribuere deberes.' Andr. says that the proper names are emphatically used instead of pronouns. Cp. Antonio in 1. 14. Nam : cp. Ep. 9, 8, note. De dilectibus habitis. Antony ap- parently pretended to have heard rumours that Bruius and Cassius were tampering with various armies — e. g. those of Syria and Macedonia — and raising troops and money, charges which, if not true at this time, were true soon afterwards. 7. Te fecisse, sc. ' non questum esse.' Agnoscimus, 'admit the truth of.' Forcell. ' Nostrum esse fatemur.' Andr. Cp. Philipp. 14. 3, 8 ' facinus quod nulla barbaria posset agnoscere. 8. Quicquam eorum, ' any of the charges about our alleged intrigues.' 9. De morte Caesaris obiiceres. ' Mortem Caesaris' would perhaps be more common; but cp. Pro Plane. 31, 75 'de Cispio mihi ne tu obiicies.' 10. Illud refers to what follows. Cp.Ep. 5, 3, note. 11. Per edictum . . decedere, ' to issue a proclamation declaring that they renounce some of their rights,' i.e. by leaving Rome for more than ten days. Manut. But cp. § I, note. Perhaps they expressed their willingness to remain absent from Italy in the interest of concord. Cp. Veil. 2. 62, 3. ' Edictum,' a public proclamation, opposed to ' epistola.' Wiel. 12. Quin = 'ut non.' Cp. Madv. 375 c, Obs. 4. Quorum fiducia, ' by your confidence in those arms.' Ablat. causae. 13. Nihil est . . terreas. The usual sense of these words would be ' there is no reason for your trying to frighten.' Cp. Ep. 92, 5. Here it seems rather, ' there is no use in your trying to frighten.' 14. Neque .. postulandum, ' nor ought Antony to demand.' On the dat. after gerundives, cp. Ep. 83, 4, note. EP. 117.] EPISTOLAR UM AD A TTICUM XVI. 7 . 543 tarentur, ut bellum civile suscitare vellemus, litterae tuae nihil proficerent ; nulla enim minantis auctoritas apud liberos est : sed pulchre intellegis non posse nos quoquam impelli, et fortassis ea 4 re minaciter agis, ut indicium nostrum metus videatur. Nos in hac sententia sumus, ut te cupiamus in libera re publica magnum 5 atque honestum esse, vocemus te ad nullas inimicitias, sed tamen pluris nostram libertatem quam tuam amicitiam aestimemus. Tu etiam atque etiam vide, quid suscipias, quid sustinerepossis, neque quam diu vixerit Caesar, sed quam non diu regnarit, fac cogites. Deos quaesumus, consilia tua rei publicae salutaria sint ac tibi ; si 10 minus, ut salva atque honesta re publica tibi quam minimum noceant, optamus, Pridie Nonas Sext. 117. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XVI. 7). On shipboard, near Pompeii, August 19,446.0. (710 a.u.c.) I. On August 6 I sailed from Leucopetra, but was driven back by contrary winds, and upon landing heard favourable news of Antony's intentions, which induced me to give up my intended voyage. 2. Your letter, however, surprised me; I thought you had approved my plan, 3. and your pressing appeals to me to return shewed a decided change in your views. 4. I have not deserted the Stoics for the Epicureans in this matter. 5. Your hint as to Brutus' silence was interpreted by his delight at my return. I met him at Velia ; he praised Piso, regretted that I had not been present to second him, but congratulated me on escaping further censure by my return. 6. There is another reason for my coming back — the need of paying my debts. 7. I have read the proclamation of Antony, and the reply of Brutus and Cassius. The latter pleased me, but will do little good. I return to my country to die, not in the hope of guiding its counsels. 8. I was sorry to hear of Pilia's attack ; remember me to her and to Attica. I. Nihil proficerent, ' would have no 6. Honestum'= ' honoratum.' Andr. effect in preventing us.' See too P'orcell. 3. Pulchre ='bene.' Forcell. Cp. E]p. Vocemus. On the omission of a con- 146, I. junction before this word, cp. Ep. 20, 6, Quoquam impelli, 'to be driven to note, any course by passion,' or perhaps 'by 9. Quam non diu, 'how short a time,' threats.' i-c. not half a year after his last return Fortassis, a rare form of ' fortasse.' from Spain. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, §§ 12-15. Ea re, ' therefore,' referring to what fol- 10. Deos quaesumus. The accus. of lows. It seems a rare expression, but the a person after ' quaeso,' seems not to be construction is the same as that of ' eo,' Ciceronian, but occurs in Livy (40. 46) on wh'ch, cp. Madv. 256, Obs. 3. 'quaesumus vos universi;' and is common 4. ludicium . . videatur, 'that our in Terence. well-considered [free. Andr.] decision (to Sint. On the omission of ' ut,' cp. Epp. leave Italy?) may seem the result of 8, 14; 11,4; 31,6, notes, pauic' 11- Salva .. re publica, ' if the safety In hac sententia, foil. On the con- and honour of the commonwealth do not struction, cp. Ep. 90, 5, note. suffer.' 544 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Vlll. Idus Sextil. cum a Leucopetra profectus — inde enim tra- i mittebam— stadia circiter CCC. processissem, reiectus sum austro veliementi ad eandem Leucopetram. Ibi cum ventum exspec- tarem — erat enim villa Valerii nostri, ut familiariter essem et 5 libenter — Regini quidam, illustres homines, eo venerunt, Roma sane recentes, in iis Bruti nostri hospes, qui Brutum Neapoli reliquisset. Haec adferebant : edictum Bruti et Cassii, et fore frequentem senatum Kalendis^ a Bruto et Cassio litteras missas ad consulares et praetorios, ut adessent, rogare. Summam spem lo nuntiabant fore ut Antonius cederet^ res conveniret, nostri Romam redirent ; addebant etiam me desiderari, subaccusari. Quae cum audissem, sine ulla dubitatione abieci consilium profectionis, quo mehercule ne antea quidem delectabar ; lectis vero tuis litteris ad- 2 miratus equidem sum te tarn vehementer sententiam commutasse, 15 sed non sine causa arbitrabar : etsi, quamvis non fueris suasor et impulsor profectionis meae,adprobator certe fuisti, dum modo Kal. I. Leucopetra. A promrmtory in the territory of Rhegium, looking south. Cp. Philipp. I. 3, 7. In another passage Cicero mentions a Leucopetra Tarentinorum, more usually calle ut dignitatem meam tuerere, sed profecto est ita, ut mihi pcr- suasi, me tibi esse curae. Progressus sum ad Inalpinos cum exercitu, non tam nomen imperatorium captans quam cupiens militibus satis facere firmosque eos ad tuendas nostras res effi- 2 cere : quod mihi videor consecutus ; nam et liberalitatem nostram 5 et animum sunt experti. Cum omnium bellicosissimis bcllum gessi ; multa castella cepi, multa vastavi : non sine causa ad senatum litteras misi. Adiuva nos tua sententia ; quod cum facies, ex magna parte communi commodo inservicris. 121. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XVL 8.) PuTEOLi, (?) Early in November, 44 b.c (710 a.u.c.) I. When my plans are fixed, I will tell you on what day to expect me. I hear from Octavian that he has gained over the veterans at Calatia and Casilinum, and will visit the other colonies. I do not, however, trust him much, and a secret interview which he proposes would be impracticable. 2. He sent Caecina to me to tell me of Antony's movements and to ask whether he himself should occupy Capua, or march to Rome, or repair to the legions of Macedonia. I advised his going to Rome. Would that Brutus were here! What do you advise me to do? I expect you will wish me to go to Rome. CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Cum sciam, quo die venturus sim, faciam ut scias. Impedi- 10 menta exspectanda sunt, quae Anagnia veniunt, et familia aegra est. Kal. vesperi litterae mihi ab Octaviano : magna molitur. Cp. Merivale 2. 472. On the movements of D. Brutus, cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 4 ; 9 ; Appendix 11. i; Ep. 107, notes. 1. Est ita . . curae, 'the case is as I have persuaded myself, namely, that you take an interest in me.' On ' ita est,' cp. Ep. 122, I. 2. Ad Inalpinos. Perhaps the tribes of the modern Savoy and Piedmont. Wiel., Bilierb. 4. Militibus satis facere, ' to satisfy the expectations of my men.' Cp. the next section. Ad tuendas nostras res, 'to support our interests.' 5. Mihi videor consecutus: cp. Mad v. 400 a; Epp. 22, 4; 26, 3, note. Liberalitatem, ' my generosity ' in dis- tributing rewards and plunder. 6. Animum, ' my courage ' in the field. 7. Castella, 'villages' not necessarily fortified. Cp. Livy 22. il ' quibus castella . . immunita essent.' 8. Tua sententia, 'by your vote in the senate.' 10. Cum sciam, fnt. indie. 11. Anagnia. The old capital of the Hernici, situated above the valley of the Trerus, about half way between Praeneste and Frusino. It is now called Anagni. On Cicero's movements at this time, cp. Intr. to Part V, § 10. Boot suspects ' Anagnia' and suggests ' a Velia.' Familia aegra est, 'there is illness among my sl.ive:.' 12. Kal., sc. Novemb. Ab Octaviano, sc. ' redditae sunt.' 554 M. TULLII CICERO NTS [part v. Veteranos, qui Casilini et Calatiae sunt, perduxit ad suam sen- tentiam ; nee mirum : quingenos denarios dat. Cogitat reliquas colonias obire ; plane hoc spectat, ut se duce bellum geratur cum Antonio. Itaque video paucis diebus nos in armis fore. Quern 5 autem sequamur? vide nomen, vide aetatem. Atque a me postulat, primum ut clam colloquatur mecum vel Capuae vel non longe a Capua: puerile hoc quidem, si id putat clam fieri posse; docui per litteras id nee opus esse nee fieri posse. Misit ad me 2 Caecinam quendam Volaterranum, familiarem suum, qui haec 10 pertulit, Antonium cum legione Alaudarum ad urbem pergere, pecunias municipiis imperare^ legionem sub signis ducere. Con- sultabat, utrum Romam cum CID CI3 CID. veteranorum proficis- ceretur, an Capuam teneret et Antonium venientem excluderet, an iret ad tres legiones Macedonicas, quae iter secundum mare 15 superum faciunt, quas sperat suas esse: eae congiarium ab Antonio accipere noluerunt, ut hie quidem narrat, et ei convi- 1. Casilini et Calatiae. Caesar had settled some veterans at both these places. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 40 ; Veil. 2.61,1. A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigraph. I. 2g6, thinks that the towns had been re-constituted under the Lex lulia in 59 B.C. Casilinum was the place now called Capua, and com- manded an important passage over the Volturnus. Calatia (now Le Galazze?) stood on the Appian way about 6 miles S.E. of Capua ; there was another town of the same name N.E. of Capua. Cp. Diet, of Geogr. I. 476-77. 2. Quingenos denarios. The dena- rius has been valued by different scholars at different sums from ']'<)2d. to 8'52(f. The sum here given may therefore be from ^16 los. to £17 los. 5. Nomen. Cicero could not trust one who bore the name of Caesar even by adoption. Aetatem. Octavian was now 19, as he was born Sept. 23, 63 B.C. Cp. Suet. Oct. 5. 6. Primum. No corresponding particle follows, but, as Andr. says, one is implied in P- 55.S' !■ 2. 7. Puerile. It was childish to suppose that the movements of such men as Cicero and Octavian would not be watched in so populous a neighbourhood. 9. Caecinam quendam. Cicero would hardly speak thus of the intimate friend to whom he wrote the letter 91 (Ad Fam. 6. 6). This man is probably not elsewhere mentioned. Cp., however, Ep. 91, 13, note. 10. Cum legione Alaudarum. This legion, which Caesar had raised in Trans- alpine Gaul, and had presented with the rights of Roman citizenship, was now tho- roughly devoted to Antony. It probably bore the number 5. Cp. Suet. lul. 24 ; Philipp. I. 8, 20; Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4; Ap- pendix II. II, note. Ad urbem pergere : cp. Intr. to Part V, §9- 11. Sub signis, 'in warlike array,' ' with colours flying.' Forcell. Consultabat, 'he asked my advice.' 12. CID CID CID.: cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 42. 13. Excluderet, 'cut off from Rome.' Billerb. Antony would pass through Capua if he followed the Api'ian way. 14. Tres legiones : cp. Intr. to Part V, and Appendix ii,ll.cc. Andr. thinks that the ' legio Martia ' had already deserted Antony. Secundum mare superum, ' by the road along the Adriatic coast.' Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 44. 15. Suas esse, 'are devoted to him.' On the pres. infin, after ' spero,' cp. p. 26 (Ep. I, i), note. Congiarium, ' a present ' originally of wine and oil. More often used of gifts to the people than of gifts to the soldiers. For the latter ' donativum ' is more common. 16. Hie, i.e. Octavian. Cp. ' ducem se profitetur' below. But Billerb. and Wiel. think that ' hie' is Caecina. Convitium . . fecerunt, ' abused.' Cp, p. 50, 1. 4. EP.I22.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XVI.w. r^^^ tium grave fecerunt contionantemque reliquerunt. Quid quaeris? ducem se profitetur nee nos sibi putat dcesse oportere. Equidcm suasi, ut Romam pergeret ; videtur enim mihi et plcbeculam urbanam et, si fidem feccrit, etiam bonos viros secuin habiturus. O Brute, ubi es ? quantam evKaipCav amittis ! non equidem hoc 5 divinavi, sed aliquid tale putavi fore. Nunc tuum consilium exquiro. Romamne venio, an hie maneo, an Arpinum — aa({)d- Xetav habet is locus — fugiam ? Romam, ne desideremur, si quid actum videbitur. Hoc igitur explica : numquam in maiore a-nopia fui. lo 122. To ATTICUS (AD ATT. XVL ii). PuTEOLi, (?) Early in November, 44 b.c. (710 a.u.c.) I. 2. Two letters have arrived from you to-day. I am glad you like my work, and you have shewn judgment in choosing passages from it. As for your criticisms on my speech, I will gladly adopt your suggestions, and hope it may soon be possible to cir- culate it freely. 3. I am not sorry you like Varro's trenXoypafpia, and glad that you approve my work on Old Age. 4. I have written a work in two books on Duties con- taining the substance of three books of Panaetius, and shall add another book from Posidonius, on conflicts of motives. I dedicate the whole to my son Marcus. 5. Thank you for telling me about Myrtilus. 6. Octavian writes to me often, and is anxious to go to Rome and meet the senate. I do not think anything can be done there before Jan. I, but he is very popular in Campania and Samnium, and I shall visit Rome sooner than I had intended. 7. Please settle the business you referred to before the 1 2th. I will give Valerius introductions in Sicily as he wished. 8. I hear Lepidus' holidays will last till the 29th. I shall like to hear fi-om you, and I send you a letter from Quintus. Remember me to Attica. I. Contionantem, 'in the middle of 7. Venio . . maneo: cp. Ad Att. 13. his speech.' On the occurrences here men- 40, 2 'quid mihi aucior es ? advolo ne an tioned, cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 43-44. The maneo.' The transition to 'fugiam' is soldiers were discontented witii the smalluess curious ; Madvig (Opusc. Acad. 2. 40) e.\- of Antony's offers. plains it as one (mm oralio directa to obli- 3. Plebeculam, cp. p. 60, note on 1. qua. Cp. Pro Quinct. 1 7, 54 ' postulo ne a •'S- _ praetore . . an . . denuntiem.' 4. Si fidem fecerit, ' if he shall con- daKpaXfiav habet, 'is safe.' Forcell. vince theni of his honesty;' • wui their Cp. ' habere videtur ista res iniquitatem.' In confidence.' ' Fides ' =-- ' tlrma opinio et Cat. 4. 4, 7. Its retirement made Arpinum persuasioquam habemusde aliquo.' Forcell. a safe residence. Cp. Appendi.x 5, § I. 5. O Brute, ubi es? M. Brutus was 8. Romam, sc. ' malo,' which Boot pro- probably at Athens preparing to take pos- poses to insert. Cicero, however, did not session of Macedonia. Cp. Intr. to Part V, apparently visit Rome till December. Cp. § II ; Plut. Brut. 24. liur. to Part V, § 10. evKatpiav, 'an admirable opportunity Si quid .. videbitur, ' if any good shall for action,' quite classical. seem to have been done.' Cp. Ad Att. 16. 9 Hoc, ' what has happened.' ' metuo ne quae dpiareia me absente.' 55^ M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [party. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Nonis accepi a te duas epistolas, quarum alteram Kal. dederas, i alteram pridie : igitur prius ad superiorem. Nostrum opus tibi probari laetor, ex quo avQi] ipsa posuisti, quae mihi florentiora sunt visa tuo iudicio ; cerulas enim tuas miniatas illas exti- 6 mescebam. De Sicca ita est, ut scribis ; t asta ea aegre me tenui. Itaque perstringam sine ulla contumelia Siccae aut Sep- timiae, tantum ut sciant TralSes Trat'Sajj-, sine vallo Luciliano, eum ex Galli Fadii filia liberos habuisse. Atque utinam eum diem videam, cum ista oratio ita libere vagetur, 7it etiam in Siccae lo domum introeat ! sed illo tempore opus est, quod fuit illis III 2. Igitur prius, sc. ' rescribam.' Nostrum opus. Usually supposed to mean the books ' de gloria,' on which, cp. Ad Att. i6. 2, 6 ; i6. 6, 4. But I agree with Mr. Jeans that the whole section may refer to the second Philippic. 3. dvOr], 'the fine passages' called 'eclo- garii,' sc. 'loci,' Ad Att. 16. 2, 6. The Greek word does not seem to be used by classical authors quite in this sense. Posuisti, 'you have mentioned.' For- cell. Florentiora, 'more brilliant,' with al- lusion to the dvdi] or ' flores ' mentioned above. 4. Tuo iudicio, 'owing to your ap- proval,' abl. causae. Cerulas . . miniatas, 'your marks with red wax,' which Atticus used to point out passages to which he objected. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 14, 4 ' me ad awra^ei? dcdi quae qui- dem vereor ne miniata cerula tua pluribus locis notandae sint.' 5. Sicca. A friend of Cicero. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 6, I ' IX Kal. igitur ad Siccam ; ibi tamquam domi meae scilicet.' Septiniia was probably his wife. The passage seems to imply that Antony had intrigued with Sep- tiniia, and that Cicero did not mention this in his second Philippic out of consideration for her husband. Boot. Ita est, ut scribis, 'your suspicion is well founded.' Asta ea, foil. Victorius (ap. Baiter) suggests 'ast aegre;' Boot ' ab ista,' '1 could hardly help mentioning her.' 6. Perstringam, sc. Antonium. On the verb, cp. p. 48, I. 16. note. 7. naiSfs iraiSojv. Horn. II. 20. 308. Sine vallo Luciliano, 'without the obstacles Lucilius interposed.' Lucilius is said to have declared that he did not wish to be understood by everybody. Cp. De Orat. 2. 6, 25. Corradus ap. Boot. Eum, Antonium. 8. Galli Fadii: cp. Philipp. 2. 2, 3 ; 3. 6, I". He was a freedman, and as it was not usual for freedmen to take their patron's cognomen, Boot suggests 'Gaii' for 'Galli,' His daughter, Fadia, was Antony's first wife. Cp. King's Philippics, p. 306 ; Dru- mann i. 517. 9. Ista oratio, i.e. the second Philippic. Vagetur. On the future sense of the pres. conjunct., cp. Ep. 6, i, note. The word seems to mean ' be published.' Cp. ' ea fama vagatur' Verg. Aen. 2. 17. In Siccae domum : where it could not now safely enter lest Septimia should divulge its contents. 10. Quod fuit illis III vir is, 'which we had under the triumvirs,' i.e. from 59-53 B.C. — a reference perhaps to the greater freedom which then prevailed. Boot and Billerbeck both see an allusion to Caesar and Pompev having both been three times married. The words ' tribus viris ' seem to be a quotation from a letter of Atticus. Mr. Jeans paraphrases ' I want my speech to make its way into Sicca's house, . . but to penetrate there we ought to have the days of " the triumvirate" back again when Antonius and two unnamed lovers who had intrigues with Sicca's wife, Septimia, used frequently to make their way in.' Professor Nettleship has furnished me with an ingenious suggestion on this passage. He would omit the comma after 'opus est,' and explain 'we want those times hickivhickareovernow that the three Antonii aie triumvirs.' A sugges- EP. 122.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XVI. ii. 551 viris. Moriar, nisi facete ! Tu vero leges Sexto eiusque iudicium mihi perscribes. Ets €ixo\ ixvptoi. Caleni intcrventum et Calvenae 2 cavebis. Quod vereris ne abuXeaxpi mihi tu, quis minus? cui, ut Aristophani Archilochi iambus,sic epistola ///« longissima quaeque optima videtur. Quod me admones, tu vero etiam si reprehen- 5 deres, non modo facile paterer, sed etiam laetarer, quippe cum in reprehensione sit prudentia cum evixcviiq. Ita libenter ea corrigam, quae a te animadversa sunt. ' Eodem iure, quo Rubriana ' potius, quam 'quo Scipionis,' et de laudibus Dolabellae deruam cumulum. Ac tamen est isto loco bella, ut mihi videtur, dpcDveCa, quod eum lo ter contra cives in acie. Illud etiam malo ' f indignius esse hunc 3 vivere ' quam ' quid indignius? ' ireirXoypacpLav Varronis tibi pro- tion of J. F. Gronovius, quoted by Boot, and approved, though not adopted, by Orelli sup- ports the same explanation of ' illis ' and, indirectly, of the force of ' fuit.' Perhaps the letter of Atticus to which Cicero is here replying would have explained the allusion, but it is hard to form an opinion on the matter under existing circumstances. 1. Nisi facete, sc. 'hoc dixeris.' Leges : cp. Ep. ii, 3, note. Sexto, sc. Peducaeo : cp. Ep. 61, 7. 2. Els l/xot jxvpioi, 'hh judgment goes for that of ten thousand with me.' Cp. Ad Att. 2. 5, I ' Cato . . qui mihi unus est pro centum millibus.' Caleni. CLFufius Calenus is often men- tioned in the Philippics as acting on behalf of Antony. For notices of him, cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 5 ; to Part V, §§ 13; 14 ; Epp. 7, I ; 11,1, notes. Calvenae, a nickname for Matius. Cp. Ep. 106, 2. 'Do not let yourself be sur- prised by Calenus and Matius while reading my speech.' 3. Ne dSo As (TX OS, sc. 'videaris.' 4. Aristophani. Here the gramma- rian of Byzantium is probably meant. He lived at Alexandria in the third century before Christ. Archilochus of Paros lived in the 8th and 7th centuries before Christ. Iambus, here for 'a satire' or 'iambic poem.' Cp. Smith's Lat. Diet. 5. Quod me admones .. paterer, ' as for your criticisms, I should not object even to censure from you.' 7. Prudentia cum 6 11 f/ 6 1'et a, ' discern- ment combined with good will.' 8. Eodem iure quo Rubriana : cp. Philipp. 2. 40, 103 ' quo iure? quo ore? eodem, ii.quies, quo in hercdum L. Rubrii.' Cicero seems originally to have written ' eodem iure quo Scipionis,' and to have been warned by Atticus that Antony had not acquired the estate of Scipio as he sup- posed. Cp. Philipp. 5. 7, 19 'ipse interea XVII. dies de me in Tiburtino Scipionis de- clamitavit.' 9. Deruam cumulum, 'will remove what is exaggerated.' Cicero had praised Dolabella for his courage and consistency (Philipp. 2. 30, 75), and for his vigour dis- played in support of the cause of order after Caesar's death (lb. 42, 107; cp. Ep. ill). 'Cumulus' is explained by Forcell. 'quod supra mensuram adiicilur.' 10. Isto loco : Philipp. 2. 30, 75. Cicero did not expunge this passage after all. (Ipajfiia, 'hidden meaning.' Nearly ' irony ' in our sense. Quod eum . . in acie, sc. stetisse dixi : cp. Philipp. 1. c. ' ter depugnavit Caesar cum civibus . . omnibus adfuit his pugnis Dola- bella.' 11. Illud etiam malo,' I prefer, too, the words you suggest in another place to mine.' Cicero did not, however, change what he had written at first. Cp. Philipp. 2. 34, 86 ' quid indignius quam vivere eum qui im- posuerit diadema.' 12. TreTT\oypa(p'(au. This has been ex- plained as follows: — The Athenians are said (cp. Smith, Antiq. sub voc. ' Panathenaea ;' Schomann, Griech. Alt. 2. 447) to have embroidered on a shawl given to Athene every four years, both mythological subjects and the names of men distinguished in war or otherwise : hence Varro seems to have given the name to a portrait album with ex- planatory comments. This work is by some identified with one called ' Hebdomades, sive de Iniaginibus.' Orell. Onomast. sub voc. ; 55^ M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part v. bari non moleste fero, a quo adhuc 'HpaKAetSetoy illud non abstuli. Quod me hortaris ad scribendum, amice tu quidem, sed me scito agere nihil aliud. Graved© tua mihi molesta est : quaeso, adhibe, quam soles, diligentiam. ' O Tite ' tibi prodesse laetor. Anagnini 5 sunt Mustela ra^tcipx'?* ^^ Laco, qui plurimum bibit. Librum, quern rogas, perpoliam et mittam. Haec ad posteriorem. Ta irepl 4 Tov Kad{]KovTo^, quatenus Panaetius, absolvi duobus : illius tres sunt, sed cum initio divisisset ita, tria genera exquirendi officii esse unum, cum deliberemus, honestum an turpe sit, alterum, utile an 10 inutile, tertium, cum haec inter se pugnare videantur, quo modo iudicandum sit, qualis causa Reguli, redire honestum, manere utile, de duobus primis praeclare disseruit, de tertio pollicetur se deinceps, sed nihil scripsit. Eum locum Posidonius persecutus est ; ego autem et eius librum arcessivi et ad Athenodorum Calvum 16 scripsi, ut ad me ra K€(f)d\aia mitteret, quae exspecto ; quem velim Pliny, Hist. Nat. 35. 2, II ; Smith, Diet, of Biogr. 3. 1226. 1. A quo, sc. Varrone. 'HpaK\fi5eiov. Apparently a great work in the style of Heraclides Ponticus, which Cicero expected from Varro. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 12 'de 'HpaKXeiSeio) Varronis negotia salsa ; me quidem nihil umquani sic delectavit.' In some passages, however, Cicero seems to refer to a contemplated work of his own as 'HpaKKeiStiov. Cp. Ad Att. 15. 13, 3. Heraclides was a pupil of Plato. Non abstuli, 'I have not succeeded in getting.' ^ 2. Amice tu quidem, sc. 'agis. 3. Gravedo : cp. Ep. 74, 6, note. . 4. O Tite. The treatise De Senectiite begins wiih these words in a quotation from Ennius, in which T. Flamininiis is addressed byaguide. Cp. Livy 32. 1 1. InMr. Words- worth's Fragments and Specimens of early Latin, ed. 1874, p. 305, I find — ' O Tite si quid ego adiuero curam ve levasso Quae nunc te coquit et versat in pectore fixa Ecquid erit praemi?' Enn. Ann. x. Anagnini, 'the men of Anagnia,' re- ferred to in Philipp. 2. 41, 106. The pas- sage now stands ' praesertim cum dues secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laconem, quorum alter gladiorum est princeps. alter poculorum.' The names of Mus;ela and Laco were probably inserted by Cicero on revision, owing to a remark from Atticus on the obscurity of the allusion. Librum, probably the Topica. Cp. Ad Fam. 7. 19 ' ut primum Velia navigare coepi institui Topica Aristotelea conscribere.' 6. Haec, sc. ' respondeo.' This refers to what follows. Wesenb suggests ' Haec (habts) ad superioreni ; nunc {ov nunc audi) ad posteriorem.' Ad posteriorem, sc. ' epistolam.' Cp. §1- T(i irepl rod Ka6rjicovTos = 'de of- ficiis.' 7. Quatenus Panaetius. sc. ' scripsit.' Absolvi duobus, sc. 'libris,' 'I have finished my work, so far as Panaetius dealt with the question, in two books.* Panaetius was a Stoic philosopher, patronised by the younger Scipio, and often mentioned by Cicero, e.g. Pro Muren. 31. 66. 8. Exquirendi officii, ' of enquiries on points of duty.' II. Qualis causa Reguli. The con- struction seems rather irregular ; we should expect ' ut in causa Reguli ' or the insertion of ' cui ' before ' redire.' 13. Posidonius : cp. Ep 9, 2, note. With the passage in general compare De Off. I. 3, 8-10. " Persecutus est — ' perfecit.' Forcell. 14. A thenodorus of Tarsus, a Stoic, was afterwards apparently teacher of Claudius the emperor durmg Augustus' lifetime. He can hardly in that case have been past middle life when Cicero knew him. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 14, 4; Ad Fam. 3. 7, 5; Suet. Claud. 4. 15. rot KffdKaia, 'the heads* of the work of Posidonius. It is quite a classical word. EP. 122.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM XVI. ii. 559 cohortere et roges, ut quam primurn. In eo est Trept rov Kara irepi- araaLv KadrfKovTos. Ouod de inscriptione quaeris, non dubito quin Kadi]Kov *officium' sit, nisi quid tu aliud, sed inscriptio plenior ' de officiis.' U po(rcf)(tiV(a autem Ciceroni filio ; visum est non 5 avoUeLov. De Myrtilo dilucide. O quales tu semper istos ! itane 5 6 in D. Brutum? di istis! Ego me, ut scripseram, in Pompeianum non abdidi, primo tcmpestatibus, quibus nil taetrius ; deinde ab Octaviano quotidie litterae, ut negotium susciperem, Capuam venirem, iterum rem publicam servarem, Romam utique statim. aLdeaOev fxiv dvrjvacrdai, deia-av S' vnobef^dai. Is tamen egit sane strenue et agit ; Romam veniet cum manu magna, sed est plane puer : putat senatum statim. Quis veniet? si venerit, quis incertis rebus offendet Antonium ? Kal. lanuar. erit fortasse praesidio, aut quidem ante depugnabitur. Puero muni- cipia mire favent ; iter enim faciens in Samnium venit Cales, 15 mansit Teani : mirifica dTraz^rjjo-ts et cohortatio. Hoc tu putares ? 1. Ut quam primum, sc. ' mittat.' Karci irtpiaTaaiv, 'under circum- stances.' The subst. occurs ap. Polyb. I. 35, 10, alib. 2. De inscriptione, 'about the title of my work.' 4. T\.poa^\. 571 omnino nescirem, quid istic fieret. Nunc vero nactus occasionem, postea quam navicjari cocptum est, cupidissime et quam creberrime 2 potero scribam ad te. Ne movear eius sermonibus, quern tametsi nemo est qui videre velit, tamen nequaquam proinde ac dignus est oderunt homines, periculum non est : adeo est enim invisus 5 mihi, ut nihil non acerbum putem, quod commune cum illo sit ; natura autem mea et studia trahunt me ad pacis et Hbertatis cupiditatem. Itaque ilkid initium civiHs belH saepe deflevi ; cum vero non hccret mihi nulHus partis esse, quia utrubique magnos inimicos habebam, ea castra fugi, in quibus plane tutum 10 me ab insidiis inimici sciebam non futurum ; compulsus eo, quo minime volebam, ne in extremis essem, plane pericula non dubi- 3 tanter adii. Caesarem vero, quod me in tanta fortuna modo cognitum vetustissimorum familiarium loco habuit, dilexi summa cum pietate et fide. Quae mea sententia gerere mihi licuit, ita 15 feci, ut optimus quisque maxime probarit ; quod iussus sum, eo tempore atque ita feci, ut appareret invito imperatum esse. Cuius facti iniustissima invidia erudire me potuit, quam iucunda libertas et quam misera sub dominatione vita esset. Ita, si id agitur, ut rursus in potestate omnia unius sint, quicumque is est, ei me pro- 20 fiteor inimicum ; nee periculum est ullum, quod pro libertate aut 4 refugiam aut deprecer. Sed consules neque senatus consulto neque 1. Istic, ' at Rome.' Caesar's camp, whereas I wished to be 2. Postea quam . . coeptum est, neutral. 'now that navigation has begun,* which 12. In extremis, ' among the most des- apparently was suspended during the win- picable.' Wiel., Siipfle. ter. Plane. Wesei.b. has [' plane ']. 3. Eius, sc. Antonii. Siipfle. Wiel., how- Pericula. Pollio was with Caesar when ever, suspects that Poliio's quaestor, Balbus, he crossed the Rubicon and fought at Phar- may be meant. On the cruelty of Balbus, salus. Cp. Pint. Caes. 32 ; App. Bell. Civ. cp. Ad Fam. 10. 32, I -3. Mr. Jeans thinks 2. 82. that Antony cannot be referred to. 13. Modo cognitum, ' only lately 6. Non acerbum. Cobet proposes to known.' omit 'non,' which would make Pollio de- 15. Gerere. He refers to his proceedings clare himself ready to endure any suffering as an officer of Caesar. provided that his enemy shared it. 16. Quod iussus sum='in eo quod 7. Studia: cp. Hor. Carm. 2. I. iussus sum, 'when I had to obey orders.' 8. Illud initium, ' the first beginning,' Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 3. 6 'quod iussi sunt i.e. in 49 b.c. faciunt.' I cannot find that Cicero uses this 10. Ea castra, i.e. the camp of Pompey. construction. 11. Inimici. Siipfle and Billerb. both 17. Cuius facti, ' of this conduct.' suggest ' of [C] Cato,' whom Pollio, when Pollio complains that people had not made 21 years old, accused in the year 54 B.C. allowances for his position; but adds that Cp, Ep. 28, 4, note ; Tac. Dial, de Oral. 34. the unpopularity he had incurred for even Or is Labienus meant ? Cp. Quinct. Inst. involuntary compliances had shewn him how Orat. I. 5, 8. odious monarchy was. Eo quo minime volebam, i.e. to 22. Consules, Hirtius and Pansa. ^Ti M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. litterls suis praeceperant mihi, quid facerem ; unas enim post Idus Martias demum a Pansa litteras accepi, in quibus hortatur me, ut senatui scribam meet exercitum in potestate eius futurum : quod, cum Lepidus contionaretur atque omnibus scriberet se consentire 6 cum Antonio, maxime contrarium fuit ; nam quibus commeatibus invito illo per illius provinciam legiones ducerem ? aut, si cetera transissem, num etiam Alpes poteram transvolare, quae praesidio illius tenentur? Adde hue, quod perferri litterae nulla condicione potuerunt ; sescentis enim locis excutiuntur, deinde etiam reti- lo nentur ab Lepido tabellarii. Illud me Cordubae pro contione 5 dixisse nemo vocabit in dubium, provinciam me nulli, nisi qui ab senatu missus venisset, traditurum : nam de legione tricensima tradenda quantas contentiones habuerim quid ego scribam ? qua tradita quanto pro re publica infirmior futurus fuerim, quis ignorat ? 15 hac enim legione noli acrius aut pugnacius quicquam putare esse. Qua re eum me existima esse, qui primum pacis cupidissimus sim — omnes enim cives plane studeo esse salvos — , deinde qui et me et rem publicam vindicare in libertatem paratus sim. Quod fami- 6 liarem meum in tuorum numero habes, opinione tua mihi gratius 20 est ; invideo illi tamen, quod ambulat et iocatur tecum. Quaeres, (Manut., however, thinks that Antony and suppose that Pollio refers to this difficulty Dolabella are meant, and that Pollio is of communication as an additional reason speaking of the whole time since Caesar's for his not attempting to march to Italy, murder.) lO. Cordubae. Corduba is now called I. Praeceperant is, I think, the epistol- Cordova. It was the chief town of one of ary tense. the four 'conventus' of Baetica, and often Unas : cp. Ep. 45, i, note. the governor's residence. Cp. Pliny, H. N. 3. Me et exercitum . . futurum. 3. 1, 3; App. Hisp. 65. Such an offer would imply that Pollio was 12. Nam. lam not sure of the force of ready to march to Italy ; an enterprise this word here. Perhaps it means ' And I which, as he remarks just below, would be will press no further proofs of my loyalty attended by great difficulties. upon you.' 4. Contionaretur, ' said publicly.' Cp. 13. Tradenda, sc. Lepido. Cp. Ad Fam. Ad Q^F. 2. 6, [4] 6 'C. Cato contionatus 10. 32, 4 ' Lepidus ursit me , • ut legionem est se comitia haberi non siturum.' The tricensimam mitterem sibi.' Pollio did not, active sense of this verb seems, however, apparently, comply with the request of not to be classical (^ip. Forcell."), and perhaps Lepidus. ' se consentire' depends only upon ' scri- 17. Omnes enim . . salvos. This beret.' This is the first intimation of the seems to have been a frequent plea with possible treason of Lepidus, except, perhaps, those who wished for a peaceful settlement, one in Ep. 131. The speech was probably Cp. Ep. 144 ; Philipp. 8 4, 13 ' ais [Calene] addressed to his army. Cp. Ep. 124, I, note. eum te esse qui semper pacem optaris, semper 5. Contrarium, ' ine.xpedient.' A rare omnes cives salvos volueris.' sense. ' Contraria' = 'quae nocent,' Forcell. iS. Familiarem meum. ProbablyC.(?) 7. Transvolare, not, apparently, used Cornelius Gallus. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 32, 5. by Cicero. 19. Opinione tua, 'than you suppose.' 9. Excutiuntur, ' are thoroughly exam- Wiel. ined,' 'searched.' ' Excutere ' = ' concutere 20. Iocatur. Cicero could still enjoy scrutandi et explorandi causa.' Forcell. I pleasantry. Cp. Ad Fam. 9. 24. EP.I30.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X.6. ^y^ qiianti id aestimem ? Si umquam licuerit vivcre in otio, experieris ; nullum enim vestigium abs te discessurus sum. Illud vehementer admiror, non scripsisse te mihi, manendo in provincia an ducendo exercitum in Italiam rei publicae magis satis facere possim : ego quidem, etsi mihi tutius ac minus laboriosum est manere, tamen, 5 quia video tali tempore multo magis legionibus opus esse quam provinciis, quae praesertim reciperari nullo negotio possint, con- stitui, ut nunc est, cum exercitu proficisci. Deinde ex litteris, quas Pansae misi, cognosces omnia ; nam tibi earum exemplar misi. XVII. Kal. April. Corduba. lo 130. To PLANCUS (AD FAM. X. 6). Rome, March 20, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. Your despatch did not bear out the language of Furnius as to your disposition ; peace should be secured by victory, not by negotiation, and you will learn fi om your brother and from Furnius how your proposals and those of Lepidus were received. 2. I write, however, to entreat you to separate yourself from associates with whom circumstances and not your own judgment have united you. 3. In revolutionary times men often attain a position which brings them no real credit unless they display a patriotism worthy of it — as I hope you will do. CICERO PLANCO. 1 Quae locutus est Furnius noster de animo tuo in rem publicam, ea gratissima fuerunt senatui populoque Romano probatissima ; quae autem recitatae litterae sunt in senatu, nequaquam con- sentire cum Furnii oratione visae sunt : pacis enim auctor eras, cum collega tuus, vir clarissimus, a foedissimis latronibus obsi- 15 deretur, qui aut positis armis pacem petere debent aut, si pugnantes eam postulant, victoria pax, non pactione parienda 7. Quae praesertim, 'as they cer- Part V, §§ 18; 19; Appendix 11. 3. Vel- tainly.' Siipfle. leius speaks of him with much bitterness 8. Ut nunc est, ' as things now stand.' (2. 63) ' Plancus dubia, id est sua, fide.' Wiel. Plancus begged the triumvirs to proscribe Deinde, 'for the rest.' Wiel. his brother Plotius Pl.nicus (cp. Veil. 2. 67, 2). According to Dion C.issius he and PLANCO. T.. Munatius Plancus had Lepidus jointly founded Lugdununi (Lyons) served Caesnr in the CSallic and civil wars by the senate's orders. C|i. Dion 46. 50. (cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 5. 24; Bell. Civ. i. 11. Furnius. C. Furnius, a friend of 40), and bad been entrusted by him with Cicero and of Caesar, is mentiont d Epp. 60 ; the government of Transalpine Gaul, except 148, 7. He was now legate of Plancus, cp. the old province, with a prouiise of the con- Ep. 132, 5. Cicero wrote two letters to him sulship for 42 b.c. He was a hereditary (Ad Fam. 10. 25 and 26). friend of Cicero (cp. Ad Fam. 13. 29, i). 15. Collega tuus : cp. Ep. 120, note on On his subsequent behaviour, cp. Intr. to superscription. 574 M. TULLII CIC FRONTS [part v. est. Sed de pace litterae vel Lepidi vel tuae quam in partem acceptae sint, ex viro optimo, fratre tuo, et ex C. Furnio poteris cognoscere. Me autem impulit tui caritas ut, quamquam nee tibi 2 ipsi consilium deesset et fratris Furniique benevolentia fidelisque 5 prudentia tibi praesto esset futura, vellem tamen meae quoque auctoritatis pro plurimis nostris necessitudinibus praeceptum ad te aliquod pervenire. Crede igitur mihi, Plance, omnes, quos adhuc gradus dignitatis consecutus sis — es autem adeptus amplis- simos — , eos honorum vocabula habituros, non dignitatis insignia, 10 nisi te cum libertate populi Romani et cum senatus auctoritate coniunxeris. Seiunge te, quaeso, aliquando ab iis, cum quibus te non tuum iudicium, sed temporum vincla coniunxerunt. Com- 3 plures in perturbatione rei publicae consulares dicti, quorum nemo consularis habitus est nisi qui animo exstitit in rem publicam 15 consulari. Talem igitur te esse oportet, qui primum te ab impiorum civium tui dissimillimorum societate seiungas, deinde te senatui bonisque omnibus auctorem, principem, ducem prae- 1. Lepidi vel tuae. Cicero rebuked Lepidus (Ep. 131) for a letter of similar im- port to that of Plaucus, which was probably discussed in the senate about this time. For Cicero notices it (Philipp. 13. 4) after the departure of Pansa from Rome (cp. Philipp. 13. 20, 46), which did not take place before March 19. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. 25, I. Cicero implies that the letters of Lepidus and Plancus made an unfavourable impression on the senate. Negotiations with Antony seem to have been dropped, but no vote declaring him a traitor passed before the news of the battle of Forum Gallorum reached Rome. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 16. Perhaps a formal declaration to that effect was not made till after the raising of the siege of Mutina. Cp. Livy, Epit. 1 19 ; Cor- nelius Nepos, Att. 9. Quam in partem . . sint, 'the con- struction put upon them.' 2. Fratre tuo, sc. Cn. Planco. He held a commission from Caesar in Epirus 44 B.C. (cp. Ad Att. 16. 16. A), and was then praetor designitus. He is mentioned again Ep. 139, 2. Cicero wrote some letters to him. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 16 A. B. E. 4. Deesset. The mood may be ac- counted for perhaps by the general structure of the sentence, or as expressing the view of Cicero as of a third person. Cp. Madv. 368; Zumpt, L. G. 547. It is rare in Cicero's writings after 'quamquam.' 6. Pro . . necessitudinibus. Plancus had paid much attention to Cicero from his youth. Cp. Ad Fam. 13. 29, I. 8. Amplissimos. He had probably held the lower offices, and was now ' consul designatus.' 9. Eos : resumptive after a parenthesis. Cp. Ep 68, I ; Madv. 489 a. Habituros, ' will have attached to them.' Honorum vocabula, 'mere official titles.' Dignitatis insignia, ' badges of merit,' ' of real dignity.' Siipfle. ' The stamp of a real worthiness,' ' den innern Character der Wiirde.' Wiel. 10. Cum libertate. .coniunxeris: cp. Ep. 128, 2 ' coniunctos cum causa.' 1 1 .Aliquando,' at last,' after acting with them so long. Cp. Ep. 123, 2, note. Ab iis, i.e. ' from Antony and his friends.' 12. Temporum vincla, ' bonds created by circumstances,' Complures . . consulari. Cicero refers probably to Q. Fufius Calenus, L. Piso, and others, who opposed the adoption of vigorous measures against Antony. Cp. Ep. 127, 3; Philipp. 8. 7, 20 'quam hesternus dies nobis, coiisularibus dico, turpis, illuxit I' lb. 7. 2, 5 ' [Pansam] nisi talis consul esset . . consulem non putarem.' 17. Auctorem, ' auctor est non qui alios sequitur sed qui movet.' ' Princeps autem plus est quam auctor et dux quam princeps.' Manut. EP. 131.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 27. 575 beas, postremo [ut] pacem esse iudices non in armis positis, sed in abiecto armorum et servitutis metu. Haec si et ages et senties, turn eris non modo consul et consularis, sed magnus etiam consul et consularis ; sin aliter, turn in istis amplissimis nominibus honorum non modo dignitas nulla erit, sed erit summa 5 deformitas. Haec impulsus bencvolentia scrips! paulo severius, quae tu in experiendo ea rationc, quae te digna est, vera esse cognosces. D. xill. Kal. Apr. 131. To LEPIDUS (AD FAM. X. 27). Rome, March 20? 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. I. I am sorry that you are not more grateful to the senate for the honour it has paid you. I am glad to hear that you are so anxious for peace, but I hope that you will not recommend us to sacrifice liberty to obtain it. CICERO LEPIDO SAL. 1 Quod mihi pro summa mea erga te benevolentia magnae curae est, ut quam amplissima dignitate sis, moleste tuli te senatui 10 gratias non egisse, cum esses ab eo ordine ornatus summis hono- ribus. Pacis inter cives conciliandae te cupidum esse laetor : earn si a servitute seiungis, consules et rei publicae et dignitati tuae ; sin ista pax perditum hominem in possessionem impotentissimi dominatus restitutura est, hoc animo scito omnes sanos, ut mortem 15 2 servituti anteponant. Itaque sapientius, meo quidem iudicio, facies, si te in istam pacificationem non interpones, quae neque 5. Non .. erit, sed erit. For similar II. Ornatus summis honoribus. Ci- repetitions of a verb, cp. ' satisfacio,' Ep. cero refers to votes of a ' supplicatio ' on 21, I ; Siipfle quotes also Ad Att. 14. 14, Nov. 28th, 44 B.C., of a gilded statue, and 6; De Fin. 2. 21, 68. It gives emphasis. of a triumph, both apparently on Jan. 4th, 6. Deformitas, 'discredit.' Forcell. 43 B.C. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 9; Philipp. 7. In experiendo . . cognosces, ' if 5. 15, 41 ; 13. 4, 9. you test my words in a way worthy of 12. Pacis inter cives, foil. : cp. Philipp. yourself you will find tbem true.' Siipfle. 13. 4. On this sense of experiri,' cp. Forcell. Per- 13. Seiungis, Wesenb. has 'seiunges, haps, however, it is absolute, and means 'if 14. Perditum hominem, i.e. Antony, you wish to make an experiment.' 15. Hoc animo, sc. 'esse.' For a similar ellipse, see Ep. 80, I ' id si ita putarem.' LEPIDO. For an account of Lepidus' Wesenb. inserts ' esse.' position, cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ I ; II ; Ap- 1 7. Te ... interpones =' immiscebis ' pendix II. 2. He had written, like Plancus, (Forcell.), ' meddle with,' 'intrude yourself but perhaps in more urgent terms, to re- into.' commend peace with Antony (see § I of the In istam pacificationem, 'with the previous letter, note), and Cicero reproves negotiations for peace which you recom- him on that account. mend.' ^'jS M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. senatui neque populo nee cuiquam bono probatur. Sed haec audis ex aliis aut certior fies litteris : tu pro tua prudentia, quid opti- mum factu sit, videbis. 132. PLANCUS TO THE Magistrates, Senate, and People (AD FAM. X. 8). Farther Gaul, March, 43 B.C. (711 a.u.c.) 1 . I wish first to excuse myself for my apparent hesitation in declaring my intentions ; 2. only anxiety for the public interest prevented my declaring them long ago. 3. Much time was required for securing my position in various ways. 4. My necessities must be my apology for a dissimulation which I do not deny, 5. and for the dis- crepancy between my despatch and my instructions to Furnius. 6. I have now five legions under my command ; the population is devotedly loyal, and furnishes large forces of cavalry and light troops ; I am ready to act in whatever way shall seem best for my country. 7. I hope my aid may not be wanted, even should this cause me a loss of distinction, and I recommend my soldiers to your consideration. PLANCUS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D. COSS. PR. TR. PL. SENATUI POPULO PLEBIOUE ROMANAE. Si cui forte videor diutius et hominum exspectationem et spem i 5 rei publicae de mea voluntate tenuisse suspensam, huic prius excu- sandum me esse arbitror quam de insequenti officio quicquam ulli pollicendum ; non enim praeteritam culpam videri volo redemisse, sed optimae mentis cogitata iampridem maturo tempore enuntiare. Non me praeteribat in tanta sollicitudine hominum et tam pertur- 2 2. Aut certior fies, so. ' de his,' 4. Si cui forte videor, foil.: cp. Ci- zeugma. cere's expression of discontent, Ep. 130, i. 3. Videbis : for 'vide,'cp.Ep. II. 3,note. 5. Tenuisse suspensam : cp. Ep. 128, 2 ' totam Galliam tenebamus studiosissi- MARCH. Nake (page 20) says that this mam.' letter was written ' mense Martio exeunte.' 6. De insequenti officio, ' about my Cicero appt-ars to have received it on April services in futur.-.' Wiel. 7. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 7 ; 10. 12. A letter 7. Non enim, foil., ' for I do not wish seems to have taken at least fifteen days to my present attitude to be considered an reach the camp of Plancus from Rome : atonement for the past,' as it might be if Cicero wrote Ad Fam 10. 12 on April 11, he failed to justify his past conduct, and Plancus does not appear to have received Redemisse. Rediniere. 'to make good.' it when he wrote Ad Fam. 10. 9, not earlier =' lucre, pro culpn satisfacere.' Forcell. than April 26. Cp. Nake, pp. 7, 8. 8. Sed . . enuntiare, 'but a decla- IMP. It does not appear for what ex- ration at the proper time of sentiments ploits Plancus had assumed the title of long cherished.' On the part, and ad- 'Imperator.' On that of COS. DESIG., verb with a genitive, cp. De Amic. a, 6 cp. p. 552, note. 'nuilta eius . . vel provisa prudenter . . The address of this letter seems peculiar. ferebantur.' Cicero (Ad Fam. 15. I, and 2) ends with Maturo. ' Maturus' = ' qui debito tem- * senatui." pore fit.' Forcell. EP. 132.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X, 8. 577 bato statu civitatis fructuosissimam esse professionem bonaevolun- tatis, magnosque honores ex ea re complures consecutos videbam ; sed, cum in eum casum me fortuna demisisset, ut aut celeriter pol- licendo magna mihi ipse ad proficiendum impedimenta opponerem aut, si in eo mihi temperavissem, maiores occasiones ad opitulan- 5 dum haberem, expeditius iter communis salutis quam meae laudis esse volui. Nam quis in ea fortuna, quae mea est, et ab ea vita, quam in me cognitam hominibus arbitror, et cum ea spe, quam in manibus habeo, aut sordidum quicquam pati aut perniciosum con- 3 cupiscere potest ? Sed aliquantum nobis temporis et magni labores 10 et multae impensae opus fuerunt, ut, quae rei publicae bonisque omnibus polliceremur, exitu praestaremus neque ad auxilium pa- triae nudi cum bona voluntate, sed cum facultatibus accederemus. Confirmandus erat exercitus nobis, magnis saepe praemiis solli- citatus, ut ab re publica potius moderata quam ab uno infinita 15 speraret ; confirmandae complures civitates, quae superiore anno largitionibus concessionibusque praemiorum erant obligatae, ut et ilia vana putarent et eadem a melioribus auctoribus petenda existimarent ; elicicndae etiam voluntates reliquorum, qui finitimis provinciis exercitibusque praefuerunt, ut potius cum pluribus soci- 20 etatem defendendae libertatis iniremus, quam cum paucioribus 2. Complures. Perhaps M. Lepidus ' can either suffer any humiliating treatment among others, cp Ep. i.^i, i ; also Octavius [from Antony] or desire a position danger- and L. Egnatuleius, Philipp. 5. 17, 46; 5. ous to the state.' 19, 52. II. Multae impensae. The plural is 3. Demisisset, cp. p. 367. common, but not apparently ia Cicero's 4. A d proficiendum, 'in respect of writings. the execution of my promise.' Siipfle. Cp. Opus, used as a plural. Cp. Madv. 266. Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 62 'ad transeun- 14. Magnis .. praemiis, 'by the offer dum impedirentur;' also Nagelsb. 123,340. of large rewards' on Antony's behalf. Plancus (probably) wished to sound Lepidus, 15. Ab uno, sc. Antonio, and to ascertain the disposition of his own 17. Largitionibus. Especially by grants soldiers and of the provincials. Cp. § 3. of citizenship and of exemption from taxes. 5. I n eo, sc. ' in poUicendo.' Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 3 ; Philipp. 2, 36, 93. Opitulandum, used with a dat. Ep. Obligatae, i.e. by Antony as consul. 133, 2. 18. A melioribus auctoribus. That 6. Expeditius iter , . volui, lit. 'that is, from the senate and people. the road to the common safety should be in 19. Reliquorum, 'of the other gover- better condition than that which led to my nors,' especially of Lepidus and of Asinius private fame.' ' I wished rather to consider Pollio. my country's good than my own reputation.* 20. Ut .. iniremus. On the mood, cp. 7. In ea fortuna. He was governor of Ep. 15, 15, note. a province, iniperator, and consul designatus. 21. Cum paucioribus . . partiremur. Ab ea vita, 'after such a life,' 'with The sense seems to be that Plancus wished such antecedents.' Cp. Ep. 33, 1, note on to secure so much support for his cause as ' ab repulsa.' should save the commonwealth from sufler- 8. Ea spe, i.e. the hope of the consul- ing the loss which must attend even victory ship for 42 B.C. in an obstinate struggle. Or perhaps, as 9. Sordidum quicquam . . potest, Wieland thinks, 'paucioribus' = 'Antonianis.' Pp 578 M. TULLII CICERONIS [party. funestam orbi terrarum victoriam partiremur. Muniendi vero 4 nosmet ipsi fuimus aucto exercitu auxiliisque multiplicatis, ut, cum praeferremus sensus aperte, turn etiam invitis quibusdam sciri, quid defensuri essemus, non esset periculosum. Ita num- 5 quam diffitebor multa me, ut ad effectum horum consiliorum per- venirem, et simulasse invitum et dissimulasse cum dolore, quod, praematura denuntiatio boni civis imparati quam periculosa esset, ex casu collegae videbam. Quo nomine etiam C. Furnio legato, 5 viro forti atque strenuo, plura etiam verbo quam scriptura man- 10 data dedimus, ut et tectius ad vos perferrentur et nos essemus tutiores, quibusque rebus et communem salutem muniri et nos armari conveniret praecepimus. Ex quo intellegi potest curam rei publicae summe defendendae iam pridem apud nos excubare. Nunc, cum deum benignitate ab omni re sumus paratiores, non 6 15 solum bene sperare de nobis homines, sed explorate iudicare volu- mus : legiones habeo quinque sub signis et sua fide virtuteque rei publicae coniunctissimas et nostra liberalitate nobis obsequentes, provinciam omnium civitatium consensu paratissimam et summa contentione ad officia certantem, equitatus auxiliorumque tantas 20 copias, quantas hae gentes ad defendendam suam salutem liber- 3. Cum praeferremus, 'when I should now besieged in Mutina. declare.' The conj. expresses a past frame Quo nomine: cp. Ep. 38, 3, note on of mind of the writer. Cp. Ep. 29, 4, note; ' multis nominibus.' and for the imperf. in a future sense, Ep. 71, C. Furnio : cp. Ep. 130, I, note. 5, note. ' Praeferre ' = ' prae nobis ferre.' 9. Plura etiam .. dedimus. Cicero Siipfle. A rare construction in Ciceronian had noticed a discrepancy between the de- Latin, spalch of Plancus and the language of Invitis quibusdam. These words may Funiius. Ep. 130, i. either be an ablative absolute, or a dative 12. Praecepimus, Furnio. Plancus prob- after sciri. Cp. Madv. 250 a. The sense ably charged Funiius to inform the senate will be of course slightly different; in the what measures he wished that it should adopt, first case 'sciri' would mean 'should be Curam .. excubare. A military meta- generally known.' Wesenb. has ' tum, phor. ' That anxiety to defend the com- etiam invitis quibusdam,' of course making monvvealth to the best of my power has long 'invitis' an ablative. been keeping watch in my heart.' 5. Ad effectum, 'to the execution,' 13. Summe. Wesenb. ' summae.' = ' ut perficeremus.' Cp. Forcell. 14. Ab omni re, 'in every respect.* Multa . . simulasse. i.e. regard for An- For this sense of ' ab,' cp. Ep. i, 2, note, tony; dissimulasse, devotion to the 15. Explorate, ' confidently,' ' Certo,* senate. Plancus concealed his sentiments ' plane.' Forcell. effectually, cp. Ep. 130, r, note. ' Simulo ' 16. Quinque. He seems to have used = ' I pretend to be or have that which I only four for active operations. Cp. Epp. am or have not;' ' dissimulo' = ' I pretend 140. 3 ; 148, 3. not to be or to have that which I am or 18. Civitatium, a less common form of have.' the genitive than ' civitatum.' It appears 7. Denuntiatio, ' declaration,' ' fere ter- to be the MS. reading. rendi causa.' Forcell. 19. Ad officia, 'in the discharge of its 8. Ex casu collegae. D. Biutus was duties.' Cp. § 2 ' ad proficiendum.' EP. 133.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 10. 579 tatemque conficcre possunt ; ipse ita sum antmo paratus, ut vel provinciam tueri vel ire, quo res publica vocet, vel tradcre exer- citum auxilia provinciamque, vel omnem impetum belli in me convertere non recusem, si modo meo casu aut confirmare patriae 7 salutem aut periculum possim morari. Hacc si iam expeditis 5 omnibus rebus tranquilloque statu civitatis polliceor, in damno meae laudis rei publicac commodo laetabor ; sin ad societatem integerrimorum et maximorum periculorum accedam, consilia mea aequis iudicibus ab obtrectatione invidorum defendenda com- mendo. Mihi quidem ipsi fructus meritorum meorum in rei pub- 10 licae incolumitate satis magnus est paratus ; eos vero, qui meam auctoritatem et multo magis vestram fidem secuti nee ulla spe decipi nee ullo metu terreri potuerunt, ut commendatos vobis habeatis, petendum videtur. 133. To PLANCUS (AD FAM. X. 10). Rome, March 30, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. Your letter has produced a very favourable impression, and the senate would have shewn its gratitude to you but for the absence of the consuls. A battle has perhaps already decided the state's fortunes. 2. If our cause prospers you will receive abundant honours, and I hope you will exert yourself to the utmost in support of your colleague. Public and private grounds alike will secure you my warm co-operation. CICERO PLANCO, 1 Etsi satis ex Furnio nostro cognoram, quae tua voluntas, quod 15 consilium de re publica esset, tamen tuis litteris lectis liquidius de toto sensu tuo iudicavi. Ouam ob rem, quamquam in uno proelio omnis fortuna rei publicae disceptat — quod quidem, cum haec 3. Tradere, 'to hand over' to a succes- 15. Ex Furnio : cp. Ep. 130, i, note, sor appointed by the home government. Furnius probably stayed some days at 5. Si iam expeditis, foil. In English Rome. we should say, ' If when I make this offer 16. Tuis litteris. The letter of Plancus everything has been settled satisfactorily.' here referred to seems to have been lost. Cp. Siipfle. It can hardly be Ad Fam. 10. 7> which ap- 6. In damno . . laetabor, 'I shall re- pears to have accompanied 10. 8 (Ep. 132), joice in the commonwealth's gain though and does not seem to have reached Cicero attended by loss to me.* On the abl. com- before April 7, eight days after he wrote this modo, cp. Madv. 264. letter. Cp. Nake, Jahresbericht itber das 8. Integerrimorum, 'not diminished Luisenstadtische Gymnasium. Berlin, 1866. in any degree.' I have learned from this paper that the Consilia: cp. § 3. note in my previous editions gave a wrong H. Eos, i.e. his soldiers and the provin- account of this matter. cials. Liquidius, ' more clearly.* 12. Vestram fidem secuti, ' influenced 18. Disceptat, 'is at stake,* = ' pericli- byyour promises,' 'relyingon your good faith.' tatur,' a rare sense. Wesenb. ' disceptatur.* P P 2 58o M.TULLII CICERONIS [party. legeres, iam decretum arbitrabar fore — , tamen ipsa fama, quae de tua voluntate percrebruit, magnam es laudem consecutus ; itaque si consulem Romae habuissemus, declaratum esset ab senatu cum tuis magnis honoribus, quam gratus esset conatus et apparatus 5 tuus : cuius rei non modo non praeteriit tempus, sed ne maturum quidem etiam nunc meo quidem iudicio fuit ; is enim denique honos mihi videri solet, qui non propter spem futuri beneficii, sed propter magna merita claris viris defertur [et datur]. Qua re, sit 2 modo aliqua res publica, in qua honos elucere possit, omnibus, 10 mihi crede, amplissimis honoribus abundabis ; is autem, qui vere appellari potest honos, non invitamentum ad tempus, sed per- petuae virtutis est praemium. Ouam ob rem, mi Plance, incumbe toto pectore ad laudem, subveni patriae, opitulare collegae, om- nium gentium consensum et incredibilem conspirationem adiuva. 15 Me tuorum consiliorum adiutorem, dignitatis fautorem, omnibus in rebus tibi amicissimum fideHssimumque cognosces ; ad eas enim causas, quibus inter nos amore sumus, officiis, vetustate coniuncti, patriae caritas accessit, eaque effecit ut tuam vitam anteferrem meae. III. K. Apr. 134. To CASSIUS (AD FAM. XII. 6). Rome, April (?), 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. C. Titius will tell you the news ; he has the greatest regard for you. 2. D. Brutus can hardly hold out longer at Mutina ; if he prospers our fears are at an end ; if not, all our hopes will rest on you and on M. Brutus. Quod proelium decretum : cp. Livy 28. 10. Qui vere . . potest, sc. 'honos,' 33 ' irritare magis quam decernere pugnani,' ' which may truly bear that name.' 'decided.* The decisive battle at Mutina 11. Invitamentum, 'an invitation,' did not, however, take place for some days rare. afteiwards. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 16; Ad tempus: cp. Ep. 111,8. Here it 17. seems to mean ' to do your duty for a time.' 3. Si consulem, foil. Hirtius had left Manut. for the seat of war, probably, in January; 12. Incumbe . . ad laudem, 'striveafter Pansa about March 20. Cp. Intr. to Part V, fame to the utmost of your power.' §§ 12; 15. 15. Dignitatis. It does not appear that 5. Cuius rei, ' for which declaration of Plancus had been honoured by votes like the senate.' those adopted in favour of Lepidus. Cp. Ne maturum . . fuit, 'has not even Ep. 132 with Ad Fam, 10. 7, 2 'cum alii now fully come.' occupare possessionem laudis viderentur ; ' 6. Is enim denique, foil., ^ that only and again, ' a te peto ut dignitati meae suf- seems to me to be true honour.' ' Is' masc. frageris.' by attraction to 'honos.' Cp. Ep. 90, 4. 17. Quibus, ablat. cans. In the following words Cicero hints that the Vetustate, 'the length of our con- state now looked for deeds from Plancus, nection.' not merely for professions. 8. Sit modo . . res publica, 'if only April. This letter seems to have been we have some form of free government.' written before the news of the battle at EP. 135-] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. op. 581 CICERO CASSIO SAL. 1 Qui status rerum fuerit turn, cum has litteras dedi, scire poteris ex C. Titio Strabone, viro bono et optime de re publica sentiente ; nam quid dicam 'cupidissimo tui,' qui domo et fortunis relictis 2 ad te potissimum profectus sit? Itaque eum tibi ne commendo quidem ; adventus ipsius ad te satis eum commendabit. Tu velim 5 sic existimes tibique persuadeas, omne pcrfugium bonorum in te et Bruto esse positum, si, quod nolim, advcrsi quid evenerit. Res, cum haec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta discrimen ; Brutus enim Mutinae vix iam sustinebat : qui si conscrvatus erit, vicimus ; sin — quod di omen avertant ! — , omnis omnium cursus 10 est ad vos. Proinde fac animum tantum habeas tantumque apparatum, quanto opus est ad universam rem pubHcam recu- perandam. Vale. 135. GALEA to CICERO (AD FAM. X. 30). Camp before Mutina, April 16, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. On the 15th Pansa, to meet whom Hirtius had sent me, was drawing near the seat of war. Antony met us with a large force, and 2. when his cavalry appeared, we could not restrain the Martian legion, and' an engagement followed. 3. At first we got the better, but Antony's superiority in numbers enabling him to outflank us, 4. we fell back on our camp, which he attacked in vain, and on his return to his own met Hirtius, who with two legions destroyed nearly his whole force at Fonim Gallorum, Forum Gallorum, which reached Rome on April 20, had arrived there. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 16. 2. C. Titio Strabone: heis apparently only here mentioned. 3. Nam quid dicam : cp. Ad Q. F. i. 1, 10 'nam quid ego de Gratidio dicam? quern certo scio ita elaborare de existima- tione sua ut . . etiam de nostra laboret.' The phrase introduces what is notorious or otherwise attested. 6. Omne perfugium .. positum,' that all the wtli-disposed have only you and M. Brutus to look to for aid.' Cp. Ep. 83, 2, note. 7. Qjiod nolim. The conj. expresses a wish modestly. Cp. Ep. i, 3, note. 8. Cum . . scribebam . . sustinebat, ' at the time I am writing Brutus can hardly hold out any longer at Mutina.' Cp. for the absol. use of ' sustinere,' Caes. Bell. Gall. 2. 6 'sese diutius sustinere non posse.' 10. Vicimus. The perfect indicative is used even of things future when it is de- sired to express certainty. Cp. Ep. 52, 4, note, p. 314 ; Madv. 340, Obs. 2. Sin .. avertant, aposiopesis : cp. Madv. 479 d, Obs. 6. Omnis . . ad vos, 'everybody will hasten to you and Brutus.' G A LB A. Servius Sulpicius Galba, great graiidfather of the emperor of that name, had served Caesar in Gaul, and was put forward by him as a candidate for the consulship in the year 50 b.c. Cp. Caes. Bell. Gall. 8. 50. But subsequently he was annoyed because Caesar did not grant him a consulship, and conspired against his life. Cp. Suet. Galba 3. He now commanded the Martian legion. With the narrative here given should be compared Intr. to Part V, § 16 ; Philipp. 14. 9 ; 10 ; and App. Bell. Civ. 3. 67-70. 582 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. the scene of the first action. Antony then retired to his camp before Mutina, 5. Hirtius to that of Pansa. We have obtained a great success, and captured several standards, but that part of our forces which was first engaged has suffered some loss. GALEA CICERONI SAL. A. d. XVIL Kal. Maias, quo die Pansa in castris Hirtii erat 1 futurus, cum quo ego eram — nam ei obviam processeram milia passuum centum, quo maturius veniret — , Antonius legiones eduxit duas, secundam et quintam tricensimam et cohortes prae- 6 torias duas, unam suam, alteram Silani, et evocatorum partem : ita obviam venit nobis, quod nos quattuor legiones tironum habere solum arbitrabatur. Sed noctu, quo tutius venire in castra pos- semus, legionem Martiam, cui ego praeesse solebam, et duas cohortes praetorias miserat Hirtius nobis. Cum equites Antonii 2 10 apparuissent, contineri neque legio Martia neque cohortes prae- toriae potuerunt ; quas sequi coepimus coacti, quoniam retinere eas non potueramus. Antonius ad Forum Gallorum suas copias continebat neque sciri volebat se legiones habere ; tantum equi- tatum et levem armaturam ostendebat. Postea quam vidit se 15 invito legionem ire Pansa, sequi se duas legiones iussit tironum. Postea quam angustias paludis et silvarum transiimus, acies est 1. A. d. XVII Kal. Maias, April 15. Erat . . eram, not epistolary tenses. 2. Cum quo, sc.Pansa. A relative does not always refer to the nearest substantive. Cp. Ep. 71, 9, note on p. 377, 1. 13. Obviam processeram. Pansa had set out from Rome for the seat of war about March 20. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 15. 4. Quintam tricensimam. Quintam et tricensimam would be the usual expression. Andr. Cohortes praetorias. The establish- ment of a select body of troops called a praetorian cohort to act as a body-guard to the general is said to have originated with the younger Scipio at the siege of Numan- lia. Cp. Paul. Diac. ap. Festuni, p. 223 Midler. We also find references to it Sail. Cat. 60 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 42. Those engaged on both sides on this occasion prob- ably consisted of ' evocati.' 5. Silani. M. lunius Silanus (mentioned by Caesar Bell. Gall. 6. l), appears to have held high command under Lepidus in Gaul, and to have deserted him for Antony. He afterwards, however, rejoined Lepidus, Ep. 141 ; Dion Cassius 46. 38. He was half- brother of M. Brutus. See Ep, 147, i, note. Evocatorum. 'Evocati' were soldiers who, having served their full time, were in- duced to enlist again. They may have been exempted from the more irksome military duties. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. 477 ; Dion Cassius 45. 1 2 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. 7. 65 ; Ad Fam. 3. 6, 5. 7- In castra, Hirtii. 8. Legionem Martiam : cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 9 ; 16 ; Philipp. 3. 3, 6 ; 14. 9 and 10. Solebam. It was commanded on this occasion by D. Carfulenus, or Carsuleius, as Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 67) calls him. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4 ; Ad Att. 15. 4, i. Duas cohortes. Those of Hirtius and Octavius. ID. Contineri . . potuerunt. The soldiers of the Martian legion were probably enraged by Antony's attempt to enforce discipline among them. Cp. Intr. to Part V, §9- 12. Forum Gallorum, about eight miles S.E. of Mutina, and on the Aemiliau way: now Castel Franco. 15. Tironum. i.e. of the new levies raised in Italy by Pansa. Cp. Philipp. 11. 15. 39; 14- 2,5- 16. Angustias . . silvarum, 'a defile EP. 135.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 30. 583 3 instructa a nobis Xll. cohortium ; nondum venerant legiones duae : repente Antonius in aciem suas copias de vico produxit et sine mora concurrit. Primo ita pugnatum est, ut acrius non posset ex utraque parte pugnari ; etsi dexterius cornu, in quo ego eram cum Martiac legionis cohortibus octo, impetu primo fugaverat 5 legionem xxxv. Antonii, ut amplius passus * ultra aciem [quo loco steterat] processerit. Itaque cum equites nostrum cornu circumire vellent, recipere me coepi et levem armaturam opponere Maurorum equitibus, ne aversos nostros adgrederentur. Interim video me esse inter Antonianos Antoniumque post me esse ali- 10 quanto. Repente equum immisi ad earn legionem tironum, quae veniebat ex castris, scuto reiecto. Antoniani me insequi ; nostri pila coniicere velle : ita nescio quo fato sum servatus, quod sum 4 cito a nostris cognitus. In ipsa Aemilia, ubi cohors Caesaris praetoria erat, diu pugnatum est. Cornu sinisterius, quod erat 15 infirmius, ubi Martiae legionis duae cohortes erant et cohors praetoria, pedem referre coeperunt, quod ab equitatu circumi- bantur, quo vel plurimum valet Antonius. Cum omnes se rece- pissent nostri ordines, recipere me novissimus coepi ad castra ; Antonius tamquam victor castra putavit se posse capere : quo cum 20 venit, complures ibi amisit nee egit quicquam. Audita re Hirtius cum cohortibus XX. veteranis redeunti Antonio in sua castra formed by wooded and marshy ground,' fortify a camp. Cp. § 5, and App. Bell. which extended along both sides of the Civ. 3. 69. road. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 67. 12. Scuto reiecto, 'with my shield be- I. XII. cohortium. Ten of the Mar- hind my shoulder,' shewing that he came as tian legion and two praetorian. a friend, or perhaps to protect himself from Legiones duae, sc. 'tironum.' Cp. § 2. the missiles of the pursuers, 'Reiicere' = 4. Etsi, foil., ' [the battle was obstinate] ' retro iacere.' Forcell. although we met with great success at 14. In ipsa Aemilia, 'on the raised first.' causeway of the Aemilian road,' a continua- Dexterius. Not uncommon, though tion of the Flaminian, leading from Arimi- apparently needless, = ' dextrum.' num to Bononia and Placentia : the portion 6. Amplius passus. Some editions in- between Placentia and Ariminum was con- sert D. structed in 187 e.c. by M. Aemilius Lepidus, Ultra aciem, 'beyond the general line see Livy 39, 2. of battle.' 16. Cohors praetoria, sc. Hirtii. 7. Processerit, sc. 'dexterius cornu.' 20. Tamquam victor: ' like a con- Cum equites, sc. Antonii. Perhaps the queror' without having really conquered. previous retreat had been a feint. Andr. 9. Maurorum equitibus. These horse- Cum venit: 'venisset' >V'ould be more men were probably levied by Caesar for his in accordance with usage, but the style of projected campaign in Parthia, where they this letter is not very correct. Andr. would have been very useful. 21. Nee egit quicquam. Appian 10. Post me, 'in my rear.' however, says that Antony slaughtereJ a II. Quae veniebat. Probably one of large number of Pansa's new recruits (,Bell. the two which had followed Pansa. Cp. Civ. 3. 69). § 2, Two others were probably left to 22. Cum cohortibus xx veteranis. 584 M. TULLIl CIC FRONTS [party. occurrit copiasque eius omnes delevit fugavitque eodem loco, ubi erat pugnatum, ad Forum Gallorum ; Antonius cum equitibus hora noctis quarta se in castra sua ad Mutinam recepit ; Hirtius 5 in ea castra rediit, unde Pansa exierat, ubi duas legiones reli- 5 querat quae ab Antonio erant oppugnatae. Sic partem maiorem suarum copiarum Antonius amisit veteranarum ; nee id tamen sine aliqua iactura cohortium praetoriarum nostrarum et legionis Martiae fieri potuit. Aquilae duae, signa LX. sunt relata Antonii. Res bene gesta est. A. d. XVI. K. Mai. ex castris. 136. D. BRUTUS to M. CICERO (AD FAM. XI. 9). Regium Lepidi, April 29, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I . Pansa is a great loss, and I hope you will exert yourself, as I shall, to avert evil consequences. By all means write to Lepidus ; 2. I have little confidence in him, but I hope Plancus will be loyal. If Antony crosses the Alps I shall secure the passes, and write to you again. D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI. 10 Pansa amisso quantum detrimenti res publica acceperit, non te 1 praeterit : nunc auctoritate et prudentia tua prospicias oportet, ne inimici nostri consulibus sublatis sperent se convalescere posse. Ego, ne consistere possit in Italia Antonius, dabo operam ; sequar eum confestim : utrumque me praestaturum spero, ne aut Venti- Two legions — the fourth, one of the two 5. Partem maiorem. But the fifth which revolted from Antony (cp. Intr. to legion and some of the 'evocati' had not Part V, § 9), and the seventh, compojed of been engaged. Cp. § i with Ad Fam. 10. veterans recalled to arms. Philipp. 14. 10,27. 33,4- I. Delevit fugavitque. The first 7. Sine aliqua iactura. Galba seems word perhaps refers to the infantry, the to underrate the loss on his own side. Cp. second to the cavalry. Que here = ' or,' Ad Fam. 1. c. ; App. 1. c. see instances in Forcell. Pollio had received 8. Aquilae duae. The eagles of the an account similar to that here given. Cp. second and thirty-fifth legions. C. Marius Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4. Appian does not de- first gave the eagle to the legion collectively scribe Antony's loss as having been so great, as a standard. Cp. Pliny, H. N. 10. 4, 5; and says that his cavalry recovered many of Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p. 1044. the wounded from the marshes where they Signa lx. ' Signum' seems properly to lay (Bell. Civ. 3. 70V mean the standard of a cohort, but may be Eodem loco. Wesenb. has 'eodem die used here for the 'vexilla' of the centuries, eodemque loco.' Cp. Smith's Diet. pp. 1044-45. Ubi erat pugnatum, ' where the battle previously mentioned h;id taken place.' lo. Pansa amisso. Pansa died at Bono- 3. Hora noctis quarta. About 10 or nia on April 28, the day after the battle of II P.M. according to our reckoning. Cp. Mutina. Merivale 3. 147; Drumann I. Ep. loi, 2, note. 310. Cp. Ep. 145. 2. 4. In ea castra : cp. § 3. note. Pansa's 14. Ventidius. P. Ventidius Bassus quaestor, Torquatus had fortified it during was taken prisoner in the Marsic or Italian the first eiigageaient. war, and followed a very humble calling for EP. 137.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILJARES XI. 10. 585 dius elabatur aut Antonius in Italia moretur. In primis rogo te, ad hominem ventosissimum, Lcpidum, mittas, ne bellum nobis redintegrare possit Antonio sibi coniuncto : nam de Pollione Asinio puto te perspicere, quid facturus sit. Multae et bonac et 2 firmae sunt legioncs Lepidi et Asinii. Neque haec idcirco tibi 5 scribo, quo tc non eadem animadvertere sciam, sed quod mihi persuasissimum est Lepidum recte facturum numquam, si forte vobis id de hoc dubium est. Plancum quoque confirmetis oro, quern spero pulso Antonio rei publicae non defuturum. Si se Alpes Antonius traiecerit, constitui praesidium in Alpibus con- 10 locare et te de omni re facere certiorem. III. Kal. Maias, ex castris Regii. 137. D. BRUTUS to CICERO (AD FAM. XI. 10). Dertona, May 5, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) 1. I thank you much for your fair judgment of my conduct. 2. You know as well as I do what confusion the consuls' death has caused, and what hopes it has encouraged. 3. Antony has enlisted slaves and other recruits, and has joined Ventidius at Vada. He has thus a large force with him. 4. Had Caesar been willing to listen to me, we should have reduced Antony to extremity; but Caesar will not obey me, nor his army him. 5. I find it almost impossible to provide for my army, which now numbers seven legions ; I have spent my private fortune, and incurred heavy debts in the service of the State. some time. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 18, 3. He Fam. 10. 32,4. But his were entirely com- served Caesar in the civil wars, and was now posed of veterans, apparently. leading three legions — raised apparently in 6. Quo . . sciam . . quod . . est. On Picenum — to the support of Antony, whom the different force of the indie, and conj., cp. he joined near Vada Sabatia (now Vado, Epp. 14, i ; 28, 7, notes. near Savona). Cp. Ad Fam. 10.33,4; H. 8. Id de hoc dubium est. Rather a 10, 3 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 72. harsh construction, as Siipfle remarks, and 2. Ventosissimum, 'most fickle.' For- more in the style of D. Brutus than in that cell, gives 'inconstans ' as a synonym. of Cicero. Mittas, ' send him a message.' 9. Se Alpes .. traiecerit. This double Ne.. possit. This expresses result, not accusative is rare. Cp., however, Ep. 145, 4 direct purpose. D. Brutus probably wished ' Isaram se traiecerint.' Cicero to threaten Lepidus with outlawry, 12. Regii. ' Regium Lepidi' was on for the next clause shews that Brutus had the Aemilian road, about half way between little confidence in Lepidus. Mutina and Parma. Perhaps it was founded 4. Quid facturus sit. This is obscure, by the Lepidus who made the Aemilian road, but as Pollio is coupled with Lepidus, and on whom cp. p. 583, note on 1. 14. The distinguished from Plancus, I think Brutus town is now called Reggio. hints distrust of him. Cp. Veil. 2. 63 'Pol- lio . . lulianis partibus fidus.' But Manutius Dertona, now Tortona, stood on the merely reniaiks on the words ' te perspi- north side of the Apennines, about 51 miles cere' that Cicero was a friend of Pollio. from Placentia, and between that place and Multae, foil. Lepidus had seven legions, Genua. It was about 10 miles south of the cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 84 ; Pollio three, cp. Ad Padus. 586 M. TULLII CICERO NTS [party. D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI. Non mihi rem publicam plus debere arbitror quam me tibi. i Gratiorem me esse in te posse, quam isti perversi sint in me, exploratum habes ; si tamen haec temporis videantur dici causa, malle me tuum iudicium quam ex altera parte omnium istorum : 5 tu enim a certo sensu et vero iudicas de nobis ; quod isti ne faciant, summa malevolentia et livore impediuntur. Interpellent me, quo minus honoratus sim, dum ne interpellent, quo minus res publica a me commode administrari possit ; quae quantd sit in periculo, quam potero brevissime exponam. Primum omnium, 2 10 quantam perturbationem rerumurbanarum adferat obitus consulum quantamque cupiditatem hominibus iniiciat vacuitas, non te fugit : satis me multa scripsisse, quae litteris commendari possint, arbi- tror ; scio enim, cui scribam. Revertor nunc ad Antonium, qui 3 ex fuga cum parvulam manum peditum haberet inermium, ergas- 15 tula solvendo omneque genus hominum adripiendo satis magnum numerum videtur effecisse ; hue accessit manus Ventidii, quae trans Appenninum itinere facto difiicillimo ad Vada pervenit atque ibi se cum Antonio coniunxit. Est numerus veteranorum et armatorum satis frequens cum Ventidio. Consilia Antonii 4 20 haec sint necesse est : aut ad Lepidum ut se conferat, si reci- pitur ; aut Appennino Alpibusque se teneat et decursionibus per 2. Isti perversi. Apparently men Vacuitas, ' the vacancy of both consular jealous of D. Brutus. Cicero speaks of places,' ' interregnum.' Billerb., Forcell. ' obtrectatores ' Ad Fam. II. 14, 2. 'Isti' The word is used here only apparently in ' those referred to in your letter.' Hence this sense. sint is used, not 'sunt.' Cp. Ep. 3, 3, 12. Satis .. multa .. quae .. possint, note. ' as much as can be safely entrusted to a 3. Si tamen haec, foil. This passage letter.' The construction is rather con- is obscure, and possibly corrupt. The sense densed and confused, but the sense is clear, seems to require ' if they speak as time- Cp. Madv. 363 ; 364 and Obss. servers, and are not therefore so hostile to 14. Ex fuga. 'after his rout.' me as their language would seem to imply, Ergastula solvendo, ' by breaking still I value 3'our judgment more than that open the workhouses where slaves were of all of them.' Wieland despairs of the detained,' or ' by releasing the slaves so text, and gives for the general sense ' what- detained.' ' Erg;istulum ' means both the ever they may say now.' prison and its occupants. Forcell. 5. A certo sensu et vero, ' with de- 17. Vada, sc. Sabatia, now Vado, near cided and honest feelings,' ' certus dicitur Savona. qui constans.' Forcell. 19. Et armatorum, ' and of o/^er armed 6. Livore = *invidia,'' by envy.' Forcell. men,' apparently. Interpellent = ' impediant.' Forcell. 20. Si recipitur, 'if Lepidus is willing Cp. Ep. 114, 7. to receive him.' Cp., on the tense, Ep. 38, II. Hominibus. D. Brutus refers, prob- 9, note, ably to the arrogant pretensions of Octavius 21. Appennino Alpibusque. It would Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 18. be more usual to insert a preposition before EP. 137.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XL 10. 587 equites, quos habet multos, vastct ca loca, in quae incurrerit : aut rursus se in Etruriam referat, quod ea pars Italiae sine exercitu est. Quod si me Caesar audisset atque Appenninum transisset in tantas angustias Antonium compulissem, ut inopia potius quam ferro conficeretur. Sed neque Caesari imperari potest nee Caesar 5 exercitui suo ; quod utrumque pessimum est. Cum haec talia sint, quo minus, quod ad me pertinebit, homines interpellent ut supra scripsi, non impedio ; haec quern ad modum explicari 5 possint aut, a te cum explicabuntur, ne impcdiantur timeo. Alere iam mihtes non possum. Cum ad rem publicam liberandam ac- 10 cessi, HS. mihi fuit pecuniae • CCCC • amplius. Tantum abest, ut meae rei familiaris liberum sit quicquam, ut omnes iam meos amicos acre alieno obstrinxerim. Septem numerum nunc legio- num alo ; qua difficultate, tu arbitrare : non, si Varronis thesauros haberem, subsistere sumptui possem. Cum primum de Antonio 15 exploratum habuero, faciam te certiorem. Tu me amabis ita, si hoc idem me in te facere senseris. ill. Non. Mai. ex castris, Dertona. these words. Ancient geographers seem to have placed the junction of the Alps and Apennines at various places — Strabo (4. 6, I,) at Genua. Cp. Ep. 145, 2 ; Smith's Diet, of Geogr. i, p. 154. Decursionibus, 'by descents,' = /rara- 5po fiats. Forcell. 2. Rursus. It does not appear that Antony had marched through Etruria, but the movement described would be on the whole a retrograde one. 3. Atque . . transisset. So as to an- ticipate and cut off Antony when he also tried to cross the mounlains. 5. Conficeretur = ' deleretur,' 'should be destroyed.' Forcell. Nee Caesar, sc. ' imperare potest.' 7. Q_uod ad me pertinebit, ' what shall concern my distinction.' Cp. § I. 8. Supra. Cp. § 1 of this letter. Haec, 'my present difficulties.' 9. A te cum explicabuntur, 'when you try to settle them.' II. HS. . . -CCCC-. 400,000 sestertii — the sum at which the 'census equester ' was fixed — seems a small sum for D. Brutus, an eminent member of a victorious party, to have possessed at the death of Caesar ; and I therefore now think that HS. •cccc must be understood as = ' quadringenties,' or 40,000,000 sestertii. Wiel. renders it '400,000 sesterces in ready money.' 12. Liberum, ' unencumbered.* 13. Acre . . obstrin.xerim. ' Aer. al. obstringere ' = ' facere ut aliquis pecuniam mutuam sumat seque creditor! obliget,' Forcell. According to Dion Cassius (46. 40), L. Pontius Aquila had furnished him with large sums. Septem, a genitive. Numerum, *a force,' 'a number.' 14. Arbitrare, ' form an opinion,' 'just consider.' Varronis. The wealth of Varro does not seem to have been proverbial ; hence some have supposed the reference to be to the wealth described in some of Varro's works. 15. Subsistere, 'to support.' Forcell. De Antonio, ' about Antony's move- ments.' 16. Tu me amabis . . senseris, 'love me only if you shall be persuaded of my affection for you.' On the force of ' ama- bis,' cp. Ep. 1 1, 3, note ; and of ' ita si ' = ' only if,' Ep. 44, 5, note. 588 M. TULLII CICERONIS [party. 138. C. CASSIUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. XII. 12). Camp in Syria, May 7, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. If you and the senate have not received letters from me, perhaps Dolabella has intercepted my messengers. 2. I have under my orders all the forces which were in Syria, and four legions which A. Allienus has brought from Egypt. I am now ready for action, and recommend my own dignity 3. and my soldiers' interests to your con- sideration. I also recommend to your attention the conduct of Murcus and Crispus. Bassus, on the other hand, would have resisted me, but that his soldiers compelled him to submit. 4. This army is devoted to the senate, and especially to you, owing to what I say of your good will towards it. 5. I have just heard that Dolabella has entered Syria, and shall march to meet him there. CASSIUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI SUO. S. V. b. e. e. q. v. Legi tuas Htteos, in quibus mirificum tuum i erga me amorem recognovi ; videbaris enim non solum favere nobis — id quod et nostra et rei publicae causa semper fecisti — , sed etiam gravem curam suscepisse vehementerque esse de nobis 5 sollicitus. Itaque, quod te primum existimare putabam, nos op- pressa re publica quiescere non posse, deinde, cum suspicarere nos moliri, quod te sollicitum esse et de salute nostra et de rerum eventu putabam, simul ac legiones accepi, quas A. Allienus edux- erat ex Aegypto, scrips! ad te tabellariosque complures Romam 10 misi ; scripsi etiam ad senatum litteras, quas reddi vetui prius, quam tibi recitatae essent, si forte mei obtemperare mihi volue- runt. Quod si litterae perlatae non sunt, non dubito quin Dola- C. CASSIUS. On the proceedings of to one account, of men who had belonged Cassius in Syria, cp. Iiitr. to Part V, §§ II ; to the armies of Pompey and Crassus ; ac- 14; 20 ; Appendix 11. 10. cording to another, of men left by Caesar to I. S. v. b. e. : cp. pp. 32; 121. protect Cleopatra. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. E. q. V. = 'ego quidem [or ' quoque ' 78, and 4. 1^9. Tyrr. p. Ivii] valeo.* 9. Scripsi. Cp. Ad Fam. 12, il. Man. 5. Q_uod te primum, foil., 'first, be- 10. Reddi, so. 'ad senatum.' They cause I supposed you would think.' The would probably be sent in the first instance position of ' primum' is strange. ■* to the relations of Cassius at Rome. 6. Deinde . . putabam. The sense 11. Mei, 'my household.' Ern. (ap. would be clearer if the words ran 'deinde BUlerb.), Wiel. The former remarks that quod putabam te, cum suspicarere . . solli- the connections of Cassius may have been citimi esse.' on bad terms with Cicero. His mother, Nos moliri, ' that we were attempting Servilia his mother-in-law, and his brother somewhat.' For the absol. use of ' moliri," disputed the wisdom of some of Cicero's cp. Ad Fam. 6. 10, 2 ' agam per me ipse et measures (cp. Ad Fam. 12.7, i), and Cas- moliar.' sius and Lepidus had married sisters (cp. Ep. 8. Quas A. Allienus eduxerat. They 147, i, note), were four in number, composed, according EP. 138.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XIL 12. 589 bella, qui nefarie Trebonio occiso Asiam occupavit, tabellarios 2 meos deprehenderit litterasque interceperit. Exercitus omnes, qui in Syria fucrunt, teneo ; habui paullulum morae, dum pro- missa militibus persolvo. Nunc iam sum expeditus. A te peto, ut dignitatem meam commendatam tibi habeas, si me intellegis 5 nullum neque periculum neque laborem patriae denegasse, si contra importunissimos latrones arma cepi te hortante et auc- tore, si non solum exercitus ad rem publicam libertatemque defendendam comparavi, sed etiam crudelissimis tyrannis eripui, quos si occupasset Dolabella, non solum adventu, sed etiam lo opinione et expectatione exercitus sui Antonium confirmasset. 3 Quas ob res milites tuere, si eos mirifice de re publica meritos esse animadvertis, et effice, ne quem paeniteat rem publicam quam spem praedae et rapinarum sequi maluisse. Item Murci et Crispi imperatorum dignitatem, quantum est in te, tuere : 15 nam Bassus misere noluit mihi legionem tradere ; quod nisi milites invito eo legatos ad me misissent, clausam Apameam tenuisset, quoad vi esset expugnata. Haec a te peto non solum rei publicae, quae tibi semper fuit carissima, sed etiam amicitiae 4 nostrae nomine, quam confido apud te plurimum posse. Crede 20 mihi hunc exercitum, quem habeo, senatus atque optimi cuiusque esse maximeque tuum, de cuius voluntate adsidue audiendo miri- fice te diligit carumque habet : qui si intellexerit commoda sua curae tibi esse, debere etiam se tibi omnia putabit. 1. Trebonio occiso. The death of tioned by Cicero, Philipp. ii. 12, ;^0 as Trebonius seems to have taken place in holding a command in the East. Murcus February ; it was known at Rome by about certainly, and Crispus perhaps, had served the middle of March. Cp. Philipp. 11. i, under Caesar in the civil war. Cp. Caes. foil., with App. Bell. Civ. 3. 26 and 61 ; Bell. Civ. 3. 15 ; Bell. Afric. 77. also Intr. to Part V, § 14; Abeken 450; 16. Nam Bassus, 'I say nothing of Merivale 3. 135, 136. Bassus, for.' Cp. Ep. 26, 2, note. On 2. Exercitus omnes. Those of Qi Bassus, cp. pp. 403, 481. Caecilius Bassus, L. Statius Murcus, Q^ Mar- Misere =' nullo consilio et suo malo,' cius Crispus, and A. Allienus. Cp. § 3 ; ' foolishly.' Forcell. ' Turpiter et infeli- Philipp. II. 12, 30; 11.13,33. citer.' Manut. 5. Dignitatem, 'Cupere se ostendit Quod nisi, • and unless.' On this sense Syriae administrationem.' Manut. of ' quod,' cp. Ep. 76, I note. 6. Nullum neque . . neque: cp. Ep. 17. Apameam. This Apamea stood near 8, 8, note, on this combination of negatives. the Orontes, about 60 miles S.E. of Antioch, 9. Crudelissimis tyrannis: i.e. from and is of course to be distinguished from one Antony and Dolabella. mentioned Ep. 32, 2. 10. Quos, sc. ' exercitus.' 20. Nomine : cp. Ep. 38, 3, note, p. 259. 11. Opinione, ' by the opinion people Crede mihi .. esse : cp. Ep. 58, i. would form of it.' 22. Audiendo, 'from hearing of it,' i.e. 14. Murci. L. Statius Murcus is men- in my speeches. On this use of the gerund, tioned Ep. 85, i ; Philipp. 11. 12, 30. cp. Madv. 416. 15. Crispi. Q;_ Marcius Crispus is men- 23. Q_ui si intellexerit . . putabit, 590 M.TULLII CICERONIS [party. Litteris scriptis audivi Dolabellam in Ciliciam venisse cum 5 suis copiis : proficiscar in Ciliciam. Quid egerim, celeriter ut scias, dabo operam ; ac velim, ut meremur de re publica, sic felices simus. Fac valeas meque ames. Nonis Maiis ex castris. 139. PLANCUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. X. ii). Country of the Allobroges, May io, (?) 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. I can never requite your support, but pray continue it. 2. When I heard on my march towards Mutina of Antony's defeat, I halted to watch events. If Antony comes alone, I can deal with him, even if Lepidus support him ; if he brings any forces with him I will still do my best, and shall have good hopes if any aid be sent me from Italy. 3. I will exert myself to the utmost in our country's cause, and will try to secure Lepidus, in negotiating with whom I employ my brot^^, Fumius, and Laterensis. PLANCUS CICERONL 5 Immortales ago tibi gratias agamque dum vivam; nam relatu- 1 rum me adfirmare non possum : tantis enim tuis officiis non videor mihi respondere posse, nisi forte, ut tu gravissime disertissimeque scripsisti, ita sensurus es, ut me referre gratiam putes, cum me- moria tenebo. Si de filii tui dignitate esset actum, amabilius ' if a mere statement of your good will has traverse nearly all their territory, had such an effect, a persuasion that you have MAY 10. This is the date given by its interests at heart will make it think it Baiter and by Wesenberg. But Andresen, owes you everything.' following Nake, has given reasons for think- 1. Litteris scriptis. Here a postscript ing that the letter was written somewhat begins. earlier. All that can be said is, firstly, that In Ciliciam: cp. Dion Cassius 47, 30. Plancus can hardly have heard before May 3 Tarsus supported Dalabella. of the relief of Mutina, which happened Cum suis copiis. Two legions, accord- towards the close of April and is mentioned ing to App. Bell. Civ. 3. 78. in § 2 of this letter ; secondly, that there is 2. Proficiscar. Cassius met Dola- no mention in this letter of the bridge bella apparently somewhere between Aradus thrown over the Isara by Plancus on or and Laodicea, and drove him into the latter about May 8. Cp. Ep. 140, 3, notes, place, which was a coast town about 60 5. Relaturum, 'to repay,' 'requite.' miles S.W. of Antioch, and 50 miles N.W. 'Agere gratias' is used of expressions of of Aradus. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 20. gratitude : ' referre gratiam' of a practical Quid egerim, ' what I shall have done.' return. Forcell. 4. Ex castris. This camp was probably 7. Respondere. Cp. Ep. 3, 2, note, somewhere in the valley of the Orontes. 8. Scripsisti. In a letter now lost, ap- His previous letter had been dated March 7, parently. But Andr. thinks that the refer- Taricheae, which was at the south end of ence need not be to a letter, and suggests the sea of Tiberias. that Plancus had in his mind pro Plane. 28 68, where a similar thought occurs. The Allobroges lived mainly between the Cum . . tenebo, 'by keeping in re- Rhone, the Isere, and the high Alps of Savoy, membrance.' ' Cum' = ' quod.' cp. Ep. 23. 6, A line drawn from Geneva to Valence would note, and Forcell. EP. 139.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 11. 591 certe nihil facere potuisses. Primae tuae sententiae infinitis cum muneribus, posteriores ad tempus arbitriumqueamicorum meorum compositae, oratio adsidua et perpetua de me, iurgia cum obtrecta- toribus propter me notissima mihi sunt ; non mediocris adhibenda mihi est cura, ut rei publicae me civcm dignum tuis laudibus 5 praestem, in amicitia tui memorem atque gratum. Quod reli- quum est, tuum munus tuere et me, si, quem esse voluisti, eum 2 exitu rebusque cognoscis, defende ac suscipe. Cum Rhodanum copias traiecissem fratrcmquc cum tribus milibus equitum prae- misissem, ipse iter ad Mutinam dirigcrem, in itinere de proelio 10 facto Brutoque et Mutina obsidione liberatis audivi : animadvcrti nullum alium receptum Antonium reliquiasque, quae cum eo essent, habere nisi in his partibus, duasque ei spes esse propo- sitas, unam Lepidi ipsius, alteram exercitus. Quod quaedam pars exercitus non minus furiosa est quam qui cum Antonio fuerunt, 15 equitatum revocavi ; ipse in Allobrogibus constiti, ut proinde ad omnia paratus essem ac res me moneret. Si nudus hue se Anto- nius confert, facile mihi videor per me sustinere posse remque publicam ex vestra sententia administrare, quamvis ab exercitu Lepidi recipiatur ; si vero copiarum aliquid secum adducet et si 20 decima legio veterana, quae nostra opera revocata cum reliquis I. Primae tuae sententiae, foil., (Isere), which he bridged on May ii or 12. 'your first expressions of opinion in the Cp. Ep. 140. 3; Ad Fam. 10. 9, 3. senate proposed unlimited honours for me.' 9. Fratremque, i.e. Cn. Munatius Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 12, 3. The words 'primae' Plancus. Cp. Ep. 130, i. and ' posteriores ' perhaps refer respectively 13. In his partibus. Wesenb. has 'in to the two days of debate in the senate has partes.' Andr. thinks that the ablative mentioned in Cicero's letter Ad Fam. 10. may stand, as 'receptum' in 1. 2, may 12, 3 and 4. mean ' a possibility of retreat.' 1. Ad tempus .. meorum, 'according 14. Exercitus eius, sc. Lepidi. The gen. to the demands of the time and the will of is objective. Cp. Ep. 16, 3, note, my friends.' Forcell. gives 'e re nata' as Quaedam pars exercitus, 'a certain one equivalent of ' ad tempus.' part of the army of Lepidus.' 3. Iurgia cum obtrectatoribus, espe- 15. Fuerunt. The perfect is used as im- cially with P. Servilius. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. plying that Antony had lost his army. Andr, 12, 3 and 4. 16. Proinde . . ac, 'just as.' Cp. Ep. '7. Tuum munus. Either 'your fa- 114, 2, note; and 'proinde quasi' Pro vourite,' Wiel., or ' quas in me tuendo atque Quinct. 14, 45. ornando partes suscepisti.' 17. Nudus, 'without reinforcements,' 8. Exitu rebusque, 'in the actual which, in fact, Antony had received from event.' Veiitidius. Cp. Appendix li. 11. Suscipe=' tuere,' ' defende.' 18. Sustinere, ' to resist him,' ' to hold Rhodanum. Plancus crossed the Rhone, out.' Cp. Ep. 1 34, 2 ; Caes. Bell. Gall. 2. 6. probably somewhere near Vienna (Vienne), 21. Decima legio. This legion, as on April 26, and was preparing to march Drumann (i. 3.51) and Siipfle remark, had into Italy by the Cottian Alps — Mont taken the lead both in battle and mutiny Genevre— when he heard of the relief of under Caesar. Cp. Bell. Gall. i. 40 and 4r, Mutina. Then he encamped near the Isara with Suet. lul. 70. It now seems to have 592 M. TULLII CICERONIS [PARTV. est, ad eundem furorem redierlt, tamen, ne quid detrimenti fiat, dabitur opera a me, idque me praestaturum spero, dum istinc copiae traiciantur coniunctaeque nobiscum facilius perditos oppri- mant. Hoc tibi spondeo, mi Cicero, neque animum nee diligen- 3 S tiam mihi defuturam. Cupio mehercules nullam residuam sollici- tudinem esse ; sed si fuerit, nee animo nee benevolentiae nee patientiae cuiusquam pro vobis cedam. Do quidem ego operam, ut etiam Lepidum ad huius rei societatem incitem, omniaque ei obsequia polliceor, si modo rem publicam respicere volet. Utor 10 in hac re adiutoribus interpretibusque fratre meo et Laterense et Furnio nostro. Non me impedient privatae offensiones, quo minus pro rei publicae salute etiam cum inimicissimo consentiam. Quod si nihil profecero, nihilo minus maximo sum animo et maiore fortasse cum mea gloria vobis satis faciam. Fac valeas 15 meque mutuo diligas. 140. PLANCUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. X. 15). Near the Isara, May, 12 (?), 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) 1. I hope that I have secured Lepidus for the good cause; 2. he has given his word, by Laterensis, that he will oppose Antony, and I am on my march to join him. My army, 3. and especially my cavalry, will be most welcome. I have bridged the Isara, and sent my brother with cavalry to oppose L. Antonius. I shall follow myself with the rest of my army. 4. With moderately good fortune we shall succeed. PLANCUS CICERONI, His litteris scriptis quae postea accidissent scire te ad rem i belonged to the army of Lepidus. Cp. App. to consult his wishes in everything.' The Bell. Civ. 3. 83 ; Drumann, 1. c. Piancus plural ' obsequia ' seems to be rare, does not hint at any disafFection in his own 10. Laterense : cp. Ep. 11, 2, note, army, otherwise we might suppose the 11. Furnio : cp. Ep. 60, note. Tenth belonged to him. 12. Inimicissimo, Lepido. Manut. Cp. Revocata, 'recalled to its duty.' Epp. 140, i ; 146, i. 2. Istinc, ' from Italy.' 13. Sum. Piancus means ' I am in good 5. Defuturam. Fern, as agreeing with spirits even with the possibility of failure the nearest subst. Cp. Ep. 29, 7, note ; before me.' Andr. Madv. 214 a. 14. Maiore fortasse . . gloria, 'per- 6. Nee animo .. cedam. ' Benevo- haps with all the more distinction to myself.' lentia ' and ' cuiquam ' would be more in Wiel. He would gain more reputation by accordance with usage. But cp. Tac. Hist. a victory over Antony and Lepidus, than by 4. 2 'Lucius Vitellius . . par vitiis fratris.' effecting a peaceful settlement. Andr. 16. His litteris scriptis, 'aftertheac- 8. Huius rei, 'of this enterprise,' the companying letter had bee» written.' The liberation of the Commonwealth. present one seems to have been sent by the Omniaque . . polliceor, 'I promise same bearer as Ep. 139. EP. 140.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 15. 593 publicam putavi pertinere : sedulitas mca, ut spcro, ct mihi et rei publicae tulit fructum. Namque adsiduis internuntiis cum Lepido egi, ut omissa omni contentione reconciliataque voluntate nostra communi consilio rei publicae succurreret, se, liberos ur- bemque pluris quamunum perditum abiectumque latronem putarct 5 2 obsequioque meo, si ita faceret, ad omnes res abuteretur. Profeci : itaque per Laterensem internuntium fidcm mihi dedit sc Anto- nium, si prohibere provincia sua non potuisset, bello pcrsecuturum, me ut venirem copiasque coniungerem rogavit, eoque magis, quod et Antonius ab equitatu firmus esse dicebatur et Lepidus ne medio- 10 crem quidem equitatum habebat ; nam etiam ex paucitate eius non multis ante diebus decem, qui optimi fuerant, ad me transicrunt. Quibus rebus ego cognitis cunctatus non sum ; in cursu bonoruni 3 consiliorum Lepidum adiuvandum putavi. Adventus mens quid profecturus esset, vidi ; vel quod equitatu meo persequi Ajitonmm 15 atque opprimere equitatum eius possem, vel quod exercitus Lepidi eam partem, quae corrupta est et ab re publica alienata, et corri- gere et coercere praesentia mei exercitus posset. Itaque in Isara, flumine maximo, quod in finibus est Allobrogum, ponte uno die facto exercitum a. d. Illl. Idus Maias traduxi. Cum vero mihi 20 2. Namque . . abuteretur. These bank of the Isara, and Mr. Jeans thinks the words explain 'sedulitas.' place stood near the modern suburb of St. Adsiduis internuntiis. On this use Laurent, on the right bank of the Isere, op- of the ablat. instrum., cp. Ep. loi, 3, note. posite Grenoble. The editor of Murray's Cum Lepido egi. Cp. Ep. 139, 3. Handbook for France (1873) sa3's that that 6. Abuteretur: abuti = ' large et plene suburb occupies the site of the original uti,' ' use to the utmost.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Gaulish town of Cularo. Spruner and Mr. Earn. 9. 6, 5. G. Long (Diet, of Geogr. i. 716) both place Profeci, 'I succeeded.' Forcell. gives Cularo on the left bank of the Isara, and instances of a similar sense from Caesar, certainly the Cularo of the third century e.g. Bell. Civ. 3. 23 ' adeo . . profecit.' Andr. a.d. appears to have occupied the same site remarks that this word is inserted to recall as the modern (Grenoble. Perhaps ' Ciila- the attention to 'tulit fructum' in 1. 2. The rone' in Ep. 146, 7 "i^y refer to a camp following words to ' rogavit ' shew wherein just opposite the city and on the other bank the success of Plancus consisted. of the Isara : or the town may originally 11. Ex paucitate eius, ' from his have stood on both sides of the river, slender force of cavalry.' especially if it was not fortified till after 12. Transierunt, Wesenb. suggests the date of these letters. The map of ' transierant,' corresponding to ' habebat ' Gaul in the Atlas of Ancient Geography by and 'fuerant.' Dr. Smith and Mr. Grove supports this view. 13. In cursu bonorum consiliorum. An inscription of the third century found at ' in this patriotic course of policy.' the modern Grenoble and speaking of the 17. Eam partem. Especially the tenth place as Cularo is published by Gruter, In- legion. Cp. Ep. 139, 2. scriptiones clxvii, i ; cp. Diet, of Geography 18. Isara. now the Isere, 1. 715. The Emperor Gratian renamed the 19. Ponte .. facto. This may perhaps place after himself, Gratianopolis, from have been near Cularo. A comparison of which word the modern name Grenoble is Ep. 146. § 3 with § 7 of the same letter derived. No very direct road seems to have would lead us to place Cularo on the right led from the Isara to Forum lulii. Qq 594 ^I' TULLII CICERONIS [part V. nuntiatum esset L. Antonium praemissum cum equitibus et cohor- tibus ad Forum lulii venisse, fratrem cum equitum quattuor mili- bus, ut occurreret ei, misi a. d. v. Idus Maias ; ipse maximis itineribus cum quattuor legionibus expeditis et reliquo equitatu 5 subsequar. Si nos mediocris modo fortuna rei publicae adiuverit, 4 et audaciae perditorum et nostrae sollicitudinis hie finem reperie- mus. Quod si latro praecognito nostro adventu rursus in Italiam se recipere coeperit, Bruti erit officium occurrere ei, cui scio nee consilium nee animum defuturum. Ego tamen, si id acciderit, lo fratrem cum equitatu mittam, qui sequatur, Italiam a vastatione defendat. Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas. 141. M. LEPIDUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. X. 34 (i. 2).) Pons Argenteus, May 22 (?), 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. When I heard that Antony was on the march for my province, I marched to oppose him, and have encamped on the Argenteus. He is strong in cavalry and his infantry is numerous, but not all armed, and he loses many men by desertion. 2. Si- lanus and Culleo have left him, and I have spared them, but do not employ them. I shall do my duty to the senate and to the commonwealth in this war. 1. L. Antonium. This brother of the be substituted for 'misi.' Andr. would prefer triumvir is often spoken of with disgust in to read a. d. vn. or a. d. vni. in p. 593, 1. 20. the Philippics. Cp., especially, 3. 12, 31 ; He follows Nake, who (pp. 9-13) argues (i) 5- 3- 7 ; 5- 7' 20. He was consul 41 B.C., that Plancus must have bridged the Isara and, aided bv his sister-in-law Fulvia, took a before he sent his brother with cavalry to leading part in organizing opposition to Oc- meet L. Antonius ; (2) that one of the two tavian in Italy. The struggle which fol- dates 'nil. Idus' in p. 593, 1. 20 or 'v. Idus' in lowed was known as the ' war of Perusia,' 1. 3 must be wrong; (3) that as Plancus does for the siege of that place was its most not say that his brother left him on the important incident. Cp. Livy Epitt. 125 same day on which he himself crossed the and 126; Veil. 1. 74; Suet. Oct. 9; 14; Isara or on the next, it is probable that two 15 ; App. Bell, Civ. 5. 19-50. days m.ay have passed between the two 2. Forum lulii, now Frejus, on the events; (4) that 'nn. Idus' is more likely to coast of Provence, between Antibes and have been erroneously substituted for 'vn.' Toulon, looking S.E. or 'viii. Idus' than 'v. Idus' for 'pridie Idus' 3. Misi. But Plancus' brother seems to or'Idibus.' have fallen ill soon afterwards (cp. Ad Fam. 4. Quattuor. In Ep. 132, 6 Plancus 10. 21, 7) and can hardly have moved far. speaks of five legions, but of four Ep. 148, 3. Andr. 5. Mediocris modo, ' only to a mode- A. d. v. Idus. May 11. Bnt the bridge rate extent.' The adjective is used as an seems only to have been ready for the pas- adverb. Cp. Epp. 2, 2 ; 22, I. sage of the army on the 12th. Hence 10. Sequatur .. defendat. Asyndeton. Wesenb. suggests in. Id., and remarks that Cp. Ep. 20, 6, note. Wesenb. inserts 'ut' if V. Id. were the true date, 'miseram' should after ' sequatur.* EP. 141.] EPISTOLARUM AD F AM I LI ARES. X. 34. 595 M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITER. PONT. MAX. S. D. M. TULLIO CICERONI. 1 S. V. b. e. e. v. Cum audissem Antonium cum suis copiis, praemisso L. Antonio cum parte cquitatus, in provinciam meam venire, cum exercitu meo ab confluente [ab Rhodano] castra movi ac contra eos venire institui. Itaque continuis itineribus ad Forum Voconii veni et ultra castra ad flumen Argenteum contra 5 Antonianos feci. P. Ventidius suas legiones tres coniunxit cum eo et ultra me castra posuit ; habebat antea legionem quintam et ex reliquis legionibus magnam multitudinem, sed inermorum, Equitatum habet magnum: nam omnis ex proelio integer discessit, ita ut sint amplius equitum milia quinque. Ad me complures 10 milites et equites ab eo transierunt et in dies singulos eius copiae This letter must have been written after Antony and Ventidius had joined their forces near Forum Voconii. Now Antony reached Forum lulii, distant 24 Roman miles from Forum Voconii, on May 15, and Ventidius was two days' march behind him. (Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 17, I.) Allowing one day for the march from Forum lulii to the neighbour- hood of Forum Voconii, and two more for Ventidius to come up, we see that this letter cannot have been written before May 18. The date xn. Kal. lun. is found in a frag- ment attached to this letter in the MSS. apparently, but detached from it by some of the latest editors, following Victorius. On M. LEPIDUS, cp. Ep. 62, 3, note; Intr. to Part V, §§ l ; 11 ; 17 ; 22. IMP. ITER. Lepidus assumed the title of imperator once, for alleged achievements in Spain 48-47 B.C. ; and again for his suc- cessful negotiations with Sex. Pompeius. Cp. Intr. to Part III, § 13; to Part V, § ii; Phiiipp. 13. 4, 7, wirh Mr. King's note; Bell. Alex. 59; 63; 64; Drumann i. 13. PONT. MAX. Lepidus had received this office in the previous year through An- tony's influence, but the appointment seems to have been somewhat irregular. Cp. Livy Epit. 117; Veil. 2. 63; Dion Cassius 44, 53; Epp. 122, 8. note. Pons Argenteus was apparently a little N.E. of Forum Voconii (Le Canet), on the road from Aquae Sextiae (Aix) to Forum lulii (Frejus). The Argenteus, or Argents, enters the sea a little W. of Forum lulii. Cp. Spruner's map of Gaul, and Smith, Diet, of Geogr. 1. 198, sub voc. 'Argenteus.' I. S. V. b. e. e. v. : cp. p. 121, note. 3. Ab confluente. Wlel. and Billerb. both explain this of the confluence of the Rhone and Durance, near Avignon. Wesenb. suspects that the true text may be ' ab con- fluente Rhodani et Druentine.' 4. Ad Forum Voconii: cp. introduc- tory remarks. 5. Ultra, 'beyond that place,' i.e. be- tween it and Forum lulii. Wesenb. suspects the word here. 6. Suas legiones tres. The seventh, eighth, and ninth. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4. Cum eo, sc. Antonio. 7. Ultra me, 'between me and Rome,' ' further from my starting point.' Habebat antea, Antonius. Legionem quintam. Probably com- posed of the Alaudae who were devoted to Antony. Cp. Phiiipp. i. 8. 20. The state- ment in the next lines that Antony had many soldiers from his other legions with him seems to shew that his loss at Forum Gallorum had been exaggerated by Galba. Cp. Ep. 135, 4-5, 8. Ex reliquis legionibus. The veteran second and thirty-fifth, and three of recruits, strengthened probably by an ad- mixture of ' evocati.' Antony, in a letter quoted Phiiipp. 8, 8, 2-;, spoke of having six legions. One of the mi.xed legions seems to have been organized by L. Antonius. Cp. Phiiipp. 3. 12, 31. II. Milites et equites- 'Miles' was used especially of the regular infantry. Cp. Livy 22. 37, where Hicro writes to the Roman senate, ' niilite atque equite scire nisi Romano Latinique nominis non uti populum Romanum.' , Q q 2 596 M.TULLII CICERONIS [party. minuuntur ; Silanus et Culleo ab eo discesserunt. Nos etsi gravi- 2 ter ab iis laesi eramus, quod contra nostram voluntatem ad Anto- nium ierant, tamen nostrae humanitatis et necessitudinis causa eorum salutis rationem habuimus ; nee tamen eorum opera utimur 5 neque in castris habemus neque ulli negotio praefecimus. Quod ad bellum hoc attinet, nee senatui nee rei publicae deerimus. Quae postea egerimus, faciam te certiorem. 142. To PLANCUS (AD FAM. X. 13). Rome, May, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. The senate's decree will shew how anxious I have been to secure your services a proper recognition. 2. I hope you will go on as you have begun. Whoever over- powers Antony will be the real finisher of the war. CICERO PLANCO. Ut primum potestas data est augendae dignitatis tuae, nihil 1 praetermisi in te ornando, quod positum esset aut in praemio vir- 10 tutis aut in honore verborum : id ex ipso senatus consulto poteris cognoscere ; ita enim est perscriptum, ut a me de scripto dicta sententia est, quam senatus frequens secutus est summo studio magnoque consensu. Ego quamquam ex tuis htteris, quas mihi 2 misisti, perspexeram te magis iudicio bonorum quam insignibus 15 gloriae delectari, tamen considerandum nobis existimavi, etiamsi tu nihil postulares, quantum tibi a re publica deberetur. Tu con- I. Silanus: cp. Ep. 17,5, i, note. its own reward. Plancus seems to have Culleo (Q^ Terentius) had been posted wished for a place on the commission often on the Alps by Lepidus, nominally to pre- already referred to (Intr. to Part V, § 18: vent Antony from leaving Italy, but prob- Ad Fam. 10. 22, 2). ably with secret orders to grant him a pas- 9. In praemio . . verborum, ' in sub- sage. He and Silanus both probably acted stantial rewards for merit, or in honourable as go-betweens for Antony and Lepidus expressions.' (cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 83). Culleo has 11. De scripto. On some occasions been mentioned Ep. 16, 5. senators wrote out beforehand the proposal 4. Eorum salutis rationem habui- they intended to make in the senate. Cp. mus, 'I spared their lives.' Philipp. 1. i, 3 ; 3. 8, 20; 10. 2, 5. 13. Tuis litteris. Probably Cicero re- 8. Augendae dignitatis. It is not fers to Ad Fam. 10. 9; cp. Nake, pp. 31- clear to what these words refer. Probably 32. some decree in honour of Plancus had re- 16. Contexes. On the mood, cp. Ep. cently passed. M. Cornutus, praetor ur- 11, 3, note. 'Let the end of your work be banus, and P. Servilius seem to have opposed worthy of its beginning '=' efficies ut ex- any distinct recognition of his services (cp. trema eandem cum primis formam, speciem Ad Fam. 10. 12, 3 and 4; 10. 16, l), and referant.' Forcell. Cicero had to exhort him to consider virtue EP. 143.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XI. 23. 597 texes extrema cum primis : qui enim M. Antonium oppresserit, is bellum confecerit ; itaque Homerus non Aiacem nee Achillem, sed Ulixem appellavit TTToknropOiov. 143. D. BRUTUS to CICERO (AD FAM. XL 33). Eporedia, May 25, 43 p..c. (711 a.u.c.) I. We are getting on very well. Lepidus seems to be well disposed; three such armies ought to give you confidence. 2. What I reported to you before must have been an invention intended to frighten you. I shall stay in Italy till I hear from you. D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI. 1 Nos hie valemus reete et, quo melius valeamus, operam dabi- mus. Lepidus eommode nobis sentire videtur. Omni timore 5 deposito debemus libere rei publieae consulere. Quod si omnia essent aliena, tamen tribus tantis exercitibus, propriis rei publieae, valentibus, magnum animum habere debebas, quem et semper 2 habuisti et nune fortuna adiuvante augere potes. Quae tibi supe- rioribus litteris mea manu scripsi, terrendi tui causa homines lo loquuntur : si frenum momorderis, peream, si te omnes, quot sunt, conantem loqui ferre poterunt. Ego, tibi ut antea scripsi, dum mihi a te litterae veniant, in Italia morabor. Vlll. K. lunias Eporedia. 2. Itaque =' as the last service done seems most important.' 3. TTToKnropOiov. Homer applies the epithet tttoMttupOios to Achilles in vari- ous passages (e.g. II. 8. 372 ; 15. 77); but Cicero is probably thinking of others, where the services of Ulysses are most highly praised (e.g. Odyss. 9. 504, 530; 22. 230). The point of this passage is, I think, that as Ulysses had the credit of the capture of Troy, not Ajax and Achilles, who both fell before it was taken, so would Plancus, if he gave the final blow to Antony, have rather than Hirtius or Pansa the fame of finishing the war. I cannot, with Mr. Jeans, see any sugges- tion to use craft. Eporedia. Its site is occupied by the modern Ivrea, on the Dora Baltea (Duria) in Piedmont. 4. Nos, 'I and my army.' 6. Omnia, ' all other forces.' The mean- ing must depend on that of tribus tantis exercitibus. Two of them, no doubt, were those of Decimus himself and of Plan- cus, the third may have been that of Octa- vius (Manuf., Wiel., Billerb.) or of Lepidus. 8. A nimum . . augere. A rare phrase, with a personal subject to the principal verb. ' Fortuna adiuvans augere potest' would be more common. 9. Quae tibi . . scripsi : cp. Ad Fam. II. 20, I and 2. D. Brutus had reported to Cicero a conversation with Se^ulius Labeo, who had spoken of Octavius and the vete- rans as discontented. 11. Si frenum momorderis, 'if you champ the bit,' ' shew a high spirit.' ' Si te ferocem et recusantem ostenderis.' Forcell. ' Si eos contempseris. Manut. Cp. Ad Fam. II. 24, I. 12. Conantem loqui, ' nedum loquen- tem.' Manut. 13. Italia. See Ep. 145, 3, note. 14. Eporedia. On the ablative, c,>. Fp. 17, 4, note, p. III. 598 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. 144. M. LEPIDUS to the SENATE and PEOPLE (AD FAM. X. o^s)' Pons Argenteus, May 30, 43 B.C. (711 a.u.c.) I. I protest that I should soon have convinced you of my devotion, but that my army mutinied and declared for peace. 2. I beseech you, therefore, to forget all private quarrels, and not to treat as a crime the merciful disposition of myself and of my army. Act as is best for the safety and dignity of all. M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITER. PONTIFEX MAX. S. D. SENATUI POPULO PLEBIQUE ROMANAE. S. V. liberique vestri v. b. e. e. q. v. Deos hominesque testor. 1 patres conscripti, qua mente et quo animo semper in rem publi- cam fuerim et quam nihil antiquius communi salute ac libertate iudicarim ; quod vobis brevi probassem, nisi mihi fortuna proprium 5 consilium extorsisset : nam exercitus cunctus consuetudinem suam in civibus conservandis communique pace, seditione facta, retinuit meque tantae multitudinis civium Romanorum salutis atque inco- lumitatis causam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit. In qua re ego 2 vos, patres conscripti, oro atque obsecro, ut privatis offensionibus 10 omissis summae rei publicae consulatis neve misericordiam nos- ■ tram exercitusque nostri in civili dissensione sceleris loco ponatis. Quod si salutis omnium ac dignitatis rationem habueritis, melius et vobis et rei publicae consuletis. D. III. Kal. lun. a Ponte Argenteo. On the titles of Lepidus, and on the ab- breviations in 1. I, cp. Ep. 141, note. 4. Brevi probassem, i.e. by resisting Antony. Fortuna. Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 83 and 84) represents that the army of Lepidus was deb.iuched by emissaries from that of An- tony. It is probable that Lepidus offered no great resistance to his soldiers, but neither Appian (1. c.) nor Velleius (2. 63) charges him with premeditated treachery. A son of Lepidus had been betrothed to Antony's daughter (Ep. 1 18, 2 ; Dion Cas- sius 44. 53), and Antony flattered Lepidus by promising to act under his orders (Veil. 1. c). 5. Consuetudinem suam. Perhaps there is here an allusion to Caesar's orders at Pharsalus ' ut civibus parceretur.' Cp. Suet. Jul. 75 ; Caes. Bell. Civ. 3. 98 ; cp. also Philipp. 8. 4, 13, where Cicero repre- sents Calenus as saying, ' eum te esse qui . . semper . . omnes cives salvos volueris.' 6. Communique pace, sc. ' conser- vanda.' 9. Privatis offensionibus. Perhaps with especial reference to the quarrel between Cicero and Antony. 12. Dignitatis. Perhaps of Antony and himself as ' consulares.' EP. 145.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XI.\^^. ^(^9 145. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. XL io^ a). Graian Alps (?) May or beginning of June, 43 B.C. (711 A.U.C.) 1. I wish you to read this letter carefully. I could not follow Antony at once, for want of transport, and from uncertainty as to the position of affairs. 2. Next day I should have visited Pansa, but heard of his death. My forces were exhausted, and Antony, wlio had two days' start, marched much faster than I could, and first halted at Vada. 3. Ventidius joined him there, and I heard that his followers were eager to decide the contest in Italy. 4. I anticipated them, however, in occupying Pollentia, and the speed of my march has rather disconcerted them. Plancus and I are confident that we are a match for the enemy; 5. you may trust us, and hope for the best, but do what you can to send us reinforcements and supplies, that we may resist the guilty combina- tion of public enemies. D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D. M. CICERONI. 1 lam non ago tibi gratias ; cui enim re vix referre possum, huic verbis non patitur res satis fieri : attendere te volo, quae in manibus sunt ; qua enim prudentia es, nihil te fugiet, si meas litteras diligenter legeris. Sequi confestim Antonium his de causis, Cicero, non potui : eram sine equitibus, sine 5 iumentis ; Hirtium perisse nesciebam ; Caesari non credebam 2 prius, quam convenissem et collocutus essem. Hie dies hoc GRAIAN ALPS. This letter as we have it seems to be compounded of two fragments written at ditTcrent times and from different places. Tlie first portion of it, from the beginning to ' cum equitibus ' or perhaps to ' puto consistere ' seems to be a reply to Ad Fam. 11. 12, and to have been written while D. Brutus was on the march from Pollentia to Eporedia : he wrote in good spirits from the latter place on May 25, cp. Ep. 143. With regard to the rest of the letter, it seems from the latter part of § 4 that D. Brutus was already acting in concert with Plancus, and from Ep. 146, 3, that Plancus, in his camp at Cularo, ex- pected D. Brutus to join him on June 8 or 9. This portion of the letter, then, was probably written from a camp on the upper Isara, peihaps at or near Darentasia (Mou- tlers). The writer seems to refer to the treachery of Lepidus in § 5, and that seems to have been consummated late in May. Cp. Epp. 141, 144. Cp. the Journal of Philology, vol. viii. 16, pp. 269 foil. 2. Non patitur res, ' the nature of the case does not allow.' Billerb. Attendere, sc. ' ea,' 'to observe.' Cp. Ep. 100, 3; Philipp. 2. 12, 30 ' stuporem hominis . . attendite.' Quae in manibus sunt. 'Qute' is relative, not interrogative ; hence the indie. Cp. Zumpt, L. G. 553 ; Madv. 356, Obs. i. Forcell. gives as an equivalent for these words, 'ea circa quae in praeseutia labor imus.' 3. Qiia enim prudentia es='pro tua prudentia' (Ep. 131, 2) or 'quae est tua prudentia,' both of which are more common. (Cp. Ep. 98, 6, note.) 4. Diligenter. D. Brutus writes in rather obscure terms, and therefore invites Cicero to read attentively. Cp. § 5. 6. Nesciebam, H. adds ' Aquilam pe- risse nesciebam.' 7. Prius, quam convenissem. These words, which only describe a past state of mind in Decimus, do not imply that he actually met Octavius, but from Ep. 137, 4 it is perhaps probable that he did so, though Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 73) says that Octavius refused to meet him. Hie dies, i.e. 'the day of the balt.e.' Cp. lutr. to Part V, § 17. 6oo M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. modo abiit. Postero die mane a Pansa sum arcessltus Bono- niam. Cum in itinere essem, nuntiatum mihi est eum mor- tuum esse. Recurri ad meas copiolas ; sic enim vere eas appel- lare possum : sunt extenuatissimae et inopia omnium rerum 5 pessime acceptae. Biduo me Antonius antecessit, itinera multo maiora fugiens quam ego sequens : ille enim iit passim, ego ordinatim. Ouacumque iit, ergastula solvit, homines adripuit, constitit nusquam prius, quam ad Vada venit ; quem locum volo tibi esse notum : iacet inter Appenninum et Alpes, inpe- lo ditissimus ad iter faciendum. Cum abessem ab eo milia pas- 3 suum XXX. et se ei iam Ventidius coniunxisset, contio eius ad me est adlata, in qua petere coepit a militibus, ut se trans Alpes sequerentur ; sibi cum M. Lepido convenire. Succla- matum est ei frequenter, a militibus Ventidianis — nam suos 15 valde quam paucos habet — , sibi aut in Italia pereundum esse aut vincendum ; et orare coeperunt, ut Pollentiam iter face- rent. Cum sustinere eos non posset, in posterum diem iter suum contulit. Hac re mihi nuntiata statim quinque cohortes 4 Pollentiam praemisi meumque iter eo contuli : hora ante prae- I. Bononiam. Pansa lay there disabled by a wound. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 69. 3. Copiolas, 'my handful of men.' The word seems to be found here only. 4. Extenuatissimae, 'very much re- duced." Rare in this sense. The language of this passage hardly agrees with that of § 5, or with that of other letters written abo'it this time. Cp. Ad Fam. 11. 20, 4 ; 11. 23, i. 5. Pessime acceptae, 'have been brought into an evil plight.' ' Acceptae ' = ' tractatae.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Fam. 12. 14, 4 ' Dolabella . . in oppugnando male accep- tus;' also Ter. Ad. 2. 1, 12. Itinera . . sequens, ' making much greater marches in his flight than I in my pursuit.' Cp. Smith's Lat. Diet, sub voc. 'Iter'; Madv. 223 c, Obs. 4. Wesenb. suggests either the insertion of 'fecit' before 'itinera,' or the substitution of'fuga faciens' for ' fugiens.' Forcell. quotes the passage as it stands, saying ' notat aliquando (iter) mo- dum itineris faciendi,' H. inserts ' fecit ' after 'itinera.' 6. Passim, ' spreading his troops over the country;' opposed to ordinatim, 'in regular array.' For the description of An- tony's march, cp. Ep. 137, 3. 'Passim' seems not to be Ciceronian in this sense ; ' ordinatim ' not in any. The latter word, however, is used by Sulpicius (Ep. 98, 3) and by Caesar (Bell. Civ. 2. 10), who also (Bell. Civ. 2. 38) uses 'passim' in the sense in which it is used here. 13. Sibi . . convenire, ' that he had an understanding with Lepidus.' D. Brutus had suspected this a month before. Cp. Ep. 136, I. Succlamatum est ei, 'his speech was followed by cries.' Not a Ciceronian word, but used by Livy both of friendly and hos- tile interruptions. Cp. 3. 50, 10; 21. 18, 14. 14. Frequenter, either 'often,' or 'by numbers.' Forcell. recognizes both senses ; Wieland adopts the latter. 15. Valde quam. Forcell. quotes no other instance of this combination, which he says has the same force as 'sane quam' in the next section. 16. Pollentiam. On the left bank of the Tanarus (Tanaro), about 35 miles S. by E. of Augusta Taurinorum (Turin). It is mentioned by Pliny, H. N. 3. 5, 7, and is now a small place called Polenza or Polenzo. 17. In posterum . . contulit, 'he put off his march till the next day.' ' Conferre ' = 'difl"erre.' Forcell. Cp. Ad Att. 6. I, 24 ' de rebus urbanis, de provinciis quae omnia in mensem. Martium sunt cotilata.' EP. 145] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XI.iT,^. 5oi sidium meum Pollentiam venit quam Trebellius cum equltibus. Sane quam sum gavisus ; in hoc cnim victoriam puto consis- tere. In spcm vcnerant, quod neque Planci quattuor legiones omnibus suis copiis pares arbitrabantur ncque ex Italia tarn celeriter exercitum traiici posse credcbant. Ouos ipsi adhuc 5 satis adroganter Allobroges cquitatusque omnis, qui eo prae- missus erat a nobis, sustincbant, nostroque advcntu sustineri facilius posse confidimus. Tamcn, si quo etiam casu Isaram se traiecerint, ne quod detrimentum rci publicae iniungant, 5 summa a nobis dabitur opera. Vos magnum animum optimam- 10 que spem de summa re publica habere volumus, cum et nos et exercitus nostros singular! concordia coniunctos ad omnia pro vobis videatis paratos. Sed tamen nihil de diligcntia re- mittere debetis dareque operam, ut quam paratissimi et ab exercitu reliquisque rebus pro vestra salute contra sceleratissi- 15 mam conspirationem hostium confligamus ; qui quidem eas co- pias, quas diu simulatione rei publicae comparabant, subito ad patriae periculum converterunt. 1. Trebellius. L. Trebellius Fides was tribune in the same year with Dolabella, 48-47 B.C., and resisted his colleague's attacks upon public credit. After Caesar's death he was a decided partisan of Antony. Cp. Philipp. 6. 4; II. 6, 14; 13. 12, 26. 2. Sane quam : cp. Ep. 33, 2, note. In hoc . . consistere, 'depends on this.' 3. In spem venerant, 'they had begun to hope,' ' venire in spem = sperare.' Forcell, Not often used without the thing hoped for being expressed. Quattuor legiones : cp. Ep. 140, 3, note. 4. Ex Italia. Italy is here spoken of in its modern sense, as including the modern Piedmont and Lombardy. Cp. p. 597, 1. 13; Merivaie 3. 157, note; and § 3 of this letter. A. W. Zumpt, S. R. 31 has produced some strong evidence to shew that ' Italia ' even at an earlier date than that of this letter was considered to include Gallia Cisalpina. Tam celeriter, 'so quickly as has been the case.' ' Tam dicitur cum ellipsi oppositi membri.'says Forcell. Cp. De OfT. i. 2f, 73. 5. Ipsi, ' by themselves.' 6. Satis adroganter, ' boldly enough.' Allobroges : cp. Ep. 139, note. Equitatusque omnis : cp. ^41. 140, 3, 7. A nobis, 'by Planciis and me.' Sustinebant, epistolary imperfect. 9. Iniungant = 'impona!>t.' Forcell, 10. Vos. Cicero and his friends at Rome. 11. Et nos, 'both Plancus and me.' 14. Et ab exercitu, foil., 'in respect of soldiers and of everything else.' For this sense of ' ab,' cp. Ep. I. 2, note. The posi- tion of ' que ' is irregular. 16. Q_ui quidem. The reference is prob- ably to Lepidus mainly ; for, though the words diu . . comparabant, 'which they were raising for a long while, nominally for the defence of the Commonwealth,' ' spent much time in raising, as they pretended, for the defence of the Conmionwealth,' Billerb., suit Octavius belter than Lepidus, the defec- tion of Octavius can hardly have taken place early enough to be known already to D. Brutus. Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 18. But see also Ad Fam. 11, lo, 4 ; ii. 20, i. 6o2 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS [part v. 146. PLANCUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. X. 23). Camp at Cularo, June 6, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c) 1. I never really trusted Lepidus, but was unwilling to incur the charge of suspecting him unfairly. 2. I marched to within forty miles of the camp of Antony and Lepidus, and then halted, when I heard that they had moved twenty miles nearer. 3. I with- drew across the Isara on June 4, and broke down the bridge. I expect D. Brutus in three days. 4. Laterensis has shewn much loyalty, but not enough penetration. On hearing of the treason of Lepidus he attempted his own life, but I hope may survive. 5. My escape has annoyed the public enemies a good deal. 6. Do what you can to support us ; let Caesar's army come to our aid, with or without himself. 7. My regard for you increases daily, and I hope that I may have opportunities hereafter of proving this to you. PLANCUS CICERONL Numquam mehercules, mi Cicero, me paenitebit maxima i pericula pro patria subire, dum, si quid acciderit mihi, a repre- hensione temeritatis absim. Confiterer imprudentia me lapsum, si umquam Lepido ex animo credidissem ; credulitas enim error 5 est magis quam culpa, et quidem in optimi cuiusque mentem facillime inrepit : sed ego non hoc vitio paene sum deceptus ; Lepidum enim pulchre noram. Quid ergo est.? pudor me, qui in bello maxime est periculosus, hunc casum coegit subire ; nam, nisi uno loco essem, verebar ne cui obtrectatorum viderer et 10 nimium pertinaciter Lepido offensus et mea patientia etiam alere bellum. Itaque copias prope in conspectum Lepidi An- 2 toniique adduxi quadragintaque milium passuum spatio relicto consedi eo consilio, ut vel celeriter accedere vel salutariter re- cipere me possem. Adiunxi haec in loco eligendo, flumen op- 15 positum ut haberem, in quo mora transitus esset, Vocontii sub On the situation of Cularo, cp. Ep. i^o, 3, note. 2. Si quid acciderit mihi, ' if I meet with any disaster.' Cp. Ep. 71, 8, note. A reprehensione . . absim, ' I be free from the charge of rashness.' On this sense of ' abesse a,' cp. Ep. 16, 2, note. 6. Non hoc . . deceptus, 'this is not the fault by which I have been so nearly taken in.' Siipfle. 7. Pudor, explained by the next sentence, • fear of public opinion.' 9. Nisi . . essem, 'if I did not meet Lepidus.' 10. Patientia, ' inactivity.' Wieland. 13. Salutariter = ' exercitu salvo et inco- lumi,' ' without loss.' Forctll. 14. Haec. ' the following advantages,' i.e. (ij the protection of a river; (2) a safe re- treat through the country of the Vocontii. Flumen. Perhaps the Verdon, a feeder of the Druentia or Durance, separating the modern department of the Var from that of the Basses Alpes. But Andr. thinks that it was the Druentia itself. 15. Vocontii. This people lived between the Druentia and the Isara. The modern Avignon and Grenoble would perhaps mark the extreme west and east of their territory. Sub manu =' prope.' Forcell. EP. 146.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X. 23 603 manu ut cssent, per quorum loca fidcliter mihi pateret iter. Lepidus desperate adventu meo, quern non mediocriter capta- bat, se cum Antonio coniunxit a. d. Iiil. Kal. lunias, eodcmque die ad me castra moverunt ; viginti milia passuum cum abessent, 3 res mihi nuntiata est. Dedi opcram deum benignitate, ut et 5 celeriter me recipercm et hie discessus niliil fugae simile habe- ret^ non miles ullus, non eques, non quicquam impedimentorum amitteretur aut ab illis ferventibus latronibus interciperetur. Itaque pridie Nonas lunias omnes copias Isaram traieci pontes- que, quos feceram, interrupi, ut spatium ad colligendum se homi- 10 nes haberent et ego me interea cum coUega coniungerem, quern 4 triduo, cum has dabam litteras, exspectabam. Laterensis nostri et fidem et animum singularem in rem publicam semper fatebor ; sed certe nimia eius indulgentia in Lepidum ad haec pericula perspicienda fecit eum minus sagacem. Qui quidem cum in frau- 15 dem se deductum videret, manus, quas iustius in Lepidi perniciem armasset, sibi adferre conatus est ; in quo casu tamen interpel- latus et adhuc vivit et dieitur victurus. Sed tamen de hoc parum 1. Fideliter, ' through a loyal district.' So, in substance, Siipfle. Perhaps ' fideliter pateret ' may be translated ' would be loyally kept open.' 2. Desperate adventu. But Plancus wrote a short time before (Ad Fam. lo. 21, a) that Lepidus had asked him to halt on the Isara, and felt strong enough to deal with Antony single handed. 4. Ad me, '■towards me.' Moverunt. This is only true of Antony, for Lepidus was still on the 30th at his old quarters near Pons Argenteus. Cp. Ep. 144, 2, and Andresen's note on this passage. 5. Deum benignitate ='diis favenii- bus.' Abl. caus. 6. Celeriter. His retreat probably began on May 30th or 31st, for Antony joined Lepidus on the 29th, and Plancus heard of their junction when they (or rather Antony, see above) had marched 20 miles (§ 2). Now Cularo, whence this letter was written on June 6, was about 150 miles from Pons Argenteus, and as Plancus had halted 40 miles short of the latter place (§ 2), he must have retreated no miles, crossed the Isara, and broken his bridges, in six days at most, perhaps in five. Cp. Ep. 140, 3, note. 7. Non miles . . non eques : cp. Ep. J4i„i, note. 8. Ferventibus = ' furiosis.' Forcell. A rare use of the word. 9. Pontesque: cp. Ep. 140, 1. c. Only one has been mentioned before. Cp. Ep. 140, 3 and Ad Fam. 10. 21,2. He had secured one of them with forts at each end, so that D. Brutus might follow him with safety. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 18, 4. 10. Ut spatium , . colligendum. Wesenb. thinks that a double ' et ' is re- quired by the form of the sentence (ut et spatium), and that ' colligendum,' for which he substitutes ' colligendi,' is here a solecism. Homines. Perhaps he refers principally to his own soldiers, whose loyalty might be shaken by the sudden defection of Lepidus. 11. Cum collega, sc. D. Bruto. 12. Triduo cum has dabam litteras, ' in three days from the date of this letter.' Siipfle. Cp. Ep. 145 for the movements of D. Brutus. Laterensis. He had written, just before attempting his own life, to warn Plancus against the designs of Lepidus. Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 21, 3. 13. Fatebor = ' testabor,' ' praedicabo.' Forcell. 17. In quo casu ='discrimine,' 'in which perilous act.' Interpellatus : cp. Ep. II4, 7. 18. Parum mihi certum est. Laterensis died of his wound (Veil. 2, 63), and had a statue and public funeral voted him by the senate (cp. Dion Cassius 46. 51). 6o4 M. TULLII CICERO NTS [part v. mihi certum est. Ego magno cum dolore parricldarum elapsus 5 sum iis ; veniebant enim eodem furore in me quo in patriam, incitati. Iracundias autem harum rerum recentes habebant : quod Lepidum castigare non destiteram, ut exstingueret bellum ; quod 5 colloquia facta improbabam ; quod legatos fide Lepidi missos ad me in conspectum venire vetueram ; quod C. Catium Ves- tinum, tribunum mil,, missum ab Antonio ad eum cum litteris exceperam : in quo hanc capio voluptatem, quod certe, quo magis me petiverunt, tanto maiorem iis frustratio dolorem attulit. Tu, 6^ lo mi Cicero, quod adhuc fecisti, idem praesta, ut vigilanter ner- voseque nos, qui stamus in acie, subornes. Veniat Caesar cum copiis, quas habet firmissimas, aut, si ipsum aliqua res impedit, exercitus mittatur ; cuius ipsius magnum periculum agitur : quic- quid aliquando futurum fuit in castris perditorum contra patriam, 15 hue omne iam convenit. Pro urbis vero salute cur non omnibus facultatibus, quas habemus, utamur ? Quod si vos istic non de- fueritis, profecto, quod ad me attinet, omnibus rebus abunde rei publicae satis faciam. Te quidem, mi Cicero, in dies meher- 7 cules habeo cariorem sollicitudinesque meas quotidie magis tua 20 merita exacuunt, ne quid aut ex amore aut ex iudicio tuo perdam. I. Parricidarum, 'traitors.' Cp.Philipp. 14. 10, 27; 2. 13, 31 'confiteor eos . . plus . . quani parricidas esse, si quidem est atrocius patriae parentem quam suum occi- dere;' lb. 2. 7, 17; and Mr. King's note. 3. Iracundias . . habebant, ' their angry feelings had been lately aroused by the following causes.' The plural ' iracun- diae ' seems very rare. But cp. Ad Q_ F. I- I, 13- 39. 4. Castigare =' castigando impellere.' BiUerb. 5. Colloquia, conferences between An- tony and Lepidus, or between their soldiers. Cp. Ep. 144, notes ; Intr. to Part V, § 17. Legatos, so. Antonii. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 83. Fide Lepidi, 'under the safe conduct of Lepidus.' Cp. Ep. 13, 2, note on 'fides publica.' 6. C. Catium Vestinum. This man seems to be only here mentioned. The Vestini were a people of central Italy living N.E. of the Marsians, S.E. of the Picentines. 7. Ad eum, so. Lepidum. Manut. 8. Exceperam, 'I had intercepted.' In quo, 'on account of which,' Cp. p. 67, 1. 15, note. 10. Nervose, ' energetically ' = 'fortiter,* Forcell, 11. Subornes, 'supply,' ' subinde in- struas.' Forcell, Not Ciceronian appa- rently. 12. Quas habet firmissimas, 'which are very efficient' (unter die schlagfertigsten). Wiel. 13. Cuius ipsius, sc. Caesaris, 'whose own safety is much imperilled.' With this use of a relative not referring to the last substantive cp. Ep. 13;, I, note. Plancus then did not believe that any agreement had yet been made between Antony and Octavius. Quicquid aliquando . . convenit, ' all the desperadoes who were likely at any time to take the field against their country have met here/ i.e. in the camp of Antony and Lepidus. 15. Cur non . . utamur. A protest against any reluctance to transfer the forces of Octaviau to the critical spot. 17. Omnibus rebus, ' in every respect.' Bil'erb. 20. Exacuunt, ' stimulate.' Ex iudicio tuo, ' of your good opinion,' ' consideration.' BiUerb, EP. 147.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES XII. 10. 605 Opto ut mihi liceat iam praesenti pictate meorum officiorum tua beneficia tibi facere iucundiora. VIII. Idus lun. Cularone, ex finibus AJlobrogum. 147. To C. CASSIUS (AD FAM. XII. 10). Rome, July, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) I. Lepidus has been declared a public enemy by the senate. We hear good news about Dolabella, 2. and hope that you are coming to Italy with your army. We wish to hear not only of your efforts but of their results, and 3. are most anxious for your presence. Our success was secure had not Lepidus given Antony a refuge. We have great hopes that the consuls elect may prosper, but 4. all really depends on you and on M. Brutus; we shall need your aid even if we conquer our enemies without you. CICERO CASSIO SAL. 1 Lepidus, tuus adfinis, meus familiaris, pr. K. Quinctiles sen- tentiis omnibus hostis a senatu iudicatus est ceterique, qui una 5 cum illo a re publica defecerunt ; quibus tamen ad sanitatem rede- undi ante K. Sept. potestas facta est. Fortis sane senatus, sed maxime spe subsidii tui. Bellum quidem, cum haec scribebam, sane magnum erat scelere et levitate Lepidi. Nos de Dolabella quotidie, quae volumus, audimus, sed adhuc sine capite, sine auc- lo 2 tore, rumore nuntio. Quod cum ita esset, tamen litteris tuis, quas Nonis Mails ex castris datas acceperamus, ita persuasum erat civi- tati, ut ilium iam oppressum omnes arbitrarentur, te autem in Italiam venire cum exercitu, ut, si haec ex sententia confecta essent, consilio atque auctoritate tua, sin quid forte titubatum, 15 1. Praesenti pietate . . iucundiora, ' to make your services more agreeable to you,' i.e. to make you a return for your services — ' by affection shewn in kindnesses done at Rome.' 2. Cularone : see note at the beginning of this letter. 4. Tuus adfinis. Lepidus had married lunia, and Cassius luiiia Tertulla — both daughters of D Silanus, cos. 62 b.c. and ot Servilia,and half-sisters of M.Brutus. Cp. Al Att. 14. 20, 2; Dion Cassius 44. 34; Veil, 2. 88. Their brother M. Silanus has leen mentioned Ep. 135, i ; he was consul 25 b.c. 6. Quibus. I agree with Wiel. in think- ing that this does not include Lepidus himself. Sanitatem, ' bonam mentem,' 'rectum consilium,' 'a sound state of mind.' Forcell. 8. Scribebam . . erat, ' epistolary tenses. 9. De Dolabella: cp. Intr. to Part V, § 20; Appendix 11. 10. From a letter of Cassius, a quaestor, to Cicero (Ad Fam. 12. 13, 4), it would seem that Laodicea was in- vested about June 13. 10. Sine capite, ' without any definite source.' ' Caput ' = ' origo unde aliquid manat et exit in vulgus.' Forcell. Cp. Pro Plane. 23, 57 'si quid sine capite manabit.' 11. Litteris tuis : Ep. 138. 14. Haec, 'the war with Antony and Lepidus.' 15. Titubatum, cp. de Orat. 3. 50, 192. 6o6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part V. ut fit in bello, exercitu tuo niteremur ; quem quidem ego exercitum quibuscumque potuero rebus ornabo ; cuius rei turn tempus erit, cum, quid opis rei publicae laturus is exercitus sit aut quid iam tulerit, notum esse coeperit : nam adhuc tantum conatus audiuntur, 5 optimi illi quidem et praeclarissimi, sed gesta res exspectatur, quam quidem aut iam esse aliquam aut adpropinquare confido. Tua virtute ct magnitudine animi nihil est nobilius ; itaque opta- 3 mus, ut quam primum te in Italia videamus : rem publicam nos habere arbitrabimur, si vos habebimus. Praeclare viceramus, nisi 10 spoliatum, inermem, fugientem Lepidus recepisset Antonium ; itaque numquam tanto odio civitati Antonius fuit, quanto est Lepidus : ille enim ex turbulenta re publica, hie ex pace et victoria bellum excitavit. Huic oppositos consules designatos habemus, in quibus est magna ilia quidem spes, sed anceps cura propter incertos 15 exitus proeliorum. Persuade tibi igitur, in te et in Bruto tuo esse 4 omnia, vos exspectari, Brutum quidem iam iamque. Quod si, ut spero, victis hostibus nostris veneritis, tamen auctoritate vestra res publica exsurget et in aliquo statu tolerabili consistet ; sunt enim permulta, quibus erit medendum, etiam si res publica satis 20 esse videbitur sceleribus hostium liberata. Vale. 148. PLANCUS TO CICERO (AD FAM. X. 24). Camp at Cularo (?), July 28, 43 b.c. (711 a.u.c.) 1. I must express, however imperfectly, my gratitude for all your ser\'ices. 2. You have tried to promote my soldiers' interests, as the public welfare demanded, 3. and hitherto I have maintained my position. Caution is needful, for our forces, though 2. Ornabo: cp. the requests of Cassius, had been one of the murderers of Julius Ep. 138. 3 and 4. Caesar. But may not Cicero's reason for 5. Gesta res, ' some achievement,' 'a omitting his name have been that he did result,' i.e. the overthrow of Dolabella. not trust him ? Cp. note on 1. 19 below. 6. Esse aliquam, 'has been effected to 14. Ilia quidem. A pronoun is often some extent.' prefixed rather pleonastically to ' quidem.' 9. Vos, Cassius and M. Brutus. Cp. Cp. Madv. 489, b. § 4. 16. Iam iamque. Brutus' province, Viceramus. An elliptical mode of ex- Macedonia, was of course much nearer than pression. 'We had g.Tined a great success, that of Cassius. which would have been decisive,' or perhaps, 18. Exsurget . . consistet. Bold meta- as Andresen says, it is rhetorical exaggera- phors: 'will arise from its depression and be tion describing what had nearly happened settled in a satisfactory position.' ' Ex- as having actually happened. Cp. Madv, surget' = ' erigetur,' ' recreabitur.' Forcell. 348. c. Cp. Ep. 48, I, note, on exsurgere. 13. Consules designatos. Plancus and 19. Permulta, foil. Perhaps these words D. Brutus. Manutius thinks that Octavian refer to Cicero's suspicions of Octavian. is passed over out of regard for Cassius, who EP. 148.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X 24. 607 very numerous, are for the most part inexperienced : 4. if you can send us the army of Africa, or the young Caesar's, we may risk a battle with confidence. 5. You know how friendly I have always been to the young Caesar for various reasons, 6. but I must say that our present difficulties are entirely owing to his breach of promises and foolish ambition. 7. All who have influence with him ought to exert it in the interest of the state. 8. Our position here is difficult, as a battle would be dangerous, and retreat might involve loss to the Commonwealth. PLANCUS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D. CICERONI. 1 Facere non possum, quia in singulas res meritaque tua tibl gratias agam, sed mehercules facio cum pudore ; neque enim tanta necessitudo, quantam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti, desiderare videtur gratiarum actionem, neque ego libenter pro maximis tuis beneficiis tam vili munere defungor orationis, et malo praesens 5 observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate memorem me tibi probare. Quod si mihi vita contigerit, omnes gratas amicitias atque etiam pias propinquitates f in tua observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate vincam ; amor enim tuus ac indicium de me utrum mihi plus dignitatis in perpetuum an voluptatis quotidie sit adlaturus, non 10 2 facile dixerim. De militum commodis fuit tibi curae ; quos ego non potentiae meae causa — nihil enim me non salutariter cogitare scio — ornari volui a senatu, sed primum, quod ita meritos iudi- cabam, deinde. quod ad omnes casus coniunctiores rei publicae esse volebam, novissime, ut ab omni omnium sollicitatione aversos 15 This letter is the last written to Cicero Indulgentia, 'devotion.' Billerb., Wiel. which we possess; Ad Fam. 12. 10 the last 9. Amor . . ac iudicium, 'the affec- written by him. Abeken suspects that many tion shewn in your opinion of me." were destroyed by Augustus (cp. p. 470 of 10. Adlaturus, masc. as agreeing with his work). the more important word ' amor.' Cp. Ad I. In = 'for,' 'on account of.' Cp. Ad Fam. 10. 21, 5 ' mihi . . non mode honorem Q. F. 2. 6, 5 ' in eam tabulam magni risus sed misericordiam quoque defuturum.' Cp, consequebantur.' In singulas res, 'point Madv. 214 d, Obs. 3. by point.' Atidr, 11. De militum commodis. Perhaps 5. Tam vili . . orationis, ' so worth- Plancus refers especially to grants of land less a gift as this of words,' gen. defin. Cp. promised to those who should be loyal to Ep. 10, 2, note. the commonwealth. Cp. Ad Fam. ii. 20, 7. Amicitias . . propinquitates: for 3 ; 11. 21, 2 and 5 ; Philipp. 5. 19, 53 ; 14. * amicos ' and ' propinquos.' The words do 14, 38, It is probable, though not stated, not seem to be used quite in this sense by that such promises were made to the soldiers Cicero, but we find ' convictiones ' and ' ap- of Plancus. paritiones' used of persons (Ad Q^ F. t. I, 13. Scio. Wesenb. has ' scis.' 12). Cp. also Pro Quinct. 30, 93 'ab Ornari volui: cp. Ep. 132, 7. afflicta amicitia transfugere atque ad floren- 14. Ad omnes casus. On the force of tem aliam devolare.' 'ad,' cp. p. 426, note. 8. In tua observantia, 'in courting 15. Novissime, 'lastly.' Not Cicero- you.' Cp. Kp. 29, 20 ' sine ulla mea con- nian, apparently, in this sense. tumelia.' Wesenb. agrees with Baiter in Omni omnium sollicitatione, 'all regarding these words as suspicious, and the seductions which anybody,' especially puts ' in tua . . adsiduitate' in brackets. Antony and Lepidus, 'can employ.' On the 6o8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [part v. eos tales vobis praestare possem, quales adhuc fuerunt. Nos adhuc 3 hie omnia integ;ra sustinuimus. Ouod consilium nostrum, etsi quanta sit aviditas hominum non sine causa f talis victoriae scio, tamen vobis probari spero. Non enim, si quid in his exer- 5 citibus sit oftensum, magna subsidia res publica habet expedita, quibus subito impetu ac latrocinio parricidarum resistat. Copias vero nostras notas tibi esse arbitror : in castris meis legiones sunt veteranae tres, tironum vel luculentissima ex omnibus una ; in castris Bruti una veterana legio, altera bima, octo tironum : 10 ita universus exercitus numero amplissimus est, firmitate exiguus ; quantum autem in acie tironi sit committendum, nimium saepe expertum habemus. Ad hoc robur nostrorum exercituum sive 4 Africanus exercitus, qui est veteranus, sive Caesaris accessisset, aequo animo summam rem publicam in discrimen deduceremus. 15 Aliquanto autem propius esse quod Caesarem videbamus, nihil destiti eum litteris hortari, neque ille intermisit adfirmare se sine mora venire ; cum interim aversum ilium ab hac cogitatione ad alia consilia video se contulisse. Ego tamen ad eum Furnium nostrum cum mandatis litterisque misi, si quid forte proficere 20 posset. Scis tu, mi Cicero, quod ad Caesaris amorem attinet, 5 attempts to tamper with Plancus and his army, cp. Epp. 132, 3 ; 146, 2 and 5. Aversos is, I think, a participle here. 2. Omnia . . sustinuimus, 'we have kept everything as it was.' Frey. ' Have not involved the commonwealth in any risk ' = 'proeIium vitavimus.' Manut. 'Sustinere = ' conservare,' ' tueri.' Forcell. 3. Talis. Perhaps 'fatalis,' 'decisive,' should be read with H. A. Koch. ap. Baiter. If the MS. reading be retained, quanta may mean 'how little' (cp. 'quantum,' 1. 11; Ep. 15,8, note on p. 96) : ' how little men desire the mere maintenance of our position.' Wesenb. inserts ' belli.' ' Talis ' would then = 'civilis.' Professor Nettleship suggests ' alterius' (altis) for 'talis'; Andr. suggests ' ut ais ' as referring to a letter of Cicero to Plancus. 5. Subsidia . . expedita, 'reserves ready for action.' 6. Impetu, dat, Nagelsb. 56, 152. 8. Luculentissima, 'finest.' Wiel. 9. Bima, ' which has seen more than one year's service.' Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 49) seems to have considered this a veteran legion. 10. Firmitate, 'steadiness/ not common cp. Madv. 46, Obs. 3 without a qualifying genitive. Exiguus, 'slight,' 'weak.' II. Autem. Andresen remarks that ' enini ' would suit the context better. Nimium saepe, e.g. at Pharsahis, cp. Ep. 88, 2; Intr. to Part III, §§ 10; 11; Thapsus, Intr. to Part IV, § 10 ; and Forum Gallorum, Ep. 135, notes; Intr. to Part V, § 16. For an account of the forces of Plancus and D. Brutus, cp. Appendix 11, I and 3. 13. Africanus exercitus: cp. Intr. to Part V, §§ 18 and 19; Appendix 11, 5. Accessisset . . deduceremus, episto- lary tenses in place of the fut. exact, and simple fut. indie. Cp. Ep. 56, 5, note. 14. Summam rem publicam, 'the highest interests,' 'the existence' of the commonwealth. 15. Propius esse.sc. ' quam Africanum exercitum.' Videbamus, 'we' (D. Brutus and I) see. Nihil destiti, 'I have not ceased.' 18. Ad alia consilia, i.e. to his designs upon the consulship. Cp. § 6. Furnium : cp. Ep. 130, i, note. 20. Quod ad Caesaris Octaviani amo- rem. EP. 148.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAMILIARES X.iji,. 609 societatem mihi esse tecum : vel quod in familiarltate Caesaris vivo illo iam tueri eum et diligere fuit mihi necesse ; vel quod ipse, quoad ego nosse potui, moderatissimi atque humanissimi fuit sensus ; vel quod ex tarn insigni amicitia mea atque Caesaris hunc filii loco et illius et vestro iudicio substitutum non proinde 5 6 habere turpe mihi videtur. Sed — quicquid tibi scribo, dolenter mehercule magis quam inimice facio; — quod vivit Antonius hodie, quod Lepidus una est, quod exercitus habent non contemnendos, quod sperant, quod audent, omne Caesari acceptum referre pos- sunt. Neque ego superiofa repetam ; sed ex eo tempore, quo 'o ipse mihi professus est se venire, si venire voluisset, aut op- pressum iam bellum esset aut in aversissimam illis Hispaniam cum detrimento eorum maximo extrusum. Quae mens eum, aut quorum consilia, a tanta gloria, sibi vero etiam necessaria ac salutari, avocarit et ad cogitationem consulatus bimestris summo 15 cum terrore hominum et insulsa cum efflagitatione transtulerit, 7 exputare non possum. Multum in hac re mihi videntur neces- sarii eius et rei publicae et ipsius causa proficere posse ; plu- rimum, ut puto, tu quoque, cuius ille tanta merita habet, quanta 1. In familiaritate Caesaris, ' as an intimate friend of Julius Caesar,' 2. Illo . . illius refer to the elder Caesar ; eum . . ipse . . hunc to Octavian. 5. Vestro. Octavian's adoption was only sanctioned in the comitia curiata after his return to Rome from North Italy, appa- rently in August. Cp. App. Bell. Civ. 3. 94 ; Dion Cassius 46. 47. However, Cicero had always called him Caesar in the Philippics (cp. 3. 6, 15; 5. 17, 46), and most of the other friends of Octavian had done so even before (cp. Ep. 108, 2). Plancus therefore perhaps refers to the informal recognition. Proinde, 'as such,' i.e. 'as his sou.' Wiel. 7. Facio. This verb is used like its English equivalent instead of repeating a more definite verb. Cp. Andresen's note on this passage, and Ep. 90, 4. 10. Superiora, 'his earlier shortcom- ings,' in failing to press Antony hard after the battle of Mutina. E.X eo tempore . . esset. With the order of the words, cp. Pro TuU. 4, 9; and see Madv. 476 c. But this passage seems rather confused. The words may mean — either ' The war would have been at an end since the time when he promised to come — if he had been willing to come,' or ' If he had been willing to come at the time he pro- mised the war would have been already at an end.' 11. Oppressum, ' put an end to,' 12. Aversissimam. Wesenb. has ' ad- versissimam.' Illis, 'to Antony and his party.' Spain had been attached to Pompey and his family for many years. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, §12; Appendix I, § 2 ; 7 ; 11, 4. 14. Sibi: ' ipsi ' would be more com- mon. Frey. Vero, 'moreover.' 'Servit transitionibus.' Forcell. Necessaria. Because he had much to fear from Antony, 15. Bimestris. An exaggeration. For Octavian was elected at latest on Sept. 2 2, Cp. Intr. to Part V, § 19, note 6. 16. Efflagitatione, a rare word. It oc- curs Ad Fam. 5. 19, 2. On the facts here referred to, cp, Intr. 1. c. ; Suet. Oct. 26 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 88 ; Dion Cassius 4'). 43. 17. Exputare, very rare = ' coniectaiuio adscqui.' Forcell. Necessarii. His mother Atia, his step- father L. Philippus and his brothtr-in-law C. Marcellus, the consul of 50 B.C., may be especially referred to, Cp. Ep. loS, 2 ; Philipp. 3. 6, 17. 19. Cuius, ' from whom,' gen. posses.«, Merita = ' beneficia,' 'services,' referring R r 6io M. TULLII CICERONIS EP. AD FAM, X. 34. nemo praeter me ; numquam enim obliviscar maxima ac plurima me tibi debere. De his rebus ut exigeret cum eo, Furnio mandavi. Quod si, quantam debeo, habuero apud eum auctori- tatem, plurimum ipsum iuvero. Nos interea duriore condicione 8 5 bellum sustinemus, quod neque expeditissimam dimicationem putamus neque tamen refugiendo commissuri sumus, ut mains detrimentum res publica accipere possit. Quod si aut Caesar se respexerit aut Africanae legiones celeriter venerint, secures vos ab hac parte reddemus. Tu, ut instituisti, me diligas rogo pro- 10 prieque tuum esse tibi persuadeas. V. Kal. Sext. ex castris. to Cicero's proposals in the senate in honour of Octavian — those e.g. recorded Philipp. 5. 17; 14. 14,37. 2. Ut exigeret, 'to treat. The word does not seem to be Ciceronian in this sense, but Forcell. quotes Seneca and Pliny for it. 3. Habuero . . iuvero: on the tenses cp. p. 479, note on 1. 15. ' Iuvero :' the aid of Plancus would be valuable to Octavian because of the hostility of Antony to the latter. Cp. Epp. 146, 6 ; 148, 6, notes. 4. Duriore; 'eo duriore' would be more in accordance with usage. 5. Expeditissimam = ' facillimam.' Forcell. The superlative is found also Ad Fam. II. 24, 2. 7. S e respexerit, 'shall have regard to his true interest' = ' ad consilia sibi et rei publicae salutaria redierit.* Forcell. 9. Ab hac parte, ' ia this quarter' of the empire. APPENDIX XI, 6ii APPENDIX XI. State of the Roman provinces and armies from the DEATH OF Caesar to that of Cicero. 1. Cisalpine Gaul. D. Brutus had been appointed^ by Caesar to govern this province, and went there in April, 44 b.c.^ At the time of the siege of Mutina he seems to have had two legions of old soldiers and one of recruits at his disposal, with a numerous body of gladiators ^ He took the command of Pansa's new levies after the death of their general, and these with recruits whom he raised himself brought his total force up to ten legions * — of which, however, Plancus only allows one to have been composed of veterans. Four of his legions subsequently joined Antony, and six Octavian^ 2. Narbonensian Gaul with Hither Spain. M. Lepidus held these two provinces, but entrusted their government to his legates for some time^ He had a legion close to Rome at the time of Caesar's murder'', and four^ in Gaul later in the same year. Next year we find him near Forum lulii at the head of seven, one being the famous® tenth. 3. Northern Gaul (Gallia Comata). This province, which had been added to the empire by Caesar, was divided in 44 b.c. between A. Hirtius and L. Munatius Plancus. The former, however, left his district to his officers'", and in 44-43 b.c. we find the whole province subject to Plancus, who commanded an army of four or five legions there ". 4. Farther Spain (Baetica and Lusitania). After the battle of Munda Sex, Pompeius retired among the Lacetani and subsequently raised forces which he combined with fugitives from the battle. He fought with some success against Pollio '% but Lepidus '^ induced him to lay * App. Bell. Civ. 2. 124. * Ad Att. 14. 13, 2. ' App. Be!). Civ. 3. 49. * lb. 3. 76; Ad Fam. 10. 24, 3. ^ ^pp BgU q\.^ j. 97. ^ lb. 2. 107 ; Dion Cassius 43. 51. '' App. Bell. Civ. 2. 118. * lb. 3. 46. * lb. 3. 84 ; Ad Fam. 10, 11, 2. i» Ad Att. 14. 9, 3. " Ad Fam. 10. 8, 6 ; 10. 15, 3. 12 j)io„ Cassius 45. 10. Cp. Intr. to Part IV, § 12. ^^ Philipp. 5. 14. R r 2 6 12 APPENDIX XI. down his arms, and he retired to Massilia' to watch events. During the campaign of Mutina, C. Asinius Pollio governed Farther Spain with three legions'^, of which the 28th and 30th were two. 5. Africa. There were two Roman provinces in Africa ; Old Africa and New Africa or Numidia; the first was governed by Q. Corni- ficius^ the second by T. Sextius. We are not told what force Cornificius had at his disposal ; but Sextius seems to have had three legions, and to have obeyed an order* of the senate to send two of them to Rome, and place the third under the orders of Corni- ficius. The two which were sent to Italy presently went over to Octavian ^. 6. Sicily was governed by A. Pompeius Bithynicus till he was forced to yield up his province to Sex. Pompeius towards the close of 43 B. c.*^ 7. Macedonia at the time of Caesar's death was subject to Q. Hor- tensius, son'' of the great orator. In the autumn of 44 B.C., M. Anto- nius got it assigned to his brother ^ Gains, who landed with one legion near Dyrrhachium, but found the province already in possession of M. Brutus, who defeated and captured him ^ Brutus had been desig- nated by Caesar to govern Macedonia after his praetorship ^°, and now assembled a considerable force there, consisting (i) of old soldiers of Pompey recalled to arms'\ (2) of men left behind by Dolabella^S (3) of the troops of C. Antonius and P. Vatinius", (4) of a legion commanded by an ofiicer " of M. Antonius, (5) of two legions raised in Macedonia ^® ; in all eight legions. Achaia seems to have been annexed to Macedonia. 8. Asia. C. Trebonius had been appointed to govern Asia by Caesar '•', and held it during some months in 44-43 B.C. After his murder" no special governor seems to have been appointed for Asia. 9. Bithynia. L. Tillius Cimber governed Bithynia by Caesar's ap- pointment '^ in 44-43 B. c, but marched with a small force to join Cassius in Syria ^'. ' Philipp. 13. 6, 13 ; App. Bell. Civ. 4. 84. * Ad Fani. TO. 32, 4. •'' lb. 12. 21-30. * App. Bell. Civ. 3. 85 and 91. ^ lb. 3, 92. * lb. 4. 84; Ad Fani. 6. 16; 17 ; 16. 23, i ; Livy Epit. 123. ^ Philipp. 10. 5, II ; 10. 6, 13. * lb. 3. 10, 26. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 3. 79 ; Dion Cassius 47. 21. '* App. Bell. Civ. 3. 2. " Plut. Brut. 25. ^^ Or diverted from him ; Philipp. 10. 6, 13. '* Plut. Brut. 26; Dion Cassius 47. 21; App. Illyr. 13. Vatinius had three legions, but they had suffered greatly in encounters with the natives. ^* Philipp. 10. 6, 13. ^5 App. Bell. Civ. 3. 79. 1" Ad Fam. 12. 16; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 2. " lb. 4. 58; Ad Fam. 12. 12, 1 ; Philipp. 11. I-3 ; Livy Epit. 119; Dion Cassius 47. 29. " Ad Fam. 12. 13, 3 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 2. ^* Dion Cassius 47. 31. APPENDIX XI. 613 10. Syria. Caesar had left one legion there under Sex. lulius Caesar, who failed, however, to command the respect of his men, and perished in a mutiny which perhaps was caused by the intrigues of Q. Caecilius Bassus, who then took the command of his forces, and probably in- creased them \ Caesar, however, sent against Bassus three legions under the command of L. Statius Murcus, who was supported by an equal force under Q. Marcus Crispus, governor of Bithynia. On the arrival of Cassius in Syria, both the opposing armies placed themselves under his orders, and A. AUienus, who at Dolabella's command raised four legions in Egypt and led them into Syria, was alarmed by the superiority of Cassius' forces, and submitted to him '. Cassius subse- quently besieged Dolabella at Laodicea^, and Dolabella killed himself when Cassius' soldiers entered the place. 1 1 . M. Antonius seems to have had no regular force at his disposal till, after the execution of Amatius, the senate empowered him to raise soldiers for his protection *. Afterwards, early in June, apparendy, he seems to have procured a decree of the senate^ assigning to himself Macedonia, and to Dolabella Syria, with the command against the Parthians. Six legions had been assembled by Caesar in INIacedonia for the war, which would naturally have been commanded by Dolabella ; but rumours of threatening movements among the Getae enabled Antony to persuade the senate to detain them all in Macedonia except one", which probably followed Dolabella. Finally, in July, apparently, Antony obtained Cisalpine Gaul by a vote of the centuries in exchange for Macedonia, Octavian supporting his claims ^ Subsequently Antony brought over four or five legions * from INIacedonia into Italy, but two of them, the Martia and fourth, presently deserted to Octavian ^ With the others, supported by one of veterans recalled to arms, and appa- rently by two of recruits, Antony began the siege of Mutina ^°. After his defeat before that place, he was joined by P. Ventidius with three legions, the 7th, 8th, and 9th ", and after he had crossed the Alps, first 1 Ad Fam. 12. 11 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 77. ^ lb. 1. c. ; Philipp. 11. 12, 30; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 77 and 78 ; Dion Cassius 47. 28. ^ Intr. to Part V, § 20. * App. Bell. Civ. 3. 4 and 5. '■> lb. 3. 7 and 8. « App. Bell. Civ. 3. 24 and 25. ' lb. 3. 30. ^ Our accounts are not consistent. There were six legions at first in Macedonia (App. Bell. Civ. 3. 24), of which Dolabella kept one (lb. 25), and another submitted to Brutus (Philipp. lo. 6, 13). This would leave four for Antony, yet Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 43 ; 46) makes him transport five to Italy. Of the six with which he began the siege of Mutina, two, the 2nd and 3f,th, (cp. Ad Fam. 10. 30, i) had probably belonged to the army of Macedonia. Perhaps the 5th (Alaudae) had been previously in Italy, and Appian may have been led into a mistake by supposing that this was one of the legions of Macedonia. Thrte of them landed at first, and were followed by a fourth. Cp. Ad Att. 16. 8, 2 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 43 and 46 ; Drumann i. 203 and 210. 9 Philipp. 3. 3. " App. Bell. Civ. 3. 46 ; Philipp. 8. 8, 25. " App. Bell. Civ. 3. 66 j Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4. 6i4 APPENDIX XII. Lepidus with seven ^ legions, then PolUo with three ^ and subsequently Plancus with four or five^, joined him; four also of the legions of D. Brutus went over to him in Gaul or Italy *. Antony and Lepidus, when they marched to Italy, left six legions in Gaul under L. Varius Cotyla ^ ; and we are told ^ that at the meeting of the triumvirs near Bononia at the close of 43 B.C., Antony had sixteen legions, Octavian seventeen, and Lepidus ten. These, however, may have included some new Italian levies. 12. Octavian, towards the close of 44 b.c, had at his disposal two veteran legions of the army of Macedonia, the 4th and Martia, two of veterans recalled to arms, which were brought up to their full complement by recruits ^ one of recruits and a praetorian cohort, composed probably of veterans. With this force he marched to the neighbourhood of Mutina, and wintered there; Hirtius joined him at the beginning of the next year", and Pansa brought up four legions of recruits in ApriP, while he left one ^° to guard Rome. These forces suffered heavy losses in the battles of Forum Gallorum and Mutina ". When Octavian preferred his claim to the consulship, he had, according to Appian^^, eight legions, which were joined by three '^ encamped for the protection of Rome, and by six which abandoned D. Brutus. Thus the seventeen " are ac- counted for which he had when he met Antony and Lepidus as above mentioned. APPENDIX XII. On the Meaning of the Words ' Colonia,' ' Municipium,' and ' Praefectura.' (See pages 161 ; 222-223; 452-453; 554.) In attempting to determine this question it will be convenient to dis- tinguish the periods before and after the enactment of the ' Lex lulia de Civitate Sociorum ' in 90 b.c. 1 Ad Fam. 10. 35 ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 84. 2 ^d Fam. 10. 32, 4 ; Veil. 2. 63, 3. •' Veil. 1. c. ; Ad Fam. 10. 8, 6 ; 10. 15, 3. * App. Bell. Civ. 3. 97. 5 Plut. Ant. 18. ^ App. Bell. Civ. 4. 3. He savs that the meeting was near Mutina, but cp. Intr. to Part V, § 22; Suet. Oct. 96; Dion Cassius 46. 55. ^ lb, 3. 47 ; Ep. 135, notes. One of the tvi'o mi.xed legions was numbered ' the seventh,' a number which was also borne by one of those of Ventidius. Cp. Philipp. 14. 10, 27, with Ad Fam. 10. 33, 4. This seems to imply that there might already be more legions than one bearing the same number, as was certainly the case in the reign of Augustus. Cp. Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voc. ' E.xercitus,' p. 492. * Dion Cassius 46. 36. But Appian (Bell. Civ. 3. 65) seems to make them march together. ^ Ad Fam. 10. 30, I ; App. Bell. Civ. 3. 69. i" App. Bell. Civ. 3. 91. " Intr. to Part V. §§ 16 and 17; Ep. 135, 5, note. ^^ ggH q^^ ^ gg^ 13 n,_ ^ ^2. " lb. 4. 3. APPENDIX XII. 615 A. In the period which elapsed between the complete conquest of Italy by the Romans and the enactment of the ' Lex lulia,' Italian cities must, with very few exceptions, have belonged to one of the following classes : — I. Coloniae Civium Romanorum. The most ancient of these con- sisted of a small number of Roman citizens sent to act as garrisons, usually in towns on the sea coast. The colonists retained their full Roman citizenship and combined with it, probably, the right of managing their local business. Cp. Madv. Opusc. Acad. i. 243-245; Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, i. 36. The original population probably became ' cives sine suffragio.' Praefects were sent from Rome to administer justice in many of such colonies (cp. Fest. 233, IMiiller), perhaps originally in all ^, but whether to the Roman setders, or to the original population, or to both, does not appear. It is probable that in all cases the colonial and original population had amalgamated, and that the latter had received the full franchise, before the enactment of the 'Lex lulia.' Cp. Marquardt, i. 37. Colonies of Roman citizens were also established beyond the limits of Italy proper, the earliest at Parma and Mutina, in Cisalpine Gaul, in 183 B.C. These were established principally for military reasons, and seem to have undergone no change of status before the time of Cicero. Cp. Livy 39, 55; Madv. Opusc. Acad. i. 302. Others were established or proposed, nearly all in Italy, by C. Gracchus and by M. Livius Drusus the elder, as a means of relieving the distress of the poor at Rome. Cp. Plut. C. Gracch. 8; 9; Livy Epit. 60; App. Bell. Civ. I. 23; 24; A. W. Zumpt, C. E. i. 230-239; Madv. Opusc. Acad. I. 303. A. Gellius (N. A. 16. 13) says that the 'coloniae civium Romanorum' had less independence than the municipia. * C. G. Zumpt (cp. the list of authorities at the end of this appendix) thinks that the larger colonies of Roman citizens were never ' praefecturae,' but that all other early com- munities of Roman citizens outside Rome were so. Cp. as to Minturnae, Velleius (2. 19), who speaks of ' duoviri ' there; also Plutarch (Marius 39). A ' praefectus Mutiiiensis' is mentioned in the ' Lex Rubria ' (cp. Corp. Inscr. Lat. I. Ii6 (205) ), which was enacted in 49 B.C. ; but ' quattuorviri iuri dicundo' are also mentioned as existing there. These appear to have been locally elected magistrates, and must of course be distinguished from the func- tionaries of the same name appointed at Rome to act in Campania, on whom see below. Cp. Ad Att. 5. 2, 3 ; A. W. Zumpt, Comment. Epigr. i. 54. At Puteoli, another colony of Roman citizens, mentioned by Festus among the ' praefecturae,' ' duoviri ' are men- tioned as existing in 105 b.c. (Corp. Insc. Lat. I. 163 foil. (577) ) ; cp. Cic. de Leg. Agrar. 2. 31, 86; also at Cumae in 49 B.C., cp. Ad Att. 10. 13, I. Now the existence of such functionaries seems inconsistent with that of a praefect sent from Rome to administer justice. Festus (p. 233) says that the 'praefecturae' had no magistrates. Mr. D. B. Monro agrees with the opinion expressed by Mommsen in his Miinzwesen (p. 336, note 130, Berlin, i860), and thinks that the colonies of Roman citizens were originally praefecturat-, but changed their constitution during the second century B.C. 6i6 APPENDIX XII. II. Municipia. The term 'municipium' is supposed by Marquardt (i. 28) to have originally denoted the status of ' cives sine suffragio,' and to have been transferred to the various communities the members of which held that status. Such communities appear to have been divided into two classes ; one of them retaining more of local self-government than the other. Paulus Diaconus (Fest. 127, Miiller) gives Tusculum, Lanuvium, and Formiae, as examples of the first or more favoured class ; Aricia, Caere, and Anagnia, of the other. Livy, however, couples Aricia with Lanuvium (8. 14), and Cicero's language in one passage tends to support Livy (Philipp. 3. 6, 15). To some of these municipia praefects were sent from Rome to ad- minister jusdce. At first such officers were appointed by the praetor urbanus, but, according to Livy (9. 20), after the year 318 B.C. four (' quattuorviri iuri dicundo ') were elected ^ to act at Capua and other places. Others were still appointed by the praetor urbanus. Thus there were two classes of ' praefecturae,' or towns to which such officers were sent (cp. Festus 233, IMiiller), and a considerable number of towns might for some time be called with equal propriety ' municipia ' or ' praefecturae.' The four praefects appointed to act in Campania were reckoned among the viginti sex viri — on whom cp. Smith, Diet, of Antiq. p. 11 96. It is to be noticed that no names of old Latin towns nor of old colonies of Roman citizens occur in the list of praefecturae given by Festus. Perhaps the inhabitants of such places had to bring their cases before the praetor urbanus for trial. It is true that a praefect is men- tioned in an inscription, of the time of the emperor Claudius probably, as existing at Lavinium (cp. A. W. Zumpt, De Lavinio, etc., pp. 2 ; 14, 15), but perhaps no argument can be drawn from the institutions of the first century of the empire, and Mommsen thinks that he re- presented the municipal, not the Roman, praetor. (Staatsrecht 2. 569- 570, note 8.) All these municipia and praefecturae probably, with the exception of Capua and a few places in its neighbourhood, had received the full Roman franchise before the enactment of the ' Lex luUa,' and most of the praefecturae may have obtained the right of electing their own magistrates on receiving such full citizenship. Cp. Marquardt i. 34; 42; 43- ' In the comitia tributa. Cp. A. Gell. 13. 15, 4; Lange, Rom. Alt. i. 750; 756. But as the names of such 'quattuorviri' are omitted in the hsts of magistrates recited in the earlier laws, Mommsen thinks that Livy was mistaken in supposing that they were elected by the Roman people before the seventh century of the city. Cp. Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, !• 435 ; Corp. luscr. Lat. i. 45-47 (197). APPENDIX XII. 617 The status of the praefecturae would thus be a transitional one : but cp. pp. 619-620. The position of Capua between the first establishment of its connec- tion with Rome and its revolt in the second Punic war (343-216 b.c.) presents some difficulty. It is said by Livy (8. 14) to have received the 'civitas sine suffragio' in 338 b.c, cp. Velleius i. 14; but it is still spoken of as a 'civitas foederata' by Livy at later periods (9. 6 ; 23. 5), and it appears that a magistrate, the meddix tuticus, was still elected there up to the year 211 b.c. Cp. Livy 23, 35; Mommsen, Oskische Studien, 112. Perhaps the gradual disappearance of the old municipal relation led to a confusion of it with that of the civitates foederatae. Cp. Marquardt i. 31. The inhabitants of the municipal towns of the older kind served in legions of their own, but under tribunes, thus holding an intermediate position between that of the full Roman citizens and that of the allies. They are sometimes called Roman citizens (Fest. 142), sometimes not (Paul. Diac, Fest. 127). In the latter case the tide is probably denied them as not being enrolled in the tribes. Cp. Marquardt i. 32, and notes. III. Nomen Latinum. This consisted of — 1. Old Latin towns, of which Tibur, Praeneste, and perhaps Lau- rentum\ alone, so far as we know, retained their old privileges to a considerable extent after the revolt and subjugation of Latium in 338 B.C. Cp. Livy 8. 11 ; 14. 2. Coloniae Latinae. The population of such of these as were founded after the subjugation of Latium probably consisted partly of Latins, partly of indigent Romans who sacrificed some of their privileges as citizens to obtain a grant of land in such colonies. Cp. Madv, Opusc. Acad. i. 263. The composition of the population of the earUer Latin colonies — at least of those founded before 384 b.c. — is more doubtful. All the Latin communities appear to have enjoyed the rights of Roman citizens with regard to the tenure and acquisition of property (ius com- mercii). Cp. Cic. Pro Caec. 35, 102. Whether they, or any of them, had the right of intermarriage with Roman citizens (ius connubii) is doubtful. Cp. Livy i. 49; 4, 3 ; Dionys. Hal. Rom. Ant. 6. i; Mommsen, Rom. Hist. i. no; 351; 359; 433; Madv. Opusc. Acad. I. 274-279. ■ A. W. Zumpt (De Lavinio et Laurentibus 10; 14) believes that Lavinium was the political centre of the people called Laurentes. If he is right, of course the name ot Lavi- nium must be substituted for that of Laurentum in the text. 6i8 APPENDIX XII. Any citizen of such towns could acquire the Roman full citizenship in two ways especially, — 1. By having held office in his own city. Cp. supr. p. 223 and reff. 2. By leaving a son to represent him there \ Livy 41. 8. The cities of the Latins held a place, though the most favoured place, among the 'civilates foederatae.' Cp. Cic. Pro Balb. 24, 54; Philipp. 3- 6, 15- IV. Other allied communities. The condition of these was determined by special treaties, and in some cases it was so favourable that they were unwilling to change it for that of full Roman citizens (Cic. Pro Balb. 8. 21 ; Livy 23. 20). Capua, Atella, Calatia and Tarentum, after their revolt and reduction in the second Punic war, and the Brutii after the close of that war, seem to have held an exceptionally bad position. Cp. Livy 26. 16; App. Annib. 61; A. Cell. N. A. 10. 3; Strab. 6. 3, 4 or C 281 ; Marquardt I. 46. B. L The ' Lex lulia de civitate sociorum,' enacted in 90 b.c, con- ferred the full Roman franchise on all the communities in Italy proper which had remained faithful to Rome in the Marsic war up to that time, provided that the several communities were willing to accept it. Its provisions applied to all the Latin colonies then existing in Italy and in Cisalpine Gaul, and subsequent legislation extended the privileges of Roman citizenship still more widely. It is probable that at the time of Cicero's greatest activity as an advocate and politician all communities in Italy proper had received the full Roman franchise, and had, with the exception of recent colonies of Roman citizens, become ' municipia.' II. Thus a new class of municipia was formed, the third of those mentioned by Paulus Diaconus (Fest. 127). It comprised the old Latin and other allied towns, the Latin colonies, and probably a large majority of the old municipia and praefecturae. The rights of the new municipia were settled by ' leges municipales,' of which the Lex Rubria, passed in 49 B.C. (cp. p. 489), and the Lex lulia municipalis, passed in 45 b.c. (cp. p. 492), were among the most important. All the new municipia had some rights of local self-government. Cp. Marquardt i. 62-67 ; 475 foil. The proper definition of municipes in the later sense is ' Roman citizens not belonging by extraction to the city of Rome.' lb. 34. * Marquardt (i. 55) believes that this privilege, with some others, was withdrawn from colonies founded in and subsequently to 268 b.c. APPENDIX XII. 619 III. A new class of ' coloniae civium Romanorum ' was shortly afterwards formed, consisting of the settlements of veterans made in different parts of Italy by Sulla — an example afterwards imitated by the dictator Caesar and by Augustus. These did not, it is true, form in all cases new political communities ; but Praeneste is spoken of by Cicero as a colony (In Cat. i. 3, 8), and so is Capua (Pro Sest. 4; Philipp. 2. 40), where a considerable number of veterans and of indigent Roman citizens was settled under Caesar's agrarian law of 59 b.c. (cp. supr. pp. 16; 17 ; 73) ; Casilinum also is called a colony (Philipp. 1. c. Cp. supr. p. 554). IV. A new class of ' Latini ' came into existence in the year 89 b.c, when a law of the consul, Cn. Pompeius Strabo, raised several towns of the Transpadani to that position. The same privilege was extended to other towns subsequently, e.g. to Novum Comum, where Caesar estab- lished or augmented a colony not consisting of Latins by birth or Romans. Such communities could of course only be called Latin colonies in a peculiar sense. Cp. supr. p. 223 and reff. ; Madv. Opusc. Acad. i. 276; 277; Suet. lul. 8; Ascon. in Pisonian. 120; 121. V. Cicero (Pro Sest. 14, 32) speaks of 'coloniae,' ' municipia,' and ' praefecturae ' as forming three classes of towns in Italy in his time. In speaking of ' coloniae,' he must refer to colonies of Roman citizens, but perhaps also, less properly, to Latin colonies ^ When it is his object to speak accurately he shews a clear appreciation of the dis- tinction between Latin colonies and municipia — or rather of the change effected in the condition of Latin colonies by the enactment of the ' Lex lulia' (cp. Philipp. 13. 8, 18). VI. Of the towns which had originally been 'praefecturae,' Cicero speaks of Reate and Atina as still bearing that name (In Cat. 3. 2, 5 ; Pro Plane. 8, 1 9). Arpinum, which had been a ' praefectura,' he calls 'municipium' (supr. pp. 452-453); Puteoli and Cumae had undergone changes in their constitution, and perhaps were no longer called ' prae- fecturae ' (cp. Cic. de Leg. Agrar. 2. 31, 86 ; Ad Att. 10. 13, i). Caesar (Bell. Civ, i. 15) speaks of being well received by the prae- fecturae' of Picenum in 49 b.c; which seems to shew that such cities held an important place in that region. ^ I now doubt whether any of the older Latin colonies, that is, of those founded before the enactment of the 'Lex lulia,' were still called colonies, even in popular language, after the enactment of that law. The language of Cicero as to Brundisium is hardly decisive (Ad Att. 4. I, 4). Asconius, it is true (In Pisonian. 3. 120), wonders at Cicero's calling Pla- centia a municipium, which had been a Latin colony. 620 APPENDIX XII. VII. To recapitulate. (i) The terms 'colonia,' ' municipium/ ' praefectura ' were not, perhaps, mutually exclusive. (2) A majority — perhaps all — of the 'municipia' and ' coloniae civium Roraanorum ' of the earlier period (i.e. of that which ended in the year 90 B.C.) were also ' praefecturae,' and some of them retained the latter title in Cicero's time. (3) The term ' municipium,' and no other, applied in Cicero's time to such old Latin and other allied communities in Italy as had received the full Roman franchise in b.c. 90, or later; and perhaps when Cicero speaks of ' coloniae,' ' municipia,' and ' praefecturae,' he uses the term ' municipium ' in this narrower sense. (4) The term ' colonia ' applied in Cicero's time, when used of towns south of the Rubicon or of the Po, {a) To the more recent ' coloniae civium Romanorum ;' {b) Perhaps to ' coloniae Latinae,' less properly, in con- sideration of their original constitution. See, in addition to authorities already quoted, Festus sub voc. ' Muni- ceps,' 142, Miiller ^; Paul. Diac. (Festus 1 3 1 , Miiller) ; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. 2. 50 (3rd edition), On the Rights of Isopolity and Municipium; Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub voce. 'Colonia,' 315-319; ' Latinitas,' 669, 670; C. G. Zumpt, Ueber den Unterschied der Benennungen Municipium, Colonia, Praefectura — in the Treatises of the Berlin Academy for 1839 ; Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, vol. i ; Mr. Long's Decline of the Roman Republic, 2. 174-178 ; Cavedoni, Dichiarazione degli antichi marmi Modenesi, Modena 1828, pp. 220 foil.; IMommsen, Romisches Miinzwesen (Berlin i860), p. 336, note 130. In compiling this Ap- pendix, I have derived great assistance from a selection of passages from ancient authors illustrating Roman antiquities, printed for private circulation by Mr. D. B. Monro, Fellow of Oriel College. 1 Lipsiae, 1839, INDEX I. OF GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES. AlSbrjpiTiKov, 279- aycov, 58. d86\€(rx^os, 557. olSeofiai Tfimas, 334' mSecrOeu fj.ev dvr'jvacrdai, k.t,\., 559- alvLyyLOs (eV nlviyjxoii), 84. aKKi^eadai, 84. ciKparos, 384. aKpoTfXevTiov, 248. aX?;, 364.^ aXi?, Spuds', 81 ; crnovBrjs, yo. dXX' n€i TLva (pmra, k.t.X., 92. aXoyiVrcoy, 349. 'AfxaXdeia, 63, cp. 42 ; ^ AfiaXduov, 63. afi€TafJ.eXijroi, 483- dvddrjfia, 31. ai'aXoyta, 260. dt'OTroXdyj/roi', 547- avefie(TT]Tos, 545' ape^ia, 224. aj/^r/ (metaph.), 556, avoiKfiov, 559- ajra^ Oavt'iv, 99- aTrdi/Tvo-tr, 334, 337, 559. dnoOeaxTLS, 62. aTroXiriKcoraros, 333- aTToXoytCT/idf, 545- dnopla, 555 ; d77op(u, 30 5, 35 1. oTTocrTracr/xdria, 66. aTTpaKTOTaros, $1. "ApfLos ndyos, 49- dpiarnKpaTiKoys, 47- dcTjievLCTTOs, 352- no-TTOi'Sos', 35'-'- doTpaT)7yijroy, 308 ; dorparTyyiKcoraroy, Jj4- d da-(j}aX(is, 92 ; Trpoj TO dir eipiovevfadai, 435. fir e//ol [xvpioi, 557- fK(j)OL>vr]ms, 363. eXiKTu Koi ovdfi>, 90. eixeriKT], 484. ffnTepnfpev((Tdni, 49. ei* rol? epQjTiKols, 347^ eVSdpi'XOJ', 254. ivOvfjirjjxnTa, 49. eVo-xoXd^o), 305. f|oX'7>, 194- ^ fTTei ou;^ Uprjiov, (c.t.X., 30- fTrexftV) 274. eVoxiy, 274. €TTiKf(f)dXia, 226. eniKooTTOS, 224. e7ri(TT]p.a(Tia, 6 1. inla-KOTvos, "^oS. eni(TTa6fx€ia, 485- epariKd, rd, 347- ecnrere vvv p.01, (c.r.X., 56. fuyei/^, 325. fiirjdfia, 265. fvr]pepr]p,a, 246. eidavaa'ui, 545* fvKaipia, 555- evKaipciiS, 175- {VfJ.ev(Ln, 557. i7/ifpoXey8di', 1 92. 'HpaKXei'Setoz/, 557- i7pa)f, 307. 6i(T(is, 341. 622 INDEX I. "iXiay, 328. tcrropiKcbrarof, 260, KadrJKOv, TO, 559 ; nepl Toii koto. TTfpi- araaiv KadtjKovros, ib. KaXov, TO, 304. KapadoKflv, 35^* KapTvo'i, 49- KaTiiKkds, 360, KaruXoyor, rcoi/ i/ewv, 6, 260. KaTaaKevat, 49. KaxeKTijs, 51. Kepas, 251. K€(f)a\cna, to, 55^* /cco/iiKos fiapTVS, 256. XaXayfvcra, 360* Xen-TO}', Kara, 78. XeVxr?, 421. }\.TjKv6oS, 48, X^pos TroXi)?, 53^* X^\//'is, 279 ; vTro T17V X^>/rti', 351. fiavTis 8' apicTTOS, k.t.X., 309. flfWoV, TO, 35^" IxiTicapos, 224. /ir) /licti' dcTTouSt yf, ff.r.X,, 36 1 • /ii)7 )uoi yopydrjv, k.t.X., 338. j/«m'a, 351, 359- j/ed/crto-ra, 260. voiiavbpla (?), 225. oSoi) Trdpepyov, 254- 01 Trept avToc, 485' otaTTfp ^ 8e(T7roii'a, 224. o/idi/ota, TTfpi opovoias, ^S*^- 'Ottovs, 'OnovvTioi, 260, 6p6av Tav vavv, 99. opM^j 306. ^ ovToi TTov Tcoj' irpocrdtv, k.t.X., 3°^* TraiSff Trai8(ov, 556- TraXtyyevecria, 275- TraXii'wSia, 1 79, 278. TTavTjyvpis, 47. napaXiaei. neipd^ecrdai, 547- TTapprjcria, 58. Trei/reXoiTToj/, 53^- Trfn\oypa(f)ia, 557. TrepioSoy, 49. TrepicTTaais, 559- TrXdoj wpatoy, 6, 33^* ttXovSokcoj', 377- TToXtTfia, 70. TToXiTevpa, 237- JToXiTevTeov, 364. TToXtrtKOf, 283, 350, 360 ; eV rots TToXtriKoZy, 45 > TroXiriKcorepos, 66 ; TToXtriKcoraroy, 363 ; TroXirtKcoy, 308. 7rpd/3Xr;^a, 423 ; TTpd/SX^/iaTroXtTiKdj/, 283. TTpodecTTTi^o), 328. TrpoXeyd/xevai, 427- TTpooiKovope'iadai, 17 S- TTpoiTvKov, 274. Trpos ro npoTepov, 54- Trp6cr6f Xewr, k.t.X., 76. npoaTrdaxeiv rw koXw, 81. ■7Tpo(r(})a)vo), 559- TTToXtTrdp^ioy, 597. TTvpovs ds 8ripov, 273. atpvoTepos, 65. o"J;/ia 8e' roi f'ofo), 194- SiTTOur, 'SirrovvTioi, 260. (TKeppa, t5)v TToXirtKcoraTO)!' (TKeppdraVf 363. (TKOTrdy, 78, 328. crotpi^eadai, 74- (TO(pi(TTeva>, 34^' (TTTOvdalov, 485- (TTepKTfov, 351. (TTopyjj, 377. (TvpTrdOeia, 1 9 1, 377- (Tvpnadas, 225. (TvpTToXiTeveadai, 282. avpBirjpepeveiv, 3~S' (rvPTdatreadai, 545* criii/r>j^if, 377. o-xdXtoj/, 545. (Toypa, 66. ra Trepi rov KadrjKovTos, 558- '■a^'apX'?^? 558. Taf Tav KpaTOvvToiP, 90. Tfdpimra, 250. TeVTTf?, 193. T€pas, 326. TfOKpiy, 51, cp. 46. T))?' ^ecoi/ peyiaTrjv, k.t.X., 3*^5- Ti yap aircp ptXei, 423- )(e1pov, K.T.X., TO apeivov KM TO (Thucyd.) 376. TOTToOia'ia, 45) 63. Tore /loi ;^ai'oi evpeia X^^^i 344- ToC KaXov, 304- TpiaapfionaylTai, 1 92. TU(^Xa)rra), 8 1. Twv ^ef napovTcov, K.T.X., Thucyd. on Themist., 376. VTrep^oXiKas, 250, 26 1. vneptv, 363. vnodfcrts^ 49, 1 79. INDEX I. 623 vTroKopi^eardai, 349, vnofivrjixa, 65 ; vnoyivqyiaTicrfMOS, 225. vnoaoKoiKay 530. va-repoy -rvporepov, 'OfirjpiKSys, 52, aXdKp(Ofia, (?) 517, 518. (f>i\6Xoya, 485, •jbeXoTTarpiy, 67, 350. (f>iKo(ro, 62. <^iKos KaXJ;^) 's.i'.X., 52 1, wyat, 225. INDEX II. A or ab = ' after,' 229, 577; 'in re- spect of.' 27, cp. 251 ; ' dating from,' 'derived from,' 375; 'on the side of,' 369 ; personifying an abstract noun, 40 ; ' supplied by,' 547 ; a me, ' from my own funds,' 252. Abbreviations, list of, xiv ; used at the beginning of letters, 32, 121, 588, 595 ; or in official documents, 237-240. Abesse, a scelere, 104 ; a sepulcro, 547. Abire, consulatu, 56 ; ' sic,' ' to pass unpunished,' 516. Ablative case — form in 'i,' 475, 477, 1. 4 ; of neuter names of towns in 'e,' 422 ; of the cost, 199 ; abso- lute, emphatic for genitive, 314; after ' alienum,' without a prepo- sition, 535 ; after ' confidere,' 312; after 'stare,' 314; with compara- tives, where ' quam ' would be more common, 357, cp. 270; of the date, 61, 68; of direction, 320; of the quality, 43, 243, 316 ; of duration of time, 101,261,422; with 'facere' (quid puero fiet), 114; with 'a' after gerundives, 462 ; local, 422 ; without a preposition after ' iunc- tum,' 349 ; of a man's tribe, 174, 237 ; without a preposition, after ' verba intelligendi,' 407 ; of names of countries and similar words after verbs of motion, 349, cp. 388 ; and of such words without a pre- position denoting rest, 586 ; of the place from which a letter is writ- ten, III; of 'voluntas,' 523; of extent, where the genitive would generally be used, 477 ; of the in- strument, where we should expect ' per' with the accusative, 476 ; combination of ablatives in dif- ferent senses, 82, 204. Ablegare, 79. Abrogare, 107, 117, 171. Absentia, used in a peculiar sense, 523- Abstract for concrete, 607. Absurde, 97. Abunde, 'decidedly,' 192. Abuti, 593. Ac, adversative, 259 ; how different from ' et,' 43 ; ac non, 55 ; ac po- tius, io5; = 'et statim,' 484. Acceptae ( = tractatae) pessime, 600, Accessus (rnetaph.), 529. Accidere, of misfortunes, 377. Accommodare, tempus, 472 ; accom- modatum ad, 99. Accurate, 162, 225 ; accuratius, 189. Accusative case, after proxime ' (.''), y] ; adverbial, 359, 376 ; ' certum' for 'pro certo,' 255; and dative, after 'credere,' 259; of duration of time, 422 ; in exclamations, 322, 360, 483 ; of neuter pronouns with ' adsentiri,' 436 ; and ' dubitare,' 479 ; ' gaudere,' 233 ; ' hortari,' 259, 266 ; 'orare,' 415 ; fugere and sequi itinera, 600 ; of the person, after ' quaesumus,' 543 ; double, after ' iudicare,' 307 ; after ' cog- noscere,' 456 ; after ' facere,' 450; after ' rogare,' 416 ; with the in- finitive, see Infinitive. Acerbissima mors, 476. Acerbitas, of a person, ' bitterness,' 437. Acies (metaph.), 368. Acquiescere, 352, 469. Acta, 'occurrences,' 105; 'gazette,' 108, 262. Actio, ' a pleading,' 235 ; actiones in other senses, 74, 199-201, 416; actio rei publicae, 198. Ad, nearly = ' against,' 426 (?); ='in answer to,' 86 ; ='apud,' 322, cp. 378, 381 ; ' in respect of,' 308, 438, INDEX 11. 625 439; and with gerundive, 577; in a final sense, 370, cp. 319; in dates = ' upon,' 424 ; ad equum, 486 ; ad numerum, ' enough,' 239 ; ad summam, ' in a word,' 272, 282, cp. 516; in another sense, 307; 'ad tempus,' ' for the present,' 529; 'to suit circumstances,' 585. Adclamatio, 172. Adcredens, 260. Adesse = comparere in iudicio, 171. Adferre utihtatem, 115, 529; mo- lestiam, 532. Adfligere se, 82. Adgregare voluntatem, 204. Adhibere doh)rem, 470. Adhuc, with a verb in the present, 426. Adjectives, used as adverbs, espe- cially in the predicate, 32, 168, cp. 214, 257, and 366; rarely used alone with proper names, 276 ; in- stead of the ablative with a pre- position, 330 ; with a substantive of another gender, 456, 535 ; two with one substantive without a copulative conjunction, 446 ; one with two substantives, agreeing in gender with the nearest, 592 ; formation of, from Greek names of towns, 260. Adiunctor, provinciae, 319. Adiungere, amicitiam, 230, cp. 479 ; viros ad necessitudinem, 452 ; ad- iungi ad causam, 206, cp. 204. Adligati (edere ad adligatos), 175 ; alligata voluntas, 78. Administrare (neut.), 266. Adroganter, 601. Adservare, 382. Adsessio, y-,^,. Adsperg .re (nictaph.), 371, cp. 444. Adsumere = adrogai c, 208. Adverb, as predicate, 34, 310; sepa- rated from the verb it qualifies, 276: with a neuter participle = a substantive, 340 ; with substan- tives, 414, 466. Adversative particles omitted, 42, 166. Adversus rem publicam, 61. Adulescens, 465. Advocatus, 'a supporter,' 171; ad- vocati, 'partisans,' 55, 82. Aedilis, a municipal magistrate, 453. Aequabilis, 193. Aeque, 469. Aequi boni facere, 279. Aerarii, in two senses, 54. Aerati, 54. Aes, in two senses, 72 ; aera, ' tab- lets,' 541. Aestimationes, 427, cp. 460. Aestiva, 249. Aetas, ' youth or early manhood,' 438 ; aetatem gerere, 465. Agere, 'to argue,' 39, cp. 173; 'to think of,' 282 ; cum aliquo, ' to go to law with,' 29 ; 'to negotiate with,' or entreat, 38 ; 'to attempt,' III; cum re publica, ' to take care of the state's interest,' 43; ffieriKrjv, 484 ; nihil, 537 ; followed by ac- cusative and infinitive, 378 ; actum agere, 360 ; agi, ' to be intended,' 87 ; praeclare, 454, cp. 465 ; ' to be going on,' 172; cp. 'quid agatur' and ' quid agatis,' 1 14 ; agitur satis, 195. Agnoscere, 'to admit the truth of,' 542. Alaudae, 502, 554, 595. Alienum, ' out of place,' 372. Aliptae, 207. Aliquando = tandem, 562. Aliquis, in negative sentences, 474 ; = aliquis alius, 474, cp. 519; ali- quis esse, 109, 606. Alius = ' different,' 306, 450, 451; = alter, 468. Alligare, 'to hamper,' ^23- Alter ego, 106, 188 ; alterum se, 163 ; altera vita, 164. Altius, ' from a more remote point,' 199. Amabo te = ' I beseech you,' 245. Ambitiosus, 93, 444. Amplexari (metaph.), 203. Amplissimus, different from ' op- timus,' 454. An, in answers, 359; in simple sup- plementary questions, 373; ='or perhaps,' 410-41 1. Anacoluthon, 92, 362, cp. 40. Anatocismus anniversarius, 252. Ancora soluta, 41. Animadversio, ' punishment,' 457. Animatus, 445, 538. Animula, 336, 467. Animus, opposed to ' ingenium,' 567. Annales, an official journal, 76. Annus vester, ' your year for office,' 549- Antecedent, attracted to the case ss 626 INDEX II. of the relative, 85 ; implied in a possessive pronoun, 160; omitted, 239, I. 4 ; put after the relative, 85 ; and with the demonstrative omitted, 381 ; repeated in the relative clause, 239. Antiquare, 49, 50. Antiquissima, 'most important,' 374. Aperire ludum, 426. Aperte tecte, 49. Aphracta, 223-224. Apisci, 469. Aposiopesis, 521, 581^. Apparate, 485. Appellare, ' to address,' 168 ; sic, 'to use such a term,' 435, 437. Apprehendere, ' to master,' 372. Apricatio, 305. Apud, nearly = ' against,' 79. Aquae (Arpinatis), 59, 60. Aquarii, 244. Aquilae, 584. Areola, 64. Ardere (metaph.), 194. Arithmetica, 523. Arx (metaph.), 201. Aspirare, 70, 87. Assequi, ' to make good,' 375. Astute, 93, 370, 536. Asyndeton, of verbs, 162, 335, 482; of substantives, 189, '})'},Z\ of ad- verbs, 486. At, ' yes but,' 348, 426 ; at enim, 94 ; at vero, nearly = at enim, 465-466. Atque, how different from 'et,'3i2; adversative, 564 ; =' than,' 213. Attendere, 474 ; transit., 599. Attingere, of an attack of sickness, Attraction, accusative substituted for nominative by, ^tli^ cp. 464 ; nomi- native for accusative of a sub- stantive attracted to a relative, 550; plural for singular of a par- ticiple, 536 ; of a demonstrative pronoun, in gender, to a following substantive, 438 ; of the relative 'quo' for 'quod,' 376. Auctor, ' one to attest,' 422 ; ' a backer or supporter,' 419 ; 'an adviser or originator of measures,' 574- . Auctoritas, of official documents or resolutions, 53, 99, 170, 237; 'as- surance,' 310. Augere, as a neuter verb, 528; augere animum, 597; auctus, 31. Augur publicus, 443. Aut, perhaps = ' alioqui,' 560. Autem, continuing a narrative, 47 ; expressing surprise, 258. Auxilium dignitatis, 529. Bacillum, 409. Barbaria, 306. Barbatuli, 49. Barones, 224. Beatus, ' wealthy,' 47 ; cp. 382, 1. 4. Bellus, 30. r)ene = ' cheaply,' 46 ; ' valde,' 381. pjiduo, eo, 162. Bima, ' of two years' service,' 608. Bona dea, 13, 43, 206. Boni or boni viri, in a political sense, 44, 47, 56; I73, 206, cp. 356; 'bonus vir,' distinguished from ' bonus civis,' 203. Bonitas, 479. Brachio molli (metaph.), 68. Buccam, venire in, 304, 421. Cadavera, oppidum, 466. Cadere, used impersonally, 332. Caeciliana fabula, 63. Caeliana, 383. Calere (metaph.), 244. Calficere (metaph.), 244. Callere (metaph.), 464. Calumnia, 'a malicious plea,' 165; timoris, ' vain fear,' 450 ; ' calum- niam ferre,' 233 ; iurare, 236. Campus, 194. Cantherium, 428. Caput (civis), 34; = poena capitalis, 362; legis, 107; = origin, 605; used in two senses in one sentence, 207 ; supra caput, 94. Career, 59. Carere urbe, said rf exiles,' 430. Castella, 553. Castigare =- castigando impeilere,6o4. Casus, how different from natura, 475; =discrimen, 603. Cavere, with accusative, 'to provide securities,' 1 16. Causa, ' a claim,' 478 ; ' object,' ' watchword,' 319 ; 'a party,' 569 ; ' a case,' 94, cp. 30 ; ' position,' 359; =coniunctio, 478; 'state of the case,' 306; ij) ='res,' 202; how different from ' res,' 566. Celare, ' to keep in the dark,' 39. Celebritas, ' populousness,' 114. Celeripes, 336. INDEX 11. 627 Centesimae usurae, 252, cp. 194. Cernere hereditatem, 416, 528. Certus, of men, ' trustworthy,' 182 ; (ofa resolution) adequately ground- ed, 321; sensus, 'decided,' 586; certi = ' quidam,' 203, 315 ; certum, as an adverb, 387 ; certum esse, with the dative, 86, 284 ; certum habere, 344, 568 ; certiorem facere, 113- Cervicibus, conlocare in, 551. Cerulae miniatae, 556. Chirographum, 257, 541. Circuli, 78. Circumforaneus, 72. s Circumire, ' to canvass,' 530. Circumrodere (metaph.), 179. Circumscribere, a political term, 283. Circumvectio, 76. Circumventus, 34. Cistophorus, 77. Civiliter, 271. Civitas, libera, 114; form ' civita- tium,' 578. Clamare (transit.), 412. Claudus homo, 62. Clientela, 521, cp. 388. Clivus Capitolinus, 69. Coartatus, 304. Codicilli, 476. Cogere (absol.), 83. Cognoscere, 460 ; cognosce, ' let me tell you,' 251, cp. 29, 1. 9, 211. Cohonestare, 453. Cohors praetoria, 582. Cohorticulae, 244. _ Collecticius (exercitus), 430. Collegium, ' colleagueship,' 477 ; for the body of the tribunes or prae- tors, 117, 240; collegia, 'clubs,' 19, 105. Colligare se (metaph.), 434. Colligere, benevolentiam, 96 ; cle- mentiam, 326 ; gratiam, 368 ; se, 203, 341 ; 'to count up,' 373, 375 ; ad colligendum se, 603. Colonia, civium Romanorum, 615, 619-620 ; Latina, 617, 619-620. Comedere (metaph.), 428. Comissatores coniurationis, 61. Comitiales dies, 237. Commemorare, without an accusa- tive, 466. Commentari, 472, 549. Commentarius, 64 ; Caesaris, 523, 549. Committere ut, suggesting blame, 308, 322. ss Commodare, 75, 463. Commodum, an adverb, 381. Commoveri, 'to travel,' 279. Communia praecepta, 215. Communicare, neut., 182 ; transit., ' to grant a share of,' 549. Communiter scribere, 406. Commutare cum (construction ofj, 465. Comparare se, 174, cp. 241. Comparatio, 102. Comparative, used of one of three courses, 519; without 'eo' where we should expect that word, 610. Comperisse omnia, 50. Compitalicius dies, 279. Complecti, 'to treat,' 94; 'to em- brace the cause of,' 221. Complicare epistolam, 121, cp. 421. Comprimere, 'to secrete,' 250. Concerpere, 244. Concertationes, 526. Concldere = dicendo evertere, 177. ConcTdere (metaph.), 56, 58, 60. Concord, masc. used with reference to two substantives, a masc. and neut., 607. See also Adjective, Attraction, Gender, Plural, Sin- gular. Concursatio, 'canvassing,' 166, 167. Condicere, 212. Condicio, ' agreement,' 308 ; vivendi, 431, 1. I ; condicione, 'under an agreement,' 473 ; ea condicione si, 450. Conferre, 'to discuss together,' 91 ; = adhibere,3i7 ; in posterum diem, ' to put off,' 600. Conficere, aestiva, 249 ; ' to destroy,' 587 ; 'to get through,' 427 ; =' fa- cere,' 452, 1. 5; cum aliquo, 'to settle with' (neut.), 178, cp. 216. Confidentia, 240. Confidere, with accus. of pronoun understood, 481, 1. 7 (?). Confieri, 333, 464. Confirmare, ' to encourage,' 174, 416 ; ' to repeat,' 248 ; confirmare de, 441 ; confirmari, ' to gain strength,' 416 ; confirmatio, 'encouragement,' 440. Confluens, of a place, 595. Congelare (metaph.), 257. Congiarium, 554. Conglaciare (metaph.), 244. Coniicere, 'to utter a threat,' 232; in sortem, 240 ; in turbam, 409. 628 INDEX II. Coniunctim, 237. Conjunction omitted, 312, 335 ; cp. Asyndeton. Conjunctive mood, (i) of verbs of affirming or denying, 162 ; (2) expressing disapprobation, 285 ; (3) expressing past thoughts of the writer, 200 ; or (4) the words or thoughts of another, ■})■}), 52, 169 ; or (5) completing an idea expressed by an infinitive clause, 366 ; or (6) ' as he thought,' ' as he said,' 544 ; (7) apparently un- necessar)% of ' dico,' 29 ; (8) as a potential, 60, 372, I. 13 (?) ; (9) after relatives meaning 'though,' 44 ; or stating a reason or cause, 390, 426 ; (10) in indirect ques- tions, 309; (11) after 'ubi,' 484; (12) after 'quo' or 'quod' of a reason not the real one, 194 ; (13) with 'forsitan,' of a fact, 464 ; (14) after 'si' = 'etiamsi,' 38, 433 ; (15) explaining what is referred to by a pronoun, 445 ; (16) of 'volo' and its compounds, 29 ; (17) and after such verbs, 62, 80 ; (18) after ' nihil,' ' non,' ' quid ' est quod, 45 1, 464, 473; (19) with 'ut' after ' accedit,' 525 ; or ' adsentior tibi,' 340; or 'cadere,' zyi-VoZ; or ' fieri potest,' 383 ; or in final propositions generally, 349, 381 ; (20) or after ' opto ' and spero,' 332; (21) after 'ita — ut' limiting the verb in the principal clause, 26, 78; (22) after 'ut' meaning ' supposing that,' T^ 5 (23) after 'quamquam,' 574. Present tense, in future sense, 42, 311 ; in dependent clauses after the future infinitive, 362 ; where we should use the imperfect, 36, 243, 433 ; 2nd person singular of a person whose existence is only assumed, 439; with 'ne,' 214; with ' dum,' 388 ; =imperat., 38; cum audiam, ' on hearing,' 95. Imperfect, almost = infin. with 'possum,' 185 ; expressing what does not take place, 312 ; where we use the present after verbs in the past, 92, 220, 386, 410 ; where we should use the pluperfect, 347 ; with 'cum,' meaning 'when,' 225; or 'though,' 21 1-2 12, cp. 36; ='was to' in indirect questions, 412, 1. 6 ; of future time, in dependent rela- tive questions, 465. Perfect, in modest expressions, 183 ; how different from imperfect in final clauses, 413 ; where we should use the pluperfect, 75, 334, 536; pass., for a second future, 116, 1.6. Pluperfect, where we should use the perfect, 184 ; after 'cum ' mean- ing ' when,' 172, 11. 9, 10 ; with ' ne ' almost = an imperative, 66 ; for the fut. exact, when the principal verb is in the past, 329 ; used for the perfect after ' esse ' and a gerun- dive, 446. Fut. exact. 2nd person sing.= imperat., 226. Coniungere se cum libertate, 574 ; coniunctos cum causa, 569. Conlocare = ' ordinare,' 257. Conquassatus (metaph.), 467. Consaepta, 243. Consalutatio, 78. Consanescere (metaph.), 471. Conscindere (metaph.), 82, 334. Consequi, ' to follow the example of,' 548-549- Consessus senatorum, 362. ConsiHum, ' authority,' 305 ; ' object,' 185; 'plan,' 106, 1. 5; 'decision,' 205, 318 ; meo consilio uti, 'to act on my own responsibility,' 415, 1. 5 ; 'a body of judges,' 47, 55, 56, (76 ?) ; of counsellors, 76 (.''). Consistere (metaph.), 58; 'to be settled,' 606 ; mente, hngua, ore, 172 ; cum aliquo, 'to confer with,' 86 ; in hoc, 'to depend upon this,' 601 ; 'to take up a position,' 519. Conspectus, 303. Consputare, 172. Constare, 'to be fixed,' 327 ; = per- manere, 415. Constitutum, neut. subst., 420. Constrictio, 180. Consuetudo, 472. Consulere, ' to consider ' (re consulta), 76. Contemnere, 'to shew contempt for,' 229-230. Contendere, = curare, 459 ; = labo- rare, 319; ab aliquo, 219, 251 ; and with accus., 366. Conterere (metaph.), 211. Contexere, extrema cum primis, 596. Contio, 'a speech,' 47 ; contionem INDEX II. 629 dare, 162 ; habere, 38 ; in conti- onem producere, 47 ; ' the rostra,' lor. Contionalis, 60. Contionari, 555, 563, 572. Contionarius, 174. Contiuncula, 74. Contra rem pubUcam, 173 ; contra venire, 30 ; contra used as an adverb, 356, 372, 482. Contrahere vela (metaph.), 53 ; con- tractis male rebus, 281. Contrariae, ' inconsistent,' 96 ; con- trarium, 'inexpedient,' 572. Contubernales, 178. Contumacia, 524. Convenire, after res, 544; =' utile esse,' 369 ; personal construction of, in the passive, 326 ; cum aliquo, * to have an understanding with,' 600. Convitium facere, 50, 554. Copiolae, 600. Copiose, 485. Corrumpere rem, ' to ruin a project,' 169, 170. Credere, in a double sense, 60 ; with dat. and accus., 259 ; iron., 465. Creditores, 165. Cretio simplex, 417. Criminari, 548. Cruditas, 428. Cubicularius, 261-262. Culeum, insuere in, 94. Cum = quod, 175, cp. 26, 527; al- most =' si,' 332, cp. 430; placed after the beginning of a sentence, 182, cp. 262 ; =ex quo, 460 ; cum praesertim, 448 ; cum . . . tum etiam, 472 ; or tum vero, 72, 183. Cumulare, 220, 1. 5 ; gaudio, 527. Cumulatum, ' to have reached its height,' 528 ; cumulatissime, 177. Cumulus, ' something extra,' 56 ; cumulum deruere (metaph.), 557. Cupiditas, ' ambition,' 169, 218 ; 'pas- sion,' 94. Curare, 'to provide,' 178; 'to care for,' with a personal object, 424. Currentem incitare, 419. Cursus, ' a career,' 30 ; vitae, 208, 1. 12 ; bonorum consiliorum, 593. Custodia publica, 100. Damnum fieri, 59, 568. Dare litteras, construction of, 414; diem, 'to assign for a visit,' 421; dare se (ut se initia dederint), 119. Dative case, in -u of the fourth de- clension, 608 ; ethical, 50 ; ' for the benefit of,' 245, 447, 1. 7, note ; in ' honour of,' 538 ; of the person, after ' cupio ' and such verbs, 98, 167; after ' iratus,' 165; after 'dicto audientes esse,' 232 ; with gerundive, after ' auctor esse,' 318 ; after ' intervenire,' 92 ; after ' in- vadcre" (rare), 313 ; after ' in odium venire,' 375 ; after passives, espe- cially gerundives, 278, 318,1. 2,419, 578 ; double, after 'tribuere,' 369 ; and ablative, after 'facere,' 450. De, with the ablat. preceding an accus. and infin., 45. Debere, absol., 'to be indebted to,' 167. Decedere, ' to leave a province,' 92, 217 ; de suo iure decedere, 542. Decernere, 'to vote for' (of an indi- vidual), 162 ; 'to decide,' 580. Declarare, ' to shew,' 470. Dechnare, 81 ; declinatio, 84. Decuriati, 175. Deducere rem eo, or in eum locum, 78, 86 ; summam rem publicam in discrimen, 608, 1. 14. Deesse, 'to disappoint,' 177. Defendere, *to maintain,' 535. Deficere, a se ipso, 368. Deformitas, 'unseemliness,' 347; dis- credit, 575. Degustare, 58. Deiicere, 'to defeat,' 231. Delatio, 243. Delectare (absol), ' to give pleasure,' 439 ; pass., with the ablat., 549. Delegare, 189. Deliberatio, 472 ; deliberatius, 39, 1.8. Deliciae, 233 ; = ' luxury,' 422-423. Deminuere, ' to alienate,' 98. Deminutio de imperio populi Romani, 467, 1. 4. Demisse, 79. Demitigari, 44. Demittere se aliquo, 367. Demortui, 560. Denique = 'omnino,' 374; ='only' or 'even only,' 454, 580, 1. 6. Denuntiare, 481 ; denuntiatio, 578. Depecisci, 337. Dependere and spondere in a meta- phorical sense, 202. 630 INDEX II. Deponere provinciam, 66. Deprecator, 418, 1. 10. Derivata (metaph.), jT). Derogare, 1 17. Descendere, ' to come to the place of election,' 229 ; metaph., 240, 284. Describere, ' to describe ' without naming, 173. Desiderare, 257 ; se ipsum, 104, II. 12, 13; Desiderium, said of a person, no. Desperationes, 371. Despondere (metaph.), 410 ; cp. de- sponsam, 58. Detestari, 350. Detrahere de, 93, 1. 6. Devenire, in eam fortunam, 468. Deversoria, 406, cp. 133. Devertere ad, 383, 515. Devexa ad otium, 349. Devincire familiaritate, 93. Devorare (metaph.), 60, 179. Dexterius, 583. Dialectica, 523. Dialogus (Aristotelis), 214-215. Dibaphum, 371. Dicacitas, 43. Dicrota, 224. Dicta, 68. Dicto audientes esse, 232. Diecula, 254. Dies, of a period, 104 ; of the events of a day, 370, 1. 1 5 ; Sullanus, 376 ; diem dicere, 102 ; consumere, 169; prodicere, 171 ; diem suum obire, 467; post diem tertium eius diei, 475 ; legis, 'a time fixed by law,' 280. Digamma, 345. Digiti, 254 ; digito caelum attingere, 69. Dignitas, 214, 304, 311, 343, 453, 542 ; dignitatem habere, 93 ; dig- nitatis insignia, 574. Diiudicare, 272 (?), 526. Dilaudare, 264. Dilectus, 314. Diligentia, 115. Diligere, how different from 'amare,' 528. Dilucide, 559. Dimittere, ' to release,' 365. Dioecesis, 250. Direptum iri (metaph.), 92. Dirumpi, with ablat., 549. Discedere, 'to come off,' 102, cp. 171 ; sc. de sententia, 'to change one's mind,' 76 ; discedere ab, 'to make an exception of,' 210. Disceptare, ' to be at stake,' 579 ; disceptatio, 39. Discessio, 71 ; discessionem facere, 169. Discipuli (metaph.), 425. Discrepare, of persons, 257. Discribere, 67, 540. Discutere, 'to dispel fears of, 89. Displiceo mihi, 79. Disputare, 211. Dissimulare and simulare, 578. Dissolutio, 39. Distinere, 118; distineri, 'to be busy,' 47. Distractos (metaph.), 331. Distributive numerals, with substan- tives only used in the plural, 389. Dividere, ' to submit a motion in parts,' 168. Divinatio, a legal term, 236. Divinitus, 58. Divinum, 'providential, 189, 190. Divisores, 61. Docte, 482. Dodrans, 51. Dolus malus, 29. Domesticus dolor, 35. Dominus, 82. Dormire (metaph.), 423. Dubitare an, t,ji I dubitare or du- bium esse quin, 479 ; cp. 374, 1. 12. Ducere, ' to attract,' ^2)Z '> ' to delay,' 194, 429- Dumtaxat, 78, cp. 540. Duumviri, 530, 615. E vestigio, 476. Ea re = 'eo,' 543. Edicta, 84 ; cp. 542. Effectus, ' execution,' 578. Efflagitatio, 609. Effundere (metaph.), 368. Ego vero, 104 ; at the beginning of a letter, 411, 469. Eiectio, 78. Eiicere= 'explodere,' 86; = *evo- mere,' 384. Eius modi = ' tale,' 'J2)' Elaborare, 99. Elapsum de manibus, 57. Elatum, of style, 449. Eleganter, 485. Elegantia, of conduct, 263 ; of style, 435- INDEX II. 531 Elimare, 545. Ellipse, of 'causa' with 'est cur,' or 'est quod,' 431, 549; of 'via,' 180, 425; of 'cogita,' 375; of tenses of ' dicere,' 231, 335 ; of 'hoc dice,' 44 ; of 'esse' with an adverb in the predicate, 408, and with the perfect infin. pass., 106 ; of other tenses of 'esse,' 38, 86 ; of ' facio,' 327 ; of ' fieri' after ' ut potest,' 170; of 'fore,' 334; and with an accus. after 'videre,' 349 ; of a gerundive in the plural to be supplied from a gerund, 359 ; of 'ire,' 251, 335; of a participle, 547, 1. 9; of a particle correspond- ing to ' tam,' 601 ; of substantives to be repeated from another clause, 354, 1. 14 ; of a verb, after ' ut nihil magis,' 212, cp. 113 ; or 'ut aliud nihil,' 307 ; to be supplied in one tense from another, 248 ; or to be easily supplied from a substantive, 2,^,70, 97, 172 ; or in the infin. after ' possum' and other verbs, 57, 77 ; or in a finite mood from the infinitive, 354 ; in the active voice from one in the pas- sive, 587; of 'ut scirem' before ' si quid,' 412 ; of words meaning ' I remark that,' 266 ; or answer- ing to ' ne quaeras,' 7Z ; or e.\- plaining 'gratum,' 191 ; of the sub- ject of inquit,' 284,304; in familiar discourse, 274, 11. 18, 19 ; in phrases with 'quid,' 240, cp. 46, 1. I, 84, 1. 9, 179, 248, 359 ; in the phrase ' tu qui,' 263 ; of a clause alter a pluperfect indicative, 606, Emerere, 262 ; emerita, 239. Emergere (metaph.), 261, 1. 10. Emissarius, 236. Emittere (metaph.), 66. Emonere, 186. Enim, ironical, 458 ; referring to a reason not expressed, 85, cp. 380, 1. 7; =' why,' 280. Eo — quo or quod, ' for the reason that,' 105, 344, 1- 4- Eodem loci = ' ibidem,' 45 ; ' eodem ad me' (eUipt.), 485. Epigrammata, 62. Epistolary tenses, 26. Epulae (metaph.), 567. Equitatus, of the equestrian order, 69. Ergastula, 586. Ergo, expressing indignation, 385 ; or irony, 546. Erogare, 100, 250. Erumpcre, 'to aim at,' 481 ; and with ' se,' 271. Eruptio, 88. Esse = ' commorari,' 311, 544; 'to be in circulation,' 65 ; 'to involve,' 253 ; ' to be written,' 'to stand in a letter,' 257, 324 ; in ea opinione = (res), 87; in optatis, 'to be an object of desire,' 256; ='vivere,* 390 ; repetition of a tense of, 575 ; 'est cur' or 'est quod,' 431, 549; ut nunc est, 573 ; fuit = ' which is over,' 556 ; esse omitted with ac- cus. after ' volo,' etc., 537. Et, adversative, 227, cp. 259 ; express- ing wonder, 264 ; et litteras = cum litteris, 323 ; et quidem, ' and that too,' 422 ; et tamen, ' moreover,' 375- Etiam, 'still,' 77] 'yes,' 45> cp. 437 ; etiam atque etiam, 416. Etiamsi, with indicat, 93. Etsi, ' and yet,' 347, 544 ; ' however,' 248, 2i77'i ' etiamsi,' 379 ; with the perfect conjunct, in a hypothetical sentence, 222-223. Evadere, ' to turn out,' 360 ; 'to get out of a difficulty,' 450. Evigilata, 355. Evocare, a legal term, 249 ; a-vfind- deiav (metaph.), t,77; evocati, 582. Evolare (metaph.), 186. Evolvere, 351. Ex cruce detrahere, 95 ; ex eo esse, 97, 1- 2. Exacuere, 604. Exagitare, res, 167. Exanimare (metaph.), 409. Exarare, 420. Exarescere (metaph.), 427. Exceptiones, 411. Excipere, how different from ' acci- pere,' 48; ' to intercept,' 604. Excitata fortuna, 368 ; cp. ' excitare,' 206. Excubare (metaph.), 578. Excutere (metaph.), 572. E.xemplo, uno, 435 ; ad exemplum, 529. Exercitatio, 216, 427. Exercitus (metaph.), 83, 1. 14. Exhaurire sermonem, 92. Exhibere = facessere, 65. Exigere, 160, cp. 251-252 ; ius 6^0, INDEX II. legitimum, 242 ; ' to negotiate,' 610. Exire, ' to go on foreign service,' 189 ; 'to leave the neighbourhood of Rome,' 303 ; ' to be published,' 448. Exitus, ' success,' 306 ; exitu rebus- que, 591. Expedire, 'to settle,' 108 ; expedita, 'clear,' 355 ; expeditius iter, 577; expeditissimus, 610. Expensam ferre, 231. Explicatius, 337. Exploratum, ' certain,' 184, cp. 109, 281, 446 ; explorate, 'confidently,' 578. _ Expressiora, 187. Exprimere, ' to describe,' 327, 444. Exputare, 609. Exsecratio, 78. Exsequi, ' to fulfil,' 105, Exsilio privare, 59. Exstare = apparere, 374. Exsurgere (metaph.), 308, 606. Extenuatissimae, 600. Extraordinarius reus, 233. Extremus, ' worst,' 77 ; in extremis, 571. Extrudere bellum, 609. Exulceratae, res (metaph.), 167. Faba mimus, 62. Fabula Caeciliana, 63. Facere, 'to elect,' 231 ; 'to comply,' 62 ; 'to sacrifice,' 43 ; se, ' to call one's self,' 84; convitium, 50, 554 ; invidiam, 520 ; medicinam, 384 ; ' hoc ita facere,' ' to manage the affair thus,' 245 ; ' contra . . . facere,' ' to oppose,' 366 ; used in- stead of another verb repeated, 438, 449 ; or instead of a verb to be supplied from a participle, 215 ; facere ut, pleonastic, 103, 104, 249 ; fac existimes, 437, cp. 103 ; factus, ' schooled,' 87; facteon, 62. Facetiae, 95. Facile = libenter, 386. Faeneratores, 386. Faenus, 194, 252-254; perpetuum, 254, cp. 263. Faex Romuli, 70, cp. 60. Fallit, impers., 376. Fama multare, 448. Fames, ' want,' 57. Familia, 'a household of slaves,' 1 13 ; urbana, 385 ; 'a school,' 76; fam- iliam ducere, 190. . Familiaris, as a substantive, 425, 550, 560, 605, 1. 4. Familiaritas, 93 ; famihariter, 482, 544- Fanum, deponere in fano, 254. Fasciculus, 225, 412. Fastidiose, 65. Fatalis, 550. Fateri = ' testari,' 603. Fatum, 112. Febricula, 421. Feriae, Latinae, 244 ; Lepidianae, 560. Ferre, ' to withstand,' 374 ; ' to re- quire,' 324 ; = ' ostendere,' 338 ; graviter, 98. Fervens = ' furiosus,' 603. Fideliter, 603. Fides, ' honour,' 389 ; fides publica, 86, cp. 604 ; fidem facere, 555 ; ' praestare,' ' to fulfil a promise,' 252. Fieri longius, 431. Figere (metaph.), 220. Finire, ' to propose as a limit,' 319. Firmitas (exercitus), 608. Fistula (metaph.), 61. Florens, 256 ; florentiora, 556. Fluctus (metaph.), 305-306. Fluere (metaph.), 349. Foede, ' miserably,' 426. Forsitan, 464. Fortasse, 274; fortassis, 543. Forum, ' a session,' 227, 261 ; forum agere, ib.; forum tenere, 'to occupy the attention of the courts,' 234. Frangere (metaph.), 58, 67 ; me, 471 ; meum consilium, 438. Frater, perhaps ' cousin,' 456, 1. 3, cp. 437- Fraus, 'penalty,' 117; in fraudem coniici, 108. Fremere, 163. Frenum mordere (metaph.), 597. Frequenter, 600. Frigere, ' to be ill received,' 47. Fronte an mente,' 194 ; frontem ferire, 26. Frumentariae provinciae, 342. Fucus, 25-26. Fumo comburere, 95. Furia, of Clodius, 206. Fustem impingere, 240, 1. 18. Gender, of an adject., pronoun, or participle with two substantives, 58, 201, cp. 540, 607 ; determined INDEX II. ^?>?> by sense rather than grammar, 206, 230 ; neut., of an adjective referring to masc. or fem. substan- tives, 456 ; of a pronoun, referring to a sentence, 44. Generatim, 408. Genitive case, of nouns in -ius or -ium, 482 ; double, in different senses, 160; or where one governs the other, 201-202 ; 'generis,' 182, 356, 384, 455, 484 ; of the quahty, loi, 255 ; of the place where a letter is written, 453 ; objective, 105, 308, 1. II ; cp. 271, where it = ablative with ' de ' ; with ' exist- imare,' 464 ; partitive, 57 ; pos- sessive, 35, cp. 57 (doloris) ; 280 (legis) ; of the price, 279 ; after ' indigere,' 377; with active par- ticiples, 99 ; with a passive parti- ciple and adverb, 576 ; after ' in mentem venire,' 428 ; with ' esse ' of that to which a thing belongs as suitable, 213, 389 ; cp. consilii res est, 304 ; after ' dignus,' 33 1 ; of 'animus,' 414 ; of the name of a husband, 459 ; unusual forms of, 40. Genus = res, 93, 220, 261, 369 ; 'a mode of appointment,' 53 ; genera, with ' ordines,' 280 ; perhaps = 'parties' (or 'professions'?), 81 ; genus Sullani regni, 328. Germanus, 180. Gerund, used as an ablat. caus., 589. Gerundive, ablat. of, without 'in,' 162; with force of pres. part, pass., ib. Gladiator, 'a bravo,' 563 ; gladiator- ibus, 68, cp. 61. Gloriola, 190. Gloriosus, in a good sense, 195 ; gloriosius, 69. Graecus = ' eastern,' 245. Gratiae, in a peculiar sense, 30. Gratiosi in suffragiis, 220. Gratuita, comitia, 195. Gratus, how different from ' iu- cundus,' 470 ; gratum, elliptical phrase with, 191. Gravedo, 383, 558. Gubernare patrimonium, 375. Gustare (metaph.), 552. Gymnasium, 31, 477. Habere = adferre, 184 ; with adjec- tives or past participles passive, 254j 368, 384, 473 ; ' to have as a reading,' 260, 1. 12 ; habere belle, 316, 387; recte, 236; summam orationis, 381; habeo necesse scri- bere, 364 ; nihil habeo ' quid' and 'quod,' 357, cp. 109 ; se res sic habet, 102; habes = ' audis,' ' intel- legis,' 57 ; epistolam, 432 ; habebis, in a gladiatorial sense, 421 ; sic habeto, 90, 183 ; habcs res Ro- manas, 51, cp. 550. Hactenus, 391. Haerere (metaph.), 347, 349. Hariolans, 328. Haud scio an, 515. Hem, indignantis, 466. Hermathena, 30. Hie, pron. referring to what follows, 537, cp. 445 ; referring to the pre- sent, 'ille ' to the future, yj"] ; haec gratia =^ huius rei gratia, 358 ; haec, on the following subject, 318 ; = 'the present state of things,' 454; hoc = ' this only,' 451. Hie, adv. = 'in hac re,' 106. Hiems, hieme tanta, 316; ma.\ima, 320. Hilarula, 561. Hirudo (inetaph.), 60. Homo, in a good sense, 191-192, 485 ; in a bad sense, 412, cp. 418 ; of a woman, 467 ; in apposition to another substantive, 563 ; instead of a pronoun, 51-52, 437. Homunculus, 466. Honestas, ' reputation,' 464. Honestus = 'honoratus,' 543. Honos, ' public office,' or election to it, 32 ; honores, ' days of honour,' 478. Hora, 484 ; noctis, 475. Hortari (hortare te), 352. Hospes, of people lodged at the public expense, 250. Hue, for this object, 187. Hui, 222. Huius modi, 'of the kind described,' 176. Humaniter, 32. Humeris suis, 261. Hypodidascalus, 428. Hypothetical clause supplied from context, 408. lacere (metaph.), 'to be prostrate,' 1'^ ; or 'listless,' 244 ; or 'out of spirits,' 413. lactare, legem, 245. ^34 INDEX II. lacturam facere (metapli.), 70 ; cp. 467, I. 6. _ lam, transitional, 37, cp. 261 ; ' well,' 426 ; iam turn, 473. Iambus, of an iambic poem, 557. Id, aetatis, 546 ; causae = ea causa, 182 ; id genus, 230 ; id ipsum, in- troducing an addition, 169. Idem, 'also,' 'on the other hand,' 58, 1. 2, 160 ; 'and yet,' 118 ; ple- onastic (?) with 'hie,' 213, 1. 22 ; position of, with 'qui,' 214; 'in the same position,' 60 ; 'of one mind,' ' similar,' or perhaps, ' con- sistent,' 375, leiunius, 458. Igitur, 214, 462, 518. Igniculus, 421. Ignorare, 59. I lie, referring to something following, y]^ lip ; or before mentioned, 85 ; or exceptional, 268 ; or future, 377 ; or remote, 343 ; or well known, 464 ; pointing to ' quod ' with the indie, 545 ; ille . . qui = talis . . qualis, 284, 1. 1 1 ; pleonastic with ' inquit ' after a long parenthesis, 361. Illustre, 45 ; illustrior, 'more evident,' 198. Immissus (metaph.), 59. Immo si, 'much more if,' 235. Immolare, 448. Immunitates, 540. Impeditum, 449. Impelli, 'to be driven by passion or by threats,' 543. Impensae, plur., 577. Imperative, form of in -to, 414. Imperator, imperium, 122. Impetus, animi, 405 ; belli, 320. Imponere, in causam, .385 ; volnus (metaph.), 57. Impressio, 39. Improbare, 379. Impunitas, 116; impunite, 537. In, 7vitJi ciccKs., 'against,' 69, cp. 75 ; in buccam venire, 304, cp. 421 ; in indicium venire, 70 ; in earn partem, 236, cp. 460 ; in locum mortui, 84, I. 2 ; in oculos incur- rere, 460 ; in provinciam esse, 239 ; in tempus, 'to suit the time,' 81, I. 13 ; 'for,' 'on account of,' 607; wz//i ad/at. ^' as to,' 174,254, cp. 26, 86 ; with ' persona ' nearly = ' against,' 445 ; in bona spe esse. 270 ; in caelo esse (metaph.), 81 ; in eo esse, 'to depend on that,' 53 ; in hoc esse = ' hoc agere,' 68 ; in manibus esse, 599 ; in — habere = fovere, 203 ; in eo, ' on that ac- count,' 67 ; 'thereby,' 352 ; in eo est si, 454 ; in eo, ' in this matter,' 108; cp. 'in quo,' 115; in ea, 'towards her,' 414 ; in meis, how different from cum meis, 430 ; in oculis esse, 261 ; in officio esse, 114; in potestate alicuius esse, 332 ; positum esse in, ' to depend upon,' 72 ; in primis, 453 ; iac- turam facere in, 467, 1. 6 ; in damno, ' at the cost of,' 579, Inambulare, 262. Inanis, ' thinly peopled,' 320. Incidere, how different from 'venire,' 465 ; in hominem, 330 ; in opi- nionem, 387; in tarditatem, 375. Incitatum, 449 ; incitatius, 85. Inclinata fortuna, 368 ; res, 166, 1. 10 ; victoria, 387. Incolumis, in a political sense, 104 ; incolumitas, 104, 441. Inculcatum, 1 16. Incumbere, ad laudem, 580 ; in causam, 105 ; in earn rem, 119; incumbentibus, absol., 208, cp. 223. Incurrere in, 368, cp. 460. Index, 'an informer,' 85, 1.6, cp. 174, 1. 13 ; indices, 'titles,' 195. Indicative mood, after ' cum ' as a general remark, 281 ; or giving a real reason, = ' inasmuch as,' 527 ; or ' at the time when,' 449 ; or 'since,' of time, 354 ; after 'nisi,' 466 ; after ' quasi,' in a quotation, 81 ; after 'quia,' 431 ; after 'quod,' giving a real reason, 65 ; after ' quoniam,' of an actual fact, 335 ; hypothetical, without 'si,' 285, 1. 6 (?) ; in antecedent with a ques- tion in the consequent, 372 ; with ' quae quidem,' 382 ; with inde- finite relative pronouns or ad- verbs, 430 ; with adjective or neuter gerundive, of what ought or ought not to have been done, 69, 107, 259, 426, 449 ; or of past tenses of ' possum,' ' debeo,' etc., 34, 69, 107, 349 ; with ' qui,' as a simple explanation, 33, 313 ; with ' quo quo modo ' of an actual fact, 321 ; in relative clauses after ' eius modi,' 454, cp. 456-457. INDEX II. ^3S Present tense, with future signi- fication, 264, 375, 555,1. 7; historic, 355 ; with 'dum,' 366, 383 ; in an- tecedent of hypothetical sentences with the future in the consequent, III; and with the conjunctive in the consequent, 372 ; and in the consequent with the conjunctive in the antecedent, 434, cp. 273. Imperfect, epistolary, 26 ; of in- tentions or possibilities, 117, cp. 263,275,484. — Perfect, used for plu- perfect, 54, 384, 1. 4 ; used hypothe- tically of a certain result, 314, cp. 107. — Pluperfect, for conjunctive, 83, cp. 273 ; with ' postquam,' giving a date, 420 ; after 'quod,' giving a real reason, 65. — Future, second person sing. = imperative, 80, 265. — Second Future, double, import of, 479. Indicium, 88. Indignitas,368; =indignatio(?), 373, 386. Inductus, 108, cp. 179, 1. 6, and ' in- duxit,' 418, 1. 12. Infector (metaph.), 371. Inferi, ' the departed,' 468. Inferum mare, 320. Infinite mood, after verbs expressing emotion, 48 ; or meaning ' to in- form,' 382 ; as a substantive, 284, 305 ; after passive verbs and ' de- beo' used personally, 170, 1. 5, 183, 320, 387, 1. 3 ; with accus., as a subject, 322 ; or after verbs of ad- vising, 350; after 'habeo necesse,' 364 ; after ' necesse est,' 473 ; after subire periculum, 318 ; after words expressing a duty or purpose, 'tempus esse,' 372, cp. 377 ; ' iudi- care,' 380 ; historic, 347, 412 ; in ' oratio obliqua,' 413; expressing surprise or indignation, 81, no; with accus. after ' nolo,' ' volo,' 'cupio,' etc., 98, 113; stating an actual fact, 562 ; without pro- nominal subject, referring to the principal verb, 333 ; or even when the subject of that verb is different, 542, 1. I ; when the genitive of the gerund would be more usual, 366. Present tense of, after 'memini,' 441 ; cp. 330, 1. 4 ; =^ imperfect, after a historic present, 358, 1. 11 ; after ' spero,' 26, 332 ; of ' proficiscor ' almost = future, 26 ; cp. 108 (expe- diri) ; 187 (adsequi) ; 332 (posse); 246 (hiemare). Perfect tense of, where the main sentence refers to future time, 238 ; perfect participle with 'fore' = iut. exact., 565. Infirmitas, ' want of talent,' 449. Infitiari, 98. Inflectere, magnitudinemanimi, 186. Infracta, res, 351. Ingenia, 444. Ingerere praeterita, 409. Ingravescere, in a good sense, 438. Iniqui, as a substantive, 534. Iniungere = imponere, 601. Iniuriis suis, a legal term, 234. Inquirere in, 275. Inscriptio, 'a title,' 559. Insectatio, 519. Insignia dignitatis, 574. Insinuare, insinuari in, 85. Instituta, 'rules,' 256 ; cp. 251, 1. 18. Instituta res, 68. Insulsus, 347, 566 ; insulsitas, 222. Integrum esse, 38 ; sibi reservare, 202, 245 ; omnia Integra sustinere, 608. Intendere, * to maintain,' 169; 'to threaten,' 80 ; se, 230. Intercalare, 244. Intercedere = accidere, 213, cp. 170; ' to give security,' 56 ; 'to veto,' 74 ; = ' intervenire ' (?), 478, 1. 4. Interior, 'up the country,' 'eastern,' 96. Intermortuus, 49. Interpellare, ' to interfere with,' 526, 538, 586. Interponere, 'to introduce m a dis- cussion,' 234, cp. 323 ; se, 'to in- trude,' 575. Interpres, 560. Interrogatio, 20 r. Interrogative clause with affirmative sense, 362, 11. 3-5. Intervenire = interesse, 92. Intestinus dolor, 464. Intime, ' cordially,' 93. Intra modum, 438. Invitamentum, 580. Invitatus, a subst., 190. Invocare (corrupt), 66; invocatus = non vocatus, 234. Involatus, 443. Inurere (metaph.), 57. Ipse, 'without aid or instructions,' 97, 389 ; 'precisely,' 223. Iracundiae (pi.), 604. 62,6 INDEX II. Ire, in alia omnia, i68 ; in senten- tiam, 169, 11. 6, 7. Is . . . qui = talis . . . qualis, 199 ; cp. ' ille qui,' 284 ; is where we might expect ' qui,' 382 ; or hie, 542. Iste, 'that mentioned in your letter,' 84, 278 ; of things interesting the person addressed, 48, 52, 84 ; form in '-ic,' 426. Ita, 'so very much,' 105 ; with 'si,' limiting a remark, 280; with 'ut' and the conjunct, in the same sense, 26, 68-69, 78, 102, 104, 310 ; ita vivam, 257 ; pleonastic, with ' videri,' 432, 1. 7 ; with ' id,' 408 ; with the indicative, answering to a clause to be supplied from the context, 335, 1. 10; itaque, 'and so,' 175 ; ita est, 556. Item, 'in like manner,' 82, cp. 87. Iter, how different from 'via,' 226; with 'fugere' and 'secjui,' 600. lucundus, how different from 'gra- tus,' 470 ; ' iucunditates,' y]']. ludicare, not the praetor's business, 98 ; = decernere, followed by a simple infinitive, 380, 1. 9 ; qui res iudicant, 271. Indices ccc, 237, cp. 334. ludicium esse (in) = decerni, yjZ' lurare morbum, 27, lure meo, 524. lus, in two senses, 427. luvenis, 363. luventus, 465. Labores, ' sufferings,' 478, 1. 3. Languere (metaph.), 375 ; langui- diores litterae, 412. Lanista, 54. Largitio, agraria, ^^ '1 opposed to li- beralitas, 273. Latiar, 178. Latinitas, 521, cp. 223, 617-620. Lavatio, 425. Laudare, ' to bear witness to cha- racter,' 199, 201. Laus, in laude vivere, 267; laudes, 'exploits,' 463, 1. 2. Laute, 79 ; lautiores, 485. Lecticarii, 476. Lectulus (mori in lectulo), 376, cp. 426. Legare, 'to procure a post as legate' (for another), 195. Legationes, audiences to foreign en- voys, 51, 171 ; legatio libera, 28, 79. Legatus, 'a military officer,' 28, 79, 1. 8 ; 'a commissioner,' 166 : in an informal sense, 418; 'a deputy,' 161 ; decem legati, of assessors or commissioners, 193. Legio, decima, 591 ; Martia, 502, 508, 582-584; quarta, 502, 583- 584 ; quinta (Alaudae), 502, 584 ; quinta et tricensima, 582. See also pp. 61 1-614. Levare, ' to mitigate,' or ' relieve,' 390 ; pass., ' to recover from,' 473. Levatio, 471. Levis, levitas, 53, 69, 94, cp. 185, 356. Lex Aurelia, 4 ; Campana (lulia), 78; Leges Clodiae, 19, 105, 107, 1 16, 117; Lex Cornelia, 217; Gabinia, 5 ; eiusdem de pecuniis mutuis, 253 ; lulia de civitate sociorum, 618 ; Leges luliae, 17, 78, 227,489-492, 534; Lex Manilla, 6 ; Leges Pom- peiae, 4, 142, 143, 147, 148 ; Lex Porcia, 131; Roscia, 66, 83 ; Scan- tinia, 272; Sempronia, 187,289; Trebonia, 142 ; Vatinia, 17; agra- ria (Rulli), 8, 66, 244-245 ; ali- mentaria, 245 ; curiata, 217 ; fru- mentaria, 83 ; viaria, 244. Liberalitas, used euphemistically of extravagance, 370. Liberare periculo, 479. Liberi, perhaps of one child, 465. Liberum, ' unencumbered,' 587. Librarius, 275. Licet, used personally, 426 ; licitum est, 465. Lictores laureati, 303. Lippitudo, 330. Liquido, 268. Litterae, ' rescripts,' 96 ; in the plural sense, 406, cp. 389, 1. 6 ; (.'') of literary works, 48 ; litterulae, 317, 420. Lituus (metaph.), 415. Livor, 586. Locus, ' an opportunity,' 206, cp. 93 ; ' a position,' 552 ; 'a passage,' 201 ; ' a topic,' 58 ; consularis locus, 68 ; locum dare tortunae, 519. Lomentum, 272. Loqui, followed by accus., 94, 1. 6 ; by accus. and infin., 568, 1. 14 ; loqui est coeptum, 235. Lucere (metaph.), 'to be remarkable,' 105. Lucrativus sol, 305. INDEX 11. ^31 Luculente, 530 ; luculentior, 458 ; luculentissima, of a legion, 608. Lucus Pisonis, 176. Ludus, ' a school,' 426 ; gladiatorius, 56 ; talarius, 54. Lux, ' distinction,' 65 ; a term of en- dearment, no, 276. Lycurgei, 44. Maculosi (metaph.), 54. Magister (auctionis), 29. Magistratus (apud), 61. Magnus, ' important,' 270. Maiorem in modum, 251, 463 ; ma- iora, 'too tragic,' 99-100. Male consularis, 68 ; malum ! an exclamation, 360. Malitia, 117. Malle, 'to prefer the side of,' 229. Manare (metaph.), 540. Mancipia (metaph.), 329. Manens, as an adjective, 445. Manipularis, 347. Manubiae, 207. Manus, adferre (metaph.), 104 ; tol- lere, in wonder, 189; de manu in manum, 190 ; in manibus esse, 599 ; in manibus habere, 203 ; sub manu, 602 ; ' a body of supporters,' 28, 102. Materiam dare, 93. Maturum, ' suitable,' 576 ; maturius, ' previously,' 377 ; maturitas (me- taph.), 438, 439. _ _ Medicina, 69 ; medicinam facere, ' to administer a remedy,' 384. Medius, 'neutral,' 374. Medius fidius, 98-99. Megara, declension of, 466. Mel (metaph.), 233. Melior fio = ' convalesco,' 427 ; me- lius, as a subst., 440. Memoriola, 421. Mensa secunda, 531. Mercatores, provinciarum (metaph.), 205. Metellina oratio, 45. Metiri, 'to distribute,' 245. Metus, 'intimidation,' 537. Miles, opposed to 'eques,' 595, 603. Militia (metaph.), 262. Minuere, ' to soften down,' ' lower the tone of,' 449. Minus, 'seldom,' 550. Misellus, 119. Misere, 'foolishly,' 589; miserum misere perdere, 119. Mittere=nuntiare, 90; 'to say no- thing of,' 81, cp. 374 ; 'in consi- lium,' 235. Modo, 'just lately,' 467. Molestus, opposed to odiosus, 486 ; moleste, 71. Moliri, used absolutely, 588. MoUi brachio (metaph.), 68. Monstra, ' outrageous acts,' 227. Monumentum, 200 ; ' a record,' 99, cp. 441. Moods, curious change of, 166. Moratus, 90. Morderi (metaph.), 263. Morem gerere, 482 ; more Romano, 'honestly,' 190; cp. 'more ma- iorum,' 25-26. Morosus, 177. Movere, ' to ransack ' (?), 328 ; mo- veri = moleste ferre, 48. Muliercula, 467. Mulli barbati, 69. Multa, how different from ' poena,' 117. Multitudo comparata, 118-119. Mundi habitatores, 176. Municipes, townsmen, 452, 1. 4. Municipium, 614-620 ; constituere, 452, 1. 19 ; municipales, 331. Munire (metaph.), 426 ; munitior, 79, ^73- Munus, ' a public duty,' 390 ; mu- nera, ' shows,' 220. Munusculum (ironical), 233, Musae mansuetiores, 214. non Mutare, 484. Mutue, 2,3; Myrothecium, 64. Mysteria, of the festival of the Bona Dea, 255. Nam, anticipating and answering an objection or suggestion, 70, 182, 274 ; introducing an illustration, 270 ; in an elliptical passage, 58, 327. Nancisci, 'to overtake,' 330. Nanneiani, 56. Narratio, ' a dialogue,' 259. Natura, 475. Naufragia (metaph.), 108-109. Navi, 475. Navigatio, 339. Ne, for ' ut non,' 321-322 ; neve . . neve, for ' ne . . neque,' 210 ; ne . . quidem, in a subordinate propo- sition, 474, 1. 9 ; separated by other words, ibid, and 424. 638 INDEX II. Necesse, as an adjective, 439. Nedum = non modo, 383. Negative, position of, 39 ; followed by an affirmative, 45, 264 ; double, not always = an affirmative, 58, cp. 227. Negotiari, 251,1. 17 ; negotiatores,;;. Negotiolum, 560. Negotium, 'a commission or office,' 436,1.1; =inimicitia, 240; dare magistratibus, 56 ; gerere, 391 ; nullo negotio, 382. Neque— et, 45; ne-que— que, 464; = 'and yet not,' 66 ; neque etiam, after two negatives, 388 ; neque non tamen = et tamen, 365. Nervose, 604. Nescio an nulli, 388. Neuter, of a substantive referring to a person, 46 ; see also under ' gender.' Nihil = non, 67; nihil agere, 537; nihil est, in elliptic sentences, 360 ; nihil est quod, 451, 542 ; nihil habeo quod, and quid, 357 ; nihil- dum = nondum quidquam, 564 ; nihil sibi longius fuisse, 532. Nisi forte, in arguments, 375, cp. 426, 1. 6 ; nisi si, 109. Nitrum, 272, 1. 5. Nobilitas, 461. Noctuabundus, 421. Nodus (metaph.), 247, 1. 11. Nolle alicui, 167; noli quaerere = quid quaeris, 437. Nomen, 'a debt," 254; 'aground,' 259; ' a shadow,' 318 ; pleonastic, with a genitive, 190. Nomenclator, 97. Nominare (technical), 87. Nominatim, 'individually,' 107,347, 408. Non = nonne, 319, 1. 13, 321, 414, 432 ; for 'ne' with ' utinam,' 414; position of, with ' ut,' 69, 1. i ; curious position of, 364, 1. 8 ; non dico = non modo, 350 ; non habeo quid or cjuod, 109 ; non ita, with an adjective and with no corre- sponding particle, 199; non mini- mum, 389 ; non modo, ' I do not say,' 106, 1. 4 ; with sed ne, 75, 1. 9 ; non mutare, 484 ; non reli- gam, a legal phrase, 235. Noscere, 'to admit,' 435. Nostra (provincia) = ' Romana,' 247. Nostrum, nostri, as genitives of 'nos,' 417. Notare, 'to censure,' 283. Novissime, ' lastly,' 607. Nudus (metaph.), 54, 591. Nugae, 'worthless men,' 94. Nu]lus = non, 93, 1. 4 ; cp. 430. Number, of an adjective or participle with two substantives, 540. Numerals, distributive, with sub- stantives only used in the plural, 389 ; ordinal, quintam tricensi- mam for quintam ct trie, 582. Numerus, 'an amount of coin,' 250 ; ad numerum, 239 ; quo numero esset, 231. Nummarii, 58. Nummus, ad nummum, 253. Nunc = ' under existing circum- stances,' 30 ; ipsum, 324. Nundinae, 47. Nuntium remittere, 44. Nutu (metaph.), 211, O Tite, 558. Obducere, 27. Obdurescere (metaph.), 367, 482. Obiicere, with 'de' and the ablat., 542. Obire diem suum, 467, 476. Obrogare, 1 17. Obscure, ' under a disguise,' 84. Obsequi fortunae, 380. Obsequia, pi., 592. Observare, 29, 42 ; obser\'antia, ' courting,' 607. Obstringere se aere alieno, 587. Obstructa (metaph.), 108. Obtinere, ' to maintain,' ' defend,' 75. Obviam ire, in a double sense, 68. Occallere (metaph.), 80. Occupatior, 230. Occurrere, ' to anticipate,' 468 ; * to provide for,' 248 ; ' to present one's self,' 234. Odiosus, 378 ; odiosa eTTia-Td6fi€ia, 485. Odium, 242. Ofifendere, ' to meet with,' 208, 429 ; animum, 'to give offence to,' 33, cp. 192, 1. 16, 218 ; ofifensus, ' odious,' 81. Ofifensio, 'a mishap,' 184; offen- siones quaerere (unpopularity), 325. Olla denariorum, 427. Olympia, ' the Olympic games,' 546. Omnino, ' certainly,' 284 ; omnino non = ne vix quidem, 116, 1. 9. Opera, dedita opera, 379 ; operae, 'hired partisans,' 41, 50, 172. INDEX II. 639 Operlo, in, 59. Opinio, ' hope of success,' 230 ; opi- nione tua, ' than you think,' 572. Opinor, ut opinor, 267, cp. 41. Opipare, 485. Opitulari, with dat., 580, 1. 13 ; absol., 577. Oppidum, as a gen. pi., 466. Opportunitas, 189, 311 ; maritima, 320. Opprimere behum, 609. Optimates, 120 ; in the sing., 366. Opus esse, with nom. or accus. case, 221, cp. -j-]^ 1. 3 ; with the pkn'al, 577 ; with the accus. and infin. pass., 88, 217 ; with the ablat. of participles, 238 ; how different from * necesse esse,' 217, cp. "]-] . Oratio, directa and obliqua, com- bined in one sentence, 515 ; cp. p. 555 for a harsh transition from one to the other. Oratiunculae, 65. Orator, ' a negotiator,' 363 ; Cicero's treatise so called, 450. Ordinatim, 465, 600. Ordo, 'rank as a senator,' 116 ; or- dines, among judges, 235. Ornamenta, 470. Ornare praetores, 171; ornari, 'to receive attentions from,' 161, cp. 167, 189, 1. 15, 218 ; ornatiores, 569. Oscen, 443. Osculari (metaph.), 203. Ostendere, se optime ostendunt, 102. Ostenta facere, 272. Ostentare, ' to boast of,' 388 ; ' to threaten,' 454. Pactio (at the consular election in 54 B.C.), 194. Paenitere, construction of, 459. Pammenia, 265. Pantherae, 232. Par (.?), with the ablat., 536 ; * a pair,' 236. Parare, 216 ; se contra aliquem, 241. Parasitus, 210. Parricidae, 604. Pars, ' a side of a question,' 318, 322, cp. 271 ; in omnes partes, 'in every way,' 408 ; pro civili parte, 537 ; quam in partem, 574. Participle, present, as an adjective, 306 ; with nearly a future sense, 420, 1. 2 ; past passive in the accus. after 'velle,' 320 ; with 'fore,' 565 ; fut. act., instead of 'ut,' with the conjunct., after ' quam,' 369 ; with past tense of the indicative, or with perf. conj., instead of the pluperfect conjunc- tive, 92, 432 ; neut. pass, with adverb, followed by genitive, 576. Partim, 454. Passim, ' in disorder,' 600. Pastoricia fistula (metaph.), 61. Patere (metaph.), 386. Pati facile, "},■})■, 213. Patientia, ' inactivity,' 602. Patria, ' one's own city,' 48, 305. Patrimonium, 413. Paucitas, 'a small number,' 593. Paupertas orationis, 435. Peccare in aliquem, 105, 1. 11. Pedetemptim, 529. Pedisequi, 74. Pellectio, 41. Pensio, 391. Per se, ' independently,' 465. Peraeque, 81. Peragere, ' to accuse unsparingly,' 234 ; ' to complete,' 332. Perbene, 461. Perblandus, 96. Percrebrescere, 413, cp. 26, 1. 4. Percupidus, 182. Perditum perdere, 114; perditius, 329, 515- Peregrinatio, 349. Perfector, 328. Perferre, 'to bring news,' 1 12. Perfidelis, 84. Perfringere (metaph.), 119. Perfungi, ' to enjoy,' 467. Perhibere, 30. Periniquus, 481. Perire (metaph.), 76. Permanere, ' to persevere,' 224 ; per- mansio, 213. Pernecessarius, 246. Perpetua oratio, 58, 68 ; and, in another sense, 172 ; perpetuum faenus, see Faenus. Perplacet, 118. Perquam, 230. Perscribere, 115, 170 ; usuras, 356. Perscriptio, 37. Persequi = perficere, 558. Persona, 353, 445, 467. Perspicere, 'to look through,' 97. Perstringere, 48-49. Persuasus est, 448. 640 INDEX II. Pertexere, of a speaker, 48. Pertinere, ' to have for an object,' 313, 324, 1. 5; 'to affect,' or ' in- terest,' 71, 232 ; ad curam, 452 ; ad spem, 115. Pervelim, 29. Petere, 'to seek a man's friendship,' 112. Petitio, 'a canvass,' 25. Petiturire, 52. Phaselus, 41. Philorhetor, 45. Pietas, 113; a stronger word than ' ofificium,' 164. Pigmenta (metaph.), 64. Pigrari (pigrere)used personally, 516. Pingere (metaph.), 48, cp. 180. Piscinae, 69, 1. 14. Pistrinum, 100. Plaga (metaph.), 71. Plagiarius, 95. Plane, ' expressly,' 408. Plebs and populus, 238, 386 ; plebi, from form ' plebes,' 478 ; plebe- cula, 60, 555. Plena manu (metaph.), 90. Pleonasm, ' fore ut ' with conjunct., instead of a future, 338; 'inquit ille,' after a long parenthesis, 361 ; of ' ita,' 432 ; of a substantive with a relative, 239, 240 ; of a verb with ' ut ' or ' ne ' after ' facere,' 104, cp. 181, 1. 5, foil., 249; or after ' loqui,' 47 - 48 ; of a verb after a long dependent clause, 239, 1. 16 ; of words meaning 'to think,' 87,417. Plumbeus gladius, 54. Plural, after nouns of multitude, 239 ; of a predicate, after subjects con- nected by ' cum,' 385 ; after various disconnected subjects, 365 ; of pro- nouns, in addressing one person, 277; of ' sum' agreeing with a pre- dicate in the plural, 304 ; change from to the singular, 1 10. Poena doloris, 57, 521. Polliceri, absol. and transit., loi, 102. Ponere, ' to inscribe,' 62 ; 'to quote,' or ' mention,' 556 ; ' to state,' 213 ; in gratia, 245 ; in reditu, 262, cp. 42 ; positum esse in, ' to depend upon,' 72, cp. 418, 581. Pontes, for voting, 50. Populares, 81. Populus, distinguished from ' plebs,' 238, cp. 386 ; ' a city community,' 250. Portorium, 74, 76. Postquam, in dates, 420. Postulare, ' to accuse,' loi, cp. 174, 235, 1. I, 236. Postulatio, 242-243 ; postulationes, in another sense, 55. Potestas est, with genit., 182, 214 ; potestatem sui facere, loi, 1. 1 1 ; in potestate [alicuius] esse, 332. Praecidere, 381. Praecipitare, neut., 108; praecipitata aetas, 538. Praecipue, 455. Praedicator, 200-201. Praediola, 369. Praefectura, 190 ; in another sense, how related to ' municipium,' 616- 620. Praefectus, 224, 264. Praeferre = prae se ferre, 578. Praeliari (metaph.), 52. Praerogativa (metaph.), 266. Praesens, 'evident,' 198. Praestare, 'to guarantee,' no; ' se,' ' to engage to do what one can,' 259; 'to furnish,' as advice, 417. Praesto esse, 108. Praeter, 'contrary to,' 115, cp. 52, 1. 4 ; as an adverb, 261 ; ' more than,' 565 ; praeterquam quod, 538. Praetermissus, 160. Praetor, for propraetor or proconsul, 98, 252. Praevaricatio, 235. Prensare, ' to canvass,' how different from ' profiteri,' 25, 26. Preposition, put after its case, 377 ; repeated, 433 ; with an ablative, instead of a local adjective, 251; with its case, depending upon a substantive, 236, 438-439 ; used adverbially, 356, 372. Primum, without a corresponding word, 564. Princeps, the first, 44, 69, 163. Privatus dictator, loi. Privilegium, 106-107. Pro civili parte, 537; pro eo ac, 464; pro iure nostrae amicitiae, 380, cp. ^^yy, 452, 1. 11; pro necessitudine, 38 ; pro omnibus esse, 413. Probare, ' to test, or revise,' 65 ; 'to shew value for,' 248 ; ' to make good' (' aliquid alicui '),3o, cp. 251, 1. 18, 263. INDEX II. 6\\ Probe, 104, 105. Proccdere, 517. Proclinata re, 380. Proconsul, title of, 34. Procurarc, 232 ; procuratio, 471 ; pro- curatores, 97. Prodiicere in contionem, 47 ; in ro- stra, 87. Proferre ita, ' to use such an expres- sion,' 92. Proficere, nihil, 543 ; quiddam, 26 ; absol. ' to succeed,' 593 ; ad pro- ficiendum, 577. Profiteri, absol., loi. Prognostica, 72. Progredi (metaph.), 380 ; longius, 434, 460. Proiici, 'to be impelled,' 235. Proinde, ' as such,' 609 ; ac, 536, 591. Prolixa, 28 ; prolixe, 189. Promising, verbs of, used intran- sitively, 189, cp. lOI. Promulgatio, 115, 1. 9. Pronouns, douotistrative, agreeing with substantives, instead of geni- tive, 230, 239 ; genitive of, for * suus,' 448, note, 449, 1. 16; in- serted to avoid ambiguity, 467 ; omitted, 239, 1. 4 ; pleonastic, referring to what follows, 174 ; or with ' quidem,' 606 ; curious pleonastic use of 'id,' 585; re- sumptive after a parenthesis, 239, 574 ; in the second of two relative clauses, instead of a relative, 382 ; = the Greek article, 468 ; ea con- dicione, ' only on condition of,' 450 ; persofial, inserted for emphasis, 2,6 ; omitted where we might ex- pect it, 450; possessive, agreeing with subst. instead of a genitive or ablative with a preposition, 36, 241, cp. 285, 379, 388, 474 ; 7 a personal pronoun in objective sense, 211; suus, 'one's own,' op- posed to ' alienus,' 450 ; position of, 185 ; relative, prefixed to an antecedent, 274, 362, cp. 368, quod . . id ; referring to the contents of a sentence, 35, 166 ; in two clauses, one causal, prefixed to the main proposition, 362, 1. 3 ; =a con- junction with a demonstrative, 35, 182, 205, 460 ; relative propo- sitions describing character, 389. See also Hie, I He, Ipse, Iste, Oxn, Quid, Quod. Pronuntiare, ' to promise,' 62 ; 'to read out,' 168. Propagator (provinciae), 319. Proper name used to express cha- racter, 268, 468, cp. loi, 1. 9; (?) 542, 1. 4. Propinquitas, ' intimacy,' 477. Propius nihil est factum, loi. Proponere, ' to threaten,' 81 ; in pub- lico, 324. Propositum, ' a question, or subject,' 270, 335- . Proscripturire, 350. Providere, transit., 442. Provincia, 120; provinciae quaesto- rum, 171 ; provinciam deponere or praetermittere, 36, 37, 66 ; num- ber of the Roman provinces in Cicero's time, 124-128, 239, 436, 611-614. Provinciales aditus, 261 ; provin- cialia negotia, 72. Provocatus, 'invited,' 182. Proximum, ' next best,' 477; proxi- mum habere, 30 ; proxime, of time, 2,7, cp. 428, 1. 8. Prudenter, 457. Pseudocato, 51. Publicus, augur, 443 ; in publico pro- ponere, 324 ; in publicum, 330 ; publice, ' sent to public bodies,' 32, 560. Pudor, 34, 79. Puer, ot Octavian, 568 ; pueri, ' chil- dren,' of either sex, 561 ; 'pupils,' 41; 'slaves,' 248, cp. 26, 1. 6. Pugnare (metaph.), 224. Pulchellus, 59. Pulchre, 543 ; pulcherrime, 469. Pullus miluinus, 95 ; pulli columbini, 427, 1. 6. Pungere (metaph.), 73, 257. Purgare, ' to acquit,' 104 ; ' to sift,' 97- Pusilla, a term of endearment, 192; pusillum, a term of reproach, 193. Putare, constructed personally in the passive, 195 ; ironical, 326 ; putes . . dicere, 60. Putidum, 46 ; putidiusculi, 190, 1. 16. Qua . . qua, ' both . . and,' 81. Qua re, in final propositions, 347, "1.8. Ouaerere, ' to care for,' 433. (Hiamquam, ' and yet,' 64, 185. Quantum, ' how little,' 96. T t 642 INDEX II. Quartana, 383. Quaternae (sc. centesimae usurae), 252. Que, adversative, 415 ; ='or,' 584. Queri, with accus., 546. Qui, connecting two sentences, 334; qui sim = ' how weak I am,' 455 ; almost = ' quaHs,' 306, 1. 16; after * si ' for ' quis,' 433 ; qui illius in te amor fuit, 468 ; — ' though they,' Quid,'anythingmore,'45; quid censes, 522 ; quid dicam, 581 ; quid ergo est, quid aliud, in abrupt sentences, 84 ; quid mihi cum, 460 ; quid quaeris, 'enough,' 51, 55, 73; quid quod, 359 ; quid si, ' what if,' 98, 450, 1. 2 ; see also Ellipse ; est quiddam, 'is of some good,' 421. Quidem, with pronouns, 74, 186, 259, 452 ; meaning ' however,' 218 ; its position, 88 ; quidem certe, 455- Quiescere, 472. Quin, with conjunct, after ' dubium est,' 374; =ut non, 542 ; non quin = non quo non, 462; quin ctiam, 323- Quindecimvir, 229. Quippe cui, 390. Ouirinalia, 173. Ouisque, with superlatives, 340. Quisquiliae, 57. Quo = quia, 90; =ut eo, 384; quo ea pecunia pervenisset, a legal phrase, 234. Quo minus, after ' recusare,' 78 ; after ' factum esse,' 415. Quo modo, expressing surprise, 334, 1. 4 ; quo modo in eius modi re, 332 ; quo quo modo se res habet, 424. Quod, as a relative with an ante- cedent of a different gender, 386 ; = ' and,' 385 ; ' as to the fact that,' ' whereas,' 62, 182, 237, 244; 'as to which,' 100, 271; pointing to an infinitive following, 177, cp. 462, 481; or to a conjunctive, 538 ; per- haps ='ut,' 547; with the indica- tive, how different from the ac- cusative and infinitive, 96 ; quod iussus sum, 571; pointed to by a demonstrative, 165, 1. 14; quod fiat, 277, cp. 25 ; quod superest, 224 ; = a demonstrative with a conjunction, 551. Radices (metaph.), 275. Ratio, 'interest,' 26; in plur., 36-37; 'policy,' 69, 170; 'position,' 25, 199; ' reflection,' 367; 'system 'or ' theory,' 215, cp. 441; 'task,' 353; rationes, 'plans,' 256-257; 'ac- counts,' 253; 'in ratione,' ' in the matter of,' 32 ; rationem adferre, 'to give an account of,' 414 ; du- cere, 429 ; habere, 212 ; as a po- litical term, 241 ; 'to count,' 329. Recedit, in a corrupt passage, 459. Recens, ' freshly come,' 544. Recessus (metaph.), 529. Recidere, 'to have a relapse,' 461 ; ' in,' ' to be left over for,' 28. Reciperare = recuperare, 208. Recipere, ' to receive a charge ' (of a magistrate), 234, 1. 10; 'to promise,' 316 ; in fidem recipere, 473- Reclamare, 86. ReconciHare gratiam, 34, 1. 2, Recrudescere, 471. Recte, ' truly,' 278 ; ' with prudence,' 160, 222, cp. 182, 1. 4 ; distin- guished from ' iure,' 348 ; ' at once,' 423. Rectus, used of persons, 570 ; recta, ellipt., 180. Recuperare se ipsum, 113, 1. 11. Reddere, ' to give,' of a book or letter, 447. Redemptor, 178. Redigere, ' non redigam,' a legal phrase, 235. Redimere, ' to make atonement for,' 576 ; rem manifestam, 60 ; double construction of, 370. Referre, with ' quo,' ' to make the standard of,' 327, 564 ; ad popu- lum, 238 ; ad senatum, 107, cp. 238, 1. 20 ; ad aliquem, 306, note ; gratiam, 'to requite;' howdifferent from ' agere,' 590 ; ironical, 172 ; ad aerarium, 540 ; in tabulas, 'to record,' 236; illuc refero, 521. Reflatus, 422. Refractoriolus, 65. Refrigescere (metaph.), 28, 68. Refugere, se, 448, 1. 15. Refutare, 218. Regere nosmet ipsos, ' to school our- selves,' 454. Regio, 'situation,' 185. Regnum forense, 426 ; iudiciale, 27. Reiecto (iudicum), 54. INDEX II. 643 Reiicere = differre, 171 ; se hue, 332 ; scuto reiecto, 583. Relevare (metaph.), 41. Religio, ' sacrilege,' 47 ; religionem tollere, in another sense, 163, cp. 166. ReHqua, 'arrears,' 257; 'sequel,' 386, cp. 355, 568. Reliquiae (metaph.), 565, 567. Remissio animi, 39. Remittere, 'to grow less earnest,' 76 ; 'to make a concession,' 98, cp. 272. Removere, 44. Renuntiare, 463 ; in another sense, 70. Repetundae, 235. Reponere = ponere, 379 ; = par pari referre, 210. Repudiare, ' to shrink from,' 84 ; ' to be dissatisfied with,' 363. Repungere, 211. Requirere, ' to miss,' 96, cp. 440 ; = sciscitari, 457. Res, how different from ' causa,' 185 ; 'circumstances,' 480, 1. i ; opposed to ' spes,' 465 ; rei ser- vire, ' to take account of a thing,' 468,1. 13 ; =respublica, 479 ; quae res, periphrastic for 'quod,' 166. Res publica, ' constitution,' loi, 1. 7, 388 ; 'political life,' 92, 1. 11, 340, 444, cp. 519, 1. 5 ; ' seat of govern- ment,' 388 ; 'some public busi- ness,' or ' object,' 249, 453, cp. 539 ; a condensed expression, 601 ; * state of public affairs,' 269, 1. 6 ; ' constitutional government,' 336, 345, 370, 434, 1- I ; res publica summa, 608 ; rem publicam ca- pessere, 547 ; totam complecti, 567. Rescindere (metaph.), 104. Residere (plus officii), i^. Respicere se, 610. Respondere, ' to make a defence,' 56 ; 'to correspond,' 523 ; ' to make a return,' 2)2)^ yj^ 590; par pari, 547. . Restitui, ' to regain a position,' 108. Retexere se ipsum (metaph.), 538. Retinere, 'to keep,' as a friend, 183. Retractando (metaph.), 326. Retundere, sermones, 242. Reversio, different irom ' reditus,' 546. Reviviscere (metaph.), 227, 261, Revocare, ' to win back,' 266, 1. 6 ; T 'to recall for re-examination,' 88 ; or for trial, 195 ; se ipsum, 448. Rex, used of Caesar and other Romans, 102, 535, 1. 3. Rhetorum pueri, 41. Rigescere (metaph.), 244. Robur (metaph.), 275. Rogare, 'to ask opinions in the senate,' 169; populum, 'tosupph- cate the people,' 107. Ruere, 'to rush into danger,' 281. Rusticani, 331. Rusticari, 420. Saepire (metaph.), 116. Sal, different from 'facetiae,' 95. Salus = ' restoration from exile,' 202, 436. _ Salutariter, 602. Sarnpsiceramus, 75. Sancire, ' to provide by enactment,' 116. Sane quam, 229. Sane strenue, 276. Sanguinem mittere (metaph.), 60. Sanitas (metaph.), 605. Sanus, ' of sound mind,! 424. Sapere, ' to notice anything,' 112. Sarcire, ' to make good,' 200. Sarta tecta, 452. Satis facere, ' to give his due to,' 384, cp. 388, 463. Saturnalia secunda, 483. Saucius (metaph.), 236, 1. 6. Scaturire, 229. Scilicet, ' I mean,' limiting a previous statement, 262 ; ' of course,' 83, 98, 118, 387, 418. Scio (ironical), 264. Scribendo adesse, 237. Scripto, sententiam dicere de, 596. Scriptura, ' composition,' 448. Scuto reiecto, 583. Secta, 479. Sed, resumptive, 94, 102, 172 ; sed etiam, perhaps = quin etiam, 107. Sedere = otiosum esse, 374. Seducere, ' to lead aside,' 211. Senate, order of proceedings in, 39, 40, 42, 43. Sensus certus et verus, 586. Sententia, ' opinion,' 209, 548 ; 'prin- ciple,' 186 ; 'vote,' 56, cp. 39, 209, 373- Septemtrio, 342. Sequi, causam, 338, 380 ; diem, 424 ; t 2 644 IXDEX II. fidem vestram, 579 ; mare, 260 ; spem, 424. Servare de caelo, 75. Servire, officiis, 94 ; temporibus, ib. and 434 ; voluntati, 438. Sescenta, 80. Severitas otiosorum, 424. Sex septem (proverb.), 375. Si, put later in the sentence than seems natural, 609, 1. 1 1 ; position of, with ' quidem,' 424 ; =etiamsi, 38,433,434; =postquam, 469; = si quidem, 180, 361 ; =sin, 184 ; si dii adiuvabunt, 277 ; si forte, 466 ; si quid (ellipt.), 412 ; si vero, Sic, = tale, 54 ; with a verb limited by ' ut ' with the conjunctive, 184. Significare, 'to declare,' 88, 1. 11; ' to hint at ' or ' indicate,' 115, 1. 6, 350- Significatio, 'expression of opinion,' 12> ; 'hint,' 115, 211, 243, 1. 7. Signa, militaria, 584 ; sub signis, 554. Signifer (metaph.), 69. Silentio, 'without interruption,' 172, Simpliciter, ' frankly, 242. Simul cum, in a corrupt passage, 62 ; simul et, 560. Simultatem revereri, in a quotation from Terence, 81. Singular, of a verb or participle following two substantives, 61, 238 ; even if one be in the plural, 271 ; of 'sum' if the subject be plural and the predicate singular, 44. Singulares, 280. Sittybi, 180. Sodalitates, 175. Solistimum tripudium, 443. Solum (subst.j, quantum in solo, 345- Solum = sola, 219. Solutissima, 213. Solutus, ' exempt from the operation of a law,' 118;' free from restraint,' of writing, 449 ; generally, ' inde- pendent.' 42. Sonivius, 443. Sordes, ' covetousness,' 249 ; ' con- temptible position,' 54. Sors, sine sorte, 275. Spe devorare, 60 ; in spe esse, 46, cp. 270; in optima spe repositus, 523-524 ; in spem venire, 601. Spectare ad anna, 276 ; ad castra, 530- Specula, 370. Sperare ex aliquo, 461 ; spero, with infin. pres., 26, 72 ; or perfect, 176, 1. 3, 428. Sponsalia, 273. Squalor, 34, 35. Statim quod, ' as soon as,' 99. Status civitatis, 455. Stillare (metaph.), 336. Stilus (metaph.), 448, 1. 3. Stipulationes, 560. Stomachari, with accus., 531. Stomachum facere, 203, 1. 15, 223 ; perdere, 203, 1. 16. Strictim, ' hastily,' 65. Struere sollicitudinern, 248. Studiosus, apparently used as a sub- stantive, 43, 58. Studium, 438 ; of literary pursuits, 463 ; contentionis, 58 ; scribendi, 449, 1- 13- Suadere, with accus. of a thing, 429 ; after a verb used personally, with the same subject, 387. Suavium, 561. Sub, 'just after,' 231 ; sub manu, 'at hand,' 602. Subaccusare, 544. Subdubitare, 256. Subducere, 'to add up,' 252-254; (metaph.), 203. Subesse, nihil subest, 421. Subirasci, 339, 567. Subire, ' to subject one's self to,' 109, cp. 276, 1. 14. Sublevare, 34. Submoleste, 246. Subornare, 604. Subringi, 179. Subscribere, 87-88. Subscriptor, 233. Subsellia alicuius, 177, 234. Subsequi, 310. Subsistere, transit., ' to support,' 587. Subtilis, ' precise,' 45 ; 'refined,' 268. Subtilitas, 435. Subturpicula, 179. Succlamatum est, 600. Suftbcare, 338. Suffragatio, 220. Suffusus (metaph.), 214. Sullaturire, 350. Summam facere, with genit., 203. Summatim, 568. I INDEX II. 645 Summo discessu, 56. Superficies, 163. Superior pars provinciae, 94 ; supe- riora, ' earlier,' 609. Superlative in relative clauses, 562. Supersederi, 241. Superum mare, 333, 554. Supine, in -um, 383, 1. 7 ; in -u, 429, 1.5. Suppeditat, 339. Supra caput, 94. Sus Minervam, 427. Suscipere (liberos), 414 ; 'to incur,' 546. Suspensa (metaph.), 564. Suspitionem toUere, 383. Sustinere = cohibere, 449; 'to con- tribute to the support of,' iii ; 'to bear the weight of,' ib., 220 ; = ' ge- rere,' 209 ; ' to maintain,' 608 ; ' to resist,' 248, 444, 601, 1. 7 ; absol, 'to hold out,' 280, 581. Syngrapha, 232, 251, 252. Tabella, 50, 209. Tabellarii, 114, 121, 226. Tabernarii, 244. Tabulae, 'accounts,' 55; 'maps,' 259; 'records,' 236, 540; novae, 254, 373, 531 ; tabula Valeria, 1 10. Talaria (metaph.), 531. Tarn, with no corresponding particle, 601 ; tam esse, 'to be so numerous,' 97- Tam diu, 'only so long,' 382. Tamen, apparently pleonastic, 415, 1. 10 ; resumptive, 102 ; without a corresponding particle, 54, cp. 213, 352, 389 ; tamen etsi, 421. Tantum modo = dum modo, 349. Tantus, with the indicative, the cor- responding word being suppressed, 358; 'only so much,' 183, 268; tanta hieme, 316. Tectus (metaph.), 530. Temere, 'to anybody,' 182. Tempus, ' circumstances,' 324, cp. 94, 1. 4 ; 'a time of need,' 182, cp. 30, 1. 9, 215 ; 'a misfortune,' 201, cp. 441 ; 'the events of a time,' 472 ; cp. ' tempus Caninianum, 183 ; reliquum tempus, 325 ; tem- pore, as an adverb, 520 ; ex tem- pore, 362 ; temporis causa, 586. Tenebrae (metaph.), 304. Tenera, ' efifeminate,' 263. Tenere, ' to be master,' 78 ; ' to cling to,' 79 ; 'to obtain,' 165, 1. 18 ; 'to possess,' 463, 1. 10 ; cp. 468, 1. 3 ; ' to remember,' 90, 327 ; followed by accus. of adjective, 362 ; nemi- nem voluntate, 82 ; teneri, ' to be held in check,' 'j'j \ 'to be liable to,' 175. 1 errae filius. 45. Testatum, 53, cp. 212. 521, 534. Themistocleum consilium, yj'},. Timere ut, iii. Tinnire, 531. Tiro, as an adjective, 430. Titubatum (metaph.), 605. Tmesis, 361. TocuUiones, 72. Togatus, 264. Tollere, ' to dismiss from considera- tion,' 285 ; 'to suspend,' 283. Totum, used as a subst., 381 ; as an adverb, 315, 366. Tradere exercitum, 271 ; se alicui, 174. Traducere tempus, 472. Traiicere, with double accusative, 585, 601, 1. 9. Tralaticius, 116, 252. Tramittere, used absolutely, 544. Tranquilla esse (metaph.), 279. Transigere, cum aliquo, 236 ; rem, 'to decide a struggle,' 423. Transire, 'to desert,' 322 ; 'to trans- gress,' 249. Transvolare, 572. Tres viri, 'illis ill viris,' 556. Tribum ferre, 70 : tribus habere, a legal term, 195. Tribunes, initiative powers of in the senate, 166, 495 ; their year of olifice, how dated, 8. Tributa exigere, 95. Tricae, 377. Triclinium, 483. Triduo cum, 'in three days from,'" 603. Trinum nundinum, 314. Tripudium (solistimum), 443. Triumphare (metaph.), 55, cp. 357. Trudere, ' to push forward,' 61. Tueri negotia, 31 1. Tum vero, 183. Tumultus (Gallicus), 515. Tunc = ita, 372. Turbare, ' to be extravagant,' 234. Turbulenter, 371. Tyrannoctonus, 531, cp. 563. 646 INDEX II. Umquam = ulluin, 169. Una cum . . . esse, 'to be contempo- rary with,' 467. Unus, perhaps = ' especially,' 25-26 ; ah'nost = an indefinite article, 347; de tuis, 462 ; omnium, strength- ening a superlative, 119; una = ' only,' 563 ; uno loco esse, ' to meet,' 602, 1. 9 ; plural of, with substantives only used in the plural, 282, cp. 389. Urbanus, 28. Urbs, ad urbem, 313. Usque eo, of time, 230. Usurae, 356, cp. 252. Ut = ' granting that,' 307; with ablat. abs., 79 ; in indirect questions, 55, 118, 240; position of, 102, 172,268, 1. 12, 452, 482 ; perhaps = utinam, 314, 1. 17 ; ut ne, pleonastic, 51, cp. 170, 1. 6 ; ut non, how different from ' ne,' 104, 1. i, 445 ; ut opinor, 41 ; ut scribis, ib. ; ut, repeated instead of ' et,' 390. Uti rogas, a political phrase, 50. Utilitatem adferre, 115, cp. 529. Utinam non, instead of ' utinam ne,' 414. Vacillare (memoriola), 421 ; vacil- lantes litterulae, 317. Vacuitas, 586. Vagari, of a speech, 'to be published,' 556. Vagus esse, 306. Valde, ' stoutly,' 386 ; valde mag- num facere (ironical), 96 ; valde quam, 600. Valere, ' to prevail,' ' last,' 473. Valetudo, a neutral word, 112, 315 ; valetudinem impedire, 315 ; amit- tere, 427. Vallum Lucilianum, 556. Vaticinari. 371. Vectigal constituere, 75. Vectigal praetorium, 252, I. 13. Vegetus, 383. Vel, ' even,' 255 ; =' vel potius,' 413. Velle, with accus. and infin., 431 ; alicuius causa, 165 ; with the force of a substantive, 305 ; visne, 466. Venas et viscera aperire (metaph.), 272. Venatio (in Circo), 194. Venditare, 51 ; in another sense, 63. Venire, in iudicium, 70 ; in spem, 601 ; venire = ire, 407; ventum est ad me, 382. Ventosus (metaph.), 585. Ventus, 'a rumour,' 235 ; venti (me- taph.), 221 ; cp. venti secundi, 69. Venuste, ' neatly,' 230. Verb, understood, 104 ; repeated, 164, 11. 7-8, 575. Verba facere, 237 ; meis verbis = meo nomine, 561 ; = 'in su«h words as I use,' 225. Verbals in -bundus, 421. Verbosior, 322 ; verbosius, 431. Vere, 'really,' ' rightly,' 417. Verecundiores, 424. Vereri, with a personal object, 215, 424. Veritas, 'justice,' 242. Vero, adversative (me vero nihil delectat), 341 ; at the beginning of a letter, 469 ; emphatic, 356 ; in transitions, 609 ; with personal pronouns, 267, 341. Versari in causa, 391. Versuram facere, 253. Versus, as a preposition, 466, cp. 475- Verus, ' fair,' 70 ; ' honest,' 586. e Vestigio, 476. Vestitum mutare, 107, cp. 1 71-172. Veternus (metaph.), 244. Veto of the tribunes, illegal in de- bates on the consular provinces, 238, 248 ; means of evading it in other cases, 238, 1. 18, note. Vetus est, ' it is an old saying, 431- Vetustas, 532. Via, utor via, 82 ; de via, 180, 423. Viaria lex, 244. Viaticum, 180. Vicem, nostram, ' instead of us,' 199, cp. 552 ; with the genitive, = 'like,' ^.375-376; .^ ' fate,' 464. Vicensima, a tax, 74. Victoria sua, 448. Vicus, 114. Videre, 'to foresee,' 274, cp. 270, 1. 12 ; 'to have an interview with,' 413 ; =inte]legere, 426 ; 'to pro- vide,' 371, 531 ; 'to shew penetra- tion or foresight,' 55, 229; 'to take care,' 389, cp. 352, 371 ; vi- derit, 457. Villulae, 331. Vincere, ' to have an advantage over,' 436 ; ' to prove,' 536. INDEX II. 647 Vindex, 72. Vir, 'a man of spirit,' 427. Vis, 'nature,' 'character,' 327; e.g. verborum, 474, 1. 4 ; the name of a crime, 88. Vivere do kicro, 433. Vocabula honorum, 574. Voculae, 368. Voltu et oculis, 525. Volumen, 349 ; cp. volumina, 97, 1. 3. Voluntas, 'good will,' 31, 266. Voluptaria, 423. Vomere (metaph.), 549. Zelotypia, 379. Zeugma, 184, 1. 6, 576 ; of negative and affirmative ideas, 266 ; of verbs, 423. INDEX III. OF PROPER NAMES. Academia, 274, 477. Acastus, slave of Cicero, 276. Achaia, a Roman province, 125, 239, 418, 436 ; Achaici, 42. Achilles, in Homer's poems, 597. Acilius, M'. Glabrio, 6, 458. Aedui, 16, 149. Aegina, 466. Aegypta, a freedman of Cicero, 316, 317- Aegyptus, 184, 300, 394, 569, 588. Aelii Lamiae, 176 ; L. Aelius Lamia, 19 ; Lamiani horti, 459. Aelius, P. or Sex. Ligus, 21. Aelius, O. Tubero, 291. Aemilia via, 583. Aemilius, M. Lepidus, praetor 49 B.C., afterwards consul and tri- umvir, 298, 301, 343, 493, 497, 509- 512, 516, 549-560, 572-576, 585, 586, 591-596, 597, 598, 600-606, 611. Aemilius, M'. Lepidus Livianus, con- sul 66 B.C., 325, 351, 458. Aemilius, L. Paulus, the conqueror of Perseus, 470. Aemilius, L. Paulus, consul 50 B.C., 86, 154, 157, 232, 243. Aemilius, M. Scaurus, consul 115 B.C., 207. Aemilius, M. Scaurus, son of the above, curule aedile in 58 B.C., 21, 194, 195- Aesopus, a tragic actor, 100, loi. Afranius, L., consul 60 B.C. (Auli filius), 14, 27 (?), 6i, 162, 166, 298, 315, 322, 400, 426. Africa, province of, 125 ; hostilities there, 299, 395, 399, 416, 418 ; Africanus exercitus (in 43 B.C.), 608-610, cp. 612. Agamemnon, in the Iliad, 527. Agesilaus, in Xenophon's work, 96. Aiax, in Homer's poems, 597. Alaudae, 502, 554, 613. Albanum, of Pompey, 279. Alexandria, 342, 393-395, 410, 418, 462 ; see also Aegyptus, Ptolemaeus. Alexis, 282. Aliphera, 260. Allienus, A., 588, 613. Allobroges, 11, 15, 42, 90, 590, 591, 601, 605. Alpes, 572, 585, 586, 600. Amalthea, 42, 71 ; Amaltheum, 62 ; see also the Index of Greek Words. Amanus (Mons), 152, 244. Amatius, C, or Herophilus, 498. Ambiorix, 146. Amphiaraus (in fabulis), 443. Ampius, T. Balbus, 311, 415, note. Anagnia, 553. Anagnini, 558; Anagninum, 133, 420. Ancharius, Q. Priscus, 142. Ancon(a), 304, 314. Andromache, 193, Anneius, M., 151. Annius, T. Milo, as tribune in 57 B.C. promotes Cicero's restoration from exile, 23 ; quarrels with Clo- dius in 57-56 B.C., 135-137, 171- 172 ; stands for the consulship in 53 B.C., 146-147, 219-222; orders the murder of Clodius, is convicted, and goes into exile 52 B.C., 147- 148 ; tries to raise an insurrection against Caesar, but is killed in 48 B.C., 300. Antandros, 93. Antiochia, in Syria, 246. Antiochus, a philosopher, 2. Antiphon, 193. Antium, and estate of Cicero there, 64, 133, 345- Antonii, 230. Antonius, C, consul in 63 B.C., 7-9, 12, 18, 26. Antonius, C, brother of the triumvir, 299, 503, 505- 511- Antonius, L., brother of the triumvir, 499, 503, 507, 594, 595- INDEX III. 649 Antonius, M., the famous orator, i, 473- Antonius, M., the triumvir, accuses Milo, 148 ; elected augur, 158,269, 270 ; as tribune 49 B.C. vetoes a de- cree of the senate against Caesar, 290; represents Caesar in Italy, 378, cp. 344 ; his debauchery, 383 ; protects Cicero after his return to Italy in 47 B.C., 396 ; behaviour of, after Caesar's death, 497-502 ; besieges D. Brutus in Mutina, 503- 509 ; is defeated and crosses the Alps, 509 ; reconciled to Lcpidus, 509 ; and to Octavian, 512 ; orders the death of Cicero, 513. See also the letters of Part V, passim. Apamea, in Phrygia, 226 ; in Syria, 589. Apelles, 207. Apollinis aedes, 173, 231, 237. Apollonis or ApoUonidae, in Mysia, 98. Apollonius, a freedman of P. Crassus, 461. Appenninus (Mons), 586, 600. Appia via, 335. Appulcius, 224. Appuleius, Cn. Saturninus, 270. Appuleius, L., propraetor of Mace- donia, 20. Apulia, 320. Aquilius, C. Callus, 26-27. Aradus, 342. Arbuscula, 193. Archias, A. Licinius, 12, 63. Archilochus, 557. Archimedes, 2. Argenteus, a river, 595 ; pons. A., 598. Ariminum, 231, 314, 385. Ariobarzanes, 152, 266. Ariopagus, 225. Ariovistus, 20. Aristarchus, 48. Aristophanes (a grammarian), 557. Aristoteles, Aristotelio more, 214. Armenii, 348. Arpinum, and the estate of Cicero there, 63, ^-j, 133, 325, 335, 343, 360, 385, 555 ; Arpinates, 452. Arretium, 314, 503 ; Arretina mu- lier, 2. Arsaces, 269. Artavasdes, 247. Artaxerxes, contemporary with The- mistocles, 376. Asia, a Roman province, T]^ 124, 250, 418, 589. Asinius, C. Pollio, 401, 422, 507, 510, 511, 570-5731 5.8 5- Astura, villa of Cicero near, 133, 513, 518. Astyanax, 193. Ateius, C, 373. Ateius, L. Capito, 237. Athenae, 2, 65, 223, 388, 475-477- See also under Pomponius and TuUius. Athenodorus, Calvus, a philosopher, 558. Atilius, S. (?) Serranus, 21, 22. Atius, T. Labienus, 9, 153-154, 158, 281, 294, 296, 304, 307, 315, 395, 399, 400. Atius, P. Varus, 291. Attalus, of Hypaepi, 100. Attica, Caecilia, daughter of T. Pom- ponius Atticus, 131, 265, 420, 421, 518, 548, 561. Aufidius, M. Lurco, 61. Auli filius, 27, 61. Aurelius, C. Cotta, 2. Aurelius, L. Cotta, 4, 7, 22, 458, 550. Aurelius, M. Cotta, 382. Autronius, P. Paetus, 7, 45. Axius, O., 105, 193, 421. Baiae, 59, 410. Baliares insulae, 395, cp. 422. Basili bustum, 2S3. Belgae, 146. Bibracte, 21. Bithynia, 124, 127. Blaudus, 93-94. Boeotia, 475. Bononia, 512, 569, 600. Britannia, 143, 145-146, 196. Brundisium, 23, 161, 322, 330, 393, 394, 408, 533, 551- Buthrotum, 248, 521. Byzantium, 342. Caecilia, i'(?^ Attica. Caecilius, L., 94. Caecilius, O., uncle of Atticus, 29. Caecilius, (}. Bassus, 403, 481, 519, 589, 613. Caecilius, L. Metellus, tribune in 49 B.C., 298, 375. Caecilius, M. Metellus, 64. Caecilius, O. Metellus Celcr, 10, 13, 14-16, 34-40, 67. Caecilius, Q. Metellus Creticus,6, 126. 650 INDEX III. Caecilius, O. Metellus Nepos, 11-13, 21, 23, 34-40. Caecilius, Q. Metellus Numidicus, references to, 55, 207, Caecina, 554. Caecina, A., 5. Caecina, A., (?) son of the above, 440-451. Caeliana, 383. Caelius, C, tribune in 51 B.C., 239. Caelius, C. Caldus, quaestor of Cicero, 265, 274. Caelius, M. Rufus, 140, 228-245, 255-257, 269-273, 364-371, 1^1 (?;, 385. Caelius, M. Vinicianus, 230. Caesius, L., 93. Caesius, M., aedile at Arpinum, 453. Caesonius, AI., 26. Caieta, 322, 384, 513. Calatia, 554. Cales, 559 ; estate of Cicero at, 133, 322. Calidius, M., 228. Calpurnia, wife of Caesar, 17, 497. Calpurnius, 379. Calpurnius, M. Bibulus, 16, 17, 75, 81, 84, 155, 22;, 244, 247,343. Calpurnius, C. Piso, consul in 67 B.C., 28, 458. Calpurnius, Cn. Piso, 7. Calpurnius, L. Piso Bestia, 175. Calpurnius, L. Piso Caesoninus, con- sul in 58 B.C., 17-19, 24, 141, 142, 307,437,498, 501, 504, 546-548, 565- Calpurnius, C. Piso Frugi, son-in- law of Cicero, 7, 22, 88. Calvena, see Matius. Calvus, nickname for M. Crassus, 56. Campania, 16, 17, -]■}>, 138, 139, 201, 202. See also Capua. Caninius, L. Gallus, 168, 170, 183. Caninius, A. Satyrus, 29. Cannutius, Ti., 552. Canuleius, a centurion, 248. Capena porta, 161. Capenas ager, 433. Capua, 83, 295, 310, 311, 316, 320, 554, 559- Carinae, house of Q. Cicero in, 176. Cascellius, M., 94. Casilinum, 554. Cassiani horti, 459. Cassivellaunus, 146. Cassius Barba, 484. Cassius, C. Longinus, defeats the Parthians in 51 B.C., 152, 246; dissuades Cicero from joining Pompey in 49 B.C., 419 ; submits to Caesar in 48 B.C., 394 ; legate of Caesar, 396, 445 ; conspires against him, 401-403 ; secures Syria for the Senate in 43 B.C., 503, 504-505, 510, 569, 589; besieges Dolabella, 512 ; letters of Cicero to him, 417, 539, 548, 565,^ 568, 581, 605 ; of Cassius to Cicero, 588 ; of D. Brutus to M. Brutus and Cassius, 518; of M. Brutus and Cassius to Antony, 541. Cassius, L., his brother, 517. Cassius, O., brother of the two pre- ceding,~246, 275, 300, 301, 344. Castulonensis saltus, 570. Catienus, T., 95. Catina, 560. Catius, C. Vestinus, 604. Cato maior, a work of Cicero, 531, cp. 558. Celer, a freedman of Atticus, 363, 390- Cephalio, a slave of Atticus, 362, 414. Chaerippus, 564. Chaeron, 259-260. Chios, 342. Cibyra, Cibyratae, 232 ; cp. 248, 250. Ciiicia, a Roman province, 124, 127, 1 51-155, 184, 246-255, 258-266, 462, 590. Cincius, L., 26, 258. Cingulum, 304. Clatema, 569. Claudia, wife of Q. Metellus Celer, 38, 68. Claudius, Ap. Pulcher, consul 54 B.C., 144, 150, 153, 195, 199, 216, 227, 242, 256, 264, 385. Claudius, Ap. Pulcher, minor, 235. Claudius, Ti. Nero, 156, 273. Claudius, C. Marcellus, consul 50 B.C., 153, 154, 157, 228, 243, L 15, 437 (?). Claudius, C. Marcellus, consul 49 B.C., 1 58, 290, 3 1 1 , 428, 1. 9, 437 (?). Claudius, M. Marcellus, consul 51 B.C., 148, 222, 237, 319, 397, 436- 438, 445, 456, 475-477- Cleopatra, 394, 395. Clodia, mother-in-law of L. Metellus, 341- . ^ . Clodius, P. Pulcher, an mtruder m the house of Caesar, 13, 43-44 ; INDEX III. 651 trial of, 14, 47, 50, 52-57 ; quaestor in Sicily, 67 ; quarrels with Cicero, ib. ; procures Cicero's exile, 19, 20 ; quarrels with Milo, 23, 135- 137) 171-174; intrigues with ihe optimates in 56 B.C., 206, 211; murdered, 147. Clodius, P., son of the preceding, 523, 525- Clodius, Sex., 373 (?), 523-526. Clodius, Sex., a rhetorician, 191. Cluentius, A. Avitus, or Habitus, 6. Cluvius, M., of Puteoli, 260. Colchi, 342, 348. Considius, Q. Callus, 88-89. Considius, M. Nonianus, 311, 314. Corcyra, 64, 155, 299, 407, 453. Corduba, 570, 572, 573. Corfinium, 294, 309, 312, 322. Corinthus, 341, 426, 466. Cornelia, wife of Pompey, 147. Cornelius, C, tribune in 67 B.C., 5, 7, 175- Cornelius, M., 41. Cornelius, P., tribune in 51 B.C., 239- Cornelius, L. Balbus, maior, 16, 141, 189, 281, 326, 331, 412, 423, 432, 484, 530, 560. Cornelius, L. Balbus, minor, 326, 333,415- Cornelius, C. Cethegus, 11. Cornelius, L. Cinna, consul 87-84 B.C., 348. Cornelius, P. Dolabella, accuses Ap. Claudius, 242 ; marries TuUia, 156, 243, 273 ; elected quindecim- vir, 229 ; fights for Caesar in the civil war, 308, 315, 358, 370, 379, 557 ; urges Cicero to leave Pom- pey's camp, 388 ; causes troubles in Italy in 47 B.C., 396, 416 ; di- vorces Tullia, 398, 463 ; proceed- ings at his election in 44 B.C., 402 ; his vigour in the cause of order after Caesar's death, 499, 527- 529, 539 ; his debt to Cicero, 501, 531 ; his reconciliation with An- tony, 499 ; notices of, in the second Philippic, 557 ; orders the murder of Trebonius in Asia, 505, 589 ; attempts to occupy Syria and Ci- licia, 505, 566, 590 ; his death, 512, 605, 613. Cornelius, L. Lentulus Crus, consul 49 B.C., 102, 156, 158, 290, 326, 329, 332, 410, 426 (?), 428, 1. 9. Cornelius, Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, consul 56 B.C., 165, 168, 201, 345. Cornelius, L. Lentulus Niger, flamen, 86, 141. Cornelius, L. Lentulus Niger, son of the preceding, 86. Cornelius, P. Lentulus Spinthcr, con- sul 57 B.C., 21, 22, 136, 141, 153, 164-170, 181-188, 196-218, 248, 339 (?), 354, 426 (?). Cornelius, P. Lentulus Spinther, son of the preceding, 171, 188, 216. Cornelius, P. Lentulus Sura, praetor 63 B.C., II, 59, 131-132. Cornelius, Cn. Lentulus Vatia, 175. Cornelius, P. Scipio, afterwards Q. Metellus Scipio by adoption, con- sul 52 B.C., 29, 147, 237, 300, 322, 395, 399, 400, 426, 557. Cornelius, P. Scipio Africanus minor, Zl), 324 (?), 327, 1- 10, y](i. Cornelius, L. Sulla Felix, 2, 3, 347, 348 ; Sullanus dies, 376 ; Sulla- num regnum, 328, 338 ; SuUanum tempus, 478. Cornelius, L. Sulla Faustus, son of the preceding, 322, 395, 400. Cornelius, P. Sulla, 7, 12. Cornificius, O., 26, 44. Cornificius, Q., son of the preceding, 395, 480, 506, 550, 562-564, 612. Cornutus, C, tribune in 61 B.C., 51. Cornutus, M., praetor in 43 B.C., 509, 511. Cos, 342. Cosa (Cosanum), 343. Cosconius, C, 84. Cossinius, L., 65. Creta, 6, 126; made a province, 127. Cularo, 593, 602, 605, 606. Cumae (Cumanum Ciceronis), 133, 369, 383, 425. Curius, M'., 193. Curius, Q., 10, 12 (?), 27. Curtius, Nicias, 486. Curtius, AL Postumus, 371. Cyprus, 20, 150, 184, 249-254, 262- 264, 342. Cyrene, a Roman province, 125, 239. Cyrrhestica, 247. Cyrus, in Xenophon's Cyropacdia, 96. Cytheris, 383. Dalmatia, 124, 395. Deiotarus, kin^ of Galatia, 152, 247, 255,397,516, 521- 653 INDEX III. Delos, 345. Demetrius, of Magnesia, 330, 342. Demosthenes, 65. Dertona, 585, 587. Dicaearclms, 76, 259, 260. Diochares, 410. Diodotus, a freedman of Lucullus, 99. Diodotus, a Stoic philosopher, i, 134, 462. Diogenes, a friend of M. Caelius Rufus, 241. Dionysius II, of Syracuse, 341, 425- 426. Dionysius, freedman of Atticus, 191. Dionysius, slave (?) of Cicero, 196, 260, 278, 356, 3S1. Dionysopolitae, 93. Diphilus, a tragic actor, 82. Domitius, L. Ahenobarbus, consul in 54 B.C., 29, 61, 144, 194, 270, 294, 296, 298, 300, 312, 314, 322, 343. Domitius, Cn. Ahenobarbus, 270. Domitius, Cn. Calvinus, consul 53 B.C., 146, 175, 194, 395- Doterio (?), 61. Drusus, see Livius. Dyirhachium, 21, 23, 114, 299,300, 389, 39°- Eburones, 146. Eleusis, 274. Ennius, O., quoted, 263, 558. Ephesus, 100, 151. Epidaurus, 475. Epirotici, 42. Epirus, 41, 42, 128-130, 339, 342. See also Buthrotum, Dyrrhachium. Eporedia, 597. Eppius, M., 237, 310. Eros, 459, 530, 560. Etruria, 444, 587. Euphrates, 247. Eutychides, freedman of Atticus, 191. Faberius, 459. Faberius, 498. Fabius, 68. Fabius, C, a legate of Caesar, 322. Fabius, C, 95. Fabius, Q. Maximus, a legate of Caesar, 401. Fabius, O. Maximus Cunctator, men- tioned, 470. Fabius, O. Maximus, son of the pre- ceding, 470. Fabius, Q. Vergilianus, 309, Fadius, M. Callus, 322, note on 1. 16. Fadius, C. or (2. Callus (?), a freed- man, father-in-law of Antony, 556. Fadius, T. Callus, tribune in 57 B.C., 21, 118. Fannius, C, 87, 410. Faucius, M., 452. Favonius, M., 50, 70, 173. Flavius, L., tribune in 60 B.C., 15, (.') 97-99, (?) 362. Fonteius, M., 5, 193. Formiae, 295, 315, 385 ; estate of Cicero there, 133, 316, 337, 340, 513, 533- Forum, Cornelium, 569 ; Gallorum, 582 ; lulii, 594 ; Voconii, 595. Frusino, estate of Cicero at, 390. Fufidius, O., 452. Fufius, Q. Calenus, tribune in 61 B.C., consul 47 B.C., 47, 53, 54, 78, 396, 505, 506, 557. Fulvia, 521, 526. Fundanius, C, 98. Furius, C. Camillus, 277. Furius, Crassipes, 141, 178, 180. Furius (?), L. Philus, a name given by Cicero to Atticus, 84. Furnius, C, 335, 3.53, 573, 578, 579, 592, 608. Gabinius, A., consul 58 B.C., 5, 18- 20, 24, 143-145, 211, 253, 2,73, 395- Galeo, 134, 416. Gallia, Cisalpina, 9, 10, 28, 34, 124, 452, 499, 503-509, 569, 585-587, 597, 600. Gallia, Transalpina, 15-16, 20, 24, 72, 141, 143, 146, 149, 153, 158, 263, 509-511, 576-579, 59^596, 598-605, 607. See also lulius. Gallii duo (M. and Q.), 229. Gellius, L., consul 72 B.C., 458. Getae, 348. Graecia, 383 ; as a Roman province, 125, 436, 445. See also Achaia, Athenae, Corinthus. Hales, a river, 546. Haterianum ius, 427. Hector (in Naevius' poem), 267. Helvetii, 16, cp. 20. Helvia, mother of Cicero, i. Hephaestus, of Apamea, 93. Heraclides, of Pontus, allusion to, 557- Herennius, murderer of Cicero, 513. Hermia, 99. INDEX III. ^^^ Hermippus, 93. Hermon, 248. Hippias, son of Pisistratus, men- tioned, 348. Hirtius, A., consul 43 B.C., 396, 422, 425, 504, 509, 518, 520, 522, 531, 563, 565, 568, 569, 582-584, 586, 599 ; Hirtianiim ius, 427. Hispania, 3-4, 125, 142, 148, 205, 223, 285, 291, 315, 322, 366, 370, 372-373, 385, 388, 400, 416, 462, 510, 609. See also yEmilius, M. Lepidus, Asinius, Pompeius. Hispo, 1 13. Homerus, 597. Hortensius, Q. Hortalus, consul 69 B.C., 4, 14, 43, 53-55, 90, 104, 155, 165, 274, 369. Hortensius, O., son of the preceding, 383, 4.10, 5S5. Hypaepi, 100, Hyrcanus, 24. Iconium, 248. Inalpini, 553. Interamna, on the Liris, (?) 67; In- teramnates, on the Nar, 193. Isara, a river, 593. Isauricum forum, 251. Isidorus, a slave or freedman of Atticus, 389, 390. Isocrates, 64. Italia, extent of, 601. luba, king of Numidia, 299, 300, 399, 400, 430. ludaea, 24, 127, 141, 150. Iulia,daughter of Caesar, 17, 143, 145. lulius, C, 254. lulius, C. Caesar, consul 59 B.C., sus- pected of complicity with Catiline, 10, 12 ; opposes the execution of his accomplices, 11, cp. 457; out- rage in his house, 13, 43-44 ; his prospects of the consulship, 69 ; behaviour of, as consul, 16-18, 73- 89, 102 ; victories of, in Gaul, 20, 24, 136, 141, 143, 146, 149, 153-154; in Britain, 143, 145-146 ; confer- ence of with Pompey at Luca in 56 B.C., 138, 202 ; prolongation of the government of, 142, 287 ; Cicero recommends Trebatius to him, 188 ; granted leave to sue for consulship without going to Rome, 148 ; proposals to recall him, 153, 157, 231, 236-241, 271, 289,290; invades Italy in 49 B.C., 293, 304 ; surrender of Confinium to, 294, 332 ; of Pompey's army in Spain to, 298, 388 ; victory- of, at Pharsalus, 300 ; danger of, at Alex- andria, 394, cp. 418 ; pardons Cicero, 394 ; victory of, at Ihapsus, 400; and at Munda, 400; visits Cicero at Puteoli, 398, 483 ; honours voted to, 492-495 ; laws of, 298, 489-492 ; letters of, to Cicero, 335, 357, 380 ; and of Cicero to him, 188, 353, 461 ; say- ings of, about Cicero and Brutus, 516, 517; death of, 403. lulius, C. Octavianus, see Octavius. lulius, L. Caesar, consul 64 B.C., 7, 27, 31, 458, 527, 550, 568, 570. lunius, D. Brutus, serves under Caesar in the civil war and be- sieges Massilia, 298 ; conspires against Caesar, 401 ; behaviour of, alter Caesar's death, 497; one of Caesar's heirs, 498 ; occupies Cisalpine Gaul for the senate, 499 ; correspondence of, with M. Brutus and C. Cassius, 518 ; with Cicero, 552, 561, 564, 584-587, 597, 599 ; charge against him, 559 ; besieged in Mutina by Antony, 503-509, 569, 581; relieved, 509, 584, 591 ; (?) confers with Octavian, 599 ; crosses the Alps to join Plancus, 510, 603, 606 ; deserted by his troops, 511; death of, 511. lunius, L. Brutus, consul 509 B.C., mentioned, 88. lunius, M. Brutus, by adoption O. Servilius Caepio, one of the mur- derers of Caesar — denounced by Vettius, 86 ; his covetousness, 154, 251-254, 262-264; Cicero's regard for him, 256 ; in Pompey's camp, 391 ; pardoned by Caesar, 394 ; governor of Cisalpine Gaul, 396, 445, 452 ; letter of Cicero to, 452 ; writes of Cicero's con- sulship, 457 ; Caesar's judgment of, 516; conspires against Caesar, 401 ; meets Cicero at Velia, 501, 546 ; operations and position of, in Macedonia, 503-505, 511, 566, 569, 581 ; letter of D. Brutus to, 518; of him and C. Cassius to Antony, 541. lunius, L. Paciaecus, 422. lunius, D. Silanus, consul 62 B.C., 10, 27, 458. 654 INDEX III. lunius, M. Silaniis, 582, 596. luventius, M. Laterensis, 79, 592,603. Laberius, D., 482, Lacedaemonians, enmity of, to The- mistocles, 376. Laco, 558. Laelii, 230. Laelius, C. Sapiens, 33. Laenius, (M.?), 248. Lanuvium, 518, 530; estate there, 345- Laodicea, in Phrygia, 226. Laterium, an estate of O. Cicero, 133, 361. Lepreon, 260. Lepta, Q., 189, 323. Lesbos, 342. Leucopetra, 544. Licinius, a kidnapper, 95. Licinius, a slave, loo. Licinius, L.Crassus, the great orator, I. Licinius, M. Crassus, consul 70 and 55 B.C., joins Pompey in his legis- lation of 70 B.C., 4; praises Cicero in 61 B.C., 48 ; forms one of the so-called first triumvirate, 16; pro- posal of, as to the restoration of Ptolemy, 166 ; rivalry of with Pompey in 56 B.C., 172, 173 ; re- conciled to him, 138, 139, cp. 202 ; and to Cicero, 21 1-2 12; second consulship of, 142, 143; command in Syria, defeat and death of, 145, 146. Licinius, P. Crassus, son of the pre- ceding, 24, 141, 146, 461. Licinius, (?) Crassus Dives, 88. Licinius, L. Lucullus, consul 74 B.C., 6, 19,63, 124, 127,458. Licinius, M. Lucullus, brother of the preceding, by adoption M. Teren- tius Varro Lucullus, consul ']'^ B.C., 63, 124, 165, 182,458. Licinius, C. Macer, 6 ; another, 177. Licinius, L. Murena\ consul 62 B.C., 10, 11,458. Ligurius, A., 412. Lilybaeum, 2. Livius (?) Drusus, 195, 272,459. Lollius, C, 459. Lollius, L., 236. Lollius, IVL Palicanus, 27. Luca, 138, 202. Lucceius, L. O. F., 51, 141, 256. Lucceius, L., M. F., 254. Lucceius, or Lucilius, C. Hirrus, 230, 237, 310. Luceria, Pompey's head-quarters for a time in 49 B.C., 294, 310, 320, 323, 329, 334, 419. _ Lucilius, the satirist, allusion to, 556. Lupus, 561. See also Rutilius. Lutatius, O. Catulus, 12, 15, 43, 57, 89, 458. ~ Lycaonia, 150, 251. Lycia, 342. Macedonia, a Roman province, 9, 18, 20, 24, 124, 141, 142,292, 300, 436, 505, 569 ; Macedonicae legiones, 551. .S")?^ also Antonius (C), Calpur- nius (L. Piso), lunius (M. Brutus). Madarus, see Matius, C. Maecia tribus, 195. Magius, P. Cilo, 476. Maleae, 475. Mallius or Manlius, C, 12. Mamercus, Q., 452. Mamilius, Octavius, 347. Mamurra, 281, 484. Manilius, C, tribune in 66 B.C., law of, 6. Manlius, C. Acidinus, 476. Manlius, A. Torquatus, 472-474, (.^) 560. Manlius, L. Torquatus, consul 65 B.C., 458. Manlius, L. Torquatus, son of the preceding, 310, (.'') 251. Marathon, battle of, 348. Marcius, C. Coriolanu?, 348. Marcius, L. Censorinus, (.?) 99. Marcius, O. Crispus, 589, 613. Marcius, C. Figulus, consul 64 B.C., perhaps identical with O. Minu- cius Thermus, 7, 27, 31, 458. Marcius, L. Phiiippus, consul in 91 B.C., 321. Marcius, L. Phiiippus, son of the preceding, consul 56 B.C., 201,483, 504, 522, 565. Marcius, O. Rex, 14, 60. Marius, C, seven times consul, 348, 376. Marius, M., 428. Matinius, P., 251. Matius, C, 355, 500, 515-518, 532- 539, 557- Megara, 466. Megaristus, of Antandrus, 93. ^ Li the best editions this name is spelt Murena, not Muraena. INDEX III. ^55 Melita, 378. Memmius, C. Gemellus, 102, 194, 225. Mcnocritus, 214. Mescinius, L. Rufus, quaestor of Cicero in 51 B.C., 151. Messius, C, 163, 195. Miletus, 342. Minturnae, 310. Minucius, L. Basilus, 406. Minucius, A. Thermus, 18. Minucius, O. Thermus, 27, (?) 255. See also Marcius, C. Figulus. Misenum, villa of Antony near, 378. Mithridates, Eupator, king of Pontus, 3, 6, 124, 126, 127. Molon, I, 2, 71. Mucia, wife of Pompey, 14, 38. Mucins, O. Scaevola, augur, i. Mucius, O. Scaevola, pontit'ex maxi- mus, I, 321 ; Mucianus exitus, 355. Mucius, 0_. Scaevola, tribune in 54 B.C., 344. Munatius, Cn. Plancus, 574, 591, 592, 594-. Munatius, L. Plancus, brother of the preceding, commands in nortliern Gaul after Caesar's death, 611; for a long time professes devotion to the senate, 507-511, 576, 590- 594, 602, 607-610; Cicero's ex- hortations to him, 573, 579, 596 ; joins D. Brutus, 510, 608 ; is re- conciled to Antony, 511. Munatius, T. Plancus Bursa, 149, 482. Mustela, Tamisius, 558. Mutina, 503-509, 569, 581, 584. See also Antonius, M. ; lunius, D. Brutus. Myrtilus, 559. Mytilenae, 431. Naevius, Cn., the poet, quoted, 267. Nar, 193. Navius, Attus, reference to, 375. Neapolis, 527, 544 ; Neapolitanum (Pontii), 530-531. Nerius, Cn., 174. Nervii, 24. Nestor, in the Iliad, 527. Nicaea, 516. Nicias, of Smyrna, 93. Nicias, Curtius, 486. Nigidius, P. Eigulus, praetor 58 B.C., 102. Ninnius, L. Quadratus, tribune in 58 B.C., 19, 21, 118, 382. Nonius, M. (i^) Sufenas, 192. Numerius, Q. Rufus, tribune 57 B.C,, 21. Numestius, Numerius, 85. Nymphon, of Colophon, 94. Octavius, C, father of the emperor, 72, 96. Octavius, afterwards C. Julius Caesar Octavianus Augustus, birth of, 12 ; goes to Caesar's camp in Spain, 401 ; studies at ApoUonia in Epirus, 401 ; returns to Italy after Caesar's death, 499, cp. 522 ; speech of, 531 ; his games, 535, 538; accused of an attempt on Antony's life, 551 ; correspondence of, with Cicero, 559 ; intrigues with the population of Campania, 554, 559 ; and with Antony's legions, 502, cp. 568 ; takes the field against Antony, 5035 565, 569 ; inactivity of, after the relief of Alutina, 509, 587, 604, 609 ; demands the consulship, 510; and marches to Rome, 5 1 1 ; is re- conciled to Antony, 512; and joins the second triumvirate, 512. Octavius, L. Naso, 97. Octavius, M., curulc aedile 50 B.C., 248-249, 299. Octavius, Mamilius, 347. Olbia, in Sardinia, 176. Olympia, 546. Oppius, C, ZZT, 371,516. Orodes, king of Parthia, 247. Ovia, 459. Pammenes, 265. Pamphylia, 150, 342 ; forum Pam- phylium, 250. Panaetius, a philosopher, 356, 558. Papirius, C. Carbo, contemporary with C. Gracchus, 174. Papirius, L. Paetus, 72, 425, 432. Parma, 569. Parthi, 126, 127, 146, 152, 155, 224, 227, 244, 246, 292, 401 ; Parthicae res, 329. Patrae, 407. Patron, an Epicurean philosopher, 100, 225. Pausanias, 234. Peducaeus, Sex., propraetor of Sicily in 76-75 B.C., 2, 361. Peducaeus, Sex., son of the preceding, 270, 309, 324, y^i, 352, 361, if^i, 556. Pedum, estate of Caesar near, 360. 6s6 INDEX III. Pelopidae, in a quotation, 522. Peloponnesus, geography of, 259-260. Pericles, 306. Petreius, M., 12, 291, 298, 315, 395, 399, 400. Phaedrus, an Epicurean philosopher, 128, 545- Phamea, 345. Phania, 256. Pharnaces, son of the famous Mithri- dates, 127, 395, 418. Phemius, 250. Philip, father of Alexander the Great, 61. Philo, an Academic philosopher, i. Philo, a freedman of M. Caelius, 241. Philogenes, 258. Philotimus, a freedman of Terentia, 134, 151, 334, 339, 342, 343, 379- Phluis, Phliasii, 260. Phraates, 143. Picenum, 308. Pilia, wife of Atticus, 129, 225, 518, 547. Pilius, O., 234. Pindenissus, 152. Piraeus, 466, 475-476. Pisaurum, 314. Pisistratus, of Athens, 348 ; Caesar compared to him, 334. Pituanius, 191. Plaguleius, 373. Plancius, Cn., quaestor in 58, curule aedile in 54 B.C., 21, 113, 144, 397, 453- Plato, the pupil of Socrates, 205, 209, 375- Plato, of Sardis, an Epicurean phi- losopher, 100. Plautius, P. Hypsaeus, 147, 166-167. Plautus, one of the judges of Clodius, 57. Plotius, L., 14. Polla, wite of D. Brutus, 564. Pollentia, 600, 601. Pollex, a slave of Cicero, 391. Polycharmus, 225. Pompeia, wife of Caesar, 44. Pompeii, 382 ; estate of Cicero at, 71,133,382,429,548,559- Pompeius, Cn. Strabo, consul in 89 B.C., I. Pompeius, Cn. Magnus, son of the preceding, returns from Spain, 4 ; measures of, as consul, in 70 B.C., 4 ; commissioned to act against the pirates, 5 ; and against Mithri- dates, 6, 127 ; campaigns of, in the East, 127-128 ; Cicero's respect for, 6 ; and discontent with, 33 ; returns to Rome, 14 ; behaviour of, there, 15, 47, 48 ; combines with Caesar and Crassus in 60 B.C., 16 ; marries Julia, Caesar's daughter, 17; behaviour of, during Caesar's consulship, 74, 75 ; unpopularity of, 82-84 ; quarrels with Clodius, 21 ; promotes Cicero's return from exile, 22 ; intrigues for a command in 57-56 B.C., 135, 138, 162, 165 ; conference of, with Caesar, at Luca in 56 B.C., 138, 202 ; second consul- ship of, in 55 B.C., 142 ; receives the government of Spain, 142 ; third consulship of, in 52 B.C., and es- trangement from Caesar, 147, 148, 240, 271 ; marries Cornelia, 147; behaviour of, in Italy, in 49 B.C., 294, 303-313, 319; interviews of, with Cicero, 295, 347; his cruelty feared, 334, 338, 342,408,410; cam- paign of, in 48 B.C., 299, 300, 388, 390,412,429 ; death of, 394, 4 10, 426. Pompeius, Cn., son ot the preceding, 243, 299, 395, 400, 422. Pompeius, Sex., brother of the pre- ceding, 243, 400, 504, 510, 516, 519, 61 1, 612. Pomponia, sister of Atticus, wife of O. Cicero, 5, 72, 128, 131, 258, 259, 413- Pomponius, T. Atticus, 128-131, and the letters to Atticus, passim. Pomptina tribus, 195. Pomptinus, C, praetor in bs B.C., 223, 251, 278. Pontidia, 255. Pontius, Titinianus, 341. Pontius, L. Acpila, 29, 530, 599. Popilius Laenas, murderer of Cicero, 513- Porcius, C. Cato, loi, 142, 171-174, 192. Porcius, M. Cato, the censor, 470. Porcius, M. Cat;o, ' of Utica,' tribune 62, praetor 54 B.C., advocates the execution of Lentulus and his associates, 457, 458 ; prosecutes L. Murena, 11 ; opposes the claims of Pompey to command against Catiline, 12 ; energy of, in pressing proceedings against Clodius, 44, 50 ; his ill-timed rigour in 60 B.C., 70 ; advises INDEX III. ^51 Cicero to leave Italy in 58 B.C., 20 ; receives a commission to manage the annexation of Cy- prus, 20 ; defeated in a contest for the praetorship in 55 B.C., 142 ; opposes the grant of a ' sup- plicatio' in honour of Cicero in 50 B.C., 156, 266-269 ; fails to hold Sicily for Pompey, in 49 B.C., 382 ; rebukes Cicero for going to Pompey's camp, 297 ; but requests him to take the command after Pharsalus, 299 ; conducts a body of troops from Cyrene to the pro- vince of Africa, 395 ; death of, 400, 426 ; name of, used proverb- ially, 546. Porcius, M. Laeca, 10. Porsena, 347. Posidonius, a philosopher, 65, 558. Postumia, 251 ; her son, 255. Postumius, 251. Postumius, P., 476. Praeneste, games at, in 46 B.C., 422. Precius (?), or Precianus, hereditas Preciana, 277. Procilius, 192. Ptolemaeus XII,Auletes, 17, 24, 74, 136, 143, 164-170, 183-185. Ptolemais, 184. Publicius (?), Q., 100. Publilia, second wife of Cicero, 397, 398, 453- Publilius Syrus, 482, 517. Pupius, M. Piso, consul in 61 B.C., 13, 42-44, 50, 51, 53, 58. Puteoli, estate of Cicero at, 133. Ouinctius, L., a friend of Cicero, ~282. Quinctius, P., defended by Cicero, 2. Ouinctius, T. Flamininus (O Tite), -^558. Rabirius, C, 9, 66, 132. Rabirius, C. Postumus, 144. RaciHus, L., tribune in 56 B.C., 182. Ravenna, 138, 202, 293. Reate, people of, 193. Regium, people of, 544. Regium Lepidi or Lepidum, 569, Regulus, case of, 558. Rhodanus, 591. Rhodus, 2, 155, 342, 431, 519, 539- Roscius, Sex., of Ameria, 2. Roscius, Q., an actor, 5. Roscius, L. Fabatus, 293. Roscius, L. Olho, 5, 9, 66. Rosea or Rosia, 193. Rubrius, Q., estate of, 557. Rutilius, P. Lupus, tribune in 56 B.C., 166, 169, (?) 561. Salamis, in Cyprus, 251-254, 262- 264. Sallustius, C. Crispus, authority of, as a historian, 10. Samnium, 559. Sampsiceramus, a nickname for Pompey, 75. Sardanapalus, reference to, 375, 376. Sardinia, 125, 176, 202. Saufeius, M., 148. Scaptius, M., 251-254, 263-264. Scribonius, C. Curio, consul 76 B.C., 49, 50, 53, 458. Scribonius, C. Curio, son of the pre- ceding, tribune 50 B.C., supports Clodius in 61 B.C., 49 ; opposes the triumvirs in 59 B.C., 78 ; de- nounced by Vettius, 85 ; Cicero, in 53 B.C., begs his support for Milo as a candidate for the con- sulship, 220-222 ; as tribune sup- posed hostile to Caesar, 153, 157, 241, cp. 229 ; but is purchased by him, 157, 244 ; carries a proposal in the senate that both Caesar and Pompey should resign their provinces and armies, 1 57 ; brings Caesar's last proposals to the senate in January, 49 B.C., 158, 290 ; has an interview \\ ith Cicero in 49 B.C., 378 ; writes to him, 382 ; a friend of M. Caelius, 385 ; occupies Sicily for Caesar, 299 ; crosses over to Africa, where he is killed in a battle with the Pom- peians and luba, 299. Scribonius, L. Libo, father-in-law of Sex. Pompeius, 166, 299, 311. Seleucea, on the Tigris, 269. Sempronius, C. Rufus, 233, 265, (?) 564. Septem aquae, near Reate, 193. Septimia, 556. Septimius, C, 237. Sequani, 16. Sergius, L. Catilina, twice acquitted of serious charges, 59 ; first con- U u 658 INDEX III. spiracy of, 7 ; candidate for the consulship in 65 B.C., 27 ; (?) de- fended by Cicero, 31 ; attacked by Cicero in 64 B.C., 8 ; resumes his conspiracy, 9 ; leaves Rome, lo ; punishment of his chief accom- plices, 11,457; defeat and death of, 12 ; character of, described in the speech pro Caelio, 140. Sertorius, O., 3, 125, 126. Servaeus, tribune elect in 51 B.C., 229. Servilia, mother of M. Brutus, 531. Servilii, 236. Servilius, M., 234-236. Servilius, C. Ahala, reference to, 88. Servilius, O. Caepio, cp. Junius, M. Brutus. Servilius, P. Rullus, tribune 63 B.C., 8, 244-245. Servilius, P. Vatia Isauricus, consul 79 B.C., 166, 458. Servilius, P. Vatia Isauricus, son of the preceding, consul 48 B.C., 71, 195, 300, 406, 506-508, 548, 591. Sestius, P., tribune 57 B.C., 12, 21, 118, 137, 174, 175, 177, 201, 516, .517- Sicca, 20, 556. Sicilia, Siculi, 2, ()"], 68, 224, 362, 382,521. Sicyon, Sicyonii, 42, 71. Sidon, 342. Sinuessa, 357. Sittius, P., 232, 399. Smyrna, 342. Solon, 362. Spartacus, 3, 126, 263. Spongia, one of the judges of Clodius, 57. Statius, a freedman of O. Cicero, 80, 92, 93, 96, 259. Statius, L. Murcus, an officer of Caesar, 422, 589, 613. Sufenas, see Nonius. Sulla, ' nomenclator' of Q. Cicero, 97- Sulpicius, P. Galba, 25, 26. Sulpicius, Ser. Galba, one of Caesar's murderers, 136, 344 (?), 508, 581-584. Sulpicius, C. Callus, 470. Sulpicius, Ser. Rufus, consul 51 B.C., prosecutes Murena in 63 B.C., 11 ; as consul argues in favour of con- cihation, 1 50 ; placed in charge of Greece by Caesar, 436, 445 ; writes to console Cicero on the death of Tullia, 463-469 ; reports the mur- der of M. Marcellus to Cicero, 475-477 ; absent froin Rome in 44 B.C., 550 ; in the following year goes on a mission to Antony, 504 ; his death, 504, 568, 570 ; letters of Cicero to him, 435, 469- . Sulpicius, Servius Rufus, son of the preceding, 359, 439, 470. Surenas, 152. Synnada or Synnas, in Phrygia, forum Synnadense, 226, 250. Syracusae, 382, 426, 560. Syria, made a Roman province, 127. See also M. Calpurnius Bibulus, C. Cassius, M. Licinius Crassus, Cn. Pompeius Magnus. Tamisius Mustela, 558. Tarentum, 393. Tarquinius, L. Superbus, reference to, 347- Tarracina, 310. Tarsus, 152, 227, 249. Tauromenium, 560. Taurus, Mons, 250, 255. Teanum, Sidicinum, 294, 310-31 1, 314, 5.59- Tencteri, 143. Tenea, in Peloponnesus, 260. Terentia, wife of Cicero, 2 ; her energy on his behalf in 58 B.C., 21, 110-114; approves Tullia's mar- riage to Dolabella, 273 ; Cicero writes to her in 50 B.C., 155, 276 ; his anxiety on her behalf in 49 B.C., when she stayed in Italy, 295, 308, 316, cp. 387; his farewell letter to her before leaving Italy, 384 ; he is discontented with her on his return to her in Italy in 48 B.C., 393; divorced, 397, cp. 453, 455, 459- Terentius, O. Afer, the poet, quota- tion from, 2i I. Terentius, CuUeo, 106, 596. Terentius, M. Varro, 22, 89, 105, 298, 423, 557, 587. Terentius, M. Varro Lucullus, see Licinius Lucullus. Terentius, A. Varro Murena, 315. Tettius, Sex., 236. Teucris, 46. INDEX III. 659 Thalna, one of the judges ofClodius, 57- Themistoclcs, 306, 348, m, 376. Theophanes, of Mytilenae, 223, 281. Theophrastus, of Amisus, see Ty- rannio. Theophrastus, of Eresus, a pupil of Aristotle, 75. Theopompus, a dependent of Q. Cicero, 97. Thessalonica, 20, io8-in, 299. Thrace, 124, 512. Thrasybulus, 321. Thucydides, the great historian, 376. Thyillus, a poet, 63. Tigranes, king of Armenia, 6, 124, 126, 127. Tigranes, a prince of Armenia, son of the preceding, 21. Tillius, L. Cimber, one of Caesar's murderers, 612. Titinius, O., 249 ; his son, 341. Titius, C. Strabo, 581. Transpadani, 124-125, 223, 281, 315, 569. Tratorius, 551, 552. Trebatius, C. Testa, 189, 295, 345, 532, 535, 539- Trebellius, L. Fides, 601. Trebonius, C, 322, 409, 567, 589. Trebula, district of, 533. Tritia, a town of Peloponnesus, 260. Tuccius, M., 233. Tullia, daughter of Cicero, betrothed to C. Piso, 7 ; anxiety of Cicero for her during his exile, 109-110, 112 ; meets him at Brundisium in 57 B.C., 23 ; betrothed to Furius Cras- sipes, 178; married to Dolabella in 50 B.C., 156, 273 ; Cicero's anxiety on her behalf in 49 B.C., 295, 308, 370 ; her care for his safety, 372 ; and for his honour, y]'] ; anxiety of Cicero in 48 B.C. as to her maintenance, 389, 413 ; and as to her health, 409; divorce from Dolabella, and death of, in 45 B.C., 398, 463 ; Cicero anxious to build a shrine to her memory, 398, 459, note on 1. 4. Tullius, L., legate of Cicero in Cilicia, 223-224, 249. Tullius, M., a friend of Cicero, 311 ; defended by Cicero (?), 3. TuUius, L. Cicero, uncle of the orator, i. U u Tullius, M. Cicero, father of the orator, i. Tullius, M. Cicero, the orator, birth of, I ; life of, till his election to the praetorship, 1-5 ; advocates the proposal of IManilius, 6 ; consul- ship of, 8-12; quarrels with Clo- dius, 14, 58-60, 67-68; behaviour of, during Caesar's first consulship, 18, 79, 84; leaves Rome in 58 B.C., and lives in exile for a year and a half, 20-23, 103-119; good under- standing between him and Pom- pey after his return, 135, 162, 163; breach of, with Pompey and Caesar, 138, 201 ; submission of, to them, ^39' 179? 203, 209; his advocacy of the claims of P. Lentulus Spin- ther to restore Ptolemy, 136, 164- 170, 181-185; pleads for Milo in 52 B.C., 148 ; his government of Cilicia, 51-50 B.C., 151-155, 226- 227, 246-255, 262-269; return of, to Italy, 155, 279; his hopes of a triumph, 266-269, 275 ; hesitation of, at the beginning of the civil war, between Caesar and Pompey, 294- 297, 318-322, 346-352 ; sets out for Pompey's camp, June 7, 49 B.C., 297, 384 ; his behaviour there, 297, 299, 390 ; returns to Ital}', 299, 405, 408 ; quarrel of, with his brother, see Ouintus Cicero ; par- doned by Caesar, 394 ; divorces Terentia, 397, cp. 453, 455, 459 ; death of Tullia, see Tullia ; con- duct of, after Caesar's death, 497, 498 ; correspondence of, with An- tony, 523-526 ; with Dolabella, 527-529 ; with Matius, 532-539 ; sets out for Greece, 501, 544 ; in- terview of, with M. Brutus at Velia, in August, 44 B.C., 501, 546; re- turns to Rome and delivers the first Philippic, 502, 548 ; in 43 B.C. pleads in the senate for energetic measures to be taken against Antony, 504-508 ; corresponds with D. Brutus, C. Cassius, (3. Corni- ficius, Lepidus, Plancus, PoUio, Trebonius, 539-610 ; injudicious attempts of, to weaken Octavian, 509 ; after the formation of the second triumvirate attempts to escape from Italy, 513 ; death of, 513. 5^^ also, principal events in 66o INDEX III. the life of, xxxii ; on his estates and other property, 133, 134 ; chronological list of the writings of, xxvii ; names of his corre- spondents, XX. Tullius, M. Cicero, son of the pre- ceding, birth of, 7, 31 ; anxiety of his father for, in 58 B.C., 112, 114, 119; accompanies his father to Cilicia, 151; stays with Deiotarus, 152; visits Rhodes, 155; at For- miae in 49 B.C., 316 ; appointed aedile at Arpinum in 46 B.C., 453; goes to study at Athens in 45 B.C., 398 ; does good service to M. Brutus in Macedonia in 43 B.C., 505 ; the treatise ' De Officiis ' addressed to him, 559. Tullius, Q. Cicero, brother of the orator, marries Pomponia, 131 ; writes a long letter to his brother, ' De Petitione Consulatus,' 8;' prae- tor in 62 B.C., 12 ; governs the province of Asia, 61-59 (inclusive) B.C., 14, 76, 92-103 ; injured in a riot in 57 B.C., 23 ; makes promises to Pompey on behalf of his brother, 202 ; goes as Pompey's legate to Sardinia, 136, 176 ; and as Caesar's to Gaul, 145, 213; visits Britain, 196 ; in great danger in Gaul in 53 B.C., 146 ; goes with his brother to Cilicia, 151, 152, 249; Marcus thinks of leaving him in charge of the province, 251, 274 ; spends the winter of 51-50 B.G in Cilicia proper, 255 ; quarrels with Pom- ponia, 258-259 ; quarrels with his brother after the battle of Phar- salus, 393, 407, 412, 413 ; sues for pardon to Caesar, 410; Marcus intercedes for him, 415 ; they are reconciled, 394 ; pays court to Caesar in 45 B.C., 398 ; letter of, to his brother, in 44 B.C., 560, 561 ; proscribed by Antony and mur- dered in 43 B.C., 513. Tullius, Q. Cicero, son of the pre- ceding, education of, 177; accom- panies his father and uncle to Cilicia, 151; character of, 259; with his father after the battle of Pharsalus, 407, 410 (.?) ; suspected by the orator of calumniating him, 393 ; aedile at Arpinum in 46 B.C., 453 ; serves under Caesar in 45 B.C., 398 ; referred to in 44 B.C., 561 ; murdered wjth his father, 513- Tullius, M. Tiro, freedman of the orator, 121, 296, 313-317. Tusca disciplina, 441. Tuscenius, 95. Tusculum, estate of Cicero at, 71, 133, 345, 420, 425, 433> 518, 532; Tusculanus ager, 433. Tyrannio, 177, 423. Tyrus, 342. mixes, in Homer's poetry, 597. Usipetes, 143. Utica, 400, 422, Vada, 586, 600. Valerius, P., no, 255, 544. Valerius, L. Flaccus, interrex in 82 B.C., 321. Valerius, L. Flaccus, praetor in 63 B.C., 18, 90. Valerius, M. Messalla Niger, consul in 61 B.C., 13,43, 44, 51- Valerius, M. Messalla, consul in 53 B.C., 146, 194, 228. Valerius, Q- Orca, commissioner for dividing lands in 45 B.C., 477-480. Valerius, an interpreter, 560. Varius, P., 29. Vatinius, P., tribune in 59, praetor in 55 B.C., 17, 18, 88, 142, 144, 199, 201, 2 10-2 1 1, 395, 407, 412; con- sul at the close of 47 B.C., 396 ; submits to M. Brutus in Illyricum, 43 B.C., 505. Veil, territory of, 433. Velia, 546. Velina tribus, 195. Velinus, a lake and river, 193. Vennonius, C, 307. Ventidius, P. Bassus, 509, 584, 586, 595, 600. Vercingetorix, 149. Vergilius, C, 20, 96. Verres, C, 3-5. Vestorius, C, a money-lender of PuteoH, 234, 260, 265, 523, 531. Vettius, 179. Vettius, L., an informer, 12, 18,85-88. Vibius, C. Pansa, tribune in 51 B.C., 153, 239-240; friendly to Cicero, 409 ; consul in 43 B.C., 504-509, 522, 531, 561, 563, 565, 569, 572, 582, 584, 600. INDEX III. 66 1 Vibullius, L. Rufus, 202, 309-310. Villius, Sex., 219. Villius, L. Annalis, 237. Vinicius, L., tribune in 51 B.C., 239. Visellius, C. Varro, 118. Vocontii, 602. Volaterrae, 477-480. Volcatius, L. Tullus, consul in 66 B.C., 166, 325, 351,438,458. Volsci, 348. Volusius, (?) Cn., 223. Volusius, M., 316, Volusius, (?) Q., 249. Xeno, an Epicurean philosopher, 224-225. Xenocrates, contemporary with Aris- totle. 55. Xenophon, reference to the works of, 96. Zeno. an Epicurean philosopher, 128. Zeuxis, of Blaudus, 93, 94. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 40, 1. 10, for ' solam ' rcai/ ' solum.' p. 43, note on 1. 10. From Pint. Cic. 19-20, compared with in Cat. 3. 26; 4. 5, ro ; ad Att. 10. I, I, it api^cars that the sacrifice in the year of Cicero's consulship was offered on December 3 or 4. — I owe this reference to an article in the Quarterly Review, October 1880, on Cicero. p. 58, 1. 13, om. ' que ' offer ' rogatus.' p. 6i, 1. 10, note on 'fabam mimum.' Professor E. Bockel in the altered and improved [8th] edition of Siipfle's selection brought out by him (Karlsruhe, 1S80) quotes apparently with approval a note of Biicheler suggesting that the reference is to a mime or farce called Faba which had become proverbial for something insig- nificant. — I admire but cannot adopt Prof Tyrrell's ingenious sugge-^tion 'fabae midam :' — see Hermathena 7. 13 (1881). p. 94, 1. 15, note on 'nobiliorem' foil. Professor Tyrrell (Hermathena 7. 13-14, 18S1) would read ' moUiorem.' He thinks that the town referred to under the MS. reading Blainde or Blauide in § 4 was not Blaudus but Blauiidus, another town in Phrygia and that ' Blaundus ' and ' blandus ' being pronounced alike, ' moUiorem ' = ' blandiorem. ' p. 129, § 3, cp p 420, 1. 5, note. Perhaps the evidence hardly enables us to fi.x the date of Attica's birth. Cicero, it is true, writing in 51 B.C., says of her ' quam numquam vidi ' (cp. ad Att. 5. 19, 2), but Middleton, quoted by Tunstall (Observations on the Epistles between Cicero and Marcus Brutus, London, 1744, pp. 165, 166), suggests that the first years of her life may have been spent away from Rome. Boot thinks that she was born about 55 or 54 b.c. See his note on ad Att 5. 19, 2. p. 165, note on 1. 12, Marcellinum. J^ead ' who commanded at Aesernia.' p. 203, 1. 21, ' sicut et meis temporibus.' T. has 'sicut et cumeis temporibus ; ' B. ' sicut et cinneis temporibus.' F. Riihl, Monatsbliitter, p. 26, suggests ' Cinnae or ' Cinnanis temporibus.' p. 224, note on p. 223, 1. 10. I cannot find evidence that L. Tullius was Cicero's cousin. p. 257, 1. 16, ' attigissem rem militaremque conlocassem.' T. has ' attigissem militem que coUocassem; ' B. ' atigissem militemque collocarem.' p. 271, at io\j,/or ' VHI. 7 ' read ' VHI. 14.' p. 437, 1. 3, ' postquam armis disceptari.' B. has ' postquam armis civilibus disceptari ; ' T. ' p. a. c. diceptari.' p. 471,1. 13, 'quem erepublica.' T. has ' quern de re publica; ' B.'quam de re publica.' „ note on 1. 16. The reading of T. seems to be ' mains mihi solatium afferre ; ' B. agrees with this except in reading ' solacium.' p. 476, note on 1. 7. B. agrees with T. p. 583, 1. 6. H. has ' passus D.' p. 586, 1. 1 1, ' hominibus iniiciat vacuitas.' H. has ' hominibus in itiata civilas.' F. Riihl, Rhein. Mus. xxx. p. 28, quotes Madvig as suggesting ' iniiciat vacua civitas.' p. 604, 1. 8. H. inserts ' numeroque hostium habueram' after 'exceperam.' I SELECT LIST OF STANDARD ySTOKKS PRINTED AT Z^t CiauYibon ^re00t ©;cforb* STANDARD LATIN WORKS . STANDARD GREEK WORKS . MISCELLANEOUS STANDARD WORKS STANDARD THEOLOGICAL WORKS . NEW ENGLISH DICTIONARY Page 1 » 3 .1 7 „ 8 „ 8 1. STANDARD LATIN WOEKS. Avianus. The Fables. 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