r 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 ~^ 
 
 UMWtRSITY OF 
 
 CAUFORNIA 
 
 < SAN DIEGO I 
 
 (/ 
 
 /
 
 DC 
 AS
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON
 
 BY THE SAME AUTHOR 
 
 COURTS AND CAMPS OF THE 
 ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 
 
 MARGUERITE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 QUEEN OF QUEENS AND THE 
 MAKING OF SPAIN 
 
 LOUIS XI 
 Etc. 
 
 Etc.
 
 
 a\^\LL, i 
 
 /eon- £iaitM^ Ctcf^ -/■i» 

 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 HIGH CONSTABLE OF FRANCE 
 "THE GREAT CONDOTTIERE" 
 BY CHRISTOPHER HARE'^^'^CB €B 
 WITH A PHOTOGRAVURE FRONTIS- 
 PIECE ^ 1 6 OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 .ONDON JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD 
 ^EW YORK JOHN LANE COMPANY MCMXI
 
 Turnbull iSr" Spears, Printers, Edinburgh
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 AGAINST the vivid background of the 
 Renaissance, one figure flashes forth Uke 
 a meteor, with startling distinctness. It 
 is that of Charles de Montpensier, Due 
 de Bourbon, High Chamberlain and Constable of 
 France. 
 
 Of the blood-royal, by direct descent from St Louis, 
 Charles was so perilously near to succession of the 
 Throne, that neither Louis XII. nor the Duke's early 
 play-fellow Francois I., could ever forget or forgive 
 it. This royal jealousy was destined to bear terrible 
 fruit in the end. 
 
 The young Prince might well be proud of his Bourbon 
 ancestors, who had played so gallant and chivalrous 
 a part in the history of his country ; who had fallen 
 at Crecy, at Poictiers, and at Agincourt, ever foremost 
 in battle against the foe. His father, Gilbert de 
 Montpensier, had carried on the splendid record, 
 having bravely fought at Granson and Morat against 
 Charles of Burgundy, and continued his gallant 
 career under Charles VIII. in Italy until, as Viceroy 
 of Naples, forsaken by his King and overwhelmed 
 by superior force, he refused to abandon his starving 
 and plague-stricken followers, and died a hero's death 
 at Pozzuoli.
 
 vi CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 His eldest son Louis followed in his steps and 
 greatly distinguished himself in the service of Louis 
 Xn. ; was wounded at the siege of Capua and died 
 in the prime of his noble youth. His younger brother, 
 Charles, thus became the male heir of the Bourbon 
 line ; a position doubly assured to him later by his 
 marriage with Suzanne de Bourbon, the heiress of 
 the elder branch of the family. 
 
 From his mother Chiara Gonzaga of Mantua, the 
 young Prince inherited the warlike spirit and genius 
 of a race of " Condottieri " ; at the early age of 
 seventeen he followed Louis XH. to the siege of Genoa 
 and already showed signs of the courage and skill 
 which were to make him so famous in later days. At 
 the height of his greatness and glory, we find Charles 
 de Bourbon scarcely second in position to the King 
 himself ; holding his own Court and Parliament in 
 the Capital of his great dominions, and so splendid 
 in his magnificence that, at the Field of the Cloth of 
 Gold, Henry VHL is said to have exclaimed : " If 
 that noble were a subject of mine, his head would not 
 remain long upon his shoulders." 
 
 The Due de Bourbon was at the very summit of his 
 pride and prosperity when he was smitten from his 
 high estate, and there came upon him that great and 
 terrible downfall — one of the most striking tragedies 
 of history. 
 
 On the death of his wife, Suzanne de Bourbon, 
 lawsuits were brought against Charles by King 
 Francois L and Queen Louise de Savoie ; the subject 
 was powerless against his soveregin, and by a legal
 
 INTRODUCTION vH 
 
 quibble, the great noble was deprived, not only of the 
 vast possessions of the House of Bourbon, but also of 
 all his personal property. This was felt by himself and 
 his supporters to be a most cruel and flagrant act of 
 injustice, and many historians have seen in it the 
 vengeance of Louise, the King's mother ; a woman 
 scorned in her insensate love for the handsome young 
 Constable of France, who had somewhat contemptu- 
 ously refused her proffered hand. This point will be 
 fully dwelt upon ; but in any case the wrong and 
 affront of his utter ruin so worked upon the proud spirit 
 of Charles that, like another Coriolanus, he shook from 
 his feet the dust of an ungrateful country, and accepted 
 the dazzling offers of the Emperor who had long paid 
 court to him. 
 
 To this act of rebellion he was urged by his greatest 
 friends, and above all by the advice of his mother-in- 
 law, Anne de France, the former wise Regent of her 
 country, who had taken the place of a second mother 
 to her Suzanne's husband. This may appear to us a 
 rash and fatal step, but as his chroniclers point out, 
 it was with him a question of life and death, as, once 
 robbed of all his honours and his dominions, the next 
 step would certainly have led him to the scaffold. 
 
 He had crossed the Rubicon, and with only his 
 name and his sword he entered the service of the 
 Emperor Charles V., as the last of the great " Con- 
 dottieri " ; he avenged his injuries and affronts 
 in victory after victory, until the King who had 
 wronged him fell prisoner of his bow and spear at the 
 fatal battle of Pavia. Whatever the Duke's feelings
 
 viii CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 as conqueror may have been, there was no room for 
 repentance ; as a rebel and outlaw he fought on to the 
 bitter end ; pursued by implacable destiny he never 
 flinched or faltered, but bravely played his Ufe as a 
 pawn in the game of the world's warfare. As Dumeril 
 says : " Driven by circumstances into a desperate 
 position, going he knew not whither, at once adored 
 and disobeyed by his soldiers, commanding an Imperial 
 army which no longer belonged to the Emperor . . . 
 he became sacrilegious by necessity, and met his death 
 at the moment when he went to plant his banners on 
 the walls of the Eternal City. . . ." 
 
 Over few characters in history has a fiercer war been 
 waged. His story was first written by the minions 
 of the King he had defied, and we are reminded of the 
 fable in which a mighty lion — represented as over- 
 come by a single hunter — points out that it is man 
 who has given his side of the question ! Thus in the 
 mock trial held after his death, Charles de Montpensier, 
 Due de Bourbon, was first summoned to appear and 
 then condemned unheard for contempt of court . . . ; 
 so that we cannot wonder that the historians of the 
 reign of Fran9ois I. had no scruples in blackening the 
 name and fame of the last great feudal lord, the 
 splendid foe who had sought to avenge his wrongs 
 on the gay, careless, untrustworthy monarch. 
 
 All these courtly accusations have of course been 
 diligently repeated by various later writers, especially 
 by the impulsive prejudiced Michelet ; although, in 
 later years, a more critical and profound study of 
 early memoirs and letters has produced a strong
 
 INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 reaction in favour of this great and most unfortunate 
 Constable of France, 
 
 In the following study of his life, contemporary 
 chronicles are followed as closely as possible, and 
 of these the most interesting is the record of an eye- 
 witness, Guillaume de Marillac, a loyal servitor of 
 Charles de Bourbon and his father. His simple 
 words bear the stamp of truth, and give us minute 
 details of life in those far-off days, which bring the 
 picture of the past vividly before us. 
 
 During all the later period, after the rebellion of 
 Bourbon, his story can be closely followed from the 
 very curious examination of witnesses at the great 
 trial of his chief adherents, and above all from the 
 immense collection, most fortunately preserved, of 
 State letters, written by the Due de Bourbon himself, 
 by Frangois I., Charles V., Clement VII., by the 
 ambassadors at the Courts of these Princes, and by 
 other men of note. Contemporary diaries, written 
 during sieges and other stirring events, have also 
 proved of great value and interest. 
 
 Of aU historical documents, there can be nothing 
 to compare in value with the letters written by the 
 great actors in the drama of history. As Montaigne 
 says : " Ceste recherche de la verite est tellement 
 delicate, qu'on ne se puisse pas fier d'un combat a la 
 science de celuy qui a commande, ny aux soldats de ce 
 qui s'est passe pres d'eux, si, a la mode d'une informa- 
 tion judiciaire, on ne confronte pas les temoins et 
 recoit les objets sur la preuve des poinctilles de 
 chaque accident."
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 FAGB 
 
 Introduction ........ v 
 
 List of Illustrations ....... xv 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I. Birth and Lineage of Charles de Montpensier — 
 
 THE House of Bourbon — the House of Gonzaga 3 
 
 II. Childhood and early Life of Charles de Mont- 
 
 pensier — The Death of his Father, Gilbert de 
 Montpensier, at Pozzuoli — Death of his 
 Brother Louis — Charles becomes Comte de 
 Montpensier — He is brought up at the Court 
 OF Anne de France, Daughter of Louis XL, 
 late Regent of the Kingdom ... 22 
 
 III. Charles becomes Due de Bourbon — His Marriage 
 
 with Suzanne de Bourbon — His State and 
 Magnificence — He does Homage to Louis XII. 
 for the Possessions of the House of Bourbon 
 — He goes to the Wars in Italy with Louis XII. 
 — He distinguishes Himself at the Battle of 
 Agnadello — He is sent to the Spanish Frontier 
 — Victory and Death of Gaston de Foix before 
 Ravenna — Defeat of Novara — English Inva- 
 sion — Battle of the Spurs .... 38 
 
 IV. Death of Anne de Bretagne — Marriage of 
 
 Francois d'Angouleme with Claude de France 
 — Louis marries Mary of England — His Death 
 and the Succession of Fran(;:ois I. — Charles 
 de Bourbon made Constable of France — His 
 Sister Ren^e marries Antoine Due de Lorraine 
 — The Constable entrusted with the Reform 
 OF the Army — War with Italy — Gallant 
 Attack of Bayard on Colonna — Battle of 
 Marignano, in which Bourbon achieves great 
 Honour — Bourbon governs Milan — Defends 
 THE City against Maximilian, who retreats 
 from the Siege ...... 59
 
 xii CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 CHAP. PAOB 
 
 V. Bourbon recalled from Italy — His Disappoint- 
 
 ment — He entertains the King and the Court 
 AT his Palace of Moulins — Death of Ferdinand 
 OF Spain — Rivalry of Charles V. and Francois 
 I. — Birth of an Heir to the Crown of France — 
 Magnificence of Bourbon at the Royal 
 Christening — Charles V. elected to the 
 Empire — Field of the Cloth of Gold . . 79 
 
 VI. Fresh Affronts to the Due de Bourbon — Ex- 
 
 pedition TO PiCARDY — The Constable deprived 
 OF his Right to command the Van-guard — 
 Death of Suzanne de Bourbon, Wife of the 
 Constable of France — Demand of the Queen- 
 mother, Louise de Savoie — Her Character — 
 Refusal of Bourbon — The Constable 
 threatened with a Law-suit to deprive Him 
 of his Dominions of the House of Bourbon — 
 The Advice of Anne de France ... 97 
 
 VII. Francois I. and Louise de Savoie lay Claim to 
 
 the vast Possessions of Charles de Bourbon — 
 The famous Law-suit — Delays of the Parlia- 
 ment — Sequestration of Bourbon's Property 
 by the Queen-mother — Her cruel Treatment 
 
 OF DE SeMBLAN^AY ADVANCES OF THE EmPEROR 
 
 TO Bourbon — His Treatment at the French 
 Court — Death of Anne de France . . .109 
 
 VIII. Charles de Bourbon is finally driven to 
 
 Rebellion — He retires to Moulins — Receives 
 the Emperor's Delegates — Makes a Treaty 
 with Them — The King follows Him to Moulins 
 — Driven to Extremity, the Due de Bourbon 
 takes final Leave of Chantelle — Travels in 
 Disguise through Auvergne, on to Chamb^ry 
 and Besancon . . . . . .124 
 
 IX. Final Step of the Due de Bourbon — His Position 
 
 — He goes to Mantua — Joins the Viceroy of 
 Naples at Binasco — Clement VII. elected 
 Pope — Invasion of France by Henry VIII. 
 AND Charles V. — Alarm of Francois I. — His 
 CRUEL Pursuit of Bourbon's Adherents ; Saint- 
 Vallier and others . . . . .149 
 
 X. Why the Invasion of France failed — The War 
 
 IN Italy carried on by Bonnivet — Death of 
 Pope Adrian VI. — Fatal Delays and ^Mistakes 
 OF Bonnivet — Gallant Deeds of Bayard — His 
 perilous Task and Death — Bayard's legendary 
 Reproach of Bourbon investigated — Letter 
 OF Adrian de Croy . . . . . .163
 
 CONTENTS xiii 
 
 CHAP. FACE 
 
 XI. Duchy of Milan lost by Bonnivet — Luxury and 
 
 Extravagance of Francois I. — He is compared 
 TO Charles V. — League against France — The 
 Due DE Bourbon leads the Imperial Troops 
 across the Alpes Maritimes, into Provence 
 and through the Esterel to Frejus and 
 Marseilles — Bourbon lays Siege to Marseilles 
 — The City is gallantly defended by Renzo 
 DA Ceri ........ 178 
 
 XII. Siege of Marseilles raised, as neither Charles 
 
 V. nor Henry VIII. keep their Promise of 
 invading France — Retreat of Bourbon to Italy 
 — Francois I. again invades Italy — He be- 
 sieges Pavia — Clement VII. begins his crafty 
 Tactics of making Friends with both Sides . 198 
 
 XIII. The Siege of Pavia by the French — Description 
 
 of the City — Francois I. engages the Services 
 of Giovanni " Delle Bande Xere " — His Friend 
 THE Aretino — The Siege lingers on through the 
 Winter, giving Bourbon Time to raise Lands- 
 knechte in Germany — Great Hardships 
 
 ENDURED by THE BESIEGED UNDER AnTONIO DE 
 
 Leyva — Giovanni dei Medici wounded after 
 
 a Sortie . . . . . . . .216 
 
 XIV. The Due de Bourbon goes to Savoy to raise Money 
 
 and to Germany to engage Foot-soldiers — 
 Siege and gallant Defence of Pavia — Francois 
 I., continuing to follow Bonnivet's Advice, 
 leaves his entrenched Position — Battle of 
 Pavia — Great Imperial Victory, largely due 
 to Bourbon — The King of France taken 
 Prisoner — His Captivity at Pizzighetone — 
 Terms of Peace suggested by Charles V. and 
 indignantly refused ..... 230 
 
 XV. Francois I. taken to Spain — He is imprisoned 
 
 IN the Castle of Benisano, in the Mountains 
 OF THE Moors — The King is transferred to 
 Madrid — Death of Claude, Queen of France 
 — Discussions of the Treaty of Peace — The 
 Marquess of Pescara is urged to betray the 
 Emperor — Marguerite of Alencon, the King's 
 Sister, comes to Madrid — Her vain Efforts — 
 Illness of Francois I. — He agrees to all the 
 Terms offered with the full Intention of 
 breaking his Word — Treaty of Madrid — The 
 King regains his Freedom .... 249
 
 XIV 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 CHAP. r*i» 
 
 XVI. FRAN(J0IS I. REPUDIATES THE TREATY OF MADRID 
 
 The " Holy " League, in which the Pope, 
 England, France, Venice, and Florence 
 combine against the Emperor — Bourbon 
 undertakes the Defence of INIilan — The 
 Duke of Urbino unexpectedly retires — The 
 Citadel of Milan yields to Bourbon and Duke 
 Francesco Sforza retreats to Lodi — The 
 Duke of Urbino blockades Milan — The 
 Colonna Raid upon Rome .... 267 
 
 XVII. The Due de Bourbon shut up in Milan, besieged 
 
 BY THE Army of the League — Cremona taken — 
 The Landsknechte of Georg von Frundsberg 
 CROSS THE Alps and enter Italy — Death of 
 Giovanni " Delle Bande Nere " — Bourbon 
 JOINS VON Frundsberg, and together They 
 
 CROSS LOMBARDY DiSMAY OF ClEMENT VII. 
 
 He makes a Treaty with the Emperor, only 
 
 TO break it at the first Opportunity . . 285 
 
 XVIII. March of the Imperial Army across Italy — 
 
 Rebellion of the Landsknechte against their 
 Leader, von Frundsberg — He is stricken 
 DOWN — The Due de Bourbon compelled to 
 LEAD the Soldiers on, and to obey their Will 
 — The Marquess del Vasto retires — Clement 
 
 VII., IN ALARM, makes ANOTHER TREATY, BUT 
 OFFERS TOO LiTTLE FeRRAMOSCA AND LaNNOY 
 
 HAVE NO Influence over the invading Army — 
 The Pope's Folly and Vacillation — Attack on 
 Rome — Death of Bourbon in the first Assault 
 — The City is taken and given over to Pillage 
 — The End ....... 304 
 
 Genealogical Tables ....... 333 
 
 Chief Authorities consulted ..... 339 
 
 Index ......... 347
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Charles de Bourbon, Constable of France 
 
 School of Jean Cloziet. (^Photogravure) Frontispiece 
 
 Facing Page 
 
 LoDovico Gonzaga and his Sons (Ancestors of Charles 
 
 DE Bourbon) . . . . . .10 
 
 By Andrea Maniegna. 
 
 Pierre II., Due de Bourbon, Anne de France and 
 Suzanne, as Donors . . . . .34 
 
 Triptych of Ghirlandayo ? In Cathedral of Moulins. 
 
 Isabella d'Este, Aunt of Charles de Bourbon . 44 
 
 By Leonardo da Vinci. {Charcoal drawing,) 
 
 Francois I., King of France . . . .74 
 
 By Titian. 
 
 Anne de France (as Ste. Anne) . . . 102 
 
 statue front Chantelle (in the Louvre) 
 ISABELLE DE BOURGOGNE, SiSTER OF THE EmPEROR 
 
 Charles V. ..... . 128 
 
 By Jan Gossaert (Mabuse). 
 
 Henry VIII. . . . . . .138 
 
 From a Lithograph after Holbein by T, R. Way. 
 
 Marguerite of Austria . . . . .164 
 
 By Bernard Van Orley. 
 
 The Emperor Charles V. . . . . 182 
 
 After Titian. 
 
 Louise de Savoie, Mother of Francois I. . . 202 
 
 Apres Jean Clonet, Bibliotheque Nationale.
 
 xvi CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Facing Page 
 
 Giovanni dei Medici (Delle Bande Nere) . . 226 
 
 Busi by San Gallo. 
 
 El^onore of Austria, Sister of Charles V, . . 250 
 
 Music Condi y Chant illy. 
 
 Alfonso I. d'Este, Duke of Ferrara . . . 268 
 
 By Dosso Dossi 
 
 Marie de Bourgogne, Queen of Hungary . . 284 
 
 By Jan Gossaert (Mabuse) 
 
 Francesco Maria I. della Rovere . . . 298 
 
 After the picture by Titian in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence. {From 
 the Ducal Collection.) 
 
 Pope Clement VII. and the Emperor Charles V. . 318 
 
 By Vasari. (Panel in Palazzo Vccchio, Florence. )
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 BIRTH AND LINEAGE OF CHARLES DE MONTPENSIER — THE HOUSE 
 OF BOURBON — THE HOUSE OF GONZAGA. 
 
 CHARLES DE MONTPENSIER was born 
 on February 17, 1490. He was the second 
 son of Gilbert, Comte de Montpensier, of 
 the blood royal of France, by his marriage 
 with Chiara Gonzaga, daughter of Federico, Marchese 
 of Mantua. By his father, Charles was in direct 
 descent from St Louis, King of France, through the 
 noble and illustrious House of Bourbon, 
 
 His ancestor Robert, the youngest son of King Louis 
 IX. and Margaret of Provence, bom in 1256, received 
 the appanage of the comte of Clermont, which then 
 included most of the Beauvoisis, and the chatellenies 
 of Creil and Goumay. Like most royal princes of the 
 time, he greatly added to his patrimony by marriage, 
 for Beatrice of Burgundy brought to him Charolois 
 from her father, with the province of the Bourbonnais 
 and the seigneury of St Just from her mother. Prince 
 Robert thus became one of the most powerful lords of 
 the realm, and left to his descendants the great name 
 of Bourbon. 
 
 His eldest son, Louis I., Duke of Bourbon, distin-
 
 4 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 guished himself in the war against Flanders, and was 
 made Great Chamberlain of France by King Philip V, 
 and Comte de la Marche by Charles IV., in reward for 
 his valuable services. He married Marie de Hainault, 
 and their eldest son, Pierre I., succeeded as Due de 
 Bourbon in 1341. This prince carried on the gallant 
 traditions of his House, for he was wounded on the 
 Field of Crecy, and subsequently killed at the Battle 
 of Poictiers while bravely fighting by the side of his 
 King, Jean H. of France. 
 
 A like splendid record was that of Duke Pierre's 
 brother Jacques, Comte de la Marche, who was 
 dangerously wounded in rescuing, at the Battle of 
 Crecy, King Philip VI., who gave him the comte of 
 Ponthieu. Later he was made Constable of France by 
 King Jean II., with whom he was taken prisoner at the 
 Battle of Poictiers. After his release, Jacques again 
 distinguished himself in the service of his country, and 
 fell with his brave young son, while vigorously fighting 
 the brigands who devastated France in those days. 
 He was known to fame as " the Flower of Chivalry," 
 and his son and successor, Jean, Comte de la Marche, 
 de Vendome, etc., was the head of that branch of the 
 Bourbons which succeeded to the title in 1527, and 
 from whence descended the Bourbon Kings of France. 
 
 Returning to the direct Bourbon line : Louis 11.,^ 
 son of Duke Pierre, distinguished himself with heroic 
 valour and devotion at a time when his King and his 
 country were in their hour of deepest need. Jean II., 
 the Good, was a prisoner in England ; the peasants 
 
 ^ Remained as a hostage in England for his King during 14 years.
 
 BIRTH AND LINEAGE 5 
 
 had risen in insurrection against the feudal lords who 
 oppressed them, while these in their turn were in 
 rebellion against the monarchy. Companies of ban- 
 ditti had seized the opportunity of ravaging the pro- 
 vinces, and the dauphin was threatened on every side 
 when Louis of Bourbon hastened to his assistance with 
 all the men-at-arms he could muster and, by his splen- 
 did example, rallied the nobility to range themselves 
 under the banner of the dauphin, who was soon to 
 succeed his father as Charles V., the Wise. Louis XL, 
 Due de Bourbon, died in 1410 and was succeeded by 
 his son, Jean L, who became Great Chamberlain of 
 France, and Captain-General in Languedoc and Gas- 
 coigne. Duke Jean once more carried on the noblest 
 traditions of the House of Bourbon ; he fought with 
 splendid courage at Agincourt, where he was taken 
 prisoner, and died eighteen years later, a captive in 
 London. 
 
 Jean I. had married Marie de Berry, a great heiress 
 who brought with her the duchy of Auvergne and the 
 comte of Montpensier, which was settled upon her 
 second son Louis, the grandfather of Charles de Mont- 
 pensier, the hero of this memoir. The elder brother 
 of Louis succeeded his father and became Charles I., 
 Due de Bourbon. He married Agnes de Bourgogne 
 and had a large family of sons and daughters, one of 
 whom married the Due de Savoie, and from her was 
 descended Louise de Savoie, the mother of Francois L, 
 King of France, of whose claims to the duchy we 
 shall hear later on.^ Duke Charles was followed in 
 
 1 See Genealogical Table, No. I.
 
 6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 succession by his eldest son, Jean II., who died without 
 an heir, leaving the duchy to his brother, Pierre II. 
 
 This was the great Due de Bourbon who was in such 
 high favour with Louis XL that he received the hand 
 of the King's daughter, Anne de France, and was 
 joined with his wife later in the Regency of her young 
 brother, Charles VIII. For many years they had no 
 children, and the heritage of the vast estates of Bour- 
 bon would naturally come to the cousin of Pierre II., 
 Gilbert de Montpensier, the father of Charles, the 
 subject of this memoir.^ 
 
 This Monseigneur Gilbert had a splendid record of 
 valour and distinction in arms. When only eighteen 
 years of age, as Lieutenant-General of Louis XL, he 
 had fought bravely against Charles of Burgundy and 
 later shared in the victories of Granson and Morat. 
 He served Charles VIII. with great success in Poitou 
 and Brittany, and in 1494 followed him to Italy, where 
 he greatly distinguished himself, and on the King's 
 retreat was left in command as Viceroy of Naples, a 
 barren title and a post of deadly peril in the midst of 
 overwhelming hostile forces. The story of his gallant, 
 hopeless struggle and heroic death will be told in due 
 course, but this brief allusion will show how the noblest 
 traditions of his race were carried on by Duke Gilbert, 
 the father of Charles de Montpensier. 
 
 The House of Gonzaga 
 
 On the side of his mother, Chiara Gonzaga, the young 
 prince could lay claim to a notable ancestry, that of 
 
 ^ See Genealogical Table, No. L
 
 HOUSE OF GONZAGA 7 
 
 the famous rulers of Mantua who, by their diplomatic 
 wisdom and distinguished valour, had raised that 
 small state to an important and honoured position 
 amongst the ruling powers of Italy. Like the Medici, 
 the Gonzaga family had risen from the people, not from 
 the feudal nobility, and had taken the name from their 
 native village, in the low-lying fertile country between 
 Mantua and Modena. It so happened that Lodovico 
 Gonzaga was chosen Podesta of Mantua in 1313, at 
 a time when the whole land was torn asunder by the 
 conflict between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. 
 Gonzaga appears to have joined in the conspiracy 
 against the ruling tyrant of Mantua, Passerino de' 
 Bonacossi, who was put to death with all his kindred 
 on August 14, 1328. Revenge for an outrage offered 
 to his wife is said to have been the Podesta's guiding 
 motive for this rebellion against his Ghibelline lord, 
 but he was acclaimed by his fellow-citizens as having 
 restored liberty to his State. However this may be, 
 he received the honours of victory ; was at once 
 appointed Captain-General, and the next year made 
 Imperial Vicar of Mantua and feudatory of the Empire 
 by the Emperor Louis of Bavaria. Thus it was that 
 the Gonzaga family became hereditary rulers of 
 Mantua, and under their broad-minded and pater- 
 nal government, the city not only maintained its 
 independence but steadily rose in strength and 
 prosperity. 
 
 Amongst these patriotic princes, Gianfrancesco I., 
 the fourth of his race, deserves special mention. By 
 his command, the mighty Castello with its four massive
 
 8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 towers rose on the eastern side, above the chain of 
 lakes formed by the waters of the slow-flowing Mincio. 
 To him also were due the beautiful Duomo, and the 
 bridge of San Giorgio, which spans the Lago di Mezzo 
 in face of the Castello ; and it was this travelled ruler 
 who laid the foundation of the great library of Mantua. 
 He was succeeded in 1407 by his son Gianfrancesco H., 
 who encouraged native industries, such as the making 
 of cloth, and agriculture suited to his marshy domain ; 
 also adding stone fortifications to the alluvial natural 
 defences. He held a splendid court and had the 
 honour and good fortune of entertaining the Emperor 
 Sigismund in the year 1433, receiving as his guerdon 
 the title of Marchese, which he handed on to his suc- 
 cessors. After the manner of his race, he was a valiant 
 condottiere, and was quite willing to hire out his 
 services alternately to his two powerful neighbours, 
 Milan and Venice. 
 
 Yet the newly made Marchese was no mere rough 
 soldier, but showed a true love for art and learning, 
 encouraging great men of every kind at his Court. He 
 it was who invited Vittorino da Feltre to take up his 
 abode at Mantua, and thus make it famous to all time 
 as a home of learning and the most famous educational 
 establishment of the Middle Ages. The Gonzaga 
 princes and princesses became distinguished scholars 
 under his teaching, and from ail parts of Italy pupils 
 of rank and distinction flocked to the famous Casa 
 Zoiosa to sit at the master's feet. 
 
 Paola Malatesta, the wife of the first Marchese, 
 herself a pious and gentle creature, must have brought
 
 HOUSE OF GONZAGA 9 
 
 into the family a fresh strain of vigorous condottiere 
 blood from the lords of Rimini. As was the custom 
 of those days, she carefully brought up in her own 
 palace, little Barbara von Brandenburg, the future 
 wife of her son Lodovico, who succeeded his father in 
 1444. Perhaps in his reign, Mantua attained the 
 summit of her greatness, for a General Council of the 
 Church was held here by Pope Pius II. in 1459, when 
 the Castello was thronged with noble guests from all 
 parts of the world, and the Marchesa Barbara was 
 " distinguished for her shining graces." A few years 
 later, this capable and distinguished lady arranged a 
 marriage for her eldest son Federico with Margaret 
 of Bavaria, daughter of Duke Sigismund ; and it was 
 their eldest daughter, Chiara Gonzaga, who married 
 Gilbert, Comte de Montpensier, and was the mother of 
 Charles, the subject of this memoir. 
 
 Such was the lineage of the young prince who is 
 known to us as the most splendid and flamboyant 
 figure of the French Renaissance. Of kingly race by 
 descent from St Louis through the great House of 
 Bourbon, whose annals of courage, loyalty, and devotion 
 glow through the dark pages of history, half Bourbon 
 and half Gonzaga, Charles de Montpensier was also 
 heir to the reckless valour and passionate love of free- 
 dom of the condottiere, the watchful diplomacy and 
 the stately graces of the polished rulers of Mantua. 
 
 Chiara, Comtesse de Montpensier, the mother of 
 " Charles Monsieur," was a gentle home-loving creature, 
 brought up in that highly cultured atmosphere of 
 Mantua where the learned teaching of Vittorino da
 
 lo CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Feltre still held sway. After the death of her father, 
 the Marchese Lodovico, and her mother, Margaret of 
 Bavaria, she remained in the charge of her somewhat 
 despotic grandmother, Barbara of Brandenburg, and 
 as became a submissive maiden of those days, she 
 meekly married the suitable bridegroom found for her. 
 This chanced to be Gilbert, Comte de Montpensier, 
 one of the greatest noblemen of France, of the blood 
 royal ; moreover, a gallant soldier of thirty-three years 
 of age with a splendid record of past achievements. 
 We have interesting accounts of the long wedding 
 journey under the care of Count Cristoforo Castiglione, 
 his charming wife Madonna Aloisia, and a stately 
 escort through Milan and Turin, over the terrible 
 mountains by the old pass of the Mont Cenis ; resting 
 for awhile at Lyons to recover from such hardships, 
 then slowly riding on across hill and dale until the 
 princess reached her Montpensier home in the very 
 centre of France. We read of a splendid marriage 
 ceremony, which took place in the autumn of 1481, 
 of the bride's reception at the Court of Louis XL, but 
 we are left to find out for ourselves how the Italian 
 girl of barely seventeen, amid all this state and gran- 
 deur in a bleaker land, pined for her beloved kindred 
 and for her sunny home at Mantua amid its shining, 
 misty lakes. Chiara was devotedly attached to her 
 brothers and sisters (see Table IIL) ; Francesco, who 
 became Marchese of Mantua in 1483 ; Sigismondo, the 
 future Cardinal ; Elisabetta, soon to be Duchess of 
 Urbino ; Maddalena, who married Giovanni Sforza of 
 Pesaro and died early, and the youngest of all.
 
 ii ' 
 
 Aliitari.photo. 
 LODOVICO GONZAGA AM) HIS SONS (ANCESTOR OF CHARLES 1)E BOURBON) 
 Bv Andrea Mantes^na
 
 I
 
 CHIARA COMTESSE DE MONTPENSIER ii 
 
 Giovanni, who was only seven years old at the time of 
 his eldest sister's marriage. 
 
 On a hill near Aigue-Perse we still see the ruins of a 
 favourite castle of the Montpensier family, and in such 
 an isolated spot, far from town and Court, we can 
 picture to ourselves the lonely life of the young 
 Comtesse during the frequent absence of Gilbert her 
 soldier husband, who was so constantly engaged in the 
 service of his successive Kings. Nay, we may even go 
 further, and suggest that this somewhat " precieuse " 
 little lady, afterwards so close a friend of her cultured 
 sister-in-law, Isabella d' Este, had but little intellectual 
 sympathy with a husband given up entirely to warlike 
 and sporting pursuits, and that Chiara found French 
 provincial society intolerably dull. We have no 
 reason to doubt her wifely affection for the hero so 
 often absent, nor her proper maternal love for the 
 babies who came in quick succession, but we cannot 
 fail to see the eager delight with which the Comtesse 
 de Montpensier escapes from her feudal castle when- 
 ever the opportunity offers, and sets forth on that long 
 toilsome journey across plains and mountains to the 
 distant home of her childhood. 
 
 Thus when, after five years of married life, she pays 
 her first visit to Mantua just before Christmas i486, 
 she enjoys herself thoroughly with her two sisters 
 Elisabetta and Maddalena, in preparing a beautiful 
 festa for the return of her brother the young Marchese 
 Francesco. But unfortunately his coming is delayed, 
 whereupon the three princesses combine to write him 
 an affectionate letter, persuading him to join them at
 
 12 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 least by the New Year. " Most illustrious prince and 
 our dearest brother, we your three sisters, with the 
 help of other kindly ladies, have made ready a most 
 beautiful festd for Your Excellency, being assured 
 that at this holy season you would not fail to make 
 us happy with your presence. Now that we have news 
 showing the vanity of our hopes, we are sorely dis- 
 appointed and feel much distressed, being unable to 
 enjoy amusement and pleasure in your absence, for 
 in truth we count it a thousand years since we last saw 
 you. Therefore do we earnestly entreat, by the gentle 
 and brotherly love which you feel towards us, that you 
 will come hither and bring us consolation in the New 
 Year, and take part in the delights which we have 
 made ready for you in this our festd, which will assur- 
 edly delight you and give us all possible joy. Your 
 sisters and handmaids, Chiara, Elisabetta, and 
 Maddalena Gonzaga." 1 
 
 This was the last meeting of the three sisters, and 
 at this time the two younger princesses were already 
 betrothed in marriage by the arrangement of their 
 brother Francesco, their legal guardian. In the early 
 spring of 1488, Elisabetta set forth on her wedding 
 journey to Urbino, where she became the bride of the 
 young Duke Guidobaldo, of whom we have heard so 
 much as the chosen hero of Count Baldassare Casti- 
 glione. Maddalena was married in the autumn of 
 1489 to Giovanni Sforza, the lord of Pesaro, and her 
 sudden death within a year of her marriage was a 
 terrible blow to both Chiara and Elisabetta. How 
 
 ^ Quoted by Luzio e Renier — " Mantova e Urbino."
 
 FRENCH INVASION OF ITALY 13 
 
 often their thoughts must have dwelt on that happy 
 Christmas which they spent together at Mantua in 
 i486! 
 
 French Invasion of Italy, in which Gilbert de 
 
 MONTPENSIER PLAYS HIS PaRT 
 
 At this time Gilbert of Montpensier was engaged as 
 Lieutenant-General for Charles VIII. in Poitou and 
 Bretagne, where the Duke of Orleans, afterwards 
 Louis XIL, had taken arms against the ruling govern- 
 ment. When not engaged in actual warfare, Gilbert 
 was constantly required to appear at Court, and advise 
 the young King Charles in affairs of State, more especi- 
 ally concerning military arrangements. Yet we must 
 not hold Montpensier in any way responsible for the 
 ambitious dreams of his master, whose warlike ardour 
 was set upon leading the armies of France through 
 Italy to the conquest of Naples, which the royal youth 
 looked upon as his rightful heritage. All the wise 
 policy of his father, Louis XL, was set aside, and 
 Charles only listened to the encouragement of his 
 wild young companions and that of sundry Neapolitan 
 exiles who longed to avenge their own wrongs. Louis, 
 Duke of Orleans, whose rebellion had been forgiven 
 by Charles, was most eager to promote an expedition 
 against Italy in the hope of obtaining for himself the 
 Duchy of Milan, which he claimed as the heritage of 
 his grandmother, Valentine Visconti. 
 
 Other inducements were not wanting. As early as 
 1484, a secret embassy had been sent from Venice to
 
 14 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 urge Charles to claim Naples, and at the same time to 
 persuade the Duke of Orleans to assert his right to 
 Milan. But this suggestion met with no success at the 
 time, for the Regent Anne firmly carried on her father's 
 policy, and declined to interfere with the constant 
 disputes of the Italian States. The marriage of Charles 
 VIII. with Anne de Bretagne, the betrothed bride of 
 the Archduke Maximilian, whose daughter Marguerite 
 was sent home after her long engagement to the King 
 of France, brought matters to a crisis ; for a coalition 
 was now formed against Charles to avenge so flagrant 
 a breach of promise. Italy became the chief scene of 
 intrigues, in which Pope Innocent VIII., Henry VII, 
 of England, Maximilian of Austria, and above aU, 
 Lodovico Sforza of Milan took active part. But no one 
 was yet ready for actual war, and for many months we 
 hear of stately embassies between France and Milan, 
 Naples and Venice, in which the astute Lodovico 
 managed to outwit all his rivals and foes, and to secure 
 the alliance of the French King. We have a most 
 vivid account of the sumptuous manner in which 
 Charles received the ambassadors of Milan on March 
 28, 1492, the propitious day having been carefully 
 selected by Lodovico's astrologer. The Italian lords 
 rode through the streets of Paris, amid admiring 
 crowds, in splendid robes of brocade and cloth of gold, 
 and were received by the King and Queen in the 
 palace of the old Louvre. Charles was clad in a regal 
 mantle of Lyons velvet, lined with yellow satin, while 
 Anne de Bretagne was gorgeous in a gown of gold 
 brocade and a short cape of lion skin with a crimson
 
 COURT OF CHARLES VIII. 15 
 
 satin lining. On her head she wore a black velvet cap 
 with a gold fringe hanging over her forehead, and a 
 hood embroidered with diamonds. 
 
 The ambassadors were taken out hunting a few days 
 later, in the forest of St Germains, but this does not 
 appear to have been a very successful entertainment, 
 for they found the sport of a much rougher and more 
 fatiguing nature than anything they were accustomed 
 to in the glades near Pavia and Vigevano, and they 
 complained afterwards that both the men and animals 
 were " very savage in their ways." 
 
 During the ensuing years many changes took place 
 in the affairs of Italy. Pope Innocent VIII. died in 
 July 1492, and was succeeded by the Borgia Cardinal, 
 under the name of Alexander VI., at first an ardent 
 ally of the ambitious Lodovico, who seemed to have 
 attained the summit of his hopes, when his niece, 
 Bianca Maria Sforza, was married to the Emperor 
 Maximilian in the following year, and he himself was 
 promised the investiture of Milan. Yet this great 
 alliance was really a source of danger, for it increased 
 the suspicions of the House of Naples, and when 
 Alfonso succeeded his father Ferrante as King of 
 Naples, it was evident to all Europe that the crisis 
 was at hand. Alfonso lost no time before conciliating 
 the Pope and securing his alliance, and Lodovico 
 " II Moro " at last took the decisive step of inviting 
 the King of France to Italy. 
 
 We have a very interesting account of the coming 
 to Charles VIIL, at Lyons, of the Signor Galeazzo di 
 Sanseverino on this secret and important mission. On
 
 i6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the 5th of April 1494, he had a private meeting with 
 the King, " disguised as a German, with only four 
 attendants " ; but the next day he entered the city 
 in great state with a hundred horsemen, and was 
 presented by Charles to the Queen, for whom he had 
 brought magnificent presents of inlaid armour, silver 
 flagons, costly robes, and horses of a famous breed. 
 The " flower of Italian chivalry," Galeazzo completely 
 won the young King's favour, alike by his feats of 
 chivalry and personal charm, so that the mission was 
 crowned with success. Two months later, the Cardinal 
 della Rovere, the deadly foe of Alexander VI., also 
 came to Lyons to add his entreaty to that of II Moro, 
 and the war against Naples was definitely settled. 
 This is scarcely to be wondered at, when it so exactly 
 coincided with the personal desire of Charles himself. 
 
 I have dwelt somewhat fuUy upon the various 
 influences which combined to cause the French 
 invasion of Italy, because in truth this was the begin- 
 ning of the conflict — so long continued and renewed 
 again and again — which forms the keynote of my 
 story. Hinc illse lacrymae. Here we find the root 
 of the tragedy set forth in the life and death, not alone 
 of Gilbert de Montpensier and his elder bom Louis, 
 but also in that of his greater son, Charles, Due de 
 Bourbon and Constable of France. 
 
 Hostilities began in July 1494, when Louis of 
 Orleans crossed the Alps, and his advanced guard 
 combined with the troops of Genoa and Milan to invade 
 the territory of Naples. He was foUowed in September 
 by the French King and his trusted general, Gilbert de
 
 CAMPAIGN IN ITALY 17 
 
 Montpensier, who were received with great festivities, 
 first at Asti and later at Milan, by II Moro and his young 
 wife Beatrice d'Este. But notwithstanding gorgeous 
 entertainments, banquets and boar hunts in honour 
 of Charles VIII., it is interesting to be told by Com- 
 mines that, at Vigevano, the King " asked for the keys 
 of the castle at night and caused his guards to keep 
 strict watch at the gates." His father's experience at 
 Peronne was still an undying memory. 
 
 Charles appears to have greatly admired the Italian 
 ladies, and he sent his sister, Anne de France, a portrait 
 of the Duchess Beatrice, whom the historian Godefroi 
 describes as wearing " a green satin robe, the bodice 
 loaded with diamonds, pearls, and rubies . . . the 
 sleeves very tight and slashed so as to show the white 
 chemise beneath, and tied up with a wide grey silk 
 ribbon hanging to the ground. Her throat was bare 
 and adorned with a necklace of very large pearls and 
 a big ruby . . . her head was richly adorned with 
 pearls and her hair hung down behind in one long coil 
 with a silk ribbon twisted in it, and above she wore a 
 velvet cap with an aigrette of feathers fastened with 
 a clasp of two rubies, a diamond, and a great pear- 
 shaped pearl. . . ." As an excuse for touching on such 
 frivolous matters as a great lady's dress, I can only 
 plead the example of the solemn old chronicler, Godefroi. 
 But the young King's brief dalliance in that gay 
 Italian Court was soon to be forgotten amid the stem 
 realities of war. 
 
 We are only concerned with this campaign in so far 
 as it hcLS to do with Gilbert de Montpensier, and a brief
 
 1 8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 summary of events will therefore suffice to tell the 
 well-known story. At first the most amazing success 
 attended the French arms. Piero dei Medici, in sudden 
 panic, yielded Florence and all her strongholds to the 
 invader without a blow ; Siena threw open her gates 
 and meekly supplied money and provisions to King 
 Charles who, in December, marched his victorious 
 army into Rome and dictated terms of peace to the 
 Pope. Meantime Montpensier had met with but 
 little resistance in his invasion of the domain of Naples, 
 from which King Alfonso had fled, leaving his son, 
 Ferrante, in his place. On February 22, Charles VIII. 
 was crowned King of the Two Sicilies in the Cathedral 
 of Naples, and reached the summit of his triumph. 
 From this hour the tide seems to have turned. All 
 Italy was now filled with dismay, and a league was 
 hastily formed by Alexander VI., Venice, Milan, 
 Spain, England and Maximilian, to expel the French 
 invader. 
 
 Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua was appointed 
 Captain of the combined armies of the League, yet 
 so much stronger were family ties than political 
 feehngs, that we find his sister, Chiara de Montpensier, 
 taking refuge at Mantua in her loneliness and anxiety 
 during that sad winter, while her husband and brother 
 are at open warfare. She had no sisters to welcome 
 her, for the youngest, Maddalena, had died in distant 
 Pesaro, and Elisabetta was away in her stately home 
 at Urbino. But a strong friendship had grown up 
 between the Comtesse de Montpensier and her sister- 
 in-law, Isabella d'Este, and we can easily understand
 
 GILBERT DE MONTPENSIER AT NAPLES 19 
 
 how the two wives of the absent generals would find 
 a relief in sharing the long dark hours of suspense and 
 uncertainty, when only uncertain rumours from the 
 camps of France and Italy reached them from afar. 
 Yet we can imagine that there must have been a severe 
 strain upon their mutual sympathy each time when a 
 messenger arrived with decisive news, — of victory for 
 one anxious heart and defeat for the other. 
 
 It is true that, when Chiara arrived at Mantua in 
 December after a rough wintry journey across the 
 Alps, Francesco had not yet taken a decisive part 
 against the French, although Isabella's warmest 
 interest must always have been on the side of her 
 mother's family at Naples, and her near kinsmen 
 Alfonso and Ferrante, now defeated and driven into 
 exile. 
 
 Meanwhile the French King awoke from his ambitious 
 dreams to find himself in a most perilous position, 
 with all Europe combined against him. Leaving 
 Gilbert de Montpensier as Viceroy and general to 
 defend Naples, with less than 10,000 men Charles 
 hurried across Italy, to find a formidable army barring 
 his passage at the foot of the Apennines, and the fierce 
 battle which followed in the valley of the Taro, has 
 been claimed as a victory by both sides. " God Him- 
 self was our guide and led us home with honour " says 
 Commines, for indeed the French army escaped with 
 arms and artillery, leaving the royal camp and 
 treasures to be looted. Francesco returned to Mantua 
 on November i, as a triumphant hero, and celebrated 
 his assumed victory with great rejoicings, in which his
 
 20 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 wife and his two sisters, Chiara de Montpensier and 
 Elisabetta, Duchess of Urbino, eagerly took part. 
 
 It is curious to realize such passionate affection for 
 her home and kindred on the part of Chiara, a French 
 princess by marriage, as would make her rejoice in her 
 brother's exultation at the cost of her own husband 
 and the land of her adoption. This is still more 
 emphasized by the fact of her remaining on at Mantua 
 while her brother took command, in January, of a 
 Venetian army to make determined war against 
 Montpensier, and help Ferrante in recovering Naples. 
 The French garrison retreated to the citadel until, 
 reduced to the last extremity by famine, they were 
 forced to capitulate. Gilbert retreated to the fortress 
 of Atella and continued the gallant struggle until the 
 coming of Gonzalvo di Cordova, the Great Captain, 
 brought it to an end. With heroic devotion, Mont- 
 pensier refused to forsake his fever-stricken soldiers 
 and find safety for himself, as he was strongly urged to 
 do by his brother-in-law, Francesco ; he fell a victim 
 to the disease and died at Pozzuoli on November ii, 
 1496. His widow Chiara was at Mantua when she 
 received the sad news, and we are told that Isabella 
 d'Este was very good to her in the hour of her 
 bereavement. 
 
 It is difficult to understand how the Lady of Mont- 
 pensier can have spent so much time away from her 
 French home and her young family. During her 
 fifteen years of married life, she had six children, 
 three boys and three girls. The eldest Louise, was 
 married when quite young to the Seigneur de Chau-
 
 DEATH OF GILBERT DE MONTPENSIER 21 
 
 vigny, whose domains were near Poitiers, in the 
 pastoral plains watered by the river Vienne. On the 
 death of Gilbert de Montpensier, his title and estates 
 were inherited by his eldest son, Louis, who was barely 
 thirteen, and at the time when some few of the French 
 fugitives brought the disastrous tidings, appears to 
 have been with King Charles VI I L in his place at 
 Lyons. The next son was Charles (afterwards Due 
 de Bourbon and Constable of France), who was born on 
 February 17, 1490.^ There were two more sisters, 
 Renee, who married later Antoine, Due de Lorraine, 
 and Anne, who in after years was a devoted friend and 
 companion of Germaine de Foix, second wife of 
 Ferdinand of Aragon, and who died unmarried in 
 Spain. Fran9ois, the youngest of the family, became 
 Due de Chatelleraut, and was killed at the battle of 
 Marignano, 1515.^ 
 
 ^ The old chronicles call it 1489, as the year was supposed to 
 begin at Easter. 
 * See Table.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 CHILDHOOD AND EARLY LIFE OF CHARLES DE MONTPENSIER — 
 THE DEATH OF HIS FATHER, GILBERT DE MONTPENSIER, 
 AT POZZUOLI — DEATH OF HIS BROTHER LOUIS — CHARLES 
 BECOMES COMTE DE MONTPENSIER — HE IS BROUGHT UP 
 AT THE COURT OF ANNE DE FRANCE, DAUGHTER OF LOUIS 
 XL, LATE REGENT OF THE KINGDOM. 
 
 THE most interesting account of the early 
 days of " Charles Monsieur," as he was 
 then called, is gathered from the con- 
 temporary chronicle of Guillaume de 
 Marillac, the faithful secretary and retainer of his 
 family. 
 
 These old chronicles are often quaintly naive, for 
 the writer having once had the courage and decision to 
 take up the pen, is deeply impressed with the import- 
 ance of his work and cannot take it too seriously. 
 Thus IMarillac begins with a long dissertation upon 
 virtue and vice and the consequences of both, trusting 
 most piously that " our faults may be punished here 
 below so that we may escape eternal damnation," 
 while he would have the reward of our good deeds 
 reserved for another world. Such words and aspira- 
 tions have a pathetic significance when we remember 
 the tragic end of his young hero, " the very high and 
 very powerful Prince, Monseigneur Charles," which 
 his loyal friend and servitor did not live to see. 
 
 22
 
 CHARLES DE MONTPENSIER 23 
 
 We are told that " from his birth the young lord had 
 shown the most excellent nature and the best inclina- 
 tions, and that grace which was a special gift of his, 
 and those who looked upon him loved him at once. 
 Hence we may believe that God had already determined 
 that the said Count Charles should become Duke and 
 lord of these domains, and this we presume from the 
 special graces which he had above his brothers. Seeing 
 that in the life-time of his brother Louis, who was about 
 six years older than himself, there arose a question 
 between the women who nursed and had the care of 
 the aforesaid children. ' Une vieille demoiselle, qu'on 
 tenoit pucelle en I'age de soixante ans,' and who had 
 the charge of the said Count Charles, then called 
 Charles Monsieur, often said to him : ' You, Charles 
 Monsieur will be Due de Bourbon.' And she repeated 
 these words many times on several days. Whereupon 
 the nurse who had charge of the aforesaid Count Louis, 
 replied angrily that she was not speaking the truth ; 
 for, if the said Dukedom of Bourbon should come to 
 the house of Montpensier, it must be Count Louis who 
 was the eldest who should be lord of it, otherwise he 
 would be wronged. But the aforesaid demoiselle 
 replied boldly that she was of that opinion and would 
 always remain so ; thus the dispute came before the 
 lady Chiara de Gonzaga, their mother, who blamed 
 the said demoiselle for what she had said, and after- 
 wards privately asked her in secret what had induced 
 her to make this assertion. The demoiselle replied 
 that she believed it would be thus, without giving any 
 reason ; and when the lady their mother inquired
 
 24 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 what would then become of Count Louis her eldest son, 
 she replied that he would become another greater lord, 
 if he lived." 
 
 These words of the old nurse had cause to be re- 
 membered in later days. Thus we find that this 
 eldest son Louis, when he inherited his father's title 
 and estates, as a boy of thirteen, was full of ambition 
 and courage, and eager to carr}^ on the traditions of his 
 race. Probably in gratitude for his father's gallant 
 devotion, Charles VI IL made a great favourite of him, 
 and was eager to assure his succession to the Bourbon 
 estates, of which he was the male heir, by arranging 
 his marriage with Suzanne the young daughter of Anne 
 de France and Duke Pierre, of the elder branch. But 
 death surprised the young King before he could carry 
 out his plans ; Louis XIL succeeded in 1498, and he 
 was persuaded by the Due de Bourbon to grant him 
 letters patent by which his only child became the 
 heiress of his vast dominions. This interfered with the 
 rights of Louis de Montpensier, and listening to evil 
 advice, the lad showed himself so indignant that, as 
 Marillac tells us, "he hastily left the house and com- 
 pany of the Duke and Duchess, who had received 
 him with so much kindness and caused him to dine at 
 their table, and taken the greatest interest in his 
 affairs." Louis left them without taking leave 
 violently opposing the letters patent in Parliament, 
 which so angered his uncle Pierre, that he lost no 
 time in selecting the Due d'Alen^on as his future 
 son-in-law. 
 
 When in 1501, Louis XIL sent the Sieur d'Aubigny,
 
 DEATH OF LOUIS DE MONTPENSIER 25 
 
 as his lieutenant-general to recover the Kingdom of 
 Naples, the young Count de Montpensier volunteered 
 for the war at his owti expense, as his chronicler says, 
 " to exercise himself in arms and to follow the way of 
 virtue." Having obtained the King's consent, this 
 youth of seventeen " showed himself so brave, so noble, 
 and so valiant, that he was amongst the first to lead 
 the assault of the town of Capua, where he scaled the 
 walls, and although twice driven down, again he 
 ascended, and his enthusiasm carried the men-at-arms 
 with him until the said town was taken by assault, 
 and in consequence, the city of Naples and the other 
 strong places of the kingdom surrendered to him. 
 Nor after that assault and taking of Capua was there 
 any resistance, and the said King Louis often declares 
 ' that he held the kmgdom of Naples from the said 
 Count Louis,' and thereupon proposed to give 
 him in marriage Madame de Foix, his niece, (since 
 Queen of Spain), and to make him Viceroy of 
 Naples. 
 
 " But the said Count Louis being at Pozzuoli, holding 
 a service to the memory of the late Count Gilbert, 
 who was buried there, took a fever which deprived 
 him of life. . . . August 14, 1501. He might have 
 married the niece of Louis XH. and become King of 
 Naples, but at present we believe, seeing the good end 
 he made, that he is a citizen of Paradise which is a 
 greater dignity than being King of Naples. His body 
 was embalmed and placed in the same coffin (plomb) as 
 his father, and was brought back to France ; and the 
 father and son are buried in the Chapel St Louis, in
 
 26 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the town of Aigue-Perse, with the body of the good 
 Count Louis, the father of Gilbert, who founded and 
 endowed this chapel . . . and there was buried in the 
 said chapel Madame Clara Gonzaga, wife of the said 
 Count Gilbert, and mother of the said Count Louis, who 
 died on June 2, 1503, and may God in His Grace 
 deign to keep their souls in His Paradise, where ours 
 may see them after our death ! " 
 
 Marillac also tells us that when Louis de Montpensier 
 set forth on his fatal campaign, he placed his young 
 brother Charles Monsieur in the care of his brother-in- 
 law the Sieur de Chauvigny ; but as soon as news 
 arrived of the death of Louis, Duke Pierre and the 
 Duchess Anne of Bourbon wrote to the Sieur de 
 Chauvigny, requesting that he would bring them the 
 said Charles Monsieur, their nephew who, by the death 
 of his brother had become Count de Montpensier. 
 This request was willingly obeyed, and the boy who was 
 barely twelve years old was brought to La Chaus- 
 siere, where they happened to be then, and was 
 received with much joy and kindly welcomed, as well 
 as the small number of attendants Charles had with 
 him. 
 
 An incident which occurred shortly after this, shows 
 us what a very important young prince he was. The 
 following Christmas when Philip, Archduke of 
 Austria, wished to pass through France to take pos- 
 session of the kingdom of Spain, he asked King Louis 
 Xn. for hostages who might dwell at Valenciennes 
 until he had safely passed through the kingdom. This 
 was the usual safeguard, and Count Charles de Mont-
 
 AT THE COURT OF ANNE DE FRANCE 27 
 
 pensier was sent in company with the Due d'Alengon, 
 and the Counts of Vendome and of Foix. The young 
 princes were treated with great honour and appear to 
 have had a very good time together until their return 
 to France about Easter. 
 
 From this time Charles Monsieur made his home in 
 the splendid palace of the Bourbons at Moulins, and it 
 is most interesting to see how completely the great 
 Anne de France seems to have adopted the Mont- 
 pensier children. It was she who had brought up the 
 eldest daughter Louise in her famous " ecole de 
 moeurs " for maidens of high birth, who had arranged 
 her first marriage with the Sieur de Chauvigny, and 
 who was now the self-constituted guardian, not only of 
 Charles Comte de Montpensier, but also of his younger 
 brother Francois Monsieur. The little sister, Renee, 
 would be provided for in due time by the stately 
 Duchesse de Bourbon, and Anne the second sister was 
 under the personal care of the Queen, Anne de 
 Bretagne. At this distance of time, it is difficult to 
 understand where the mother's part comes in, and why 
 Chiara de Montpensier who had so lovingly mothered 
 her younger sisters, should apparently have passed 
 away from the care of her own children. We find her 
 in ill-health and depression, spending most of her time 
 in the sunny climate of her old home at Mantua, where 
 her eventful life came to a melancholy end on June 2 
 of this year, 1503. She was deeply lamented by her 
 only surviving sister, Elisabetta the exiled Duchess of 
 Urbino, who in her letter to Isabella d'Este, laments 
 that, having been deprived of her dominion, her home
 
 28 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and her fortune, she has now lost the sister who had 
 been more than a mother to her. 
 
 A few months later, on October 2, there was another 
 death in the family of Charles Monsieur ; that of his 
 masterful old kinsman, the head of his noble House, 
 Pierre H. Due de Bourbon. He had never forgiven 
 the boyish rebellion of young Count Louis de Mont- 
 pensier, and had apparently set his heart on the marri- 
 age of his little daughter Suzanne to the Due d' 
 Alengon who was in fact betrothed to her. But this 
 was a matter in which his wife, Anne, had her own plans, 
 and when young Alengon arrived with his mother in 
 all haste, the very day before Duke Pierre expired, 
 he found that he had to play his part in a funeral and 
 not a wedding. On his return from Macon, where 
 he had been to visit the King, the Due de Bourbon had 
 been taken ill with a fever at Cluny, but had travelled 
 slowly back to his palace at Moulins, where he lingered 
 for two months before the end came. We may form 
 some idea of his splendid position when we learn that a 
 stately procession of nearly seventeen hundred 
 " officiers de sa maison," followed his bier to the 
 celebrated Benedictine Abbey of Souvigny, which 
 was for the Dukes of Bourbon what the Abbey of St 
 Denis was for the Kings of France, and where Pierre 
 II. was laid to rest with his fathers in royal pomp. 
 After the fashion of the last Dukes of Burgundy and 
 Bretagne, we thus see the Dukes of Bourbon appearing 
 rather as powerful sovereigns than as vassals of the 
 crown. 
 
 The proposed marriage of the heiress, Suzanne, with
 
 DEATH OF PIERRE II. DUG DE BOURBON 29 
 
 the Due d'Alen9on had always been extremely un- 
 popular in the Bourbon dominions. This young noble 
 was looked upon as a " stranger," belonging as he did 
 to a distant province. As Marillac says : "In the 
 land of Normandy, the manners and customs are con- 
 trary to the gentler way of living in the land of Bour- 
 bonnois." It was not forgotten that the grand- 
 father of Charles d'Alengon had been condemned for 
 high treason and deprived of aU his estates, which only 
 the clemency of Louis XII. had restored to the present 
 heir. His person, manners, and character would not 
 stand comparison with those of Charles de ]\Iont- 
 pensier who was beloved by the whole country side, 
 and it was looked upon as a special dispensation of 
 God, obtained " by the intercession and continual 
 prayers of all the Bourbon subjects, who made instant 
 and humble request to Him," when the Due d'Alen9on 
 was dismissed by Anne de Bourbon with polite excuses 
 after the death of her husband. She pleaded her deep 
 mourning, and the need of consulting a parliament of 
 her subjects on so important a matter. 
 
 The Duchess was in fact of the same opinion as her 
 people ; this young Charles was the " heir male " 
 of her noble race and thus his marriage with her 
 daughter would keep all the vast possessions in the 
 family, and as both his father and mother were dead, 
 he would be entirely under her influence — an ideal 
 son-in-law. The daughter of Louis XL was no longer 
 Regent of France, but she was still Queen over the 
 House and dominions of Bourbon, and would prolong 
 her reign as much as possible. We know how high
 
 30 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 her record was to be in the annals of accomplished 
 ambition, — she held her own. for another twenty 
 years. 
 
 We are not surprised to hear that Anne was a great 
 match-maker in those days when a highborn maiden 
 had no other choice than between marriage and the 
 convent. During the winter following her husband's 
 death she had another opportunity of exercising her 
 good offices on behalf of Charles de Bourbon's eldest 
 sister, who had lost her first husband, the Sieur de 
 Chauvigny. Possibly at the suggestion of Charles, 
 she was invited to Moulins at Christmas, and as she was 
 a great favourite with her aunt (as they called her), 
 who had brought her up, she ventured to use all her 
 persuasion on behalf of an alliance between her 
 brother and Suzanne. But the Duchess while most 
 friendly, kept her own counsel on this matter ; 
 although she brought about a second marriage for 
 Louise de Bourbon with her distant kinsman, Monsieur 
 Louis de Bourbon-Vendome, Prince of Roche-sur- 
 Yonne. This took place with great ceremony at Easter, 
 so that no time appears to have been wasted in romance 
 or love-making, which indeed was quite unnecessary in 
 the case of such noble contracting parties (as Anne 
 writes in her " Enseignements "). 
 
 We have had the opportunity in the life of Mar- 
 guerite of Austria, who for ten years was under the 
 care of Anne de Bourbon, to study thoroughly the 
 great lady's theory and practice of education in the 
 case of girls. We shall now see with what success she 
 devoted her talents to the more difficult task of bringing
 
 EDUCATION OF "CHARLES MONSIEUR" 31 
 
 up young princes, — the Montpensier brothers. Maril- 
 lac tells us that she took the greatest care of the health 
 and training of Count Charles, " causing him to learn 
 Latin for several hours a day, while sometimes he went 
 riding, or practised the use of the lance, or archery if 
 he were so inclined. At other times he went out 
 hunting or hawking, and was trained in all the occupa- 
 tions and pastimes to which great lords are accustomed. 
 And in all this the said Count Charles achieved great 
 success ; . . . and all things became him, for he was a 
 young lord of most excellent nature and inclination, 
 and who from his birth had so special a gift and grace 
 that he was beloved of all who saw him. . . ." Each 
 of the young princes had a special governor or tutor ; 
 that of the Count Charles was the Sieur de Conde, and 
 of Frangois Monsieur, was Antoine de Ryom. 
 
 But Marillac's account of sports and pastimes is not 
 very vivid and is plainly that of an old man, with his 
 youth far behind. In very truth, young nobles in the 
 days of the Renaissance had a glorious time ! Perhaps 
 the most illuminating account of a boy's life in this 
 period which has been handed down to us, is that given 
 by Fleurange the " Young Adventurer," in his quaint 
 chronicle. He was the son of Robert de la Marck, 
 Lord of Sedan, of the family so well known to history 
 as the " Wild boars of Ardennes." The boy was 
 scarcely nine years old when he made up his mind to 
 go forth in search of adventures and see the world ; 
 now that he was old enough to manage his pony and 
 to ride races with his companions. His father had 
 just returned from war against the Duke of Lorraine,
 
 32 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and we can imagine that he was rather surprised at 
 his little son's eager request that he might go forth 
 on his travels, and visit the court of the King of France, 
 Louis XIL, " most renowned of all the princes of 
 Christendom." Stranger still, we learn that the per- 
 suasion of the boy's mother won the day for him. 
 Accompanied by a suitable escort, young Fleurange 
 at length reached Blois where the King of France 
 abode at that time. No form of etiquette was 
 neglected ; the child sent his ambassador to announce 
 his coming, and the King who must have been highly 
 amused, returned a message that his young lordship 
 was to rest and refresh himself after his journey, and 
 should have an audience on the morrow. The " Young 
 Adventurer " thus describes the eventful meeting. 
 The King received him most graciously and said ; 
 " You are most welcome my son, but you are too 
 young to serve me and I will therefore send you to 
 Monsieur d'Angoul^me (later Francois L) at Amboise, 
 he being of your age and I believe that you will 
 have good cheer together." Whereupon the " Young 
 Adventurer " made reply : " I will go where it pleaseth 
 you to command me, yet I am old enough to serve you 
 and go to the wars if you wish it." To which His 
 Majesty made answer : " My friend, you have good 
 courage, but I should fear that your legs might faU 
 you by the way ; still I promise that you shall go, 
 and when I set forth I will send you word." 
 
 The boy was sent to Amboise, to Madame d'Angou- 
 leme (Louise de Savoie), and was most kindly wel- 
 comed. Monsieur d'Angouleme (the future Frangois
 
 "THE YOUNG ADVENTURER" 33 
 
 I.) and Fleurange were about the same age and appear 
 to have got on well together on the whole. But we are 
 told of an amusing dispute for precedence between 
 them, when the King came down the Loire in his 
 royal barge and two boys rode to meet him in the same 
 litter. There seems to have been only one hole for 
 exit, and the " Young Adventurer," who had arrived but 
 two days before, contested his right to go out first, 
 before the heir to the French throne ! In his chronicle, 
 written in later years (to beguile his imprisonment 
 after the battle of Pa via), he looks back with the 
 greatest pride and delight to his life at Amboise, as well 
 he might. Never were games so heartily enjoyed as 
 those which he minutely describes. There was a 
 certain Italian pastime played with a big ball full of 
 wind, and caUed, " a I'Escaigne," the name also of the 
 instrument which you hold in your hand, which is 
 somewhat like a small stool whose two feet are lined 
 with lead, in order that it may be heavier and give a 
 stronger blow. There was another way of playing this 
 game in which the great ball was driven by a curious 
 steel arrangement which fitted upon the hand and arm. 
 In this, great skill and strength were required to 
 succeed. 
 
 These descriptions are the more interesting as we 
 find that Charles de Montpensier was frequently 
 invited, with other young lords, to join in the amuse- 
 ments of Fran9ois, the future King. Thus they devoted 
 much time to archery, and became most expert in this 
 useful war game. With little arrows, " a la serpentine," 
 they took aim at a mark on a door to see who could hit 
 c
 
 34 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the goal. They also amused themselves in bombard- 
 ing mimic castles, which were attacked and defended 
 with the sword, and where very hard blows were given 
 on either side. The ancient and original form of 
 tennis, as played in the courtyard of a great chateau, 
 was also very popular. But most delightful of all 
 were the great hunting and hawking parties, which 
 were carried out on a specially magnificent scale if the 
 King himself happened to be present, when the hunts- 
 men and the falconers assembled with the famous 
 hounds and well-trained falcons, and the gay crowd 
 gathered to the sounding of trumpets. " The young 
 lords often amused themselves by trying various 
 devices with nets and catapults to entrap stags and 
 other wild creatures." And as they grew older, they 
 had tilting and tourneys and every form of physical 
 exercise to prepare them for the real business of war. 
 
 So much for the sunny side of life, but there were 
 graver matters awaiting the young Comte de Mont- 
 pensier. By the death of Duke Pierre II., the boy 
 Charles had become the head of the House of Bourbon, 
 and was the rightful heir to the proud title and vast 
 estates. But the months glided away and Charles 
 made no sign, although to assert his rights it was 
 necessary that the heir should make his claim within 
 the year. It was not until July 1504, the ninth month 
 since the death of Duke Pierre, that a solemn meeting 
 was called together by Louis de Bourbon-Vendome, 
 as representing the Bourbon family, and it was decided 
 that he should courteously approach the Duchess Anne 
 on the subject of his young brother-in-law's inheritance.
 
 CHARLES THE HEIR OF BOURBON 35 
 
 Madame listened most graciously and declared that 
 she had the interests of her nephew as much at heart 
 as those of her own daughter, therefore it would be 
 well that wise councillors on both sides should be sent 
 to Paris to consult with men of law and so settle the 
 matter amicably. This plan was followed, and the 
 question was found to be so complicated, that it was 
 advised to place it in the jurisdiction of the Parliament 
 of Paris, and meantime, within the year, Count Charles 
 was to do homage to the King's Majesty for all the 
 aforesaid duchies, counties, etc. With full consent 
 of Anne, who lent him her magnificent silver plate 
 that he might go to Court in proper style, young Mont- 
 pensier set forth to join the King at Orleans. He was 
 well received, but Louis deferred the ceremony of 
 receiving homage for the present, it being understood 
 that Charles had done enough to secure his rights. 
 Thus was he first enmeshed in the tangles of that 
 famous law-suit, which in after years was to be the bane 
 of his life, and was not even ended with his tragic 
 death. 
 
 However, in happy ignorance of the future, he took 
 leave of the King and returned to the splendid castle of 
 Moulins to continue his peaceable and happy life 
 there, " in the highest favour with Madame la Duchesse, 
 Madame Suzanne and all the great household and the 
 Bourbon subjects who treated him already as their 
 lord." Anne's chief anxiety was for the assured 
 succession of her young daughter, and she had made 
 up her mind to render it perfectly safe by the marriage 
 of the " heir male " her nephew (as she always called
 
 $6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 him), and the heiress in possession. This required 
 most careful diplomacy, as Suzanne was still nominally 
 betrothed to the Due d'Alengon with the King's 
 consent. However the daughter of Louis XL was 
 quite equal to the occasion ; she moved slowly and 
 cautiously, and found that the King was perfectly 
 willing to settle this troublesome Bourbon succession 
 by the simple plan of a marriage alliance between the 
 two claimants. The Queen, Anne de Bretagne, gave 
 most valuable help, as she had always been friendly 
 with Duchess Anne, and also because she was devoted 
 to a young sister of Charles whom she had brought up 
 at her Court, Anne de Montpensier, who was considered 
 " one of the most beautiful, most virtuous and most 
 accomplished maidens of the kingdom." (She after- 
 wards became lady of honour to Germaine de Foix, 
 and accompanied her to Spain, where she died.) 
 
 The King's consent having been obtained in January 
 1504, a carefully chosen embassy was at once sent to 
 the Due d'Alen9on with courteous apologies for 
 breaking off the marriage with him, and as it was by 
 royal desire, he wisely bowed to the inevitable. There 
 was now nothing to prevent the contract of marriage 
 being drawn up and the needful dispensations obtained, 
 for Charles and Suzanne " were second co.usins, 
 children of two cousins germain, and also Charles was 
 the godson of the said Lady of Bourbon." 
 
 The betrothal was celebrated with great solemnity 
 in Paris, in the King's presence by Monseigneur 
 Georges d'Amboise, Cardinal of Rouen and Legate of 
 France. Louis XH. clearly looks upon the marriage
 
 LOUIS XII. AND BOURBON SUCCESSION 37 
 
 of Charles de Montpensier and Suzanne de Bourbon as 
 finally settling the vexed question of the Bourbon 
 Succession. 
 
 The faithful Marillac sees the direct hand of God in 
 this coming marriage which is to set at rest for ever all 
 the disputes which have so long troubled the Bourbon 
 family. Alas, for human blindness !
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 CHARLES BECOMES DUG DE BOURBON — HIS MARRIAGE WITH 
 SUZANNE DE BOURBON — HIS STATE AND MAGNIFICENCE — 
 HE DOES HOMAGE TO LOUIS XII. FOR THE POSSESSIONS OF 
 THE HOUSE OF BOURBON — CHARLES GOES TO THE WARS IN 
 ITALY WITH LOUIS XII. — HE DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF AT 
 THE BATTLE OF AGNADELLO — HE IS SENT TO THE SPANISH 
 FRONTIER — VICTORY AND DEATH OF GASTON DE FOIX 
 BEFORE RAVENNA — DEFEAT OF NOVARA — ENGLISH INVASION 
 — BATTLE OF THE SPURS. 
 
 THE marriage between Charles Comte de 
 Montpensier, now head of the House of 
 Bourbon, and the great heiress Suzanne 
 de Bourbon was an event of more import- 
 ance than many royal alliances. Louis XH. so fully 
 realized this, that he caused the wedding contract to 
 be discussed and drawn up under his own supervision^ 
 in a great assembly of princes, nobles of the realm- 
 bishops and magistrates. An attack of gout pre- 
 vented his personal attendance, but the Cardinal, 
 Georges d'Amboise, represented him as president of 
 the Council. These were some of the stipulations. 
 
 1. That Monseigneur Charles and Madame Suzanne 
 should make to each other a mutual and general gift 
 of all their possessions in favour of the survivor. 
 
 2. That the children who might be bom of the 
 marriage should inherit all the domains of the House 
 of Bourbon. 
 
 38
 
 MARRIAGE OF CHARLES AND SUZANNE 39 
 
 3. That if there were no children, the whole succes- 
 sion should go to Frangois Monsieur (the only brother 
 of Charles), and to his heirs. 
 
 4. Charles de Bourbon assigned a jointure of ten 
 thousand livres a year to his wife on the Bourbonnais. 
 (Nearly twice as much as any Duchesse de Bourbon 
 had previously received.) 
 
 By these articles, the King definitely renounced for 
 himself and his successors any rights which the 
 marriage treaty of Duke Pierre II. and Anne de France 
 had given to the Crown, over the Bourbon domains, 
 in case of the failure of direct heirs. On her part, the 
 Duchesse Anne made her children a wedding gift of 
 the Comte de Gien, the viscomte de Chatelleraut and 
 of La Marche Inferieure ; besides securing to them in 
 the future the immense possessions which she had 
 received from Louis XL and Charles VIII. 
 
 The great wedding took place in the ancestral home 
 of the Bourbons, at Moulins, with more than royal 
 pomp and magnificence, on May 10, 1505. The 
 splendid park, spreading down to the fair banks of the 
 Allier, was the scene of feasting and entertainment 
 for citizens and subjects from far and near, while the 
 banquets and tournaments for the noble guests were 
 of unequalled magnificence. These were scarcely 
 over when the young Due de Bourbon, with Suzanne 
 and her mother, set forth on a kind of regal progress, 
 to visit and take possession of his great dominions. 
 He was received everywhere with enthusiasm by his 
 subjects, who crowded to see their new lord ; no 
 " foreigner " from a distant province, but the heir
 
 40 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 male of the noble race to which they had been loyal 
 for generations. 
 
 Charles won all hearts by his handsome presence, 
 his charm of manner and his princely generosity. 
 Under the guidance of the capable Duchess Anne, to 
 whom the talent of governing had come as her birth- 
 right, the young Duke developed more solid qualities ; 
 wherever he passed, his abode became a Court of 
 justice open to small and great, where he received 
 petitions, studied to correct abuses, and distributed 
 offices and favours with the utmost care and im- 
 partiality. The States of the Bourbonnais were so 
 delighted with him that they freely taxed themselves 
 to present their young Duke with a gift of a hundred 
 thousand livres. This generous example was followed 
 in the duchy of Auvergne, le Fores, le Beaujolais, the 
 principality of Dombes and the comte of Clermont-en- 
 Beauvoisis. 
 
 Without a careful study of the map of old France, it 
 is difficult to realize the immense possessions of the 
 Due de Bourbon ; the last great feudal Prince. He 
 owned entire provinces in the very centre of the 
 kingdom besides other important positions and strong 
 places on all sides. As Michelet puts it ; "He com- 
 bined two duchies, four comtes, two vicomtes, and an 
 infinite number of lordships and suzerainties. His 
 strange and splendid empire comprised not only the 
 great central and massive fief of the Bourbonnais, 
 Auvergne and Marche, but most important outside 
 positions ; le Beaujolais, le Forez, les Dombes — three 
 rings to enclose Lyons — the wild mountains of Ardeche,
 
 CASTLE OF MOULINS 41 
 
 Gien to command the Loire, then quite to the north 
 Clermont and Beauvoisis." 
 
 Moulins was the seat of government where the Due 
 de Bourbon reigned Hke a real sovereign and held a 
 brilliant Court. Here he was surrounded by the 
 nobility of his provinces and lordships, who maintained 
 a stately etiquette, lived at his expense, enjoyed his 
 splendid hunting parties, his feasts and tournaments, 
 and served him with feudal devotion. He had a 
 numerous and well-armed guard ; he raised taxes 
 throughout his dominions, he assembled the States- 
 general, of the county, he nominated his tribunals of 
 justice and his court of accounts, and he could raise an 
 army in his own territory, besides maintaining his fort- 
 resses in a state of excellent defence. Of the Castle of 
 Moulins but little remains at the present day save one 
 huge square tower, called " La Mal-coiffee," but at the 
 time of Charles de Bourbon we find it thus described 
 by the Italian ambassador.^ "It is a most splendid 
 palace, built by the Dukes of Bourbon, placed in a 
 strong position, with very beautiful gardens and 
 groves and fountains, and all other allurements suit- 
 able for princes. In part of the grounds many rare 
 animals and birds are kept, and amongst these we 
 noticed many herons and Indian turkeys and golden 
 pheasants and a variety of parrots of every kind. ..." 
 
 Marillac dwells with supreme content and admira- 
 tion upon the young Prince's life in those palmy days. 
 He is never weary of telling us how Charles devotes 
 himself assiduously to aU that concerns his govem- 
 
 ^ Andrea Navagero.
 
 42 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 ment, how he takes heed to " Madame sa tante," and 
 learns wisdom from her advice ; then when the 
 council is over, he wastes no time but turns to every 
 active and warlike exercise which will fit him for the 
 future. The air is full of joyous stir and movement ; 
 we seem to behold the gay cavalcade of young nobles 
 riding forth through the castle gates of Moulins to 
 follow the chase in the forest or to go a-hawking in the 
 low-lying river meadows. We know that the Duchess 
 Anne herself was no mean huntress, and that she was 
 even devoted to the chase of the wild boar, the wolf 
 and the stag. " Anne chassait comme elle faisait 
 tout, froidement et methodiquement ; elle verifiait de 
 ses yeux la piste (the trail), elle ordonnait I'attaque, 
 puis elle partait avec les chiens, et tout d'un coup 
 elle s'echauffait, s'animait, criait, donnait fort bien 
 son coup d'epieu." In her " Enseignements " she 
 encourages active exercise for girls, and we can well 
 imagine the young Duchesse Suzanne riding out on 
 occasion by her husband's side to enjoy the mild 
 excitement of a quiet hunting day near home. She 
 was a fragile little creature, unattractive and somewhat 
 lame ; but very sweet and gentle in disposition, 
 resembling in many ways that saintly creature, her 
 aunt Jeanne de France, the unhappy first wife of her 
 cousin Louis XIL 
 
 We are told that Charles was an exemplary husband, 
 always showing a kindly affection to his young wife 
 who was a year younger than himself, and who was 
 devoted to him. There is a most interesting memento 
 of their early married life, in the sumptuous Manuscript
 
 "ENSEIGNEMENTS" OF ANNE 43 
 
 volume of the " Enseignements " which Anne de 
 Bourbon wrote for her daughter. This is at present 
 in the Royal Library of St Petersburg, and appears 
 to have been given as a New Year's gift to Suzanne 
 in January 1505, just before her marriage. On the 
 fly-leaf is written : " Ce livre est a moy, Suzanne de 
 Bourbon, et I'ey eu de la meson de Bourbon." Some 
 verses follow below, which M. Chazaud, the Archivist 
 of Moulins does not hesitate to attribute to Charles 
 de Bourbon. On the second fly-leaf the initials of 
 Charles and Suzanne are interwoven between two 
 palms, various other signs and a Latin motto : " Quo- 
 cumque vergat sol previus ero" (Where the sun darts 
 its rays, I will await them on the way). Below this is 
 written the line : 
 
 " Je paye en ce lieu I'interet du plaisir." 
 
 The first page of the illuminated manuscript is quite 
 filled on the right hand side with portraits of the two 
 Princesses, Suzanne and her mother, engaged in some 
 pious reading, while the ladies of their suite are 
 grouped together behind them in the far end of the 
 hall. On the opposite page we find a part of the ducal 
 escutcheon of Bourbon, in azure with three fleurs-de-lis 
 placed two and one, then a band of gules, and a 
 quartering in the ist and 4th of Bourbon, and in the 
 2nd and 3rd of France ; which is properly speak- 
 ing the escutcheon of Anne de France. Amongst 
 other ornaments in the volume, we see the name of 
 Suzanne with the motto, " Esperance," which had 
 long been that of the House of Bourbon. In the 
 history of this precious volume, it has been traced
 
 44 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 amongst the books seized in 1527 from the great 
 library of Mouhns belonging to the Constable of 
 Bourbon, and placed by Fran9ois I. at Fontainebleau. 
 It is believed to have passed later into the hands of 
 Diana of Poitiers. 
 
 When in 1505, Louis XI L, notwithstanding his 
 wife's opposition, succeeded in betrothing his daughter 
 Claude to Francois d'Angouleme, the heir to the 
 throne, there were splendid festivities held at Tours, 
 to which Charles Due de Bourbon and his Duchesse 
 were invited. They travelled thither in magnificent 
 style, with an escort of horse-guards and archers 
 perfectly mounted and equipped, and surrounded by 
 the principal officers and the nobles of their provinces. 
 After the ceremony of betrothal, there were jousts 
 and tournaments held, surpassing what had ever been 
 seen in France before, all the princes and nobihty of 
 the kingdom being assembled together. " And the 
 said Duke Charles was mounted, and equipped from 
 head to foot, as became so great a prince, with a counte- 
 nance full of valour, courtesy, and majesty, and he 
 carried off the prize from all the great lords, being not 
 yet seventeen years of age, and after the festivities 
 were over, the said Lady and the said Sieur returned 
 to their own country." 
 
 Yet such peaceful triumphs were but tame achieve 
 ments for a youth of so much spirit and ambition, and 
 he welcomed with delight his first opportunity of 
 seeing real warfare, when the following Easter, 1507, 
 he was invited by Louis XII. to join his expedition to 
 Italy. Charles lost no time in making preparations
 
 A. GiraHdo>i, /'koto. 
 ISABELLA D'ESTE, AUNT OF CHARLES DE BOURBOX 
 By Leonarifo da I'inci. {Charcoal drawing)
 
 CHARLES FOLLOWS LOUIS XIL TO ITALY 45 
 
 on a princely scale ; a hundred men-at-arms, with the 
 same number of archers of his household, a great supply 
 of war-horses, arms, camp requirements, and munitions 
 of war, all at his own expense. He held his own in 
 fine style during the journey, " keeping open house 
 both in the towns and in the camp, welcoming at his 
 table such great soldiers as La Tremouille, La Palisse, 
 Bayard, Louis d'Ars, and d'Alegre." He was never 
 weary of discussing with them the great art of war ; 
 plans of campaigns, of marches and encampments, 
 every detail of sieges, surprises, and the most com- 
 plicated tactics of warfare, were grasped by the eager 
 young prince with keen interest and understanding far 
 beyond his years. Marillac tells us that he listened 
 with modesty to men wiser than himself, that he made 
 notes of all that he heard, and never forgot the teaching 
 which was to make of him a great general. 
 
 The French army, having crossed into Italy over the 
 mountains of Dauphiny, soon put down the rebellion 
 of Genoa, which surrendered at discretion, and when 
 the French King paid a triumphal visit to Milan, 
 Isabella d'Este, who was there, mentions that in close 
 attendance on His Majesty was the " Due de Bourbon, 
 our nephew, a tall youth of handsome and majestic 
 appearance, who closely resembles his mother (Chiara 
 Gonzaga, Comtesse de Montpensier) in complexion, 
 eyes, and features." 
 
 Charles was taken ill with a tertian fever, to which 
 he was often subject later, and after his recovery at 
 Siena, he returned home through Savoy, where he was 
 hospitably entertained by his cousin, Monseigneur
 
 46 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Charles, in his palace at Chambery. Bourbon visited 
 the King at Lyons in passing, and then joined his wife 
 and her mother, who were in their beautiful Castle of 
 Chantelle. The following summer appears to have been 
 spent in once more going the round of his great provinces 
 in company with the Duchesse Anne : "to find out if 
 any wTongs had been done, in order to repair them, 
 and to see that order and justice reigned in his land. 
 He assembled the States-general to hear the com- 
 plaints from men of low degree who had been unjustly 
 treated by the great or by his owti officers, in order 
 that punishment might fall on those who deserved it ; 
 for he wished to preserve his subjects from all exactions 
 even of his own judges and agents — for such misdeeds 
 are a burden upon the conscience of the seigneur who 
 suffers them." What a paragon of virtue this young 
 duke must have been for the times in which he lived ! 
 Charles de Bourbon had come home from his first 
 campaign a gallant young soldier ; he returned to 
 Italy in 1509 prepared to take his place as a general. 
 Louis Xn. had taken arms in the war of the League 
 of Cambray, and joined Pope Julius H., the Emperor, 
 the King of Spain, and others, against the Republic 
 of Venice, that proud " Queen of the Adriatic," whose 
 ambition and success had set all her neighbours against 
 her. Maximilian reclaimed Verona, Vicenza, and 
 Padua ; Ferdinand the Catholic demanded Brindisi, 
 Otranto, and Gallipoli ; Louis XH. claimed the Ghiara 
 d' Adda, Cremona, Bresse, and Bergamo ; the King of 
 Hungary wanted Dalmatia ; and the Pope felt that he 
 had more at stake than any of them, and sought to
 
 DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF 47 
 
 regain Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervi. Venice 
 had no friends, and hatred made her enemies form an 
 alliance against her. 
 
 The French troops assembled at Lyons. They 
 
 amounted to about 12,000 horse-soldiers and 20,000 
 
 infantry. The young Due de Bourbon had brought 
 
 his archers and men-at-arms as before, and the King 
 
 was so well content with him that he placed this young 
 
 prince of eighteen in command of his 200 " pension- 
 
 naires " (men of the reserve) , great lords and important 
 
 personages, each of whom had ten, fifteen, or twenty 
 
 men in attendance on him ; this forming a troop of 
 
 more than a thousand fighting men. At the head 
 
 of this formidable army, with the finest band of 
 
 artillery which had ever taken the field, Louis XXL 
 
 himself crossed the mountains and began hostilities 
 
 against Venice before his allies were ready. He left 
 
 Milan at the beginning of May 1509, and advanced 
 
 against the Venetian army, which was led by two 
 
 condottieri, Pitigliano and Alviano, who did not agree 
 
 very well together. There had been some desultory 
 
 fighting on the banks of the Adda, but the policy of the 
 
 Signoria of Venice was to avoid a set battle and tire 
 
 out the foe by a kind of guerilla warfare. When the 
 
 French army arrived in force, however, Alviano had 
 
 no choice, and began an attack on the advance guard, 
 
 which had been entrusted to the Sieur de Chaumont, 
 
 Governor of Milan, and Trivulzio. The King himself, 
 
 according to traditional custom, was in command of 
 
 the centre, with all the elite of his kingdom, and the 
 
 rear-guard was under the orders of the Sieur de Dunois.
 
 48 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Charles de Bourbon was on the wing of the army 
 with the " pensionnaires," ^ and amongst them were 
 famous men of war, whom he treated as his staff officers 
 and took into his counsel, for the King had left it 
 entirely to his discretion whether he should see fit at 
 any time to break in. Therefore, when the first violent 
 attack of the Venetians caused the advance guard to 
 give way and retreat, while the centre wavered and was 
 driven back on the rear, the Due de Bourbon and those 
 with him, seeing how disastrous this sudden check 
 might be — even causing the battle to be lost — advanced 
 in full force, and breaking in at the side, dashed with 
 such great fury and steadfastness into the midst of 
 the Venetians, that, broken and scattered, they gave 
 way. This restored courage to the Sieur de Chaumont 
 and his troop, who returned at full gallop against the 
 advance guard, who fell apart in confusion, and at 
 length took to flight. Bartolommeo Alviano and other 
 providatore and men of note amongst the Venetian 
 army were taken prisoners, their army was defeated, 
 and their munitions and artillery lost. It is very 
 difficult to fix the exact number of the slain of the 
 vanquished army, but the lowest estimate gives 6000 
 men. In any case such was the battle of Agnadello, 
 so-called from the little village near, and those who 
 were present assert that the victory was in great 
 measure due to the presence of mind and splendid 
 valour of the young Due de Bourbon. The King 
 
 ^ Soldiers of the King's household, who formed a body of troops, 
 taking part in Court ceremonies, and in time of war joining the 
 Eirmy.
 
 BATTLE OF AGNADELLO 49 
 
 continued his victorious course, conquered all the 
 country as far as the Lake of Garda, and sent the 
 keys of Verona, Vicenza, and Padua to the Emperor 
 Maximilian. He afterwards caused a chapel to be 
 built on the battle-field, dedicated to Ste Marie de la 
 Victoire. 
 
 This defeat was a terrible disaster for Venice, and 
 the proud Republic lost in a day all that it had taken 
 800 years of strenuous labour and watchful devotion 
 to build up ; but we are only concerned with this 
 important campaign in so far as France and the Due 
 de Bourbon are concerned. 
 
 The return of Charles to France was once more 
 delayed by fever, but when he came home to the 
 Bourbonnais, it was " full of fame and glory, and in 
 high repute with all those who had served under arms 
 with him." But Marillac complains that although 
 the Duke had been put to so great expense — of 
 more than 60,000 livres — yet he received from the 
 King no pay or compensation whatever, although 
 many other princes were given rewards and estates. 
 It may strike us that Charles was too great and 
 magnificent a prince to require any payment for his 
 services, and that he possibly felt he was fighting for 
 his King on terms approaching equality ! For was 
 he not himself appreciably near the throne of France, 
 one of the first princes of the blood-royal, with only 
 the Due d'Alengon (so recently under hereditary 
 attainder for high treason) between himself and the 
 succession ? 
 
 During the following year the young Duke was in
 
 50 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 close attendance upon the King either at Blois, Paris, 
 and other places, where he took his part in all Court 
 ceremonies and entertainments, enjoying the highest 
 favour both of Louis XIL and his Queen, Anne de 
 Bretagne. Meantime Pope Julius had become alarmed 
 at the predominance of the French in Italy, and 
 was secretly conspiring against them. A bishop of 
 Provence having died at Rome, the Pope at once 
 disposed of his bishopric without awaiting nomina- 
 tion of the King, who first complained, and then 
 retaliated by seizing the revenues possessed in the 
 Duchy of Milan by ecclesiastics residing in Rome. 
 Thereupon Julius treacherously instigated an attack 
 upon Milan by the Swiss but, by a curious scruple, 
 Louis hesitated before beginning actual hostilities 
 against the Head of the Church. This dangerous delay 
 was caused by the influence of his pious wife, who 
 seriously feared that eternal damnation would foUow 
 upon such sacrilege. The same feeling was most 
 inappropriately shared by Chaumont, the governor of 
 Milan, who before his death entreated the conquering 
 Julius to grant him absolution for having fought 
 against his Pope ! Fortunately the clergy of France 
 had a more patriotic spirit, and they raised a free gift 
 of 240,000 livres for the King, to persuade him that 
 national questions were to be considered before 
 spiritual interests. 
 
 Prompt action was necessary, for Julius H. was 
 already advancing upon Mirandola. In the " Chro- 
 nique de Bayart," by " le Loyal Serviteur," we have 
 a most exciting account of the " Good Knight's "
 
 NARROW ESCAPE OF POPE JULIUS II. 51 
 
 defence of the Duchy of Ferrara, and of his ambuscade, 
 which the Pope so narrowly escaped by the coming 
 of a snowstorm, otherwise we are naively told : 
 " encore le temps d'un Pater Noster et le pape etait 
 croque." Soon after, Trivulzio retook Mirandola and 
 Bologna, and won the victory of Casalecchio, in which 
 Baldassare Castiglione was put to rout and his camp 
 looted. Julius was driven back to his own frontier, but 
 Louis XIL again had scruples, and sent word to his 
 marechal to stay the pursuit, although he had sent 
 out Charles of Bourbon and Dunois to command the 
 Italian army. It must have been a terrible dis- 
 appointment to them to find that they had arrived too 
 late : the war was over, and there was nothing for them 
 but to return home. Unfortunately the young Duke 
 was again taken ill with fever, to which he seems very 
 subject, and he was ill at Moulins during the whole 
 of the autumn and winter following. 
 
 In the spring Charles again joined the King at Blois, 
 where there came tidings that the English had made 
 a descent into Bretagne, and also into Guyenne 
 towards Bayonne : their plan was to join the Spaniards 
 and to march with them upon Bordeaux. As the 
 King's army was scattered about in Italy and else- 
 where at that time, Louis requested the Due de 
 Bourbon to raise 400 men-at-arms in his domain, 
 and to unite his troop with that of Dunois at Bordeaux. 
 He was Lieutenant of the county, and had an army 
 of 3000 men-at-arms, 30,000 foot-soldiers, and 1500 
 lances. It was decided to march against the Castle 
 of Montialous, and then to attack St-Jean-Pie-du-Port,
 
 52 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 but on their way they found an anny of 10,000 men 
 awaiting them. Bourbon pressed Dunois to order the 
 attack at once, pointing out the immense advantages 
 on their side, but the commander hesitated, and Charles 
 took upon himself to send a reinforcement of fifty 
 lances, under the command of his young brother, 
 Frangois Monsieur, as the advance guard was already 
 engaged and in great danger. Upon this the Spaniards 
 promptly retired, as they believed the whole French 
 army was upon them, but Dunois opposed any pursuit' 
 and so they escaped in safety. This began a gour- 
 goM (misunderstanding) between the two leaders, and 
 the more so as Bourbon was thwarted in his wish to 
 storm St-Jean-Pie-du-Port, which he declared would 
 have been quite easy with the excellent French 
 artillery, and the bad state of the ramparts and 
 defences of the town. Moreover, although the Duke 
 of Alva was at the head of the garrison, no 
 help could reach them from without, as the 
 passes across the mountains of Navarre were well 
 guarded. 
 
 In the end the opportunity was lost : the French 
 army wasted months in inaction, and at length, when 
 the siege of Pamplona was attempted, the attacking 
 party had lost heart and were short of provisions, so 
 that they were driven back, and the season being now 
 far advanced, this futile war came to an end, having 
 been nothing but one long skirmish. It was close upon 
 Christmas when Charles reached Moulins, where he was 
 joyfully welcomed by his wife and the Duchess Anne. 
 His sister Louise, the Princess of La Roche-sur-Yon,
 
 GASTON DE FOIX AT RAVENNA 53 
 
 came to visit him, and they all spent the winter together 
 with much festivity (" faisant bonne chere "). 
 
 In March the King sent for Charles to join in a 
 council of war with regard to Italy. Here the cam- 
 paign had been disastrous on the whole, notwithstand- 
 ing the splendid exploits of the gallant young hero, 
 Gaston de Foix. His short and brilliant career has 
 made him famous for all time. We remember how he 
 drove the Swiss from MUan, saved Bologna, which was 
 besieged by Giovanni dei Medici and Ramon de 
 Cordova, entering the beleaguered city by night in a 
 bUzzard of snow, — how he crossed in haste the rivers 
 in flood to rush to the assault of Brescia, where Bayard 
 was wounded, but which was taken and sacked. On 
 Easter Day, 1512, Gaston crowned his success by a 
 triumphant victory under the walls of Ravenna, but 
 paid for it with his life, beneath the shadow of those 
 funereal pines. From that fatal hour the tide of con- 
 quest turned, and the French army met with nothing 
 but disaster. La Palisse, who succeeded Gaston de Foix 
 in command, lost all the fruits of victory. The Pope 
 regained Bologna, Parma and Piacenza, and won back 
 the Duke of Ferrara to his old allegiance ; Romagna 
 was given up ; Venice once more entered into posses- 
 sion of the Ghiarra d'Adda, revolted Genoa chose her 
 own Doge, Ottaviano Fregosa ; while the Swiss brought 
 back to Milan, Maximilian the young son of Lodovico 
 Sforza, and took possession of Chiavenna, Locarno and 
 the Valtelline Alps. Recalled by Louis XII. when 
 aU hope was at end, the soldiers of France once more 
 crossed the Alps on their sad homeward way, demand-
 
 54 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 ing with impatient zeal why the Due de Bourbon had 
 not been sent to command and lead them once more 
 to victory ? But the King made no response. Charles 
 was too successful, too much beloved, too great and 
 magnificent altogether, and too near the throne itself, 
 not to have aroused feelings of jealousy which were 
 carefully fanned at Court by his many rivals. 
 
 The enemies of Bourbon have accused him of 
 refusing, in that moment of despair, to take up a forlorn 
 hope. But the true story reveals a piece of duplicity 
 on the part of the King. The treasurer Robertet was 
 sent to make Charles a secret offer of 800 lances and 
 7000 infantry with a small band of artillery, to cross 
 the mountains and regain Italy. The young Duke 
 was dismayed at such a suggestion, for so absurdly 
 small a force against the armies of aU Europe could 
 only court disaster, and he pointed out that it was 
 impossible for him to accept such a charge. Meantime 
 he took advantage of his leisure to make a pilgrimage 
 to Notre-Dame du Puy-en-Veley, in fulfilment of a 
 vow. 
 
 On the 2ist of February 1513, the warlike Pope 
 Julius died, and was succeeded by the Cardinal dei 
 Medici, under the name of Leo X. The moment 
 seemed propitious for another effort, and Louis XIL 
 sent a large army under La Tremouille and Trivulzio, 
 which met with some measure of success in the 
 Milanese, and would have taken Novara but for the 
 impetuous valour of the Swiss who, after a breach had 
 been made in the walls, rushed out, took possession 
 of the artillery, turned it against the French, and are
 
 BATTLE OF THE SPURS 55 
 
 said to have killed 10,000 men. By this fatal defeat 
 of Novara, Italy was lost once more, and the French 
 leaving their baggage and artillery behind hastily 
 retreated across the Mont Cenis, they and their horses, 
 " bien las, et bien foulis et gates." It was an evil hour 
 for France, The splendid reign of Louis XII. was 
 drawing to a close in misfortune and trouble. On 
 June 30, 1513, Henry VIII. landed at Calais, and 
 joined by Maximilian, won in August the battle of 
 Guinegaste, the " joumee dite des Eperons," a name 
 which the French indignantly disown. They tell us 
 that their troops were only sent to bear provisions to the 
 besieged city of Therouanne, with the order not to 
 fight, but in case of attack, to " retreat at a foot's pace, 
 then at a trot and finally at a gallop, in order to risk 
 nothing." This they apparently did, Therouanne 
 and Tournay were taken, and Louis began to negotiate 
 with the Emperor, offering his daughter, Renee, as a 
 bride for the young Archduke Ferdinand. 
 
 Meantime the Swiss, triumphant with their success 
 in Italy, were carrying the war into Auvergne which 
 they invaded with 30,000 men, and besieged Dijon, 
 which was defended by La Tremouille, Governor of 
 that province. It was drawing near to the time of 
 vintage, and the vines were destroyed, and the suburbs 
 of the town were burnt ; when the Governor, in his 
 despair, promised the mercenary Swiss 200,000 ecus 
 d'or, and also to give up all French rights to the duchy 
 of Milan and the comte of Asti, if they would return 
 to their own country. The King's word was pledged 
 by La Tremouille to this ; he also gave hostages, and
 
 56 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the enemy departed. But when the news of this 
 agreement reached Louis, he refused to ratify it, was 
 most indignant with his general (who had ahready lost 
 him Milan), tried in vain to pacify the Swiss by o:her 
 offers, but they were furious and invaded Burgundy 
 in great force. The situation was desperate, and as a 
 last hope the King sent Bourbon to take command 
 with all the troops which could be spared from Picardy. 
 Charles also received full powers to visit and fortify 
 all towns, castles, and fortresses, and to act in every way 
 according to his judgment. This was the kind of 
 position which brought out all the splendid qualities 
 of the young General ; no odds were too overwhelming, 
 nothing was ever too hopeless to damp his spirits. 
 His great talents did not attain their full scope until 
 others had failed, and his character only rose to the 
 highest strength and genius when he was threatened 
 with absolute disaster. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon arrived at Dijon on November 
 15, and " was received with as great honour as though 
 the King himself had come." His entry into the city 
 was a kind of triumphal procession, for he was met 
 outside the gate by the " court of the parHament, 
 all the King's officers, the captains, bailiffs and others, 
 with the mayor and aldermen of the city, and also the 
 ecclesiastics bearing the cross and relics from the 
 churches." He was lodged in the royal palace ; he 
 assembled all the men of war together, presided over 
 them, and gave his orders, even to La Tremouille, who 
 professed to receive him with pleasure, " but he would 
 have obeyed none other." The task which awaited
 
 BOURBON REFORMS THE ARMY 57 
 
 Charles was one of immense difficulty and required 
 rather the knowledge and wisdom of a mature states- 
 man than the physical courage and prompt action of a 
 young soldier. He found the frontier exposed and 
 undefended, the strongholds untenable, and the whole 
 province demoralised and almost ready to surrender 
 without a blow. Even the defences of Dijon were no 
 more than walls of earth, and it was the same in many 
 other supposed fortified towns. Bourbon by the 
 charm of his manner won over the other commanders 
 to work heartily with him, and then lost no time before 
 throwing himself into the stupendous labour of building 
 up new fortifications at Dijon, Chalons, Beaune, 
 Aussonne and the other important places of the 
 Lyonnais, Champagne and Dauphine, and supplying 
 them with artillery and proper garrisons. He did not 
 rest satisfied with this alone. One of the greatest 
 difficulties he had to contend with was the insubordina- 
 tion of the hired soldiery (" gens de I'arriere-ban ") who 
 had been collected from other provinces and who 
 remained about in formidable bands, cruelly pillaging 
 the unfortunate peasants, " manger le bonhomme " 
 as in bygone days. The young Due de Bourbon with 
 prompt decision divided his own soldiers into small 
 troops, and as soon as he heard of robbery in any 
 quarter he lost not a moment in sending to put a stop 
 to it in the most summary manner. This rapid action, 
 vigorously carried out, had the happiest results, and 
 very soon a certain tranquillity was established in all 
 the country, as the offenders were driven back to their 
 distant homes.
 
 58 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Bourbon was not content with this, but took 
 measures to prevent such pillage and oppression 
 occurring in the future. While there was fear of 
 hostilities, he caused the harvest, the com, wine, hay, 
 and straw, and the supplies for the villages to be 
 collected in safe places within the towns. As a 
 permanent legacy, he established careful supervision 
 and legal authority throughout the territory which he 
 commanded, and maintained the most strict discipline 
 over all his soldiers, so as to win the confidence alike 
 of rich and poor. In fact, he did not leave Burgundy 
 until order and justice were established everywhere, 
 and the whole frontier was in such a state of defence 
 that there was no longer any risk from invasion by the 
 Swiss or others. 
 
 When we remember such priceless service to his 
 country as this, can we possibly understand the foUy 
 and blindness of a King who could drive to rebellion 
 so valuable and devoted a subject ?
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 1514 
 
 DEATH OF ANNE DE BRETAGNE — MARRIAGE OF FRANCOIS DUG d' 
 ANGOULEME WITH CLAUDE DE FRANCE — LOUIS XII. MARRIES 
 MARY OF ENGLAND — HIS DEATH AND THE SUCCESSION OF 
 FRANCjlOIS I. — CHARLES DE BOURBON MADE CONSTABLE OF 
 FRANCE — HIS SISTER RENEE MARRIES ANTOINE DUG DE 
 LORRAINE — THE CONSTABLE ENTRUSTED WITH THE REFORM 
 OF THE ARMY — WAR WITH ITALY — GALLANT ATTACK OF 
 BAYARD ON COLONNA — BATTLE OF MARIGNANO^, IN WHICH 
 BOURBON ACHIEVES GREAT HONOUR — BOURBON GOVERNS 
 MILAN — DEFENDS THE CITY AGAINST MAXIMILIAN, WHO 
 RETREATS. 
 
 BY the death of Anne de Bretagne, twice 
 crowned Queen of France, Charles de 
 Bourbon lost a good friend at Court. She 
 was a pious honest woman, unspoilt by her 
 high position, and could be relied upon to be faithful 
 and loyal in her attachment. Never very attractive 
 or interesting, she yet kept a strong hold on the 
 devotion of her husband, who deeply mourned her loss. 
 Yet only a few months later, he carried out the marri- 
 age which she had always opposed, that of her eldest 
 daughter, Claude, with the heir of the throne, Francois 
 Due d'Angouleme, whose mother Louise de Savoie 
 also hated the match. The only mention she makes 
 of it in her Diary is : " Le dix-huitieme jour de 
 may, a Saint Germain-en-Laye, I'an 1514, furent les 
 
 nopces de mon fils." 
 
 59
 
 6o CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 It was a doleful wedding, with only unwilling 
 submission on either side ; although the Young 
 Adventurer speaks of a great company present, still 
 in mourning for Anne de Bretagne. Louise de Savoie 
 did not even grace it with her presence. The poor 
 little bride, in her black dress, watched her bridegroom 
 set off on his usual hunting expedition in the afternoon 
 and she cannot fail to have had dark forebodings of 
 what her married life would be. The King, her father, 
 must have been quite without imagination or sym- 
 pathy to repeat in her case his own forced marriage 
 with the unfortunate Jeanne de France ! 
 
 Francois, spoilt and worshipped from his childhood, 
 was precocious in his taste for illicit pleasures and, 
 inheriting the easy morals of his parents, had already 
 become notorious for his love affairs. As we read his 
 mother's Diary, we see her absolute idolatry for 
 " Mon Cesar," and we follow her constant fearful 
 anxiety lest some nearer heir to the throne should take 
 his place. How she rejoices when the fragile life of 
 Anne's little son flickers out. " Anne reine de France, 
 a Blois, le jour de Ste Agnes, 21 de Janvier {1503), eut 
 un fils ; mais il ne pouvait retarder I'exaltatiori de mon 
 Cesar, car il avoit faute de vie." It must have been a 
 terrible moment for her when she heard that Louis 
 XII., for motives of policy chiefly, was arranging a 
 second marriage for himself with the young sister of 
 Henry VIII. , Mary of England, a very gay and pre- 
 cocious young lady of barely seventeen, whose beauty 
 and attraction was spoken of as " un mal domestique " 
 for her brother the King of England. The princess
 
 MARRIAGE AND DEATH OF LOUIS XII. 6i 
 
 was said to be already in love with Charles Brandon, 
 Duke of Suffolk, whom she eventually married. But 
 royal alliances take no note of such small matters. 
 
 It was a great blow to Louise of Angouleme that, 
 when her son's inheritance seemed absolutely secured 
 by the death of the Queen, this new peril should arise, 
 and we can scarcely wonder at her making the unkind 
 remark in that same Diary of her's : " Le 22 septembre 
 1514, le roy Louis XII., fort antique et debile, sortit de 
 Paris pour aller au-devant de sa jeune femme, la reine 
 Marie." He was not more than fifty-two ; but then 
 the " galante, audacieuse " princess was barely seven- 
 teen. On this occasion, there was no want of pomp 
 and ceremony, and we hear that the Due de Bourbon 
 was summoned to attend, both at the wedding itself 
 and at the state entry of the royal bride into Paris when 
 she was clothed in tissue of gold, with her beautiful hair 
 hanging over her shoulders. Anne Duchesse de Bour- 
 bon, his mother-in-law, remained by special request 
 of the King, with the young Queen, " in order to 
 instruct her in the French ways." Charles was at the 
 palace of Moulins spending Christmas " with good 
 cheer," in the company of his wife Suzanne, when he 
 received news from Madame de Bourbon of the King's 
 increasing illness, and was summoned to Paris, where 
 Louis XII. died at the hotel de Tournelles, on the ist 
 of January 1515. Before the end came, Louis expressed 
 his wish that the young Duke should be Constable of 
 France, " voulant faire de lui son ecu et bouclier." 
 
 This envied title, the first distinction in the kingdom, 
 was bestowed upon him by Fran9ois I., to whom
 
 62 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Bourbon immediately paid his homage, for in the 
 time-honoured words ; " Le roi est mort. Vive le 
 roi ! " 
 
 The joy and exultation of Louise de Savoie were 
 beyond all words. She had kept watch with gloating 
 satisfaction over the last few months when King Louis 
 had sacrificed his health to the desire of pleasing his 
 young wife ; he had changed all his quiet habits, given 
 endless entertainments, dined at noon instead of at 
 eight o'clock in the morning, and gone to bed at mid- 
 night, instead of six hours earlier. Now the end had 
 come, and the son of Louise was King of France at 
 the age of twenty-one. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon was warmly welcomed at Court, 
 both by Fran9ois and Claude, the new Queen, who 
 carried on her mother's favour towards the House of 
 Bourbon. He was at once told that he was appointed 
 Constable of France, and confirmed in his appointment 
 as Governor of Languedoc, with an income of 24,000 
 livres toumois, and other great offices. For these he 
 did homage, the office of Constable being for life, 
 " and death only can put an end to it." While Charles 
 was at Paris at this time, he and Anne of France 
 arranged the marriage of his sister Renee with 
 Antoine, Due de Lorraine et de Bar, giving her as a 
 dowry 120,000 livres toumois. The King took part 
 in the wedding ceremonies before setting forth for 
 Rheims, where the kings of France are wont to be 
 crowned and anointed, in company with the Queen, his 
 wife ; Madame Louise, his mother ; and all the princes 
 and great lords of the realm, first of whom was the
 
 CORONATION OF FRANCOIS I. 63 
 
 Sieur de Bourbon, Constable of France. After the 
 coronation at Rheims we are told that Charles first 
 served as Constable, for he remained standing while the 
 King dined, holding aloft a naked sword in his hand, 
 " toute droite, sans soi bouger de la place." 
 
 Bourbon also took a splendid part in the great entry 
 into Paris, very richly dressed, as were his horse and 
 his squires, his attendants and his pages. At the 
 King's banquet in the palace that night, he wore a long 
 robe of cloth of gold, containing twelve yards (which 
 had cost " quatorze vingts ecus d'or au soleil " the yard), 
 lined the splendid sables, and his cap was covered 
 with jewels to the value of 100,000 ecus. There were 
 none in that company so magnificent as the young 
 Constable of France. Amongst the festivities which 
 followed there were tournaments on horseback and on 
 foot, and in all these Bourbon played his part, in cloth 
 of gold or crimson velvet. Unfortunately, in one 
 encounter, he was wounded in the left arm, and laid 
 up for three weeks, during which he held quite a levee, 
 for the King and all the great lords and princes came 
 to see him every day. 
 
 The expedition to Italy which had been planned by 
 the late King was set on foot by Fran9ois, and Bourbon, 
 as Constable, had most difficult and important work 
 before him. He fully realized the supreme importance 
 of discipline and order in the army, and for this purpose 
 insisted upon the most stern regulations. He fixed at 
 eight horses each lance furnished, and insisted that the 
 man-at-arms as well as his archers, his page and his 
 valet were to be clad in the livery of the Captain under
 
 64 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 whom they served, and he would not have a page or 
 valet under seventeen years of age. He took special 
 care for the protection of the country people, who were 
 more exposed to insult and robbery than those in the 
 town. The companies were not to remain longer than 
 one day in the towns and villages, and when they 
 received the order to march, the provost marshals had 
 orders to follow and watch them closely, and to arrest 
 all who should stray from the high road. These and 
 many other ordonnances which the Constable was 
 severe in carrying out, did more than anything to 
 secure the efficiency and high character of his armies, 
 and the discipline obtained was invaluable in time of 
 war. 
 
 With this Italian campaign in view Charles was 
 indefatigable in his preparations. Besides the labour 
 involved in all this, by the King's desire he entered 
 into negotiations with Ottaviano Fregoso, the Doge 
 of Genoa, to bring back that city to the King's allegi- 
 ance, and was completely successful, Fregoso remaining 
 there as Governor under fealty to France. This was 
 extremely important as the harbour was invaluable 
 for the French ships of war. Meantime a great army 
 was being gathered together at Grenoble. All the 
 great nobles of the kingdom were there ; La Tremouille, 
 La Pahsse, d'Aubigny, Trivulzio, and, besides many 
 others, the Due d'Alen^on, who had married the 
 King's sister. Marguerite of Valois. It was here that 
 the Constable received secret intelligence that the Swiss, 
 in great force, were guarding the only passes which at 
 that time were considered accessible for the crossing of
 
 A GALLANT RAID ON COLONNA 65 
 
 armies. One was the Mont Cenis, where the descent 
 is made by Susa, and the other that of Mont Genevre, 
 the Mons Janus of the Romans, which was considered 
 in olden times the best and safest in the Alps, because 
 it is open to the South and sheltered from North winds. 
 Bourbon also learnt that two great bands of horsemen, 
 under Prospero Colonna and the Marchese di Pescara, 
 were awaiting the descent of the French army into 
 Piedmont. 
 
 The position was one of great difficulty, and the 
 crossbow men under Aymard de Prie were embarked 
 from Marseilles for Genoa. At this critical moment 
 the Duke of Savoy himself sent private word of an 
 unknown and difficult path over the Col d'Argentiere. 
 Lautrec, Trivulzio, and Navarro were sent to examine 
 this pass which seemed at first impossible, but 11 00 
 sappers and miners were set to work to prepare it 
 in some measure. Meantime Bourbon commissioned 
 La Palisse, with d'Aubigny, d'Imbercourt and the 
 chevalier Bayard, to cross the mountains by the Col 
 de Cabre and make a sudden raid upon Prospero 
 Colonna, who was boasting that he would hold the 
 French army " come gli popioni nella gabbia " (like 
 pigeons in a cage). To do this he would have needed 
 far more brilliancy than he gave any sign of. The 
 story is most vividly told by the " Loyal serviteur " 
 in his life of Bayard. The gallant little company rode 
 across the rocky Col where cavalry had never passed 
 before, descended by Droniez into the plain of Pied- 
 mont, crossed the Po at a ford where they had to swim 
 their horses, and enquiring at the Castle of Carmig-
 
 66 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 nolle found that Prospero and his company had just 
 left and proposed to dine at the little town of Ville- 
 franche. The Italian general would not believe the 
 news brought him by his spies, for he declared that the 
 French had no wings to fly across the mountain, and he 
 seems to have quietly sat down to his dinner, where 
 he was surprised by the enemy. There had been an 
 attempt to close the gate of the town, but a certain 
 Norman gentleman had slipped his lance between the 
 hinges and held it there till his followers burst it open. 
 Colonna saw that all defence was hopeless, and cursed 
 his ill fortune in not having met the French in the open 
 field. With his usual chivalry, the gallant Bayard 
 tried to comfort him : " Seigneur Prospero, it is the 
 fortune of war ! To lose once and win next time." 
 The Italian camp appears to have contained rich 
 spoils in the way of hundreds of valuable horses, gold 
 and silver plate, splendid equipments, and a large sum 
 of money, not to mention the prisoners whose ransom 
 would be most precious of all. 
 
 Meanwhile the French army made its way across 
 the Col d'Argentiere, and the King, writing to his 
 mother, describes it as " le plus estrange pais ou jamais 
 fust homme de cette compagnie." The Constable 
 distinguished himself by his spirit and energy, which 
 a Venetian agent, who met him at Demonte, described 
 as " superb." The Swiss, taken by surprise and dis- 
 couraged, retreated towards Milan, while Frangois 
 passed through Turin, took possession of Novara, and 
 advanced with his army as far as Marignano, where he 
 attempted to come to terms with the Swiss, and in fact
 
 FRANgOIS I. INVADES ITALY 67 
 
 signed an agreement with certain of their represen- 
 tatives by which he was to buy their retreat away from 
 Italy for 100,000 ecus. Not having enough money 
 with him, the King borrowed from all his princes and 
 great lords, Bourbon alone lending him ten thousand 
 ecus. This large sum was sent at once to the appointed 
 meeting place, in the care of the Marechal de Lautrec 
 and an escort of four hundred lances. But meantime, 
 Mathias Schinner, the warlike Cardinal of Sion, used 
 his utmost influence at Milan to induce the Swiss to 
 fight against the French and totally destroy them. 
 The young Adventurer tells us that he summoned 
 the men together by the beating of a drum, and then, 
 standing upon a chair in their midst, " like a fox who 
 preaches to fowls " so worked upon them by every 
 argument he could use — more especially dwelling upon 
 the untold wealth and treasures which would be theirs 
 when they came to sack the camp of the French King 
 and his splendid nobles — that with one voice they 
 promised to go forth and fight, and take no heed of any 
 treaty. 
 
 It was on Thursday, September 13, 1515, that the 
 Swiss set forth towards Marignano, where the French 
 army was encamped in the plain, somewhat protected 
 by canals and ditches. Although it was believed 
 that the Swiss had been bought off, a most strict guard 
 was kept night and day by Bourbon, who was in com- 
 mand of the advance guard. He never slept without 
 most of his armour, and was always called at midnight 
 when there was a change of watch, and went round to 
 see that all was well. He also had ten or twelve trusty
 
 68 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 spies at his own expense always on the look-out, in the 
 direction of the enemies. Thus, on that eventful 
 Thursday morning, one of these arrived about nine 
 o'clock, when he was about to dine, and brought tidings 
 of the departure from Milan, The Constable at once 
 rode off to inform the King, who could not believe 
 him as his treaty with the Swiss was already signed. 
 But other messengers continued to arrive, saying that 
 there were clouds of dust in the direction of Milan 
 then, that the enemy was certainly approaching, and 
 Bourbon hastened back to arrange the forces, while 
 Francois put on his splendid suit of German armour. 
 
 Meantime the Swiss advanced in silence, without 
 trumpets or drums. On first starting they had only 
 made use of the famous silver horn, which had sum- 
 moned their ancestors of old to fight for their liberty. 
 They began hostilities about four o'clock in the after- 
 noon, and the plan of their leader was to take possession 
 of the enemy's artillery and point it against them as 
 they had done at No vara. The guns had been placed 
 in charge of the " landsknechte," who were startled 
 when this sudden attack was made upon them alone 
 and retreated about a hundred steps ; but the Con- 
 stable, with ready presence of mind, instantly sent 
 forward the Black Bands of the centre (as usual under 
 the King's orders) to protect the artillery, and threw 
 the two wings of the army on the flanks of the Swiss, 
 himself charging at the head of one of them. The 
 " landsknechte " at once recovered themselves and 
 rushed forward impetuously to atone for their error, 
 while the Black Bands, who were jealous of these
 
 THE CHEVALIER BAYARD 69 
 
 foreign mercenaries, strained every nerve to show them- 
 selves worthy of the Constable's preference. Thus the 
 battle was engaged all dowTi the line, and a terrible 
 meUe followed, of which it is very difficult to obtain a 
 clear account from the various contemporary chron- 
 iclers who give us the detached incidents which they 
 saw. Thus, the " Loyal Serviteur " relates an 
 adventure which befell the Chevalier Bayard, late in 
 the evening. His horse had been killed under him, 
 and the second which he mounted to charge the Swiss 
 lances became so frantic that he broke his bridle and 
 rushed into the midst of the enemy, until he became 
 entangled in the vines trained from tree to tree. 
 Bayard kept his presence of mind, and to escape instant 
 death slipped gently from his horse, cast off some of 
 his heavy armour, and managed to creep along a ditch 
 till he reached his own people ; when he borrowed a 
 fresh horse and armour to return to the fray. It was 
 the " Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche " who had 
 the honour of knighting the King on the field of battle. 
 The young Adventurer gives a very boastful account 
 of his own valiant deeds, but he renders high testimony, 
 as do all other writers, to the gallant behaviour of the 
 King who was ever in the forefront of danger. Over- 
 come with thirst that night he asked for water, which 
 could only be obtained from the polluted ditch near by. 
 He was compelled to rest for awhile during those 
 terrible hours of darkness on a gun carriage, under the 
 care of an Italian trumpeter, named Christoforo, whose 
 loud clarion note summoned his men-at-arms to 
 protect their sovereign.
 
 70 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 - Marillac tells us of the grievous loss to the Constable 
 of his young brother Francois de Bourbon, Due de 
 Chatellerault, who fell fighting with heroic valour 
 on that fatal field. He also gives a vivid picture of the 
 night closing in, while the battle continued by the light 
 of the moon until nearly midnight. Then the trumpets 
 of France sounded the retreat, and the Swiss blew their 
 cow-horns, as is their custom, while the men on each 
 side joined their own people, as far as possible ; but 
 the two armies were " within a stone's throw of each 
 other, and there was neither ditch nor hedge between 
 them. Thus they remained all night, without moving, 
 and those who were mounted sat on their horses, with 
 only such food and drink as they had with them. . . . 
 and it is the firm belief that no man slept during all 
 that night." In the King's letter to his mother, he says : 
 " Et croyez, Madame, que nous avons este 28 heures 
 a cheval, I'armet a la teste, sans boire ny sans manger." 
 He adds that an hour before dawn he sent word to 
 " his brothers," the Constable in command of the 
 advance guard and the Due d'Alengon who commanded 
 the rear-guard, to make ready for the attack, and when 
 the Swiss advanced to try the fortune of battle, they 
 received a warm welcome from the artillery. Fran9ois 
 bears the most generous testimony to the splendid 
 courage and generalship of Bourbon, and represents 
 him as " ne s'epargnant pas plus qu'un sanglier 
 echauffe." The struggle was continued with the 
 utmost courage and obstinacy on both sides, until 
 16,000 brave men were left upon the field, of whom 
 13,000 to 14,000 were Swiss who had fought with fierce
 
 BATTLE OF MARIGNANO 71 
 
 persistence until the end when the Venetian army 
 arrived about midday on the Friday. The vanquished 
 retreated in excellent order, the more easily that the 
 King, who hated useless massacres, and hoped to make 
 use of these brave mercenaries at some future time, 
 gave orders that they were not to be pursued. 
 
 Amongst the great nobles of France who paid for the 
 glory of Marignano with their lives were, besides 
 Francois de Bourbon, dTmbercourt, Bussy of the 
 House of Amboise, the Comte de Sancerre, and the son 
 of La Tremouille, who received sixty-two thrusts 
 before he was mortally wounded, such was the excel- 
 lence of his armour. Yet this, although so good a 
 protection, made the knights very unwieldy and slow 
 in their movements. Claude de Guise, thrown to the 
 ground, saw whole battalions pass over him, and owed 
 his life to his squire who warded off blows with his own 
 body. Trivulzio, who had been in so many battles, 
 declared that they were all child's play compared to 
 the " affair of Marignano, which was not a fight 
 between men but between ferocious giants." He was 
 in great danger himself at one moment, when he rushed 
 alone into the midst of the Swiss lances to defend 
 his standard-bearer ; his horse was pierced with wounds, 
 his helmet had lost its plumes, and he would have 
 fallen had not rescue arrived in time. 
 
 We notice a vivid and picturesque touch in many 
 of these incidents which could scarcely be found in 
 modem warfare. 
 
 There is an amusing remark at the end of the King's 
 letter to his mother, written immediately after the
 
 72 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 battle, with regard to the payment of the Swiss : 
 " Madame, vous vous mocquerez de monsieur de 
 Lautrec, de Lescun et de Michau qui ne se sont pas 
 trouvez a la bataille, et se sont amusez a I'apoinctement 
 des Suisses qui se sont mocquez d'eux." Du Bellay 
 tells us that the Swiss had an ambuscade in readiness 
 to seize Lautrec and his 100,000 ecus, but that by 
 means of his spies he escaped. Another account has it 
 that the King's envoy had begun to count out all that 
 money to the Swiss envoys, and had got as far as 
 20,000 ecus, when he received news of their treachery, 
 and packing up the rest, departed. 
 
 Every one has something to say about this famous 
 battle, thus the Emperor Maximilian, who scarcely 
 realised its importance, writes to his daughter 
 Marguerite : " Innsbruck le 7 octobre. Tres chiere et 
 tres amee fille, we have had news. . . . The Swiss 
 left Milan to the number of about 20,000 men on 
 hearing of the French approach . . . and about 
 4 o'clock in the afternoon the fighting began, more by 
 way of skirmish than giving battle, for there were so 
 many ditches that the French men-at-arms on horse- 
 back could not help the landsknechte, and they fought 
 so long that the night surprised them . . . and all 
 that night the Swiss and French remained upon the 
 field of battle doing nothing until the morrow, the 
 13 September, when they recommenced the said 
 battle, which lasted three hours . . . Amongst the 
 Swiss there was division and mutiny, so that they 
 retreated to Milan and Como . . . and two days later 
 they returned to their own country."
 
 CONQUEST OF MILAN 73 
 
 After the battle, the French King and his army 
 continued their march towards Milan, which sur- 
 rendered at once, but the young Duke Maximilian 
 Sforza retreated to the Castello with a strong company 
 of Swiss. This massive red brick fortress was con- 
 sidered one of the strongest in Italy, and Bourbon was 
 left behind to besiege it with the help of Navarro, while 
 Francois I., after receiving the keys of Milan, estab- 
 lished himself at Pavia. After a siege of twenty days, 
 the besieged Maximilian was induced by the Constable 
 to give up the Castello and also that of Cremona, all 
 that was left to him of his father II Moro's possessions. 
 He abdicated all his rights to the duchy in favour of 
 Fran9ois I., on condition of receiving a liberal pension 
 and a home in France. The unfortunate young 
 prince had little courage or ambition, and is said to 
 have exclaimed on leaving Milan : " Thank God that 
 I am free from the brutality of the Swiss, from the 
 aggressions of the Emperor and from Spanish per- 
 fidy \ " A year later we find him writing in a most 
 cheerful spirit from his exile at Amboise to his aunt 
 Isabella d'Este. 
 
 This time-serving princess was in haste to pay court, 
 as usual, to the conqueror. When Frangois had 
 entered Milan in triumph, exacted 100,000 ecus from 
 the inhabitants, and established a gay Court there, the 
 Marchesa da Mantua sent her young son Federico to 
 carry on the courtly adulation which he had learnt so 
 well at the Vatican with Pope Julius. He took a 
 favourite buffoon with him, who amused the frivolous 
 King, and in his letters home, he tells how he has
 
 74 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 joined the royal hunting parties and taken part in the 
 games of Palla, in which the King distinguished himself 
 by vigour and skill. Fran9ois also appears to have 
 devoted much time to banquets and festivities in 
 honour of the fair ladies of Milan, and he wrote to ask 
 Isabella d'Este to describe to him the latest fashions in 
 dress of the Mantuan ladies. The French King was 
 even unscrupulous enough to send the Bishop of Nice, 
 with a forged Papal brief, to the convent of Goito to 
 bring him the " fair and frail " Brognina, who had been 
 one of the ladies-in-waiting on Isabella. But this 
 move was checkmated by the lady herself, and we are 
 rather surprised that after this scandal, Isabella was 
 only too delighted for her boy of fifteen to accompany 
 the King to France in January, and remain in his 
 company and favour during the following spring and 
 summer. 
 
 In December, before his return home, Frangois I. 
 with his chief nobles went to Bologna to meet Pope 
 Leo, who, after much clever fencing on both sides, 
 entered into an alliance with him, regardless of the 
 fact that the Emperor, Spain, and England, alarmed 
 at the success of France, began to prepare another 
 league against her. It was on the occasion of this 
 meeting that Bourbon and his brother-in-law, Duke 
 Antoine de Lorraine, claimed the honour of serving 
 the Pope at high mass. On the King's departure, 
 Charles de Bourbon was left as his Lieutenant-General 
 for the duchy of Milan, " and gave him power over all 
 things as if he were there in person." This was the 
 supreme opportunity of his life, and the Constable of 
 
 1
 
 H 
 
 jj^^H 
 
 II^^^L , w>^^^^p| 
 
 mI^B^^S^^^^^^^^I 
 
 ^^K^^^^y 
 
 W ^^^^^^1 
 
 ^^S 
 
 ^^^^H ^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 
 
 H 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 UBi 
 
 
 77^I^HH|^^^^^^H ^^H,^^^H 
 
 HSSflii^ 
 
 ^^-.■' fl^^^HBVlH 
 
 Nctirdein, photo. 
 
 FKANrniS I. KI.Ni; of FRANCE
 
 BOURBON GOVERNOR OF MILAN 75 
 
 France took full advantage of it. He devoted his 
 whole energy and military talent to the difficult task 
 in which all the rulers of that unfortunate state had 
 hitherto failed. His first care was with the internal 
 government of Milan, as it was of the utmost import- 
 ance to ensure the loyalty of the inhabitants. He 
 formed a representative council in which French and 
 Italians met to examine all petitions, and report upon 
 any grievance ; while he himself gave audience every 
 day, and was accessible to all the citizens. By this 
 means we are told that he gained the respect and con- 
 fidence of his subjects. With regard to warlike pre- 
 parations, the necessity of the greatest vigilance and 
 exertion was soon forced upon him, when news came 
 that Maximilian was preparing an immense army to 
 attack the duchy of Milan. 
 
 Bourbon had been left with 700 lances, 6000 lands- 
 knechtes, and 4000 French adventurers, many of whom 
 were to join the Venetian army in reconquering the 
 lost territory of the Republic. The Constable im- 
 mediately asked for reinforcements, and the King who 
 had crossed the mountains but was still on his home- 
 ward journey, sent him a portion of the troops with 
 him. But these were quite insufficient, and only with 
 infinite trouble, persuasion, and splendid presents, did 
 he receive a promise from several Swiss captains to 
 bring their companies to Milan. He also obtained some 
 help in men of Lombardy from Andrea Gritti, Doge of 
 Venice. But his first care was for his fortifications, 
 and he set out at once for Cremona, where he renewed 
 the ramparts, saw that all the defences were in order
 
 76 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and strengthened the garrison. He then was hasten- 
 ing back to Milan, when at Pizzighettone he heard 
 that the Imperial army was at hand, and at first 
 thought of contesting their passage of the Adda, which 
 was difficult to cross as it was swollen by the spring 
 floods. But he felt that he was more urgently needed 
 at Milan whither he arrived with his army late on 
 Easter Day. Marillac gives a stirring account of the 
 energy with which he set to work to strengthen and 
 repair the fortifications, which then only consisted 
 of single walls with a ditch outside. In twenty-four 
 hours new ramparts had been built on the side the 
 attack was expected, and shortly afterwards strong 
 defences had been built all round the whole extent of 
 the city. We have very fuU particulars of the way in 
 which the great work was carried out by a body of 
 6ooo'pioneers at the expense of the Constable, who also 
 pledged his credit to pay the Swiss auxiliaries, who had 
 been enlisted in his service with so much difficulty. 
 
 The situation appeared so desperate at this moment 
 that the other French generals pressed him to sur- 
 render, but Bourbon declared that he would save 
 Milan or be buried in its ruins. Desormeaux says that 
 " he showed the foresight and firmness which we 
 admire in the greatest men of antiquity." Having 
 secured great stores of provisions for the city, he 
 caused all the neighbouring country to be laid waste 
 that the enemy might find no means of subsistence. 
 He also ordered the destruction of the suburbs of 
 Milan, and when the Swiss companies arrived he 
 advanced them three months pay to make sure of their
 
 RETREAT OF EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN TJ 
 
 zeal. The walls were strongly manned with rows of 
 infantry, crossbow men behind, and the heavy artillery 
 above. Ward and watch was kept night and day, 
 Bourbon and his captains constantly going round to 
 visit every point, for fear of treachery ; it was for- 
 bidden that any bell should be rung or any clock should 
 strike in the city, and no more than two citizens should 
 meet together between sunset and sunrise, while con- 
 stant guard was kept in the Cathedral square and the 
 other chief streets. 
 
 On the Thursday after Easter, while the Constable 
 was at dinner, a Spanish prisoner was brought to him 
 with news that the Emperor had already arrived close 
 to the " faubourgs " with an army of 60,000 men and 
 strong artillery. The man was at once given twenty 
 ecus and his liberty to take this message to Maxi- 
 milian, that " Bourbon, Constable of France, had pre- 
 pared a dinner for him to-morrow morning inside 
 Milan, where he awaited him." The Emperor had 
 expected to surprise the city, and had already given 
 orders to bombard the walls, indeed a cannon ball is 
 said to have fallen in the garden of the Commander's 
 palace. But when he saw it was too well prepared to 
 be taken by a sudden attack, he hesitated, for he had 
 neither means nor time for a long siege. He was in 
 want of money, his usual condition, and his troops 
 demanded their pay. A letter, which was purposely 
 allowed to fall into his hands, made him fear that the 
 Swiss would betray him, as they had done to others 
 who employed them. He ordered his men-at-arms to 
 make an assault on foot, which they refused indig-
 
 78 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 nantly. We are told that in a dream of the night he 
 saw Leopold of Austria and Charles of Burgundy, 
 grim spectres from their fatal battlefields, who warned 
 him to escape from the peril which threatened him. 
 Whether we believe this or not, the fact remairfs that 
 on the Friday morning, before daybreak, he set forth 
 with a few followers who thought he was going hunting, 
 crossed the Adda and rode in haste to Trent. After 
 the Emperor's departure, his army, left without a head 
 and without pay, was unable to continue the siege, 
 turned back, crossed the Adda again, pillaging Lodi, 
 marked its passage everjrwhere by plunder and devast- 
 ation, and finally disbanded. The Swiss returned to 
 their own land, leaving the French and ItaHans to 
 attack together all the towns which owned the allegi- 
 ance of Maximilian in eastern Lombardy. 
 
 Hitherto the French had only been successful in 
 attack, but they had never been able to preserve their 
 conquests. It was the Due de Bourbon who gave the 
 first example of a triumphant defensive war, beyond 
 the Alps. We have dwelt at some length on this 
 Italian campaign, carried on with such splendid genius 
 and valour, and crowned with such magnificent suc- 
 cess, as it was at this time when the Constable of France 
 had reached the summit of his fame and prosperity.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 BOURBON RECALLED FROM ITALY — HIS DISAPPOINTMENT — 
 HE ENTERTAINS THE KING AND THE COURT AT HIS PALACE 
 OF MOULINS — DEATH OF FERDINAND OF SPAIN — RIVALRY 
 OF CHARLES V. AND FRANCOIS I. — BIRTH OF HEIR TO 
 CROWN OF FRANCE — MAGNIFICENCE OF BOURBON AT 
 ROYAL CHRISTENING — CHARLES V. ELECTED TO THE 
 EMPIRE — FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD. 
 
 WE have now reached a critical and diffi- 
 cult period in the life of Charles de 
 Bourbon, and one concerning which 
 there is much difference of opinion 
 amongst various historians. The unquestioned fact 
 is this. At the end of May, 15 16, within eight months 
 of the great victory of Marignano, and two months 
 later than his splendid defence of Milan, the Constable 
 returned to France, leaving his government and com- 
 mand to Odet de Foix, Marechal de Lautrec. It has 
 been suggested that Bourbon gave up this splendid 
 position of his own accord, but the more received 
 opinion is that he was summoned home by the King. 
 Marillac, his secretary, tells the story thus : " Pour 
 lors le roy manda a mondit seigneur de Bourbon qu'il 
 s'en retoumat en France, a quoi mondit sieur se 
 prepara." Not a word of explanation from Frangois 
 I. ; no remonstrance or complaint from the great 
 
 noble who is thus dismissed from his high place like 
 
 79
 
 8o CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 a valet. In the courtly chronicle of Martin du Bellay 
 we find it simply stated that, " the Due de Bourbon 
 set forth to return to the King in France, leaving 
 Lautrec governor of the duchy of Milan and lieutenant 
 general of the said lord in Italy." Amoul le Ferron 
 and Beaucaire de PenguiUon, both writing in the 
 sixteenth century, affirm that the Duke's resignation 
 was voluntary, but the mass of evidence inclines to his 
 having been recalled. 
 
 In any case, after being delayed by an accident to 
 his foot at Asti, Montcallier and Susa, he returned as 
 soon as he was weU enough, met the King, the Queen, 
 and Madame Louise, Duchess d'Angouleme, at Vienne 
 in Dauphiny, and travelled with them to his palace 
 at Moulins, where all the Court were splendidly enter- 
 tained during four or five days by the Duke, his wife 
 Madame Suzanne, and her mother the great Anne de 
 France, The presence of the King's mother is worthy 
 of note as she plays a conspicuous part in our story 
 later, and there are not wanting historians, like 
 Michelet, who would make us believe that she was 
 already passionately in love with the handsome young 
 Constable, that she had procured him that high office, 
 and that his recall from Italy was due to her longing 
 for his presence ! As Paulin Paris says, " Is it possible 
 to falsify history more boldly ? " when we are told 
 that Louise speculated on the delicate health of 
 Suzanne and had given Charles a ring of betrothal 
 which he always wore. And this love-affair, with a 
 woman of forty, was supposed to take place in the 
 presence of Bourbon's loving wife and under the
 
 BOURBON RECALLED FROM ITALY 8i 
 
 watchful eyes of her vigilant mother ! This was 
 certainly forestalling the tragic story of the future. 
 
 When the King and his Court had left Moulins and 
 returned to Blois, the Due and Duchesse de Bourbon 
 with Madame Anne went to the beautiful castle of 
 Chantelle, their favourite amongst many stately homes, 
 and stayed there quietly for the summer. In Sep- 
 tember it was settled by them to call together at Riom, 
 the States-general of Auvergne, as there were various 
 important subjects concerning the rights of the people 
 to be settled. The Due de Bourbon appears to have 
 given such great satisfaction that his subjects pre- 
 sented him with a free gift of 50,000 livres to be paid 
 in the course of the next five years. Marillac tells us 
 that they looked upon " Monsieur de Bourbon as one 
 of the most virtuous and greatest princes of the 
 kingdom and could not do enough for his service." 
 
 The money at least was very acceptable, for the 
 Constable had never received any repayment of the 
 immense sums which he had spent during his govern- 
 ment of Milan, and indeed we are told that all the 
 subsidies due to him for his various great offices of 
 State were still unpaid. During all the campaign 
 in Italy he had not received a " denier " from the 
 royal treasure, and more than 100,000 livres were 
 owing to him, for which he had mortgaged large 
 estates. He pointed all this out to the King, when he 
 was summoned later to join his Majesty in Paris, and 
 to travel in his company to Amboise where all the 
 Court was assembled ; " mesdites dames, femmes et 
 m^res, tant du roy que de monseigneur de Bourbon." 
 
 F
 
 82 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 But the Constable's appeal was in vain, for Fran9ois, 
 with easy good temper, put it lightly aside with vague 
 promises. This was the more difficult to endure when 
 Charles saw the most reckless extravagance on every 
 side, and royal " etats, pensions et bienfaits " bestowed 
 lavishly on the most unworthy Court favourites. It 
 is more than probable that at the root of the King's 
 ingratitude there was already a strong feeling of 
 jealousy towards this great and splendid noble, so 
 close to the throne, so constantly the beloved hero of 
 the country and — alike by his distinguished valour and 
 success in battle and his magnificence at Court — his 
 rival both in war and peace, abroad and at home. 
 
 Meantime another rival who was to prove formidable 
 indeed to Francois I. had appeared on the horizon. 
 In January of this year, 1516, by the death of Ferdi- 
 nand the Catholic, his grandson the Archduke Charles, 
 inherited Castile, Aragon, the Two Sicilies, Naples and 
 Navarre, and the vast mysterious New World dis- 
 covered by Columbus. This young prince of barely 
 sixteen had already been declared " of age " to inherit 
 the Netherlands, Burgundy and the rest of those great 
 dominions which had come to his father Philip I.,^ 
 since whose death in 1506, the boy had been brought 
 up under the watchful care of his Aunt, Marguerite 
 of Austria. By this wise and high-minded princess, 
 Charles had been trained for future empire with unique 
 and marvellous advantages. He had been taught to 
 sign state documents at sev^en years old, to write 
 diplomatic letters to the Pope at eight, and in the same 
 
 * See page 109 of " Marguerite of Austria." Christopher Hare.
 
 EARLY TRAINING OF CHARLES V. 83 
 
 year he was taken, by the express command of the 
 Emperor, in the state barge from Malines to Antwerp, 
 with the Regent Marguerite and the great ministers 
 of State, that he might take part in the discussion 
 concerning the League of Cambray. A little later, 
 the royal youth has to write a suitable letter to his 
 then betrothed bride, Mary of England, and to send 
 her a ring ; he is appointed Grand Master of Calatrava 
 and Alcantara, and also shows a strong taste for 
 hunting, to the great delight of his grandfather, 
 Maximilian. No important political meeting is ever 
 complete without his presence, and in 1513, we find 
 the young Archduke at Toumay, with Marguerite and 
 Maximilian, holding solemn conference with Henry 
 VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey. He continues to write 
 courtly letters in French (walon) to his grandfather, 
 Ferdinand of Aragon, and his unfortunate mother, 
 Joanna, and at the age of fifteen, his majority is cele- 
 brated by the reception of that coveted honour, the 
 Golden Rose, from Pope Leo X. 
 
 While Charles was thus early initiated into the 
 outward ceremonial of government, no pains were 
 spared by his aunt and his tutors — amongst whom 
 was the future Pope, Adrian VI. — to impress upon 
 him his coming responsibilities, and to train him in 
 habits of careful study, unwearied diligence and self- 
 control. 
 
 How different were the surroundings and education 
 of his rival Fran9ois I. ! His mother, Louise de Savoie, 
 whose own life was full of scandalous adventures, 
 " exquisite, immoral," if we are to believe her latest
 
 84 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 historian,^ showed her affection for the boy, her idol 
 and her " Cesar," by spoiling and indulging him to the 
 utmost. We have seen something of his childish 
 games and active sports in the account of the Young 
 Adventurer, and we know how early he began his gay 
 life at the French Court, where, having listened awhile 
 with easy good temper to his tutor, the Cardinal 
 d'Amboise, he would hasten to enjoy the company of 
 the jester Triboulet, or that of the Court ladies who 
 dehghted in the handsome merry boy. He began his 
 love-affairs at fifteen and carried them on with per- 
 petual changes therein all his Ufe. Fickle and in- 
 constant, ruled by favourites, luxurious and averse to 
 the dull study of state affairs, yet ever ready to meet 
 the first comer with a smile and jest, Frangois was 
 naturally far more popular than his rival Chkrles, who 
 took his life and his duties so seriously. Heredity 
 played its part with both princes, for Louise of Savoie 
 and her husband — that Comte d'Angouleme who 
 refused to marry her unless he could bring his mistress 
 to Court — both lived again in the King of France. It 
 is true that the grandson of Maximilian had but little 
 of that genial Emperor's eager, volatile, generous 
 nature, which seemed to give him the secret of perennial 
 youth. Charles was more like his other grandfather, 
 Ferdinand, in his cautious diplomacy and cold impas- 
 siveness, but most of all he resembles his grandmother, 
 the great Queen Isabel, with her single-hearted devotion 
 to a cause, and her splendid talent for government, 
 which was, in fact, the power of taking infinite pains. 
 
 1 E. Sichel.
 
 CHARLES V. AND FRANCOIS I. 85 
 
 An intimate character study of these two sovereigns 
 is of the utmost interest and value to us when we con- 
 sider the supreme importance of their future rivalry 
 in the story of Charles de Bourbon. 
 
 Charles V. of Spain had succeeded to his inheritance 
 at a critical time when he and his ministers clearly saw 
 that their first aim must be to ensure peace with the 
 King of France, that formidable neighbour who could 
 invade the Netherlands from the north of his kingdom, 
 attack Spain by the frontier of the Pyrenees, and 
 descend from Lombardy on the Kingdom of Naples. 
 The young prince took the matter in hand without 
 delay, and through the ministers on either side, the 
 Sire de Chievres and Arthus de Boisy, the Peace of 
 Noyon was signed on August 13, 15 16. A marriage 
 contract being the usual way of strengthening such 
 a bond, Charles was quite willing to accept yet another 
 betrothal, which this time was to the baby daughter of 
 Fran9ois I. As this would need to be much delayed, 
 the Catholic King (Charles) was to pay the Most 
 Christian King (Frangois) a yearly sum of 100,000 
 ecus d'or, until the marriage should take place. Maxi- 
 milian had not been consulted by his grandson, but he 
 was bound to ratify the truce, thus bringing his nine 
 years' war with Venice to a most unsatisfactory 
 conclusion. 
 
 These transactions greatly conduced to the honour 
 and glory of the King of France. He was now relieved 
 from any fear of the Swiss, with whom he had made 
 a close alliance after Bourbon had won Milan from 
 them ; he was at peace with England and had achieved
 
 86 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 so great a position that, in part of Germany, he was even 
 looked upon as a possible competitor for the Holy 
 Empire, in succession to Maximilian. It was this hope 
 which roused in Francois I. the dangerous ambition 
 which was to make him a rival of the Archduke 
 Charles for the Imperial crown, and which was to 
 transform these newly made allies into deadly enemies 
 for the space of a quarter of a century. 
 
 Meantime, Charles, Due de Bourbon, as Constable 
 of France, had been commissioned by the King to pass 
 into Burgundy and there make a general review of all 
 the men-at-arms in the various garrisons of that 
 province. Having accomplished this to his satisfaction, 
 he returned to his Castle of Moulins and there remained 
 for a time, holding a stately court for his nobles, and 
 with the ladies of his family entertaining them with his 
 usual princely hospitality. He was invited to accom- 
 pany the King and Queen to Rouen, where he took 
 a great company and provided lavish entertainments. 
 In July of the following year, 1517, it was a supreme 
 joy and satisfaction to him when his wife, Suzanne, 
 gave birth to a son and heir of his vast domains. 
 There was great rejoicing amongst his subjects, and the 
 more so as this had been scarcely expected, " vu la 
 difformite et indisposition de la personne de madite 
 dame. ..." There had been no son bom to a Due 
 de Bourbon since those of Due Charles I., eighty 
 years before. When the King was informed of this 
 happy event, he expressed his willingness to " hold 
 the child at the baptismal font and make a Christian 
 of him." His Majesty arrived in October with a great
 
 HEIR OF CHARLES DUG DE BOURBON 87 
 
 court at Moulins where he was received with magnificent 
 festivals and tournaments which lasted a fortnight, at 
 a fabulous expense. The baby prince, as eldest born, 
 received the title of Comte de Clermont ; the King 
 gave him his owti name Francois, Anne de France was 
 his godmother, and he was baptised by Monseigneur, 
 the Bishop de Lisieux, in the presence of a great com- 
 pany of bishops and nobles, in the chapel of the Castle 
 of Moulins, most richly adorned and decorated. The 
 Chevalier Bayard was present and bestowed the honour 
 of knighthood upon this fragile little creature, who was 
 destined to die before he could hold even a wooden 
 sword in his baby hand. 
 
 The King departed in high good temper, greatly 
 pleased with his splendid reception, and in the spring 
 of the following year, he invited Bourbon to pay a 
 return visit to Amboise, where to the Queen Claude, 
 " la bonne, sage et tres parfaicte royne de France," 
 was born her first son, the long desired heir to the 
 throne of France. There was the usual rejoicing and 
 costly expenditure in festivities, not only at Court, but 
 throughout the whole kingdom, in which the Due 
 de Bourbon took his full share. He took advantage 
 of this propitious moment to make another appeal to 
 his sovereign for the payment of the immense sums due 
 to him, but received no redress ; " n'en peut oncq 
 avoir expedition de fait." However he concealed his 
 disappointment, went out hunting with the King, and 
 took part in all the various tournaments. The Young 
 Adventurer, to whom these were the very salt of life, 
 gives a full account of some curious mimic warfare
 
 88 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 which almost went beyond a game. He had never 
 seen anything Hke it before. 
 
 " The King caused a sham town of some size to be 
 built of wood, out in the open field, and surrounded 
 with a moat, and placed there four great pieces 
 of artillery . . . and Monsieur d'Alengon, with 
 100 men - at - arms on horseback, was stationed 
 within the said town, and the Young Adventurer, 
 with 400 men on foot, feigned to come to the help 
 of M. d'Alen9on, who was besieged by Monsieur de 
 Bourbon with 100 men-at-arms on horseback, 
 and M. de Vendome with 100 men on foot. . . . 
 Then the King, in splendid armour, joined the Young 
 Adventurer and threw himself into the town. The 
 artillery within the town was composed of great 
 wooden cannons bound with iron, which shot forth 
 immense balls filled with air, which struck the 
 besiegers and rolled them on the ground, and it was 
 most amusing to see the jumps they made ! When 
 they had enough of this, M. d'Alen9on and all his men- 
 at-arms on horseback, galloped out of the sham town, 
 and the King and the Adventurer with him, and three 
 great pieces of artillery began to fire as if they were 
 on the field of battle. . . . Against them came M. 
 de Bourbon with 100 men-at-arms, and they began 
 to attack each other in excellent order; it was the 
 finest combat ever seen and the most like real war. 
 . . . But the pastime did not please every one, for some 
 were killed and others wounded ..." adds the Young 
 Adventurer ! 
 
 The baptism of the infant Dauphin, who did not live
 
 DEATH OF THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN 89 
 
 to be King of France, was a splendid ceremony, and 
 Pope Leo X., who was one of the sponsors, sent his 
 nephew Lorenzo dei Medici, whom he had made Duke 
 of Urbino, to represent him ; and besides the nobles 
 of France there were a number of ambassadors. But 
 amongst them all, the Due de Bourbon was so much 
 distinguished by his magnificence and the splendid 
 company he brought with him, " all dressed in gorgeous 
 velvet with gold chains which went three times round 
 their necks," that the King's jealousy was again 
 aroused, and he listened to the courtiers who remarked 
 that so rich a lord could not need the repayment of 
 his money ! Bourbon certainly never received it, 
 although again and again he made application to 
 Frangois L, and was compelled to mortgage more 
 estates to pay the interest of the large sums which he 
 had borrowed on the King's behalf. 
 
 Meantime on January 12, 1519, the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian died, and the fierce secret conflict which had 
 been going on between Charles and Frangois, for the 
 succession to the Empire, no longer smouldered but 
 broke out into open flames. Maximilian had passed 
 away in full confidence of his grandson's victory, yet 
 this was by no means a certainty, although the 
 enormous sum of nearly six thousand gulden had 
 already been spent or promised in bribes to secure it. 
 The whole contest now began over again, and the King 
 of France, with his greater command of money and 
 the support of the Pope, seemed at first to have the 
 advantage. He had sent to Germany, Bonnivet and 
 other astute ambassadors, who were commissioned to
 
 90 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 agree to every demand and win over the Electors at 
 any price. Nothing is more amazing to us in the 
 history of this election than the greedy readiness of 
 princes, bishops, statesmen, generals — men of every 
 condition — to receive bribes, until it seems as if all the 
 world were for sale. We have no space here, in the life 
 of Bourbon, to dwell upon the long and deeply interest- 
 ing struggle which I have fully described elsewhere.^ 
 
 In the end the voice of Germany was in favour of 
 the grandson of Maximilian, who, at a cost of 850,000 
 florins, was elected at Frankfort on June 28, 1519, 
 " King of the Romans," his formal title until the papal 
 coronation (often dispensed with) gave him the right 
 to be called " Romanorum Imperator." In point of 
 fact, this empty crown of Empire added nothing to his 
 actual possessions and much to his obligations. Yet 
 the ambition of Charles was justified, for this dignity 
 of Suzerain Lord was, in a way, hereditary in his race, 
 and had he shunned the burden of such greatness, 
 looked upon almost as " divine majesty," he would 
 have lost prestige in the eyes of Europe. 
 
 Sooner or later, war was now inevitable between 
 the rival sovereigns, but for the present an armed 
 neutrality was carried on. The King of France had 
 already made fresh advances to Henry VIII. whose 
 alliance was of the utmost importance to him, and we 
 find the Due de Bourbon summoned to Paris to help 
 in the entertainment of an important embassy, and 
 take part in the usual " dances, farces, morisques, 
 momeries," and other Court amusements. The Con- 
 1 " Marguerite of Austria," p. 259; see Christopher Hare. 
 
 1
 
 DEATH OF BOURBON HEIR 91 
 
 stable again seeks to recover the immense sums owing 
 to him by the King, but without success, and he then 
 returns to his own domain, out of heart and dis- 
 couraged. He has had recent domestic troubles in the 
 loss of his infant son and heir, the precious little Comte 
 de Clermont, and a fresh disappointment when twin 
 boys of Madame Suzanne did not live to see the light 
 of day. Soon after this sad event, the bereaved 
 mother, who was in ill-health and with little hope for 
 the future, decided to make her will, by which she 
 named her husband, Charles de Bourbon, her universal 
 legatee, " thus showing the great and cordial love which 
 she bore to him." This was signed on December 15, 
 1519, at the Castle of Montlu9on, with the full appro- 
 bation and consent of her mother, Anne de France, 
 Duchesse de Bourbon. 
 
 The King had expressed a wish to spend Christmas 
 with his Court at the Bourbon palace of Chatellerault, 
 which was situated in the midst of the finest warrens 
 and game preserves in the kingdom. With him came 
 his wife. Queen Claude, and his mother, Madame Louise, 
 and the Constable entertained the whole company 
 with princely magnificence, having provided the 
 choicest wines in his cellars, and abundance of rare 
 viands, while game was good and plentiful, for never 
 was there seen better sport, or gayer hunting parties. 
 With dutiful homage he accompanied the royal party 
 on their way, with an escort as far as Cognac, where 
 he took leave of his guests and returned to spend 
 Easter at Chatellerault with his wife and her mother. 
 
 Meanwhile both Charles V. and Fran9ois I. were
 
 92 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 eagerly seeking the alliance and friendship of Henry 
 Vni., who was quite willing to receive advances from 
 both princes. The young King of Spain landed in 
 England in May, 1520, and spent five days at Dover 
 with the King, his uncle (by marriage with Catherine 
 of Aragon), in the friendliest intimacy. They dis- 
 cussed the position of Europe and the possibilities of 
 conquest in the future, and Wolsey was encouraged 
 to hope for his future elevation to the throne of St 
 Peter. The very day when Henry VHI. took leave 
 of his royal nephew, he embarked for Calais to pay a 
 state visit to the King of France. He was accom- 
 panied by Queen Catherine and his prime minister 
 Wolsey, and escorted by all the great officers of the 
 crown, the chief prelates, and all the greatest nobles 
 of his kingdom. It was to be a rivalry of magnificence 
 on this occasion, and the King of England brought 
 with him, on his ships, a vast palace of wood and glass 
 which was to be put together outside the Castle of 
 Guines, and to be hung with gorgeous velvet and silk, 
 and priceless tapestry. 
 
 The invitation had been given by the French King 
 who was already awaiting the coming of his guests to 
 that famous meeting on the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 
 which has left a kind of legendary glamour upon the 
 pages of history. Not only the two monarchs but all 
 the great nobles of both countries had come prepared 
 to outvie each other at any cost, and as du Bellay 
 remarks, " They bore their fields, their forests and 
 their windmills on their shoulders." ^ In this stately 
 
 ^ "Memoires de Fleurange."
 
 FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD 93 
 
 pageant the ladies played their part and honoured 
 the feats of chivalry of the gallant knights by their 
 presence. With the King of France was his wife, 
 Queen Claude, and his sister, Marguerite of Alengon ; 
 and amongst the ladies in attendance upon her was 
 Ann Boleyn, who was thus first brought under Henry 
 Vnith's notice. Madame Louise de Savoie, the 
 King's mother, was also present, and gives the 
 following account of the proceedings in her Journal. 
 
 " On the last day of May, 1520, my son arrived at 
 Ardres, called in Latin Ardea ; and the said day the 
 King of England, second of his race, arrived at Calez, 
 which is called in Latin Caletum or Portus Itius, 
 according to Caesar in the fifth Book of his Com- 
 mentaries. 
 
 " On Tuesday, June 5, 1520, the King of England 
 arrived at Guynes, and the Queen, my daughter and I 
 arrived at Ardres ; . . . 
 
 " On June 7, 1520, which was the day of la Feste- 
 Dieu, about six or seven in the afternoon, my son and 
 the King of England met in the tent of the latter, 
 near Guynes. 
 
 "On the ninth day of June, 1520, my son and the King 
 of England found themselves in the country, each with 
 fifty men, and took wine together about half-past five 
 in the afternoon. 
 
 " On June 17, 1520, the lodging of M. d'Orval at 
 Ardres caught fire about half-past ten at night ; 
 which was a most unfortunate thing for we were in a 
 suspicious and evil place. 
 
 " On June 23, 1520, the Legate of England chanted
 
 94 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the Mass in the open fields before the two kings. All 
 the chapel was made and dressed by the English except 
 the pavilion of my son's chapel which was set out in 
 the oratory. My son knelt down to the right, and 
 took " la paix " and the gospel first ; and the little 
 Cardinal of Vendosme served them. 
 
 " On June 24, 1520, the two kings took their departure 
 and said adieu to each other." 
 
 Throughout the Journal of the Queen-mother, it 
 is only the doings of " my son " which have any 
 interest for her. The most vivid account of the Field 
 of the Cloth of Gold is that given in the " Memoires 
 de Fleurange " (the Young Adventurer). He rises to 
 a pitch of enthusiasm as he describes the camp of 
 Fran9ois L, with the most beautiful tents that ever 
 were seen — some in cloth of gold and others in smooth 
 textures of gold and silver, with mottoes and chivalric 
 devices, hung inside with velvet and silk. There were 
 more than three hundred in number, and above them 
 waved the banners of the princes and lords, and the 
 arms of France. In the midst rose the royal pavilion, 
 even more spacious and splendid than the others, with 
 a golden statue of St Michael above it, glittering in the 
 sunshine. The state meeting of the two kings on 
 June 7 was a gorgeous ceremonial arranged with an 
 amount of punctilious etiquette which betrayed 
 uneasy suspicion. Each monarch set forth from his 
 own dominion at the same moment, and slowly 
 advanced at the same pace on a splendid war-horse, 
 preceded by his Constable holding a naked sword, and 
 followed by all the great lords in sumptuous costumes.
 
 FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD 95 
 
 and an escort of four hundred archers and men-at- 
 arms. Outside his armour, the King of France wore 
 a mantle of cloth of gold, sprinkled with pearls, 
 diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, and on his head a 
 velvet cap shining with precious stones, from which 
 floated magnificent white plumes. The King of 
 England was dressed with like splendour, save that his 
 mantle was of cloth of silver. They met at last with 
 courtly salutations and embraced each other while 
 still on horseback, then dismounted and entered the 
 stately pavilion together, arm in arm. Fran9ois was 
 anxious to obtain a definite promise of assistance from 
 Henry, who temporized, while using the most friendly 
 language. " Sire," he said, " neither your realms nor 
 other the places of your power is the matter of my 
 regard ; but the steadfastness and loyal keeping of 
 promise between you and me. That observed and kept, 
 I never saw prince with my eyes, that might of my 
 heart be more loved." They examined together the 
 treaty of 1518, by w'hich the Dauphin was to marry 
 Mary of England, and Frangois L was to pay a large 
 yearly sum until the celebration of the marriage. In 
 reading the preamble, Henry VIH. left out his title of 
 " King of France," remarking to his brother sovereign ; 
 " I will omit it as you are here, for I should lie," yet it 
 was certainly retained in the written document. 
 
 In the showy tournaments which were repeated on 
 many days, the two kings played their part gallantly. 
 Marillac tells us that one day the Due de Bourbon rode 
 a wonderful courser, who could leap his own height, 
 and was greatly admired by Henry VI II., to whom
 
 96 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the Constable immediately offered it, and it was 
 graciously accepted. In the jousts and tournaments 
 the English knights appear to have shown more 
 strength and vigour, and the French more skill and 
 agility. Henry himself was a splendid archer, and 
 " was good to see " in his trials with the crossbow. 
 But Fleurange tells us that on one unlucky day when 
 the two princes were in the great pavihon together and 
 had taken some wine, the King of England exclaimed : 
 " My brother, I will wrestle with you," and seizing 
 the King of France with his strong hands, sought to 
 overthrow him, but Francois was also a good wrestler, 
 and being more skilful, tripped him up and Henry fell 
 flat on the ground. He got up in a rage and wished 
 to continue the fight, but the Queens interfered and the 
 wrestlers were persuaded to sit down to the supper 
 which awaited them. This defeat rankled in the mind 
 of Henry, and did much to counteract the good which 
 all the gifts and festal meetings had done. The two 
 kings parted with every appearance of cordiaHty, but 
 Henry VHI. had scarcely left Fran9ois I. before he 
 went on to Gravelines, where the Emperor Charles 
 awaited him, and they agreed to a new treaty together.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 FRESH AFFRONTS TO THE DUG DE BOURBON — EXPEDITION 
 TO PICARDY — THE CONSTABLE REFUSED HIS RIGHT TO 
 COMMAND THE GUARD — DEATH OF SUZANNE DE 
 BOURBON, WIFE OF THE CONSTABLE — DEMAND OF THE 
 QUEEN-MOTHER, LOUISE DE SAVOIE — HER CHARACTER 
 
 REFUSAL OF BOURBON THE CONSTABLE THREATENED 
 
 WITH A LAW-SUIT TO DEPRIVE HIM OF HIS DOMINIONS OF 
 THE HOUSE OF BOURBON — THE ADVICE OF ANNE DE FRANCE. 
 
 " ^ ■ ^HE Chronicle of Marillac," which is full 
 I of the naive details of an eye-witness, 
 
 I ends with the departure of the Due de 
 
 Bourbon in company with the King 
 from the Field of the Cloth of Gold, their journey 
 together by Abbeville and Amiens to Paris, and the 
 return of Charles to his Castle of Chatellerault, where 
 he remained during the winter with his wife and her 
 mother. He felt himself neglected after all he had 
 done for the King, who had become cold and indifferent 
 to him, and steadily refused to pay him arrears of his 
 various appointments, or to return him the large 
 amount spent in the Italian Campaign. It was not 
 for want of money, as Fran9ois could be liberal enough 
 to his favourites, thus in the close neighbourhood of 
 the Bourbon palace of Chatellerault, he had built a 
 splendid castle for Bonnivet. One day when the 
 Constable was attending him in a great hunting party, 
 
 a 97
 
 98 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the King asked what he thought of it. "I think," 
 was the proud reply, " that the cage is too spacious 
 and too beautiful for the bird." 
 
 " What you say is from jealousy," exclaimed the 
 King. " How can your Majesty believe," rejoined 
 Bourbon, " that I can feel jealous of a gentleman 
 whose ancestors were only too happy to be the 
 squires of mine ? " 
 
 Somewhat later when war was on the point of 
 breaking out with Charles V., the Constable of France 
 was not included in the four great military govern- 
 ments of Picardy, of Champagne, of Guienne and of 
 Lombardy, which the King of France distributed to 
 meet the enemy on his various frontiers. These great 
 dignities had been given " to the timid Due d'Alen^on, 
 to the peaceful Due de Vendome, to the arrogant 
 Bonnivet and to the irresolute Lautrec." The affront 
 of being deliberately left out from these important 
 posts was most keenly felt by Charles de Bourbon, 
 who soon received a more direct and unendurable insult. 
 The King had commanded Bourbon to raise in his own 
 estates, six thousand foot soldiers and three hundred 
 men-at-arms, and when he obeyed and joined the King 
 in Picardy with his levies, hoping for high reward for 
 his promptness and zeal, he was called upon instead 
 to endure an intolerable humiliation. 
 
 The office of Constable of France gave him a right 
 to the command of the advance-guard, and in this 
 position he had acquitted himself with honour and 
 glory at the battle of Marignano. But in Picardy in 
 1521, he found himself deprived of it from no fault of
 
 AFFRONT TO CHARLES DE BOURBON 99 
 
 his own, and the Due d'Alen9on who had married 
 the King's sister Marguerite, and distinguished himself 
 in no other way, was placed in charge of the most 
 important place in the army. Charles de Bourbon 
 was deeply hurt and disappointed by this unjust 
 treatment on the part of his sovereign ; he was too 
 proud to utter a word of complaint, but he never for- 
 gave or forgot it. We are told that more than once 
 he was heard to quote the haughty reply of a great 
 lord to Charles VII., who asked if any bribe would 
 tempt him from his loyalty. " No, sire, not even the 
 offer of three kingdoms such as yours ; but an affront 
 would be enough." Yet far worse than this was in 
 store for that proud unbending spirit ! 
 
 Martin du BeUay, the well-known contemporary 
 chronicler, who himself fought at the battles of 
 Marignan and Pavia, and whose fairness is undisputed, 
 tells us that Bourbon endured his King's ingratitude 
 with patience, and served well and faithfully under his 
 orders. He also adds : "I have seen in my time that 
 the people who have left the King's service from dis- 
 content, have in the end done him more injury than 
 many others. Thus for example the Bishop of Liege, 
 the Prince of Orange, the Marquis of Mantua, the Due 
 de Bourbon, the seigneur Andre d'Orie and several 
 others." In this very campaign where he was so cruelly 
 wronged, there came a moment when, if the Constable's 
 advice had been followed, the Emperor might have 
 met with the same fate under the walls of Valenciennes 
 which Frangois I. himself was to endure later at the 
 Battle of Pavia.
 
 lOO CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 The French army had crossed the Escaut on a bridge 
 thrown over the river below Bouchain, and had formed 
 in order of battle, before the forces under the Count 
 of Nassau, 12,000 landsknechte and 4000 men-at- 
 arms, sent by Charles V., could bar their passage. The 
 imperial army, having failed to prevent this manoeuvre, 
 and being no longer protected by the river, was not 
 strong enough to resist an attack, which could not fail 
 to mean certain victory to the French. This did not 
 occur to Frangois, who, although a very brave and 
 dashing soldier king, was by no means a good general. 
 But the Constable of France, who had taken so splendid 
 a part at Agnadello and at Marignano, seized the 
 position at a glance with the instinct of a bom com- 
 mander. His wrongs were forgotten ; he listened only 
 to the impulse of his warlike genius, and eagerly urged 
 an impetuous and instant attack upon the unprepared 
 enemy. La Palisse and the Sieur de la Tremouille, both 
 experienced Captains, agreed with his suggestion, but 
 the King of France preferred to listen to the timid 
 advice of the Marechal de Chatillon. He was con- 
 tented to watch the escape by flight of an army which 
 he might have destroyed. The forces of Charles V. 
 were suffered to retreat unmolested to Valenciennes, 
 when prompt action on the part of their foes would 
 have crushed and annihilated them. In this decision 
 of the French King we cannot tell how far he may have 
 been guided by jealousy and suspicion of the prince 
 he had so deeply injured. 
 
 This is the opinion of Gaillard who remarks, "It 
 was to the desire of contradicting and mortifying the 
 
 \
 
 JEALOUSY OF FRANCOIS I. loi 
 
 Constable that the King sacrificed his wish to fight. 
 In vain did la Tremouille, Chabannes, and Bayard 
 demand permission to pursue the imperial army at the 
 head of their companies of men-at-arms, and promise 
 to defeat them with this small number of troops ; the 
 army spent the whole night in passive inaction. . . . 
 The Emperor himself was so struck with the danger 
 which his army had so narrowly escaped, that he fled 
 that very night into Flanders with one hundred 
 horsemen." 
 
 As Du Bellay says : " And on that day God had 
 delivered our enemies into our hands, but we would 
 not accept, a thing which cost us dearly afterwards ; 
 for those who refuse the good fortune presented by 
 God, find that it does not return again when asked for." 
 
 Even this last disappointment, Charles de Bour- 
 bon endured in silence. He followed the campaign, 
 obeying the orders which he received when it should 
 have been his place to command. " He took the town 
 of Bouchain, carried by assault that of Hedin and, by 
 this means placed all the neighbouring fortresses under 
 the King's command. All who write about this 
 expedition cannot be silent with regard to the valour, 
 the judgment, and the determined resolution of M. 
 de Bourbon, and they dwell upon his goodness, his 
 devotion to the success of the crown, and his patience 
 in bearing the neglect of the King and the evil treat- 
 ment which was the reward of his fidelity." 
 
 We have reached the most critical point of the 
 history of Charles Due de Bourbon when in April 1521, 
 he lost his gentle loving wife Suzanne de Bourbon.
 
 I02 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Laval, who continued the Chronicle of MariUac, says 
 that the poor lady was so grieved and worried by the 
 affronts which her husband had endured from the King, 
 that she fell ill and being ever weakly and delicate, had 
 no strength to recover and so " deceda, quelques secours 
 qu'on luy sut porter." This fragile heiress of the 
 great house of Bourbon, the centre of so many hopes, 
 was laid to rest in the Priory Church of Souvigny, 
 amidst the stately tombs of her ancestors, the Dukes 
 of Bourbon, and her canopied monument may be seen 
 there to this day. After sixteen years of married life, 
 Charles had indeed good cause to mourn for the wife 
 who had made his high position unassailable ; and we 
 can picture to ourselves the despairing grief of the great 
 Anne de France at the loss of her " dear obedient 
 daughter," the only child of her House and her love. 
 
 Yet no one could have foreseen that almost before 
 poor little Suzanne was laid in her grave, her husband 
 the Due de Bourbon would find himself overwhelmed 
 by a new misfortune which he was powerless to avert. 
 
 In order to understand the history of this critical 
 period, it will be needful to study not only the recorded 
 facts, but the state of feeling and even the gossip of the 
 day. From all these sources we learn that Louise de 
 Savoie, the King's mother had long shown a very warm 
 interest in the handsome young Prince, splendid in 
 rank and magnificence, Charles de Bourbon. It was 
 said that her influence had helped to make him 
 Constable of France and that she had procured his 
 recall from Italy when he was Governor of Milan, as 
 she could not endure his absence. Yet, we are
 
 .-/. Giraitiiou, photo, 
 ANNE 1)E FRANCE (Al STE. ANNE) 
 Statue Jrotn CItantelle {in the Louvre)
 
 DEATH OF SUZANNE DE BOURBON 103 
 
 scarcely prepared to hear that on the death of his 
 wife Suzanne, this Royal lady demanded of her son 
 Francois I., that he should arrange a marriage for her 
 with Charles de Bourbon. Bom in 1476, she had at 
 this date, reached the mature age of forty-five, while 
 the young Duke was only thirty-one. A glance at the 
 character and personal history of Louise de Savoie 
 may throw some light upon this amazing incident. 
 The orphan daughter of the Sieur de Bresse and 
 Marguerite de Bourbon, Louise was brought up by the 
 charity of her aunt, Anne de France, Duchesse de 
 Bourbon. As a girl of twelve a brilliant marriage 
 was arranged for her with a peer of the blood-royal, 
 the Comte d'Angouleme, an elderly roue, who was 
 openly unfaithful to her. Louise was scarcely nine- 
 teen when she was left a widow with two children. 
 Marguerite and Frangois, to whom she proved a most 
 devoted but foolishly unwise mother. Louis XIL 
 was their guardian and after a time rumours reached 
 him that the conduct of the widowed princess was so 
 open to reproach, even for those licentious days, that 
 he sent his trusted friend, the Marechal de Gie to 
 supervise her household. In order to end a notorious 
 scandal, Gie was brave enough to dismiss her favourite 
 " Valet " and secretary Jean de St Gelais, and for this 
 Louise never forgave him, as we see later in that tragic 
 " Proces de Gie " when he was hounded to his ruin by 
 lies and false witnesses. When power came to her, 
 after her son's accession to the throne, Louise paid 
 off all old scores and no one ever offended her with 
 impunity. As it was said of her : " EUe va, comme on
 
 104 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 salt, exiler, pendre ou bruler quelques objets de ses 
 rancunes." 
 
 Such at heart was the woman whose fatal passion 
 for Charles de Bourbon helped to destroy him. In 
 her gay Boccaccian Court, surrounded by shameless 
 flatterers, Louise de Savoie doubtless felt that her hand 
 would be a prize indeed for any Royal suitor, and that 
 she stooped to offer it to the highest noble of the realm. 
 Her personal appearance in youth is thus described 
 to us by the artistic Robinet Testard. " Mince et 
 meme seche, la robe bien ouverte, cheveux d'un blond 
 chatain releves sous une coiffe, le front haut, les 
 sourcils minces et legerement aigues, la peau blanche 
 et fine, de maigres joues pen colorees, la bouche et le 
 menton mignons, le nez droit et massif, les yeux gris 
 en coulisse un peu bour-souffles, au regard qui se 
 trahit. . ." There was lurking jealousy in her affec- 
 tion for her marvellous daughter, the far-famed 
 *' Marguerite des Marguerites," but the chief devotion 
 of her life was for her son ; " mon fils, mon roi, mon 
 seigneur, mon glorieux et triomphant Cesar ..." as 
 she calls him in her diary, which is almost entirely 
 devoted to his adventures and exploits. 
 
 Frangois L remained under his mother's influence 
 and appears to have refused her nothing. \\^en she 
 asked for the hand of Charles de Bourbon, he may have 
 known her too well to be surprised, or it may have 
 seemed to him an easy way of securing for her the vast 
 possessions of the House of Bourbon to which she was 
 allied. In any case a modem writer on the " Renais- 
 sance " thus tells the story : " Francis sent a Lord to
 
 CHARACTER OF LOUISE DE SAVOIE 105 
 
 apprise Bourbon of his will. An old chronicler 
 describes the scene. " WTien the Duke heard these 
 tidings, for a long time he spake no word, but stood 
 looking at the noble messenger, his brother-in-arms, 
 and at length he said to him : " Is it an act worthy of 
 our friendship to bring me the offer of such a woman 
 . . . the dread of all nations ? , . . I would not do 
 this thing, no, not for all the riches of Christendom." 
 When the King told Louise of this answer, " she was 
 like a woman bereft of her senses . . . and cried : 
 " The matter shall not rest here, for by the Creator of 
 souls his words shall cost him dear, . . . My son, you 
 shall avenge me. . . ." ^ A woman scorned in her out- 
 spoken love which turned to hatred and was soon to 
 bear bitter fruit. 
 
 If some French historians are naturally reticent 
 about this scandal at the time, the news rapidly spread 
 to distant Courts, for we find Henry VIII. saying to 
 the ambassador of Charles V. : " There has been much 
 discontent between the King Frangois and the said 
 Bourbon, since he has refused to marry Madame la 
 Regente, who loves him very much." ^ 
 
 The next move in this complicated game is that the 
 Constable of France finds himself threatened with a 
 lawsuit, as the King's mother puts forward her claim to 
 the great estates of the House of Bourbon, as belonging 
 to her ah intestat by the death of Madame Suzanne, her 
 first cousin (see table II.), she being more closely allied 
 to the said Duchesse de Bourbon than was her husband 
 
 1 E. Sichel. 
 
 * Quoted by Mignet. Vol. II. p. 364.
 
 io6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Charles. We have good reason to believe that this 
 claim, a true bolt from the blue,\vas made at the instiga- 
 tion of the Chancellor Du Prat, who pointed out to 
 Louise that Charles had already married Suzanne to 
 make assurance doubly sure of his right of succession 
 to these dominions, and that now on the death of his 
 first wife, he might be persuaded to marry again in order 
 to make sure of them once more. However indignant 
 he may be at first, he would soon see where his interest 
 lies, and be thankful both to insure his position and 
 regain the King's favour by this marriage, which will 
 give Louise de Savoie the possessions of her ancestors. 
 On the other hand, if Charles should indignantly 
 refuse, no expense must be spared and all the influence 
 of the Crown must be used in gaining this lawsuit. 
 Louise was assured that she was the next heir, as these 
 dominions had been subject to female succession before 
 the year 1400, and had become so again by the letters 
 patent of Louis XH. in 1498, when he settled the 
 inheritance of Suzanne de Bourbon. 
 
 On the refusal of this marriage, war was thus openly 
 declared, and Charles might be assured that it would 
 only end in his ruin. He had not only to defend him- 
 self but also his mother-in-law, Anne de France, 
 Duchesse de Bourbon, who had been Regent of France 
 on the death of her father Louis XL This great lady, 
 now advanced in years — she was over sixty — in failing 
 health, and broken-hearted by the loss of her only 
 child, lavished upon Charles de Bourbon the affection 
 of a devoted mother. We can imagine her fierce 
 resentment and wounded pride on finding herself the
 
 CLAIM TO ESTATES OF BOURBON 107 
 
 object of attack from Louise de Savoie whom she had 
 adopted in her orphan childhood, and whom she had 
 married to the Comte d'Angouleme, thus obtaining 
 for this girl, whom she had never really liked or ap- 
 proved of, the high position of mother to the King of 
 France. Louise had already shown herself ungrateful 
 to the aunt who had done so much for her. She was 
 jealous of the high favour with which Queen Anne (de 
 Bretagne) had always regarded both the dowager 
 Duchesse de Bourbon and her daughter Suzanne, 
 Duke Charles was on such friendly terms with the 
 present Queen Claude that she would gladly have 
 offered him her sister Renee as his second wife, but the 
 child princess is said to have demurred on the ground 
 that " she could not marry a prince who was on the 
 point of losing his domains." 
 
 The plea put forward on behalf of Louise de Savoie, 
 that the Duchess Anne lost all her rights of possession 
 and of dowry on the death of her daughter, was clearly 
 against all custom and law, and the royal lady, so 
 deeply insulted in her pride of race and her honour, 
 appears to have forgotten the larger interests of the 
 country over which she had once ruled, and, as a 
 champion of the House of Bourbon only, to have urged 
 Charles to open rebellion against the Valois on the 
 throne. She knew the implacable nature of Louise, 
 she foresaw that there could be but one end to this 
 unfair lawsuit, supported by a King against his 
 subject ; for the loss of her son-in-law's possessions 
 would surely be followed by trumped-up charges and 
 would inevitably lead him to the scaffold. Before the
 
 io8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 trial had even commenced, Frangois had shown his 
 hand by seizing the " Comte de la Marche, Carlat, and 
 Murat . . , pretending that the permission granted to 
 Duke Pierre for his daughter ended with her. ..." 
 
 Anne was aware of the Emperor's overtures to 
 Charles, and most strongly advised him to accept them, 
 including the suggested marriage with his sister 
 Eleanore. " My son," she is reported to have said, 
 " consider that the House of Bourbon has already been 
 allied with the House of Burgundy, and that during 
 this alliance it has always flourished and been pros- 
 perous. You see the troubles we have now, and this 
 lawsuit which only proceeds from our lack of alliances. 
 I pray and command you to accept the alliance with 
 the Emperor. Promise me that you will do so with 
 all diligence and I shall die content." Mignet who 
 quotes this, remarks thus upon it. " The daughter of 
 Louis XL who had governed the Kingdom of France 
 during the minority of her brother Charles VHL — 
 maintaining its authority and enlarging its bound- 
 aries — had changed her maxims in changing her 
 position. She now sought to support the greatness 
 of the House into which she had entered and which 
 seemed about to fall in ruins on the death of her daughter 
 Suzanne. What the great feudal lords of the realm 
 and all the Princes of the blood had done when their 
 interests were opposed to the Crown, what the Dukes 
 of Bourgogne, of Bretagne, and Louis XL as Dauphin 
 had recently done, that she advised the Constable of 
 France, her son-in-law, to do."
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 FRAN(;:OIS I. AND LOUISE DE SAVOIE LAY CLAIM TO THE VAST 
 POSSESSIONS OF CHARLES DE BOURBON — THE FAMOUS 
 LAWSUIT — DELAYS OF THE PARLIAMENT — SEQUESTRATION 
 OF bourbon's property by the QUEEN MOTHER — HER 
 CRUEL TREATMENT OF DE SEMBLAN^AY — ADVANCES OF 
 THE EMPEROR TO BOURBON — HIS TREATMENT AT THE 
 FRENCH COURT — DEATH OF ANNE DE FRANCE. 
 
 THIS great lawsuit, the mighty struggle 
 between royalty and the typical repre- 
 sentative of the powerful feudal nobility 
 of the realm, was one of the most critical 
 events in the History of France. Whatever private 
 and selfish motives Frangois I., Louise de Savoie, and 
 the Chancellor du Prat may have had, they were 
 unconsciously serving the cause of that kingly pre- 
 rogative which alone could make of France a united 
 kingdom rather than a group of rival provinces, each 
 ruled by its own sovereign lord. 
 
 They had chosen, it is true, a most perilous time to 
 run the risk of alienating the nobihty of the land in the 
 person of the Due de Bourbon, when aU Europe was in 
 coalition against France, and the issue of events was 
 more than doubtful. On the other hand, Charles 
 could not yield without being a traitor to his order and 
 his name ; the eyes of the world were upon him, and 
 he would have shown himself a dastard to bow before
 
 no CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the storm. In his heart he knew himself to be the 
 appointed victim and that his cause was hopeless from 
 the first — for how could the Parliament dare to give 
 sentence against the King ? Even from this distance 
 of tmie, we watch with breathless interest the on- 
 coming of the fateful inevitable tragedy — the scape- 
 goat driven out into the wilderness laden with the sins 
 of past ages — a needful sacrifice to prepare the way 
 for a new order of unity and strength. 
 
 When we consider the splendid position and im- 
 mense domain of Charles de Bourbon, we are com- 
 pelled to own that so powerful a vassal was a constant 
 danger to the Crown itself. The mere enumeration of 
 his dignities places Charles before us a sovereign prince. 
 He was Due de Bourbon, Auvergne, and Chatelleraut, 
 Comte de Clermont, Montpensier, Forez, La Marche 
 and de Gien ; Dauphin d'Auvergne ; Vicomte de 
 Carlat and Murat ; Sire de Beaujeu, de Combraille, 
 de Mercoeur, dAnnonay, de la Roche-en-Regnier and 
 de Bourbon-Lancy. These vast estates were governed 
 after the manner of a real kingdom. The centre of the 
 government was fixed at Moulins, an ancient city, 
 well placed on the navigable river the Allier, in a 
 fertile plain ; the home of the Bourbon princes since 
 Robert, the son of St Louis, took up his abode there. 
 Within a few miles was the stately castle of Chantelle, 
 the strongest fortress in the country — defended by a 
 rocky precipice, a river, and strong fortifications ; 
 and at the same time the most beautiful palace in 
 France. 
 
 It was the favourite home of Anne de France, who
 
 STATE OF CHARLES DE BOURBON iii 
 
 made it a treasure house of rare and beautiful works 
 of art, of splendid furniture, tapestries, pictures, and 
 a priceless library of books and illuminated manuscripts. 
 Yet, this was only one of the many magnificent 
 chateaux of the House of Bourbon. The administra- 
 tion of Charles de Bourbon was carried out with kingly 
 pomp and circumstance. He had his Court in which 
 he was surrounded by his feudal vassals, and many 
 other nobles attracted by his princely generosity and 
 the sumptuous splendour of his hospitality. The 
 Duke maintained an immense household ; a regular 
 company of " archers of the guard " with their captain ; 
 chamberlains, equerries, squires, gentlemen and 
 pensioners of his household, twenty-four pages, 
 heralds-at-arms, cup-bearers, stewards, secretaries, 
 and a vast crowd of menial attendants. He had the 
 right to administer justice, with the reserve of an 
 appeal to the royal courts ; he appointed a chancellor, 
 he had his own pleaders. This great lord had even the 
 right to levy soldiers in the greater part of his dominions, 
 and this was the more possible to him for he was almost 
 as rich as the King. As a final touch to his magnifi- 
 cence, Charles de Bourbon was a patron of art and 
 literature, and kept in his pay both writers and artists. 
 More than this, as the head of the House of Bourbon 
 and of the blood-royal of France by direct descent from 
 St Louis, this first subject of the realm was so peril- 
 ously near to succession of the throne that Francois I., 
 head of the House of Valois, could never forget or 
 forgive it. His fall was inevitable, but the means by 
 which it was accomplished were brutal.
 
 112 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Having once grasped the main issue of the gigantic 
 struggle, we are at leisure to follow out the details 
 of this unique lawsuit between the crowned and the 
 uncrowned king. The case was brought before the 
 Parliament of Paris in January 1522, and the first 
 thing we notice is that the Parliament, fearing the 
 public opinion of the country, did not show any zeal 
 in supporting the Crown against a great vassal. The 
 fiscal exactions of Du Prat, and the high-handed con- 
 tempt of Fran9ois I. for any opposition to his extrava- 
 gant demands, had roused a feeling of irritation in the 
 legal body. But all resistance was useless, for the 
 King's will carried all before it. 
 
 When the case began, two famous lawyers, Bouchard 
 and Montholon pleaded on the side of the defendants, 
 the Due de Bourbon and Madame Anne de France, 
 while Poyet (afterwards made Chancellor of France) 
 was counsel for Louise de Savoie, and the Advocate- 
 General, Lizet, represented the King's claim. It was 
 a terribly long and wearisome suit, as it was the interest 
 of the plaintiffs' cause to spead the interest over the 
 greatest possible number of reclamations : " un vrai 
 farrago d'allegations," says one witness. " On ne pent 
 ennuyer plus savamment," says Dreux du Radier. 
 
 The following are the important facts. On the 
 marriage of Jean L, Due de Bourbon with Marie de 
 Berry, in the year 1400, the duchy of Bourbon and the 
 counties of Clermont and Forez, coming from the side 
 of Bourbon ; and the duchy of Auvergne and county 
 of Montpensier coming from the side of Berry, were 
 formed into an appanage which was declared to
 
 STATEMENT OF THE GREAT CASE 113 
 
 descend to heirs male, King Charles VI. being a party 
 to this contract. Before this date, some of these 
 possessions had been an appanage, which might be 
 inherited by females. An appanage returns to the 
 Crown when there is a failure of heirs pointed out by its 
 special constitution. No disposition by the holder 
 for the time being could defeat that reversion. 
 
 The succession of the Dukes of Bourbon is made 
 plain by the accompanying genealogical tables. (See 
 Tables I. and II.) 
 
 We thus come down to 1498 when Pierre II., Due de 
 Bourbon, obtained from King Louis XII. letters 
 patent, authorising his daughter Suzanne and her 
 descendants to succeed him. These letters were an 
 invasion of the rights of the Counts of Montpensier, 
 who were entitled to the succession as heirs male under 
 the arrangements of 1400. The King appears to have 
 been aware of this for, on the death of Pierre de Bour- 
 bon, he consulted with his great lawyers on the subject 
 of succession in various dominions, and he definitely 
 advised the Duchess Anne to marry her daughter 
 Suzanne to young Charles (now heir of the House of 
 Montpensier by the death of his father and elder 
 brother). Louis XII. quite appreciated the rights of 
 the young prince. He showed this still more plainly 
 the following year, 1505, when at the marriage of 
 Charles and Suzanne, a contract was carefully drawn 
 up in which he took part, by which husband and wife 
 make a mutual donation of all their property and 
 dominions to the survivor, in case there are no children. 
 The kindly old King certainly intended that this should
 
 114 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 settle the matter, and end the controversy. In this 
 contract, Madame Anne de France also left all her 
 property to the survivor of those two and to their heirs. 
 As Montholon pointed out, " in this marriage treaty it is 
 clearly shown that the defendant (Charles of Bourbon) 
 is really the true duke and lord of the Bourbon pro- 
 perty, for he assigns to the said dame, Suzanne de Bour- 
 bon, 10,000 livres de rente as a dowry, to be raised upon 
 his duchy of Auvergne and county of Clermont, which 
 is clearly the deed of a proprietor. He also bestows 
 upon Madame Anne de France for her dowry, the sum 
 of 10,000 livres toumois from his duchy of Bour- 
 bonnais. . . ." 
 
 When Suzanne de Bourbon died in 1521, at the age of 
 twenty-nine, she ratified all the clauses of her marriage 
 contract, and made her husband her sole legatee. 
 After her daughter's death, Anne de France also left 
 all that she possessed to her son-in-law Charles de 
 Bourbon. Of course these wills, as far as the appanage 
 is concerned, must be put out of the case, for of that 
 they had no power to dispose. 
 
 As for Louise de Savoie who claimed by female 
 succession — this she could only do by treating as null 
 and void, not only the letters patent of Louis XH. 
 in 1498, but also the arrangement of 1400 at the 
 marriage of Jean de Bourbon and Marie de Berry. 
 When the advocate of Louise brought forward a 
 genealogy of the children of Charles L, Due de Bourbon, 
 and pointed out that the King's mother was the 
 daughter of his seventh child Marguerite who married 
 the Due de Savoie, while Suzanne was the daughter
 
 LONG AND TEDIOUS LAWSUIT 115 
 
 of his second son Pierre, and therefore the two ladies 
 were first cousins, and Louise should inherit, rather 
 than Suzanne's mother Anne de France ; — Bouchard 
 replied that according to the written law vivente 
 matre, the goods of the daughter cannot go to a 
 first cousin, this being also against the custom of the 
 land. 
 
 In this long and tedious trial, there is a contest over 
 every different portion of the inheritance and every 
 conceivable quibble is brought into use. Thus the 
 fathers of Jean de Bourbon and Marie de Berry, who 
 give their broad lands to the males descending from 
 this marriage, speak good, clear, sensible old French, 
 while the notaries who draw up the deed turn it into 
 bad Latin, which they probably do not understand, 
 and get confused with an ablative absolute which the 
 advocate for Louise de Savoie tries to twist into a 
 conditional meaning ! To this Montholon, on behalf 
 of Duke Charles, made reply that, in the language of 
 noble princes, we look for the clear intention without 
 seeking subtle devices. He also goes on to point out 
 that the marriage contract of Pierre Due de Bourbon 
 and Anne of France was only a repetition of that much 
 quoted one of Jean de Bourbon and Marie de Berry, 
 " that an appanage in fact remained inalienable," 
 and he insists that if Louis XII. had known of this 
 arrangement of Louis XL, he would never have granted 
 the letters patent of 1498 to Suzanne. 
 
 Now this probable ignorance of King Louis XIL 
 would have been an excellent ground for seeking the 
 recall of those letters and the cancelling of their
 
 ii6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 registration ; but this course does appear to have been 
 taken. However, the sequestration of the Bourbon 
 lands was so ably opposed that the Court, not daring 
 to commit the injustice which the King so strongly 
 urged, took the timid course of deferring their decision, 
 and ordering that the lawsuit should be put off until 
 the " morrow of St Martin of the coming winter." 
 As this decision was given in the month of August, it 
 seemed to leave a breathing space, yet by this time the 
 Constable of France knew that for him all hope was 
 at an end. But he had not yet reached the depth of 
 his humiliation. As Laval tells us : " Madame, the 
 mother of the King, too impatient to wait until the 
 month of November, made such violent efforts to 
 obtain the decree of sequestration that she succeeded 
 before the close of Parliament in that same month of 
 August. This decree filled the measure of Bourbon's 
 despair. He knew that the King was as much his 
 enemy as Madame his mother, and moreover, deprived 
 of all his possessions, titles, dignities and even of his 
 great offices and emoluments from the King, he knew 
 not where this matter would end. ..." 
 
 Charles had indeed cause for apprehension when he 
 remembered the cruel vengeance of which Louise de 
 Savoie was capable. A flagrant instance of her 
 unscrupulous methods had only just occurred. The 
 French army had been defeated in Italy, and when 
 Lautrec, the general, returned, the King in his bitter 
 disappointment, refused to see him. But Lautrec, 
 eager to justify himself, found means of approaching 
 his sovereign and complained of this treatment.
 
 UNSCRUPULOUS CONDUCT OF LOUISE 117 
 
 Fran9ois replied that he could not forgive him for the 
 loss of Milan. Upon this Lautrec explained that His 
 Majesty was to blame, as he had never sent the money 
 which was so urgently needed. The army had not 
 been paid for eighteen months, and the 16,000 Swiss 
 who had joined him at Monza had so clamoured for 
 battle or pay, that he, Lautrec, against his better 
 judgment, had been compelled to attack the enemy 
 in a strong position at Bicocca, near Milan. The 
 result had been that crushing defeat. 
 
 The King indignantly replied that he had sent 
 400,000 crowns as soon as they were asked for, but 
 Lautrec insisted that he had never received the money. 
 The Treasurer of France, the Lord of Semblan^ay was 
 sent for in haste, and admitted the King's command, 
 but added that when the money was about to be sent, 
 Madame, the King's mother, had taken the 400,000 
 crowns for herself. The story was so incredible that 
 Frangois hurried to the apartments of Louise and told 
 her of the accusation, angrily accusing her of thus 
 causing the loss of his duchy of Milan. She was con- 
 fronted with de Semblangay and was obliged to own 
 that she took the money, but she vowed that it was 
 her own property, savings upon her revenue. The 
 unfortunate Treasurer repeated his assertion, but 
 Louise violently accused him of fraud and peculation, 
 and was supported by the Chancellor du Prat, who 
 hated de Semblangay, against whom a criminal suit 
 was soon brought ; he was tried and condemned by 
 judges chosen by his foes, and ultimately died on 
 the scaffold in 1527. Such was the fate of an honest
 
 ii8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 man who had served four kings with honour and 
 devotion ! ^ 
 
 This disgraceful story is told by many historians, 
 but the fullest details are given by the scholarly 
 Martin du Bellay, who died in 1559, and who is 
 accused by Montaigne of being " a special pleader for 
 Francois I. against the Emperor rather than an 
 impartial historian." 
 
 While the great lawsuit was in process, and the 
 faintest hope remained, Charles de Bourbon actually 
 remained at the Court of Frangois I., although he must 
 have been acutely conscious of the hostile atmosphere 
 which surrounded him. He could not fail to notice the 
 secret satisfaction of envious rivals at the painful 
 position in which the first gentleman of France, after 
 the King, found himself. His partisans amongst the 
 nobility, who looked upon him as the champion of 
 their order, could scarcely dare to show their sym- 
 pathy. As the iron entered into his soul, Charles was 
 slowly making up his mind. Each day the shadows 
 darkened around him and, as Mignet says : " The 
 ill-will and the resistless power of his enemies made 
 him fear complete spoliation ; ruin would be added 
 to disgrace, and this iniquitous persecution set the seal 
 upon all the injuries and affronts which he had endured. 
 His proud soul revolted at the thought, and while 
 maintaining his rights, he prepared his revenge." 
 
 Chateaubriand thought the same ; he quite under- 
 
 ^ See Du Bellay, Bethune, Varillas, Brantome, Bouchet and 
 other historians. The people detested Louise de Savoie for her 
 avarice. On her death 1,500,000 crowns were found in her coffers.
 
 DE BOURBON DRIVEN TO DESPAIR 119 
 
 stood that the Constable's high position was a part 
 of himself and that he could not live without it. " He 
 represented the power, the life and the customs of a 
 great vassal of the Crown, in olden times." 
 
 In this crisis of his fate, Bourbon's thoughts naturally 
 turned towards the Emperor who had already made 
 several advances to him, and who had recently sent 
 a message to him by his ambassador in France, when 
 he saw which way the lawsuit was likely to end. 
 " Monsieur," said Philibert Naturelli to the Con- 
 stable, " you are now free to marry ; the Emperor, 
 my master, has a sister, about whom I am commis- 
 sioned to speak to you." The Duke appears to have 
 only thanked Charles V. without giving any definite 
 reply. But later in the summer of 1522, when his 
 position had become more desperate, Bourbon sent 
 his devoted friend, the Lord of Vauguyon to reopen 
 negotiations with Adrian de Croy, the Spanish minister. 
 An alliance with the Emperor could only mean open 
 rebellion against the King of France. " A victim of 
 royal injustice, Charles looked upon himself as the 
 future liberator of his country ; he was rising against 
 the disorderly, arbitrary, extravagant government of 
 a prince given up to his pleasures and the slave of every 
 passion." ^ 
 
 This was, in fact, the view taken a little later, in 
 January of the next year, by so cool-headed a minister 
 as Cardinal Wolsey in his reply to Thomas Boleyn, 
 ambassador at Madrid. He praises the " virtuous 
 prince Charles de Bourbon who, seeing the evil 
 
 ^ Mignet.
 
 120 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 conduct of the King and the enormous abuses in the 
 kingdom, wishes to reform it and to improve the 
 condition of the unfortunate people." 
 
 Frangois I. heard of the intercourse between the 
 Emperor and the Due de Bourbon. We wonder why 
 he did not break off the lawsuit and seek to win back 
 the Constable. Yet having once begun it, probably 
 he shrank from owning himself in the wrong ; besides, 
 as King of France and a Valois, he was too eager to 
 check and destroy this House of Bourbon, which was 
 a menace to him personally, as well as to the Royal 
 authority of which he was the representative. 
 
 Charles continued to attend the Court. " One day 
 he arrived at the hour when the King and Queen 
 Claude were at table in different rooms. The Duke 
 went first to pay his respects to Queen Claude, who 
 had always remained his friend, and when the King 
 presently entered, rose respectfully to do him homage. 
 Frangois addressed him roughly : "It appears that 
 you are married or on the point of being so. Is this 
 true ? " Charles replied that he was not, whereupon 
 the King retorted that it was so and he knew it. He 
 also added that he had heard of all his plots with the 
 Emperor, and repeated several times that he would 
 remember it. 
 
 " Then, Sire, this is a threat," replied the Duke ; 
 " I have not deserved such treatment." After dinner, 
 he returned to his own house, situated near the Louvre, 
 and many gentlemen accompanied him thither in his 
 train." ^ Michelet goes farther still, he writes : " All 
 
 ^ Cotton MS. C. folio 117. British Museum.
 
 DEATH OF ANNE DE FRANCE 121 
 
 the nobles followed him." When later, the Emperor 
 told the story of this interview to Sir Thomas Boleyn, 
 the English ambassador expressed his wonder that 
 the King should have suffered the Constable to 
 depart. " He could not have prevented him " ; said 
 Charles V., " all the nobility was on his side." 
 
 Before the end of that fatal year, Charles de Bourbon 
 received another blow ; the loss of the great Anne de 
 France, Duchesse de Bourbon, who for so many years 
 had lavished on him all the affection of the most 
 devoted mother. She died on November 14, 1522, 
 advising him, with her last breath, to shake the dust of 
 an ungrateful country from his feet, and to join the 
 Emperor Charles. Worn out with many labours and 
 much sorrow rather than age, for she was but sixty-one, 
 the noble Princess, last of her race, was borne with 
 stately pomp and ceremony to her grave ; deeply 
 lamented by her subjects to whom she had been a wise 
 and generous ruler. Anne de France was laid to rest 
 in the splendid chapel of the Bourbon princes, within 
 the Abbey church of Souvigny by the side of her 
 beloved daughter Suzanne. 
 
 Henceforth, Charles de Bourbon was indeed alone, 
 with no human love to support and strengthen him ; 
 alone, as on a mountain peak with his own indomitable 
 pride. We see him at once the sombre spectator and 
 impassive sculptor of his tragic story, which he is to 
 carve out with his own sword. Like another Corio- 
 lanus, his fiery spirit could not stoop to flattery and 
 Court manoeuvres, could not endure to live a maimed 
 and disgraced existence, poisoned by his own con-
 
 122 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 tempt ; and chose rebellion rather than a tame and 
 ignoble submission. He had suffered too deeply to 
 endure such agony for long, and when driven to 
 extremity, the great Constable of France made his 
 final choice without one backward glance. 
 
 It is instructive to read what a thoughtful historian 
 like Merimee has to say on the subject. " We must 
 not judge Charles with the severity which a Frenchman 
 of the present day would deserve who sold his services 
 to the enemy. In his time the nobles asserted their 
 complete independence and considered themselves 
 free to change their suzerain when they had reason to 
 complain of the master whom the chance of birth had 
 given them. . . . Can we wonder at this in France of the 
 sixteenth century when, during three civil wars, both 
 sides had called in the foreigner to fight for their 
 quarrels ? . . ." Or again, if we take the remarks of a 
 self-complacent Court chronicler like Brantome, who 
 was himself riding over to Spain to give his services 
 against France, when an accident to his spirited white 
 horse crippled him for life and sent him home to his 
 bed, henceforth a good patriot and a popular writer. 
 
 He says : " It is all very well for those scrupulous 
 philosophers ! ... If I make good use of my sword, 
 I gain a splendid reputation, but if I keep it in the 
 scabbard, I die of hunger without glory and without 
 honour. . . . What could Monsieur de Bourbon have 
 done if he had not acted as he did ? He would have 
 been taken prisoner, tried, and had his head cut off 
 like the Constable de Saint-Pol, and have been dis- 
 honoured for ever, he and his race. Instead of this,
 
 THE FINAL CHOICE OF BOURBON 123 
 
 he died a glorious death, if ever man did, having 
 avenged his injuries and affronts, taken prisoner 
 on the open battle-field his King who would have put 
 him to death, and found that courtesy in a foreign 
 land which his own had denied him. Here we see the 
 truth of the old saying : ' Omne solum forti patria est, 
 ut piscibus oequor.' " 
 
 Dreux du Radier says of the Constable at this crisis 
 of his fate : " With distinguished talent in war, 
 showing as much prudence as valour, thinking much, 
 speaking httle, magnanimous, generous, adored by 
 his army, respected by his equals, in short, worthy by 
 a thousand splendid quaUties of the blood of Saint 
 Louis, Bourbon was proud and high-spirited and 
 would carve his way only by his own conduct, owing 
 nothing to royal favour. He was one of those men 
 who are bom to decide the fate of a country by the 
 side they embrace, and for whom ostracism was 
 estabhshed in Athens."
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON IS FINALLY DRIVEN TO REBELLION — 
 HE RETIRES TO MOULINS — RECEIVES THE EMPEROR's 
 DELEGATES — MAKES A TREATY WITH THEM — THE KING 
 FOLLOWS HIM TO MOULINS — DRIVEN TO EXTREMITY, THE 
 DUG DE BOURBON TAKES FINAL LEAVE OF CHANTELLE — 
 TRAVELS IN DISGUISE THROUGH AUVERGNE, ON TO CHAMBERY 
 AND BESAN5ON. 
 
 MEANTIME while Charles de Bourbon 
 still delayed and hesitated before taking 
 the final step, he was actually sent on a 
 miUtary expedition by the King to 
 attack and disperse a band of adventurers who were 
 ravaging with impunity the borders of Champagne and 
 Burgundy, towards Paris. This he had soon accom- 
 plished with his usual promptness and success, and 
 returned to his Castle of Moulins, where he was shortly 
 visited by two gentlemen of the Court. The Constable 
 asked them definitely what the King intended to do 
 and what message he had sent. He was told in general 
 terms that Frangois I. certainly did not wish to deprive 
 him of his estates, but when he proposed to send back 
 a letter thanking the King for his good words, the 
 courtiers refused to take it. He soon found out that 
 they had really come to find out what forces he had, 
 and that they were no better than spies. Tidings 
 also reached him that the Chancellor du Prat was 
 
 124
 
 RECEIVES THE AMBASSADOR 125 
 
 strongly advising that he should be reduced to the 
 position of a poor gentleman with four thousand livres 
 de rente. 
 
 From that time he fully understood that he could 
 put no trust in the King, or in the Parhament, and he 
 remarked with natural bitterness that " he was waiting 
 for news of his trial to know whether he was going to 
 be Duke or simply Charles." He also began to speak 
 openly of sending back to Fran9ois I, his collar of the 
 Order of Saint-Michael and his sword of Constable, 
 because he would rather live poor out of France than 
 be held of such small account there. 
 
 It was during this time of painful suspense that he 
 heard of the arrival at Bourg-en-Bresse of Adrian de 
 Croy, lord of Beaurain, the Emperor's Chamberlain, 
 and felt that the moment for decision had arrived. 
 It was his final opportunity. In order not to arouse 
 suspicion, he took the pretext of a pilgrimage to 
 N6tre-Dame-du-Puy and estabUshed himself in the 
 most mountainous part of his domains, at Montbrison, 
 the capital of the Haut-Forez, high up in the hills 
 amongst the fir-trees. It was from here that he sent 
 for Beaurain. Two devoted gentlemen of his Court 
 brought the messenger with his companions through 
 the principaUty of Dombes and Beaujolais as far as 
 Montbrison, where they arrived on the evening of the 
 17th of July. Beaurain was shut up for two days in 
 a chamber near that of the Due de Bourbon, and he 
 only came out at night for a mysterious conference. 
 
 Every precaution was taken, although Charles 
 beUeved himself to be surrounded by faithful friends.
 
 126 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Chabannes, Bishop of Puy, and the Bishop of Autun 
 were with him, also his three chamberlains, his 
 stewards, the captains of his men-at-arms, and a 
 whole crowd of young lords of the Auvergne, of 
 Forez, of the Beaujolais and elsewhere, attached to 
 his person, devoted to his projects and ready to take 
 arms for him. 
 
 Above all, there was his most eager partizan whom 
 he had summoned from the banks of the Rhone ; 
 Jean de Poitiers, lord of Saint-ValUer, comte de 
 Valentinois, etc. He belonged to one of the noblest 
 families of France, had rendered great services to 
 the Crown, and held important offices. He had been 
 Governor of Dauphiny under Louis XH., and had 
 fought in Italy under Frangois L, and had spent there 
 100,000 crowns which had never been paid back to 
 him. He complained of being neglected by the King, 
 and of having been deceived by Louise de Savoie 
 who, notwithstanding her promise, had never restored 
 to him his duchy of Valentinois. He was the father of 
 the famous Diane de Poitiers, who had recently 
 married Louis de Breze, High Seneschal of Normandy. 
 
 It was to Saint-Valher that Bourbon first revealed 
 the whole plot suggested by the Emperor, under a vow 
 of secrecy. " Cousin, wiU you swear on the true 
 cross that you will never repeat what I tell you ? " 
 Then his friend placed his hand on the reliquary which 
 the Constable always wore round his neck, and took 
 a solemn oath. It was in the presence of Saint Vallier 
 that during the night of the i8th July, Charles made 
 his secret contract with Beaurain who was brought
 
 NEGOTIATIONS WITH DE CROY 127 
 
 into the chamber at eleven o'clock at night with the 
 usual mystery. The Emperor's letters were first 
 given to the Constable. This is what he wrote : 
 
 " Cousin, — I send you the lord of Bcaurain, my 
 Chamberlain, who will give you a message from me. 
 I pray that you will beUeve him as myself. And in 
 doing this you will find me your good cousin and friend. 
 
 Charles." 
 
 Adrian de Croy, Lord of Beaurain, had been engaged 
 for some months in the building up of this great 
 conspiracy both in Spain and in England, where Henry 
 VIII. required much diplomatic management. He 
 was very zealous at first, until he reahzed that actual 
 war with France would entail very heavy expense and 
 a large armament, which was at that moment required 
 in Scotland, and to put down the insurrection of the 
 "White Rose." However, early in May he told the 
 Spanish Ambassador that " in this matter of Bourbon 
 he would heartily join with the Emperor and pay half 
 the money necessary for the horsemen and foot- 
 soldiers which the Constable was to raise. Negotia- 
 tions had been carried on at VaUadolid and in London, 
 but this was de Croy's first meeting with Bourbon, 
 who had already promised by letter to declare himself 
 and to join the army of invasion, opening the towns 
 in his dominions to the confederates. 
 
 On that eventful summer night, in the Castle of 
 Montbrison, Beaurain fully set forth his instructions, 
 both from Charles V. and Henry VIII., and then
 
 128 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 drew up the treaty of marriage and of confederacy. 
 Bourbon was promised that he should marry the 
 Emperor's sister Eleonore, late Queen of Portugal, 
 or else the Infanta Catalina, with a dowry of 200,000 
 crowns ; and on his side he was to swear that he would 
 combine with the Emperor against all the world. He 
 was willing to attack Fran9ois I., but he refused to 
 treat Henry VHI. as King of France. Bourbon 
 offered to be his ally but not to acknowledge himself 
 as his subject. 
 
 A rising within the Kingdom was to support the 
 invasion from without, at the same time. Charles V. 
 was to enter France by Narbonne, with 18,000 
 Spaniards, 10,000 landsknechte, 10,000 men-at-arms, 
 and 4000 horses ; while at the same time the King of 
 England was to descend upon the western coast of 
 the Kingdom with 15,000 foot-soldiers and 1600 
 horsemen, who were to be joined shortly by 3000 foot- 
 soldiers and 3000 men-at-arms from the Netherlands. 
 This invasion was to take place when Fran9ois I. 
 left Lyons, where he was to be in August on his way 
 to Italy. It was arranged that ten days after the 
 combined attack of the Emperor and the King of 
 England, Bourbon was to take the field with his own 
 army which he was to have in readiness, and 10,000 
 landsknechte who were to be sent from Germany by 
 way of Franche-comte. 
 
 This treaty was drawn up by de Croy's secretary, 
 and two copies were made, of which one was to remain 
 with the Constable and the other was to be taken 
 back to the Emperor. The two papers were signed 

 
 ISABELI.E DE BOURGOGNE. SISTER OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V 
 
 By Jan Gossaert (Mahise) 
 
 By pertiiission of M. Charles Leon Cariion
 
 SECRET CONFERENCE AT MONTBRISON 129 
 
 on the one side by de Croy in the name of Charles V., 
 and on the other by Charles de Bourbon and his friend 
 Saint- Vallier, all taking oath on the Gospel that the 
 agreement should be faithfully kept. When this was 
 accomplished, Bourbon sent for his steward Saint- 
 Bonnet towards midnight, in order to give him a 
 commission to Spain as his representative. Having 
 first made him take an oath of secrecy and obedience, 
 he said : "I wish you to go to the Emperor and to 
 tell him that I humbly commend myself to his good 
 favour, and pray that he will give me his sister in 
 marriage, and that in doing me this honour, he will 
 find me his servitor, his good brother and his friend." 
 
 Saint-Bonnet was then presented to de Croy and 
 commanded to obey him in everything. They started 
 together that very night, an hour or two before dawn, 
 with the intention of reaching Genoa and embarking 
 from thence. They crossed the mountains of the 
 Forez, guided by the Lords of Lalliere and du Peloux, 
 who went with them beyond the principality of Dombes 
 and almost as far as Bresse. De Croy wrote several 
 despatches in cypher which he sent off, together with 
 a copy of the treaty, to Henry VHL, and also to the 
 Archduke Ferdinand, the Emperor's brother, asking 
 him to raise at once the 10,000 landsknechte who were 
 to be placed under the Due de Bourbon at the moment 
 of the combined invasion of France. He reached 
 Genoa safely and crossed to Spain as quickly as 
 possible. 
 
 The most intimate account of the whole episode of 
 the secret conference at Montbrison is given by Saint-
 
 I30 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Vallier at his trial, a few months later. He gives the 
 most curious and minute details ; thus, he is not sure 
 about seeing the seal of the Emperor on the treaty, 
 as he did not have Ids spectacles. He remembers 
 the day was Thursday because he had brought some 
 partridges for dinner, and the next day being " maigre " 
 was Friday. . . . But when he goes on to relate that 
 after de Croy was gone, he tried to persuade the 
 Constable to give up the whole scheme, we have only 
 his word for so wild a suggestion. He adds the reply 
 of Charles : " Cousin, what can I do ? The King 
 and Madame have done me so much wrong and 
 wish to destroy me ; they have already taken away 
 property and they wish to put me to death." He 
 was so distressed that Saint-VaUier said presently : 
 " Monsieur, we will say no more about it ; let us have 
 a game." So they went with the Bishop of Autun 
 and the Sieur de Chamand to play at " flux," a very 
 favourite card-game of the period. It was played by 
 four people ; each player takes three cards, and he 
 who has all his cards of the same colour or the most 
 points, wins the stake. 
 
 Charles de Bourbon was well aware that it was now 
 too late to draw back, and that all that remained for 
 him was to persevere in his risky enterprise, however 
 terrible might be the consequences. He saw to the 
 fortification and provisioning of his two chief strong- 
 holds, Chant elle and Carlat, and began to make 
 active preparations for war, sending for the Captain 
 of his men-at-arms, la Clayette, and for Saint-Saphorin 
 who had served under him in Italy. He next sent
 
 DE BOURBON TAKES THE FINAL STEP 131 
 
 Antoine de Chabannes, the Bishop of Puy, to ask the 
 Duke of Savoy, his kinsman, if he would join him. 
 He had persuaded Aymard de Prie, who was in com- 
 mand at Dijon, to admit 1000 foot-soldiers into that 
 city. Charles firmly believed that, at the critical 
 moment, he would be joined by nearly 2000 nobles 
 who had given him their word. He had great hopes 
 from two young Norman gentlemen, Matignon and 
 d'Argouges, whom he had treated with the utmost 
 generosity and loaded with his favours. He wrote 
 and asked them to meet at Vendome his agent Lurcy, 
 who would tell them all his plans. By their means 
 he hoped to prepare the way for the descent of the 
 EngUsh army on Normandy. Bourbon shows the 
 most perfect confidence in all his friends, yet we can 
 scarcely wonder that, where he trusted most he was 
 destined to meet with betrayal. 
 
 It was at this time that he fell ill again of a tertian 
 fever, and had to leave the Castle of Montbrison 
 carried in a litter. He was going to await events 
 at Moulins and to rest awhile before the day of action, 
 when Francois I. should have set forth to reconquer 
 the Duchy of Milan. The King had already made all 
 his preparations for this expedition from which he 
 hoped so much. The people murmured at the reckless 
 rapacity with which he had collected money, for he had 
 imposed enormous taxes, mortgaged the property of 
 the Crown, and even borrowed precious treasures from 
 the abbeys and churches. Admiral Bonnivet, in 
 command of the army until the King's arrival, had 
 preceded him to Lyons, Lescun was sent to defend
 
 132 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Languedoc, and Lautrec was on the borders of Gascony 
 — as precautions against a Spanish attack. It was 
 arranged that during her son's absence Louise de Savoie 
 should be Regent, a name which has always clung to 
 her. 
 
 Early in August, Francois L left Fontainebleau and 
 reached Gien, where he received a warning from the 
 Sieur d'Escars, who was deep in the Bourbon con- 
 spiracy, but seems to have had a touch of remorse. 
 He is reported to have said : "If you were as sus- 
 picious as King Louis XL, you would have some doubts 
 about my lord Constable, for I hear that he is very 
 eager for news from England, Germany, and Spain, 
 which he could very well do without." The King 
 already had his suspicions which were soon to become 
 a certainty. He had arrived at Pierre-le-Moustier 
 on August i6, when he received a letter in dupHcate, 
 brought by two couriers for greater security. It had 
 been delayed by first passing through the hands of the 
 Regent Louise who was at Clery, and had received it 
 from the Grand-Seneschal of Normandy. 
 
 To explain this important communication we must 
 go back to the meeting at Vendome between the Sieur 
 de Lurcy and the two Norman gentlemen, Matignon 
 and d'Argouges. Bourbon's ' messenger invited the 
 young men to a secluded room of the " Hotellerie des 
 Trois-Rois, and after having made them swear secrecy, 
 he revealed to them the whole conspiracy. Quite 
 convinced of their sincerity, he promised to give them 
 the government of Normandy after the EngUsh 
 invasion, when the Constable, having marched to Paris,
 
 PERILOUS SITUATION 133 
 
 would be proclaimed governor and King. Frangois I. 
 was to be taken prisoner between MouUns and Lyons, 
 and for his part, Lurcy said, he would have put him to 
 death, but this the Constable vehemently opposed and 
 proposed that the King should be kept in honourable 
 captivity at Chantelle. The two gentlemen appear 
 to have been taken by surprise, and they both indig- 
 nantly refused to take part in the plot. Having sworn 
 not to reveal it, they compounded with honour and 
 conscience by telling the whole story in confession to 
 the Bishop of Lisieux. He on his part feeling that, as a 
 good patriot, the interest of the State came before any 
 ecclesiastical scruples, at once sent the news to de 
 Breze, the Grand Seneschal, who forwarded it, as we 
 have seen, to Frangois I. 
 
 The situation was fuU of peril and the least hesita- 
 tion might be fatal. Louise wrote at once to the 
 Seneschal with the order to bring the two Norman 
 gentlemen to her at once under a safe escort. She also 
 sent messengers in every direction to find out what 
 was on foot. As for the King, he treated the matter 
 with much coolness, and wrote a long letter to her 
 mother, telhng her in a light-hearted way what he 
 proposed to do. He had been on the point of starting 
 for Moulins with a small escort, but now he will pretend 
 that he has hurt his leg and wiU remain another day 
 at St Pierre, while he collects a good company of 
 landsknechte round him and also the four hundred 
 archers under d'Aubigny. He will send orders in 
 every direction to make the roads safe, and take care 
 that the King of England may know what reception he
 
 134 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 will meet if he should dare to land in Normandy. . . . 
 He will also go and meet Bourbon himself, before he 
 suspects anything. 
 
 When the Constable heard of the King's arrival at 
 Mouhns, he sent him a letter excusing himself for not 
 waiting on his Majesty as he was kept to his chamber 
 by illness. Francois I. meantime, had a large force 
 with him, installed himself in the Castle of which he 
 took the keys, set sentinels, and caused the town to be 
 watched by a strong guard, which was changed three 
 times in the night. It was the next day, when all 
 these precautions had been taken, that he entered the 
 chamber of Charles de Bourbon. 
 
 This is the account the King gives in his letter to his 
 mother :".... Yesterday I slept at Moulins where I 
 found M. de Bourbon very ill, and I do not beUeve 
 that it was feigned, for I had sent Maitre Andre to see 
 him the day before, and had privately insisted that he 
 should find out the truth. And this morning he and 
 all my doctors have told me positively that if the Sieur 
 de Bourbon does not take care of himself, they would 
 not be in his case for anything ! His face is very 
 much changed. I spoke to him about coming with me, 
 which he seemed to wish very much, and promised on 
 his word that as soon as he could bear to travel in his 
 litter, he would set forth at once ; it would probably 
 be in a week, I would certainly have taken him with 
 me then, but all my doctors told me that I could not 
 do so without killing him. ..." Du Bellay pro- 
 fesses to relate what passed in that memorable inter- 
 view. He says that the " good merciful King " told
 
 INTERVIEW WITH THE KING 135 
 
 the Constable that he had heard all about the plot 
 which de Croy had suggested, but he did not believe 
 that his cousin would have listened, save for the fear 
 of losing his estates. The King assured Charles that 
 he and his mother would give them all back to him if 
 the law-suit went against him. He need not trouble 
 about it, but should make ready to accompany him 
 in his journey to Italy. The " wise and prudent " 
 Sieur de Bourbon seems to have quite a match in 
 dupHcity for his sovereign. He owned that Adrian 
 de Croy had sought him on the part of the Emperor, 
 but was it hkely that he should have listened to any 
 proposed conspiracy against his Lord ? He would 
 certainly join the King at Lyons as soon as the doctors 
 allowed him to travel. ... It was a most friendly 
 conversation, and the King is even said to have offered 
 Bourbon a share in the command of his army in Italy. 
 
 After this interview which can have deceived neither 
 of the two princes, Frangois I. lost no time in making 
 his way, with the utmost precaution and a strong escort, 
 to Lyons where his presence was urgently needed. But 
 he was by no means satisfied about the Constable, and 
 he left his trusted vassal, de Warthy, to send constant 
 reports of all that took place, to keep a strict watch 
 over the suspected rebel and never leave him until he 
 could be brought in safety to Lyons. 
 
 The path of transgressors is hard, and having once 
 entered into this course of deception, Charles de Bour- 
 bon found it impossible to draw back. Not only his 
 dominions and his high position, but his very Ufe was 
 now at stake. It was impossible for him to trust the
 
 136 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 King's offers and promises, which no doubt were made 
 in order to effect his arrest more easily. He delayed 
 for another fortnight his departure towards Lyons, 
 where the King was impatiently awaiting him, and it 
 is more than probable that his continued illness was 
 in a great measure feigned. When at the urgent 
 request of Frangois, de Warthy insisted on an inter- 
 view, he had to wait four or five hours in an 
 outer chamber of the Castle, and was then shown 
 into a "closet" where the Constable was lying on 
 his bed. 
 
 The invalid sent a message to the King that he was 
 a little better, and had been out for a few minutes on 
 his mule that morning ; when he had become more 
 accustomed to the air in his park of MouUns, he hoped 
 to be able to travel in a few days. Warthy set off at 
 once to Lyons with this news, travelling all day and 
 night and reaching the King at the hour of his 
 " lever." Fran9ois I. waited five days longer, pro- 
 bably completing his plans, and then sent Warthy 
 definitely to fetch Bourbon, whom he met near 
 Varennes, about fifty miles from Mouhns, whence he 
 had travelled by easy journeys in his Utter. Warthy 
 had strict orders not to leave the Constable again until 
 they were safely at Lyons. They travelled together 
 to La PaUce about twenty miles on, and stayed to rest 
 in the castle there. All that Thursday night, Warthy 
 heard constant moving about and was told in the 
 morning that Bourbon was much worse and in terrible 
 pain. Asking about the invahd's pulse, he was told 
 that the doctor had not ventured to feel it, as the Duke
 
 FRIENDS OF BOURBON ARRESTED 137 
 
 would have been so much alarmed that he would have 
 thought himself dying.^ 
 
 On the Friday morning, after he had heard Mass 
 and dined, Charles sent for De Warthy and led him to 
 hope that after all he would be able to travel on the 
 morrow. But again there was constant movement 
 in the Castle during the night, and the King's envoy 
 being permitted to approach the sick man's bedside 
 was told that he was much worse, but that it was not so 
 much death that troubled him but being unable to 
 serve the King. 
 
 " My doctors advise me to try my native air," he 
 added. " Tell His Majesty that when I am a little 
 stronger, I will go to him." 
 
 Wrathy knew what his master would think of this 
 and exclaimed that he would be terribly annoyed. 
 Again he hurried off at his utmost speed and reached 
 Lyons incredibly soon, being shown into the King's 
 presence at midnight, with his alarming news which 
 Francois took at their true value. Late as it was, he at 
 once ordered the arrest of Saint-ValUer, who held an 
 important command of one hundred gentlemen of his 
 household, and who had supped with him that very 
 evening. He also arrested Aymard de Prie, Antoine 
 de Chabannes Bishop of Puy, and several others whom 
 he had cause to suspect. Warthy declares that he was 
 sent again with a final message to the Constable, to 
 inform him that until that moment the King had not 
 believed in his treachery, but that even now he im- 
 
 * All these curious details are given from the Deposition of 
 Perault de Waxthy.
 
 138 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 plored Bourbon to think of his honour and to justify 
 himself, giving his royal promise that he would forget 
 everything and treat him with mercy rather than 
 justice. 
 
 This was playing out the farce to the very end, for 
 the rebel had no chance of repentance, as at the same 
 time Frangois sent the Bastard of Savoy and the 
 Marechal de la PaUce with 4000 foot-soldiers and 
 a large number of horsemen to take possession of 
 the person of the Constable, while other generals 
 were ordered to scour all the land of the Bour- 
 bonnais and Auvergne to put down the attempt at 
 rebeUion. 
 
 Meantime Bourbon continued to carry out his 
 engagements with the Emperor, although he knew that 
 he was betrayed on every side. He had ordered 
 the levies in his States, and on the very day when he 
 started apparently towards Lyon, August 31, he had 
 sent his archer Baudemanche to find out if the 4000 
 foot-soldiers had been levied by Saint-Saphorin. 
 When he parted from Warthy at La Pahce on Sept- 
 ember 6, he returned as far as Gayete where he gave 
 an audience to Sir John Russell sent by Henry VHL, 
 Chateau, a secretary of the Emperor's, and Loquing- 
 ham, a Spanish captain. They had been conducted in 
 safety from Bourg-en-Bresse through dangers on every 
 side, and had escaped the companies advancing to 
 seize the Constable. Another treaty was signed that 
 night between Henry VHL and the Due de Bourbon. 
 It was settled that the King of England should land in 
 Picardy while the Emperor invaded Languedoc, and
 
 % 
 
 
 HENRY VIII 
 (F>-om a Lithograph after Holhein by T. K. Way)
 
 CHARLES RETREATS TO CHANTELLE 139 
 
 that Henry VHI. should supply the 100,000 crowns 
 for the part payment of the Constable's landsknechte. 
 But still Bourbon steadily refused to recognize the 
 rights of the English King to the crown of France, or 
 to take an oath of allegiance to him. 
 
 When the foreign agents had departed on their 
 various errands, Charles decided that he must lose no 
 time in seeking the protection of his strongest fortress, 
 that of Chantelle. He thought that he might hold it 
 until the arrival of his landsknechte and of the allies, 
 for it was the general opinion that Chantelle was im- 
 pregnable. He started from Gayete in a Utter, but 
 when he crossed the AUier at Varennes by the ferry, 
 he was riding a bay horse on which he accomphshed 
 the whole journey of eighteen miles without a rest, 
 reaching Chantelle at one in the afternoon. Warthy 
 who was sent in pursuit, was told by the ferryman at 
 Varennes that the Constable had crossed the river on 
 horseback, wearing a robe lined with fur and a quilted 
 silk hood. Having sent word to the King, his mes- 
 senger hurried on to Chantelle and arrived there an 
 hour after the Duke. He sent in word of his arrival 
 and was admitted after a time to the Castle, where 
 Bourbon received him with a smile. " Welcome, 
 Monsieur de Warthy, you have soon overtaken me." 
 " My Lord, your spurs have served you well ! " was 
 the reply. He tried to point out the King's kind 
 intentions, but the Constable interrupted him by 
 showing that he knew how eagerly he was being pursued 
 by an armed force, and how he had been betrayed, 
 adding : " That is why I have come to this Uttle house
 
 140 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 to wait until the King will listen to me. But now I 
 am tired and wish to rest." 
 
 When this unwelcome visitor was out of the way, 
 Bourbon held a hasty consultation with his friends as 
 to w^hether he had better remain at Chantelle and 
 defend himself against the approaching army, or seek 
 a refuge in one of his mountain castles. On examina- 
 tion, it was thought very doubtful if the fortress, not- 
 withstanding its fifteen pieces of artillery, would be 
 able to withstand a determined siege, and the Constable 
 was advised to make good his escape while there was 
 yet time. Meanwhile Warthy had dined with the 
 gentlemen of the household, and when he presented 
 himself, the Duke gave him an open letter to the King 
 and two others to the Grand Master and Chabannes, 
 with which the King's agent reluctantly departed 
 without definite news of the fugitive's plans, 
 
 Bourbon must have spent most of his last hours at 
 Chantelle in writing to the King, Louise de Savoie, 
 Marguerite d'Alen9on ; to his sister Louise de Bourbon 
 and others. This is what he wrote to Frangois L : — 
 
 " A mon tres redoute et souverain Seigneur. 
 
 " MONSEIGNEUR, 
 
 " I have written you fully by Perrault de Warthy. 
 Now I send you M. d'Autun (the Bishop) in order that 
 he may make you understand the desire I have to 
 serve you. I implore you, Monseigneur, to believe 
 what he will tell you from me, and I assure you on my 
 honour that I will not fail you Monseigneur, I pray 
 God to give you a good and long life.
 
 THE LAST LETTERS OF APPEAL 141 
 
 " Written in our house of Chantelle, this 7 of 
 September. 
 
 " Your very humble and very obedient subject and 
 servitor, 
 
 " Charles." 
 
 To this was joined a httle memorandum in his own 
 hand. "... But may it please the King to restore 
 him his goods ; Mgr. de Bourbon promises to serve 
 the King with all his heart wherever and whenever 
 he pleases." 
 
 But in point of fact he had so little trust in all the 
 King's promises that he said to the Bishop of Autun 
 in taking leave of him : " Adieu, my Bishop, I am 
 going to reach Carlat and thence on my way to 
 Spain." 
 
 His other letters were all in the same strain ; a 
 final and pathetic appeal that any faults might be 
 forgiven him and that His Majesty might be persuaded 
 to give him back his honours and possessions. When 
 we read all these last words of the unfortunate prince, 
 hastily written or dictated before leaving his home 
 and country for ever, we cannot help thinking that he 
 still had some vague hope in the success of this last 
 desperate attempt to win the King's pardon, and that 
 it was not merely for the sake of calming his own 
 scruples. But it was a forlorn hope indeed, for the 
 bitter end was at hand. 
 
 We are expressly told by du Bellay that Bourbon 
 did not leave Chantelle until he received news of the 
 Bishop of Autun's arrest by the Bastard of Savoy,
 
 142 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Grand Master of France, He had arrived as far as 
 la Pacauldiere on his way to the King at Lyons, when 
 he was taken prisoner with all his escort. In vain the 
 Bishop pleaded for his friend, repeating : " Let His 
 Majesty give him back his lands and his houses, and 
 he will be well served by Monseigneur the Constable." 
 
 It was on Tuesday, September 8, that Bourbon started 
 from his splendid home, in the dead of night, only 
 twelve hours after his arrival, riding a mule and 
 followed by 240 horsemen. He took with him nearly 
 30,000 gold crowns placed in his saddle-bags, divided 
 amongst his followers. The death-blow had been given 
 to his hopes and it only remained to save his life. He 
 stayed to hear Mass at dawn at Montaigut in the 
 valley of the Creuse, then rested and had some wine 
 a little later at the Chateau of La Fayette, whose lord 
 accompanied him some distance on the way, without 
 approving of his plans. That night the Constable 
 reached the castle of Herment, but was so exhausted 
 on the way, that twice he had to rest under the trees 
 in a fainting condition. For some reason, he had 
 suspicions of some of his followers, and when the 
 morning came and everyone was ready to start, his 
 servant Peloux informed the company that the Con- 
 stable had already started. When one of the men 
 asked in consternation what they were to do, the reply 
 was : " Ma foi, se sauve qui pourra ! " 
 
 But Bourbon was still in his chamber with five 
 faithful followers, whom he had chosen to share his 
 desperate fortunes. Jean de I'Hospital, his surgeon, 
 Goudinieres, his two valets de chambre Guinot and
 
 FLIGHT OF CHARLES DE BOURBON 143 
 
 Bartholome, and most trusted of all, M. de Pomperant. 
 This gentleman of Auvergne had been unfortunate 
 enough to kill a favourite of Frangois L in a duel, 
 and his life had been saved by the gallant protection 
 of the Constable, whose faithful and devoted friend 
 he was ever after. When all the suite had dispersed, 
 the fugitives set forth, guided for some miles by their 
 brave host Henri Amauld (an ancestor of the great 
 Jansenist). The little party was on horseback, the 
 two valets carrying with some difficulty on their 
 strong animals, two bags of gold and a small casket 
 containing jewels. The great Lord of Bourbon wore 
 a short black woollen robe, a doublet of violet satin, 
 and a black hat surmounted by a red cap. All his 
 followers had received orders not to reveal his rank 
 by any outward marks of respect. 
 
 They appear to have passed on safely without 
 adventure through La Tour and as far as St Donnat 
 near the Mont Dore, where they dined, Pomperant 
 sitting at the head of the table as if he were the master. 
 That night they reached Coudat-en-Ferrieres, where 
 Henri Amauld would have left them, but he was 
 persuaded to remain. Starting again at dawn, they 
 continued their journey southward, dined at Ferrieres 
 on the river Alagnon, and slept that night at the little 
 village of Ruines. This was up in the hill-country 
 of Auvergne, near the ancient city of Saint-Flour. 
 The fugitives had a guide with them, a cobbler from 
 Hement, but next day in those wild mountain regions, 
 both he and the Sieur Amauld could not find the path 
 and had to own that they had lost their way. It
 
 144 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 was indeed a perilous journey in which they had 
 more than one narrow escape. A few miles from 
 Saint-Flour they met a company of seven or eight 
 thousand Gascon foot-soldiers who were marching 
 from Lyons to Bayonne to join Lautrec. Bourbon 
 had the presence of mind to make no attempt to avoid 
 the soldiers, but boldly rode by them and was not 
 recognised. 
 
 He was quite worn out by this time and fortunately 
 was within reach of a small manor belonging to his 
 faithful Pomperant, called La Garde, and here he 
 remained during four days, from Friday September 
 9 to Tuesday 13, sitting at meals each day below 
 Pomperant who took his place as host at the head of 
 the table. At this point it almost seems as if Bourbon 
 had doubts about Henri Amauld, for he sent him in 
 charge of his valet Guinot to his mountain fortress 
 of Carlat ; but Arnauld, who was becoming uneasy, 
 made his way home to his Castle of Herment. It is 
 from the depositions he made at his trial, that very 
 much of our information about the details of this most 
 perilous and exciting journey of the Constable have 
 been obtained. From this time until October 3, we 
 entirely lose sight of the Due de Bourbon. Francois L 
 had published his rebellion throughout the land 
 with a flourish of trumpets, promising 10,000 golden 
 crowns to any one who would deliver him up. His 
 escape was marvellous ; we can only believe that he 
 had many loyal and faithful friends amongst his 
 subjects. He could not venture to approach Carlat 
 as watch would be kept for him there, and besides he
 
 ADVENTURES OF THE FUGITIVE 145 
 
 could never hope to stand a siege there, as the fortifica- 
 tions were no stronger than those of Chantelle. His 
 only chance was to escape across the frontier and he 
 probably attempted to make his way over the 
 mountains to join the Emperor's army in Roussillon. 
 But strict guard was kept on the frontier by the 
 Marechal de Foix, and this was no doubt the reason 
 he turned back towards Lyons, where his perils in- 
 creased at every step, as the King's troops were every- 
 where on the alert. 
 
 The historian Du Bellay does not seem to have 
 seen Amauld's depositions and he only takes up the 
 story at this point, when the Constable had none but 
 Pomperant and his faithful valet Bartholome with 
 him. He says that they reached the little village of 
 Vauquelles near Lyons, where the landlady of the inn 
 recognised Pomperant, but seems to have been ignorant 
 of his connection with Bourbon, who was treated as a 
 servant. They stole away at dawn and arrived at 
 Dance, close to Vienne, with the river Rhone before 
 them, and Pomperant went on to the bridge of Vienne 
 where he met a butcher to whom he explained that he 
 was one of the archers of the King's guard, and he 
 asked if his companions had not come to guard the 
 river against M. de Bourbon. The man replied that 
 they had not come yet, but there were many horsemen 
 on the Dauphiny side. However the fugitives did not 
 cross the bridge, fearing to be recognised, but they 
 went to the ferry about a mile farther on. Here ten 
 or twelve foot-soldiers embarked with them, and about 
 the middle of the river they accosted Pomperant by
 
 146 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 his name, to his no small dismay, but by a strange 
 chance they took no notice of Bourbon. When they 
 landed on the opposite bank, the friends followed the 
 high road to Grenoble as long as they were in sight 
 of the soldiers, and then turned straight across the 
 wooded hills until they reached Nanty, where they 
 rested at the house of an old widow lady, who, during 
 supper, recognised Pomperant, and asked him if he 
 were amongst those who had played the fool with 
 M. de Bourbon. He replied, no, but that he would 
 give all his fortune to be in the Duke's company. 
 News arrived before the end of the meal that the 
 Provost, with a strong company, was about a league 
 off in pursuit of M. de Bourbon. This was indeed 
 alarming, but they had the presence of mind to make 
 no sign, and quietly set off on horseback after leaving 
 the table, riding on for nearly twelve miles before they 
 thought it safe to rest their horses in a wild part of 
 the mountains. 
 
 They set forth again on Tuesday morning at dawn 
 to make their way towards Chambery, meeting many 
 men-at-arms on their way, and in constant danger 
 until late on Wednesday night when they arrived at 
 Chambery, meaning to post on to Susa, but by good 
 fortune they heard that St Pol was on the point of 
 going that way to join the Admiral Bonnivet in Italy. 
 So Bourbon changed his route, and passing over the 
 Mont du Chat near Aix-les-Bains, crossed the Rhone 
 again about eight leagues above Lyons, and at 
 length reached Ste Claude, in Burgundy. Here the 
 Constable's anxieties for his personal safety were
 
 MOTTO, "VICTOIRE OU MORT " 147 
 
 practically at an end. The next day he met at the 
 great abbey, the Cardinal de la Beaume, sovereign 
 Bishop of Geneva and partisan of the Emperor, who 
 supplied Bourbon with a strong escort of cavalry, 
 and he was soon afterwards joined by most of the 
 company he had left at Herment ; Lurcy, Lalliere, 
 Peloux, Espinat and other friends. The Bishop 
 himself courteously accompanied the exile to Besan9on. 
 We leam these facts from a letter of Louis de Praet 
 to the Emperor, dated November 9, 1523. 
 
 As soon as Francois I. heard of his safety, he actually 
 had the duplicity to write to the Constable offering 
 to restore to him all his dominions, and to repay to 
 him all the amount due to him. We are not surprised 
 that Bourbon refused to trust the man who had 
 driven him to his desperate course. " It is too late " ; 
 was his reply. When the messenger asked him to 
 give back the Constable's sword, and the Collar of the 
 Order of St Michael he said : " Tell the King that he 
 took from me the sword of Constable when he took 
 from me the command of the van-guard and gave it 
 to M. d'Alen9on. As for the Collar of his Order, you 
 will find it at Chantelle under the pillow of my bed." 
 
 The Due de Bourbon had crossed the Rubicon and 
 there was no turning back. He had taken a final 
 farewell of his native land, of all his splendid possessions 
 and his great position in France. He turned his face 
 towards the Emperor who was now his only hope. 
 
 It was at the time of his rebellion that Charles de 
 Bourbon took the motto of " Victoire ou Mort ! " as a 
 symbol of the bold defiance with which he challenged
 
 148 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 his fate. The Bourbon family had been content in 
 the past days of peace and prosperity with the simple 
 word, " Esperance." 
 
 The earliest motto which the present Due de Bourbon 
 had chosen was " Penetrabit," with the device of a 
 flying stag, but later days of anxiety had driven him 
 to engrave on the blade of his sword ; " Omnis spes in 
 ferro " ; words which well expressed his proud and 
 self-reliant attitude towards a world in arms against 
 him.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 FINAL STEP OF THE DUC DE BOURBON — HIS POSITION — HE GOES 
 TO MANTUA — JOINS THE VICEROY OF NAPLES AT BINASCO 
 — CLEMENT VII. ELECTED POPE — INVASION OF FRANCE 
 BY HENRY VIII. AND CHARLES V. — ALARM OF FRANCOIS I. 
 — HIS CRUEL PURSUIT OF BOURBON's ADHERENTS ; SAINT- 
 VALLIER AND OTHERS. 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON had taken the 
 final step and broken irrevocably wdth his 
 stately past. Until that last moment of 
 his flight from Chantelle, he had been in 
 the position of a sovereign making secret alliances 
 with other princely rulers, for carrying war into a 
 hostile land. He had his plans of invasion all ready, 
 he was in touch wdth his allies, he was raising an army 
 in his own dominions, he had bands of sturdy lands- 
 knechte awaiting his orders under the Captain Saint- 
 Saphorin and others. 
 
 But the vigilance of his foes and the treachery of 
 pretended adherents had disturbed aU his calculations, 
 and his scheme of open and declared warfare. He 
 found himself at last caught in a net from which, to 
 save his very life, he must escape by means of guile 
 and devious ways, which were bitter beyond expression 
 to his proud spirit. 
 
 It is at this point of his career that we should pause 
 before we pass judgment upon Charles de Bourbon, and 
 
 149
 
 ISO CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 seriously consider Brantome's question : " What 
 could Monsieur de Bourbon have done if he had not 
 acted as he did ? " and the answer : " He would have 
 been taken prisoner, tried, and had his head cut off, 
 like the Constable de Saint-Pol, and have been dis- 
 honoured for ever, he and his race." 
 
 We can face the subject with clearer and more 
 judicial insight now, at the turning of the ways, rather 
 than at the end of his tragic story, when the main 
 question is dim and blurred by the long train of 
 inevitable consequences, and when we feel that, hke 
 Orestes, he is driven onward by furies, without choice 
 or free-will. 
 
 Was Bourbon justified in his rebellion ? We know 
 that a revolution which fails is called " high treason," 
 but if it succeeds, there is another name for it. And 
 we must remember that success appeared possible at 
 this moment, and the throne of France was scarcely 
 beyond the reach of this splendid young Prince of the 
 blood royal, who was so close in succession. Fran9ois I. 
 was very unpopular for his reckless extravagance, and 
 the extortionate taxes needed to pay for his wars 
 and his pleasures ; and his mother was hated for her 
 greed and avarice. The young Due de Bourbon was 
 a striking and attractive figure in himself, and was 
 also the adopted son of the great Anne of France, 
 whose regency of the kingdom was now looked back 
 upon as almost a Golden Age by the French people. 
 Charles was already their idol ; they were dazzled by 
 his personal splendour and prestige, his marvellous 
 success in war ; and at this moment were full of
 
 WAS DE BOURBON JUSTIFIED? 151 
 
 sympathy with his cause. Even the Parliament had 
 stood out for him in the great lawsuit with amazing 
 pertinacity, in spite of the overwhelming influence of 
 the King and the Queen-mother. 
 
 With the powerful outside support of the Emperor 
 and Henry VIII., it might well have seemed as though 
 the first brilliant success at arms would cause the 
 nobles of the realm to join the champion of their order, 
 as once before at the Palace of the Louvre, they had 
 followed him from the presence of Frangois I. We 
 have already seen that this was the opinion of astute 
 lookers-on, like the Emperor Charles and Cardinal 
 Wolsey. On what a hair's breadth may hang the fate 
 of dynasties ! The change from Valois to Bourbon 
 might have been forestalled by more than half a century 
 and as Charles IX., the verdict of history would, 
 perhaps, have justified Charles de Bourbon in his 
 revolt. 
 
 Is this a case where : " tout comprendre, c'est tout 
 pardonner ? " 
 
 At the most critical point of his story, Fate was 
 against Charles de Bourbon. The premature dis- 
 covery of his plans, and the hasty flight thus rendered 
 necessary, placed the Duke at once under a serious 
 disadvantage. Instead of joining his allies on the 
 frontier of Picardy with a strong force, and such a 
 technical knowledge of the position as would probably 
 have placed him in command, untoward circum- 
 stances had compelled Bourbon to make his escape 
 towards the south, so that when he reached Germany 
 it was as a homeless fugitive, stripped of his great
 
 152 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 possessions, his fabulous wealth, his high position, 
 and with nothing to offer, for the service of the 
 Emperor, but his name and his sword. 
 
 After a weary journey of six weeks, he at length 
 arrived at Trent, where he only remained to rest for 
 two or three days, before he travelled on to Mantua, 
 the home of his mother, Chiara Gonzaga. Here the 
 exile was amongst his kindred, and the young Marchese 
 Federico, his first cousin, welcomed him with much 
 kindness. Federico Gonzaga had held the proud 
 position of Captain-General of the Church under both 
 Pope Leo X. and Adrian VL, the learned scholar and 
 homely well-meaning old man, who had recently died 
 on September 14. The mother of the gay young 
 Marchese, the famous Isabella d'Este, had always had 
 a warm comer in her heart for her nephew Charles, 
 the son of her sister-in-law and great friend Chiara. 
 She wrote to his aunt, Ehsabetta, Duchess of Urbino, 
 " that she could not express how charming and hand- 
 some he was, and how nobly and cheerfully he bore 
 his misfortunes, this Monsignore de Bourbon." 
 
 For his aunt Isabella, the French prince was still 
 invested with the glamour of his magnificent presence 
 when, in his fortunate youth, he rode amid the train 
 of Louis XII., into conquered Milan, in stately pro- 
 cession. Then she had written of him as " our nephew, 
 a tail youth of handsome and majestic appearance, 
 who closely resembles his mother (Chiara, duchess of 
 Montpensier) , in complexion, eyes and features." 
 
 Kind as she could be, this great lady always had a 
 very keen eye to her own advantage, and we can
 
 ELECTION OF POPE CLEMENT VIL 153 
 
 imagine the eagerness with which she would enquire 
 about the future fate of the priceless treasures of the 
 palace of Chantelles and elsewhere . . . and as to 
 whether any fortunate chance might bring some of 
 them within her reach. . . . With Isabella, affection 
 always gave way to interest, but fortunately on this 
 occasion, she could show kindness to her nephew and 
 yet remain on the safe side. The King of France was 
 no concern of hers, now that her son Federico was in 
 the definite service of the Pope and the Emperor. 
 
 So at least she had every reason to hope, for after a 
 conclave of fifty days, when the unfortunate Cardinals 
 had been quite worn out, and almost reduced to starva- 
 tion in order to compel their decision, they had just 
 elected, on November ig, the Cardinal dei Medici, with 
 the title of Clement VII. The Gonzagas were exultant 
 to see an old friend once more in the Chair of St Peter, 
 and had at once sent Baldassare CastigUone to con- 
 gratulate him, and to ensure the continuance of the 
 young Marchese of Mantua as Captain-General of the 
 Church. It would be too long to tell the whole story 
 of the intrigues which brought about this result, of 
 such extreme importance to the Emperor and Henry 
 VIII. , that both of them were prepared to use the 
 utmost pressure, bribery, and even compulsion, if 
 necessary, to obtain the election of their candidate. 
 The French party was not strong enough to do more 
 than oppose anyone suggested by Charles V. Cardinal 
 Wolsey had great hopes this time after his last dis- 
 appointment but, in fact, the fear of " another bar- 
 barian foreigner " like the good Pope Adrian, who
 
 154 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 thought to reform his luxurious Cardinals like so many 
 schoolboys, had quite ruined the chances of Henry 
 Vlllth's nominee. Giulio dei Medici played his part 
 with supreme patience and diplomacy, and, combined 
 with the weighty support of Charles V., these won the 
 day, to the exceeding joy of aU Rome, where a splendid 
 prince was more desired than a saint. 
 
 Charles de Bourbon fully shared in the general 
 satisfaction when he left Mantua, after a short visit, 
 with a suitable escort generously provided by his 
 cousin the Marchese Federico. He made his way 
 first to Cremona, and then to Piacenza, where Charles 
 de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, came to meet him. 
 From thence the Due de Bourbon travelled on to 
 Genoa, a sad and disappointed man, for this enforced 
 inaction was a terrible trial to him when he knew that 
 his presence in the Imperial army would have ensured 
 victory. He thought of embarking for Spain, but 
 during five weeks he was delayed at Genoa by contrary 
 winds, and he was also awaiting the return of Lurcy 
 whom he had sent at once to the Emperor after his 
 flight from Chantelles. He was on the point of 
 embarking, when at length his faithful Lurcy arrived 
 in company with de Reux, the envoy of Charles V., 
 who had sent Bourbon the choice of joining him in 
 Spain, or of remaining in Italy with the Imperial army. 
 
 He had no hesitation in deciding that his place was 
 in the thick of war, and he hastened to join the Viceroy 
 of Naples at Binasco, a strong Uttle Castle between 
 Milan and the Certosa of Pavia. Here he soon received 
 news of the late events in France from the Bishop of
 
 CRITICAL SITUATION OF FRANCOIS I. 155 
 
 Autun, who told him that all his estates were already 
 in the hands of Frangois I., who had first seized the 
 Castle of Chantelle, the favourite home of the Constable, 
 and which contained " the most exquisite furniture 
 and works of art ever possessed by any Christian 
 Prince." 
 
 To understand the full bitterness of the Bishop's 
 story for the unfortunate exile, we must go back to 
 the time of Bourbon's flight from home and his 
 country. 
 
 At that moment the situation of the King of France 
 was most critical ; his kingdom was threatened on 
 every side. Henry VIII. had sent an army of 15,000 
 foot-soldiers and about 1000 horsemen under the 
 command of the Duke of Suffolk, which landed at 
 Calais about the end of August, while early in Sep- 
 tember, the Count de Buren had joined the English 
 with 3000 or 4000 landsknechte, 3000 of the 
 Netherlands cavalry, and 2000 chariots to transport 
 the munitions and the baggage of the troops. At the 
 same time, 10,000 Germans, raised by the Counts of 
 Furstenberg and de Werdenberg, had appeared near 
 Bresse, ready to enter France by the Eastern frontier. 
 At the south, the Spaniards, who were strengthened 
 by the landsknechte from Zealand, were crossing the 
 Pyrenees with the intention of taking Bayonne and 
 advancing into Guienne, Prospero Colonna, who 
 commanded the Imperial army in Italy, had received 
 from the Emperor orders to invade Provence when he 
 had driven back the French army which Bonnivet had 
 brought into Lombardy.
 
 156 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 It seemed as if Frangois I. were quite unprepared to 
 face so resolute and well-combined an invasion. The 
 greater part of his companies were in Italy, and in 
 Scotland where he sought to retahate on Henry VIII., 
 and he had neglected the proper defence of his own 
 country. A few places on the frontier, such as 
 Therouanne, Boulogne, Doulens, etc., were well forti- 
 fied, but most of his cities had neither ramparts nor 
 fortifications to protect them, nor garrisons to defend 
 them. It was a grave question if even Paris herself 
 could make a stand if the enemy should march straight 
 thither. We find from many private letters of men 
 in authority, that Picardy was almost destitute of 
 soldiers and could make scarcely any defence against 
 the invaders. La Tremouille had been sent at once 
 to meet the Enghsh and Flemish, but his army was so 
 small and inefficient that he could do but Httle. The 
 invaders had called upon Doulens to surrender, but 
 the commander refused, and as the town was strong 
 enough to require a regular siege, the enemy passed on 
 to Bray-sur-Somme, which they took and burnt, as an 
 example, to induce other cities to open their gates. 
 
 In vain the French army under La Tremouille sought 
 to bar the crossing of the river to their foes, who passed 
 on victorious to Roye and Montdidier, which opened 
 their gates without a parley. It was in this neighbour- 
 hood that the Due de Bourbon was expected to join 
 the enemy with his landsknechte and march upon 
 Paris. Runners were sent on, who were seen at 
 Compiegne, Clermont-en-Beauvoisis and Senlis, and 
 these towns, in terror, sent horsemen to Paris to
 
 PANIC IN FRANCE 157 
 
 announce that they could not defend themselves and 
 would open their gates at once. 
 
 The capital could not help them, and a panic arose ; 
 the citizens were enrolled for defence, and messengers 
 were sent in haste to the King to tell him that his 
 faithful city was in peril and to ask for immediate 
 help. The enemy was expected to appear at the gates 
 at any moment, and in order to hear the noise of their 
 approach, it was forbidden for the church bells to 
 ring on the solemn day of All Saints. 
 
 Frangois I. was at Lyons when the alarming news 
 reached him, and he at once sent the Due de Vendome 
 and a new Governor, Chabot de Brion, to see to the 
 protection of Paris. The fortifications were increased, 
 trenches were made, ramparts were heightened ; a 
 tax of 16,000 livres was raised to pay for 2000 foot- 
 soldiers ; the archers of the " vicomte of Paris were 
 called out, and the provost and aldermen were ordered 
 to put iron chains across the usual places." But the 
 King's greatest fear was concerning the conspiracy of 
 Bourbon, which he believed to be much more far- 
 reaching than it really was. 
 
 Frangois had already seized all the Duke's adherents 
 on whom he could lay his hands, and he had sent to 
 the Castle prison of Loches, Saint Vallier, Aymard de 
 Prie, the Bishops of Autun and du Puy, the Chancellor 
 of the Bourbonnais and others, including d'Escars 
 who, to the last moment, had been serving in Picardy. 
 He had selected for their trial, de Selves, the President 
 of the Parliament of Paris ; the President of the inquests 
 of Loynes ; Salat the Master of requests ; and the
 
 158 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Councillor Papillon. These learned men set about 
 their task in a serious and impartial manner, which 
 excited the anger of the King, who urged them on 
 with vindictive energy to use the most violent measures 
 for discovering the whole truth. He told them that 
 this was no time for moderation when " Messire 
 Charles de Bourbon was invading Burgundy with a 
 great German army," ^ and there were many traitors 
 in the kingdom ready to join his enemies. ..." You 
 must see after this business with the greatest dili- 
 gence," he added, " and extract the truth from those 
 who are in your power, by torture or otherwise. . . . 
 The affair is privileged, and it is not needful to observe 
 the usual legal methods. ..." 
 
 When the commissioners, who were most unwilling 
 to use cruel force, suggested that the case should be 
 tried by the Parliament, the King abused them roundly 
 for their weakness and cowardice when the kingdom 
 was in peril, and bitterly reproached them for having 
 discovered nothing which he did not already know. 
 Wild with terror, Francois I. was quite merciless, 
 and his easy good-temper seemed changed into 
 brutality. An unfortunate man-at-arms was drawn 
 and quartered at Lyons for having been in the service 
 of Bourbon and having carried a secret letter for him. 
 The Chancellor du Prat tells the story with delight, 
 remarking " that it would serve as a warning to others." 
 
 But the most typical case is that of the Seigneur de 
 Saint-Vallier, Count of Valentinois, with half a dozen 
 other titles and dignities. He was a distinguished 
 
 * This was not true.
 
 SAINT-VALLIER'S CRUEL TREATMENT 159 
 
 general, had been Governor of Dauphine under Louis 
 XIL, and had taken an army at his own expense 
 (100,000 crowns, which had never been repaid) to 
 Italy in the service of Francois L, and fought bravely 
 at the siege of Milan and the battle of la Bicocca. 
 As we have seen, he was with Charles de Bourbon at 
 Montbrison when the secret treaty was signed with 
 the Emperor, and was certainly implicated in the 
 conspiracy, but it is a surprise to find that this gallant 
 soldier completely broke down under the hardships 
 of his captivity in the grim prison of Loches. He 
 was shut up in a special dungeon, still haunted by 
 the tragic memory of Cardinal La Balue, and was 
 watched by spies night and day. He wrote pitiful 
 .etters to his son-in-law, Louis de Breze, and his 
 daughter, the beautiful Diane de Poitiers, imploring 
 them to save him at any price. Overcome with 
 fear of the threatened torture and shameful death, he 
 fell ill with prostration and weakness. " II n'est pas 
 de jour ou il ne pleure lout son saoul," says Guiffrey. 
 He was willing to confess everything, and it is from 
 his full depositions that we have the curious details, 
 already given, of the various meetings with the envoys 
 of the Emperor and Henry VIII. True, he added 
 that he had done his best to persuade the Constable 
 to return to his allegiance, but we have no means of 
 knowing if this was founded on fact. 
 
 But the King was not satisfied, and insisted that 
 Saint-Vallier had more to reveal, urging that the 
 strongest measures were necessary, and absolutely 
 without pity for the brave general who had served him
 
 i6o CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 so well in bygone days. He gave orders that he should 
 be removed to the Conciergerie in Paris, degraded 
 and tortured before execution, and he sent the Duke 
 of Luxembourg to deprive him formally of the Collar 
 of the Order of St Michael. The unfortunate prisoner 
 heard the King's sentence from his bed of sickness, 
 and protested against this last indignity. " The King 
 well knew where he had lost the collar, in his 
 service. . . ." but in spite of his resistance another 
 collar was placed on his neck, only to be torn off 
 violently. The instruments of torture were brought 
 into the chamber, and he was pressed to make further 
 confession. But in this last extremity the old man's 
 courage returned ; he declared that he knew nothing 
 more, that he had told all, and that torture could 
 extract from him no false testimony. He asked for 
 his confessor, and for permission to make his will, 
 and after having spent an hour with the priest, he 
 gave him leave to reveal all that he had said. The 
 prisoner was in so dangerous a condition by this time 
 that torture was spared him, as he would not have 
 survived it to endure the barbarous ceremony which 
 followed, and is thus described : — 
 
 " At three o'clock, the procession set forth ; Saint- 
 Vallier bareheaded, his hands bound behind his back, 
 a robe lined with fox skin over his shoulders, hoisted 
 on the back of a horse, while an archer of the town 
 sat behind to support him on account of his great 
 weakness. The executioner led the horse by the 
 bridle ; on one side was an officer of justice, and on 
 the other, the cure Merlin rode on his mule. Before
 
 REPRIEVE OF SAINT-VALLIER i6i 
 
 reaching the Place de la Greve, the victim had to 
 cross a compact multitude, which was only driven back 
 with the greatest difficulty by the sergeants of the 
 Chatelet, and the guard on foot and on horseback. 
 On reaching the scaffold, Saint-Vallier was given into 
 the hands of the two executioners, Mace and Rotillon. 
 They seized the gentleman, bore him on to the plat- 
 form, stripped him to his doublet ; after which they 
 forced him to kneel down and ask the pardon of God 
 and of justice." 
 
 There was a pause after this, and we can only 
 suppose that it was a refinement of cruelty, meant to 
 increase the dramatic effect. The poor man implored 
 the headsman to make haste. . . . " An hour passed 
 in this way, when at last a horseman arrived at full 
 speed, waving in the air a letter which he held in his 
 hand, and crying out as far off as he could be heard : 
 " Hola ! hola ! Stop ! stop ! Here is the King's 
 pardon." 
 
 This had no doubt been arranged beforehand, as 
 most historians agree that Saint-Vallier's life was 
 spared by the intercession of his daughter, Diane de 
 Poitiers, with the King, a delicate point, which after 
 events make extremely probable. In any case, her 
 father's sentence was commuted into one of perpetual 
 imprisonment. We may imagine his intense relief 
 after that fearful ordeal, and " he returned thanks to 
 God, kissing the scaffold twice and making the sign 
 of the cross several times." Yet this was his dreary 
 sentence : " That he should be perpetually shut up 
 within four stone walls, enclosed above and below.
 
 i62 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 in which there would only be a little window through 
 which his food and drink could be passed." 
 
 But in point of fact, Saint-Vallier did not long endure 
 this hving death, for he was soon removed to Loches 
 where he was placed in an ordinary prison where he 
 could receive his friends. Later he was set free (on 
 the King's return from Madrid), married a third wife, 
 and lived for fifteen years in his home in Dauphine. 
 
 I
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 WHY THE INVASION OF FRANCE FAILED — THE WAR IN ITALY 
 CARRIED ON BY BONNIVET — DEATH OF POPE ADRIAN VI. 
 FATAL DELAYS AND MISTAKES OF BONNIVET — GALLANT 
 DEEDS OF BAYARD — HIS PERILOUS TASK AND DEATH — 
 bayard's legendary reproach OF BOURBON INVESTI- 
 GATED — LETTER OF ADRIAN DE CROY. 
 
 IN the autumn of 1523, France was attacked 
 on every side and to all appearance was in 
 deadly peril, but the following months saw a 
 great change in her position. This was not 
 so much by any great feat of arms or triumph of 
 diplomacy, but by the mistakes and want of union 
 amongst her foes. The combined English and Flemish 
 army had never continued that march upon Paris 
 which could scarcely have failed to be successful. 
 After waiting some time, the landsknechte of the Due 
 de Bourbon, whose flight southward had prevented 
 his leading them, had crossed the Meuse above 
 Neufchatel, and turned towards the w^estem part of 
 Champagne where they met with obstacles they could 
 not surmount. They met the Duke of Guise with his 
 men-at-arms, who harassed them to such a degree 
 that they could obtain no forage or provisions and 
 were driven to choose between death or retreat. They 
 decided on the latter, and retraced their steps, crossing 
 the Meuse again, where the Duke of Guise was before 
 
 163
 
 1 64 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 them, and they did not reach Lorraine without great 
 loss of Hfe. Deprived of their help, the army of Henry 
 VIII. could not advance alone. 
 
 Marguerite of Austria, Governor of the Netherlands 
 for her nephew Charles V., declared that all her 
 resources were exhausted, and that she could no 
 longer subsidize the troops under the command of 
 the Count de Buren. She offered to leave them to the 
 Enghsh if they would pay them, but this did not suit 
 Henry VIII. who had already been put to great 
 expense with very little gain. He had been obliged 
 to keep several armies, that which had invaded France, 
 that which, after having defended the frontiers of 
 England against the attacks of the Duke of Albany, 
 had crossed the border and ravaged Scotland, and the 
 third, which had to guard the Channel. He com- 
 plained bitterly of all his promised allies, and was 
 compelled to retreat instead of carrying on a winter 
 campaign as he had purposed. The English army 
 suffered severely from the bad weather and from iU- 
 ness, gave up Montdidier, Roye and Bray, after having 
 pillaged them, and was at length led back to Calais by 
 the Duke of Suffolk towards the end of November. 
 
 The Southern invasion of Charles V. was not more 
 successful. He was to have crossed the Pyrenees 
 with a large army at the same time as the English 
 landed in the North, but he had promised more than 
 he could accomplish. With much solid strength of 
 character, he was rather over-burdened with caution, 
 which produced a certain slowness both of disposition 
 and of conduct, so that in aU his actions he was con-
 
 MAKC.rERITE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 Ber>ia7d I 'an Orltv 
 
 liy kimf fierinissiiDi of Pr. I. C.ai-7'nllo
 
 i
 
 THE EMPEROR'S ANXIETIES 165 
 
 stantly behind-hand. Besides this, he was always 
 hampered, like his father Maximilian, by want of 
 money, and his forces were usually too small to carry 
 out his great designs. Each part of his immense 
 empire was jealous of the other, and was slow to 
 raise, for their sovereign, the large sums he required lest 
 they should be spent elsewhere. Spain was wealthy, 
 but took no interest in his constant wars in Italy, 
 France, and the Netherlands ; thus the Cortes only 
 voted him subsidies most reluctantly and sparingly. 
 He taxed the Orders of Knighthood, and the clergy, 
 and took toll of the gold from the Indies ; yet all this 
 was not enough. He found reason to complain of 
 his Spanish soldiers, who were no longer the trained 
 veterans of the Moorish wars. He had led them 
 across the Pyrenees in September in the direction of 
 Bayonne which he hoped to take by surprise. But 
 the French captain, Lautrec, showed more skill and 
 resolution here than he had done in Italy ; he threw 
 himself into the threatened city and defended it 
 with much vigilance and intrepidity, never leaving 
 the walls himself, for days together. He thus drove 
 back the enemy which ought to have been supported, 
 from the side of the sea, by a fleet which could not 
 approach on account of contrary winds. The 
 Spaniards, reduced in number, were forced to retreat 
 across the Pyrenees, having only been able to pillage 
 Sauveterre and St Jean-de-Luz. 
 
 This was a humiliating result of the Emperor's vast 
 projects, and he felt himself compelled to make some 
 sort of excuse through his ambassadors to his ally
 
 i66 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Henry VHI. Yet Charles was not easily discouraged, 
 and he still had firm faith in his ultimate success. He 
 established his camp at Pampeluna where he had 
 collected all his artillery, he caused a fresh levy of 
 troops to be collected in Aragon, and made all prepara- 
 tions for a winter campaign. At the same time, he sent 
 Adrian de Croy (Beaurain) to meet the Due de Bourbon 
 in Italy, and to invest him as Lieutenant-General 
 with full powers as his representative. This was the 
 wisest step he could have taken, for there was no 
 general to compare with Bourbon, either in the French 
 army which was fighting to retake Milan, or the 
 Imperial army which was defending the duchy. 
 
 Guillaume Goufiier, Seigneur de Bonnivet, Grand- 
 Admiral of France, was in command of the splendid 
 army of Fran9ois I., with which he had himself hoped 
 to conquer Lombardy, an enterprise which seemed 
 nearer to his heart than even the protection of France. 
 Unable to go farther than Lyons until he had stamped 
 out the conspiracy of Bourbon, he had entrusted the 
 fate of the expedition to this favourite of his, who was 
 by no means equal to his position. Bonnivet's per- 
 sonal courage could not make up for his want of 
 military skill ; he was before all things a courtier, 
 and this was not enough, although he had excellent 
 captains under him, whose advice he constantly dis- 
 regarded through jealousy. This was especially the 
 case with Bayard, the " chevalier sans peur et sans 
 reproche," a consummate master of strategy and all 
 the arts of war, whose heroism was wasted, and before 
 long, whose life was sacrificed by the inefficiency and
 
 CAMPAIGN IN ITALY 167 
 
 mean jealousy of his commander. Had Charles de 
 Bourbon led that splendid army of 1800 men-at-arms 
 and 25,000 foot-soldiers, many of them the best 
 fighting soldiers in Europe, the history of Europe 
 might have been very different ! 
 
 The campaign in Italy had already continued for 
 several months, for Bonnivet had crossed the Ticino 
 on the very day of Pope Adrian, the peacemaker's 
 death, September 14, 1523. The Imperial army was 
 at that time under the command of Prospero Colonna, 
 the veteran leader who was accustomed to lead his 
 troops to victory. But these were reduced in number ; 
 he was old and enfeebled by illness, and he was no 
 longer supported by that brave and efficient leader, 
 Ferdinand d'Avalos, Marchese di Pescara, whose 
 Spanish pride made him unwilling to take the second 
 place under the imperious Italian. Two other brave 
 captains, Alargon and Antonio de Leyva, distinguished 
 themselves, and above aU the famous Giovanni 
 (delle bande nere) dei Medici, who was almost the 
 equal of Pescara in skill, and far excelled him in 
 audacity. 
 
 Colonna had hoped to protect the left bank of the 
 Ticino against the French, but there had been no rain 
 for ten weeks, and the stream, usually so wide and 
 deep, had scarcely any water, so that it could be forded 
 in many places. When the French reached Vigevano, 
 the Imperial general saw that he could no longer 
 dispute their advance, and he retreated in haste with 
 his army to Milan, which was in a state of well-founded 
 alarm, for it was scarcely in a position to be defended.
 
 i68 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 It was exposed in many places, the earthworks had 
 never been finished, and Colonna, expecting the 
 immediate arrival of a strong attacking army, was 
 almost disposed to retire from the city with the young 
 Duke, Francesco Sforza. But at that critical moment 
 news came that Bonnivet was still on the banks of the 
 Ticino. Instead of pushing forward and pressing his 
 advantage, the too prudent commander lingered for 
 several days to place garrisons here and there, and to 
 build a bridge at Vigevano, and then slowly continued 
 his march after this fatal delay. Meantime, with 
 renewed hope, Colonna and his soldiers vied with the 
 inhabitants in strengthening the defences of Milan. 
 They aU worked, night and day, at building up the 
 ramparts, closing the breaches, and replacing the 
 bastions, so that when Bonnivet at length arrived 
 with his army, all was ready to receive them. 
 
 He placed his camp to the south-west, below the gate 
 to Rome, put his cannons in position and began to 
 bombard the walls. But as this assault had no result, 
 and he had lost the chance of taking the city by sur- 
 prise, he resolved to try what a blockade would do. 
 He moved the camp to the south between Pavia and 
 Lodi, where he could intercept aU communication from 
 that quarter and from the east, as his plan was to reduce 
 Milan by famine. From the west, he held the course 
 of the Ticino, by Abbiate-Grasso and Vigevano ; 
 while to the north, in the stronghold of Monza, he left 
 enough troops to prevent provisions arriving from 
 upper Lombardy. He made the blockade more com- 
 plete by turning aside the stream which flowed into
 
 SIEGE OF MILAN 169 
 
 the city, and by destroying all the water-mills in the 
 vicinity. 
 
 Colonna still had four strong places in the duchy ; 
 Milan, where he was himself in possession ; Pavia, in 
 charge of Antonio de Leyva ; Lodi on the Adda ; and 
 somewhat below the junction of the Adda and the Po, 
 Cremona, where he had sent the garrison of Alessandria. 
 But Bayard was sent with 400 men-at-arms, 8000 foot- 
 soldiers and ten pieces of artillery to take Lodi, which 
 made no resistance, as Federico Marchese of Mantua, 
 general of the papal army, had too small a garrison to 
 defend it, and marched out to join the Venetians. 
 Having taken possession of Lodi, Bayard advanced to 
 Cremona, where the French still held the citadel, and 
 bombarded the walls with such effect that he soon made 
 a breach large enough to give hopes of taking the place 
 by assault, but Colonna had sent so strong a reinforce- 
 ment that the gallant knight was driven back, and 
 received an urgent summons to defend Monza which 
 was attacked. 
 
 Meanwhile the people of Milan were enduring the 
 greatest hardships, having been reduced for one 
 terrible week to eat oats and barley, which they had 
 made hand-mills to grind ; but their courage never 
 failed. As for the soldiers, who received no pay, they 
 amused themselves with frequent sorties, and the 
 Spanish garrison of Pavia made incursions in the 
 French camp and so much alarmed Bonnivet, lest the 
 bridges on the Ticino should be destroyed, that he sent 
 for Bayard and his companions to leave Monza and 
 come to their protection. Prospero Colonna immedi-
 
 170 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 ately seized this fortress, which opened up a free passage 
 of the sorely needed provisions for Milan. Thus 
 Bonnivet found himself as incapable of reducing the 
 city by famine as by assault, and the heavens seemed 
 to fight against him, as the winter was so terribly 
 severe that the whole country was covered with snow. 
 His army suffered so much that he decided to retreat 
 as far as the Ticino, where he could command both 
 banks, but in reality the purpose of the campaign had 
 failed. 
 
 Before the end of the year, the Imperial army had 
 lost the fine old General Prospero Colonna, but he knew 
 that Bourbon was to take his place and that his suc- 
 cess would continue. Indeed, from this moment, the 
 war changed its character ; instead of being on the 
 defensive, the Imperial army now took the offensive 
 and began to drive out the French from that part 
 of Lombardy still left to them. The Due de Bourbon 
 was soon joined by the Viceroy Lannoy, and Pescara, 
 who were both willing to recognise his authority. 
 Such fair-weather friends as the Venetians were prompt 
 in joining the Emperor's side in force, now that it 
 seemed the strongest, and their Captain-General, the 
 Duke of Urbino — with 6000 foot-soldiers, 700 men-at- 
 arms, and 500 light cavalry — joined in the attack on 
 Bonnivet. 
 
 All this time Francois I. had been receiving hopeful 
 letters from his favourite, and was daily expecting to 
 hear that Milan was once more in his possession. But 
 instead of this welcome news, there came a demand 
 from Bonnivet for reinforcements, while at the same
 
 FATAL MISTAKES OF BONNIVET 171 
 
 time arrived the tidings that Charles V. had crossed 
 the Pyrenees in the heart of winter, and had taken 
 Fonterabia. The King was also most indignant with 
 the Parliament for having passed light sentences on 
 some of Bourbon's accomplices ; but nothing made 
 much impression on his vain frivolous nature, and he 
 had tried to forget his troubles in pleasures of every 
 kind, " hunting all day and feasting all night " at 
 Blois. When he learnt the true position of Bonnivet 
 on his arrival in Paris, he was roused at length, and 
 ordered 8000 Swiss landsknechte from the Orisons ; 
 they were to be met by the Due de Longueville with 
 400 men-at-arms at Ivrea, and to be escorted to 
 Bonnivet's camp. The King also joined in a solemn 
 procession to pray for the success of his army in Italy. 
 By this time it was almost past help. Bourbon had 
 managed the pursuit with his usual skill and courage. 
 He threatened Bonnivet first on the right, where he 
 was weakest, and then made a sudden attack on 
 Abbiate-Grasso which was unprotected and yielded 
 at once. Following the retiring army, he was closing 
 it in, and the French general, fearing to have his 
 retreat cut off, drew back as far as Novara. Here he 
 waited for the expected reinforcements, but the first 
 body of Swiss had arrived at Chiavenna, and finding 
 no cavalry to escort them and no money to pay them, 
 were only too well satisfied with an excuse for turning 
 back, when Giovanni dei Medici attacked them and 
 put them to flight. The French army continued to 
 retreat and reached the left bank of the Sesia, where 
 this river flows out of the mountains and enters the
 
 172 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 plain of Piedmont. A little farther, on the right bank, 
 is Gattinara, where the 8000 Swiss sent by the King 
 had arrived, without having been met as they ex- 
 pected at Ivrea. They had continued their march, in 
 the worst of tempers, not with any idea of helping the 
 French, but hoping to meet their fellow-countrymen 
 and induce them all to go back to their cantons 
 together. 
 
 Thus when Bonnivet first knew of their coming, 
 they were on the other side of the river Sesia, which 
 they refused to cross. He was therefore obliged to 
 join them with his army, which he did by night, in 
 much disorder and with considerable loss, for the 
 stream was swollen by floods, and the troops of 
 Bourbon and Pescara were in hot pursuit. It was in 
 the constant skirmishing which followed that Bonnivet 
 was wounded in the arm by a shot from an arquebuse, 
 and in this hour of despair, relinquished the heavy 
 burden of commanding an army in flight to the Comte 
 de St-P61 and the Chevalier Bayard. The splendid 
 skill and courage of the " Bon chevalier, sans peur et 
 sans reproche " was called in too late, when already all 
 was lost. With his usual heroism, he took the post 
 of danger, defending the rear-guard with his own 
 company of men-at-arms and some Swiss bands led 
 by Jean de Diesbach. Whenever the boldest of the 
 pursuers came too near. Bayard turned and charged 
 them with such vehemence that they were compelled 
 to retreat. A brave companion of his, the Seigneur 
 de Vandenesse, was killed in one of these gallant feats 
 of arms, and Bayard himself was mortally wounded
 
 DEATH OF BAYARD 173 
 
 by the stone shot from an arquebuse, which crushed 
 his spine. 
 
 The soldiers of his company would have carried him 
 on with them at any cost, but he would not consent, 
 saying he had never turned his back upon the enemy. 
 By his request, he was taken from his horse and placed 
 at the foot of a tree ; kissing the cross on his sword, 
 he said aloud : " Miserere mei, Deus, secundum 
 magnam misericordiam tuam." We have a most 
 touching and beautiful account by the " Loyal 
 Serviteur," of the last moments of this famous hero 
 of many a siege and battle : Brescia, Agnadello, 
 Ravenna, Marignano ; the most perfect gentle knight 
 of history or romance. 
 
 But in this life of Charles de Bourbon, we are chiefly 
 concerned in inquiring into the truth of a reputed 
 incident which has done more to discredit the exiled 
 Duke than anything else. I allude to the story told 
 by Martin du Bellay, which has been repeated in almost 
 every history of France ever since, and which is possibly 
 all that many people remember about Charles de 
 Bourbon. This is the legend : " The Due de Bourbon 
 came to see Bayard and said that he deeply pitied him, 
 seeing him in that state, who had been so noble a 
 knight . ' ' Captain Bayard made reply : ' ' Monsieur, do 
 not pity me, for I die as an honest man ; but I pity you, 
 seeing you serve against your prince, and your country 
 and your oath." 
 
 Now there is no foundation whatever for these 
 words except the statement of du Bellay, who was the 
 Court historian of Frangois I., and who is described as
 
 174 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 having written his " Memoirs " for the sole purpose of 
 flattering his King. The faithful " Loyal Serviteur," 
 — who enters with such minute detail into every 
 incident of his beloved master's career, and was his 
 constant companion, — makes no allusion to this 
 meeting with Bourbon. Symphorien Champier, who 
 married a cousin of Bayard and wrote his life, gives 
 quite a different account. This is what he says : 
 " When the Seigneur de Bourbon, who was then chief 
 of his enemies, heard that Bayard was wounded 
 unto death, he came to him and said : ' Bayard, 
 my friend, I am much grieved at your misfortune ; 
 you must be patient, do not trouble ; I will send you 
 the best surgeons of the land, and by the grace of God, 
 you will soon be well.' 
 
 "When Bayard heard these words and recognised 
 him, he said : ' Monseigneur, it is no time for me 
 to seek physicians for the body, but those for the soul. 
 I know that I am wounded unto death, and there is 
 no remedy, but I praise God Who gives me grace to 
 know Him at the end of my life. I accept death 
 willingly, and have no regret in dying, save that I can 
 no longer serve my King, and that I must leave his 
 affairs at which I grieve. I pray God that after my 
 death he may have such a servdtor as I would desire 
 to have been.' Then the said lord (of Bourbon) went 
 away sorrowful, with tears in his eyes, and said to 
 those who were with him that it was a pitiful thing 
 to see the Good Knight die thus. . . ." 
 
 Can we believe that Bayard who had all his life 
 been distinguished for his perfect courtesy and charity
 
 LEGENDARY REPROACH OF BOURBON 175 
 
 to all men should, in his dying hour, have turned away 
 from the holy and heavenly thoughts which filled his 
 soul, to wound, with a stinging reproof, his old friend 
 the Due de Bourbon ? So strong had been that 
 former friendship that the Good Knight had fallen 
 into disgrace at Court, and been kept in exile in 
 Dauphine, on account of it. Bayard had been a 
 frequent guest of Charles de Bourbon in his stately 
 palaces, he had knighted in his cradle the infant heir 
 of that great race, who did not live long enough to 
 appreciate so high an honour. With a vivid remem- 
 brance of the princely pomp and magnificence in 
 which he had last seen the Duke, and the splendid 
 possessions of which he had been deprived, we can 
 imagine that the Good Knight felt the warmest 
 sympathy with the misfortunes of the exile. 
 
 In any case, du Bellay was not present at Bayard's 
 death, and as his account is totally unsupported by 
 any evidence, we may take it as a stroke of inventive 
 genius on his part. It was no small exploit thus to 
 flatter and please his sovereign, by putting in the 
 mouth of the Good Knight — the beloved hero of aU 
 France — the condemnation of Bourbon whom Fran9ois 
 hated. There is nothing so effective as a well- 
 conceived dying speech, as experience has often 
 proved, both before and since the day of our " Good 
 Knight without Fear and without Reproach." 
 
 If the " Loyal Serviteur " does not mention Bourbon, 
 he speaks of many a great lord and gallant knight 
 from the Spanish lines, approaching to do honour 
 to the dying hero. His fame had spread throughout
 
 176 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Christendom ; he was the very " Flower of Chivalry," 
 the pattern of all gallant knights, and his loss was 
 grievous to both friend and foe. The Marchese di 
 Pescara was one of those who drew near full of 
 reverence and grief. 
 
 " ' Had it pleased God to spare you, gentle Seigneur 
 de Bayard, and had you been my prisoner, I would 
 have shown you how highly I esteem your splendid 
 valour. Our nation give you the highest praise . . . 
 and since I have borne arms, I have never heard 
 tell of any knight who came near you in all virtues ; 
 and although I ought to be content to see you thus, 
 as my Emperor has no more dangerous enemy, yet 
 when I consider the great loss which all chivalry has 
 met with to-day, may God help me if I would not 
 have given half I possess that it should be otherwise. 
 
 " ' But as for death there is no remedy, I call upon 
 Him who has made us all in His likeness, to take your 
 soul into His keeping.' 
 
 " Such were the sad and pitiful regrets of Pescara 
 and other captains. , . . When Bayard's friends 
 gathered round him ; the Provost of Paris, Gabriel 
 d' Alegre, Seigneur de Milhau, Jean de Disbach the 
 Swiss captain, and others, he bid them not lament 
 his death, and sent them away for fear they might 
 be taken prisoners. He confessed to a priest who was 
 brought when he had lingered on for two or three 
 hours, and then ' the Good Knight without Fear and 
 without Reproach ' gave up his soul to God." 
 
 Amongst the great number of letters concerning 
 this campaign (still preserved in the Archives of
 
 "SANS PEUR ET SANS REPROCHE " 177 
 
 Vienna), written to Charles V. by Bourbon, Lannoy, 
 and Adrian de Croy ; one from this last gives us a vivid 
 idea of the estimation in which Bayard was held, 
 even by those against whom he fought. 
 
 " From the Camp of Biroux, 
 " May 5, 1524. 
 
 " Sire, . , . The Captain Bayard turned back 
 with some French men-at-arms and four or five bands 
 of foot-soldiers, they drove back our men and rescued 
 the pieces of artillery, which it would have been 
 better for him if he had lost, for as he was about to 
 return, he received the shot from an arquebuse, of 
 which he died the same day. . . . Sire, Although the 
 said Sieur Bayard was in the service of your enemy, 
 yet his death was a great misfortune, for he was a 
 gentle knight (gentil chevalier), well beloved by all, 
 and who had lived better than ever did any of his 
 condition, as indeed he showed at his end which was 
 the most beautiful which I have ever heard of. The 
 loss is great indeed to the French, and it is very over- 
 whelming to them. . . . 
 
 " Your Majesty's most humble and obedient subject 
 
 and servant, 
 
 "Adrian de Croy, 
 
 " (Seigneur de Beaurain)." 
 
 M
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 DUCHY OF MILAN LOST BY BONNIVET — LUXURY AND EXTRAVA 
 GANCE OF FRANC^OIS I. — HE IS COMPARED WITH CHARLES V. 
 — LEAGUE AGAINST FRANCE — THE DUC DE BOURBON LEADS 
 THE IMPERIAL TROOPS ACROSS THE ALPES MARITIMES, 
 INTO PROVENCE AND THROUGH THE ESTEREL TO FREJUS 
 AND MARSEILLES — BOURBON LAYS SIEGE TO MARSEILLES 
 — IT IS GALLANTLY DEFENDED BY RENZO DA CERI. 
 
 AFTER the death of Bayard, the retreat 
 was under the command of the Comte de 
 Saint-Pol, and was rapidly conducted 
 without much disturbance, as it was the 
 policy of the Imperial Commander to drive the 
 remnant of the fugitive army out of Italy as quickly 
 as possible, rather than destroy it. It is quite possible 
 that we see here the forbearance of Bourbon, who must 
 have felt his triumph complete when he saw thus at 
 his mercy, Bonnivet his ancient enemy to whom he 
 believed that all his misfortunes were due. This 
 French general certainly had immense influence with 
 Louise, the Queen-mother, and the King was so blind 
 to his faults and general inefficiency as a commander, 
 that even this disastrous loss of the duchy of Milan, 
 did not bring him any blame or reproach. For never 
 had there been a more complete and ruinous defeat. 
 When the Swiss had retired by way of the vaUey of 
 Aosta, and the French by Susa and Brian9on, aU the 
 places in the possession of Fran9ois I. gave themselves 
 
 178
 
 BONNIVET LOSES MILAN 179 
 
 up. Alessandria and Lodi capitulated, as they could 
 no longer expect help, and the Citadel of Cremona, 
 which had held out for more than two years, was 
 compelled to open its gates. The garrisons were 
 allowed to retire with all the honours of war, and the 
 duchy of Milan was lost for the second time. 
 
 Varillas gives such a clear account of the methods 
 by which Bonnivet was accustomed to flatter the King 
 into a good temper, that it is worth quoting. " The 
 reception which the Court gave Bonnivet on his 
 return was very different from that which Lautrec 
 had met with the previous year ; while the power 
 which the King's mother had over her son, and the 
 suppleness of a perfect courtier like Bonnivet never 
 showed more than on this deUcate occasion. Bonnivet, 
 who by so many remarkable faults had just ruined an 
 army of 50,000 men, was received with as much 
 honour as if he had recovered Milan, and they only 
 gave him the first place in the Council then summoned, 
 after profuse apologies for not better recognising the 
 importance of his services. 
 
 " He contributed much himself to his good fortune 
 by persuading the King that his retreat was more 
 splendid than that of the Ten Thousand Greeks under 
 Xenophon who, having escaped from the battle 
 where the young Cyrus was killed, crossed five hundred 
 leagues of hostile country without loss, although the 
 Persian army was almost always at their heels. As 
 Bonnivet knew that he should not dare to accept the 
 command of another army, he thought of a clever 
 expedient which was the cause of all the misfortunes
 
 i8o CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 which happened afterwards to the French beyond 
 the Alps. 
 
 " He pointed out to Frangois I. that it was fated for 
 the duchy of Milan only to be recovered by the Most 
 Christian Kings, at the head of their armies ; and as 
 it had been conquered the first time by Louis XIL, 
 and the second time by His Majesty, it would not be 
 recovered the third time unless the King placed 
 himself at the head of so powerful an army that the 
 Imperialists would not face it in the field." 
 
 Can we imagine Charles V. being caught by so 
 coarse a bait of flattery ? 
 
 We have already seen how diverse their boyhood 
 and early training had been, and it may help us 
 better to grasp the position if we fully reaUse the 
 profound difference in character between these two 
 rivals when they had both attained to manhood and 
 almost absolute power. 
 
 From a gay, wilful, spoilt boy, Francois L had 
 developed into a luxurious, self-indulgent man who 
 lightly sought his pleasures in every flowery path, 
 with no restraining influence and regardless of all 
 morality. His taste for magnificence had grown wdth 
 his years, and his extravagance passed all bounds, 
 as the following extract will show us more vividly than 
 any vague allusions. 
 
 " All was gold and silver upon him and around him ; 
 he only used spurs of gold or silver, he had mirrors of 
 silver, his fingers were covered with diamond and 
 ruby rings, his garments were loaded with buttons 
 and clasps of gold or enamel. He rode a mule covered
 
 LUXURY OF FRANCOIS I. i8i 
 
 with a golden net and a horsecloth embossed with 
 gold from Cyprus, with a silk bridle also inlaid with 
 gold. Of course his candlesticks, his plates and 
 dishes, even his kitchen utensils, and all the things he 
 used were at least of silver. . . . The most delicate 
 perfumes scented his linen and his bed ; for his toilet 
 he would have nothing but the finest and most costly 
 ... for his handkerchiefs, his sheets, etc. A morocco 
 case held his embroidered shirts of black silk. His 
 wardrobe, well hung with black cloth, contained a 
 splendid assortment of clothes ; one suit of the German 
 fashion, another in the ItaHan style ; all sorts of 
 splendid garments of embroidered gold or silver, 
 robes and mantles Uned with sable, marten, and the 
 most costly skins from Lombardy, etc. etc. . . . He 
 adored trinkets of every kind." ^ 
 
 Everything in his palaces, his household, his festivals 
 and Court ceremonies was on the same scale of ex- 
 travagant magnificence, and the King was grasping 
 and pitiless in exacting the needful funds by taxation 
 of his long-suffering people. In the prime of youth 
 and strength, he was proud of his physical courage 
 and, Hving in an atmosphere of adulation, he thought 
 himself the finest warrior in Europe and the equal 
 of any hero of antiquity ; at once supreme as a 
 statesman and a general. Yet at the same time he 
 was so thoughtless and volatile that, at the most 
 critical moment, he would forget every important 
 affair of state in some frivolous amusement. 
 
 Unstable and untrustworthy, Frangois I. was easily 
 
 ^ Maulde de la Claviere.
 
 1 82 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 guided by his favourites and above all by his mother, 
 who was his sincerest flatterer. Even with all these 
 quaUties we can well understand that he was a 
 charming companion for a gay adventure or a splendid 
 hunting party. 
 
 In this respect his rival for supremacy in Europe, 
 the young Emperor, could not compete with him. 
 Ascetic in his Ufe and habits, and ever guided by the 
 highest standard of duty, Charles V. had always been 
 serious and reserved in manner. He weighed his 
 words too cautiously to be lively and pleasant in con- 
 versation, and it may well be that already the shadow 
 of that ancestral gloom hung over him, which was to 
 develop and deepen in the coming years. " Out- 
 wardly cold and self-restrained, he was never popular 
 like the genial Maximihan, his grandfather, but unhke 
 him, Charles abstained from wild dreams and romantic 
 enterprise, and showed a certain greatness in the 
 unwearied patience and sheer tenacious perseverance 
 with which he steadily pursued any course of action 
 on which he had once decided." ^ He showed judg- 
 ment in the choice of his ministers and was never ruled 
 by them, after the death, in 1522, of Chievres, who 
 had been his tutor and adviser from childhood. 
 
 Deeply reUgious, his great and abiding purpose was 
 to combine the princes of Christendom in a Crusade 
 against the Turk, who was already threatening the 
 Kingdom of Hungary, that bulwark of Europe so 
 gallantly defended by Louis H., who had married 
 the Emperor's sister Marie. 
 
 ^ " Marguerite of Austria." Christopher Hare. P. 276.
 
 THE EMPEROR CHARLES V 
 After Titian
 
 DIPLOMACY OF CLEMENT VII. 183 
 
 After the success of his army in driving the French 
 out of Italy, the Emperor renewed his alliance with 
 Henry VIII. against the King of France. They had 
 already rejected all idea of peace or even of a truce 
 with Francois I., which had been urged by the new 
 Pope, for his own ends. As the greatest sovereign 
 of central Italy, Clement VII. had cause to dread the 
 success of either the Emperor or the King of France 
 in Italy, and his subtle poHcy lay in keeping an even 
 balance between the two rivals, lest the absolute 
 defeat of one should leave the other strong enough to 
 be independent of his support. This was a dangerous 
 game to play, and required the most deUcate handling. 
 Clement had professed the utmost gratitude to the 
 Emperor for the help which he had given to the 
 election, sending word by Adrian de Croy that : "If 
 as Cardinal he had been his servant, at this hour as 
 Pope he looked upon the Emperor's interests as his 
 own." At the same time " the Holy Father assured 
 Frangois I. that he would in no wise favour his enemies, 
 but be a good friend and father to him. . . ." 
 
 The new Pope did not abruptly break off the League 
 which his predecessor had made with the Empire, in 
 conjunction with Venice, Florence, Siena and Lucca ; 
 but he did not keep its terms. He sent the first pay- 
 ment which had been promised, but refused to continue, 
 under pretence that his treasury was empty. The 
 truce which he suggested between Charles V. and 
 Francois I. was refused by the latter, as he would not 
 include the Due de Bourbon in the articles. The 
 efforts of Clement VII. had utterly failed so far, as on
 
 i84 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 May 25, 1524, the new League was signed. It was 
 arranged that the Due de Bourbon should cross the 
 Alps at the head of his victorious army, whose pay was 
 to be provided by the Emperor and Henry VHL ; 
 that the King of England should send an army to 
 Picardy which would be joined by 3000 horsemen and 
 1000 foot-soldiers from the Netherlands ; while the 
 Emperor himself should invade France by way of 
 Roussillon. 
 
 But there was one matter to be settled first. Bour- 
 bon had always refused to take any oath of allegiance 
 to Henry VHL as King of France, or to pay him 
 homage. This was now to be insisted upon, and Sir 
 Richard Pace, the English ambassador, was sent to the 
 Imperial camp at Moncalieri, near Turin, for that 
 purpose. The strongest pressure was put upon the 
 Duke ; indeed, " one of the articles of the treaty 
 specially stated that unless Bourbon took the required 
 oath within two days after having been requested to 
 do so, he would be abandoned." ^ Charles de Bourbon 
 stiU refused, and argued the impolicy of such a con- 
 dition. He assured the ambassador that he would 
 recover first, all that belonged to Henry VIII. and to 
 Charles V., and then his own possessions. Lannoy, 
 who was present, tried to interpret this favourably, 
 and assured Pace that " the Duke would enter France 
 to crown His Grace the King." 
 
 Bourbon was quite willing to answer aU the questions 
 put to him. He explained the condition of his army. 
 He said that he should prefer to approach France by 
 
 ^ state Papers. Vol. VI. p. 291.
 
 PREPARES TO INVADE FRANCE 185 
 
 way of Provence ; he could cross the mountains in five 
 or six days, and, keeping along the coast, protected by 
 the Imperial fleet, he would thus cross a fertile land, 
 with only small towns which would offer no resistance, 
 as there were only two strong places — Monaco which 
 would open its gates, and Marseilles must be besieged. 
 If the King were able to collect an army and oppose 
 him, he hoped to win the battle and march upon Lyons. 
 " With four months before him he could do great things, 
 and had little doubt that he would be master of Paris 
 before All Saints' Day, and once Paris taken, all 
 France would be in his power." He then insisted 
 that Henry VIII. should immediately descend upon 
 Picardy, and follow the route that had been taken 
 the previous year by the Duke of Suffolk, or else the 
 road through Normandy, in order to march straight 
 upon the capital. It took several days longer and 
 the utmost persuasion — with the assurance that if he 
 did not yield, the King of England would withdraw, 
 and the whole plan would collapse — before Bourbon, 
 driven to extremity, was at last compelled to take the 
 oath of allegiance to Henry VIII. But, as Pace 
 writes to his master on June 25 : " the Duke will not 
 consent to pay homage." 
 
 We have no record of the torture which the proud 
 soul of the exile endured before he consented to this 
 ignominy, which not even the fierce joy of vengeance 
 could lighten. He was caught in a net of his own 
 making, and having taken the first step in the ways of 
 rebellion, he was led on by irrevocable Fate to tread 
 the bitter path of no return.
 
 1 86 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 After this painful ordeal, we are told that the Due 
 de Bourbon humbly made his confession to the priest, 
 and took the sacrament with devout fervour before 
 crossing the frontier in company with the English 
 ambassador. For nearly two months he had been 
 waiting at the foot of the Alps for want of money, 
 but now he had received 200,000 ducats which the 
 Emperor had sent him from Genoa to pay his army. 
 It was he who had arranged the whole plan of the cam- 
 paign, and insisted that the invasion of France should 
 be made at the same time from Provence, Languedoc 
 and Picardy, in order that Frangois I., having to divide 
 his forces, would find it impossible to make adequate 
 resistance anywhere. He fully explained this in a 
 letter to Charles V., and then wrote (June 16) to Henry 
 Vni. : 1 " We have decided to bring 19,000 good foot- 
 soldiers, 1 100 lances, 1500 light cavalry, with artillery 
 thoroughly equipped with munitions. . . . We hope, 
 by the help of God, to promote the honour and the 
 reputation of the Emperor and yourself, and are 
 determined to devote to this, our body, our goods, our 
 blood and our life." Sir Richard Pace wrote to 
 Wolsey, greatly daring in his anxiety to make sure of 
 the English forces : "If you do not see to these 
 matters, I shall impute to your Grace the loss of the 
 crown of France." ^ June 25. 
 
 It was at the end of June that Bourbon crossed the 
 Alps with his veteran soldiers, German, Spanish and 
 Italian, who had fought under his banner and were 
 devoted to the general who had led them to victory. 
 
 ^ State papers. * State papers.
 
 EXPEDITION AGAINST PROVENCE 187 
 
 He had also had the wisdom to win over Pescara 
 without waiting for special orders from the Emperor, 
 for we find him writing from Chiavasso on May 23 : 
 " Monseigneur, although you have written nothing 
 about the Marquis of Pescara coming with me in this 
 enterprise, yet knowing how important it is for your 
 service. ... I have invited him offering him to be 
 Captain-General of the army under me. . . . He is a 
 person who well deserves such a position. . . ." By a 
 subtle piece of flattery he asked this haughty noble 
 to be Captain-General, while at the same time he 
 reserved to himself the supreme direction. In order 
 still farther to attach Pescara to his service, he placed 
 his young nephew, the Marquis del Vasto, at the 
 head of the Spaniards. The landsknechte were com- 
 manded by the Counts de Lodron and Hohenzollern, 
 and amongst the captains was the son of Georg Frunds- 
 berg, whose landsknechte were splendid fighters, but 
 their allegiance depended on the regular receipt of 
 their pay. Such was the army with which the rebel 
 prince invaded France, in the summer of 1524. 
 
 We pause for a moment, not to concern ourselves 
 about abstract right or wrong, but seeking to under- 
 stand the point of view of Charles, Due de Bourbon, 
 late Constable of France. 
 
 Fortified by the most sacred rites of his Church, 
 with a prayer to the God of battles upon his lips, he 
 goes forth to avenge his wrongs, — a Bourbon against 
 a Valois, — and to win back the dominions of his 
 ancestors ; those broad fertile lands, the strong 
 castles, the beautiful palaces filled with priceless
 
 1 88 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 treasures such as his soul loved, not alone for their 
 exquisite charm, but for the haunting memory of those 
 who had so valued them — Anne de France, his more 
 than mother, and his wife, the gentle Suzanne. Now 
 that he was alone, robbed of all that made life dear, 
 with only his life left to stake upon his desperate 
 venture, we can scarcely wonder that he should fight 
 like a lion at bay. Not his the meek Christian virtues 
 of patience, and submission to injustice ; like another 
 Coriolanus, he flaunts the heathen virtue of self- 
 assertion, and his proud spirit which cannot endure 
 an affront, is not one " to offer the other cheek." 
 
 Victory or death is his latest motto, and a flaming 
 sword his emblem. Charles, Due de Bourbon, had left 
 his country as a hunted fugitive, with a price upon his 
 head ; he enters it again as the supreme commander 
 of an alien army, in alliance with the enemies of 
 Frangois I., from whom he will wrest the cro\vn of 
 France or die in the attempt. 
 
 Crossing the x\lpes Maritimes by an easy pass, the 
 Col di Tenda, the army reached Monaco, whose almost 
 impregnable citadel was given up at once by Augustin 
 Grimaldi, Bishop of Grasse, guardian of the young 
 seigneur, Honore Grimaldi. This stronghold com- 
 manded a sheltered bay, which was the more important 
 as Bourbon was expecting provisions and ammunition 
 to arrive by sea. But the galleys of Andrea Doria of 
 Genoa, had joined the French fleet which had just 
 captured a brigantine with the Prince of Orange on 
 board, and now commanded the coast. Bourbon moved 
 onwards a few miles to establish himself in the camp of
 
 GALLANT ADVENTURE OF BOURBON 189 
 
 St Laurent, on the banks of the Var which here falls 
 into the sea. As the Spanish ships approached the 
 camp, they were attacked by the French fleet, but most 
 of them escaped to Monaco and there disembarked 
 the artillery. However, three of the Imperial galleys, 
 which had not time to follow the others, were cast 
 on the shore and abandoned with the cannons by 
 the sailors who fled to the mountains. They were 
 about to be taken by the French in fuU sight of the 
 camp, when the Due de Bourbon, with splendid 
 courage and rare promptitude, threw himself on board 
 the most exposed of the galleys and persuaded Pescara 
 and Adrian de Croy to do the same with the two others. 
 " Let us save the honour of the camp and the Em- 
 peror ! " he cried. The Spanish arquebusiers kept 
 the enemy's fleet some way off, but for hours Bourbon 
 and his companions were exposed to a sharp fire, in 
 spite of which they saved the galleys and artillery. 
 He wrote a very modest account of this affair himself, 
 but Adrian de Croy thus tells the story in a letter to 
 the Emperor on July 10 : " If you had seen Mons. de 
 Bourbon, you would have esteemed him to be one of 
 the bravest gentlemen upon the earth. Seeing all the 
 galleys of France who were coming to take three of 
 yours, he commanded the Marquis and myself each to 
 defend one, while he would rescue the other, and he 
 showed us the way to do it. . . . Never was seen a 
 more gallant deed. ..." 
 
 Having received his artillery, Bourbon now pro- 
 ceeded through Provence, meeting with no serious 
 resistance. Vence, Antibes, Cannes, and Grasse at
 
 I90 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 once yielded to him, and we can trace his onward 
 journey through the red porphyry hills of the Esterel, 
 by the ancient Aurelian way, where the Roman legions 
 had tramped of old, as far as Frejus, for in those days 
 there was no road by the rocky sea-coast. Draguignan 
 Lorgues, Hyeres, Cotignac, Brignoles, and most of the 
 other towns of Provence where the army passed, 
 surrendered at the first summons, and when Bourbon 
 came in sight of Aix, the keys were delivered up to him. 
 Meantime he had been constantly sending letters 
 to the Emperor and to Henry VHL, urging them to 
 lose no time in their invasion of France, for everything 
 depended on the attacks being simultaneous. As they 
 still delayed, a council was held and the chief captains 
 decided upon the siege of Marseilles, as nothing was so 
 bad for their army as inaction. Bourbon and Pescara, 
 after examining the fortifications, both decided that 
 it would be a most difficult enterprise. Still Mar- 
 seilles would be of so much importance to the Emperor 
 in opening his route from Barcelona to Genoa, and 
 making him master of the Mediterranean, that it was 
 all-important to secure the city. Ancient Marseilles 
 did not spread out towards the south as at present, but 
 was concentrated for defence in terraces up the side of 
 the hill crowned with walls and towers where it formed 
 an amphitheatre. It was protected by the sea on two 
 sides, while on the other two, there were very strong 
 fortifications, walls flanked with bastions fuU of towers 
 and guarded by ditches. The famous port was 
 entirely protected, and the city itself was so difficult 
 of access that it was capable of standing a long siege.
 
 HOW MARSEILLES WAS FORTIFIED 191 
 
 The King of France had sent the commissioner 
 Mirandel to Marseilles only the month before to ex- 
 amine the fortifications, and to add to them wherever 
 he might consider it necessary. Mirandel had 
 demolished two convents of the Dominicans and 
 Freres Mineurs, and also three important churches, 
 which being too near, on the outside of the town, 
 would have helped the attack and interfered with the 
 defence. All the dead who were buried within these 
 sacred edifices, were carried in solemn procession 
 within the walls to another resting place. The 
 military architect also caused all the suburbs, the 
 gardens, and the " pleasure houses " within arquebuse- 
 shot from the east and west, to be destroyed and 
 levelled with the ground. Nothing was thus wanting 
 for security, and Frangois I. had been well-advised to 
 make all these preparations in good time. 
 
 The garrison had been strengthened by a number of 
 soldiers who had served in Italy under the command 
 of Renzo da Ceri of the noble House of the Orsini, 
 and two or three hundred men-at-arms were sent there 
 under Chabot de Brion. Besides about 4000 regular 
 soldiers, the inhabitants of Marseilles were eager in 
 the defence, and organised into a militia and enrolled 
 from the different quarters under their own captains. 
 The city was well provided with arms and ammunition, 
 and Renzo da Ceri, who had great experience in the art 
 of fortification, was placed in command. " He set 
 diligently to work at repairing the walls, in making 
 platforms, and also in finishing the great boulevard, 
 of which the walls were 28 feet thick, and which was
 
 192 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 well furnished with artillery." We learn this, and 
 many interesting details of the siege, from a MS. 
 journal kept by a certain Honorat de Valbelle who took 
 part in the defence of the town. 
 
 Several of the gates of Marseilles were closed and 
 walled up, while those still left were protected with 
 outworks. At the gate of La Calade, and at the 
 Porte-Royale, both towards the east, bastions were 
 built surrounded by trenches, with cannons and 
 arquebuses which swept the approach so that no one 
 could come near on that side. Every one joined with 
 enthusiasm in the digging and building which was to 
 ensure the safety of the town. Besides the artillery 
 on the ramparts, pieces of cannon were placed on every 
 eminence, so as to command the plain which stretched 
 out towards the north. Having the sea open and the 
 harbour free to receive provisions and help, and pro- 
 tected by the French fleet which was stationed close 
 to the island of Pomcgue, the inhabitants were pre- 
 pared to face, with gallant spirit, the coming siege. 
 Bourbon was already at their gates. With consum- 
 mate skill, he had occupied the heights which sur- 
 rounded the town from east to west, placing the 
 landsknechte near the sea, the Spaniards towards the 
 plain of St Michel, and the Italians between the two. 
 The point of attack was to be towards the north, from 
 the Franciscan convent to the Aix gate, over a space of 
 about 1000 steps which appeared less strongly pro- 
 tected. It included the Tower of Sainte-Paule, out- 
 side the ramparts, and the old church of St Cannat 
 with the Bishop's house within.
 
 SIEGE OF MARSEILLES 193 
 
 A battery was first placed on the height which 
 commanded the French fleet as it approached the 
 shore, in order to drive it out into the open sea. Then 
 the soldiers, well protected by gabions, were set to 
 work at night undermining the walls, which the 
 besieged found themselves unable to prevent, and 
 after four days, Bourbon brought his cannons in 
 position to bombard the walls at the point of attack. 
 On August 23, a breach of about thirty feet was made, 
 but unfortunately, the Imperial army did not press 
 on to the assault at once, and during the following 
 night the breach was completely closed by casks 
 filled with earth, stones and beams of wood ; a second 
 rampart had even been built inside. The attacking 
 generals, thinking their cannons were not powerful 
 enough at the distance they were placed, now depended 
 almost entirely upon sapping and undermining the 
 walls. Bourbon sent Adrian de Croy to Toulon where 
 there was much stronger artillery, and with the help 
 of Moncada who besieged the fortress by sea, he was 
 successful in taking the formidable Tower of Toulon, 
 and gaining possession of nine good cannons on 
 September 2. 
 
 Meantime, the defenders of Marseilles had reahsed 
 the new danger which threatened them and they 
 rose to the occasion. During that terrible day and 
 night when they expected the city to be assaulted at 
 any moment, the troops and the inhabitants in arms 
 had manned the ramparts, paraded the streets, and 
 prepared in every way to give the enemy a warm 
 reception. But this mining had to be met in another 
 
 N
 
 194 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 way. Without a scruple, they destroyed the beautiful 
 church of Saint-Cannat, and the " sumptuous pleasure 
 house " of the Bishop adjoining, as well as other 
 houses near by. The ramparts being thus cleared, 
 Renzo da Ceri caused very deep trenches to be dug 
 within and counter-mines to be made. 
 
 Everyone joined in this work, even the women of 
 Marseilles, and we have a most dehghtful account of 
 the way in which the rich and delicate ladies joined 
 with the poorer and more robust women of the people 
 in the patriotic work of protecting their homes. The 
 record of this devotion is still preserved in the city 
 in the " Boulevard des Dames," on the very spot where 
 they so gallantly worked in the trenches. 
 
 The trenches were protected by mounds of earth, 
 pierced with loop-holes (" meurtrieres ") behind which 
 were placed the most reliable arquebusiers. Besides 
 these measures of defence, the besieged disturbed 
 their enemies' manoeuvres by constant sorties, even 
 venturing as far as the Imperial camp. Day and 
 night they were on guard, and the streets were kept 
 lighted by torches, and lanterns in the windows of 
 the houses, to be on the watch for a surprise. As 
 time passed on with scarcely any result, a feeling of 
 discouragement spread through the attacking army, 
 and even the leaders began to lose heart, with the 
 exception of Bourbon, who felt assured of ultimate 
 success. He had at last received through Sir John 
 Russell, some of the money long before promised by 
 Henry VHL towards paying his army, and he had 
 been rejoined by a portion of the troops he had left
 
 RENZO DA CERI REFUSES TO PARLEY 195 
 
 in Piedmont, when unable to pay the money due to 
 them. He had again sent urgent messages both to 
 the Emperor and to the King of England, and now 
 received assurance from both princes that they would 
 carry out their engagements and land their forces 
 in France. 
 
 Before making use of the big cannons which had 
 been brought to the camp from Toulon, the Due 
 de Bourbon demanded an interview mth Renzo da 
 Ceri and the other captains, in order to convince them 
 that resistance was useless, and that they would be 
 wise to ensure a favourable capitulation while there 
 was still time. But the answer returned was an 
 absolute refusal to hold any parley, except wdth the 
 shots of cannon and arquebuse. Sismondi tells us 
 that Renzo da Ceri felt the more confidence, as the 
 Italians who served under him were veteran soldiers 
 who had fought on the side of liberty in Pisa, Florence, 
 Genoa and elsewhere. 
 
 Still there was a growing uneasiness in Marseilles, 
 and two envoys were chosen to seek the King at once 
 and implore him to come to their help. They left 
 the port by sea, landed near the mouth of the Rhone, 
 and found Frangois I. at Caderousse, a little above 
 Avignon. He was there with a large army, having 
 just succeeded in obtaining a levy of more than 
 6000 Swiss, but he had been obliged to pay them 
 beforehand, because they would not trust him again. 
 His infantry had also been increased by two companies 
 of landsknechte and some French adventurers ; and 
 not fearing attack from England or Flanders, he had
 
 196 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 recalled the greater part of the men-at-arms who were 
 protecting the north-west frontier. This one fact 
 is enough to show us how fatal to the cause had been 
 the delay of Henry VHI. 
 
 The King received the deputies from Marseilles 
 with great honour, praising their courage and loyalty, 
 and promising to march to the deUverance of their 
 city. He also sent a letter to encourage his brave 
 citizens in their gallant conduct, thanking them most 
 warmly, and " promising them that their loyal 
 fidelity should be had in perpetual remembrance, 
 that it might serve as an example to others." He also 
 gave more practical help in sending by sea a small 
 troop of 1500 men with supphes of provisions and 
 flour. 
 
 At a time when prompt action was so necessary, 
 Fran9ois I. had been delayed at Blois by his constant 
 interference with the Parhament of Paris in the trial 
 of Charles de Bourbon and his adherents, which was 
 stiU going on. He was constantly sending angry 
 messages and threats to the commissioners, to insist 
 upon the severity of the sentences they must pass, 
 more especially upon Aymard de Prie, d'Escars, the 
 Chancellor of the Bourbonnais PopiUon, Desguieres 
 and Brion. The judges continued to make further 
 questions, and when at length they gave sentence, 
 it seemed to the angry King Hke an acquittal. They 
 decided that Aymard de Prie, Pierre Popillon and 
 d'Escars should be set at Uberty and sent to live in 
 any town of the realm which the King might choose. 
 It is true that sentence of death was passed upon all
 
 KING INTERFERES WITH THE TRIAL 197 
 
 who had followed the Duke out of the kingdom. But 
 Francois I. was furious at the leniency with which 
 these three had been treated, and he wrote to the 
 Parliament, in such a tone of defiance and threat, as 
 if they were favourable to the rebeUion. " The 
 prisoners should not be set free ..." and when the 
 judges remonstrated that at least their sentence must 
 be published lest people should accuse them of in- 
 justice, the King's answer passed all bounds. He 
 would listen to nothing, and if they dared to disobey 
 him or displease him, " he would make such a 
 demonstration as would be an example for others." 
 At the same time he ordered that the third citation 
 against the Due de Bourbon should be at once given 
 against him. He wished the Parliament to condemn 
 him as a rebel, while he went to fight against him as 
 a public enemy. 
 
 Thus it was that from every town where he halted, 
 the King of France sent back letter after letter to his 
 Parliament in Paris, Hke javeUn shafts hurled at the 
 unfortunate men of law who tarried in obeying his 
 commands.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 SIEGE OF MARSEILLES RAISED, AS NEITHER CHARLES V. NOR 
 HENRY VIII. KEEP THEIR PROMISE OF INVADING FRANCE — 
 RETREAT OF BOURBON TO ITALY — FRANCOIS I. AGAIN 
 INVADES ITALY — HE BESIEGES PAVIA — CLEMENT VII. 
 BEGINS HIS CRAFTY TACTICS OF MAKING FRIENDS WITH 
 BOTH SIDES. 
 
 WHEN the two deputies, whose names are 
 recorded as Pierre Cepede and Jean 
 Begue, returned from the royal camp, 
 the principal inhabitants of Marseilles 
 were summoned by the call of a trumpet to hear the 
 King's letter read aloud to them. This excited so 
 much enthusiasm that they felt fresh courage for the 
 assault which threatened them. Bourbon had brought 
 up the great cannons taken from Toulon, and the 
 artillery continued such a furious bombardment at 
 the place of the old breach, that the rampart was 
 broken down for about fifty feet at the upper part, 
 but much less at the base. There was room for ten 
 men to enter abreast by this opening, and the Duke, 
 thinking it sufficient, silenced his cannons and prepared 
 for the final assault. 
 
 The defenders were well prepared, for they had 
 manned all the ramparts and other posts with about 
 6000 soldiers. The arquebusiers and carbineers were 
 to fire upon the assailants from the bottom of the 
 trenches and the top of the bastions, while the men-at- 
 
 198
 
 GALLANT DEFExNCE OF MARSEILLES 199 
 
 arms in their impenetrable armour, were to drive them 
 back with the edge of the halberd or the point of the 
 lance, if the firing was not enough. The immense 
 ditch between the breach and the town had been filled 
 with explosive machines, gunpowder and inflammable 
 things, which could easily be set on fire from the 
 rampart above. The gallant courage and resolution, 
 both of the soldiers and the inhabitants, was a more 
 solid defence than even walls and guns. 
 
 The unconquerable spirit of Bourbon himself was 
 a match for them, as he led the attack, but his army 
 quailed before the thought of these terrible trenches 
 to cross, and this array of death-dealing guns, of 
 halberds and lances, pointed at them by determined 
 men. The landsknechte, who were sent on in front 
 to escalade the breach, turned back at the first burst 
 of artillery, declaring that they would not meet certain 
 death. The Spaniards, who were next in order, 
 followed their lead, at which we cannot wonder when 
 their leader, Pescara, had thus addressed them : — 
 
 " The besieged have made ready a fine table to 
 treat those who visit them. If you want to sup 
 in Paradise to-day, then go forward. If, Uke 
 myself, you have no such desire, then follow me to 
 Italy. ..." 
 
 The Italians, who had caught the infection of fear, 
 also refused to advance, and the unfortunate Bourbon, 
 in despair at this disobedience, was compelled to lead 
 back the rebellious army to the camp, and give up all 
 idea of taking Marseilles by assault. If he had also 
 to deal with jealousy and even hatred on the part of
 
 200 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Pescara and others, as well as the panic of the men, 
 his case was hopeless indeed. But he made one last 
 desperate effort to induce his followers, if they would 
 not face the assault, at least to try what battle in the 
 open field might do for them. He called a council 
 of war, and pointed out that the King's army was close 
 at hand and might be taken by surprise . . . nothing 
 but such a victory could retrieve the position and the 
 honour of the Imperial army. But the captains 
 would not listen to him ; they declared that there 
 was nothing left but to retire from Provence as soon 
 as possible and return to Italy. 
 
 Can we imagine a more cruel, heart-breaking 
 situation than that in which the great Due de Bourbon 
 found himself placed ? First prince of the blood 
 royal, late Constable of France, a sovereign in his own 
 dominions and surrounded by a Court of his own with 
 faithful vassals to do his will, he now found himself 
 defied by his own army of alien troops who could not 
 understand his language, and who ruined his plans 
 by their insubordination. Everything was against 
 him ; he had been cheated and deceived on every 
 side. Charles V., who was to have invaded RoussiUon, 
 had made great promises, had been slow in sending 
 orders, and in the end had done nothing at aU. On 
 August 15, he had written to Bourbon : " Mon bon 
 frere, following your advice, I have ordered the 
 German troops to invade by way of Perpignan, and 
 so divert the power of our enemy. . . ." ^ The 
 
 * Simancas Papers. Series D., bundle 3. No. 54. Quoted 
 by Mignet.
 
 CHARLESV. & HENRYVIII. HOLD ALOOF 201 
 
 Emperor had also commanded Lannoy to reinforce 
 the army of Bourbon and to send him 100,000 ducats 
 towards paying his army. This the Viceroy had not 
 done, and he writes to excuse himself on September 28, 
 from Asti, pretending that the soldiers had not been 
 able to cross the mountains as the mountaineers had 
 taken possession of the Pass of Tenda (between Tenda 
 and Cuneo, where the Maritime Alps end and the 
 Ligurian Alps begin). In point of fact, Charles V. 
 cared much more for driving the French King out 
 of Italy, and compelling him to give him back 
 Burgundy, than for the concerted plan of conquering 
 the kingdom to give it to Henry VIII., in great 
 measure. 
 
 As for the English invasion, which was so absolutely 
 necessary for the success of Bourbon's great scheme 
 of conquest, we see now that Wolsey had never meant 
 it to be carried out until Francois T. should have been 
 utterly defeated by the Imperial army, when Henry 
 VIII. would come in and secure the spoils. The 
 warning of Sir Richard Pace, that if Wolsey did not see 
 that the expedition to Picardy was sent off at once, he 
 would have lost his master the crown of France, 
 received a reply from the proud Cardinal, in terms of 
 bitter irony. " You demand that the King with all 
 possible haste . . . should invade France . . . and 
 to facilitate the enterprise you expect me to pawn my 
 Cardinal's hat, my crosses, my fortune and myself." ^ 
 
 It was the second time that Bourbon's plans of 
 
 ^Letter from Wolsey to Sir R. Pace, August 31, 1524. (State 
 Papers, Vol. VI. p. 336.)
 
 202 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 revenge had failed, and certainly not by his own fault. 
 Private news reached him that the Queen-mother, 
 Louise de Savoie, his vindictive foe, had taken pos- 
 session of all his treasures in the stately castle of 
 Chantelle, with special mention of his long robe of 
 cloth of gold, lined with the most costly sables, which 
 he wore at Court as Constable of France. (It held 
 12 yards at 120 gold crowns the yard.) She had taken 
 also his Constable's cap, covered with precious stones, 
 beyond all price, and as a crowning insult she had 
 destroyed his shields bearing his image — as a knight 
 raising on high a naked sword — while the trappings of 
 his horse were covered with fleurs-de-lys. Perhaps a 
 small matter like this made him realize more keenly 
 all that he had lost. News of his prolonged trial also 
 showed how all his adherents had betrayed him, more 
 or less, although a few faithful friends had followed 
 his fortunes and would remain true to the end. 
 Pomperant, his devoted companion, sentenced to a 
 fearful death by the judges, Pierre and Antoine 
 d'Espinac, Jean Fialin, Peloux and La Mothe des 
 Noyers, while some others in France only waited for 
 the chance to join him. 
 
 Bourbon felt that in the present temper of his army 
 he had no choice but to retreat into Italy. But he was 
 in no haste, and his preparations were slow and 
 deliberate. All the bullets and stone shot which he 
 could not carry away were thrown into the sea, four 
 great cannons were buried, while other pieces of 
 artillery were drawn by horses to Toulon and there 
 embarked for Genoa. The small cannons were placed
 
 Lcuiie^ cU/ Sat'oyi- , ma^tet^ &n i/^fy a^ CAar^i^ ^ Of/can^ cj^ttTt .-^ ^'ific'au^i-u. 
 
 (■S 
 
 ■L 
 
 A. draudoii, photo, 
 LOUISE DE SAVOIE, MOTHER OF FRANCOIS I 
 Aprl's Jean Clouet, Bibliotheqtie Nationale
 
 COMPELLED TO RAISE THE SIEGE 203 
 
 on mules, and on September 29 the camp was 
 raised and the army returned by the way it had 
 come. 
 
 All this time the King of France had been awaiting 
 events, not without anxiety, but as soon as the retreat 
 had actually begun, he sent the Marechal de Mont- 
 morency at the head of several companies of men-at- 
 arms, a band of arquebusiers, and a number of light 
 cavalry, to harass the retiring army. Montmorency 
 had orders to attack without exposing himself, to fall 
 upon them if the chance occurred — and thus continue 
 as far as the river Var, when he was to cross the 
 mountains and join Fran9ois I. in Italy, where he was 
 leading his army over the Col de Susa, and down 
 through Turin. We have full particulars of the retreat 
 of Bourbon with the Imperial army, from the Spanish 
 soldier, Juan de Oznayo. He tells how they travelled 
 on day and night. " Con toda furia, y nuestro camin 
 era de die e de noche." 
 
 The Marquis of Pescara was in command of the 
 rear-guard, and was especially watchful that none of 
 his men should fall into the hands of the peasants who 
 hung about close after them, as he feared that might 
 encourage them to pursue and murder any stragglers. 
 Osnayo says that on one occasion Pescara could not 
 rouse from their drunken slumber a few landsknechte 
 who had drunk too much of the country wine. The 
 light cavalry of Montmorency was within sight, and 
 the countrymen were only waiting for his departure 
 to massacre the sleeping Germans. He ordered the 
 barn, which he could not induce them to leave, to be
 
 204 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 set on fire, and sternly continued his retreat. The 
 soldiers were worn out with fatigue, their clothes were 
 in rags, and they are even said to have thrown away 
 their arms as they no longer had the strength to carry 
 them. When oxen and sheep were killed for their food, 
 the first thing they did was to tear off the skin and cut 
 it into strips to make " abarcas," a rough kind of 
 Spanish sandal. They would say, as they murmured 
 against Bourbon, " that these were the brocaded shoes 
 he had promised them when he led them to France." 
 But no vain complaints could touch the dauntless 
 pride of their commander, or quench his undying hope 
 that the day of vengeance was at hand. The cease- 
 less tramp of many feet, the clouds of dust in which 
 the battalions were half hidden, the glaring autumn 
 sun upon the hot Riviera, the calm blue sea which 
 had seen them march to victory in France with the 
 same changeless smile — all was forgotten by Bourbon 
 as he rode unmoved ever onwards and onwards, his 
 spirit wrapped in the absorbing dream of conquest and 
 empire. 
 
 The next Act of the great Drama was about to 
 take place in Italy, and if Charles Due de Bourbon 
 was to be one of the chief characters, the King 
 of France was fully resolved to play the part of 
 the hero. 
 
 Once more an invincible attraction had drawn 
 Frangois L to the conquest of that fair land which had 
 been so fatal to his race, but whose allurements he 
 could never resist. All his hopes and desires were set 
 upon that great fertile plain, enriched by many a
 
 THE RETREAT TO ITALY 205 
 
 classic river, which spread out towards the south as far 
 as Naples. An ideal battle-field, aU prepared by 
 Nature, closed in by mountains like the lists of a 
 tournament ; and fit scene for a romance of chivalry, 
 bristling with a thousand castles and ancient cities 
 only waiting to be stormed. Never had the King been 
 so confident of success as when he set forth from Aix, 
 at the head of a splendid army, to ascend the valley 
 of the Durance, by Sisteron and Briangon, to cross 
 the Alps by the Mont Genevre ; the Mons Janus of 
 the Romans, ever the pathway of invading hosts. 
 Francois would listen to no objection, he would admit 
 of no delay. In vain his most experienced captains 
 pointed out to him that now, in October, the season 
 was too advanced, and that it was unwise to start a 
 winter campaign. The spirit which animated the 
 King is well shown in his own account of the address 
 to his soldiers on the summit of the Alps. 
 
 ". . . O souldards et amys, 
 Puisque Fortune en ce lieu nous a mys 
 Favorisons la sienne volonte 
 Par la vertu de nostre honnestete. 
 En ne craignant des grandz montz la haultesse, 
 Vous asseurant sur ma foy et promesse 
 Que si premier sommes en Italie, 
 Que sans combat guerre sera finie. . . ." ^ 
 
 Curiously enough, the French army reached Vercelli 
 on the same day as the troops of Bourbon crossed the 
 Maritime Alps and advanced towards Alba, but 
 Francois I. was scarcely justified in promising that the 
 
 1 " Epistre du roi traictant de son partement de France en Italie 
 et de sa prise devant Pavie." No. 25, in " Captivite" de Champol- 
 lion Figeac.
 
 2o6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 war would be ended without a battle ! The weather 
 had greatly favoured him in the mountains, for snow 
 had not yet fallen on the slopes, and the passes were 
 open. When he reached the valley, there had been no 
 autumnal rains to flood the rivers, and they could 
 still be crossed at the fords. All seemed to promise 
 well for the French, and they met with no opposition 
 in their advance towards Milan. 
 
 In point of fact, Lannoy, who had lingered on at 
 Asti with the foot-soldiers so much needed by Bourbon, 
 was very anxious to hinder the French invasion, but 
 when he saw the worn-out condition of the Imperial 
 army, after so hurried and fatiguing a retreat, he was 
 easily convinced by Bourbon and Pescara that it 
 would be folly to risk an engagement. It was decided 
 to defend only some important places, which would 
 give the command of certain rivers ; such as Ales- 
 sandria on the Tanaro, where they left 2000 men, 
 Como on the lake, Pavia on the Ticino, Cremona on 
 the Po, Lodi and Pizzighetone on the Adda. The 
 importance of Pavia was fully appreciated and the 
 garrison was strengthened by the addition of 300 
 men-at-arms, 5000 Germans, and 500 Spaniards. The 
 command was given to Antonio de Leyva, a Spanish 
 soldier of fortune, who fully justified Bourbon's con- 
 fidence in him. Lannoy sent to Germany for a levy 
 of 10,000 landsknechte to help in the defence of Milan, 
 whither the rest of the Imperial army was advancing 
 in haste. 
 
 The city was in no condition to make a strong 
 defence, as it had recently suffered severely from the
 
 FRANCOIS I. AGAIN INVADES ITALY 207 
 
 plague. Girolamo Morone, the minister of Duke 
 Francesco Sforza, had persuaded him to bow before the 
 storm and yield Milan to the King of France, sending 
 the keys to meet him. But the very day after this 
 submission, Alar9on with 200 horsemen arrived at the 
 gates and announced the coming of his generals, the 
 lieutenants of the Emperor ; being soon followed by 
 Bourbon, Lannoy, and Pescara, who were received by 
 the populace with cries of " Viva Borbone ! " It was 
 a comical situation, and became still more so when 
 Frangois I. hurried on with his army to take possession 
 of Milan which had already surrendered to him. After 
 a rapid consultation, the Imperialists decided that 
 the city was not ready for defence, and they retreated 
 by the gate of Como and the gate of Rome, at the very 
 moment when the French army was triumphantly 
 entering by the gate of Vercelli. Bourbon, Pescara, 
 and most of the army made their way to Lodi, 
 which they set about placing in a position to stand 
 a siege. 
 
 Fran9ois I. placed the Seigneur de la Tremouille 
 in command of Milan with a strong force, 8000 foot- 
 soldiers and 300 men-at-arms, added to the garrison. 
 Never had his position in Italy been more promising 
 than at this moment. Most of the Italian States, 
 the fickle Pope Clement VII., and the republics of 
 Florence and Venice, who were only waiting to see 
 which side was successful, were quite ready to join 
 him. He only needed some great master of military 
 strategy, such as his exiled Constable of France, and 
 his success might have been secured. But he listened
 
 208 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 once more to the advice of Bonnivet, and by unwise 
 delay, lost his opportunity of defeating the Imperial 
 army while still scattered, and in a state of fatigue and 
 depression. Machiavelli tells us that Pasquino in 
 Rome, offered a reward " for the discovery of the 
 Imperial army, lost some time last October in the 
 mountains between France and Lombardy, and never 
 heard of since ! " 
 
 By the advice of Bonnivet, the King of France took 
 another false step. Instead of at once attacking Lodi, 
 before Bourbon could strengthen the fortifications and 
 receive reinforcements, he decided to begin with the 
 siege of Pavia, thinking that this would be an easy 
 matter, and he arrived before the walls of the city 
 just twenty days after he had set forth from Aix 
 (having there beheaded the unfortunate Mayor, who 
 had sworn fidelity to Bourbon). Throughout the 
 whole of this campaign we shall find that Bonnivet 
 was the King's evil genius ; having first lost the duchy 
 of Milan, it was he who effectually prevented its 
 re-conquest. 
 
 When Bourbon and Pescara, who were anxiously 
 engaged in fortifying Lodi, heard that Francois I. was 
 moving towards Pavia, they could scarcely believe 
 in their good fortune, for time to recover and recruit 
 was aU that they needed. The French army was so 
 greatly superior to that of the Emperor as to induce 
 Bourbon to make a desperate effort for obtaining 
 additional troops. For this purpose it was necessary 
 to raise money at once and a brilliant idea occurred 
 to him. The Duke of Savoy, brother of Louise, the
 
 GEORGE VON FRUNDSBERG 209 
 
 mother of Frangois I., had recently married Beatrix 
 of Portugal, whose elder sister Isabel, was betrothed 
 to Charles V. In former days the Duke had been 
 devoted to his sister Louise and to the side of France, 
 but possibly through the influence of his young wife, 
 he had now completely changed and become a warm 
 adherent of the Emperor. On the strength of this 
 knowledge, Charles de Bourbon hastened to Grenoble 
 and succeeded in persuading the Duchess to pawn once 
 more the same precious jewels on which Charles VIII. 
 had borrowed money from the Bank of Genoa for his 
 Italian campaign. To these Bourbon added some 
 priceless family gems of his own, and having secured 
 on these good letters of exchange, he posted straight 
 to Nuremberg where he induced, Georg Frundsberg, 
 Prince of Mindelheim, to join him. 
 
 This Frundsberg was a gentleman adventurer, who 
 had succeeded von Vickingen, in the management of 
 Imperial matters and as military leader. He was a 
 man of gigantic height and extraordinary strength ; 
 jealous for the reputation of the German soldiers, w^ho 
 had of late been somewhat eclipsed by the Swiss levies. 
 He attributed this to the inefficiency of the German 
 condottieri, and proposed to remedy it in future by 
 rallying the landsknechte under his own banner or that 
 of leaders of his family. Besides this, he had been one 
 of the first to declare himself on the side of Luther, and 
 so great was his hatred of the Pope, that he asked 
 nothing better than to pass into Italy and await an 
 opportunity of waging war against the occupant of St 
 Peter's chair.
 
 2 10 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Bourbon found Frundsberg in this mood, and 
 employed his powers of persuasion so well that in three 
 weeks 10,000 veteran soldiers had been raised, on 
 condition that the Prince of Mindelheim should com- 
 mand them. These troops were at once sent off to 
 Italy, and Bourbon went into the duchy of Wiirtemberg, 
 where the Count of Lodron had already collected 6000 
 men with the money which he had received. These 
 troops Bourbon proposed to lead himself into Italy, 
 but he was still awaiting an answer from Henry VIII. , 
 to whom he had sent the most urgent entreaties that 
 he would take advantage of the absence of the King 
 and his army, and at once invade France from the 
 north. On January 5, 1525, he writes again to 
 Wolsey : 
 
 " . . . Monsieur, I have been to the Archduke 
 (Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.), to point out to him 
 the affairs of the Emperor and yours ; I found him 
 as well disposed as possible, even willing to help in 
 person. He sends 2000 landsknechte, and 300 horse- 
 men, aU at his own expense, besides other bands of 
 Germans that I take with me, a good number, as I told 
 your ambassador. . . . 
 
 " Monsieur, I have heard from one of my servants 
 and friends that the French say that I retired shame- 
 fully from Provence ; I remained there during three 
 months and eight days, awaiting battle, for I desired 
 nothing else. The cause why I retired from Provence, 
 which was by no wiU of mine, I think you will learn 
 from your ambassador. ... In my retreat those
 
 BOURBON RAISES MEN AND MONEY 211 
 
 who pursued me gained nothing, and with the help of 
 God, they will do so still less in future. . . . Monsieur, 
 in repeating my good will towards you, I would again 
 tell you that never before, nor will you ever have 
 again so good a time for invading the kingdom of 
 France as at present ; insomuch as the King and all 
 the princes of France, as well as the chief captains 
 are over yonder, and you Avill meet with no resist- 
 ance. I have declared the whole matter to your 
 ambassador. . . . 
 
 " I pray our Lord that to you Monsieur, He will 
 deign to give a very good and long hfe. . . . 
 
 " Written at Trent, this 5 January. 
 
 " Your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 " Charles." 
 
 But again all Bourbon's efforts were in vain. The 
 expedition to Provence had failed because neither 
 the Emperor nor Henry VHI. had kept their engage- 
 ments, and now that he had made all arrangements 
 to join Henry VIII. in Picardy, in case of an invasion, 
 this too came to nothing, and he led his reinforcement 
 of landsknechte back to Lodi, where he arrived on 
 January 10. In a letter written ten days later by the 
 Viceroy Lannoy to Marguerite of Austria, Governor 
 of the Netherlands, we see how fully Bourbon's energy 
 and devotion were appreciated. 
 
 " Lodi, 17 January 1525. 
 " Madame, monsieur de Bourbon arrived here a 
 week ago . . . with the landsknechte. . . . He has 
 done the Emperor good service, and His Majesty is
 
 212 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 greatly indebted to him in every way. ... I own to 
 him and will pay him aU possible honour, for he is 
 well worth it. 
 
 "... Charles de Lannoy." 
 
 It was indeed a fortunate thing for France that 
 Henry VIII., either from suspicion or from motives 
 of avarice, refused to hsten to the suggestion that 
 he should invade France at this critical moment, when 
 in all probabiUty he would have carried everything 
 before him, with the help of Bourbon. In a letter to 
 Wolsey of this date, we are told that " the Due de 
 Bourbon had more friends in France than ever before," 
 and that " he had a very great reputation in France." 
 The events of the next month were to add still further 
 to his fame and influence. 
 
 If the support of Henry VIII. had proved but a 
 broken reed to the Emperor, it was far worse with his 
 other allies in Italy. They all looked upon Fran9ois I. 
 as the future conqueror and hastened to cultivate his 
 friendship. The Duke of Ferrara lent him 50,000 
 crowns and sent him fifty chariots laden with powder 
 and bullets, for which the King's receipts, on parch- 
 ment, are still to be seen. The Venetians were in 
 negotiation with him, following the example of Pope 
 Clement VII., whose crafty pohcy was to play the part 
 of a peacemaker between Charles V. and Francois I., 
 but taking care aU the time to remain on the side 
 of the conqueror. He sent his Datario (head of papal 
 secretaries), Matteo Giberti, the staunch friend of 
 France, to suggest to the Viceroy Lannoy that the
 
 THE FAME OF BOURBON IN FRANCE 213 
 
 Emperor should give up all the cities he possessed in 
 Italy, into the charge of the Pope, and retire to his 
 Kingdom of Naples, while Milan should be an appanage 
 of a son of Fran9ois I., and the French should be 
 advised to return home across the Alps, ect., etc. 
 Naturally Lannoy refused to Hsten to such terms, 
 and when they were proposed to the King of France, 
 he indignantly declined to be satisfied with anything 
 short of the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of 
 Milan. 
 
 But Clement VII. was not discouraged, and con- 
 tinued the deceitful game which was to be so fatal 
 to him in the end. He secretly sent 6000 ducats to 
 Lannoy, instead of the large subsidy which he had 
 promised, and a few days later, on December 12, he 
 concluded a very private treaty with the King of France, 
 in which both France and Venice were comprised; 
 but a curious letter from the Council of Ten, on 
 January 7, provides that they will not join the King 
 of France (Christianissimo Re) nor will they help 
 Charles V. in recovering Milan. 
 
 We can form some idea of the duplicity of the Holy 
 Father from the letters of Baldassare CastigHone, 
 that honest and high-minded gentleman, whom he 
 sent as Nuncio to Charles V. In absolute ignorance 
 of the secret treaty, he had orders (on his way to 
 Spain) to meet the Viceroy Lannoy at Cremona, and 
 assure him of the unchanging favour of his master ; 
 then he was to see La Tremouille at Milan, and travel- 
 ling onwards, to seek an interview with the French 
 King in the camp before Pavia.
 
 214 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 " December 26, 1524. Al Signor Datario. (Giovan 
 Matteo Giberti) . . . To-day I went into the camp 
 and did homage to the King and gave him the 
 Brief . . , and told him about my going to the 
 Emperor, together with ... all the intentions of His 
 Hohness, who desires nothing but the general peace 
 and quiet of Christendom, without respect of persons. 
 . . . The King, with many words well spoken and 
 with much courtesy, repHed to me that he was quite 
 certain that Nostro Signore would do nothing without 
 the highest motives ; and that His Holiness had never 
 had a more obedient and affectionate son than 
 himself. . . . Then with infinite reasoning, he tried 
 to justify the occasion of his war . . . and showed 
 that those who said that he disturbed the peace of 
 Europe were wrong ; because he only asked for that 
 which was his by right . , . and so continued, showing 
 great reverence to Nostro Signore and firm hope of 
 victory. ..." 
 
 We can imagine the amusement of the Most 
 Christian King, with the secret treaty in his possession, 
 pouring out all these platitudes to the simple-minded, 
 upright ambassador,^ who was so thoroughly deceived. 
 
 The Pope did not even make any remonstrance 
 when Fran9ois I. sent an army into the kingdom of 
 Naples under the command of the Duke of Albany, 
 consisting of 6000 foot-soldiers and 600 men-at-arms, 
 which was to be strengthened by two or three thousand 
 
 * Courts and Camps of the Renaissance, p. 154. — Christopher 
 Hare.
 
 DUPLICITY OF POPE CLEMENT VII. 215 
 
 soldiers from the fleet under Renzo da Ceri, and 4000 
 Italians whom the Orsini were to raise in their 
 dominions. It is amusing to learn from the King's 
 own poetical history of the campaign, written in 
 captivity, that this was done only as a diversion, in 
 the hope of drawing away part of the Imperial army 
 from Lombardy. 
 
 " Car de mes gens soubdain je feiz partir 
 Pour seulement servir de divertir : 
 A Naples droit, j'envoyay una bande. 
 La diligence alors leur recommande ; 
 Mais au rebours ilz furent negligens, 
 De tost aller trop paresseurs et lentz." ^ 
 
 ^ Poesies de Fran9ois I. See " Captivite " (Epitre du Roi), No. 25.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE SIEGE OF PAVIA BY THE FRENCH — DESCRIPTION OF THE 
 CITY — FRAN(^OIS I. ENGAGES THE SERVICES OF GIOVANNI 
 " DELLE BANDE NERE " — HIS FRIEND THE ARETINO — THE 
 SIEGE LINGERS ON THROUGH THE WINTER, GIVING BOURBON 
 TIME TO RAISE LANDSKNECHTE IN GERMANY — GREAT HARD- 
 SHIPS ENDURED BY THE BESIEGED UNDER ANTONIO DE 
 LEYVA GIOVANNI DEI MEDICI WOUNDED AFTER A SORTIE. 
 
 WE have now reached the most exciting 
 point of Charles de Bourbon's history ; 
 the famous siege of Pavia on which 
 depended the fate of empire. It was 
 on October 26 that Frangois I. arrived in sight of the 
 ancient city, once the capital of the Lombards, 
 " conspicuous in fame and splendour," ^ whose walls 
 had withstood for a time the hosts of Theodoric and of 
 Charlemagne. In later days the GhibeUine city had 
 always been on the side of the Emperor. Famous in 
 story as in art, " royal Pavia " justly prided herself 
 on her splendid churches and mediaeval monuments, 
 and her unrivalled university, where learned men from 
 all lands came to learn or teach every art and every 
 science. The very ideal of a fortified city, she 
 was enclosed by a great circuit of massive walls, 
 strengthened by many towers, flanked by solid bastions, 
 and defended by deep moats. On the side towards 
 Milan, to the north, stood the great Castello of the 
 
 ^ Gibbon. 
 216
 
 DESCRIPTION OF PAVIA 217 
 
 Visconti, at once a citadel and a palace, only reached 
 through strongly fortified gates and drawbridges. 
 
 To the south, Pavia was defended by the fast- 
 flowing Ticino, rising from the Lago Maggiore and 
 passing on to unite its waters with the river Po, after 
 dividing to form an island on which was built the 
 suburb of Sant' Antonio, joined to the city by a 
 covered bridge and defended by a small tower. There 
 was less protection on the western side, as the river 
 was at some distance, and between its banks and the 
 walls there rose, one above the other, the beautiful 
 abbey of San-Lanfranco, the church of San-Salvator, 
 and the Bergaretto. To the north of Pavia, beyond 
 the Castello, was that wonderful park of Mirabello, 
 many square miles in extent, with its stately pleasure- 
 house, fortified like a castle, where the early dukes 
 of Milan took their ease in " la belle saison," and 
 enjoyed the delights of the chase. In this magnificent 
 hunting-ground, enclosed by high walls, gay and 
 courtly companies had pursued the stags and the red 
 deer ; they had let fly their falcons to chase the herons 
 and water-fowl along the lake, amid those " flowery 
 lawns watered by crystal streams, and the groves of 
 plane and cypress and myrtle," which excited the 
 enthusiasm of travellers like Commines from the 
 colder north. 
 
 It was to this earthly paradise that the French 
 King brought the dread reality and horrors of war, 
 in the light-hearted assurance that he had an easy 
 task before him. He took up his own position to the 
 west of the city, in the space between the Ticino and
 
 21 8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the walls, with Bonnivet, the Bastard of Savoy, and 
 the greater part of his army. The Marechal 
 de Montmorency was sent to estabUsh himself in the 
 island south of Pavia, in the suburb of Sant' Antonio. 
 Du Bellay, who was present at the siege, says that 
 " the said seigneur de Montmorency had with him 
 3000 landsknechte, 2000 ItaUans, 1000 Corsicans, and 
 200 men-at-arms. In order to gain this suburb, he 
 was obUged to take a tower which was on the bridge ; 
 and having gained it, he caused it to be repaired and 
 fortified, causing those he had found within, to be 
 hung, for having been so outrageous as to attempt 
 the defence of such a ' fowlhouse ' (' pouillier ') against 
 a French army." This tower commanded the bridge 
 which led to the city, and which Antonio de Leyva, 
 the governor, immediately had destroyed. We shall 
 have occasion to note the wonderful energy, fore- 
 thought and skill of this remarkable man who had 
 sworn to Bourbon that he would never surrender, 
 and who conducted the defence with the most precise 
 and rigorous care, regulating, to the smallest details, 
 the Hfe of the soldiers and the inhabitants. He had a 
 strong garrison of 5000 German landsknechte, 500 
 Spanish arquebusiers, 300 men-at-arms, and 200 hght 
 cavalry, and he organised all the able-bodied inhabi- 
 tants into a strong mihtia. Leyva had already done his 
 best for the defence of the city, by replacing any 
 stones which had fallen from the walls, and dug deep 
 trenches inside any places Ukely to be taken by 
 assault, filled with inflammable material and ready 
 to receive charges of gunpowder.
 
 SIEGE OF PAVIA 219 
 
 When Chabannes de la Palisse with the advance 
 guard had taken his post on the heights which 
 commanded the town to the east ; and the park of 
 Mirabello was occupied by the Due d'Alen9on and 
 San-Severino, Pavia was completely invested. As soon 
 as the big cannons had arrived, trenches were opened 
 to approach the town, and on November 6, the 
 batteries were placed in position and the attack began 
 from the east and the west. It was not until after 
 three days and nights of ceaseless firing, that the 
 walls had given way enough to leave breaches of 
 sufficient size for an assault. Fran9ois I. actually 
 expected to take Pavia by one sharp attack, which 
 he commanded from the west, while La Palisse led 
 it on the eastern side. The soldiers managed to scale 
 the broken walls, with great loss, but on reaching the 
 top they met with the most obstinate and vigorous 
 resistance. The assailants, whose ranks had been 
 thinned by shots from the city, were received on the 
 breach with pikes ten feet long, vigorously used by 
 sturdy landsknechte. Leyva had skilfully placed his 
 men under the Comte de Lordon to face the attack 
 of La Pahsse, and under the Comte de Hohenzollem 
 on the side where the King was, while he himself was 
 ever at the point of hottest attack. This murderous 
 reception continued for about an hour until the French 
 were compelled to retire, with terrible loss. De 
 Lannoy, writing to Charles V., says " that fatal Tuesday 
 cost the enemy 2500 men, as he hears from his spies." ^ 
 
 The King however was not discouraged, and decided 
 
 * This was probably exaggerated.
 
 220 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 to return to the assault next day. He wished to send 
 his men-at-arms on foot, to lead the way, but we are 
 not surprised that this plan did not come off, as once 
 before it had failed with such fatal result, when the 
 knights of Maximilian before Padua, refused to attack 
 on foot, and the Emperor fled that night, in disgust at 
 their disobedience. 
 
 The King was informed that behind the breaches in 
 the walls, there were deep trenches ready for explosion, 
 and that arquebusiers were placed in the crenelated 
 houses near, so that a fresh attack would probably 
 cause still greater loss of life without result and he 
 was compelled to give it up. Another suggestion 
 was made to him, that he should attack Pavia from 
 the south, and in order to do this, it was proposed that 
 he should change the course of the nearest branch of the 
 Ticino. It was a hazardous plan, but Fran9ois I. at 
 once adopted it. While the French were engaged in 
 digging another bed for the river, and preparing to 
 block up the water with stones and earth, Antonio de 
 Leyva did his best to fortify the southern walls, which 
 had been somewhat neglected, as he had trusted in his 
 river bulwark. But at this moment of peril, the 
 heavens in their courses fought on his side, for such 
 tempests of rain fell as to flood the Ticino, whose 
 impetuous waters carried away the earthworks and 
 destroyed all the labour of the foe. The river was not 
 destined to prove a traitor to the fair city which it had 
 so long protected. 
 
 So far the King had met with nothing but failure, 
 but he was as self-confident as ever. If Pavia could
 
 GIOVANNI DELLE BANDE NERE 221 
 
 not be taken by storm he would reduce it by famine, 
 and change from a siege to a blockade, while losing no 
 opportunity of harassing the garrison. 
 
 He increased his army, already so large, by sending 
 for 5000 additional foot-soldiers from the Orisons. He 
 also had the great good fortune to enrol in his service 
 one of the bravest, if the most unscrupulous, of the 
 condottieri of the day. 
 
 Giovanni delle Bande Nere, the " warrior of the 
 Medici family," was the son of Catarina Sforza, the 
 famous Madonna of ForU, by her third husband, the 
 diplomatic and " popular " Giovanni dei Medici ; 
 he seems to have inherited all the striking quaUties of 
 his mother, with more than a touch of that brutality, 
 so common in his time and his profession. But this 
 young prince had so vivid and dazzling a personaUty 
 that neither friend nor foe can ever speak of him in 
 sober language. He was another Hector, a hero of the 
 lUad, an ancient warrior, a Paladin, victorious ahke 
 in love and in war, so profusely generous that he would 
 give up the spoils of a city to his men, and yet so 
 rapacious for lands and money, that he would pounce 
 upon them Hke a hawk on his prey. Through the 
 troubled chronicles of intrigue and treachery, of sieges 
 and battles, of treaties and alliances, the name of 
 Giovanni dei Medici resounds like the clash of lances 
 or the call of a trumpet. 
 
 In previous campaigns he had fought on the side 
 of the Emperor, but in truth his inclination and poUcy 
 made him subservient to the will of his kinsman. Pope 
 Clement VII. His clever wife, Maria Salviati, was
 
 222 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 already established at Rome, intriguing with desperate 
 energy to make a real prince of her little Cosimo, who 
 was to be one day Grand Duke of Florence ! 
 
 The astute Pope encouraged her ambition, caressed 
 the boy, gave him a horse, a gorgeous saddle and 
 harness ; purple taffetas and costly " tabby " to make 
 rich dresses for the mother, and constant presents of 
 money ; but not yet the estates she wanted for her 
 husband, although he gave him large subsidies all that 
 summer of 1524. Giovanni had now left the young 
 Duke of Milan, that pasteboard prince, Francesco — the 
 plaything of both parties, now placed in power, now 
 turned out — as it happened to suit them. 
 
 The Medici condottiere was at San Secondo when the 
 envoys of Francois reached him, and he wrote at once 
 to Rome, on November 15, to find out what were the 
 Pope's wishes. Four days after, he had received the 
 permission of the crafty prelate, and entered the 
 service of the French King. It so chanced that he had 
 taken offence at his treatment by the Imperial generals, 
 whose offers were not high enough, and whom he 
 abused as ungrateful ; but Clement VII. was really 
 responsible for his change of masters. The pay 
 offered Giovanni by Fran9ois I. was magnificent, 
 reputed to be ten thousand crowns ; with a lavish 
 salary for his Black Bands, the most splendid merce- 
 naries of the period, trained and disciphned by their 
 master and devoted to his person. The King also sent 
 him the Order of St Michel. 
 
 But the proud soldier would have none of this. In 
 his letter to his devoted friend the satirical Pietro
 
 GIOVANNI'S FAVOUR WITH THE KING 223 
 
 Aretino, he shows another side of his character. He 
 writes : " Mon brave Pierre. ... I have been treated 
 as a brother, by King Francois ; . . . I have sent back 
 to that great Prince, the Order of St Michel, and torn 
 up the agreement which made provision for me and 
 my bands and for my wife.i telling him that ... in 
 respect of my pay, he must proportion my reward to 
 my merit. . . . 
 
 " I was forgetting to tell you that the King yesterday, 
 most kindly complained that I had not brought you 
 with me as is my custom. ... I know that you will 
 come, not alone for your own sake, but also to see me, 
 for I cannot Hve without the Aretino. 
 
 " From Pavia. 
 
 " Giovanni dei Medici." 
 
 We have not space to do more than aUude to this 
 passionate friendship, perhaps the strangest in history. 
 As for returning the Collar of St Michel, this Order 
 imposed a vow which Giovanni could not take with 
 honour, for he knew that to-morrow he might be 
 fighting against the King who had bestowed it on him. 
 
 The King could not make enough of him, and placed 
 Giovanni in his own camp, with his company as a special 
 guard. It was his business to review the Swiss mer- 
 cenaries when they arrived, and to keep his own men 
 constantly occupied or they gave endless trouble. 
 When the King moved from the Abbey of San-Lan- 
 franco, on the west, to the Palace of Mirabello, it was 
 
 1 He had good cause to regret this tearing up — after the battle 
 of Pavia !
 
 224 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Medici's post to defend the Ticino and the west of the 
 camp, when he was not engaged in driving back the 
 sorties of Leyva from the city, in burning and pillaging 
 the surrounding villages and skirmishing in the 
 marshes. Whenever " Victory ! " was cried by the 
 besieged, everyone thought that he was taken. 
 
 Meantime the siege lingered on during those ^vintry 
 months. The French camp was Uke a gay city where 
 all the riches of France seemed to have found a new 
 and brilliant scene of luxury and deUght. The magni- 
 ficent park of Mirabello was hke an immense market 
 wdth a pleasure fair constantly going on. Provisions 
 were always arriving from the rich plains of Piedmont 
 and from Asti, so that the army had everything in 
 abundance. There were comfortable quarters in the 
 rich abbeys, sumptuous tents with gold and silver plate 
 for the princes and captains. There was all the 
 excitement and glamour of war, enough to make life 
 vivid and animated, while at night, when the fires 
 lighted up all the plain, there was feasting and gambhng 
 and entertainment of very varied nature. The fair 
 Clarice Visconti was borne in her Litter to the camp 
 of Pavia, that Bonnivet might prove to the King that 
 he had not overstated her beauty. 
 
 Within the beleaguered city the scene was very 
 different. Closely blockaded, it was so well guarded 
 that no provisions could find entrance, and the suffer- 
 ing of the inhabitants was very great. Since the 
 month of November they had never tasted beef or 
 mutton, and the butchers were reduced to killing 
 horses, mules, and asses, whose flesh was exposed on
 
 THE CAMP AND BELEAGUERED CITY 225 
 
 their booths. In the piercing cold of an Italian wdnter, 
 more severe than usual, there was no fuel for firing ; 
 and houses and even churches were demoUshed for the 
 sake of the beams, the planks, and the panelhng, which 
 were used for fires. Money was very scarce for the 
 payment of the landsknechte who constantly de- 
 manded their ducats ; they were ready to endure 
 hardships and to fight, but only on condition of being 
 paid. The commander Leyva borrowed all that he 
 could from the noble and merchants of the city, and 
 set the example of generosity by sacrificing his splendid 
 gold chain. 
 
 The vases and treasures of the churches were melted 
 down as well as the silver torches of the University, 
 and on one occasion a sum of 3000 ducats was brought 
 to him from the Imperial camp. By a still bolder 
 stratagem, Lannoy sent forty horsemen, each with a 
 bag of gunpowder, who were fortunate enough by 
 skirting the park to cross the woods and arrive in 
 safety. This was extremely valuable help to Leyva, 
 whose ammunition was almost exhausted, and who 
 was now able to renew his daring sorties. 
 
 One night he had been successful against the Medici 
 black bands, having taken some of their banners, which 
 he hung up from the walls, " in contempt," and also 
 killed some of the men. Giovanni delle Bande Nere 
 was furious and swore to avenge them. His implacable 
 temper never forgave an injury. One day, when in the 
 presence of the King, there was a discussion about the 
 way in which a certain out-post should be taken, 
 Giovanni rose up abruptly and said : " Sacree Majeste, 
 p
 
 226 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 your Highness has more need of deeds than of advice." 
 Without his cuirass, followed by a few of his men, he 
 carried the post before the King, massacring every- 
 one, reckless of danger, with a fiery impetuosity which 
 nothing could resist. FranQois I. at once made him 
 a royal gift in the presence of the whole army. 
 
 This was the man whose soldiers had been killed. 
 " I shall have no rest till I have avenged them," he 
 cried. With his usual skill, he managed by a pre- 
 tended flight to draw some men of Pavia into an 
 ambuscade, upon w^hich he fell upon them with fury 
 and drove them back with terrible loss to the very 
 gates of the city. He only lost a Uttle page and his 
 favourite captain, Annibale Testa, of Padua. Giovanni 
 was returning to the camp, covered with blood, and 
 full of the fierce joy of massacre, when he met Bonnivet 
 who asked him whence came that air of triumph, and 
 what success he had met with ? When he had heard 
 the story, he said : " Let us go back, and show me the 
 place of the fight." Flattered by this interest, Medici 
 turned back at once ; he found the spot, pointed out 
 the bodies, and even began to count them. But they 
 had not noticed a deserted hut to which they had drawn 
 near in speaking, where some of the enemies' arque- 
 busiers were hiding, and as soon as they came within 
 reach, Giovanni was struck by a shot. It pierced his 
 ankle, just between the joints of the armour, in the 
 opening between the greave and the solleret (plated 
 shoe) and made a very serious and painful wound, for 
 pieces of mail were driven into it. He was carried 
 back into the camp ; the King came to see him and
 
 GIOVANNI l; 
 
 EI MKDICI (DELI.E BANDE NERE) 
 Bust hy San Callo 
 
 Broi^i, photo.
 
 1 
 
 I
 
 GIOVANNI WOUNDED 227 
 
 sent his best surgeon to dress the wound, and there was 
 great consternation. 
 
 Giovanni had always detested this new form of 
 warfare \\dth fire-arms, which made the commonest 
 soldier an equal of the greatest knight of chivalry. 
 In this he was of the same opinion as Bayard ; and 
 both these famous warriors met their death from the 
 kind of weapon which they despised. The Pope 
 immediately sent a messenger to express his sorrow, 
 and to request that Giovanni should be sent by water 
 to Piacenza that he might be cared for there ; he also 
 sent a phial of precious oil, a remedy against tetanus, 
 and the most famous surgeon of Bologna, Giacomo di 
 Carpi, with directions how to use the oil. 
 
 The wounded man, very much against his wish, 
 was taken by boat down the Po to Piacenza ; he knew 
 that his men would be quite unmanageable without 
 him, and he told the King that he " \\dshed to serve 
 him in sickness or in health." His brother-in-law, 
 Cardinal Salviati, waited several days before writing 
 to his sister, Giovanni's wife. But when the wounded 
 man showed signs of recovery, he told her about the 
 accident which had befallen her husband and his 
 recovery, adding that, with his reckless courage and 
 the dangers he constantly defied, they should be 
 thankful it was nothing worse. " If it had been his 
 own son, the Most Christian King could not have 
 shown more feeUng, and he sends our Giovanni presents, 
 visiting him and bestowing every sign of his affection." 
 A safe-conduct and an escort had been given to him 
 by the Viceroy, for so fiercely was he hated, that other-
 
 228 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 wise he would have been torn to pieces by the people 
 on the river side. A double file of soldiers protected 
 both banks as the boat went down the Po from Pavia 
 to Piacenza, on February 21, 1525. 
 
 At this time the brave defenders of Pavia were 
 reduced to the last straights, although Leyva had been 
 fortunate enough in one of his sorties to obtain pro- 
 visions and even a few cattle. It happened in this 
 way : Francois I. had in his service a large company 
 of Swiss from the Grisons, who were encamped on the 
 western side of the blockaded city. An adherent of 
 the Emperor, the Castellan of Mosso, had taken by 
 stratagem the fortress of Chiavenna, which was the key 
 of the Grisons' valley on the Lake of Como. When 
 this news reached the chiefs, before Pavia, they were 
 terrified at the loss of so important a position, and 
 without any scruple hastened to obey the summons of 
 their fellow-countrymen. They had just received their 
 pay, but no sense of honour towards the King of 
 France, who had engaged them, prevented them 
 from hastening back to the defence of their own 
 country. No remonstrance or entreaty was of any 
 avail, and they left the French when a battle was in 
 prospect. 
 
 Antonio de Leyva made a sortie on purpose to 
 attack them and harry their retreat, and was successful 
 in carrying off a portion of their spoils to the starving 
 city. But this could only be a temporary relief with 
 so many mouths to feed, and the gallant commander 
 was in such extremities, that he knew at any moment 
 he might be compelled to surrender, when he at length
 
 HEROIC DEFENCE OF MILAN 229 
 
 caught sight, from the battlements, of the Imperial 
 banners, and hope revived. 
 
 Our most trustworthy and interesting account of all 
 these incidents connected with the siege of Pavia, is to 
 be found in the diary of a certain Francesco Taegius, 
 who was at once a doctor and a knight. ^ 
 
 ^ " Francisci Tsegius physici et equitis Candida et vera narratio 
 dirae ac cronicae Papiae obsidionis." M. Mignet was fortunate 
 enough to find this rare volume in the Mazcirine Library.
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE DUC DE BOURBON GOES TO SAVOY TO RAISE MONEY AND 
 TO GERMANY TO ENGAGE FOOT-SOLDIERS — SIEGE AND 
 GALLANT DEFENCE OF PA VIA — FRANCOIS I.^ CONTINUING TO 
 FOLLOW BONNIVET's ADVICE, LEAVES HIS ENTRENCHED 
 POSITION — BATTLE OF PAVIA — GREAT IMPERIAL VICTORY, 
 LARGELY DUE TO BOURBON — THE KING OF FRANCE TAKEN 
 PRISONER — HIS CAPTIVITY AT PIZZIGHETONE — TERMS OF 
 PEACE SUGGESTED BY CHARLES V. AND INDIGNANTLY 
 REFUSED. 
 
 WE must now turn from the all-important 
 siege and defence of Pavia to follow 
 the story of the Imperial army in Italy 
 during that eventful winter. While 
 Bourbon, the master-spirit, was away collecting troops 
 in Germany, Lannoy had at one time been so alarmed 
 and depressed that he actually wrote to dissuade 
 Charles V. from continuing a war of which he had to 
 maintain the whole burden : " Take care what you 
 are doing," he said ; " you lose a crown in order to 
 repair a ducal hat ; it is a dear bargain." Only 
 Pescara's influence prevented him from retreating to 
 the kingdom of Naples and leaving Milan to its fate. 
 The calm persistence and resolution of the Emperor 
 remained unshaken and he promised to send more 
 men and money, but when a little later he heard of the 
 secret alliance which the Pope, Venice and Florence, 
 his ancient allies had made with the King of France, 
 
 230
 
 BOURBON BRINGS HELP TO PAVIA 231 
 
 his indignation was great. He complained bitterly 
 of the ingratitude of Clement VH., whom he had 
 raised to the Chair of St Peter, and declared that he 
 would no longer oppose Luther in Germany. It is 
 curious to find that Henry VIIL, who was also irritated 
 with the Pope, actually threatened to introduce into 
 England the arch-heretic, by opposing whom he had 
 received his title of " Defender of the Faith." It 
 was not long, however, before the prospects of the 
 Imperialists in Italy greatly improved. Charles de 
 Bourbon returned bringing fresh hope and courage, 
 with the landsknechte of Georg Frundsberg, of Marc 
 Sith, and of the Archduke Ferdinand, having crossed 
 the Alps in the dead of winter, and reaching the camp 
 at Lodi before the end of the year. As he had failed 
 to persuade Henry VIIL to take an opportune moment 
 for invading the north of France, Bourbon was now 
 ready to carry on a vigorous war on the banks of the 
 Ticino. With his 12,000 Germans his army was now 
 almost equal to that of Francois I., but was somewhat 
 inferior in cavalry and artillery. Unfortunately large 
 arrears of pay were owing to the soldiers, and some 
 immediate action was absolutely necessary for keep- 
 ing them together. The Due de Bourbon and 
 Pescara were quite decided that the army must be 
 led at once towards Pavia, in order to engage in a 
 battle with the French King, or to raise the siege 
 of Pavia, if he should refuse to risk all upon one 
 engagement. The latest news from the gallant 
 Leyva left no doubt that the city was at the last 
 extremity.
 
 232 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 It was on January 24, 1525, that the Imperial army 
 left the camp at Lodi, through the icy cold of a 
 threatening snowstorm, and the heavy gloom of winter 
 on that marshy plain of Lombardy. There were 
 more than 20,000 foot-soldiers, and about 700 men- 
 at-arms, but only a few pieces of cannon. The chief 
 strength of this imposing host was in the well-trained 
 vSpanish arquebusiers which Pescara could handle so 
 well, and in the serried masses of dauntless lands- 
 Icnechte from Germany under their splendid leader, 
 Frundsberg. Charles de Bourbon was in joint com- 
 mand with Lannoy, and on the way they delayed for 
 a few days to take the town and fortress of Sant- 
 Angelo, in order not to leave behind them a hostile 
 garrison which might interfere with their supplies. 
 In the numerous chariots which followed in the rear of 
 the army, they had not only their tents, their baggage, 
 and their ammuniton, but also their provisions. 
 Leaving the banks of the Lambro they moved north- 
 wards as far as Marignano, in order to threaten Milan, 
 but as the French troops made no movement in that 
 direction, Bourbon gave orders to proceed south- 
 wards to Belgiojoso and to encamp on the east of the 
 city. 
 
 Francois I. now took up his position in the Abbeys 
 of San Paolo and others between the walls of Pavia 
 and the enemy, whose movements had convinced him 
 that they did not feel strong enough to attack him. 
 So he gaily wrote to his mother on February 3, adding 
 ^' that the relieving army by marching round, could 
 not make Pavia hold out, as he knew that the besieged
 
 FATAL ADVICE OF BONNIVET 233 
 
 had not tasted wine, meat or cheese for a month and 
 had exhausted all their powder." 
 
 During three weeks the two armies remained so 
 close to each other that the cries of the sentinels on 
 each side, when they were changed, could be heard in 
 the hostile camp. There were constant skirmishes 
 between them, and one night Pescara, at the head of 
 some Spanish arquebusiers, penetrated into the 
 French lines, took one of the bastions, killed all who 
 tried to defend it, and spiked the cannons. But 
 matters were becoming desperate for the Imperial 
 army, which demanded battle or pay, and there was 
 always the chance of victory, if the French King could 
 be induced to leave his fortified camp and give battle 
 in the open. Frangois held a council of war ; the 
 envoy of Clement VII. strongly advised him to play 
 a waiting game, and this was the counsel of the most 
 experienced French leaders. But Bonnivet gave his 
 usual fatal advice, in a speech full of such flattery 
 as Frangois I. could never resist. 
 
 " You propose to our brave King to avoid a battle 
 so greatly desired by us ? We French have never 
 refused it . . . above all when we have for our 
 general a valiant King . . . Kings bear their fortune 
 with them and victory is theirs, as with our little 
 King Charles VIII. at the Taro, our King Louis XII. 
 at Agnabello, and our King who is here, as at 
 Marignano. And we cannot doubt that when he 
 leads the way, his men-at-arms will follow and 
 trample down this paltry enemy. . . . Therefore, 
 Sire, Give battle."
 
 234 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 The Imperial leaders met in council on February 23, 
 and decided to attack that night, by entering the park 
 of Mirabello by a breach of its walls in the north. 
 February 24 was the Feast of St Matthias and the 
 birthday of the Emperor Charles V. A message was 
 sent to Antonio de Leyva to place his five thousand 
 men under arms, and when he heard two cannon shots 
 from his allies, to second their attack by making a 
 sortie which would place the French between two 
 fires. The soldiers were told to put on white shirts 
 or pieces of white cloth outside their armour, that 
 they might recognise each other on a dark February 
 night. They were harangued by their leaders and 
 told that there was no more food or ^^dne to give them, 
 but that they would find everything in abundance 
 within the French camp. The landsknechte were 
 urged to fight for the honour of the empire, and for 
 the rescue of their five thousand fellow-countrymen 
 shut up in Pavia. 
 
 Pioneers were sent on to make a breach in the walls 
 of the park with sapping and mining tools, but they 
 were so massive that a great part of the night had passed 
 before there was room for the armed battalions to 
 pass through, over the broken rubbish. The Marquess 
 del Vasto was sent first, with fifteen hundred lands- 
 knechte and fifteen hundred arquebusiers, to advance 
 towards the Castle of Mirabello, while the rest of the 
 army was to follow on through the openings. By 
 this time the day was breaking, and instead of a night 
 surprise, they found the French already in battle array 
 in the clear cold morning fight.
 
 PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE 235 
 
 " L' enemy . . . ayant grande dourance 
 D'estre rompuz sans donner coup de lance. 
 Dont au matin ilz feirent leur entree 
 Dedans le pare, place bien esgalee. 
 Et nous aussi ja estions en bataille ; 
 Artillerie bonne avions sans faille. . ." > 
 
 Francois I., on receiving news of the enemy's 
 approach and the battering down of the park wall, 
 had left his entrenched camp, and placed his artillery 
 in a commanding position to the right, under the 
 Seneschal of Armagnac, the grand-master. Not far 
 off, in compact masses, were placed in the forefront 
 of battle, the famous Black Bands, who in the un- 
 fortunate absence of their leader Giovanni dei Medici, 
 were led by Francois de Lorraine and Richard de la 
 Poole, Duke of Suffolk. A little behind these were 
 placed the serried companies of the Swiss foot-soldiers, 
 while the bands of men-at-arms were on the wings of 
 these infantry, spread out in the manner of fighting 
 of those days. The Marechal de Montmorency led 
 the rear guard, composed of Italian soldiers and French 
 adventurers. A strong force had been left behind 
 to watch Pavia and oppose its garrison. 
 
 The vanguard had been confided to the experienced 
 La Palisse, who had near him the Duke of Alen9on, 
 and it was here that the King took his place, in 
 command of the main army. Surrounded by the 
 great officers of the crown and the gentlemen of his 
 household, he occupied a plain where there was room 
 for several companies of artillery to spread out and 
 fire their cannons. Frangois L awaited the battle 
 
 ^ From the King's " Epitre." No. 25. " Captivite."
 
 236 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 with perfect confidence and a light heart ; a gallant 
 figure in his splendid armour, and his lance in hand, 
 feeling that as a general, he had every reason to be 
 satisfied with his arrangements. 
 
 The Marquess of Vasto and his landsknechte reached 
 Mirabello palace without resistance, and found it 
 almost deserted, but the grand master of artillery 
 began a warm cannonade on the Spanish and German 
 foot-soldiers as they crossed the breach in the wall. 
 They were hampered by some pieces of artillery 
 which they were dragging over the rough ground, 
 and soon their ranks became disordered, and they 
 retreated into a valley where the firing could not 
 reach them, but they were hotly pursued by a body 
 of French men-at-arms, and suffered severely. Things 
 began to look bad for the Imperial side, for instead 
 of surprising the enemy, they found themselves 
 attacked and driven back. The Marquess of Vasto 
 was recalled with his 3000 men, as there was now no 
 use in occupying the palace, and the junction with the 
 garrison of Pavia was no longer possible. They were 
 forestalled by the French, and the only chance was 
 to march forward and fight. Lannoy who was in the 
 vanguard agreed to attack without much confidence ; 
 he coldly made the sign of the cross and turning 
 towards his men, said to them : " There is no hope but 
 in God ; follow me and do as I do." Preceded by the 
 Marquess of Civita-Sant'Angelo, who commanded the 
 light cavalry, he moved on with all the vanguard. 
 
 Pescara threw the landsknechte against the Swiss 
 in the French army, and sent his rapid arquebusiers
 
 THE BATTLE OF PAVIA 237 
 
 against the heavy men-at-arms. Meantime the French 
 King was advancing, full of eager hope and courage, 
 followed by all his army. He had left behind thirteen 
 ensigns of men-at-arms with his companies of foot- 
 soldiers, ordering them to march slowly until they met 
 the enemy when they were to give the attack. (As 
 the King tells the story in his poetical " epitre ") : — 
 
 " ... Treize enseignes de gens d'armes, de faict 
 Feys demourer ferme pour bon effect ; 
 Nos Allemans avec eulx je laisse, 
 Leur commandant qu'ilz marchassent sans cesse 
 Au petit pas, affin que leur desir 
 Fust bien conduict a temps et a loysir. . ." ^ 
 
 At the head of his nobles, the King rushed forward 
 against the Imperial van-guard, and nothing could 
 resist the impetus of those heavily-armed cavaliers. 
 The King himself struck down and killed with his 
 lance the Marquess of Civita-San'Angelo, whose light 
 cavalry was dispersed, while the men - at - arms of 
 Lannoy were driven back and a troop of arque- 
 busiers and pikemen were broken up. When 
 Fran9ois I. saw them in flight he thought the battle 
 was won and cried out to M. de Lescun in triumph : 
 " Now indeed can I call myself Duke of Milan ! " 
 
 So far the victory appeared to be on the side of 
 the French, but the enemy, though driven back 
 with the first shock, was by no means discouraged. 
 Bourbon, ardent and indomitable, led forward the 
 main body of the army, the landsknechte, who marched 
 steadily onward without being checked this time by 
 the artillery, which was partly masked by the Black 
 
 ^ " Epitre du Roi." No. 25. " Captivite."
 
 238 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Bands, whose forward movement in fact paralysed 
 the firing on their own side. These splendidly trained 
 men of Giovanni dei Medici, formed the right wing 
 of the French army, led by the Duke of Suffolk and 
 Fran9ois de Lorraine, who both fell beneath the 
 impetuous, overwhelming rush of Bourbon's lands- 
 knechte, while their companies, after an heroic 
 resistance, were almost annihilated. The main army, 
 under the King himself, met with much the same 
 fate from the skilful and well-aimed attack of the 
 Spanish arquebusiers, which was most fatal to the 
 heavily-armoured knights on their massive horses, 
 upon whom shots rained from every side. The un- 
 fortunate gentlemen-at-arms were pierced through 
 the joints of their armour, unhorsed, and cast like 
 helpless steel-encased logs upon the ground, by foes 
 so active that they could neither be attacked nor 
 repelled. We cannot wonder that their ranks were 
 soon in disorder, and that they fell back upon the Swiss 
 companies behind, the mainstay of the French army. 
 
 These famous mercenaries, competed for by every 
 European sovereign, were destined to lose at Pavia 
 the high reputation which they had risked more than 
 once in these Italian campaigns. Already shaken by 
 the retreat of the men-at-arms into their midst, 
 harassed by the firing of the arquebusiers in pursuit, 
 — attacked in front by Pescara and Vasto leading the 
 Imperial cavalry, and on the right flank by Bourbon 
 and the landsknechte fiercely triumphant from their 
 destruction of the black bands — the serried battalions 
 of the Swiss gave way after one desperate effort, felt
 
 BOURBON'S SPLENDID ATTACK 239 
 
 as one man with a thrill of panic that resistance was 
 hopeless, and turned to flight. 
 
 Can we blame them, these rough soldiers, who cared 
 for neither side, whose profession it was to sell their 
 fighting power for money, who were willing to risk 
 their lives in the usual way, but for whom a wholesale 
 butchery would be pure waste. " La guerre devant 
 durer toute la vie, on la menait doucement." 
 
 The King of France was still gallantly fighting in the 
 midst of a " melee " ; his lance was broken but he was 
 making good use of his great sword ; he was con- 
 vinced that he had won the battle, and was enjoying 
 the proudest moment of his life, when he became 
 aware that the Swiss were retreating in disorder. 
 " Mon Dieu ! qu'est ce ? " he cried in sudden dismay, 
 and rode towards the fugitives. But they would not 
 listen to the commands and entreaties of their leaders, 
 Jean de Diesbach and the Seigneur de Fleurange, and 
 Frangois L placed himself at the head of a troop of 
 men-at-arms, whom he rallied and led back for a last 
 desperate charge upon the Imperial cavalry. Amidst 
 the confusion and fighting which followed, Antonio de 
 Leyva came out of Pavia with his 5000 foot-soldiers, his 
 lances, and his light cavalry. He overcame the troops 
 left to watch him, and dashed upon the fugitives who 
 were now between the garrison and the victorious army. 
 
 The struggle continued for some time with merciless 
 brutality, and the greatest nobles, the most gallant 
 knights of France, were mown down by the relentless 
 scythe of death. Amongst the famous names in that 
 roll-call of honour, were — La Palisse, first Marechal of
 
 240 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 France, the veteran La Tremouille, the Comte de St 
 Pol, the incomparable Galeazzo Sanseverino Grand 
 Ecuyer to the King, who fell in his service, with many 
 another prince and noble lord. The Marechal de Saint 
 Foix fell almost at his feet. But the King himself 
 seemed to bear a charmed life. Although wounded in 
 the face and hand, he still fought on until his horse was 
 killed under him and he fell to the ground. A con- 
 spicuous figure in his shining armour covered with 
 fleurs-de-lis, his surcoat of cloth of silver, and the great 
 feather on his helmet, he was recognised at once and 
 surrounded by Spaniards and Germans, who pressed 
 him to surrender, but he refused. He was in serious 
 danger of his life when Lannoy, the Viceroy, arrived in 
 haste, sprang from his horse, rescued the King from 
 his perilous position, and with grave courtesy received 
 him as prisoner to the Emperor. There were great cries 
 of " Victoria ! Victoria ! Espana ! " His surcoat had 
 been torn in pieces which were fought for as relics. 
 Fran9ois L thus tells the story himself. 
 
 " Et la je fuz longuement combatu, 
 Et mon cheval mort soubz moy abatu. 
 
 De toutes pars lors despouille je fus 
 Mays deffendre n' servit ne reffuz. 
 
 Bien me trouva en ce piteux arroy 
 Executant leur chef le viceroy. 
 Que quand me veit, il descendit sans faille 
 Affin qu'ayde en ce besoing ne faille. 
 Las ! que diray ? cela ne veulz nyer, 
 Vaincu je fuz et rendu prisonnier. 
 Parmy le camp en tous lieux fuz mene. 
 Pour me monstrer 9a et la pourmene. . . /'* 
 
 * " Epitre de Fran9ois I." No. 25. " Captivite."
 
 THE KING OF FRANCE TAKEN CAPTIVE 241 
 
 The King asked that he might not be taken into 
 Pavia where he feared that he might be ill received, so 
 he was conducted to the Monastery of St Paul, in the 
 middle of the camp, and there his wounds were dressed. 
 We are told that Bourbon served him at table with 
 every mark of respect, and was well received, and that 
 they even talked about the battle ! He is also said 
 to have received Pescara with great cordiality. 
 Fran9ois I. always prided himself upon his gift of 
 winning friends. 
 
 After a short time, he was removed under a strong 
 guard to the citadel of Pizzighetone, a strongly fortified 
 place on the river Adda, near Cremona, in the care of 
 Captain d'Alarcon. It was from here that he wrote 
 the famous letter to his mother : — 
 
 " Madame, pour vous faire savoir comme se porte le 
 reste de mon infortune, de toutes choses ne m'est 
 demeure que I'honneur et la vie qui est saulve. . . ." ^ 
 He asked her to give a safe-conduct through France 
 for a messenger he was sending to the Emperor, " to 
 ask how he was to be treated." The letter he wrote is 
 a model of tact and elegance. ^ He asks to be treated 
 with honour and magnanimity, that the Emperor, 
 " instead of acquiring a useless prisoner, may render 
 a king for ever his slave." ^ 
 
 Never was there a more sudden downfall than that 
 of the triumphant French before Pavia. In less than 
 
 ^ No. 42 in " Captivite." 
 
 * These letters of Franijois I., and many others written by various 
 great people at this time and for long after, are collected in " La 
 Captivite du Roi, Francois I.," by M. Aime Champallion Figeac. 
 
 ' No. 43, " Captivite." 
 
 Q
 
 242 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 two hours a splendid army had been utterly defeated 
 a.nd almost destroyed. More than 10,000 men were 
 left upon the field of battle, or had been drowned in 
 seeking to escape, for Leyva, on his final sortie from 
 Pavia, had caused the bridge over the Ticino to be 
 destroyed. Besides the nobles already mentioned 
 who lost their lives on that fatal day, were many other 
 famous leaders, and the Admiral Bonnivet who, when 
 he knew that the army was destro\^ed and the King was 
 taken prisoner, would not survive a disaster of which 
 he was in a great measure the cause. Many noble 
 captains were taken prisoners, and amongst them, 
 the King of Navarre, the Due de Nemours, d'Aubigny, 
 Montmorency, the Vidame of Chartres, the Seigneur de 
 Fleurange, the Seneschal of Armagnac, and a host 
 of others, who w^ere not suffered to be ransomed at 
 once, but were held securely in prison. Only one man 
 of note saved his life by a disgraceful flight, the Due 
 d'Alencon, husband of Marguerite of France, the King's 
 sister. He never recovered from the shame and 
 disgrace which are said to have caused his death two 
 months later. Some hundreds of men-at-arms and 
 several thousand of the Swiss foot-soldiers managed 
 to cross the park and fled with him, passing in disorder 
 through Milan where they spread consternation with 
 the terrible news. Trivulzio, who was in charge of the 
 defence of the city, felt that all was lost and retreated 
 with his soldiers over the Alps. 
 
 The honours of the victory remained to a great 
 extent with Bourbon, whose splendid promptitude in 
 going so far afield to raise money and fighting men.
 
 IN PRAISE OF BOURBON 243 
 
 with his dauntless courage and skill in attack, probably 
 won the battle of Pavia. His Spanish soldiers sang his 
 praise in a camp ballad whose refrain went : — 
 
 " Calla, calla, Julio Cesar, Anibal y Scipion. 
 Viva la fama di Borbon ! " 
 
 Pescara, who was always jealous of him, wrote to 
 Charles V. on the very night of the battle in the highest 
 terms of admiration, and Sir John Russell sent the 
 same account to Henry. Some Flemish soldier in the 
 Emperor's service wrote another stirring battle song : — 
 
 " Le Seigneur de Bourbon 
 La bataille donna ; 
 Ce fut un vendredy 
 Le jour de St Matthias. 
 Dedans il se fourra, 
 Criant : ' Vive Bourgoingne ! ' 
 Avant, avant, effans, 
 II nous faut cy monstrer 
 La forche de Bourgoingne. . ." 
 
 The Duke's position had immensely improved after 
 the battle of Pavia. Sismondi says that there were 
 many people in France who were ripe for rebellion 
 and who were ready to rally round Charles de Bourbon, 
 the first prince of the blood. (Alen9on did not count 
 now.) About 1800 horsemen had passed through 
 Vitry, pillaging the country, and crying : " Vive 
 Bourbon ! " An attack on France at this time might 
 well have met with response from within, but neither 
 Charles V. nor Henry VIII. seized the opportunity. 
 
 The news of the victory was sent to Charles V. by 
 Lannoy, and the messenger Penalosa, who went by 
 safe-conduct through France, as we have seen, arrived 
 on March 14 at Madrid. He found the Emperor
 
 244 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 anxious about his army, and when told the good news, 
 he remained silent and pale at first and then exclaimed : 
 " The King of France is in my power ! I have won 
 the battle ! " Then he went alone into his room and 
 remained long in prayer. When he was asked to 
 celebrate his victory by public rejoicings, he refused, 
 and ordered a simple procession next day which he 
 followed on foot, in a cape of black frieze, as far as the 
 Chapel of Notre-Dame d'Atocha, where he heard a 
 solemn mass. The preacher had taken for his text : 
 " Laudamini nomen Dei vestri, qui fecit nobiscum 
 mirabilia," but he was forbidden by Charles V. to give 
 him any glory over his enemies. Never was there 
 seen a more wonderful instance of moderation and 
 self-control than in the behaviour of this young 
 conqueror of five-and-twenty. It remained to be seen 
 what use he would make of his victory. 
 
 As for Charles de Bourbon, he had seen his foes 
 humbled before him, but he had not yet reclaimed his 
 dominions and his beautiful palaces from the grasping 
 hands of Louise the Queen-mother, now Regent of 
 France. If only he could carry out his earliest plans 
 of attack, and induce Henry VIII. to invade France in 
 her present condition, without King, or generals, or an 
 army worthy of the name, conquest was certain and 
 he could not fail to regain all that he had lost. After the 
 success at Pavia, Wolsey and the King of England were 
 willing to listen to him, but now it was the Emperor 
 who had no wish to see Henry VIII. more powerful 
 than he was at present, and who could not forgive his 
 negotiations with the Regent of France. He agreed
 
 DEMANDS OF CHARLES V. 245 
 
 with his minister, Gattinara, that " it did not accord 
 with his honour to make war on a King who was his 
 prisoner and could not defend himself, and from whom 
 he might obtain satisfaction without having recourse 
 to arms." 
 
 He sent a messenger (Beaurain) to Bourbon with a 
 memoir he was to show Fran9ois I., as suggested 
 conditions of peace. It begins : " Instructions ... to 
 the very high, excellent and powerful prince, our dear 
 and weU-beloved good brother, cousin, and Lieutenant- 
 General in Italy, Due du Bourbonnais et d'Auvergne. 
 . . ."1 The conditions were certainly hard, but 
 then Charles had everything in his power. The one 
 claim with regard to which he never wavered was that 
 the duchy of Burgundy, wrested b}^ force from his 
 grandmother, Marie of Burgundy, on the death of her 
 father, Duke Charles, should be restored to him, the 
 rightful owner. French historians have loaded the 
 Emperor with abuse for this " exorbitant demand," 
 not bearing in mind that from his earliest youth he had 
 been brought up in the ancestral faith that the pos- 
 sessions of Charles of Burgundy were his by Divine 
 right. If the disaster before the walls of Nancy had 
 been the cause of such cruel loss to his House, surely 
 the victory of Pavia should give back to him those 
 hereditary lands and cities which were dearer to his 
 heart than all the wealth of Spain and the Indies. 
 
 Charles also demanded all that had been once ceded 
 by the treaties of Conflans and of Peronne ; the French 
 King was to give up his claims in Italy, to restore to the 
 
 ^ Captivite de Fran9ois I., p. 149-159. (No. 59.)
 
 246 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Due de Bourbon everything that he had been deprived 
 of, with Provence which he claimed through Anne de 
 France as heir of King Rene. All his adherents were 
 to be forgiven, and Phihbert de Chalon Prince of Orange, 
 another rebel, was to receive back his domains. When 
 Frangois I. had agreed to this, he would be set free, 
 and might have the satisfaction of joining the Emperor 
 in a crusade against heresy — and the Turks. 
 
 The King of France indignantly refused to give up 
 Burgundy and his possessions in Flanders, etc., and 
 wrote many of his charming letters, full of the most 
 beautiful sentiments ; "he had chosen honest prison 
 rather than shameful flight ... he would endure 
 anything, esteeming himself happy if, for the freedom 
 of his country, he should remain all his life in prison 
 . . . etc." Curiously enough, he makes no difficulty 
 about the concessions to the rebellious Bourbon, as we 
 read in his reply to the Emperor in the following 
 questions and answers. 
 
 " That M. de Bourbon and his accomplices . . . may 
 regain their confiscated goods ? " " Facille." (Easily 
 granted.) 
 
 " That the lawsuit of Madame shall remain in 
 abeyance during the hfe of the said Bourbon ? " 
 " Facille." 
 
 " That Bourbon may have permission to sue for the 
 County of Provence against the King ? " " Facille." 
 
 " That Bourbon may remain exempt from service 
 and personal duties during his life, and that he may 
 remain in the service of the Emperor." 
 
 " Facille, mais qu'on ne le voye jamais." And the
 
 FRANCOIS REJECTS TERMS 247 
 
 King added that " he would return to the Due de 
 Bourbon his position, pension, and offices as he had 
 them before, and would give him in marriage a daughter 
 of the King of France, with the usual dowry . . . and 
 M. de Bourbon would be his Lieutenant-General with 
 any troops sent for the service of the Emperor." ^ 
 (April, 1525.) 
 
 A letter from Louise de Savoie to her son of this 
 time shows that Bourbon, thinking that all would be 
 well for him, was full of kindness and attentions for 
 the King. " Monseigneur, I have seen by the letter 
 which you were pleased to write me, the service which 
 Mgr. de Bourbon offers you, of which I am very glad, 
 and I could have no greater pleasure than to see him 
 do his duty towards you. . . ." ^ 
 
 How far the Queen-mother was sincere we cannot 
 tell, but at this critical moment for France she showed 
 great energy and resource, and was well seconded by 
 the patriotic feeling of her advisers. She was willing 
 to pay any sum for the ransom of the King, but refused 
 to yield a foot of territory. She was even willing 
 apparently to agree to Bourbon's claims, up to a 
 certain point, but when he demanded that his dominions 
 should be independent of the King, this was positively 
 rejected. Notwithstanding all his heroic language, 
 poor Francois would have done much for his freedom, 
 as the confinement of his prison life was naturally 
 exceedingly trying to one so devoted to out-door 
 sports, although we hear of his playing " le jeu de 
 
 ^ No. 69, " Captivite." 
 *No. 81, "Captivite."
 
 248 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 paume," with other alleviations. But the Regent 
 remained firm, while constantly writing the most 
 affectionate and sympathetic letters to her son, her 
 " Cesar." Several projects of escape were made, and 
 on May i8, the King was taken by Lannoy and a 
 strong escort from Pizzighetone to the well-fortified 
 citadel of Genoa. The Royal captive was extremely 
 anxious to have a personal interview with Charles V., 
 as he had the fullest confidence in his powers of per- 
 suasion. He induced Lannoy, on his sole responsibility, 
 to convey him to Spain, to the extreme indignation of 
 Bourbon, who wrote a very indignant letter to the 
 Emperor from Milan, which happened to be inter- 
 cepted on the way and taken to the Regent, Louise. 
 
 Neither Pescara nor Bourbon would have connived 
 at the King's removal to Spain, which they looked upon 
 as likely to prolong his captivity, and so delay the peace 
 of Europe.
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 FRAN9OIS I. TAKEN TO SPAIN — HE IS IMPRISONED IN THE CASTLE 
 OF BENISANO, IN THE MOUNTAINS OF THE MOORS — THE 
 KING IS TRANSFERRED TO MADRID — DEATH OF CLAUDE, 
 QUEEN OF FRANCE — DISCUSSIONS OF THE TREATY OF 
 
 PEACE THE MARQUESS OF PESCARA IS URGED TO BETRAY 
 
 THE EMPEROR — MARGUERITE OF ALEN9ON, THE KING's 
 SISTER, COMES TO MADRID — HER VAIN EFFORTS — ILLNESS 
 OF FRAN(j;OIS I. — HE AGREES TO ALL THE TERMS OFFERED 
 WITH THE FULL INTENTION OF BREAKING HIS WORD — 
 TREATY OF MADRID — THE KING REGAINS HIS FREEDOM. 
 
 WITH regard to the imprisonment of the 
 King of France, the Emperor's intention 
 had evidently been to insure his safety, 
 if necessary, by removing him prisoner 
 to Naples. We learn this from a letter written by 
 Charles to Bourbon and Lannoy on March 27, 1525. 
 Pizzighetone was an almost impregnable fortress, but 
 even there some schemes of escape had been proposed. 
 The Viceroy of Naples appears to have altered this 
 plan without consulting any one, and when he left 
 Genoa with his royal prisoner, in the Spanish fleet, 
 he was supposed to be on his way to Naples. The 
 ships had to put in at Porto-Fino, where they were 
 detained by bad weather. Meantime Francois I. 
 had contrived to let his mother, Louise, know that his 
 escort was not very strong, and that a fleet of French 
 galleys might be able to intercept his convoy. But 
 
 249
 
 250 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 when Lannoy consented to take him to Spain, the 
 King thought it wiser not to run this risk. 
 
 Francois I. arrived at Barcelona on June 19, and 
 was received there with great honour. From thence 
 he was taken to Valencia, where he met his relation 
 Germaine de Foix,and soon reached his destination 
 in the Castle of Benisano in the mountains of the 
 Moors. Here he was allowed to go hunting in company 
 with the Captain Alargon and his guards, but he was 
 troubled and anxious at receiving no message from the 
 Emperor, who, in fact, had been much surprised at 
 his coming to Spain. Lannoy meantime had hastened 
 to the Court at Toledo that he might explain his 
 action, and also induce Charles V. to meet his prisoner. 
 A messenger also arrived from the French King, 
 begging for a safe-conduct for his sister. Marguerite, 
 the Duchesse d'Alen^on, who proposed to come to 
 Spain and help in the negotiations. This last, the 
 Emperor granted, adding however, that it was useless 
 for her to come unless she had power to give up the 
 duchy of Burgundy. 
 
 With this hope before him, the Emperor at length 
 decided that Fran9ois L should be brought to the 
 Castle of Madrid, which would be within easy reach 
 of Toledo. The King was much cheered on hearing 
 this, and his journey through Spain, which lasted three 
 weeks was hke a triumphal progress with princely 
 entertainments, tournaments, and bull-fights on the 
 way. He reached Madrid on August 17, and was 
 conducted to a tower in the Alcazar, as soon as it had 
 been made ready for him. The chamber in which
 
 A. GiyattdoH,photo^ 
 
 ELEONOKE OF AUSTRIA, SISTER OF CHARLES V 
 Mnscc Condi, Cha>ititly
 
 FRANgOIS I. TAKEN PRISONER 251 
 
 he was destined to remain so long, had one large 
 window with strong iron bars, was about a hundred 
 feet from the ground, and looked towards the south, 
 with a view of the river Manzanares below, whose bed 
 was almost dry at this season, and over the vast arid 
 plateau beyond. It was an unhealthy climate for 
 the hot autumn months, and in the closer confinement, 
 Fran9ois I, had leisure to regret that his desire had 
 been granted. The hoped-for interview with the 
 Emperor was still delayed, but the French ambassadors 
 sent by the Regent, had already arrived at Toledo. 
 Their instructions were not to give up any territory, 
 but to offer a ransom, and to suggest a double 
 marriage — of the King with Eleonore, sister of Charles 
 V. — and of the Dauphin with little Dona Maria, 
 daughter of the widowed Queen of Portugal, whose 
 only son, Carlos, had died in infancy. 
 
 This was rendered possible by the death of the 
 gentle, neglected Queen Claude, who, after doing all 
 that was required of her by giving birth to three sons 
 and two daughters, had quietly passed away from a 
 world where she was not wanted, during the absence 
 of her husband, Fran9ois I. in Italy, in 1524. Poor 
 little Claude was honoured by a magnificent funeral, 
 while her faithless husband was writing poetical love- 
 letters to his last mistress, Melle de Pisseleu (after- 
 wards Duchesse d'Etampes), who had been carefuUy 
 chosen for him by his mother. 
 
 There were endless diplomatic discussions at Toledo, 
 chiefly with regard to the Duchy of Burgundy, in 
 which neither side would yield. In vain the Emperor
 
 252 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 declared that " he only asked for what was his," 
 and the Chancellor Gattmara pointed out that his 
 master was a pattern of generosity not to claim aU 
 the kingdom of France, which had been given by 
 Pope Boniface VIII. to the Emperor Albert, one of 
 his ancestors. He might well have demanded 
 Dauphine and all the territory on the left bank of 
 the Rhone which had once formed part of the empire, 
 and the counties of Toulouse and Languedoc, which 
 the Kings of France had taken from the House of 
 Aragon, of which Charles V. was the heir. In his 
 moderation, he only asked for the possessions of the 
 House of Burgundy, unjustly seized by Louis XL . . . 
 his ancient heritage, the foundation of his order, and 
 of which he bore the name and arms "... the 
 counties, towns, lands, and lordships granted to the 
 Dukes PhiUppe le Bon, and Charles le Temeraire by 
 the treaties of Arras in 1435, of Confians in 1465, and 
 of Peronne in 1468. . . ." All this, of course, was 
 fully answered by the other side. 
 
 Then we have a very fuU memoir sent by the Due 
 de Bourbon of all his claims ; in which he lays special 
 stress upon the pardon and restoration in their goods 
 of aU his friends and adherents, mentioning them all 
 by name. " Reparation " of his honour and that 
 of his followers he demands before all things. In a 
 letter which he wrote to Henry VIII. from Milan on 
 July 6, he mentions that the Emperor desires his 
 immediate presence at Toledo, that he may defend 
 his interests. But he had to wait for the return of the 
 galleys which had taken the King of France to Spain.
 
 POLICY OF THE REGENT LOUISE 253 
 
 Meantime the Regent Louise was secretly using 
 every effort to draw away Henry VIII. from his 
 alliance with Charles V., and to overthrow his dominion 
 in Italy. She had no scruples in her perfidy. She 
 tried to win over the young Francesco Sforza, nominal 
 Duke of Milan, offering him a princess of France as 
 his bride, if he would join the League against the 
 Emperor, into which the Pope was only too ready to 
 enter. It was Clement VH. who conceived the idea 
 of bribing Ferrando d'Avalos, Marquess of PeScara 
 from his allegiance. He sent the subtle Morone to 
 sound this ambitious young prince, an Italian by 
 birth, if a Spaniard in blood, who had felt himself 
 neglected by the Emperor after his splendid services 
 at Pavia. Indeed his pride had been so wounded by 
 the high-handed conduct of Lannoy in carrying off 
 the King, his prisoner, to Spain, that it was thought 
 he would readily join the plot against the Emperor. 
 Morone craftily dwelt upon the wrongs of Pescara, 
 and then, exacting a promise of secrecy, revealed the 
 whole conspiracy, at the same time almost offering 
 the crown of Naples to him. It has always been 
 one of the unsettled questions of History, how far 
 the brave general wavered in his allegiance, but some 
 rumour must have reached his wife, the devout 
 Vittoria Colonna, for she wrote him a most touching 
 and earnest letter, begging : 
 
 " . . . . that you consider well what you are 
 doing, mindful of your pristine fame and estimation ; 
 and in truth for my part, I care not to be the wife of a 
 king, but rather to be joined to a faithful and loyal
 
 254 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 man ; for it is not riches, titles and kingdoms which 
 can give true glory, infinite praise and perpetual 
 renown to noble spirits desirous of eternal fame ; 
 but faith, sincerity and other virtues of the soul ; 
 and with these man may rise higher than the highest 
 kings, not only in war but in peace." ^ 
 
 In the end, when he had learnt everything, Pescara 
 betrayed the whole plot to Charles V., as we see in his 
 letters of August 12 and 20, and of September 8.^ 
 He owns that he is ashamed of his want of faith to 
 Morone, but pleads that for the Emperor's service, 
 it was an absolute necessity. He strongly advises 
 that peace at any price, should be made with the 
 French King. The danger was most pressing, for all 
 Italy seemed against him, and Pescara took the most 
 strenuous steps ; fortified Alessandria and Vercelli, 
 concentrated the Spanish troops, arrested the 
 Chancellor Morone and besieged Francesco Sforza in 
 the citadel of Milan. 
 
 Meanwhile Marguerite of Alen9on had arrived in 
 Spain, full of the greatest anxiety about the news 
 of her brother the King's serious illness. Scarcely 
 resting for food or sleep, she crossed the great plains 
 of Castile in her Utter, in less than a fortnight. In 
 " plain black velvet without jewel or ornament, a long 
 white veil falling over her shoulders," she was met 
 at the Alcazar Gate of Madrid by the Emperor, and 
 then conducted by him to the bedside of her brother. 
 This was on September 20, and the day after the first 
 
 * " Ladies of the Italian Renaissance," Christopher Haxe, p. 287. 
 ' Archives of Vienna.
 
 THE COMING OF MARGUERITE 255 
 
 meeting between Frangois I. and Charles V., who 
 was very much alarmed at the condition of his prisoner. 
 However the arrival of Marguerite had a wonderful 
 effect upon his health and spirits, although for several 
 days, his life was almost despaired of. 
 
 It was nearly a fortnight later when his sister felt 
 able to leave him and begin the great negotiation from 
 which so much was expected. When she arrived at 
 Toledo, the Emperor met her, with various great 
 lords, in the picturesque Moorish square, the Zoco- 
 dover, as the Duchess rode forward followed by her 
 ladies on horseback. He appears to have treated her 
 with the greatest courtesy during their conferences, 
 but her grace and charm had no influence whatever 
 on his terms. Marguerite proposed that the King 
 should marry Eleonore, the widowed Queen of 
 Portugal, sister of Charles V., who had already been 
 promised to Bourbon, as he reminded her. They 
 discussed the subject of the contested Duchy of 
 Burgundy with no result, as neither side would yield 
 on this or any other subject. The restitution of the 
 Bourbon estates had already been agreed to, but 
 there were many points in question which they fought 
 over in vain, as we learn from Marguerite's constant 
 letters to her brother at Madrid. At last her patience 
 gave way, and she seems to have joined in a plot for 
 the escape of Fran9ois I. disguised as a negro page, 
 while relays of horses were to be in readiness at various 
 places, all the way to the frontier. This was dis- 
 covered and did not improve the King's position. 
 
 But the question of his marriage with Madame
 
 2 56 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Eleonore had already been seriously considered, and 
 it was Lannoy in his jealousy of Bourbon, who 
 schemed that the lady should be asked whether she 
 would rather be Queen of France or the wife of a 
 fugitive. She replied without hesitation that she 
 preferred Frangois I. 
 
 Charles V. had already sent to summon Bourbon 
 to Spain in order that he might be consulted in the 
 affairs which concerned him. He waited for the 
 galleys which had taken over the King to Barcelona, 
 and reached Toledo on November 15, after being 
 entertained with the greatest honour on the journey. 
 The Emperor gave him a splendid reception, coming 
 to meet the Duke with all his court, in the midst 
 of a heavy rain. He had already been met on the 
 bridge of Alcantara by a great company of nobles, 
 and a procession had been formed to do him honour, 
 with more than a hundred chariots covered with 
 draperies worked in fieurs-de-lys, and with the arms 
 of the Due de Bourbon on a shield — three golden 
 fleurs-de-lys on an azure field, etc., and his ducal 
 crown on each. He is described by an eye-witness 
 as "a very handsome figure and of fine carriage ; 
 his grave face most noble and princely, with a thick 
 black beard ; he was clad in a surcoat of black velvet 
 lined with cloth of silver and trimmed with knots 
 and also many puffs of this cloth of silver showing 
 through the slashing. On his head he wore a gilt 
 coif under his hat of black silk ; his horse was a 
 splendid bay, with steel harness and black velvet 
 housings."
 
 DE BOURBON MEETS THE EMPEROR 257 
 
 When Bourbon drew near the Emperor he dis- 
 mounted, His Majesty spurred on his mule to stop 
 his doing so, but the Duke had reached the ground. 
 Then the Emperor shpped from his mule and embraced 
 Bourbon, remaining thus for some time, and saying 
 that he was worthy of all honour. Then he caused 
 him to remount and made him ride by his side in the 
 usual place of the Duke of Calabria, and thus they 
 rode to the palace, the Emperor giving him great 
 honour and praise for his brave deeds, and solemnly 
 promising that his dukedom and all his possessions 
 shoald be restored to him. This great favour made 
 Lannoy more full of jealousy and hatred than ever, 
 and the Emperor had great difficulty in keeping the 
 peace between these two brave men who had both 
 served him so well. It was probably the strong 
 influence of Lannoy which, more than anything else, 
 induced Charles V. to break his promise to Bourbon 
 and offer his sister Eleonore in marriage to Frangois 
 I. In fact, after all these endless discussions, he 
 would almost have agreed to anything — except giving 
 up the demand for the Duchy of Bourgogne, " his 
 hereditary dominion " ! But he was much troubled 
 on Bourbon's account, and pointed out to him with 
 the utmost kindness and consideration, that if his 
 estates were to be restored, the King must be con- 
 ciUated in every way. He also promised Bourbon 
 the Duchy of Milan to make up to him for this costly 
 sacrifice of his promised bride. But the Duke was 
 bitterly disappointed and told the Emperor that he 
 had held the prospect of an alliance with His
 
 2 58 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Majesty, of far greater value than any possessions 
 on earth. 1 It is interesting to note that Gattinara, 
 the devoted Chancellor of Charles V., held that 
 nothing could justify his master in breaking his 
 promise to Bourbon. ^ 
 
 Sismondi, Sandoval and other historians assert that 
 Charles de Bourbon had in former days been one of the 
 admirers of Marguerite, and that now, meeting her 
 again as a widow from the recent death of the Due 
 d'Alen9on, his love for her revived, and serious hopes 
 of obtaining her hand were given to him both by 
 Charles V. and by Frangois I. But of this we have no 
 proof whatever, as in all the niunerous letters of the 
 Duchesse d'Alen^on, no allusion is ever made to it. 
 This romance long continued a favourite legend, and 
 it is quite possible that there was some foundation for 
 it. Varsillas asserts that Bourbon " ne se mettait 
 plus en peine de la reine Eleonore depuis qu'il avoit 
 revu la duchesse d'Alengon." 
 
 The long conferences between the Emperor and the 
 Duchess had made no advance towards an agreement ; 
 and the duel between these well-matched foes was only 
 ended by Marguerite's departure for France. The 
 King was m despair and a strange idea occurred to the 
 " Most Christian " monarch. He had listened with 
 apparent sympathy to the Emperor's passionate desire 
 to fight against the infidel and defend Europe, but now 
 Frangois L actually wrote to the young Sultan Solyman 
 
 * Letter of B. Castiglione, December 9. 
 
 * Despatch of Dr Lee to Henry VIII., January 26. State Papers, 
 vol. vi. p. 521.
 
 THE KING APPEALS TO THE SULTAN 259 
 
 suggesting that he should help his cause by attacking 
 the King of Hungary (Louis who had married Marie, 
 the sister of Charles V.). The answer returned by the 
 Eastern potentate is a model of magnificent assumption. 
 
 " I, who am the Sultan of Sultans, the Sovereign of 
 sovereigns, the distributor of crowns to the monarchs 
 of the surface of the globe, the shadow of God upon 
 the earth, the Sultan and Padishah of . . . (twenty 
 names) and other countries which my noble ancestors 
 (may God brighten their tombs) conquered, and which 
 my august majesty has likewise conquered with my 
 flaming sword . . . you who are Francis King of 
 France, you have sent a letter to my Porte, refuge of 
 sovereigns. . . ." ^ 
 
 It is quite possible that this most unwise appeal of 
 the French King may have hastened the coming 
 disaster on the plain of Mohacs, where the young King 
 of Hungary lost his life and his army. But, as we shall 
 see, neither Francois nor his mother shrank from any 
 treachery or deliberate lying to attain their ends. 
 While Louise was doing all in her power to stir up re- 
 bellion and opposition in Italy to the Emperor, she 
 wrote him the most affectionate letters, asserting that 
 she had refused to listen to his enemies, calling him her 
 " beloved son," and praying that he will address her 
 as " mother " ; Charles was not taken in, and replied 
 with a cold " Madame." ^ All else having failed, the 
 supreme act of deception was arranged between the 
 
 1 " Marguerite of Austria," Christopher Hare, p. 293. 
 * * Mignet actually complains of this, as ingratitude on the part 
 of Charles V.
 
 26o CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Regent and her son. Louise sent Chabot de Brion 
 with her final instructions to the ambassadors at 
 Toledo. As Frangois' pretence of abdication had made 
 no impression upon the Emperor, the plan now was 
 to agree to every demand, to sign anything required, 
 and to obtain the King's freedom at any price. By 
 a thorough change of policy, Francois now urged the 
 ambassadors to yield all that he once refused. They 
 were not only to give up all claim to Italy, Aragon, 
 Catalonia, and Roussillon, to abandon the suzerainty 
 of Flanders and Artois, to yield Toumay, Mortagne, 
 and both the city and county of Arras, but they were 
 even to restore the Duchy of Bourgogne and its 
 dependencies to the Empire. Bourbon was to have 
 all that he had asked for, and also his friends. He not 
 only permitted but commanded all this, freeing his 
 agents from all responsibility. 
 
 The Emperor was surprised and touched by this 
 complete surrender ; he showed the greatest kindness 
 to his prisoner, and offered to give as a dowry to his 
 sister Eleonore, the counties of Macon and Auxerre, 
 as well as the lordship of Bar-sur-Seine. Against the 
 insistent advice of his Chancellor Gattinara, he even 
 consented to set the King free before the Duchy of 
 Burgundy was given up, although he required the two 
 elder sons of the King as hostages. The treaty was 
 solemnly ratified on January 14. An altar was raised in 
 the King's chamber, the Archbishop of Embrun said 
 Mass, the treaty was read and Frangois L swore upon 
 the Holy Gospels to execute it faithfully ; he then 
 signed it, as did the Archbishop de Selve and Chabot
 
 TREATY OF MADRID 261 
 
 de Brion ; after which the Emperor also signed, followed 
 by Lannoy, Moncada, and the secretary L'Allemand. 
 Then Lannoy called upon Fran9ois to take his knightly 
 oath ; this he did bare-headed, with his hand in that of 
 the Viceroy, pronouncing the following words : "I, 
 Frangois, King of France give my word to the Emperor 
 Charles. . . . that six weeks after I am set at liberty 
 ... I will restore to him Burgundy and all the places 
 mentioned in this treaty of peace . . . and that if all 
 is not delivered within four months, I will return within 
 the power of the Emperor as his prisoner of war. . . ." 
 
 While this was all sworn in the most solemn and 
 binding manner, the King had already decided to keep 
 none of his promises. We can hardly believe that, the 
 day before, he had called his ambassadors and declared, 
 after receiving a vow of secrecy, that he had no inten- 
 tion of keeping the treaty, and only submitted to 
 necessity ! Such was the truth and honour of a king ! 
 
 Fran9ois still remained a prisoner at the Alcazar, 
 but he was allowed to attend mass in the different 
 churches, and to visit convents where the nuns gave 
 him collations. He was also allowed to ride in great 
 state, although well guarded by Alargon and his men, 
 as far as the bridge of Toledo on the Monday to meet 
 the Emperor. They advanced towards each other, 
 cap in hand, and embraced as if they were the dearest 
 friends, and then rode back to Madrid. For the next 
 few days they were always seen together, and as 
 Frangois I. desired to see his future bride, we are told 
 that Bourbon had the honour of bringing her into the 
 city of Toledo, with all appearance of friendship.
 
 262 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 On February i6, the two monarchs rode together 
 to Illescas, halfway between Toledo and Madrid, where 
 Eleonore had already arrived ; the meeting passed off 
 well with the usual stately courtesies and entertain- 
 ments. After a few days spent in the greatest intimacy, 
 the Emperor parted from the King of France at Torre- 
 jon ; he was going to Seville for his marriage with 
 Isabel of Portugal, while Frangois I. was returning to 
 Madrid on his way to France and freedom. At the 
 last moment, Charles drew the King aside and asked 
 him if he would remember his promises ? Again and 
 again Francois repeated his assurances. "... I 
 swear to you that I will keep all that I have promised, 
 as soon as I reach my kingdom ; " were the last words 
 upon his lips before the two princes parted for ever, 
 commending each other to God's care. 
 
 The greatest precautions were taken in the journey 
 of the French King to the frontier, where he was to be 
 exchanged for his two sons in the midst of the river 
 Bidassoa. " Then the i8th day of March, the King 
 accompanied by the Viceroy, Captain d'Alar9on and 
 fifty horse, came to the shore of the river that divideth 
 the realm of France from the kingdom of Spaine, at 
 the same time M. de Lautrec with the King's children 
 and the like number of horse presenting themselves on 
 the other side." ^ The actual exchange appears 
 to have made in a barque placed in the middle of the 
 river, and as soon as the Dauphin aged eight, and his 
 younger brother, had been given into the care of the 
 Spanish noble ..." the French King leaped out of 
 
 * Old translation of Guicciardini, pub. 1618.
 
 RELEASE OF FRANCOIS I. 263 
 
 the barque into his boat and being brought to the shore, 
 mounted suddenly upon a Turkish horse of a wonderful 
 swiftness . . . and runne without stay to St Jean 
 de Luz, a town of his obedience four leagues from 
 thence ; and being there readily relieved with a fresh 
 horse, he ranne with the same swiftness to Bayon, 
 where he was received with incredible joy of all the 
 Court." ^ Here he was awaited by Louise with a 
 company of lords and ladies who brought Mademoiselle 
 Heilly in attendance, and he had a gay time. The 
 present was ever enough for his light temperament, 
 and he could always forget the most important affairs 
 of State to give up his whole soul to the pleasure of 
 the moment. Ruled only by his own wishes, hedged 
 in by the supreme self-conceit which assured him that 
 " as King he could do no wrong," and was raised to a 
 sphere above the common laws of honour and morality. 
 Frangois L had no scruple whatever with regard to the 
 deliberate, double-dyed treachery which he was about 
 to proclaim to the world. 
 
 Meantime, the Emperor, after his affectionate parting 
 from the King of France, had continued his journey 
 to Seville where the most splendid festivities were 
 prepared for his marriage with his beautiful young 
 cousin, Isabel of Portugal. This alliance had long 
 been desired by his subjects, and it was welcomed with 
 the greatest enthusiasm. Perhaps this was the 
 happiest moment of the young monarch's life, which, 
 from his childhood, had been one unbroken succession 
 of solemn duties. He was warmly attached to his 
 bride, he was more beloved than ever by his people :
 
 264 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 he had made peace with the Kmg of France and, as he 
 believed, secured the return of those lost provinces — 
 the desire of his heart. Now he would have leisure 
 to go into Germany and there oppose at once the pro- 
 gress of heresy and the aggressions of the Turks. He 
 sent the Duke of Brunswick with instructions to the 
 Prince Bishop of Strasburg ; he wrote to his brother 
 Ferdinand on March 26, casually mentioning his 
 marriage, " which pleases me well/' arranging about 
 the coming Diet of Spires where his brother was to 
 preside, and expressing his earnest hope to set forth 
 " a la St-Jean," June 24, towards his German 
 dominions. 
 
 But this was not to be. Long before Midsummer 
 came the dread catastrophe which was probably 
 expected by all but himself. His royal prisoner, once 
 set free, had first delayed, and then positively refused 
 to keep his solemn promises, and had deliberately torn 
 up the Treaty of Madrid. It was a crushing blow to 
 Charles V., who was at once disappointed in his dearest 
 hopes and checked in his great projects. He was 
 even more deeply wounded in his pride than in his 
 position, which was serious enough. All his plans were 
 overthrown. Instead of crossing the Alps in triumph 
 to receive the iron crown of Lombardy, a terrible 
 contest was before him. The Italian League, whose 
 formation had been checked by the revelations of 
 Pescara, had been renewed after his death on November 
 30, 1526, which had been a most serious loss to the 
 Imperial cause. 
 
 The King of France, summoned again and again
 
 THE KING BREAKS EVERY PROMISE 265 
 
 to keep his vows, had replied with extraordinary 
 impudence, that " he could not be bound by an oath 
 given when he was in prison," and had at last joined 
 in that so-called " Holy League " signed at Cognac 
 on May 22, 1526, between the Pope, Venice, Florence, 
 the Duke of Milan, and the Kings of France and Eng- 
 land. By a supreme stroke of duplicity, Clement VII. 
 actually commissioned his Nuncio in Spain, Baldas- 
 sare Castiglione, to invite the Emperor's adhesion 
 to the League, which Charles indignantly declared 
 was " framed for his destruction." Frangois I. tried 
 to justify his conduct in a manifesto in which he com- 
 plained that his vassal, the Due de Bourbon, had been 
 enticed away from him into open rebellion by the 
 promises of the Emperor. To this Charles V. at once 
 replied that " no promises would have had effect upon 
 the soul of that prince, so truly worthy of the blood 
 royal to which he belonged. Who indeed had caused 
 his revolt but the King who had forced him to it by 
 denying him the simplest justice in his legitimate 
 rights ? 
 
 " Whose was the greed and cupidity shown by robbing 
 the Duke of his estates by an iniquitous law-suit, not 
 held before an ordinary tribunal, but before men 
 specially chosen. ... He was driven to revolt by 
 persecution and ceaseless threats against his dignity, 
 his honour, his position, his very life — most unworthy 
 means to be used by a suzerain lord. 
 
 " And it is for these reasons that the Due de Bourbon 
 incurred no blame by asserting his freedom, and 
 casting off the yoke of so intolerable and unjust a
 
 266 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 subjection ... or his life had been sacrificed . . , 
 thus it was the duty and the right of Caesar, in open 
 hostiUties, to give the Due de Bourbon, his kinsman, 
 the assistance he needed. . . . " ^ 
 
 This bold defence of Bourbon clearly shows the high 
 estimation in which he was held by the calm and 
 thoughtful young Emperor. During these anxious 
 months of suspense, while there were still hopes of 
 persuading the King of France to keep some of his 
 engagements, he remained in Spain and appears to have 
 been in the confidence of the Imperial council. There 
 was a rumour that he was sent on a secret visit to 
 Italy ; this is mentioned by Oviedo and others. In 
 any case he received another pledge of his master's 
 confidence, by being appointed Captain-General of the 
 army in Italy where he was soon to take part in his last 
 and most eventful campaign. 
 
 ^ Answer of Chaxles V. quoted by Sandoval. From the Archives 
 
 of Simancas.
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 FRANCOIS I. REPUDIATES THE TREATY OF MADRID — THE " HOLY " 
 LEAGUE, IN WHICH THE POPE, ENGLAND, FRANCE, VENICE 
 AND FLORENCE COMBINE AGAINST THE EMPEROR — BOURBON 
 UNDERTAKES THE DEFENCE OF MILAN — THE DUKE OF 
 URBINO UNEXPECTEDLY RETIRES — THE CITADEL OF MILAN 
 YIELDS TO BOURBON AND DUKE FRANCESCO SFORZA 
 RETREATS TO LODI — THE DUKE OF URBINO BLOCKADES 
 MILAN — THE COLONNA RAID UPON ROME. 
 
 THE Holy-League had lost no time, 
 Clement VH. and the Venetians had 
 collected their troops under the command 
 of Giovanni deUe Bande Nere, Guide 
 Rangone, and the Duke of Urbino, general of the 
 Venetian army, who was soon to be chosen General- 
 issimo. The great condottiere Giovanni had been 
 laid up some time from the effects of the wound 
 received before Pavia. It had been a cruel dis- 
 appointment for him to miss the battle, where Fran- 
 gois I. always declared that he should never have been 
 taken prisoner with the Medici captain by his side. 
 On his recovery, finding no work for him amongst the 
 intrigues of European policy, Giovanni had gone to his 
 favourite refuge, Fano near Ancona, where he could 
 command the Adriatic, and play the part of a pirate 
 against pirates with his Black Bands. He had never 
 received the lavish pay promised by the French King, 
 and had applied in vain to the Regent Louise. 
 
 267
 
 268 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 But all changed after the League of Cognac had 
 been signed. The Black Bands were in great demand, 
 and Machiavelli foretold that their leader would be 
 the saviour of Italy. He was to serve France and the 
 Pope. On June 6 he received from the Curia 2500 
 ducats to raise 2000 foot-soldiers, with orders to reach 
 Piacenza as soon as possible. 
 
 The Florentine troops had for their captain, Vitello 
 Vitelli, a companion after the Medici's own heart, 
 but Guido Rangone of Bologna always met with open 
 resistance and fierce jealousy from him. It was 
 partly carelessness on the part of their employers, 
 for both these chiefs assumed the title of general, 
 and it was all that Francesco Guicciardini could do to 
 keep the peace between them. 
 
 The combined army had about 20,000 foot-soldiers, 
 2000 men-at-arms, and more than 2000 light infantry. 
 At the beginning of July, the camp of the League was 
 formed at Marignano. Never had the Pope displayed 
 so much boldness and resolution ; he no longer showed 
 the weakness and vacillation which were so character- 
 istic of him. He had " raised his mask " ; but under 
 the mask, did he show his face, or was it indeed 
 only another mask ? When the Duke of Sessa, the 
 Emperor's ambassador, asked Clement VII. if he 
 wished to fight against his master, as in that case he 
 would go to the Imperial camp ; the Pope repHed : 
 " You are free to go or to stay ; but when I make 
 war you will hear the trumpets." 
 
 This was all that Giovanni of the Black Bands cared 
 for ; he hated the hfe in camp where his quarrels
 
 ALFONSO I I) ESTE, DIKE OF FERRARA 
 />' y Dosso Doss! 
 
 AU)iari, fhotp 
 
 I
 
 LEAGUE AGAINST THE EMPEROR 269 
 
 with other captains were a constant scandal, but when 
 he had the chance of a skirmish there was no one Uke 
 him : he could pierce an enemy through and through 
 with his lance, and throw him into a ditch, without 
 even stopping his horse. 
 
 Charles V. made one last attempt at disarming his 
 foes. He sent Ugo de Moncada to try if he could 
 detach the Pope from the League by any concession, 
 but if this failed he was to treat with Alfonso, Duke 
 of Ferrara, and the Colonna. He was also to offer 
 terms to the Duke of Milan, but Francesco Sforza 
 replied that he could not break with his aUies. 
 Moncada and the other ambassadors wrote urgent 
 letters to the Emperor, imploring him to send the 
 Due de Bourbon into Lombardy, and Lannoy to 
 Naples, as soon as possible, for the Imperial army 
 was at present insufficient, unpaid, and badly com- 
 manded. Meantime negotiations went on with the 
 Duke of Ferrara, to whom they had promised the 
 possession of Modena and other places ; they had 
 written to the Archduke Ferdinand to raise a large 
 company of landsknechte, and send them at once 
 to Italy, Ugo de Moncada then went on to the 
 kingdom of Naples, where he was to concert with the 
 Colonna. 
 
 The Imperial troops in Milan were commanded by 
 the Marquess del Vasto, nephew of Pescara, and 
 Antonio de Leyva, and for months they had continued 
 the siege of the Citadel, which was well supplied with 
 men, ammunition, and provisions. Some time before, 
 the populace, worn out with military encroachments,
 
 270 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 had risen in arms, shutting up all their shops and 
 showing so much determination, that the Spaniards, 
 between two fires, were compelled to retreat as far as 
 San Silvestro. During two months, the insurgent 
 citizens defended themselves gallantly under the 
 command of a Milanese gentleman, Messer Pietro de 
 Pusterla,^ but at length when the army of the League 
 was formed, Vasto and de Leyva felt that they must 
 regain possession of the city, which they treated like 
 a conquered place, although pillage was forbidden. 
 
 Milan was in this state of oppression and hatred for 
 its rulers, when the combined army of the League, 
 having taken Lodi, advanced upon it, and the front 
 of the hues encamped so near the ramparts, that the 
 cantonments of the Black Bands was almost within 
 reach of the artillery on the city walls. The Duke 
 of Urbino ought to have arrived before, but he had 
 waited at Marignano until early in July, for the Swiss, 
 who did not arrive. Most opportunely for the Imperial 
 army, it so chanced that the very same day, after a 
 most wonderful series of forced marches, the Due de 
 Bourbon arrived with his forces. 
 
 Chosen as Captain-general of the army in Italy, he 
 had started from Barcelona on June 24, with six 
 ships laden with 800 soldiers. The fleet of the League, 
 scattered and badly managed, was not able to bar his 
 passage, and he entered unopposed the harbour of 
 Genoa which was not defended. After having received 
 
 * The account of this spirited revolt was written from day to 
 day by a certain Burigosso. See Archivio Storieo Italiano, VIII., 
 P- 459-
 
 CAPTAIN-GENERAL FOR CHARLES V. 271 
 
 from the bankers 100,000 ducats in payment of the 
 letters of exchange sent by Charles V., he had set 
 forth without a moment's delay towards Milan, which 
 he entered on the evening of July 5. Here he took 
 command of the whole force, which consisted of about 
 9000 men, including both Spaniards and Germans, 
 and he distributed a portion of their pay, to en- 
 courage them for the fighting before them. But his 
 presence alone, with his splendid reputation for 
 audacity and success, made him a host in himself. The 
 task before the gallant general was no easy one, for 
 the hosts of the League who had arrived from the 
 south-east, were in number nearly three times as great 
 as the soldiers under his command. The city was not 
 well fortified, and the suburbs stiU less so ; while if 
 they were taken the place would assuredly fall into 
 the hands of the foe. 
 
 It only needed a bold attack, and the position of 
 the Imperial army would be desperate, with the citadel 
 firing on them from above, and the citizens rising in 
 hatred against their oppressors. A perilous retreat 
 towards Pavia would be their only chance, as de 
 Leyva wrote. But the Duke of Urbino, with his 
 usual caution and hesitation, missed the fine oppor- 
 tunity of canying the city by assault. He pointed 
 three cannons at the Porta Romana, he had ladders 
 placed against the walls, and requested his men-at- 
 arms to dismount and begin the assault, always a 
 most offensive order for these cavahers in their heavy 
 armour ; so that instead of a vigorous attack, there 
 only resulted a weak skirmish. The Duke Francesco
 
 272 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Maria then sent some soldiers towards the ditches, but 
 there were not enough to make a bold rush to cross 
 them and seize the ramparts. As for the three cannons 
 in front of the Porta Romana, before they had done 
 any harm, the General changed his mind about the 
 proposed assault of the gate, saying the day was too 
 far advanced. In one or two skirmishes, about forty 
 men had been killed by the Spanish arquebusiers, 
 while many others had been wounded and some 
 prisoners had been taken. 
 
 The army of the Duke of Urbino prepared to spend 
 the night at the place where it had halted, and that 
 same evening, six more cannons arrived for the 
 Venetians. There was also a rumour from spies, that 
 the Imperial army was engaged in packing up baggage 
 as if for a retreat, and hopes rose high for the morrow. 
 But what was the general dismay when, before the 
 night was far advanced, there came an order from the 
 Duke of Urbino that the army was to retreat at once. 
 He himself saw to the departure of the artillery and 
 ammunition, and the Venetian troops which he com- 
 manded, and then sent to the Lieutenant of the Pope 
 and the other captains of the League, informing them 
 of the decision to which he had come, and requesting 
 them to follow his example. These officers were 
 astounded and tried to point out that everything 
 was in their favour, but the Duke repUed in his usual 
 obstinate way that he was in command, and that he 
 would not compromise the safety of his army by even 
 waiting until the morrow, as in their dangerous 
 position, they would be destroyed by the cannons
 
 URBINO RETREATS FROM MILAN 273 
 
 which the Spaniards would place upon the ramparts 
 during the night. Finding him quite determined, the 
 generals of the League most unwillingly yielded, with 
 the exception of the fiery Giovanni dei Medici, who 
 refused to take part in this shameful nocturnal flight. 
 He boldly declared that, with his Black Bands, who 
 composed the Papal infantry, he would wait until 
 broad day-hght ; which he did, slowly and defiantly 
 retiring in full view of the enemy and without the 
 loss of a single man. The besieged were far too 
 delighted, to fire a single shot at the army which gave 
 up the attack in this amazing fashion. 
 
 The Duke of Urbino had made his way back to 
 Marignano, amidst the murmurs and contempt of his 
 soldiers who said of him in ridicule : " Veni, vidi, 
 fugi." When Clement VIL heard of this adventure, 
 he was greatly troubled, and even suspected that 
 there was hidden treachery, and that Francesco 
 Maria might have received some secret order from 
 Venice. 
 
 The Imperial army in Milan made the most of this 
 unexpected leisure to thoroughly fortify the suburbs, 
 repair the walls, and man the battlements, while at 
 the same time they disarmed the citizens, and even 
 turned out of the city all those who seemed most 
 dangerous to their cause. In their distress, the chief 
 men of the city made a pitiful appeal to the Due de 
 Bourbon, whom they addressed as their only hope 
 and the future lord of the duchy, assuring him that 
 his clemency and generosity would win their hearts 
 and make them in the days to come his faithful 
 s
 
 274 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 subjects. He replied most kindly to the appeal, and 
 said that he desired nothing more than to relieve 
 their anxiety and redress their wrongs. He pointed 
 out that the cruelty from which they had suffered 
 was altogether contrary to the Emperor's wishes, and 
 had been caused in a measure by the licence of war, 
 and the need of money by the soldiers who had not 
 received their pay. He told them that he had brought 
 some money with him, but unfortunately not enough 
 to satisfy the troops, and that if the inhabitants would 
 subscribe 30,000 ducats towards their payments for 
 one month, he would move them into a camp outside 
 the city. 
 
 Although this was a ver^^ large sum, the citizens 
 did their best to collect a portion, and a number 
 of the soldiers were encamped outside the walls ; 
 but unfortunately the sufferings of the people still 
 continued, for the other captains, in their intense 
 jealousy of Bourbon, would make no effort to keep his 
 promises of moderation and fair treatment, and thus 
 add to his popularity. There was a great want of 
 provisions, and the surrounding country was ravaged 
 by the army of the League, while within the Citadel 
 the situation was now becoming quite desperate. 
 They were so reduced by famine, that on the night 
 of the i6th of July, the garrison sent away more than 
 three hundred " useless mouths," soldiers as well as 
 women and children. Although the sentinel gave the 
 alarm at the first sound, they met with no opposition, 
 and were able to effect their escape under cover of an 
 entrenchment, about six feet high, which protected
 
 SIEGE OF MILAN RENEWED 275 
 
 the approach to the open country. The fugitives 
 reached Marignano in safety, where the army was 
 encamped, and the Duke of Urbino, who had now 
 received his expected contingent of more than 5000 
 Swiss, could not refuse to attempt once more the rehef 
 of the Citadel, where the garrison were now reduced 
 to such terrible extremity. It was therefore un- 
 animously decided that the army should march 
 straight to the Citadel, that the churches of San- 
 Gregorio and of Sant' Angelo should be seized, and 
 that the united troops should encamp under the 
 walls of Milan. 
 
 Thus, ten days after that futile retreat, the army 
 of the League once more retraced its steps on July 22, 
 and this time Francesco Maria decided to stop at a 
 place called Ambra, between the Abbey of Casaretto 
 and the river of the Ambro. But once estabUshed 
 there he changed his mind again, and placed one end 
 of his camp against the abbey and the other farther 
 down the river, stretching out to the right. The 
 position was fairly strong, and the Duke preferred it 
 " because being nearer the Citadel they would be 
 less exposed to the insults of the town, and more 
 free to turn any side they wished ; besides, in giving 
 the alarm to the enemy from different sides, they 
 would compel them to multiply their guards, which 
 would fatigue them very much, considering the small 
 number of their troops." 
 
 On the same day, a detachment marched against 
 Monza, which promptly surrendered on favourable 
 terms, but the Citadel which stood out, was battered
 
 276 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 into submission the next day. Once more there were 
 long discussions in the camp of the League, and the 
 Duke of Urbino argued that he really did not think 
 it was possible to save the Citadel of Milan. They 
 were still disputing on the subject when news arrived 
 that the garrison was about to surrender. Without 
 finding out if the rumour was true, the Duke expressed 
 his satisfaction, saying that now, thanks to his 
 prudence, the army of the League remained safe and 
 sound instead of being dragged into a risky adventure ! 
 While he was making these absurd remarks, the loss 
 of the Citadel was definitely confirmed. 
 
 This is what had happened. When the army had 
 so abruptly retreated by night, Bourbon sent a herald- 
 at-arms to the Duke Francesco Sforza, to salute him 
 with all honour and offer him the most favourable 
 conditions. In that hour of despair, when he felt 
 himself forsaken, Sforza who was almost reduced to 
 starvation, was at length willing to begin negotiations. 
 He signed on July 24, a treaty by which, -svithout 
 any prejudice to his rights, he placed the Citadel of 
 Milan in the hands of the Emperor's representative ; 
 he had the right to pass out freely with aU his garrison 
 and to retire into the town of Como, of which he should 
 have the government and the revenues which would 
 be made up to the amount of 30,000 ducats a year. 
 If he desired, Sforza should have safe-conduct to the 
 presence of Charles V. ; his troops then in the Citadel 
 should receive their pay until the day of the capitula- 
 tion, amounting to a sum of 20,000 ducats. These 
 most advantageous conditions were readily granted
 
 MILAN YIELDS CITADEL TO BOURBON 277 
 
 by Bourbon, who was not at all sure that the Duke 
 of Urbino might not appear at any moment, and was 
 in haste to take possession. Sforza and the garrison 
 left the next morning and were conducted with a 
 strong escort to the camp of the Confederates ; he 
 remained there all day, and then went on to Como. 
 Here he found that the enemy had not removed their 
 garrison, as that was not in the agreement ; and he 
 thought it wiser to establish himself in Lodi, which was 
 given over to him by the Duke of Urbino, and he now 
 definitely joined the Holy League. 
 
 It appears to have dawned upon the Duke of 
 Urbino that he had committed a great mistake in losing 
 the Citadel of Milan by his hesitation and delay, for 
 he offered to give up the supreme command, and it 
 required all the influence of the Pope to induce him 
 not to abandon his position. He now turned round 
 completely, and having declined to take the city of 
 Milan by assault when all combined to make it 
 possible, he now resolved to sit down quietly before 
 the walls and reduce it by famine, which he felt sure 
 he could accomplish in three months or less ; an im- 
 mediate siege seemed to him useless and dangerous. 
 In vain it was pointed out to him that the blockade 
 would only be possible if the Imperial side received 
 no reinforcements from Germany ; he replied that 
 " he knew the vivacity of the Due de Bourbon, and 
 that he was sure to risk something, therefore it was 
 better not to move until this opportunity for a victory 
 should occur." 
 
 We learn from a letter of Bourbon to the Emperor,
 
 278 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 of July 25, 1526, that he gave the command of this 
 strong Citadel of Milan to his old friend Tansannes, 
 one of the gentlemen of his dominions in the Bour- 
 bonnais, who had joined his revolt and followed him 
 in his flight. We are constantly reminded of the 
 unfailing gratitude which Charies de Bourbon showed 
 towards all his faithful adherents. In every one of 
 his memoirs about the restoration of his own estates, 
 he mentions his friends by name, and insists upon their 
 rights and property being restored to them. 
 
 The Italian members of the League were greatly 
 troubled at receiving none of the assistance promised 
 by the King of France, who was, in truth, more inter- 
 ested in its success than any one else. But he had 
 neither sent the galleys which were to blockade the 
 harbour of Genoa, governed by the Doge Hieronimo 
 Adorno a staunch supporter of the Emperor, nor had 
 he sent across the Alps the 500 men-at-arms and 4000 
 foot-soldiers, who, under the Marquis de Saluces were 
 to have joined the Confederates' army ; nor had he sup- 
 plied the promised money which was to have paid for 
 Swiss levies. The Pope and his other allies were both 
 irritated and alarmed by the long delay of Francois I. 
 to fulfil his engagements. " If the French do not 
 help us ... we shall either be defeated or come to an 
 agreement, which will amount to the same thing ..." 
 wrote Giberti, the Pope's minister, in despair. The 
 Bishop of Bayeux, the French ambassador at Venice, 
 was still more urgent. He ventured to write to his 
 master : " The delays of Your Majesty, which cause so 
 much suspicion to the confederates, will cause the Pope
 
 IN THE CAMP BEFORE MILAN 279 
 
 and this Most Serene Republic to lose courage. They 
 will repent that they have advanced so far, seeing that 
 they receive nothing which was promised to them. 
 It seems strange that, this League having been con- 
 cluded for two months, France has done nothing. . . . 
 All things depend upon the beginning. This is not the 
 way Sire to follow, for lowering the power of the 
 Emperor, but rather to make him much greater than 
 he is already." ^ Did the King remember these 
 prophetic words later ? He was at the time engaged 
 in another piece of treachery, seeking to make terms 
 for himself with Charles V. 
 
 Still the army of the League was carrying on the 
 campaign in Northern Italy. At the beginning of 
 August, the Duke of Urbino set out to besiege Cremona 
 with the Venetian forces, while he left the papal troops 
 at Marignano to keep guard on Milan. Here Gio- 
 vanni dei Medici had fuU scope for those astounding 
 skirmishes which no enemies could resist, and which 
 covered his famous Black Bands with glory. The 
 camp of those days was a lively place, and the son of 
 Catarina Sforza took his full share in all the incessant 
 brawling amongst the condottieri, and the subsequent 
 feasting in token of reconciliation. We have a full 
 account of one of these stupendous banquets, with 
 five services of forty dishes ; four ways of cooking 
 partridges, three kinds of pheasant, wild boar, pea- 
 cocks, bustards, ducks smothered in macaroni . . . 
 where the gentlemen were so cheered by the wines 
 from Lombardy, from Piedmont, Tuscany and Sicily, 
 
 ^ Of 22nd July. " Lettere di Principi."
 
 280 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 on that Saturday night when the camp was a brilliant 
 display of torches, that they amused themselves by 
 hurling stones at every tent not lighted up. 
 
 Bandello tells of a delightful adventure during this 
 dreary siege of Milan. Early in August, Florence sent 
 hither Nicolas Macchiavelli, to his great delight, for 
 nothing pleased him better than to pose as an am- 
 bassador. He arrived at the besieging camp, with 
 his head full of theories and strategies of war ; quite 
 ready to teach these soldiers the " Art of War," on 
 which he had written so learned a book. He and 
 Giovanni were excellent friends, both Tuscans who 
 could chaff each other in their familiar dialect ; while 
 Nicolas the statesman had often been useful in obtain- 
 ing pay for the impecunious condottiere. One day 
 this " most ingenious Messire Macchiavelli seems to 
 have obtained permission to manoeuvre 3000 foot- 
 soldiers, according to the rules which he had laid down." 
 " That day," says Bandello ; " he kept us all for two 
 hours in a blazing sunshine, but he could do nothing 
 with the men. Yet all the time he talked so well and 
 so clearly, pointing out that the thing was so extra- 
 ordinarily easy, that, ignorant as I am, I felt quite sure 
 that I could place that infantry in battle order." 
 
 At length Giovanni delle Bande Nere lost patience 
 and cried : " Bandello, I am going to put an end to this 
 tedious business, that we may go and have our dinner." 
 Thereupon, he ordered the discomfited Messire Nicolas 
 to retire and let him do the work ; when, as quick as 
 lightning, by the help of his drums, he moved the troops 
 in a variety of different ways and combinations, to the 
 
 4
 
 THE COLONNA RAID UPON ROME 281 
 
 extreme admiration of the spectators. Macchiavelli 
 took his fiasco very well, and at the evening feast, 
 exclaimed with a laugh, that " he quite believed they 
 would still have been out there with the men, if His 
 Grace had not settled the business." 
 
 Yet this rough Giovanni could show the most 
 refined courtesy in his behaviour towards his fellow- 
 countrymen, who in that disastrous war, happened to 
 be on the other side. When the Marquess del Vasto 
 was ill with fever and longed for the fresh pome- 
 granates of Lombardy, the Medici sent a man with a 
 safe-conduct to Brianza, and later a trumpeter as far 
 as Bergamo, " to get more." There were tournaments 
 in which besieged and besiegers joined, and Giovanni 
 could not resist sending de Leyva a stinging announce- 
 ment of the fall of Cremona. But he was paid back 
 in kind by this letter ; " Illustrious Lord. The other 
 day your Grace sent me word of the fall of Cremona, 
 for which I thank you. Allow me to pay you back 
 with the news from Rome. You will understand this 
 exchange. ... Je me recommande ..." and Leyva 
 signed with his own hand and a Spanish flourish. 
 
 We must leave these humours of the camp to turn 
 to the " news from Rome," which were indeed amongst 
 the stem realities of this terrible war. When Ugo de 
 Moncada found that he could not induce the Pope to 
 break off his alliance with the French King, he met the 
 Colonna family, who were in open hostility to Clement 
 VII. They took possession of Agnani, and were a 
 constant menace to Rome, so that the Pope welcomed 
 the offer of Moncada to arrange terms of peace with
 
 282 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 them. These were signed on August 22, but only a 
 month after this deceptive treaty, the Colonna raised 
 8000 peasants in their dominions, and marched against 
 the eternal city, which they entered by the Lateran 
 gate. Clement VII. was completely taken by sur- 
 prise, for he had disbanded most of his soldiers, from 
 motives of economy. His first idea was to clothe 
 himself in his pontifical robes, seat himself in the 
 Apostolic chair, and await his foes, as Pope Boniface 
 VIII. had received another Colonna two centuries 
 before. But wiser counsels prevailed, and he fled with 
 most of his cardinals to the fortress of Sant'Angelo. 
 The Colonna followers at once broke into the Palace 
 of Vatican, pillaged it thoroughly and carried off the 
 gold and silver plate from the altars of St Peter's. 
 They also sacked some of the cardinals' houses. 
 Clement VI I. in terror, sent for Moncada and promised 
 to withdraw from the League ; to call back his troops 
 from before Milan, and the galleys he had sent to Genoa. 
 He also swore to pardon the Colonna ; and as guaran- 
 tees of his word, he gave as hostages, Filippo Strozzi 
 and a young Salviati, both his kinsmen, whom he found 
 very useful for such purposes. 
 
 Even Bourbon's worst enemies exonerate him from 
 all knowledge of this unworthy raid. He wrote to the 
 Emperor : " . , . You will see that Don Ugo has made 
 peace between the Pope and the Colonna, but whether 
 this is good or evil for your cause, I leave your Majesty 
 to consider. ..." When once the peril was over, 
 Clement made no scruple of breaking his word. He did 
 not recall Giovanni dei Medici from the camp before 
 
 I
 
 POPE'S REVENGE ON THE COLONNA 283 
 
 Milan, knowing that the army would be lost without 
 this valiant condottiere, who kept the enemy occupied 
 with his constant dashing skirmishes, who saw to 
 everything ; arranged each attack, chose the gun- 
 powder from specimens brought to him, and was the 
 very life of the army. Clement VII. pretended that 
 his nephew and the Black Bands, numbering 4000, were 
 in the pay of Francois I. The Pope continued to pay 
 the Swiss, and a number of foot-soldiers, men-at-arms, 
 and light cavalry in Piacenza. He sent indeed for 
 some of his troops, but when they arrived, he pro- 
 ceeded to storm all the castles of the Colonna and carry 
 ruin and desolation amongst their helpless peasantry. 
 
 Castiglione tells us that it was with a feeling of horror 
 and dismay that the Emperor heard of the raid of the 
 Colonna and the pillage of the Vatican. In any case 
 Moncada had advised his master to say so. But dis- 
 tressing as this might be to his pious mind, it was half 
 forgotten in the terrible disaster which had over- 
 whelmed all Christendom, when on August 20, 1526, 
 King Louis of Hungary and his whole army were slain 
 on the fatal field of Mohacs. Surely now, thought 
 Charles V., the Pope and the Christian Kings would 
 combine against the Infidel, from whom all Christen- 
 dom was in deadly peril ? 
 
 We wonder whether Frangois I. remembered that 
 ill-judged letter of his, praying the Sultan to help him 
 by invading Hungary ? He certainly had also written 
 him another most friendly letter on his return to 
 France. 1 The Pope could express the most noble 
 
 ^ " Captivite." No. 257.
 
 284 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and pious sentiments, but he cared for nothing but his 
 personal triumph ; only the Emperor was in deadly 
 earnest about the proposed crusade against the Turk, 
 and he had already, with immense difficulty sent some 
 troops to help his brother-in-law, but they arrived too 
 late, when the fatal stroke had fallen. His widowed 
 sister, Queen Marie of Hungary, made despairing appeal 
 to him, and his brother Ferdinand, whose wife, Anne, 
 was sister of the unfortunate Louis, and who had now 
 the first claim to the throne of Hungary. The magni- 
 tude of the need for help of that frontier kingdom, the 
 bulwark of Europe, was so great at the moment, 
 that all else sank into insignificance before it.
 
 MARIE DE BOURGOGNE, QUEEN OF HUNGARY 
 By Jan Gossaert (Mabuse) 
 By perinission of M. Charles Leon Cardon
 
 1
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 THE DUC DE BOURBON SHUT UP IN MILAN, BESIEGED BY THE 
 ARMY OF THE LEAGUE — CREMONA TAKEN — THE LANDS- 
 KNECHTE OF GEORG VON FRUNDSBERG CROSS THE ALPS 
 AND ENTER ITALY — DEATH OF GIOVANNI " DELLE BANDE 
 NERE " — BOURBON JOINS VON FRUNDSBERG, AND TOGETHER 
 THEY CROSS LOMBARDY — DISMAY OF CLEMENT VII. — HE 
 MAKES A TREATY WITH THE EMPEROR, ONLY TO BREAK 
 IT AT THE FIRST OPPORTUNITY. 
 
 AMONGST the sovereigns of Europe, 
 Charles V., the young Emperor of twenty- 
 six, was the only one who kept his steady 
 course, undismayed by disaster, never elated 
 by success. Those long years of careful training in his 
 childhood by the noble-minded Marguerite, his aunt, 
 had strengthened his judgment and made him master 
 of his passions ; while he had acquired habits of careful 
 study and assiduous attention to his duties which were 
 invaluable to him as a great ruler. The Venetian 
 ambassador, Contarini, describes him at this time as 
 " of a serious character, very religious, with an ardent 
 love of justice, a stranger to the light pleasures common 
 to men of his age, giving himself rarely the distraction 
 of the chase, although a splendid athlete, the equal of 
 any of his nobles in joust or tournament. He was 
 constantly occupied in the government of his immense 
 dominions and the management of his affairs. He 
 delights in negotiations and in presiding at his Councils. 
 
 285
 
 286 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 In this he is most assiduous and spends most of his 
 time." 1 
 
 We can well understand that such a man would never 
 forgive Fran9ois I. for his perjured treachery in break- 
 ing his solemn word and treaty ; indeed, so bitter was 
 the Emperor against the King of France, that he 
 actually suggested to CastigHone that he should be his 
 second in a duel between the two sovereigns, in which 
 he believed " that God would show His justice, with- 
 out exposing so many Christians to death." Charles V. 
 had already shown his indignation against the Pope 
 for his constant intrigues and deceit, by a letter full 
 of stem condemnation, which he caused to be pub- 
 lished throughout his dominions, and in which he 
 threatened to summon a General Council to bring 
 Clement VH. to judgment for his grievous misdeeds. 
 He reminded the Pope that it was by his help that he 
 had gained this high dignity. He accused him of his 
 treachery in joining the " Holy " League, and wound 
 up by calling upon Clement VH. to join him in working 
 together for the good of Christendom, " in expelling 
 the Barbarians and putting an end to sects and errors." 
 
 We know how vain and futile was this appeal. War 
 to the death was declared against him, and the Em- 
 peror took up the challenge with his usual thorough- 
 ness. He neglected nothing that would hinder the 
 progress of that hateful League, which he sought 
 to defeat by the force of arms as well as to dissolve it 
 by negotiation. He equipped a fleet on the Spanish 
 coast, of some war-ships and many transport vessels, 
 
 ' Relazione di Gasparo Contarini.
 
 DUG DE BOURBON SHUT UP IN MILAN 287 
 
 which were to convoy about 10,000 Spanish and 
 German soldiers, commanded by Lannoy and by 
 Alar^on, the faithful guardian for so many months of 
 his royal prisoner. The Emperor ordered an im- 
 mediate levy in Germany of a great number of lands- 
 knechte, pressing his brother Ferdinand to send them 
 to Lombardy as soon as possible under the command 
 of the veteran condottiere, Georg Frundsberg. In the 
 way of diplomacy, he encouraged a visit of the am- 
 bassador of Frangois I., not so much with the idea of 
 agreeing to his secret offers, but to raise the suspicions 
 of the Pope and the Venetians, Charles explains this 
 in one of his constant letters to the Due de Bourbon, 
 whom he also asks to help him in his endeavour to win 
 over Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, to the Imperial side. 
 This crafty prince had already changed his policy 
 several times, and had played a game of duplicity with 
 Pope Clement, who had taken the meanest advantage 
 of him. In his rage, Alfonso had been on the point 
 of conniving at the secret poisoning of this unworthy 
 successor of St Peter, and had only been restrained by 
 the outspoken horror of the honest Chevalier Bayard. ^ 
 Still his deadly hatred remained unchanged, and this 
 had very important results later when he had joined 
 the Imperial cause. 
 
 Meanwhile Bourbon remained shut up in the city 
 of Milan, with its inhabitants on the point of revolt, his 
 soldiers dying around him in the malarious atmo- 
 sphere (as he writes to the Emperor, " during the last 
 month, there have been quite 3000 of your men laid 
 
 * " Le Loyal Serviteur."
 
 288 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 up with sickness . . . "), eating out his heart with the 
 enforced comparative inaction, and sadly brooding 
 over his wrongs. The money he had received from 
 Spain was not enough to pay his soldiers, who were 
 reduced to terrible extremities, for, in point of fact, 
 the resources of Charles V. were quite insufficient 
 to meet the claims of his vast possessions. Like his 
 grandfather MaximiUan he was always in real dis- 
 tress for ready money. We cannot conceive a more 
 wretched position than that of Charles de Bourbon at 
 this time, and if the faults attributed to him by his 
 enemies had been tenfold as great, he assuredly did 
 ample penance for them in those long months of misery 
 in the beleaguered city, which, by a touch of irony, was 
 his by deed of gift. 
 
 Outside the walls, the only leader worthy to com- 
 pare with him, hated this tedious siege almost as much 
 as Bourbon did. Giovanni dei Medici, left in charge 
 of the camp while the Duke of Urbino attacked 
 Cremona, was even growing sick of the objectless 
 skirmishes, and had only one word on his lips : " Let 
 me depart." But it was quite impossible to spare him, 
 and his departure was checked by the most urgent 
 entreaties. The Pope gave him the long-desired Fano, 
 Guicciardini saw that he had his pay, sent the Aretino 
 to pacify him, and praised him to the skies — this 
 captain who was always caUing out his men, arming 
 them, training them, and keeping them in the utmost 
 efficiency. He was the only hope of the Pope, to 
 oppose those terrible landsknechte who already 
 threatened Italy from afar, and to protect Rome and
 
 VACILLATION OF DUKE OF URBINO 289 
 
 Tuscany. With clear insight, Guicciardini wished to 
 arrest that awful torrent, about to cross the mountains, 
 to ravage and lay waste, but it must be checked in 
 time, and its force must be broken at the very frontier 
 of Italy, or at least at the first great natural obstacle, 
 such as the river Po. Who so capable of doing this 
 as the dauntless Giovanni leading his Black Bands, 
 who would follow him anywhere, but were lost with- 
 out him ? 
 
 When Cremona was taken on September 23, the 
 Medici captain fuUy expected that the Duke of Urbino 
 would at once attack Milan and take it by assault with 
 his victorious army, which consisted of about 20,000 
 foot-soldiers and 3000 cavalry. Great was his dis- 
 appointment and that of the other leaders when the 
 Generahssimo suffered three weeks to pass without any 
 action, and then simply continued his timid plan of 
 blockade, with the full knowledge that Bourbon was 
 awaiting reinforcements from Spain and from Germany. 
 The Imperial fleet set sail from Carthagena on October 
 24, manned with more than 9000 soldiers, and sailed 
 towards Naples. On the way it was attacked by 
 Andrea Doria and his galleys, and only saved by a 
 tempest which caused the enemies to drift asunder. 
 Lannoy did not risk another encounter but hurried 
 on to the port of Gaeta, where he was able to dis- 
 embark the troops without loss on December i. 
 
 Bourbon was still writing the most urgent letters 
 to hasten the coming of Frundsberg, and in his letter 
 to Charles V. of October 6, we see that his spirit has 
 kindled at the thought of action. " When this help
 
 290 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 arrives, I hope, by the grace of God, to cure your 
 enemies of making war upon your Majesty by gaining 
 such a victory as will be a perpetual settlement of 
 your dominions." 
 
 The Emperor had already sent 50,000 ducats to 
 Frundsberg by way of Flanders ; and Bourbon, at a 
 great sacrifice, sent him another 36,000 to reach him 
 by the Tyrolese Alps. The German leader was to 
 bring 12,000 or 13,000 landsknechte from Swabia, 
 Franconia, Bavaria, and the Tyrol ; while amongst 
 them, we are told, there were 4000 fanatics who serv^ed 
 without pay in a kind of rehgious crusade against the 
 Pope. Georg Frundsberg himself, according to the 
 legend, was supposed to have a gold chain on his saddle 
 with which to strangle the hated foe of the Lutherans. 
 He set forth on his journey towards the end of October, 
 and reached the Alps early in November. Like 
 another Hannibal, the German condottiere led his 
 army across the mountains amid all their wintry 
 terrors. We need another Livy to chronicle the steep 
 and difficult ascent, by unfrequented passes, of the 
 stalwart host, encumbered with their long pikes and 
 heavy two-handed swords ; their baggage and pro- 
 visions. Through perils from falling stones and 
 avalanches, across the pathless expanse of untrodden 
 snow with hidden glaciers and treacherous crevasses, 
 they too reached the icy summit, " cold and worn 
 and discouraged," and needed all their leader's 
 glowing promises to remember that before them, 
 beyond the mist and bUnding snow, would lie their 
 " way to Rome."
 
 FRUNDSBERG AND LANDSKNECHTE 291 
 
 At length the mountains were crossed,^ the descent 
 was made between the Lago di Garda and the Lago di 
 Ladro into the val di Sabbia, and on November 21, 
 Frundsberg and his landsknechte reached Castiglione- 
 delle Stivere, between Brescia and Mantua. They 
 were now in the dominions of the young Marquis 
 Frederico, the worthy son of the diplomatic Isabella 
 d'Este, who was more than satisfied to play a neutral 
 part, as at once Gonfaloniere of the Pope and Feu- 
 datory of the Emperor. The German troops were thus 
 divided from their employer, the Due de Bourbon at 
 Milan, by a country difficult to cross and intersected 
 by many rivers swollen with the wintry rains, and 
 impossible to ford. Now, if ever, was the Duke of 
 Urbino's opportunity to prevent the junction of the 
 two portions of the Imperial army. Having given up 
 the blockade of Milan when he heard of Frundsberg's 
 approach, he was now encamped on the banks of the 
 Adda, barring the way with the whole of his forces. It 
 was a critical moment and, as usual, the Duke failed 
 from over-caution, and made the one fatal mistake. 
 He divided his army, which would have been powerful 
 enough to overwhelm the German foot-soldiers, as not 
 only being double their number, he had also the 
 advantage of arquebusiers, men-at-arms, and light 
 cavalry. He left the Marquis of Saluces in the forti- 
 fied camp on the Adda with half his troops, and with 
 the remainder, including Giovanni dei Medici and his 
 Black Bands, he set forth on November 19 to meet 
 
 ^ A month later than Hannibal had passed over the Alps of 
 Savoy.
 
 292 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 the coming landsknechte — not with any idea of boldly 
 fighting them, but in order to harass their movements 
 and interfere with their supplies. Francesco Maria thus 
 weakened his army by division, at the time when 
 Bourbon sought to strengthen his by concentration. 
 
 The serried bands of Georg Frundsberg were thus 
 able to march on unmolested towards Govemolo, on 
 the Po, and were stretching out to reach the bridge of 
 Borgoforte, the great strategic point of all these wars. 
 They had made an urgent demand for artillery from 
 the Duke of Ferrara, who sent them by river four 
 falconets (breach-loading cannons, turning on a 
 pivot), with shot weighing thirty or forty pounds. 
 The Duke of Urbino had followed them here, at a safe 
 distance, but Giovanni delle Bande Nere, true to his 
 usual tactics, boldly advanced and attacked the 
 enemy's rear-guard, feeling sure of success in the open 
 country, and believing that they had no artillery. 
 The skirmish was apparently successful, and Giovanni 
 was turning his horse to retreat, when he was struck 
 in the leg by a heavy shot, well aimed from a falconet 
 hidden behind an entrenchment. The general tendency 
 of the day was to make the armour lighter, and as a 
 result the greaves often covered only the front of the 
 leg completely, while the cuisses (armour round the 
 lower thigh) were hollowed out at the back. The 
 crushing blow was so terrible that the wounded man 
 could not be moved at once even to his own lodging in 
 camp, and it was icy, piercing weather on those 
 Mantuan marshes. They sent in haste for the Jewish 
 doctor, Abraham, who had tended Giovanni after his
 
 DEATH OF GIOVANNI 293 
 
 wound at Pavia, and who caused him to be carried on 
 a litter — through eight weary miles of drizzUng snow, 
 beneath a black funereal sky — to Mantua. There he 
 was received in the palace of his old friend Luigi 
 Gonzaga, and Pietro Aretino hastily joined him. The 
 patient's condition was so dangerous, and the confused 
 wound in such a fearful state, full of fragments of steel 
 and broken bones . . . that the surgeons in despair 
 declared that amputation was the only chance. 
 
 When this was broken to him by Aretino, he 
 replied : " Do it quickly," as cahnly as if he had been 
 riding at the head of his troop. The instruments were 
 brought in. Abraham asked for ten or twelve persons 
 to hold the patient during the operation. . . . 
 Giovanni of the Black Bands heard him and smiled : 
 " Twenty could not hold me," said he. He placed 
 himself as directed, took the candle in his hand, and 
 held it to light the surgeon's operation. . . . 
 
 The night passed well, but in the early morning he 
 was taken with violent pains, and soon grew so much 
 worse that he felt it time to make his will. The 
 formal, elaborate document is now before me ; pages 
 of pompous Latin, with a few Unes of ItaUan in the 
 middle, probably his own words (all that had real 
 meaning), " that his impulsive devoted wife Maria 
 Salviati should be the sole guardian of the precious 
 young son Cosimo.^ . . ." 
 
 Making his will seems to have given a naive satis- 
 faction to this destitute Prince of a noble house, who 
 of his great heritage had now little to leave behind him 
 
 ^ To be one day Grand Duke of Florence.
 
 294 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 save debts and the unfulfilled promises of the faithless 
 Clement VII., his uncle. After this came his con- 
 fession. The dying condottiere said to the priest : 
 " My father, I have followed the profession of arms 
 and I have lived a soldier's life. ... If it were not 
 forbidden, I would confess in the presence of all, for I 
 have never done anything unworthy of myself." 
 
 As the night passed on he grew worse and received 
 the last rites of the Church. The end was at hand, 
 but he found strength to say : "I wiU not die in the 
 midst of these plasters," and was lifted to a camp bed 
 where he fell asleep, to wake no more. He died on 
 November 29, 1526, at the age of twenty-eight, after 
 a crowded life of adventure and fighting. The loss of 
 this great warrior was a serious blow to the League, 
 and it seemed to the Italians the ruin of their hopes. 
 
 The cautious Duke of Urbino took advantage of 
 this disaster, to remain quietly in Mantua, under the 
 pretext that he was awaiting orders from Venice. He 
 made no further attempt even to follow the lands- 
 knechte, who crossed the Po unmolested at Ostia, and 
 moved on towards Piacenza. They met with no other 
 obstacles on their way than swollen torrents, for they 
 had to cross the Secchia, the Enza, the Parma, and the 
 Taro, before they reached in the middle of December 
 Fiorenzuola d'Adda, where they encamped, to await 
 the coming of the Imperial troops from Milan. 
 
 Notwithstanding all his impatience for the coming 
 of Frundsberg, it was nearly two months later before 
 the Due de Bourbon was able to join him. The 
 various sums received from the Emperor had left his
 
 BOURBON AND FRUNDSBERG 295 
 
 soldiers' pay so much in arrear, that they refused to 
 move from Milan without receiving their money. In 
 this difficult position, Bourbon was compelled to 
 extract the last penny, " jusqu'au sang," from the 
 inhabitants of the city, and also obtained by threats 
 20,000 ducats from Morone, a prisoner at Trezzo, as 
 the price of his pardon. Even this was not enough, 
 and the Due de Bourbon, the Marquess del Vasto, 
 Antonio de Leyva, and other captains pawned their 
 jewels, their rings and gold chains to make up another 
 20,000 ducats for the soldiers' payment.^ Then at 
 length, on January 2, he was able to set forth from 
 Milan, leaving de Leyva in command to protect the 
 place with 2000 foot-soldiers and 1500 Italians. Bour- 
 bon was joined at Pa via, where he stayed for a week, 
 by Philibert de Chalon, Prince of Orange, who in his 
 fierce indignation at the broken promises of Frangois I., 
 had come to offer himself as a volunteer in the service 
 of the Emperor. 
 
 We can understand how the two young princes 
 were drawn to each other by the same disappointed 
 hopes and the same cruel wrongs. When the King 
 of France broke his solemn oath and repudiated the 
 Treaty of Madrid, which had secured his freedom, 
 he had betrayed alike the Due de Bourbon and the 
 Prince of Orange, whom he had sworn to pardon and 
 reinstate in their doiminions. What memories must 
 that battle-field of Pavia have recalled to them when 
 their common enemy was at their mercy ! Can we 
 wonder at their undying hatred, and insatiable longing 
 
 ^ Letter from Bourbon to Charles V. on February 8, 1527.
 
 296 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 for vengeance against the treacherous King who had 
 betrayed them ? 
 
 It was not until February 9 that the army of the 
 Due de Bourbon at last crossed the Trebbia,^ and 
 joined the landsknechte. Possibly he delayed in the 
 hope of receiving money from the Emperor, for at 
 that time 100,000 crowns were already due to 
 Frundsberg's levies, while there was nothing in hand 
 to pay for maintaining so large an army in the field. 
 It often seems as though the princes of that day, who 
 were so free in their orders for foreign mercenaries, 
 were quite incapable of doing the simplest sum in 
 multiplication. Had they any idea of the enormous 
 amount required not merely for the daily pay of a 
 soldier, but for the expense of his living ? And when 
 this accumulated for many weeks and months, how 
 did they expect to provide the immense sum, without 
 which these soldiers of fortune would decline to fight, 
 or return home ? 
 
 All great generals, like Bourbon, had a very clear 
 view of this, and had the Emperor been in a position 
 to send the amount for which he was responsible, the 
 end of this story might have been very different. 
 As Charles de Bourbon wrote to him in despair ; 
 " As for we others, we can only place our life at your 
 service." He did all that man could do. 
 
 With the design of invading central Italy, he set 
 the army in order. The command of the van-guard 
 was given to the Prince of Orange, with the light 
 
 ^ The ancient Trevia, memorable for the victory of Hannibal, 
 218 B.C.
 
 INVASION OF CENTRAL ITALY 297 
 
 cavalry and the men-at-arms. The Marquess of 
 Vasto led the Spanish infantry of which he was the 
 Captain-general ; Georg von Frundsberg was at the 
 head of his formidable landsknechte, and young 
 Fernando Gonzaga, the youngest son of Isabella 
 d'Este, had a company of Italian soldiers under his 
 command. There was a skirmish before Piacenza, 
 which the Marquess de Saluces protected, and where 
 the Duke of Orange had a narrow escape, as his horse 
 was killed, and in the melee, he lost the plumes on his 
 helmet. The Imperial army then moved on to San- 
 Giovanni where it encamped to be within reach of the 
 Duke of Ferrara, who promised Bourbon provision, 
 ammunition, and money, and in his deep hatred of 
 Clement VII., strongly urged an attack on Florence 
 and Rome. 
 
 The Duke of Urbino encamped with part of the 
 troops of the League at Casal-Maggiore, near 
 Bologna, carrying out his usual tactics of awaiting 
 events. 
 
 Meantime the Pope was watching from afar, " in 
 anxious thought, the storm seen to gather in the 
 narrowing and lowering horizon." When the sturdy 
 Germans crossed the Alps under their leader, he 
 trembled for the safety of the dominions of the Church 
 and of the State of Florence, almost as dear to him, 
 and from this time he was destined to waver between 
 the Emperor and the League, seek help from one side 
 and negotiate with the other, until " by a series of 
 treaties, treacheries, and tergiversations, he would 
 deprive himself of every friend, and exasperate every
 
 298 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 foe." 1 In his alarm he scarcely knew which way to 
 turn. He wrote for fresh subsidies to Henry VHL, 
 and appealed in the strongest terms to Fran9ois I. 
 for immediate and substantial help. His capable 
 Nuncio, Acciaiuoli, thus wrote to the Most Christian 
 King : " If Your Majesty does not now use all the 
 might of France, aU your soul, and all your courage 
 for our common safety, Italy will soon be subject to 
 the dominion of the Emperor, your sons will remain 
 in prison all their life. . . . To-day Italy is reduced 
 to such a condition that she can no longer resist alone 
 against such a formidable invasion. . . . The coming 
 of the landsknechte across the Po, the death of the 
 Seigneur Giovanni dei Medici, the arrival of the Viceroy 
 with the Spaniards ; all these are mortal blows for the 
 Pope and Florence. . . ." He implored the King to 
 send 100,000 crowns at once, to raise a Swiss contingent, 
 and if peace were not made, to come himself to Italy 
 with all his army. ..." The safety of Italy and of 
 the world are in your hands ... if we remain free, 
 the honour and glory will be to Your Majesty. . . ." 
 
 Fran9ois I. perfectly understood the situation, and 
 he lost no time in promising all that was asked ; he 
 would certainly send large sums of money, and order 
 a levy of io,ooo Swiss. Having settled this one 
 minute, he forgot all about it the next, and with his 
 usual frivolity, the King gaily made arrangements 
 for a splendid hunting party in Champagne, to which 
 all the great lords of his Court were invited and also 
 the members of his Council. He was passionately 
 
 ^ J. Addington Symonds.
 
 IRANCKSCO MARIA I DEI.LA RO\KRE 
 After the f'icturc I'v Titian in the L'/fizi Gallery, /■'. 
 (From the Pitcal Coileciion)
 
 FRANCOIS I. FAILS TO HELP ALLIES 299 
 
 fond of the chase, and liked to do things on a grand 
 scale : this expedition was to last a fortnight, and to 
 be carried out with the utmost luxury and magnifi- 
 cence. Can we wonder that Francois L forgot all 
 about those worrying affairs in Italy ? 
 
 As the clear-sighted Nuncio wrote to Giberti in 
 Rome : " Pleasant things always blot out serious 
 matter from his mind ; so that most frequently the 
 words remain with us, while the deeds go to his 
 amusements." ^ This had ever been the case with this 
 light-hearted prince who had been trained from his 
 earliest youth to look upon amusement as the main 
 object of life. A delightful companion, he was the 
 most hopeless and untrustworthy ally. Clever and 
 intelligent, his quick insight seemed to grasp a subject 
 at once, but in his frantic pursuit of distractions he 
 forgot unpleasant matters with still more readiness, 
 and seemed to think that when he had once promised 
 a thing he might treat it as accomplished. At this 
 critical moment, he did nothing ; and we may imagine 
 the growing despair of the Pope when he waited in 
 vain, day after day, for the promised money and men 
 of his French ally. 
 
 It was with extreme alarm that Clement VII. heard 
 how Frundsberg and his men had been suffered to 
 cross Lombardy, and that they had joined the 
 forces of the Due de Bourbon without opposition. 
 The news from Southern Italy was also disquieting. 
 The Viceroy of Naples had invaded the Papal States 
 
 1 January 22, 1527. 'Che il pio delle volte le parole restono 
 a noi e li effetti alii altri piaceri.'
 
 300 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and laid siege to Frosinone, an ancient hill town, 
 about sixty miles south of Rome on the way to Naples. 
 The Colonna had taken possession of the frontier 
 towns of Ceprano and Pontecorvo, farther to the 
 south. There was no immediate danger from these 
 movements, as his enemies had only a small army ; 
 but the unfortunate Pope, in a very panic of terror, 
 began his usual game of treachery. All the time he 
 was fighting against the Emperor he had never ceased 
 carrying on negotiations with him, and in this he was 
 only following the example of the French King. He 
 had sent Paolo d'Arezzo as his ambassador to Spain, 
 and Charles V., on his side, was represented in Rome 
 by the General of the Franciscans and his Master of 
 the Horse, Cesare Ferramosca, who had succeeded 
 the Duke of Sessa. Until this moment there had 
 seemed no chance of an argeement, but now, in a 
 perfect frenzy of alarm, Clement VH. declared himself 
 willing to accept any proposals of peace. 
 
 All the clauses of the Treaty of Madrid were 
 revived, Francesco Sforza was not to be replaced in the 
 Dukedom of Milan, while the Pope who, with the 
 Florentines was bound to find 200,000 ducats to send 
 the landsknechte out of Italy, was to give up, as pledge 
 of his fidelity, Piacenza, Parma, and Civita-Vecchia. 
 When this amazing proposal was placed before the 
 Cardinals in consistory, they declared that it was 
 impossible for the Pope to agree to such conditions, and 
 that rather than yield to them, " they must sell or 
 pledge all the precious vases of the churches — the 
 crosses, the chalices, and the reliquaries, nay, they
 
 WEAK TREACHERY OF CLEMENT VII. 301 
 
 should even pawn their own persons rather than 
 consent to such iniquity." 
 
 But Clement VII. was much too frightened to listen 
 to these brave words, and on the last day of January 
 1527, he accepted the Treaty, and signed a week's 
 truce in order to place it before the Venetians, who 
 indignantly refused to have anything to do with it, 
 and sent a copy to the King of France. It reached 
 him at St Germain on February 16, and he was 
 extremely annoyed, for it did not occur to him that 
 he was in any way to blame. He summoned his 
 council to meet the next day and sent for the Nuncio 
 Acciaiuoh, and thus addressed him : " My Lord 
 ambassador ; the Pope has made a treaty with the 
 Imperial side, greatly to our prejudice. ... At this 
 we are greatly amazed for we expected quite other 
 conduct from His Holiness. . . . We had given orders 
 to send him money, and we were on the eve of con- 
 cluding an excellent arrangement with the King of 
 England. . . . It is strange that His Holiness is 
 willing to put himself in the power of the Emperor, 
 who will make of him a simple priest (che lo fara 
 tornare un semplice prete) 1. ... As the Pope has 
 abandoned us, we will close in our lines, the King of 
 England, the Lordship of Venice, and myself ; I hope 
 that God will help us and that we shall be strong 
 enough to make an end of the Emperor." 
 
 Events happened quickly in those days, and it so 
 chanced that on the very day when the Pope, in his 
 overwhelming terror, had signed that humiliating 
 
 ^ The Nunzio'd letter, February 17, 1527.
 
 302 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 peace, the Pontificial troops had gained a decided 
 victory in Southern Italy. The Cardinal-Legate 
 Trivulzio, and the Pope's general Vitelli with an army 
 of 10,000 men, attacked the Spanish troops of the 
 Viceroy which were besieging Frosinone, and defeated 
 them, driving them back in disorder into the Kingdom 
 of Naples. 
 
 As soon as Clement VI L heard of this success, all 
 his courage returned, and absolutely regardless of any 
 truth or honour, he repudiated the agreement which 
 he had been weak enough to sign on January 31 ; 
 even before he received the protestations of Venice 
 and France. Passing from one extreme to the other, 
 he declared with boastful confidence that he would 
 not only continue the war, but would pursue the 
 conquest of the Kingdom of Naples, which he had 
 already offered to Francois I. for one of his sons, 
 who was to marry his niece, Catherine dei Medici, the 
 orphan daughter of Duke Lorenzo of Florence and his 
 wife, Madeleine de la Tour d'Auvergne. 
 
 This news reached Fran9ois I. only a few days after 
 his angry tirade, and he now completely recovered 
 his good temper. But he sent a warning by the 
 Nuncio, that " for the love of God he must keep up his 
 courage, and meddle no more with truces or negotia- 
 tions. ... To tell the truth, his incessant practise 
 of making terms, his fears, his projects of flight, have 
 kept us undecided and made us always afraid that we 
 should lose our time and our money. . . ." 
 
 This does not sound very respectful language for 
 the Most Christian son of the Church to the Holy
 
 VAIN ATTEMPTS TO STAY INVASION 303 
 
 Father. But he proceeds to make up for it somewhat, 
 by the most lavish promises of large sums of money 
 and the most substantial help. Flanders will be 
 attacked by the King of England and the Duke of 
 Guelders, while Fran9ois himself will invade Spain 
 by way of Navarre with 25,000 foot-soldiers and 200 
 lances, " and if the Pope does not make imaginary 
 difficulties, we will impose any peace we like upon the 
 Emperor, and make of the Pope the most glorious 
 who has ever been." 
 
 It is curious to remember that of all the great 
 schemes and promises of the King of France — his 
 money help, his boastful invasions of the Empire, 
 the oft-proposed alliance with Mary of England 
 (whose fate in the end was an unhappy marriage with 
 the son of Charles V.) — the only plan which was 
 really carried out was the marriage of the Pope's 
 niece, Catherine dei Medici, with Henri II. of France, 
 disastrous for his race and his country.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 MARCH OF THE IMPERIAL ARMY ACROSS ITALY — REBELLION 
 OF THE LANDSKNECHTE AGAINST THEIR LEADER, VON 
 FRUNDSBERG- — HE IS STRICKEN DOWN — THE DUC DE 
 BOURBON COMPELLED TO LEAD THE SOLDIERS ON, AND TO 
 
 OBEY THEIR WILL THE MARQUESS DEL VASTO RETIRES — 
 
 CLEMENT VII., IN ALARM, MAKES ANOTHER TREATY, BUT 
 OFFERS TOO LITTLE — FERRAMOSCA AND LANNOY HAVE 
 
 NO INFLUENCE OVER THE INVADING ARMY THE POPE'S 
 
 FOLLY AND VACILLATION — ATTACK ON ROME — DEATH OF 
 BOURBON IN THE FIRST ASSAULT — THE CITY IS TAKEN 
 AND GIVEN OVER TO PILLAGE — THE END. 
 
 IN the midst of this game of war on Italian 
 ground — the unrehearsed tournament " a 
 I'outrance," carried on in such deadly earnest — 
 Charles, Due de Bourbon stands forth as the 
 central figure. The Pope, the King of France, the 
 King of England, and even the Italian States were little 
 more than awe-stricken spectators ; while we may 
 compare the Emperor to the Marshal of the Lists, 
 watching with fascinated gaze, and ahnost bewildered 
 by his champion's daring. Yet in the last resort, 
 Charles V. must have known himself to be responsible 
 for any coming event ; he who wills the end, wills the 
 means. 
 
 In all History there is no more tragic drama than 
 the progress through Italy of that great army of alien 
 soldiers, destitute and rebellious, who adored their 
 
 304
 
 ARMY DESTITUTE AND PENNILESS 305 
 
 leader while they disobeyed him, and whose only hope 
 of pay was in pillage. By the strange irony of events, 
 in that Spring of 1527, Bourbon was in truth no longer a 
 free agent, but was driven onwards by inexorable fate. 
 
 The Imperial army since February g, had remained 
 encamped between San Giovanni and Bologna, and 
 was now in want of everything. The Duke of 
 Ferrara had sent some provisions which were soon 
 exhausted amongst so great a number, and Bourbon 
 knew not how to feed his army or advance without 
 money. The weather was most unfavourable, with 
 continual heavy rains, and the soldiers were in such 
 a state of destitution that they were on the point of 
 mutiny. They demanded, almost with violence, the 
 money owing to them, and as early as February 17, 
 they went so far as to kill the sergeant-major, who had 
 been sent to keep order amongst them. It needed all 
 the ascendancy of Bourbon to make them under- 
 stand that their interests were the same as his, and 
 that revolt would destroy all chance of success. 
 
 Brantome says that " his soldiers continued to 
 complain that they had no money and that he must 
 give them some. He addressed them all and pointed 
 out that his necessities were as great as theirs ; that 
 he would die in want or would make them all rich ; 
 that they must have a little patience for he had no 
 intention of defrauding them of the just payment 
 for their services and their sufferings. To show his 
 sympathy, he would give to divide amongst them all 
 the silver vessels in his tent, and all the rings and 
 jewels, furnishing and clothes in his coffers. He
 
 3o6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 would only reserve for himself the clothes he had on, 
 and the surcoat of silver cloth which he wore above 
 his armour." (They could always distinguish him in 
 battle by this.) This generosity so delighted the 
 soldiers that they swore never to forsake him, and to 
 follow him wherever he led them, " fust a tous les 
 diables." 
 
 Modem historians have scarcely realized the amazing 
 courage and audacity of Bourbon which an Italian 
 and an enemy ^ thus points out. " We cannot 
 sufficiently admire the resolution and fortitude of the 
 Connetable and of his army who, without money, 
 without ammunition, without pioneers, without any 
 assurance of provisions, undertook to pass through the 
 midst of so many foes and of troops much superior 
 in number to theirs. Perhaps the firmness of the 
 Germans was still more surprising than that of the 
 others ; they had set forth from their country with a 
 single ducat each, and after long sufferings in Italy, 
 where they had only two or three ducats more, they set 
 forth on the march, against the custom of all soldiers, 
 especially of their nation, without any other pay than 
 the hope of victory. They knew that it would be 
 absolutely impossible for them to Uve without money 
 if they found themselves in some place where it was 
 difficult to obtain provisions, or if the enemy were close 
 at hand." 
 
 While the invading army was in this condition, we 
 cannot understand the extraordinary pohcy of the 
 Duke of Urbino in not making a bold attack. Some 
 
 * Guicciaxdini.
 
 COURAGE AND AUDACITY OF BOURBON 307 
 
 historians have endeavoured to find an excuse for these 
 tactics of inaction, by pointing out that the Duke was 
 nominally the servant of the Venetian Council of Ten, 
 and that he was always accompanied by the Pro- 
 viditore of Venice, Emo, who was in fact an official 
 spy, to whom he had to explain and justify all his plans. 
 Now it would not be in accordance with the usual cold 
 and selfish policy of Venice to risk anything by dashing 
 action, and heroic devotion to the cause of the Pope, 
 whose real intentions were more than doubtful. As it 
 has been well observed, " What arm}^ commanded 
 by a debating club ever escaped discomfiture and 
 disaster ? " ^ In any case the Duke of Urbino's 
 constant hesitation and delay could only lead to 
 misfortune. 
 
 After the victory at Frosinone, the southern army 
 of the League carried on the war with some spirit for 
 a time. Renzo da Ceri invaded the Abruzzi with 
 6000 men levied in haste and took Aquila, Tagiacozza 
 and Celano ; while the fleet commanded by the Count 
 de Vaudemont was fortunate in gaining possession of 
 Pozzuoli, Gaeta, Castellamare and Sorrento. But the 
 Pope's troops and navy waited in vain for the promised 
 strong help of the King of France, and their means 
 were quite insufficient for farther conquest ; indeed 
 Renzo da Ceri was unable to advance into Apulia, 
 and the Papal army, receiving neither pay nor pro- 
 visions, refused to remain in the field and disbanded. 
 The Viceroy at once took advantage of this to cross 
 the frontier of the Kingdom of Naples and invade the 
 
 * Macaulay.
 
 3o8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Papal States, advancing without opposition to the 
 ancient Roman city of Pipemo (Privemum) in the 
 midst of the Volscian hills. 
 
 Once more Clement VIL was in despair, and knew 
 not which way to turn. He had no means to keep an 
 army for the protection of his States to the south, 
 and the Northern army under the Duke of Urbino 
 could not even prevent the approach of Bourbon and 
 Frundsberg. He had exhausted the treasury of Saint 
 Peter, and could wring no more from Florence which 
 had already advanced him the enormous sum of 800,000 
 ducats since the beginning of the war. As for Francois 
 I., he had proved as usual a broken reed, for his 
 magnificent promises had not been kept. He sent a 
 small sum of money too late to be of much use, and the 
 same with any ships for the invasion of Naples. 
 Reduced to extremity, the Pope, a prey to his fears, 
 again began to hold conferences with the Imperial 
 ambassadors. He invited the coming of Cesare 
 Ferramosca who brought this time more favourable 
 terms from the Emperor. He hoped to take each 
 member of the League separately ; first to detach the 
 Pope and so preserve the Kingdom of Naples from 
 invasion, then to send the army of Bourbon into the 
 territory of Venice to live there at the expense of the 
 Republic, until the Ten should be driven to make a 
 peace which would leave Italy at his mercy, and the 
 King of France isolated. 
 
 This scheme with regard to Venice recalls the 
 amazing expedition of Louis XL, as Dauphin, when he 
 collected those terrible mercenaries, " ecorcheurs,"
 
 REBELLION IN THE IMPERIAL CAMP 309 
 
 from all over France which was being eaten up by them, 
 and led them across the land to " fight the Swiss, or at 
 least to be left behind outside the frontier." 
 
 It was a curious coincidence that when Ferramosca 
 arrived in Rome with proposals to conclude the war, 
 Guillaume du Bellay came from Francois I., to urge its 
 more vigorous continuance. For some days the Pope 
 remained in a state of miserable anxiety, divided 
 between his fears and his hatreds ; and after first 
 inclining to one side and then to the other, he suddenly 
 concluded another treaty on March 15. Instead of the 
 200,000 ducats, he was now only required to pay 
 60,000 (which would of course be absolutely insufftcient 
 to pay the landsknechte and send them home !), and 
 he was not required to yield the citadels of Ostia and 
 Civita Vecchia, as pledges of his good faith. It was 
 all very well for Clement VIL to sign treaties one day 
 and break them the next, but it was quite another 
 matter to induce the great unpaid army of Bourbon 
 and Frundsberg to accept this most unprofitable 
 peace. The very day before it was signed in Rome, 
 there had been a most alarming mutiny in the Imperial 
 camp. Mignet says that the Spaniards gave the signal 
 of rebellion, but Guicciardini attributes it to the 
 Germans. 
 
 " Bourbon was waiting to begin his march, for the 
 coming of provisions, ammunition, and oxen to draw 
 the four cannons which, so far, composed all his 
 artillery." These had come from the Duke of Ferrara, 
 whose hatred of the Pope was so great that he would 
 gladly have poisoned him, and who used all his per-
 
 3IO CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 suasion to induce Bourbon to march on Rome. The 
 Spaniards, driven to desperation by the hardships 
 they had endured, rushed towards the Duke's tent, 
 reclaiming their pay, and threatening to kill him ; 
 indeed we are told that he only owed his safety to 
 flight. The}^ pillaged everything they could lay hands 
 on, and murdered one of his gentlemen. He made 
 his escape into the quarter of the Germans, in Frunds- 
 berg's tent, but the landsknechte also had risen in 
 revolt, and shouted with fury : " Give us money ! 
 Give us money ! " 
 
 In vain the veteran leader, Georg von Frundsberg 
 who had trained and led them to victory, harangued 
 the half-mad soldiery, and sought to appease them. 
 He called them his children, implored them to serve the 
 Emperor with docility, and to wait patiently for their 
 pay which they should receive as soon as it could be 
 paid. He spoke in those tones of authority and per- 
 suasion which had never failed to meet with ready 
 obedience, but, to his horror and dismay, the tumult 
 continued, and he could not even gain a hearing. 
 Never before had his commands been questioned ; 
 a great noble in his own country, Prince of Mindelheim, 
 the most experienced captain of a splendid soldiery, 
 he had ever been treated with the respect and honour 
 which his high position deserved. 
 
 The shock of that awful moment when he found 
 himself powerless to rule his faithful landsknechte, 
 was too much for Georg von Frundsberg ; his words 
 failed, he lost consciousness, and fell back upon a drum, 
 suddenly stricken with apoplexy. Awakened too late
 
 GEORG FRUNDSBERG STRICKEN DOWN 3 1 1 
 
 to the result of their rebellion, his soldiers in con- 
 sternation and remorse bore their loved general on a 
 litter to Ferrara, where he received every care, but 
 there was no hope of recovery. This grand old man, 
 of splendid stature and extraordinary strength must 
 have been at this time over eighty years of age, if we 
 accept the record of his birth at Mindelheim, on 
 September 24, 1443. We can only marvel that he 
 should have endured the severity of that bitter journey 
 over the wintry Alps and the terrible hardships of the 
 Camp before San Giovanni. 
 
 It was an alarming position for the Due de Bourbon, 
 but he never lost his courage and presence of mind. 
 He came to an understanding with the rebellious 
 troops, and with the help of a small loan from the 
 Duke of Ferrara, he gave a ducat to each soldier, 
 promising to lead his army forward at once to the 
 conquest of Florence or Rome, where they would gain 
 honour and glory, and recover more than the arrears 
 of their pay. Twelve leaders were elected by the 
 Germans from their own number, who were to look 
 after their interests and be responsible for their 
 obedience, under the orders of Bourbon. This was 
 the state of affairs in the camp, when the next day, 
 Cesare Ferramosca the Imperial envoy, arrived in their 
 midst, bringing the Treaty that was to stop their farther 
 progress into central Italy, and by which the sum of 
 60,000 ducats was to cover all their expenses and 
 liabilities. Can we wonder that this news was received 
 with loud murmurs, and the utmost dismay ? As 
 Ferramosca wrote in his letter of April 4 ; " When I
 
 312 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 arrived with the peace, they seemed as funous as 
 lions." 
 
 To look at the matter for a moment from the 
 soldiers' point of view, we must remember that the 
 German contingent had been quite six months in the 
 field, suffering extraordinary hardships, with practi- 
 cally no pay whatever. It was now April, and at 
 Christmas, we learn in a letter to the Emperor, at least 
 100,000 ducats were due to them. They had been 
 half -starved for some time, their clothes were in rags, 
 and their shoes were worn out. When sheep or oxen 
 were brought into the camp for food, the first demand 
 of the men was for the skins, to make rude coverings 
 for their torn and lacerated feet. Besides the lands- 
 knechte, there were five or six thousand Spanish troops, 
 who had received no pay since they left Milan on 
 January 2, and who were in the same evil case ; there 
 was the constant expense of feeding all that army, 
 the horses of the cavalry and of the baggage wagons ; 
 the money borrowed from the Duke of Ferrara and 
 others was owing, and there were endless expenses. 
 
 Bourbon explained all this to Ferramosca, almost 
 with violence, and finally declared that it would be 
 >^^ impossible for him to persuade his men to so tremend- 
 ous a sacrifice, but that he would support the 
 Emperor's ambassador in doing so. All the captains 
 and leaders were summoned, and listened to the 
 agruments of the Envoy. He pointed out the im- 
 portance of this Treaty, and the immense difficulties 
 of the enterprise on which their hearts were set. 
 In vain Ferramosca dwelt upon the arid and poverty-
 
 THE ARMY TURNS AGAINST ENVOY 313 
 
 stricken districts they would have to cross, without 
 money and without provisions ; he ridiculed the idea 
 of hoping with four small cannons to batter down 
 the walls of cities well defended by solid ramparts 
 and strong garrisons. But his words fell upon the 
 empty air, for the captains retired with an absolute 
 refusal to listen to any of his proposals. As for the 
 soldiers, the^^ were furious when they heard of the 
 ambassador's suggestions, and vowed to kill him, in 
 their blind rage. Fortunately, he was warned in 
 time, and borrowing a swift horse from Ferrante 
 Gonzaga, he saved his life by instant flight. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon now addressed the combined 
 army of Germans and Spaniards with a formal enquiry 
 as to their wishes. " We desire to march forward," 
 was the reply. " And I will go with you," he added. 
 It was settled that the move should take place on 
 the morrow. 
 
 The Marquess del Vasto, the gallant nephew of 
 Pescara, who was Captain-General of the Spanish 
 troops, refused to accompany the army, notwith- 
 standing all Bourbon's entreaties. " Have you not 
 the Emperor's order to obey my commands ? " he 
 asked. " Shall I give you written instructions ? " 
 
 " But you are not carrying out his wishes, and I 
 can no longer obey you," was the reply, and the 
 Marquess del Vasto, giving up his position, retired 
 to Ferrara. 
 
 The loss of the veteran Frundsberg had been a 
 terrible blow to the Due de Bourbon, upon whom 
 now rested the whole responsibility for these bands of
 
 314 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 fierce adventurers, driven to exasperation by their 
 miserable plight. The desertion of his post at the 
 last moment by the Marquess del Vasto, completed 
 the isolation of the leader, on whom now rested the 
 whole burden of restraining that motley host. From 
 early youth, the life of Charles de Bourbon had been 
 a sad and solitary one, overshadowed by the loss of 
 his brave father Gilbert de Montpensier, his brother 
 Louis, and of his mother Chiara ever homesick for 
 her Mantuan birthplace. Then for a while Fortune 
 smiled upon him, and he had found rest and peace in 
 the devoted affection of his gentle wife Suzanne 
 and his second mother, Anne de France ; only to 
 be left, by their death, for ever lonely . . . amid his 
 cruel wrongs. 
 
 In the portraits of Bourbon, we are struck by the 
 stem look of proud reserve, tempered by the melan- 
 choly expression of the dark eyes with their haunting 
 shadows. A few faithful friends had followed his 
 fortunes from France when he rebelled against 
 Fran9ois I., and they remained devoted to the bitter 
 end ; but there was no one near and dear enough to 
 pierce through the stem isolation in which his haughty 
 spirit dwelt. 
 
 He seeks no sympathy, he asks for no advice ; indeed 
 the time for hesitation has long passed by. Of his 
 princely wealth and vast possession, nothing is left 
 to him now but his sword, and with that he must carve 
 a way for this great destitute army which has placed 
 its trust in him. Was any other course possible for 
 Bourbon at this moment, but to lead his soldiers on
 
 DESPERATE POSITION OF BOURBON 315 
 
 to battle and conquest ? Even his worst enemies 
 would own that now — when nothing could shake the 
 desperate host in its purpose to advance — for the leader 
 to forsake his post like the Marquess del Vasto, would 
 be the last depth of dishonour. It was unthinkable 
 that this half barbarian army should be suffered to 
 ravage and plunder all Italy, with no controlling 
 power to check it until, without guidance, restraint 
 or discipline, it should be in turn destroyed. 
 
 Bourbon was no longer a free agent ; he was carried 
 on by the resistless force of a mighty flood which he 
 had no power to resist, for the one command which 
 every man in his army would have disobeyed was . . , 
 the order to retreat. It was on March 30, 1527, that 
 the Imperial troops set forth towards Romagna, 
 having received from Alfonso of Ferrara, a smaU 
 supply of provisions and ammunition. Travelling was 
 rendered difficult, as the heavy rains had swollen the 
 rivers ; Imola and Forli were protected by a sudden 
 advance of the Marquess de Saluces from Bologna, 
 and the army of Bourbon was only able to enter 
 open places like Lugo and Cotignola. In the midst 
 of great suffering and extreme privation, the troops 
 had to cross the highest and roughest passes of the 
 Apennines, in order to descend upon the rich plain 
 of Florence. 
 
 With ever-increasing terror, the Pope heard of this 
 advance. He was indignant beyond measure that 
 his offer of 60,000 ducats should have been refused, 
 and sent in haste for Lannoy, the Viceroy of Naples, 
 that he might insist upon these terms being carried
 
 3i6 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 out, and that this terrible army should retreat at 
 once. Lannoy was willing to make another attempt 
 where Cesare Ferramosca had so utterly failed ; but 
 he pointed out to the Pope that the 60,000 ducats 
 must be increased to at least 150,000, if there was to 
 be any hope of success. As the money could not be 
 raised at once in Rome, Lannoy went to Florence 
 with a steward of Clement VIL, and remained ten 
 days to negotiate a loan there, at any price, even by 
 selling the silver vases of the churches. As the Pope 
 was always passing from the depths to the height 
 of confidence, he now felt sure that the Imperial army 
 would retreat, and actually disbanded the greater 
 part of the troops which remained to him. 
 
 Meantime Bourbon was rapidly moving across the 
 eastern slopes of the Apennines, amid snow fields 
 where his men suffered terribly from cold and hunger. 
 All this misery and extra labour was being added to 
 the account due to them, and the sum which might 
 have satisfied them several weeks ago, proved to be 
 now quite insufficient. The Florentine deputies were 
 on their way with 100,000 ducats, when on Easter 
 day, April 21, between Arezzo and Montevarchi, the 
 Viceroy of Naples came in touch with the great army 
 which it was his mission to satisfy and dismiss on their 
 homeward way. But the behaviour of Lannoy on 
 this occasion, shows in the most striking way the 
 difficulty of coming to terms, by money payment, 
 with these rough soldiers, now full of eager hope and 
 expectation, with Rome and Florence near at hand. 
 
 From all the many letters preserved and from
 
 FLORENCE PROTECTED BY ARMY 317 
 
 contemporary evidence, it remains an absolute fact 
 that the Viceroy, the trusted servant of the Emperor 
 and in his full confidence, remained several days in 
 the camp and did nothing to persuade the army to 
 such moderation and obedience as would have made 
 them agree to the last Treaty with the Pope. This 
 was certainly not from friendship for Bourbon, with 
 whom Lannoy had always been on terms of jealous 
 rivalry ; it may have been from fear of his own 
 personal safety. In any case he forwarded to Clement 
 VII., the last demand of the army through Bourbon, 
 for 240,000 ducats, and he then retired to Siena to 
 await events. 
 
 Bourbon and the army, of which he may rather be 
 called the prisoner than the leader, continued to follow 
 the Val d'Amo, till they arrived at the little town of 
 San Giovanni, about thirty miles from Florence. It 
 was a most fortunate thing for that splendid city of 
 the Medici, that the army of the League commanded 
 by the Marquess de Saluces, and the Venetian portion 
 of it led by the Duke of Urbino, arrived within reach, 
 from two different directions. It was a curious 
 coincidence that on this very day, the Cardinal of 
 Cortona envoy of the Pope, and Ippolyto dei Medici 
 his nephew, having hastened out of Florence to meet 
 the Duke of Urbino, their departure was looked upon 
 as a flight, and a popular rebellion at once broke out 
 against the ruling family of the Medici. This, however, 
 was only a futile prelude of the later revolution against 
 that powerful house. The Cardinal of Cortona returned 
 to the city with the Duke of Urbino, the Marquess de
 
 3i8 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Saluces and their troops ; and the Florentines, only too 
 thankful for this protection, broke the agreement they 
 had made with Clement VII., and once more heartily 
 joined the League. 
 
 As for the Pope himself, we can only record his 
 actions, which it is quite impossible to account for. 
 Two days previously, on April 25, he had again signed 
 another treaty, in the presence of the English 
 ambassadors, and once more returned to the Holy 
 League, which he had so often joined and as often 
 deserted. This time he demanded 30,000 ducats to 
 be paid monthly by the King of France and the 
 State of Venice, 15,000 ducats and 3500 foot-soldiers 
 from the King of England, and the combined armies 
 of the League were to come at once and protect him 
 against the Imperial army. On his part he promised 
 to excommunicate the Emperor, to release all his 
 subjects from their oath of allegiance, to declare 
 that he had forfeited all rights to the Kingdom of 
 Naples which was to be invaded by sea and land ; 
 finally, the Pope had not too much sense of humour to 
 promise that " never again would he make a separate 
 alliance with him." Much relieved by making another 
 treaty, Clement VII, now awaited help, without taking 
 any steps to defend himself against the danger which 
 threatened him. 
 
 The prompt defence of Florence had the effect of 
 driving the Imperial army upon Rome. Leaving San- 
 Giovanni, Bourbon turned from the valley of the 
 Amo to the Ambro, in the direction of Siena, where 
 provisions had been offered to the Imperial troops ;
 
 I 
 
 1
 
 "BOURBON IS MARCHING ON ROME" 319 
 
 then by forced marches, continued his advance towards 
 the Eternal city, trusting to surprise it by the rapidity 
 of his movements. On May i he had passed out of 
 the territory of Siena into that of the Church, and 
 was traveUing at the rate of fifteen or twenty miles 
 a day, with one fixed object set before him and his 
 dauntless host, the taking of Rome ! 
 
 It is impossible to prove how far Bourbon was 
 carrying out the will of the Emperor, but we have 
 no evidence of any orders being sent from Spain to 
 prevent this attack on Rome. On January 26, 1527, 
 Charles V, received a letter from his confidential 
 secretary in Rome, Juan Perez, which distinctly states 
 that " Bourbon will not be able to give his troops 
 other pay than the sack of Rome and of Florence." 
 And he is again informed by Alonzo Sanchez that 
 " Bourbon is marching on Rome in hurried journeys." 
 If the Emperor had given positive orders to his 
 lieutenants, he would certainly have checked the 
 advance of Bourbon. That curious incident of 
 Lannoy's arrival at the camp below the Apennines — 
 when he took no step whatever to discourage Bourbon 
 or the army in their course, and only sent on to the 
 Pope the demand for 240,000 ducats without a word 
 of remonstrance — appears conclusive. We cannot 
 forget that after the Colonna raid, the chief anxiety 
 of Moncada, in writing to the Emperor was — " that 
 he should profess the greatest sorrow and dismay 
 at what had occurred." 
 
 The Emperor had nothing to lose by this adventure ; 
 indeed he had everything to gain. Knowing what a
 
 320 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 splendid general Bourbon was, and the desperate 
 courage of that fanatical host, to whom success was 
 a sheer necessity, a matter of life or death — Charles V. 
 may well have been secure of their victory. No one 
 could have foreseen the actual and most terrible 
 result, when the death of Bourbon left the Eternal 
 City in the power of a horde of barbarians, unrestrained 
 by his authority. 
 
 There is something stirring and magnificent, as 
 mere warfare, in that swift march through the hot 
 central plains of Italy, between Umbria and the 
 Maremma. The army advanced with extraordinary 
 rapidity ; inspired by the indomitable spirit of their 
 leader, the soldiers endured hunger and fatigue, and 
 tramped on uncomplaining through arid plains and 
 fever swamps. Nothing could stop their resistless 
 course. When they reached the river Paglia, greatly 
 swollen by rapid torrents, it was necessary to ford it, 
 not far from Acquadente. " Bourbon arranged his 
 foot-soldiers in files of thirty or forty, with their arms 
 interlaced, who were to thus wade across, while the 
 cavalry, taking the ford a little higher, somewhat 
 broke the force of the current. The water came up to 
 the chest and sometimes to the chin ; if the rush of 
 the torrent was too strong, and a man lost his footing 
 entirely, his companions were not to risk their own 
 safety, but to close up without him, as farther down 
 some chosen landsknechte of special strength and 
 courage would come to his help. In this manner the 
 stream was crossed without much loss, for the horse- 
 men were in less danger."
 
 INDOMITABLE SPIRIT OF INVADERS 321 
 
 The army was travelling through a hostile country, 
 and when the little hill town of Montifiascone unwisely 
 refused the right of passage and provisions, we cannot 
 wonder that it was pillaged, and no doubt the soldiers 
 refreshed themselves well with the famous wine. 
 Viterbo showed more discretion, but Ronciglione 
 twelve miles farther, on a hill at the margin of 
 the Campagna, refused to supply food, and shared the 
 fate of Montifiascone. The EngHsh Ambassador, 
 Gregorio Casale, thus writes to tell how the news came 
 to Rome on May 2, 1527 : — 
 
 " This night letters were brought by a peasant on 
 foot, to say that the lord Scciara Colonna with sixty 
 light horsemen came to the walls of Viterbo, to ask the 
 rulers of the town to give them passage and pro- 
 visions ; and the said Scciara said that the rest of the 
 camp was at Acquapendente and at Montifiascone, 
 which thing has greatly astonished the Holiness of our 
 Lord." Casale writes again the next day : " I have 
 been to see His Holiness early this morning. ... It 
 is almost impossible to describe to you the state of 
 terror in which the Pope is ; but I promise you 
 that I have done aU I possibly can to encourage 
 him. . . . He wished to send Renzo da Ceri to raise 
 1000 foot-soldiers, but he could not by any means 
 find 1000 crowns to pay them . . . therefore I have 
 sent to pledge all the silver vessels, chains, jewels, and 
 rings which were in my house. . . . May 3, ... I 
 have also done my best to persuade His Holiness to 
 make new Cardinals which he has decided to do 
 to-day. . . ."
 
 322 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Amongst the five Cardinals appointed at a price of 
 40,000 ducats each, was Ercole Gonzaga, brother of 
 Ferrante Gonzaga in Bourbon's army, and son of that 
 determined lady Isabella d'Este, who had stayed in 
 Rome for months to obtain this " red hat," and who 
 also at this critical moment, sent a messenger to her 
 son, Ferrante, and her nephew, the Due de Bourbon, 
 requesting them to protect her house if they took the 
 city. This they promised to do, bidding her fortify 
 and provision it. Her cool talent for attaining her 
 ends almost amounted to genius. 
 
 When Clement VH. had set his mind at rest by 
 signing on April 25 another Treaty, in which he 
 returned to the League and promised to excom- 
 municate the Emperor and utterly destroy his power, 
 he took no steps to protect himself from the Imperial 
 army which was advancing so rapidly to his very gates. 
 Not until he received the letter which I have quoted, 
 announcing that the army was under the waUs of 
 Viterbo, did he send for Renzo da Ceri, who had just 
 returned from the Abruzzi, and ask him to raise some 
 foot-soldiers. This captain, who had been so successful 
 in the defence of Marseilles, seems to have had an 
 inadequate idea of the present danger, but he collected 
 three or four thousand men, some of them disbanded 
 soldiers ; others were taken from the shops of Rome 
 and the stables of the Cardinals, while the rest were 
 artisans and servants, with no knowledge of war or of 
 discipline. They were placed in defence of the walls of 
 the Borgo and of the Trastevere, which Renzo caused 
 to be hastily repaired at several points where they
 
 DISMAY OF POPE CLEMENT 323 
 
 were crumbling away from age, and guns were set in 
 position. This appears to have been the only pre- 
 paration made to receive the army of Bourbon, which 
 on Sunday, May 5, reached at length the summit of 
 Monte Mario, the northern height of the range of hills 
 forming the Janiculus. 
 
 We can picture to ourselves the glorious view spread 
 out before that weary host, as with eager eyes they 
 gazed upon the domes and campaniles, the fortress-like 
 palaces, the narrow streets, dominated by the ancient 
 Pantheon and the fortress of the Coliseum ; the Eternal 
 city, rising majestic on both banks of the Tiber — the 
 .aim of their painful journey, the fulfilment of their 
 wildest hopes. To the Lutherans, in their stern 
 fanaticism, it was the " city of abomination," which 
 their teacher had once visited as a pious pilgrim, and 
 then denounced with such fiery zeal. To the Spaniards 
 and Italians, it may have brought vague memories as 
 the Sanctuary of their Faith, but we may feel assured 
 that for that great army of mercenaries, all other 
 thoughts were absorbed in the hope of pillage and 
 plenty, after those long months of famine and 
 wretchedness. 
 
 In this war against the Pope, we do not find any one 
 troubled by the thought of sacrilege. He who takes up 
 the sword accepts the risk of the sword ; if the Pope 
 as a Temporal Sovereign makes war, he must be sub- 
 ject to the laws of war. The heart of Bourbon was full 
 of bitterness against this Clement VII., who, as Head 
 of the Church, had not only advised Fran9ois I. to 
 break the solemn covenant by which all the dominions
 
 324 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 and rights of the Duke would have been restored to 
 him, but also gave the French King, Papal absolu- 
 tion for this cruel breach of faith and honour. The 
 conquest of Rome would be a just revenge for such 
 far-reaching treachery. Clement VII. could not even 
 play the game of war fairly ; his constant making and 
 breaking of treaties had made him the jest of Europe, 
 and was bringing upon him the coming destruction 
 which he so richly deserved. 
 
 It was towards the evening of that eventful Sunday, 
 May 5, when Bourbon gave orders for the army to 
 descend from Monte Mario, across the meadows 
 towards the Vatican Hill, near the quarter of the 
 Borgo and the Trastevere. Had it been possible, he 
 would have attacked the city that night for, as he 
 pointed out to his captains, they had only provisions 
 for two days and, " when fortune gives us an oppor- 
 tunity, if we do not seize it, aU may be lost." But 
 the men were worn out with fatigue, and it was decided 
 to wait till the morrow. The camp was pitched out- 
 side the walls between the Porta San Pancrazio and 
 the Porta Santo Spirito ; and when the city was alight 
 with the fiery glow of sunset, Bourbon made his last 
 stirring appeal to his army. By the memory of aU 
 they had endured and suffered in that long and terrible 
 journey, he called upon his friends, the captains and 
 the men, to show " their courage, their virtue, and their 
 indomitable strength," now that the hour of triumph 
 had arrived when the enemies of the Emperor would 
 be stricken to the heart. For victory must be with 
 them ; not merely their honour and glory, their coming
 
 THE BARBARIAN HOST BEFORE ROME 325 
 
 wealth and great reputation, depended upon success, 
 but even their very existence. By every possible 
 means he sought to rouse their devotion, their courage, 
 and their enthusiasm, until he had inspired them 
 with his own ardent spirit. 
 
 All that night was spent by Bourbon in arranging 
 with his lieutenants every detail of his plan of siege, 
 the moment and the place when it should begin ; 
 nothing was left to chance. While some of the troops 
 slept, others watched ; ladders were made for scaling 
 the walls, the arquebuses were put in good order, the 
 pikes and swords made ready under the starlight sky, 
 when the dark walls and the great shadowy mass of 
 Saint-Angelo looked even more formidable than by 
 daylight. 
 
 The attack of Rome was no easy matter. Mignet 
 thus describes its position. " Crossed by the Tiber 
 from the north-east to the south-west, the city was 
 composed of three unequal parts, in a way independent 
 of each other. From the right bank of the river, as far 
 as the external slopes of the Vatican and the Jani- 
 culum, there were spread out in front of the Imperial 
 army, the Borgo and the Trastevere, almost forming 
 two separate cities protected by continuous enclosures, 
 of which the walls would have to be forced one after the 
 other. The Borgo, also called the Leonine City, placed 
 on the left of the besiegers, and within which was the 
 Pontifical palace and the great Apostolic Church of 
 St Peter's, was flanked on one side by the Castle of 
 Sant'Angelo and closed on the other by the fairly well- 
 protected gates of Torrione and Santo-Spirito. To
 
 326 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 take this by one fortunate assault would not be 
 sufficient. It was necessary afterwards to scale the 
 ramparts of the Trastevere, which the Imperial army 
 had to the right, and of which they could not break 
 down without cannon the two gates Settimiana and 
 San Pancrazio ; one turned towards the Borgo and 
 the other opening into the Campania. When the 
 Borgo and the Trastevere are taken, it would still be 
 needful to penetrate into the vast and ancient city of 
 the Forum, the Capitol, the Palatine and the Quirinal, 
 which, surrounded by ramparts and towers, stretches 
 along the right bank of the Tiber, broad and deep at 
 this part. This was only reached from the Borgo and 
 from the Trastevere by three bridges, easy to destroy 
 or to defend. Three successive attacks would thus be 
 necessary, and, as it were, three sieges in order to take 
 possession of Rome." 
 
 Before dawn, on May 6, the Imperial army set forth 
 towards the Borgo, whose low ramparts were to be 
 attacked from three points, and Bourbon had chosen 
 the three attacking columns from the soldiers of 
 different nations — Spanish, German, and Italian — in 
 order to excite their emulation.^ 
 
 We see the Due de Bourbon riding forth at the head 
 of his troops — a splendid figure in full armour, with 
 plumed hehnet, and a surcoat of cloth of silver worn 
 outside his cuirass ; a mark for every foe, but above 
 aU, a shining light to guide and lead his soldiers from 
 afar. Erect, stem of mien, and alert in every move- 
 
 1 Montrichard tells us that before starting, " le Seigneur de' 
 Bourbon se confessa et ouyt la messe avec grande devotion."
 
 DEATH OF DUG DE BOURBON 327 
 
 ment with proud confidence, he was followed with 
 enthusiasm, alike by captains and men. He gave the 
 order of attack, and the firing began between the 
 Spanish arquebusiers and those of the Pope who 
 defended the ramparts. The artillery from the Castle 
 Sant'Angelo joined in and kept up such a sustained 
 fire that the besiegers were somewhat driven back. 
 With the rising sun, a thick mist was drawTi up from 
 the plain, and this gave an opportunity for the 
 Imperial troops to approach the walls for an assault. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon set the example to his men ; 
 he sprang from his horse, seized a ladder, and beckoning 
 to the Spaniards to follow him, he advanced boldly to 
 the western wall of the Borgo, between the Porta 
 Torrione and the Porta Santo-Spirito. He had scarcely 
 begun to scale the wall before he was struck in the right 
 groin by the shot from an arquebus, which went through 
 his body, and he fell, mortally wounded. Various 
 accounts are given of his death ; some say that the 
 Duke was killed on the spot, but others relate that he 
 was carried to a little chapel near, and lingered for 
 almost an hour. This is rendered probable by a letter 
 from his chaplain to the Emperor, written in June 
 1527,^ " by which Monseigneur de Bourbon sends a last 
 pathetic message of loyalty to His Majesty, in whom 
 he trusted to set right any disorders which might 
 happen after his death, . . . and he besought the 
 Emperor when he should make peace with the King 
 of France, to include his nephew, heir to the estates 
 of Bourbon (the Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon), and all 
 
 ^ Preserved in the Imperial Archives of Vienna.
 
 328 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 his gentlemen, servitors and officers. ..." The 
 great anxiety of the Due de Bourbon was always, to his 
 last hour, that his friends and adherents should not 
 suffer for their loyalty to him. 
 
 Thus fell in the hour of triumph, the greatest general 
 and the most striking figure of the Renaissance. At the 
 age of thirty-seven, the tragedy of his life had closed. 
 
 Meantime the assault had been carried on with the 
 most desperate fury by the soldiers now led by the 
 Prince of Orange ; the rumour of their great leader's 
 mortal wound had roused in them a fury of revenge, 
 and with shouts of " Came ! Came ! sangre ! sangre ! 
 cierra ! cierra ! Bourbon ! Bourbon," they hurled 
 themselves upon the defenders, and gained the ram- 
 parts in spite of a very hail of bullets, of flaming 
 torches, of stones, and of boiling pitch. . . . The first 
 banners planted on the walls were taken by Renzo da 
 Ceri ; but the besiegers poured in on every side, and 
 drove the Romans before them through the Borgo, 
 pursuing them with tumult and bloodthirsty fighting 
 to the very foot of the fortress of Sant'Angelo, which 
 was only just closed in time by dropping the portcullis. 
 
 Clement VII. had but that moment reached the 
 Castle by the private gallery leading from the Vatican ; 
 Paolo Giovio holding up the Papal train while they 
 both ran at full speed, followed by a number of 
 Cardinals and Court officials. One Cardinal arriving 
 after the gate had been closed, was drawn up in a 
 basket, while another was saved from the fighting, 
 struggling crowd, by being pushed in through a 
 window. The Pope believed this fortress to be
 
 CONQUEST OF THE ETERNAL CITY 329 
 
 impregnable, and now finding himself in the midst of 
 ambassadors, cardinals, and prelates, he recovered his 
 spirits enough to suggest making another treaty. But 
 from this he was dissuaded with some difficulty, as it 
 was pointed out that the Imperial army, deprived of a 
 leader by the death of Bourbon, was less to be feared, 
 and also that a company under Renzo da Ceri was still 
 defending the right bank of the Tiber. But this 
 captain was unable to induce the Romans to help him 
 by cutting the two bridges, Ponte Quattro Capi (the 
 ancient Fons Fabricius), and the Ponte Sisto (built 
 about sixty years before by Sixtus IV., and from which 
 the Popes took the title of Pontifex, bridge-builder). 
 The people refused to sacrifice their bridges, for the 
 insufficient reason, in that time of peril, that they were 
 " too beautiful." 
 
 It was afternoon when the Imperial army, com- 
 manded by the Prince of Orange, advanced to the 
 attack of the Trastevere, down the steep crest of the 
 Janiculan thickly planted with trees and interlaced 
 with vines. The wall which extends from the Porta 
 San-Pancrazio to the Porta Settimiana was vigour- 
 ously assailed, and overcome with panic, the defenders 
 fled, leaving the quarter to the landsknechte and the 
 Spaniards who, fearing some trap, marched on in 
 serried bands to the Ponte Sisto, where they met with 
 no resistance, the strong oaken gates not being even 
 closed. They crossed the Tiber, to the sound of drums 
 and trumpets, and slowly advanced into Rome, camp- 
 ing that night in the Piazza Navona and the Campo 
 de' Fiori. The next day the soldiers cast off all
 
 330 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 bounds, and spreading through the city, now entirely 
 at their mercy, began that awful Sack of Rome of 
 which it is impossible to reahze the full horrors. 
 " Like a pack of wolves they rushed on the defence- 
 less people. . . . The Spaniards excelled in deliberate 
 cruelty. . . . The Lutherans desecrated the churches 
 and rejoiced to bum and defile what the world had 
 adored." 
 
 The death of the Due de Bourbon, in the very 
 moment of victory, was the worst misfortune which 
 could have befallen the conquered city. He alone 
 could have restrained that horde of fierce, half-starved 
 mercenaries, and like another Alaric, have stayed 
 their hands by securing the payment of a sufficient 
 ransom. There was no help on any side. In the 
 midst of the universal devastation, the Holy Father, 
 a prisoner in the Vatican, did nothing but pour out 
 tears and lamentations in the midst of his Cardinals. 
 He waited in vain for the army of the League under 
 the Duke of Urbino, who approached the city only to 
 turn away and declare all relief impossible. " Never 
 was there a more protracted and more ruinous 
 pillage," and on all the unspeakable horrors with 
 which it was accompanied, we leave it for others to 
 dwell." 1 
 
 With the death of Charles, Due de Bourbon, our 
 story ends ; and we only allude to these after events 
 because, by the irony of fate, upon his memory has 
 been cast all the obloquy for that which only his life 
 
 ^ As, for instance, Jacques Buonaparte in the " Sac de Rome," 
 giving all the terrible details.
 
 THE SACK OF ROME. END OF STORY 331 
 
 could have prevented. In the coming days, when the 
 Emperor Charles V. had become, in great measure 
 through this triumphant conquest of Rome, the 
 most powerful sovereign in Europe ; no one could 
 venture to accuse His Pious and Imperial Majesty of 
 the sacrilegious crime which had shocked all Christen- 
 dom, A scapegoat was at hand, and Bourbon was 
 made responsible for everything ; the more readily 
 as he was dead, and neither blame nor praise would 
 concern him any more. 
 
 In France, his trial was still continued, and it reads 
 like a solemn farce to the end. On July 26, 1527, in 
 the presence of King Fran9ois I., on his seat of 
 justice, assisted by the Peers of France and the 
 assembled Chambers, Jean de Surie, first Usher of 
 the Court, called Charles de Bourbon three times — 
 at the bar of the Parliament, at the marble table, 
 and at the marble steps — and then reported that the 
 said de Bourbon had not appeared. The sentence was 
 drawn up, then solemnly read out: " The Connetable 
 de France, dead, wels condemned, his goods returned 
 to the Crown . . . and the door of his palace by the 
 Louvre was painted yellow. . . ." 
 
 " Desta maniera," says Sandoval, " se vengaron 
 en la muerte de quien no pudieron en vida." 
 
 " Consiliis Calchas, 
 animo Hector, 
 robore Achilles 
 eloquio Nestor, 
 Jacet hie Borbonius heros." ^ 
 
 ^ Contemporary Epitaph.
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLES
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLES 
 
 335 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 m 
 
 o 
 w 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 < 
 
 pq 
 
 o ^ 
 
 ■xi 
 
 43 
 
 c 
 
 u 
 
 rt 
 
 r^ 
 
 <L) 
 
 CS 
 
 "o 
 
 iZ 
 
 U 
 
 Vu 
 
 rt 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 
 
 JJ 
 
 rt 
 
 3 
 
 J 
 
 rt 
 
 i*- 
 
 U5 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 c 
 
 U 
 
 D 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 > & 
 
 I*- — 
 U5 4) 
 
 
 
 ■£ "H. 
 
 P3 " 
 
 o 
 
 «-. (n 
 
 
 <^ r. 
 
 (L> 
 
 h- <u 
 
 ^ 
 
 *^ 
 
 n 
 
 ^.y 
 
 a 
 
 rP 
 
 ^ 
 
 1— < ^ 
 
 1/5 
 
 }-( ■*-' 
 
 •^ 
 
 4j a 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 "S -a 
 
 (/I 
 
 2- ^ 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 O 
 
 
 hJ 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 rt 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 w 
 
 <i3 
 
 
 
 'U 
 
 'o 
 
 u 
 
 > 
 
 3 
 
 (Ti 
 
 ^\ 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 cq 
 
 « 
 
 -1 — II — 
 
 ^ 
 
 "3 F 
 
 
 3*^ 
 
 
 
 « <u ■" 
 
 
 ^ -rj r- 
 
 D C 
 
 
 -c J 
 
 "^ () rt 
 
 <u y *-• 
 
 C O 
 
 <-T3 
 
 Char] 
 
 Dii 
 
 Cons 
 
 u 
 
 c 3 <u 
 
 II _ c3 
 <U <U >- 
 
 ^.S O 
 <T3 
 
 o o 
 Xi o 
 
 I— , — ' o 
 
 ^ ^ a 
 
 o •.- 
 
 tL. ti 
 
 c 
 
 0) o 
 C I- 
 
 m 
 
 u 
 
 ^^
 
 336 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 V 
 
 <u 
 
 o 
 
 CQ 
 Pi 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 w 
 
 CO 
 
 O 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 nj 
 
 2 13 
 
 o jr 
 
 t: c 
 
 O 
 
 ;^ 
 
 c 
 
 CJ 
 
 ■a o 
 
 Oh 
 
 (/I 3 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 bo 
 
 c 
 
 .i5 
 
 u 1-5 
 
 ,„ 35 « C 
 
 ^ Q. « '- 
 
 x; G a O 
 
 U o
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLES 
 
 117 
 
 < 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 £? 
 
 < 
 
 ts) 
 
 2 
 
 in 
 
 3 
 
 c 
 
 4J 
 
 o 
 
 13 "^ 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 ^" 
 
 ^i 
 
 fc 
 
 c3 "O 
 
 K ^ 
 
 o 
 
 "o 
 
 c <^ 
 
 
 (^ 
 
 O N 
 
 w 
 
 PL, 
 
 > Tf 
 
 CO 
 
 II 
 
 rt " 
 
 O 
 
 « 5~ 
 
 1-1 
 
 1- 
 
 X 
 1 
 
 
 rt 
 
 « 
 
 1 
 
 ?^S • 
 
 II — 
 
 
 U '^ Tj- 
 
 
 H--I 
 
 C^ T* 
 
 i-I od 
 
 MH 
 
 rt O Tf 
 
 
 
 <i3 00 7 
 
 w 
 
 c '5 ij% 
 
 
 J 
 
 .2 o^c^ 
 
 o "^ 
 
 pa 
 
 
 o 2^ 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 C 
 
 T3 
 
 J2 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 - C 
 
 
 
 X! 
 
 1-^ 
 
 O rt 
 
 
 V 
 
 rt 
 
 o 
 
 ^5 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 *C 
 
 O in 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 n 
 
 -o 
 
 ■o o 
 
 ancesc 
 
 5 '9, 
 Mantu 
 
 ^ 
 
 fc 
 
 ^ 3 
 
 cr 
 )-• 
 
 3 
 
 
 ,^ "U. 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 f^vO ° 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 3 4J 
 
 W 
 
 t: Oh 
 
 oS 
 
 -.3 vo o 
 
 u — 
 
 O c 
 
 -a >" 
 I/) I- 
 
 •3 3 
 
 - 3 '^ 
 
 V s 
 
 3 O 
 
 3 «J ^ 
 
 N] ^ 
 
 3 O 
 
 II "=' 
 II O 
 
 (/) 3 ri 
 <U o »J-i 
 
 "5^7 
 2 aj o 
 
 5-^
 
 CHIEF AUTHORITIES 
 CONSULTED
 
 f
 
 CHIEF AUTHORITIES 
 CONSULTED 
 
 Archives de la Maison de Gonzague. (Societe de I'Histoire de 
 
 France), Renouard. Paris, 1884. 
 Archives of Vienna. Despatches of Louis de Praet to the 
 
 Emperor. Despatches of the Bishop of Badajos, etc., etc. 
 Archives of the Vatican. Lettere de' principi, etc. 
 Archives of Simancas. Letters quoted by Gachard, Wignet, 
 
 Sandoval and others. 
 Anne de France, Enseignements de. 
 
 Bandello, Le Novelle del. Edition Busdrago. Lucca, 1554. 
 Baudier, Michel. Histoire de 1' administration du Cardinal 
 
 d'Amboise. 
 Baumgarten. Geschichte. Karl V. 1885. 
 Bellay, Martin du, Memoires de. Edition Buchon. 
 Belleforest. Cosmographie Universelle. 
 BoucHET. Annales d'Acquitaine. 
 Brantome, le Seigneur de. Vie des Hommes illustres et grands 
 
 Capitaines. Foucault. Paris, 1822. 
 
 CEuvres de. Vol. vii., viii., ix. 
 
 Brequigny, MS. Vol. xc. Recit de Georg Frundsberg. 
 Buonaparte, Jacopo. Sacco di Roma. Edition Buchon. 
 Castiglione, Baldassare. Lettere Famiglieri. Lettere di 
 Negozi. Annot. dall' Abate Serassi. Padova, 1769. 
 
 Lettere Diplomache. lidition Contini. Padova, 1875. 
 
 Champier, Symphorien. Gestes de Bayart. 
 Champollion-Figeac, M. Aim:6. Captivite du Roi Francois I. 
 
 Imprimerie Royale. 1847. 
 Chazard, a. Etudes sur la chronologic des Dues de Bourbon. 
 
 Moulins, 1865. 
 Clairambault. M61anges. Vol. xxxvi., fo. 8729. 
 CoMMiNEs, Philippe de. Memoires. Annotated by Melle Dupont. 
 
 1850. 
 Coste, Ilarion de. Eloges et vies des femmes illustres. 1647. 
 
 .'?4l
 
 342 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 CoTTEREAU. Historia Francisci I. MS. lat. 5976, fo. 21. 
 
 Creighton, Dr. History of the Papacy. 1897. 
 
 Dandolo, Tullio. Ricordi inediti di Girolamo Morone. Milano, 
 
 1855. 
 Delaroche. Histoire de Louis XII. 
 Desormeaux. The House of Bourbon. 
 
 Dreux du Radier. Memoires historiques. Edition Renouard. 
 Dulaure. History of Paris. 
 
 Dumeril, a. Etude sur Charles Quint. Paris, 1856. 
 Einstein, Louis. History of the Renaissance in England. 
 FEUGfcRES, Leon J. Caracteres et portraits litteraires du i6e 
 
 siecle. 
 Fleuranges, (Le Jeune Aventurier). Histoire des choses 
 
 memorables. Edition Buchon. 
 Gachard. Correspondance de Charles V. avec Adrien VI. et le 
 
 Due de Sessa. Bruxelles, 1850. 
 
 Captivite de Fran9ois I. Bruxelles, i860. 
 
 Gaillard. Histoire de Fran9ois I. 
 
 Gauthiez, Pierre. Jean des bandes noires. OUendorf, 1902. 
 Gautier, M. Edmond. Histoire du donjon de Loches. Chateau- 
 
 roux, 188 1. 
 Giovio, Paolo. Vita diecenuovi uomini illustre. Venise, in 4to., 
 
 1561. 
 
 La vita di Ferrando Davalo, Marchese di Pescara. 
 
 Tradotta per M. Lodovico Domenichi. Florence, 1551. 
 
 GuicciARDiNi, Fr. Istoria d' Italia. Lib. xviii. 
 Guiffrey, G. Lettres inedites de Diane de Poytiers. Renouard. 
 Paris, 1866. 
 
 Proces criminel de Jehan de Poytiers, Seigneur de St Vallier. 
 
 Lemerre. Paris, 1877. 
 
 Chronique du roi Francois I. Renouard. Paris, 1861. 
 
 HoLLiNGER. Histoire de la Confederation Suisse. 
 Houssaye, Amelot de la. Memoires historiques et politiques. 
 La Mure. Histoire des Dues de Bourbon. Potier. Paris, 1868. 
 Laval, Antoine de. Continuation de Marillac. " Vie du Con- 
 
 netable." 
 Lavisse. Nouvelle Histoire de France. T. V. Haehette. 
 Lebey, Andr6. Le Connetable de Bourbon. Perrin. Paris, 
 
 1904. 
 Le Glay. Negociations entre la France et I'Autriche. 
 Lescure. Histoire de Frangois I. 
 Louise de Savoie, Journal de. Edition Buchon. 
 Macquereau, Robert. Histoire generale de 1' Europe. Tom i.
 
 CHIEF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 343 
 
 Mailles, Jacques de, (Le loyal serviteur). Chronique de 
 
 Bayart. ]&dition Buchon. 
 MS. Dupuy. Fo. 183-221. 
 
 (Trial of Charles Due de Bourbon.) 
 
 Deposition de Henri Arnauld. Fo. 92-98. 
 
 - de I'Eveque d'Autun. MS. D., fo. 25 and 26. 
 
 de I'Eveque du Puy. 
 
 de Saint Bonnet. Fo. 48. 
 
 — — de Desguieres. Fo. 58. 
 
 - — de Perault de Warthy. Fo. 33. 
 
 - — — de Baudemarde. 
 
 de Robert de Grossone and others. 
 
 — — - d'Argouges et de Matignon, etc. 
 
 Marillac, Guillaume de. Vie du Connetable de Bourbon. 
 
 Edition Buchon. 
 Maulde la CLAVifeRE. Louise de Savoie et Francois I. Perrin. 
 
 Paris, 1895. 
 Merim^e. Portraits historiques et litteraires. Calmen Levy. 
 
 1874. 
 MicHELET. La Renaissance. " Poesies et correspondance in time 
 
 de Fran9ois L" 
 MiGNET, M. Rivalite de Fran9ois I. et de Charles Quint. Perrin. 
 
 1886. 
 MoNTFAUCON, Monuments de la Monarchie fran^aise. 
 MoNTLUC, Blaise de, Commentaires de (de Petitot). Paris, 1826. 
 Miscellaneous Letters of Henry VIII. Vol. viii., 3rd series. 
 
 State Paper. 
 OsNAVo, Juan, Relacion de. From " CoUeccion de documentos 
 
 ineditos para la historia de Espana. Tom ix. 
 Paris, Paulin. Etudes sur Francois I. Techner. Paris, 1885. 
 Ranke, Leopold. History of the Popes. 1847. 
 
 History of Germany. 
 
 R]6ciT d'un bourgeois de Paris. Edited by Lalanne. 
 
 Robert, Ulysse. Vie de Philibert de Chalons, Prince d'Orange. 
 
 Robertson. History of Charles V. 
 
 RoscoE. Life of Leo X. 
 
 Sainte-Marthe, ScitvoLE ET Louis. Histoire generale de la 
 
 Maison de France. Tom ii. 
 Saint-Gelais. Histoire de Louis XII. 1622. 
 Sala, Nicolas. Hardiesse des grands rois et empereurs. Public 
 
 par I'ecole des Chartes. 
 Sandoval. Comentarios de los Hechos del senor Alarcon. 
 ScHWARTZENAU von. Der Konnetable Karl von Bourbon. Berlin, 
 
 1852.
 
 344 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Seyssell. Histoire du bon roy de France, Louis XII. 1508. 
 
 SiSMONDi. Histoire des Fran9ais. 
 
 State Papers. Vol. vi. : Letters of Wolsey. Vol. viii. : Letters of 
 
 Henry VIII. and many others. 
 Symonds, J. A. The Renaissance in Italy. 1886. 
 Taegius, Franciscus. Physici et equitis Candida et vera narratio 
 
 dire ac cronicce PapicE absidionis. (Bibliotheque Mazarine, no. 
 
 17,512). 
 Turner, Sharon. Henry VIII. Vol. i. (third edition). 1828. 
 Valbelle, Honorat de. MS. Journal et Histoire memorable des 
 
 choses advenues en Provence a I'arrivee de M. Charles de 
 
 Montpensier en I'an 1524. (MS. de la Bibliotheque d'Aix.) 
 Varillas. Histoire de Louis XII. 
 
 List of such of the most valuable original letters of the Due 
 de Bourbon, alluded to in this work, as are now in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 15 16. Milan. He talks of " Susanne, ma femme " (partly burnt). 
 
 Signed : C. Bourbon. 
 January 18, 1523. Genoa. Charles de Bourbon writes to the 
 
 Comte de Ponthievre, signifying that he has entered into the 
 
 service of the Emperor. (Original French.) 
 May 12, 1523. Ann^cy. Writes to Cardinal Wolsey, with 
 
 credentials in favour of M. de Chateaufort. (French.) 
 September 1523. Instructions of the Due de Bourbon to M. du 
 
 Reux, sent to England. 
 St George. March 30, 1524. Due de Bourbon to Comte de 
 
 Ponthievre, with intelligence about his proceedings. 
 AiGUES. September 13, 1523. Due de Bourbon writes to Cardinal 
 
 Wolsey, thanking him for his good offices. 
 Montcallier. June 16, 1524. Bourbon, Lannoy and Adrien 
 
 de Croy write to Cardinal Wolsey desiring assistance. 
 June 16, 1524. Bourbon, Lannoy and de Croy write to 
 
 Henry VIII. about the needful preparations for invading 
 
 France. 
 
 (Richard Pace writes to Cardinal Wolsey about the Due de 
 
 Bourbon's objection to take the oath of allegiance to Henry 
 
 VIII. On the top is wTitten : nota hec mysteria. Mont- 
 callier. June 16). 
 
 Instruction to Richard Pace to demand a positive answer 
 
 from the Due de Bourbon.
 
 CHIEF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 345 
 
 Camp before Marseilles. September 19, 1524. The Due de 
 Bourbon writes to Cardinal Wolsey imploring the promised help. 
 
 Camp before Marseilles. Due de Bourbon writes to Henry VIII. 
 desiring him to advance with his army as the only hope. 
 
 Nice. October 5, 1524. To Henry VIII. on his return from Pro- 
 vence, showing that the siege of Marseilles had failed for want 
 of the promised help. 
 
 1524. Instructions from the Due de Bourbon about the war 
 
 in Italy. Milan has surrendered. (Spanish.) 
 
 Pa via. October 24, 1524. Charles de Bourbon and Adrien de Croy 
 write to negotiate with the English ambcissador about a sub- 
 sidy from Henry VIII. to invade France. 
 
 Trent. January 5, 1525. Due de Bourbon to Henry VIII. once 
 more urging the importance of invading France. 
 
 Genoa. January 18, 152$. Due de Bourbon informs Henry VIII. 
 that he has been appointed by the Emperor Lieutenant- 
 General in Lombardy. 
 
 Camp de la Mothe. Due de Bourbon writes to the Bishop of Bath 
 about a meeting with Henry VIII. 
 
 Milan. March 10, 1525. Due de Bourbon writes to Henry VIII. 
 concerning the victory of Pavia. 
 
 Milan. March 24, 1525. The Due de Bourbon writes to the 
 Cardinal dei Medici about the safety of the Pope's dominions. 
 
 Milan. July 6, 1525. The Due de Bourbon writes to Henry VIII. 
 to announce that the Emperor had sent for him.
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 Abbeville, 97 
 Abbiate-Grasso, 168, 171 
 Abraham, Jewish doctor, 292, 
 
 293- 
 Abruzzi, 307, 322 
 Acciauoli, Nuncio of Clement 
 
 VII., 298, 301 
 Acquadente, 320 
 Adda, River, 47, 76, 78, 206, 241, 
 
 291 
 Adorno, Hieronimo, Doge of 
 
 Genoa, 278 
 Adriatic Sea, 267 
 Adrian VI. Pope (Adrian of 
 
 Utrecht), 83, 152, 167 (his 
 
 death) 
 Adrian de Croy. See Beaurain, 
 
 Seigneur de 
 Agincourt, Battle of, 5 
 Agnadello, Battle of, 48, 100, 173 
 Agnani, 281 
 Agnes de Bourgogne, 5 
 Aigue-Perse, 1 1 , 26 
 Aix, in Provence, 190, 205, 208 
 Aix-les-Bains, 146 
 Alagnon, River, 143 
 Alargon, Capitaine d', 167, 207, 
 
 241, 250, 261, 262, 287 
 Alba, 205 
 
 Albany, Duke of, 164, 214 
 Alcantara, 256 
 
 Alcazar of Madrid, 250, 254, 261 
 Alegre, Gabriel de, Capitaine, 45, 
 
 176 
 Alen9on, Fran9ois Due d', 24, 
 
 27, 28, 29, 36, 49, 64, 70, 88, 
 
 98, 99, 147, 219, 23s, 242, 258 
 Alessandria, 179, 206, 254 
 Alexander VI. (Roderigo Borgia) 
 
 Pope, 15, 16, 18 
 Allier, River, no, 139 
 
 Alps, 16, 19, 53, 65, 78, 184, 186, 
 205, 213, 231, 242, 264, 278, 
 290, 297, 311 
 
 Alps, Maritime, 188, 201, 205 ; 
 Tyrolese, 290 ; Valtelline, 5 3 
 
 Alva, Duke of, 52 
 
 Alviano, Bartolommeo d'. Con- 
 dottier e, 47, 48 
 
 Amboise, 32, ^3, 81, 84, 87 
 
 — Bussy d', 70 
 
 — Georges d', Cardinal, 36, 38, 
 
 73 
 Ambro, River, 275, 318 
 Amiens, 97 
 Ancona, 267 
 Angouleme, Comte d' (husband 
 
 of Louise de Savoie), 84, 103 
 
 — Francois Due d'. See Fran- 
 9ois I., King of France 
 
 Anne de Bretagne, Queen of 
 France, 14, 27, 36, 50, 59, 60, 
 107 
 
 Anne de France. Dame de 
 Beaujeu, Duehesse de Bour- 
 bon, 6, 14, 17, 24, 27, 28, 29, 
 30, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 42, 43, 
 46, 52, 61, 62, 80, 81, 87, 91, 
 102, 103, 106, 108, no, 
 (death of, 121), 246, 314 
 
 Antibes, 189 
 
 Antoine, Due de Lorraine et Bar. 
 See Lorraine 
 
 Antwerp, 88 
 
 Aosta, 178 
 
 Apennines, 19, 315, 316, 319 
 
 Aquila, 307 
 
 Aragon, 84, 166, 254, 260 
 
 — Alfonso of. King of Naples, 
 15, 18, 19 
 
 — Catherine of. See Catherine 
 
 — Ferrante of, 15, 18, 19, 20 
 
 — Joanna of, 83 
 Ardeche, 40
 
 350 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Ardres, 93 
 Arezzo, 316 
 
 — Paolo d', ambassador to 
 Spain, 300 
 
 Argentiere, Col. d', 65, 66 
 Argouges, Seigneur d', 131, 132, 
 
 133 
 Armagnac, Seneschal d', 235, 
 
 242 
 Arnauld, Henri, 143, 144 
 Arno, River, 317, 318 
 Arras, 260 
 
 — Treaty of (i435), 252 
 Ars, Louis d', 45 
 Artois, 261 
 
 Asti, 17, 55, 80, 200, 206, 224 
 
 Atella, 21 
 
 Aubigny, Seigneur d', 24, 25, 64, 
 
 133, 242 
 Aurelian Way, 190 
 Aussonne, 57 
 Autun, Bishop of, 126, 130, 140, 
 
 141, 142, 155, 157 
 Auvergne, 5, 40, 55, no, 112, 
 
 126, 138, 143 
 Auxerre, 260 
 Avignon, 195 
 Aymard de Prie. See Prie 
 
 Bandello, novelist, 280 
 
 Barbara of Brandenburg, 9 
 
 Barcelona, 190, 250, 256, 270 
 
 Bar-sur-Seine, 260 
 
 Baudemarche, archer of Charles 
 de Bourbon, 138 
 
 Bavaria, 7, 290 
 
 Bayard, Le Chevalier sans Peur 
 et sans Reproche, 45, 50, 
 (wounded, 53), 65, 66, 69, 87, 
 100, 166, 169, 172, (death of, 
 173), 174, 175, 176, 177, 287 
 
 Bayeux, Bishop of, French am- 
 bassador at Venice, 273 
 
 Bayonne, 51, 144, I5S, 165, 
 263 
 
 Beatrice of Burgundy, 3 
 
 Beatrix of Portugal, 209 
 
 Beaujolais, 40, 125, 126 
 
 Beaume, De la, cardinal bishop 
 of Geneva, 147 
 
 Beaune, 57 
 
 Beaurain, Seigneur de, Adrian 
 de Croy, Minister of Charles 
 v., 119, 125, 126, 127, 128, 
 129, 130, 135, 166, 177, 179, 
 183, 189, 193, 245 
 
 Beauvoisis, Clermont en, 40, 44 
 
 Begue, Jean, 198 
 
 Belgiojoso, 232 
 
 Bellay, Guillaume du, ambas- 
 sador from Fran9ois I., 309 
 
 — Martin du, 72, 80, 99, loi, 
 118, 134, 141, 173, 218 
 
 Benisano, Castle of, in Spain, 
 
 250 
 Bergamo, 46, 284 
 Berry, 112 
 
 — Marie de, married Jean I. de 
 Bourbon, 5, 112 
 
 Besan^on, 147 
 
 Bicocca, near Milan, 117, 159 
 
 Bidassoa, river between France 
 
 and Spain, 262 
 Binasco, 154 
 Blois, 32, 50, 51, 81, 171 
 Boisy, Arthus, Sire de, 85 
 Boleyn, Anne, 93 
 
 — Sir Thomas, 119, 121 
 Bologna, 51, 53, 74, 297, 305, 315 
 Bonacossi, Passerine dei, 7 
 Boniface VIII., Pope, 252 
 Bonnivet, Guillaume GouflSer, 
 
 Admiral de, 89, 97, 98, 131, 
 146, 155, 166, 167, 168, 169, 
 170, 172, 171, 178, 208, 218, 
 233, 242 (death of at Pavia) 
 
 Bordeaux, 51 
 
 Bouchain, 100, loi 
 
 Boulogne, 156 
 
 Bourbon, History of the House 
 of, 3, etc. 
 
 — Charles I., Due de, 5, 86 
 
 — Jacques de, 4 
 
 — Jean I., Due de, 5, 112 
 
 — Jean II., Due de, 6 
 
 — Louis I., Due de, 6 
 
 — Louis II., Due de, 4, 5, 6 
 
 — Louis de Bourbon-Vend6me, 
 
 30, 34, 35, 327 
 
 — Pierre I., Due de, 4 
 
 — Pierre II., Due de, married 
 Anne de France, 6, 24, 28, 34, 
 108, 113
 
 INDEX 
 
 351 
 
 Bourbon, Robert de, 3 
 
 — Suzanne de, heiress of Pierre 
 II., married Charles de Mont- 
 pensier, 24, 28, 29, 30, 35, 36, 
 17, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 61, 80, 
 81, 86,91, (loi, death of), 102, 
 103, 105, 106, 113, 314 
 
 Bourbonnais, Le, 40, 138 
 
 Bourg-en-Bresse, 125, 138 
 
 Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suf- 
 folk, 61 
 
 Brantome, historian, 122, 123, 
 150, 30s 
 
 Bray-sur-Somme, 156, 164 
 
 Brescia, 53, 173, 291 
 
 Bresse, 46, 129, 155 
 
 Bretagne, 6, 13, 51 
 
 Breze, Louis de, High Seneschal 
 of Normandy, husband of 
 Diane de Poitiers, 126, 133, 
 
 159 
 Brian9on, 178, 205 
 Brianza, 281 
 Brignolles, 190 
 Brindisi, 46 
 
 Brion, Chabot de, 191, 260, 261 
 Brognina, lady-in-waiting to 
 
 Isabella d'Este, 74 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 264 
 Buren, Count of, 155, 164 
 Burgundy, 56, 57, 84, 124, 146, 
 
 158, 245, 246, 250, 251, 255, 
 
 260 
 — Charles, Duke of, 6, 245, 252 
 
 Cabre, Col. de, 65 
 
 Caderousse, 195 
 
 Calabria, Duke of. Son of 
 Charles V., 257 
 
 Calais, 55, 92, 155, 164 
 
 Calatrava, Grand Master of, 83 
 
 Cambray, League of, 46, 83 
 
 Cannes, 189 
 
 Capua, 25 
 
 Carlat, 108, no, 130, 141, 144 
 
 Carpi, Jacomo de, famous sur- 
 geon, 227 
 
 Carthagena, 289 
 
 Casal-Maggiore, 297 
 
 Casale Gregorio, English am- 
 bassador at Rome, 321 
 Casalecchio, 5 1 
 Castellamare, 307 
 Castiglione, Aloysia, 10 
 
 — Baldassare, 10, 51, 53, 213, 
 214, 264, 283 
 
 — Cristoforo, 10 
 Castile, 82 
 
 Catalina of Bourgogne, sister of 
 Charles V., 128 
 
 Catalonia, 260 
 
 Catherine of Aragon, wife of 
 Henry VIII., 92 
 
 Celano, 307 
 
 Cenis, Mont, 10, 55, 65 
 
 Cepede, Pierre, 198 
 
 Ceprano, 300 
 
 Ceri, Renzo da, 191, 194, 195, 
 215, 307, 321, 322, 328, 329 
 
 Cervi, 47 
 
 Chabannes, Antoine de. Bishop 
 of Puy, 126, 131, 137, 140, 157 
 
 Chalons, 57 
 
 Chamand, Sire de, 130 
 
 Chambery, 46, 146 
 
 Champagne, 57, 98, 124, 163, 298 
 
 Champier, Symphorien (chroni- 
 cler of Bayard), 174 
 
 Chantelle, Bourbon Castle of, 
 46, no, 130, 133, 139, 140. 
 
 141, 145, 147, 149, 153, 154, 
 155, 202, 210 
 Charles V., King of Spain, 
 Emperor, 82, 84, 85, 86, (90, 
 made King of the Romans) , 9'^, 
 98, 100, loi, 119, 121, 127, 128, 
 164, 171, 182, 183, 186, 190, 
 200, 201, 211, 230, 234, 243, 
 244, 24s, 250, 253, 254, 25s, 
 257, 259, 261, 266, 279, 283, 
 285, 289, 290, 296, 297, 300, 
 3", 317, 319, 322, 327, 331 
 Charles VII., King of France, 99 
 Charles VIII., King of France, 
 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 24, 
 39, 108 
 Chateaubriand, 119 
 Chatellerault, Bourbon Castle of, 
 
 39, 91, 97, no 
 Chatillon, Marechal de, 100 
 Chaumont, Sieur de, 47, 48, 50 
 Chauvigny, Sieur de, married
 
 352 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Louise de Montpensier, 20, 
 
 26, 27, 30 
 Chiavasso, 187 
 Chiavenna, 53, 171, 227 
 Chievres, Sire de, Minister of 
 
 Charles V., 85 
 Civita, Sant Angelo, Marquess 
 
 of, 235, 237 
 Civita-Vecchia, 300 
 Claude de France, wife of 
 
 Francois I., 44, 62, 80, 87, 
 
 91, 93, 107, 120, (251, death 
 
 of) 
 Clayette, La, 130 
 Clement VII. Pope (Giulio dei 
 
 Medici), 153, 154, 183, 207, 
 
 212, 221, 231, 233, 253, 261, 
 
 268, 273, 283, 285, 297, 300, 
 
 301, 308, 316, 318, 321, 322, 
 
 323, 328, 329, 330 
 Clermont-en-Beauvais, no, 112, 
 
 156 
 Clermont, Fran9ois, Comte de, 
 
 infant son of Charles de 
 
 Bourbon, 86, 87, 91 
 Clery, 132 
 
 Cognac, League of, 268 
 Colonna, House of, 269, 282, 283, 
 
 300, 319 
 
 — Prospero, 65, 66, 155, 167, 
 168, 169, (170, death of) 
 
 — Sciara, 321 
 
 — Vittoria, 253 
 Columbus, Christopher, 84 
 Commines, Phillippe de, his- 
 torian, 17, 19, 217 
 
 Como, 72, 206, 207, 227, 276 
 
 Compiegne, 156 
 
 Conde, Sieur de, 31 
 
 Confians, Treaty of (1465), 245, 
 
 252 
 Contarini, Gaspero de, Venetian 
 
 ambassador, 285 
 Cordova, Gonsalvo di, the Great 
 
 Captain of Spain, 20 
 
 — Ramon de, 53 
 
 Cosimo dei Medici, first Grand 
 Duke of Florence. See Medici 
 Cotignac, 190 
 Cotignola, 315 
 Coudat-en-Ferrieres, 143 
 Crecy, Battle of, 4 
 Creil, 3 
 
 Cremona, 46, 7^, 75, 154, 
 169, 213, 241, 279, 281, 288, 
 289 
 
 Creuse, Valley of La, 142 
 
 D 
 
 Dalmatia, 46 
 
 Dance, near Vienne, 145 
 
 Dauphine, 45, 57, 80, 145, 159, 
 
 162, 252 
 Demonte, 66 
 
 Diane de Poitiers, 44, 126, 161 
 Diesbach, Jean de, 172, 239 
 Dijon, 55, 56, 57, 131 
 Dombes, Les, 40, 125, 129 
 Dore, Mont., 143 
 Doria, Andrea, Doge of Genoa, 
 
 188, 287 
 Doulens, 156 
 Dover, 92 
 Draguignan, 190 
 Dreux du Radier, 112, 123 
 Droniez, 65 
 
 Dunois, Sieur de, 47, 51, 52 
 Durance, River, 205 
 
 E 
 
 Eleonore de Bourgogne, sister 
 of Charles V., married Fran- 
 9ois I., 108, 128, 251, 252, 255, 
 256, 257, 258, 260, 262 
 
 Emo, Providitore of Venice, 
 
 307 
 
 England, 18, 74, 85, 92, 195, 303 
 
 Enza, River, 294 
 
 Escars, Sieur d', 132, 157, 195 
 
 Escaut, River, 100 
 
 Espinac, Pierre, Antoine, Judges 
 in the trial of Charles de Bour- 
 bon, 202 
 
 Este, Beatrice d", 17 
 
 Este, Isabella, Marchesa di 
 Mantua, Aunt of Charles de 
 Bourbon, 11, 18, 27, 45, j^, 74, 
 152, 153, 291, 297 
 
 Esterel, Mountains, 190 
 
 Etampes, Duchesse de (M="= de 
 Pisseleu), 251 
 
 Europe, 19, 248
 
 INDEX 
 
 353 
 
 Faenza, 46 
 
 Fano, 267, 288 
 
 Fayette, Chateau of La, 142 
 
 Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, 
 
 55, 129, 210, 231, 264, 269, 
 
 284, 287 
 
 — of Aragon, King of Spain, 21, 
 82, 83, 84 
 
 Ferramosca, Cesare, Ambassador 
 of Charles V., 300, 308, 309, 
 311, 312, 316 
 
 Ferrara, 311, 313 
 
 — Alfonso, Duke of, 51, 53, 212, 
 269, 287, 292, 297, 305, 309, 
 311, 312, 315 
 
 Fialin, Jean, Judge of French 
 
 Parliament, 202 
 Field of Cloth of Gold, 92-97 
 Fiorenzuola d'Adda, 294 
 Flanders, loi, 195, 246, 260, 290, 
 
 303 
 Fleurange, Seigneur de (Jeune 
 
 Aventurier), 31, 32, ^^, 60, 67, 
 
 84, 87, 94, 239, 242 
 Florence, 18, 183, 195, 207, 230, 
 
 264, 297, 311, 316, 317, 319 
 Foix, Gaston de, 53 ; death of, 
 
 at Ravenna 
 
 — Germaine de, married Ferdi- 
 nand of Spain, 21, 25, 36, 
 250 
 
 — Marechal de. See Lautrec 
 Fontainebleau, 44, 132 
 Fonterabia, 171 
 
 Forez, Haut, 40, no, 112, 125, 
 
 126, 129 
 Forli, 315 
 France, 10, 14, 25, 40, 55, 64, 74, 
 
 163, 165, 187, 213, 243, 302, 
 
 331 
 
 Franche-Comte, 128 
 
 Fran9ois I., King of France, 5, 
 32, 33, 44, 59, 60, 62, (66-74, 
 Battle of Marignano, 15 15), 
 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 
 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, (92-97, Field 
 of Cloth of Gold), 98, 99, 100, 
 loi, 103, 104, 105, 109, 112, 
 119, 120, 124, 128, 131, 132, 
 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, (he 
 drives Charles to rebellion). 
 
 140, 141, 144, 147, 15s, 156, 
 157, 158, (Trial of St Vallier), 
 162, 166, 170, (178-182, Char- 
 acter of Francois), 186, 191, 
 196, 197, (205-215, Invasion 
 of Italy), (216-244, Defeat 
 of Pavia, taken prisoner), 
 (248-263, Imprisonment in 
 Spain), 264, 265, 266, 278, 
 286, 295, 298, 302, 309, 318, 
 
 323 
 
 Frankfort, 90 
 
 Fregosa, Ottaviano, Doge of 
 Genoa, 53, 64 
 
 Frejus, 190 
 
 Frosinone, 300, 302, 307 
 
 Frundsberg, Georg, Prince of 
 Mindelheim, Condottiere, 187, 
 209, 210, 230, 232, 287, 289, 
 290, 291, 292, 294, 296, 297, 
 299, 310, 311, 313 
 
 Furstenberg, Count of, 155 
 
 Gaeta, 289, 307 
 
 Gallipoli, 46 
 
 Garda, Lago di, 49, 291 
 
 Gascoigne, 5 
 
 Gattinara, town in Italy, 172 
 
 Gattinara, Minister of Charles 
 
 v., 244, 252, 258, 260 
 Gayete, 138, 139 
 Gelais, Jean de Saint, 103 
 Genevre, Mont (Mons Janus), 
 
 65, 205 
 Genoa, 16, 45, 64, 129, 154, 186, 
 
 190, 195, 202, 248, 270, 278, 
 
 282 
 Germain-en-Laye, Saint, 59 
 Germany, 86, 89, 90, 128, 151, 
 
 230, 264 
 Ghiarra-d'Adda, 46, 53 
 Giber ti, Giovan Matteo, Papal 
 
 Datary, 212, 278, 299 
 Gie, Marechal de, 103 
 Giens, 39, 40, no, 132 
 Giovanni delle Bande Nere. See 
 
 Medici 
 Giovio, Paolo, Historian, 328 
 Godefroi, Historian, 17 
 Gonzaga, House of, 6-10
 
 354 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Gonzaga, Chiara, married Gilbert 
 de Montpensier, mother of 
 Charles de Bourbon, 3, 6, 9, 
 10, II, 12, 18, 19,20, 22, 26, 
 (27, death of in 1501), 45, 
 152, 314 
 
 — Elisabetta,Duchess of Urbino, 
 10, II, 12, 18, 20, 27, 152 
 
 — Ercole, Cardinal, 322 
 
 — Federico I., Marchese of 
 Mantua, 3, 9 
 
 — Federico II., Marchese of 
 Mantua, 152, 153, 154, 169, 
 291 
 
 — Fernando, 297, 313, 322 
 
 — Francesco, Marchese of 
 Mantua, 3, 10, 11, 12, 18, 
 19, 20, 99 
 
 — Gianfrancesco I., 7 
 
 — Gianfrancesco II., 8 
 
 — Lodovico, Marchese of 
 Mantua, 7, 9, 10 
 
 — Maddelena, married Giovanni 
 Sforza of Pesaro, 10, 11, 12, 
 t8 
 
 — Sigismondo, Cardinal, 10 
 Gonzalvo di Cordova, Great 
 
 Captain of Spain, 20 
 Gournay, 3 
 Granson, Battle of, 6 
 Grasse, 189 
 
 — Bishop of, Augustin Grimaldi, 
 189 
 
 Gravelines, 96 
 
 Grenoble, 64, 146, 209 
 
 Grimaldi, Honore, 188 
 
 Grisons, Les, 171, 228 
 
 Gritti, Andrea, Doge of Venice, 
 
 75 
 
 Guelders, Duke of, 303 
 
 Guicciardini, Francesco, His- 
 torian, 268, 288, 289, 309 
 
 Guienne, 51, 98, 155 
 
 Guinegaste (Battle of, 15 13), 
 
 55 
 Guines, Castle of, 92, 93 
 Guise, Claude, Due de, 71, 163 
 
 H 
 
 Hannibal, crossing the Alps, 290 
 Hedin, loi 
 
 HeHly, Mdlle, mistress of 
 
 Frangois I., 263 
 Henri II., King of France, 303 
 Henry VII., King of England 
 Henry VIII., King of England, 
 
 14, 55, 60, 83, 90, 92, 95, 96, 
 
 105, 127, 129, 133, 138, 139, 
 
 155, 164, 184, 185, 190, 195, 
 
 210, 211, 231, 244, 252, 253, 
 
 297, 303, 318 
 Herment, Castle of, 142, 144, 147 
 Hohenzollern, Count of, 187, 219 
 Hospital (de 1', Jean), surgeon 
 
 to Bourbon, 142 
 Hungary, 182, 283 
 Hungary, Anne of, sister of 
 
 King Louis, wife of Archduke 
 
 Ferdinand, 284 
 Hungary, Louis, King of, 46, 
 
 182, 258, 283, 284 
 — Marie of, sister of Charles V., 
 
 wife of Louis II. of Hungary, 
 
 182, 259, 284 
 Hyeres, 190 
 
 lUescas, 262 
 
 Imdercourt, d', Sieur, 65, 70 
 
 Imola, 315 
 
 Indies, The, 165, 245 
 
 Innocent VIII. , Pope, 14, 15 
 
 Innsbruck, 72 
 
 Isabel of Portugal, wife of 
 
 Charles V., 263 
 — of Castile, Queen of Spain, 
 
 84 
 Isabelle de Bourgogne, sister of 
 
 Charles V., Emperor, married 
 
 Christian of Denmark, 128 
 Italy, 13, 16, 18, 45, 51, 53, 55, 
 
 63, 102, 128, 156, 210, 245, 
 
 253, 288 
 Ivrea, 171, 172 
 
 Jean II., King of France, 4 
 Jeanne de France, daughter of 
 
 Louis XL, wife of Louis XII., 
 
 42, 60
 
 INDEX 
 
 355 
 
 Julius II., Pope, 45, 46, 50, 51., 
 (death of, 54), Ji 
 
 La Garde, 144 
 
 La Tour, 143 
 
 Ladro, Lago di, 291 
 
 Lambro, River, 232 
 
 Languedoc, 5, 62, 132, 138, 186, 
 252 
 
 Lannoy, Charles de. Viceroy of 
 Naples for Charles V., 154, 170 
 201, 206, 207, 211, 213, 219, 
 225, 232, 235, 237, 240, 243, 
 248, 249, 250, 253, 256, 257, 
 287, 289, 315, 316, 317, 319 
 
 Lautrec, Odet de Foix, Marechal 
 de, 27, 65, 67, 72, 79, 98, 116, 
 117, 132, 144, 165, 179, 227, 
 262 
 
 Laval, Chronicler, 102, 116 
 
 Leo X. (Giovanni dei Medici), 
 Pope, 74,83,89, 152 
 
 Lescun, Thomas de, 71, 131,237 
 
 Leyva, Antonio di, Imperial 
 General, 167, 169, 206, 218, 
 
 219, 220, 225, 228, 231, 27^1, 
 
 239, 241, 268, 270, 271, 281, 
 
 295 
 Liege, Bishop of, 99 
 Lisieux, Bishop of, 87, 133 
 Lizet, Pierre, Advocate-General, 
 
 112 
 Locarno, 53 
 Loches, Prison of, France, 157, 
 
 159, 162 
 Lodi, 168, 169, 179, 206, 207, 
 
 21 1, 231, 232, 270, 277 
 Lodron, Count of, 187, 210 
 Loire, River, 41 
 Lombardy, 78, 85, 98, 155, 166, 
 
 168, 170, 215, 232, 264, 287, 
 
 299 
 Longueville, Due de, 171 
 London, 5 
 
 Lordon, Count of, 219 
 Lorraine, 164 
 
 — Rene de Vaudemont, Duke 
 of, 31 
 
 — Antoine, Duke of, 62, 74 
 
 — Fran9ois, Duke of, 234, 238 
 
 Louis XL, King of Hungary and 
 
 Bohemia. See Hungary 
 Louis IX. (St Louis, King of 
 
 France), 3, no, in 
 Louis XL, King of France, 6, 9, 
 
 10, 29, 36, 38, 108, 115, 252 
 Louis XII., King of France, 13, 
 
 16, 24, 25, 26, 29, 32, 36, 38, 
 
 42, 45. 47, 50, 51, S3, 55, S6, 
 
 60, (61, death of in 15 15), 103, 
 106, 115, 152 
 
 Louise de Savoie, Duchesse 
 d'Angouleme, 5, 32, 59, 60, 
 
 61, 62, 80, 83, 91, 93, 102; 
 her history, 103, 104, 105, 109, 
 114, 115, 116, 126, 132, 133, 
 140, 178, 202, 209, 244, 247, 
 248, 249, 253, 259, 260 
 
 Louvre, 331 
 
 Lucca, 183 
 
 Lugo, 315 
 
 Lurcy, Seigneur de, 131, 132, 133 
 
 147, 154 
 
 Luther, 209 
 
 Lutherans, 323 
 
 Luxemberg, Duke of, 160 
 
 Lyonnais, Le, 57 
 
 Lyons, 10, 15, 16, 40, 46, 47, 
 128, 131, 135, 136, 137, 138, 
 142, 144, 146, 157, 166 
 
 M 
 
 Macchiavelli, Niccolo, 208, 268, 
 
 280, 281 
 Macon, 28, 260 
 Madeleine de laTour d'Auvergne, 
 
 wife of Lorenzo dei Medici, 
 
 302 
 Madrid, 119, 243, 250, 255 
 
 — Treaty of, 261, 262, 264, 295, 
 300 
 
 Alaggiore, Lago di, 217 
 Malatesta, Paola, 8 
 Malines, 83 
 
 Mantua, 7, 8, 11, 13, 18, 19, 20, 
 152, 291, 293 
 
 — Marchese da. See Gonzaga 
 Manzanares, River, 250 
 Marche, La, 4, 39, 40, 108 
 Maremma, 320 
 
 Margaret of Bavaria, 10
 
 3S6 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Margaret of Provence, 3 
 Marguerite of Austria, Regent 
 
 of the Netherlands, 14, 30, 72, 
 
 83, 164, 21 1 
 Marguerite of Valois, Duchesse 
 
 d'Alen9on, 64, 93, 99, 104, 140, 
 
 242, 250, 254, 255, 258 
 Marie of Austria, Queen of 
 
 Hungary, 182, 258, 284 
 Marie of Burgundy, daughter of 
 
 Charles the Bold, 245 
 Marie of Hainault, 4 
 Marignano (Battle of, 15 15), 66, 
 
 67, 70, 98, 100, 173, 232, 268, 
 270, 275 
 
 Marillac, Guillaume de. His- 
 torian, 22, 24, 26, 29, 31, T,-j, 
 
 45, 70, 76, 79, 95, 97 
 Marseilles, 179, 185, 190, 191, 
 
 192, 193. 196, 197, 322 
 Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 
 
 83. 95, 303 
 
 Mary, daughter of Henry VII., 
 married Louis XII., and later, 
 Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 60 
 
 Matignon, Sieur de, 131, 132, 
 
 133 
 Maximilian I., Emperor, 14, 15, 
 18, 46, 55, 72, 74, 75, 76, 83, 
 
 84, 86, 89 ; death of, 165 
 Medici, House of, 7 
 
 — Catherine dei, marries Henri 
 II. of France, 302, 303 
 
 — Clement VII., Pope. See 
 
 — Cosimo dei, Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany, 222, 293 
 
 — Giovanni delle Bande Nere, 
 53, 167, 171, 221, 222, 223, 225, 
 226, 227, 238, 267, 268, 273, 
 279, 280, 282, 288, 289, 291, 
 292, 293 
 
 — Ippolyto, Cardinal, 317 
 
 — Lorenzo dei (Duke of Urbino), 
 89, 302 
 
 — Piero dei, 18 
 Mediterranean Sea, 190 
 Merimee, historian, 122 
 Meuse, River, 163 
 
 Milan, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 
 45, 47, SO, ';>Z, 55, 56, 66, 67, 
 
 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 85, 
 102, 117, 152, 154, 166, 167, 
 168, 169, 179, 205, 207, 213, 
 
 230, 232, 242, 248, 252, 257, 
 
 268, 273, 276, 287, 291 
 Mirabella, park at Pavia, 217, 
 
 219, 223, 233 
 Mirandel, Commissioner, 191 
 Mirandola, 50, 51 
 Modena, 7, 268 
 Mohacs, Battle of, 259, 283 
 Monaco, 185, 188, 189 
 Moncada, Ugo de, 193, 261, 269, 
 
 281, 282, 283, 319 
 Moncalieri, Camp at, 184 
 Montaigne, 118 
 Montbrison, 124, 127, 129, 131, 
 
 159 
 Montdidier, 156, 164 
 Montevarchi, 316 
 Montholon, pleader in Bourbon's 
 
 law-suit, 112, 114, 115 
 Montialous, Castle of, 5 1 
 Montiiiascone, 321 
 Montlu9on, 91 
 Montmorency, Marechal de, 203, 
 
 218, 234, 242 
 Montpensier, Anne de, 21, 27, 36 
 
 — Fran9ois de, killed at Marig- 
 nano, 21, 27, 70, 71 
 
 — Gilbert de, father of Charles 
 de Bourbon, 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 
 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 25, 
 26, 314 
 
 — Louis de, 16, 21, 22, 24, 25, 
 26, 28, 314 
 
 — Louise de, marries Louis de 
 Bourbon-Vend6me, 20, 27, 52 
 
 — Renee de, 21, 27, 62 
 Monza, 1 17, 168, 275 
 Morat, Battle of, 6 
 
 Morone, Girolamo de, 207, 253, 
 
 254, 295 
 Mosso, 228 
 Mothe, La, des Noyers, judge, 
 
 202 
 Moulins, 27, 30, 35, 39, 41, 42, 
 
 44, 51, 52, 61, 80, 81, 86, 87, 
 
 no, 124, 131, 133, 134, 136 
 Murat, 108, no 
 
 N 
 
 Nancy, 245 
 Nanty, 146
 
 INDEX 
 
 357 
 
 Naples, 6, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 25, 
 84, 85, 20s, 214, 230, 249, 253, 
 289, 299, 300, 302, 308 
 
 Nassau, Guillaume, Count of, 
 100 
 
 Naturelli, Philibert de, 119 
 
 Navarre, 52, 84, 303 
 
 — King of, 242 
 
 Navarro, Sieur de, 73 
 
 Nemours, Due de, 242 
 
 Netherlands, 84, 85, 128, 165 
 
 Neufchatel, 163 
 
 Nice, 74 
 
 Normandy, 131, 132, 134 
 
 Novara, 54, 55, 66, 68, 171 
 
 Noyon, Peace of (1516), 85 
 
 Nuremberg, 209 
 
 O 
 
 Orange, Philibert, Prince of, 
 99, 188, 246, 295, 296, 297, 
 328, 329 
 
 Orie, Seigneur Andre d', 99 
 
 Orleans, 35 
 
 Orsini, House of, 191, 215 
 
 Orviedo, historian, 266 
 
 Osnayo, Juan de, 203 
 
 Ostia, 293 
 
 Otranto, 46 
 
 Pacauldiere, La, 142 
 
 Pace, Sir Richard, English 
 
 Ambassador, 184, 185, 201 
 Padua, 46 
 Paglia, River, 320 
 Palice, La, Marechal de, 1 38 
 Palisse, Chabannes Due de la, 
 
 45, S3, 64, 65, 100, 219, 23s, 
 
 239 
 Pamplona, 52 
 Paris, 35, 61, 62, 112, 124, 132, 
 
 ISS, 156, 171, 185, 197 
 Paris, Paulin, historian, 80 
 Parma, 53, 300 
 Pavia (Campaign of, 1525), 15, 
 
 71, 154, 168, 169, 206, 213, 
 
 (216-229, Siege of Pavia), 232, 
 
 238, 241, 244, 24s, 295 
 
 Peloux, servant of Charles de 
 
 Bourbon, 129, 142, 147, 202 
 Penalosa, messenger to Spain, 
 
 243 
 Perez, Juan, confidential secre- 
 tary of Charles V. in Rome, 
 
 319 
 Peronne (Treaty of, 1466), 245, 
 
 252 
 Perpignan, 200 
 Pesaro, 10 
 Pescara, Ferdinand d'Avalos, 
 
 Marchese de, 65, 167, 170, 172, 
 
 176, 187, 190, 199, 203, 206, 
 
 207, 231, 232, 233, 236, 238, 
 
 241, 243, 253, 254, (264, 
 
 Death of) 
 Philip II., Archduke, later, 
 
 King of Spain, 26 
 Piacenza, 53, 154, 227, 267, 283, 
 
 294, 297, 300 
 Picardy, 56, 98, 138, 151, 157, 
 
 185, 186, 211 
 Piedmont, 65, 172, 224 
 Pierre-le-Moustier, 132 
 Piperno, near Rome, 308 
 Pisa, 195 
 
 Pitigliano, Condottiere, 47 
 Pius II., Pope (iEneas Silvius 
 
 Piccolimini), 9 
 Pizzighettone, 76, 206, 241, 248, 
 
 249 
 Po, River, 65, 206, 216, 227, 289, 
 
 294 
 Poitiers, Battle of, 2 
 — Diane de. See Diane 
 Poitou, 6, 13 
 Pomcgue, Island of, 192 
 Pomperant, Monsieur de, 143, 
 
 144, 145, 146, 202 
 Pontecorvo, 300 
 Ponthieu, 4 
 Porto-Fino, 249 
 Poyet, Guillaume, chancellor of 
 
 France, 1 1 2 
 Pozzuoli, 20, 25, 307 
 Praet, Louis de, 147 
 Prat, Du, chancellor, 106, 109, 
 
 1 12, 124, 158 
 Prie, Aymard de, 65, 117, 131, 
 
 137, 157, 195 
 Provence, 50, 155, 185, 186, 189, 
 210
 
 358 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Puy, Bishop du. See Chabannes 
 Puy-en-Velay, 54, 125 
 Pyrenees, 85, 155, 164, 165, 171 
 
 R 
 
 Rangone, Guido, of Bologna, 
 
 268 
 Ravenna, 47, 53 
 Rene, of Provence, 246 
 Renee, Princess of France, 
 
 Duchess of Ferrara, 55, 107 
 Reux, de, 154 
 Rheims, Fran9ois I. crowned 
 
 at., 62, 6^ 
 Rhune, River, 145, 146, 175, 252 
 Riviera, 204 
 Robertet, Treasure of Fran9ois 
 
 I., 54 
 Romagna, S3, 3i5 
 Roman Legions, 190 
 Rome, 18, 154, 208, 290, 299, 
 
 300, 309, 311, 316, 319, 322, 
 
 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 
 
 330, 331 
 Ronciglione, 321 
 Rouen, 86 
 
 Roussillon, 145, 200, 260 
 Rovere, Cardinal de la, 16 
 Roye, 156, 164 
 Ruines, 143 
 Russell, Sir John, English 
 
 Ambassador, 138, 243 
 
 Sabbia, Val de, 291 
 
 St Bonnet, secretary of Bour- 
 bon, 129 
 
 Ste Claude, 146 
 
 St Donnat, 143 
 
 St Flour, 143, 144 
 
 St Foix, Marechal de, 240 
 
 St Germain, 301 
 
 San Giovanni, town near 
 Bologna, 299, 305, 311, 317, 
 318 
 
 St Jean-de-Luz, 165, 263 
 
 St Jean-Pied-du-Port, 51, 52 
 
 St Laurent, 189 
 
 St Pierre, 133 
 
 St Pol, Count of. Constable of 
 
 Lord of, France, 122, 146, 150, 
 
 172, 178, 240 
 St Saphorin, Seigneur de, 130, 
 
 138, 149 
 San Secondo, 222 
 San Severino, Galeazzo di, 15, 
 
 16, 219, 241 
 Saint Vallier, Jean de Poitiers, 
 
 Lord of, 126, 129, 130, 137, 
 
 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162 
 Salat, Master of Requests, 157 
 Saluces, Marquis de, 278, 291, 
 
 297, 31S. 318 
 Salviati, Maria, wife of Giovanni 
 
 delle Bande Nere, 221, 293 
 Sancerre, Comte de, 71 
 Savoie, Louise de. See Louise 
 Savoy, 45 
 
 — Bastard of. Grand Master of 
 France, 138, 141, 218 
 
 — Charles III., Duke of, 131, 
 208 
 
 Schinner, Mathias, cardinal of 
 Sion, 67 
 
 Scotland, 164 
 
 Secchia, River, 294 
 
 Sedan, Robert de la Marche, 
 Lord of, 31 
 
 Selves, de, President of Parlia- 
 ment of Paris, 157 
 
 Semblancay, Seigneur de, 117, 
 118 
 
 Senlis, 156 
 
 Sesia, River, 171, 172 
 
 Sessa, Duke of, ambjissador of 
 Charles V., 268, 300 
 
 Seville, 262, 263 
 
 Sforza, Bianca Maria, married 
 Emperor Maximilian, 15 
 
 — Caterina, Countess of Forli, 
 221 
 
 — Francesco, Duke of Milan, 
 16S, 207, 222, 253, 254, 269, 
 300 275, 
 
 — Giovanni, of Pesaro, 10, 12 
 
 — Lodovico, Duke of Milan, 14, 
 
 15, 17 
 
 — Maximilian, Duke of Milan, 
 
 S3, 73 
 Sicily, 18, 84 
 Siena, 18, 45, 183, 317, 318, 
 
 319
 
 INDEX 
 
 359 
 
 Sigismund, Emperor, 8, 9 
 Sismondi, Historian, 195, 243, 
 
 258 
 Sisteron, 205 
 Sith, Marc, German Condot- 
 
 tiere, 231 
 Solyman II., Sultan of Turkey, 
 
 258, 283 
 Sorrento, 307 
 Souvigny, Benedictine Abbey of, 
 
 28, 102, 121 
 Spain, 18, 36, 74, 85, 129, 141, 
 
 154, 155, 24s, 248, 250, 252, 
 
 253, 303 
 Spires, Diet of (1526), 264 
 Strasburg, Prince, Bishop of, 
 
 264 
 Strozzi Filippo, 282 
 Suffolk, Duke of (Richard de la 
 
 Poole), 164, 185, 234, 238 
 Surie, Jean de, first usher of 
 
 French Court, 331 
 Susa, 88, 146, 178, 203 
 Swabia, 290 
 Swiss, 53, 55, 57, 64, 66, 85, 195, 
 
 235 
 
 Taegius, Francesco, 229 
 Taggiacozza, 307 
 Tanaro, River, 206 
 Tansannes, friend of Bourbon, 
 
 278 
 Taro, River, 19, 294 
 Tenda, Gol de, 188, 201 
 Therouanne, 55, 156 
 Tiber, River, 329 
 Ticino, River, 167, 169, 170, 206, 
 
 217, 220, 223, 242 
 Toledo, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, 
 
 260, 261, 262 
 Torrejon, 262 
 Toulon, 179, 190, 202 
 Toulouse, 252 
 Toumay, 55, 260 
 Tours, 44 
 Trebbia (the ancient Trevia, 
 
 memorable for the victory of 
 
 Hannibal (a.m. 218), 296 
 Tremouille, La, French general, 
 
 4S> S4> 56, 64 ; defeated at 
 
 Novara, 70, 100, 156, 207, 213, 
 
 240 
 Trent, 152, 211 
 Triboulet, jester of Francois I., 
 
 84 
 Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, 47, 51, 
 
 54, 64, 65 ; defeated at 
 
 is'ovara, 70, 242, 302 
 Turin, 10, 66, 184, 203 
 Turks, 182, 246, 263 
 Tyrol, Alps of, 290 
 
 U 
 
 Umbria, 319 
 Urbino, 218 
 
 — Elisabetta Gonzaga, Duchess 
 of, 10, 12 
 
 — Francesco Maria, Duke of, 
 1 70 ; captain - general of 
 Venice, 270, 271, 272, 275, 277, 
 (campaign of, 1527), 279, 288, 
 289, 291, 292, 294, 297, 306, 
 
 307, 317, 330 
 
 — Guidobaldo, Duke of, 12 
 
 V 
 
 Valbelle, Honorat de, 191 
 
 Valencia, 250 
 
 Valenciennes, 26, 99, 100 
 
 Valladolid, 127 
 
 Vandenesse, Seigneur de, 172 
 
 Var, River, between Provence 
 and the Alpes Maritimes, 189, 
 203 
 
 Varennes, 136, 139 
 
 Varillas, 179 
 
 Vasto, Marquess del, nephew of 
 Pescara, 187, 234, 235, 268, 
 270, 281, 295, 297, (he for- 
 sakes Bourbon and the army, 
 313), 315 
 
 Vatican, at Rome, Ji, 324, 328, 
 
 330 
 Vaudemont, Comte de, 307 
 Vauguyon, Seigneur de, 1 19 
 Vauquelles (little village near 
 
 Lyons), 145 
 Vence, 189
 
 36o 
 
 CHARLES DE BOURBON 
 
 Vendome, Antoine Due de, 27, 
 88, 98, 157 
 
 — Cardinal de, 94 
 
 Venice, 8, 13, 14, 18, 46, 47, 53, 
 85, 183, 207, 213, 230, 264, 
 267, 294, 302, 307, 308 
 
 Vercelli, 205, 207, 254 
 
 Verona, 46 
 
 Vicenza, 46 
 
 Vickengen von, Condottiere, 209 
 
 Vienna, 177 
 
 Vienne, in Dauphiny, town, 80, 
 
 145 
 Vienne, River, 145 
 Vigevano, 15, 167, 168 
 Vniefranche, 66 
 Visconti, Valentine, 13 
 
 Vitelli, Vitello, 268, 302 
 Viterbo, 321, 322 
 Vittorino da Feltre, 8 
 Vitry, 243 
 
 W 
 
 Warthy, Perault de, 135, 136, 
 
 137, 138, 139, 140 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, 83, 92, 93, 119 
 
 151, 186, 201, 210, 212, 244 
 
 Zealand, 155
 
 LA TEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLE V HEAD 
 
 HARRISON AINSWORTH AND HIS FRIENDS. 
 By S. M. Ellis. With upwards of 50 Illustrations, 
 5 in Photogravure. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I 
 inches.) Price 32s. net. 
 
 This important work is the authoritative and only biography of 
 a man who, apart from his position as a great romance writer, was 
 one of the most conspicuous and picturesque figures in the hterary 
 and social hfe of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Devoting himself to literature from earliest boyhood, Ainsworth 
 was brought into intimate association with all the distinguished men 
 of letters who flourished during his long life, 1805-82. His friends 
 included Sir Walter Scott, Charles Lamb, Lockhart, John Wilson, 
 Mrs Shelley, Barry Cornwall, Lady Tersey, Leigh Hunt, Maginn, 
 Miss Landon, Coleridge, Tom Hood, Mrs Norton, Theodore Hook, 
 Father Prout, Thackeray, D'Orsay, Lady Blessington, Disraeli, 
 Bulwer Lytton, Browning, Dickens, Forster, Machise, Cruikshank, 
 Barham (Ingoldsby), Samuel Lover, Talfourd, Shirley Brooks, Tom 
 Moore, Samuel Rogers, Leech, S. P. R. James, Lever, Marryat, 
 Horace Smith, Wordsworth, Mrs Southey, Douglas Jerrold, Martin 
 F. Tupper, Dr Kenealy, " Phiz," Mrs Henry Wood, Ouida, and 
 many others too numerous to mention here. All these famous people 
 naturally figure in his biography, which, in consequence, throws 
 innumerable valuable sidelights on the literary history of the last 
 century. Ainsworth, at the height of his fame, entertained on a large 
 scale, and his houses in and near London were the most celebrated 
 and popular rendezvous of the period for literary and artistic circles. 
 Ainsworth was an admirable letter writer. Mr Ellis' book is particu- 
 larly rich in hitherto unpublished letters — not only Ainsworth's, but in 
 those his famous friends addressed to him. There is much new and 
 valuable matter relating to his very intimate companion, Dickens 
 (with unpublished letters of the latter of great importance) ; and as 
 regards Boz' first decade of fame, 1836-46, this book is a supplement 
 to Forster's "Life," and essential to all Dickensians. The work is also 
 necessary to all Cruikshank collectors, for it contains many new letters 
 from the artist, and a full account of his association with Ainsworth 
 n books which are known all over the world. There will be a Bibliog- 
 raphy of Ainsworth's works. 
 
 The new details in this book relating to Scott, Lamb, and 
 Thackeray (with unpublished letters) are also of great interest. 
 
 The author of " Harrison Ainsworth and his Friends" has devoted 
 several years to the compilation and writing of the work, in which 
 he has received the assistance of the novelist's family. It will contain 
 about fifty-two portraits, views, and facsimiles, the majority of which 
 are here reproduced for the first time, and will be one of the most 
 interesting literary biographies of the period it relates to.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLE Y HEAD 
 
 PETER THE CRUEL. The Life of the Notorious 
 Don Pedro of Spain, together with an Account of 
 his Relations with the famous Maria de Padilla. By 
 Edward Storer. With a Photogravure Frontis- 
 piece and 1 6 other Illustrations, one in Photogravure. 
 Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) Price 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 Peter the Cruel is a name that has several associations with 
 English history. This extraordinary man of ruthless cruelty and 
 savage sensuality was certainly one of the most remarkable royal 
 characters of the fourteenth century. His relations with Edward, 
 the Black Prince, and the fact that one of his daughters became an 
 ancestress of the kings of England, make him particularly interesting 
 to readers and students of our history. Mr Storer tells the story of 
 Don Pedro's life and his relations with the famous Maria de Padilla, 
 one of the most beautiful women of her time. He also gives a 
 picture of fourteenth-century life and manners in old Castile. The 
 romantic and remarkable career of Pedro the Cruel is at times more 
 like some tale from the "Arabian Nights" than the record ofn 
 Christian king. Round him and Maria de Padilla and Blanche of 
 Bourbon innumerable plays, poems, and stories have been written. 
 The poet Calderon portrays Pedro in his // medico de su honore. 
 The book is the first work that has been written on the subject in 
 English for more than one hundred years. 
 
 A PRINCESS OF INTRIGUE. A Biography of Anne 
 Louise Benedicte, Duchesse du Maine. Translated 
 from the French of General de Piepape by 
 J. Lewis May. With a Photogravure Frontispiece 
 and 16 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. (9x5! 
 inches.) Price 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 The life of the Duchesse du Maine, which began in the latter part 
 of the reign of Louis XIV., lasted well into the middle of the 
 eighteenth century, and thus occupied one of the most momentous 
 periods in French history. Though it is perhaps the prominent 
 part which she played in the Cellamare conspiracy that constitutes 
 her principal title to fame, her whole career was so rich in incident, 
 and was passed amid surroundings of such unique splendour, that 
 the narrative of her life possesses all the glamour of a tale of 
 enchantment. Sainte-Beuve, indeed, could liken it to nothing 
 more appropriately than to a story from the "Arabian Nights." 
 General de Piepape has treated his subject with a thoroughness and 
 a vivacity that cannot fail to recommend it alike to the general 
 reader and to the student. The book will be enriched by numerous 
 portraits of the many famous men and women whom the Duchesse 
 gathered around her at the Chateau de Sceaux, and who rendered 
 her salon as brilliant and distinguished as any in the history of 
 France.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLEY HEAD 
 
 THE SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS 
 from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, with 
 a Topographical Description of Westminster at 
 various Epochs, and a Brief Record of the various 
 Constitutional Changes during Seven Centuries. By 
 Arthur Irwin Dasent, Author of "The Life and 
 Letters of John Delane," "The History of St James's 
 Square," etc. etc. With numerous Portraits. Demy 
 8vo. (9 X 5f inches.) Price 21s. net. 
 
 This volume has engaged the close attention of its author for many 
 years. It is founded throughout on authentic documents and official 
 records. Dealing with the histories of the "First Commoner" in 
 Plantagenet, Lancastrian, Yorkist, Tudor, Stuart, and Hanoverian 
 times, it shows the gradual evolution of the non-partisan Speaker, 
 and the emancipation of the office from the trammels of the Law. 
 It deals with the relations between the two Houses of Parliament 
 from their earliest institution, and illustrates the close connection 
 formerly existing between the Abbey and the seat of the Legislature. 
 Mr Dasent's work, which claims to present a fuller and more accurate 
 account of the Speakers of the House of Commons than has hitherto 
 been attempted, contains a large number of portraits, a map of 
 Thorney Island, and the Palace of Westminster in the sixteenth 
 century, and other illustrations, many of which have been specially 
 drawn for its pages. 
 
 THE OLDEST MUSIC ROOM IN EUROPE: 
 A Record of an Eighteenth-Century Enterprise. 
 By John H. Mee, M.A., D.Mus., Precentor of 
 Chichester (sometime Fellow of Merton College, 
 Oxford). With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 (9 X 5I inches.) Price los. 6d. net. 
 
 An account of the building of the first Concert Room at Oxford, 
 and of the concerts given in it. Few people are aware that from the 
 year 174S Oxford possessed a resident professional orchestra which 
 gave once a week what we should now call "Symphony Concerts." 
 Such, however, was the case, and the present work records the per- 
 formances thus given, and many particulars of the performers. The 
 latter often included the chief singers and players of the day, such as 
 Mrs Billington, Madame Mara, Madame Catalani, Madame Clara 
 Novello, Norris, Becham, and Matthews — names not forgotten yet. 
 The enterprise seems to have been quasi-officially connected with the 
 University, and to have been for many years directed by the Professor 
 of Music for the time being. It is remarkable that it seems to have 
 been almost unaffected by the European war, and not to have begun 
 to decay till about 1830. To all who care about the days of hoop 
 and powder this volume, dealing with the achievements, the joys, 
 and the quarrels of that time, should be of the greatest interest. A 
 brief appendix deals with miscellaneous items of interest, not 
 necessarily confined to Oxford, contained in Jackson's Oxford J ozirnal. 
 This was one of the oldest of local papers, and enjoyed a wide circu- 
 lation, extending from London to the Welsh Borders. It is a mirror 
 of the way in which our forefathers lived.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLE Y HEAD 
 
 NAPOLEON IN CARICATURE: 1 795-1821. By 
 A. M. Broadley, Joint-Author of " Napoleon and 
 the Invasion of England," "Dumouriez and the 
 Defence of England against Napoleon," "The War 
 in Wexford," etc. With an Introductory Essay on 
 Pictorial Satire as a Factor in Napoleonic History, 
 by J. Holland Rose, Litt.D. (Cantab.). With 24 
 full-page Illustrations in colour and 200 in black 
 and white from rare and often unique originals. 
 In 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) Price 
 42s. net. 
 
 It is computed that over 3000 caricatures of Napoleon are 
 in existence, of which nearly all were published between the 
 years 1795 and 1815. Although the majority of these satiric 
 prints, as Dr Holland Rose points out in his introductory 
 essay, are specially valuable and interesting as sidelights 
 on Napoleon's history, and often assist the student to master 
 problems otherwise impossible of solution, no work on the 
 subject as a whole has ever appeared. Mr John Ashton 
 and Monsieur Jean Grand-Carteret have partially dealt with 
 the English side of the question ; but we know little or 
 nothing of these quaint informative productions as far as 
 France, Germany, Russia, Italy, Holland, Spain, and the 
 United States of America are concerned. Not only has 
 Mr Broadley formed a collection of his own probably un- 
 equalled in extent, but after ransacking the treasures of the 
 Paris Bibliotheque Nationale and Musee Carnavalet, he has 
 succeeded in enlisting the sympathetic assistance of brother 
 workers in the same field, such as Monsieur Jean Grand- 
 Carteret, Mr William Latta of Philadelphia, Signer Achille 
 Bertarelli of Milan, Herr van Gyn of Dordrecht, and many 
 others. The book, upon which so much pains have been 
 bestowed, will assuredly find a place in every public and 
 private library, and prove as useful to students as it will 
 unquestionably be attractive to collectors.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLEY HEAD 
 
 JUNGLE BY-WAYS IN INDIA: Leaves from the 
 Note-book of a Sportsman and a Naturalist. By 
 E. P. Stebbing, I.F.S., F.Z.S., F.R.G.S. With 
 upwards of loo Illustrations by the Author and 
 others. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) Price 
 I2S. 6d. net. 
 
 This is the book of a sportsman-naturalist. The habits and 
 dispositions of the animals as seen in their homes, and not the 
 mere killing of them, form the key-note of the book. During 
 a period of some sixteen years spent in the Indian Forest Service 
 the author has spent much time in the Jungle. In the course of 
 his wanderings and shooting excursions he has made notes on the 
 habits and dispositions of the animals met with, usually jotted 
 down actually on the spot where the incidents related took place, 
 the notes often being assisted by thumb-nail sketches. Mr 
 Stebbing holds the opinion that the atmosphere of the Jungle 
 can only be obtained in this manner, and it is believed that some 
 of it will be found permeating the pages of "By-ways." The 
 author also finds time to notice the doings of the multitudinous 
 minor life around him, and briefly touches upon some of the curious 
 insects, snakes, and lizards, etc., which so often cross the path and 
 come to the notice of the Anglo- Indian Shikari. A feature of the 
 book is the illustrations, which have been drawn in the Jungle 
 itself, and are more faithful even than photographs. 
 
 SERVICE AND SPORT IN THE SUDAN: A 
 Record of Administration in the Anglo-Egyptian 
 Sudan. With some Intervals of Sport and Travel. 
 By BiMBASHi D. CoMYN. With 16 full-page 
 Illustrations and 3 Maps. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I 
 inches.) Price 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 Very little has been written about the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan ; 
 and about the lives nowadays of the British officers attached to 
 the Egyptian Army — nothing. In this book are recorded the ex- 
 periences of an officer who, after serving one year in the Arab 
 Camel Corps, spent the remaining three of his attachment in the 
 Civil Administration. They are such as fall to the lot of most of 
 the 250 officers who are lent for a while to the Egyptian Government. 
 It is hoped that this book will answer the " What do you do ? " of 
 the civilian, and the " What would I have to do? " of the soldier.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLEY HEAD 
 
 ART'S ENIGMA. By Frederick Jameson. Demy 
 8vo. Price 5s. net. 
 
 Mr Jameson makes an attempt to dispel the mists which 
 obscure our views of art, and to introduce some order and 
 consistency into the chaos of current notions about the 
 subject. The author attributes this chaos in great measure 
 to the habit of theorizing on a thing before defining its Hmits, 
 thus importing extraneous and irrelevant matter into the 
 discussion. Philosophers and critics, it is asserted, have 
 sought the solution of art's mysteries in their own conceptions 
 rather than in art works, thus being led to put forward in- 
 congruous theories of what art ought to be without telling 
 us what it is or how to recognize it. The arguments here 
 set down start from the axiom that all the essential elements 
 of art must be present in every one of its productions, and in 
 nothing else, so that the true method of discovering art's 
 nature is to examine and compare its creations without any 
 preconceptions, seeking those common characteristics which 
 are not found elsewhere, and casting away whatever does 
 not come into this category as having nothing to do with art. 
 This investigation is the business of Mr Jameson's which is 
 addressed to the ordinary reader interested in art, and does 
 not pretend to enter the domain of philosophy. 
 
 FRENCH POINTS OF VIEW. By Laurence 
 Jerrold. Price 5s. net. 
 
 This volume deals with France of to-day. The topics 
 discussed vary from French Socialism and Labour to the 
 aesthetic philosophies of young literary France. Some 
 political events and some political men — M. Dalcasse and 
 M. Clemenceau, for example — are described and criticised 
 in particular detail. Several chapters draw a parallel between 
 the tendencies, ideas, and temperaments of Modern France 
 and of Modern England. This seems to the author (an 
 English writer who has had special opportunities of studying 
 the French people among whom he lives) to be the best 
 method for aiming at his object, which has been in some 
 measure to improve our knowledge of France in the present 
 day. The title of his opening chapter, "The Real France," 
 which is a general picture with a dash of philosophy, shows 
 that he hopes to have thrown some little new light upon the 
 study of a country and a people which we all know super- 
 ficially, and not many of us thoroughly. Some of the 
 chapters embody papers which in their original form ap- 
 peared in the Fortnightly^ Contevtporary^ and other Reviews.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLEY HEAD 
 
 THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE NINETEENTH 
 CENTURY. By Houston Stewart Chamber- 
 lain. A translation from the German by John 
 Lees, M.A., D.Litt. (Edin.). With an Introduction 
 by Lord Redesdale. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I 
 inches.) Price 32s. net. 
 
 This is beyond question one of the most stimulating 
 and important books written during the last twenty years. 
 Its phenomenal success in the German original — it has 
 gone through eight large editions in ten years — is a strong 
 testimonial to its merits. To understand the present, we 
 must, in Mr Chamberlain's opinion, see it growing out of 
 the past, and so, when seeking to reveal the foundations 
 upon which the nineteenth century rests, he has to pass 
 in review the preceding centuries of our era. But the work 
 is not merely a history, or a history of culture : only that 
 past is treated of which is still a living and moulding force. 
 With the brilliant comprehensiveness of an artistic mind 
 Mr Chamberlain shows us what we owe to Hellenic Art 
 and Philosophy, to Roman Law and to the Advent of 
 Christ : this is followed by a striking picture of the Chaos of 
 Peoples in the dying Roman Empire and the Entry of the 
 Jews into the Western History. Mr Chamberlain then 
 proceeds in an interesting chapter, entitled " Religion," to 
 reveal the historical growth, and to estimate the importance 
 of our Christian beliefs. The second part of the book is 
 devoted to the period 1200 to 1800, and bears the title, 
 "The Rise of a New World." In seven sections — Discovery, 
 Science, Industry, Economics, Politics and the Church, 
 Philosophy and Religion, Art — he discusses the great move- 
 ments, ideas, and creations that have exercised an influence 
 upon the age in which we live. He has something new to 
 say on such subjects as the Renaissance, the meaning of 
 religion, evolution, the question of race, the importance of 
 nations, and the role played by the Teutonic peoples in the 
 history of the world. Mr Chamberlain writes modestly 
 " as a layman to laymen," but even the most learned must 
 admire his enthusiasm, the extent of his reading, his intel- 
 lectual grasp of the great facts and forces and the artistic 
 presentation of them.
 
 LATEST BOOKS FROM THE BODLEY HEAD 
 
 LADY CHARLOTTE SCHREIBER'S JOURNALS : 
 Confidences of a Collector of Ceramics and Antiques 
 throughout Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, 
 Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, and Turkey. From 
 the Year 1869 to 1885. Edited by Montague 
 Guest, with Annotations by Egan Mew. With 
 upwards of 100 Illustrations, including some in 
 colour. Royal 8vo. 2 Vols. Price 42s. net. 
 
 Mr Montague Guest had long been at work upon these 
 two volumes when his death took place suddenly at Sand- 
 ringham last year. The journals from Lady Charlotte 
 Schreiber's own hand describe her many tours from the 
 year 1869 to 1885 in search, especially, of those examples of 
 English eighteenth-century porcelains which now form so 
 splendid a feature of the Victoria and Albert Museum at 
 S. Kensington. In these " notes ceramic," as Lady Charlotte 
 called her diary, she tells of many amusing traffics and dis- 
 coveries ; the prices — wonderfully small, judged by modem 
 standards — the names of dealers ; and addresses of private 
 collectors ; and a thousand other interesting details. As 
 with all of Lady Charlotte's undertakings, she followed the 
 art of collecting with immense vigour and enthusiasm, and 
 neither she nor the late Mr Charles Schreiber spared them- 
 selves in their desire to gather together a perfect collection. 
 Like other collectors they often strayed from the strict 
 pursuit of china ware, with the result that hundreds, one 
 might say thousands, of other objects of art fell to their 
 active and accomplished chase, many of which are illustrated 
 in these volumes for the first time. Apart from the interest 
 which this work possesses for the collector of ceramics and 
 antiques, the life of the period and many more historical 
 characters are drawn with a vivid and lively pen. Mr Guest 
 has prepared a short introduction, telling something of his 
 mother's remarkable gifts and character, and experiences, 
 and Mr Egan Mew has added some notes which explain 
 and give an added interest to the text. 
 
 JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO STREET, W.
 
 !NJDTICE 
 
 Those who possess old letters, documents, corre- 
 spondence, MSS., scraps of autobiography, and 
 also miniatures and portraits, relating to persons 
 and matters historical, literary, political and social, 
 should communicate with Mr. John Lane, The 
 Bodley Head, Vigo Street, London, W.^ who will 
 at all times be pleased to give his advice and 
 assistance, either as to their preservation or 
 publication. 
 
 Mr. Lane also undertakes the planning and 
 printing of family papers, histories and pedigrees.
 
 LIVING MASTERS OF MUSIC. 
 
 An Illustrated Series of Monographs dealing with 
 
 Contemporary Musical Life, and including 
 
 Representatives of all Branches of the Art. 
 
 Edited by ROSA NEWMARCH. 
 
 Crown 8vo. Cloth. Price 2/6 net. 
 
 HENRY J. WOOD. By Rosa Newmarch. 
 SIR EDWARD ELGAR. By R. J. Buckley. 
 JOSEPH JOACHIM. By J. A. Fuller 
 
 Maitland. 
 EDWARD A. MACDOWELL. By Lawrence 
 
 Oilman. 
 THEODOR LESCHETIZKY. By Annette 
 
 HULLAH. 
 
 ALFRED BRUNEAU By Arthur Hervey. 
 GIACOMO PUCCINI. By Wakeling Dry. 
 IGNAZ PADEREWSKI. By E. A. Baughan. 
 CLAUDE DEBUSSY. By Mrs. Franz Liebich. 
 RICHARD STRAUSS. By Ernest Newman. 
 
 STARS OF THE STAGE. 
 
 A Series of Illustrated Biographies of the 
 Leading Actors, Actresses, and Dramatists. 
 
 Edited by J. T. GREIN. 
 
 Crown 8vo. Price 2/6 each net. 
 
 ELLEN TERRY. By Christopher St. John. 
 SIR HERBERT BEERBOHM TREE. By Mrs. 
 
 CrFORf^F C^RAN 
 
 SIR W. S. GILBERT. By Edith A. Browne. 
 SIR CHARLES WYNDHAM. By Florence 
 Teignmouth Shore.
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 MEMOIRS, 'BIOGRAPHIES, ETC. 
 
 THE WORKS OF JOHN HOPPNER, R.A. 
 
 By William Mackay and W. Roberts. Imperial 410. With 
 50 Photogravure Plates, the majority of which are taken from 
 pictures never before reproduced, and a frontispiece printed in 
 colours from the Photogravure plate. 500 copies only printed. 
 With supplement, 5 guineas net. 
 
 *4<.* Mr. John Lane has pleasure in announcing that he has taken over the 150 
 copiesof this book originally published by Messrs. Colnaghi which still remain 
 of the 500 copies originally printed. Mr. Roberts is writing an introduction to 
 bring the work thoroughly up-to-date and this will include all the latest in- 
 formation on the subject and will further contain extra illustrations. Those who 
 possess copies of the original and wish to obtain copies of the supplement alone, 
 will be able to do so at the price of One Guinea net. 
 
 ALASTAIR. Forty-three Drawings in Colour and 
 
 Black and White. With a Note of Exclamation by Robert 
 Ross. Demy 4to. Limited to 500 copies for England and 
 America. 42s. net. 
 
 *,* This beautiful gift book contains thirty-five facsimiles in collotype and 
 eight in colour, and has a cover and end papers specially designed by Alastair. 
 
 This remarkable young artist prefers to be known without the usual prt-fix 
 denoting rank or nationality. His astonishing powers as a draughtsman and 
 decorator have been proved by the unqualified success of his exhibition at the 
 Dowdeswell Galleries. 
 
 HARRIET HOSMER: LETTERS AND 
 
 MEMORIES. Edited by Cornelia Carr. With 3 i Illustrations. 
 Demy 8vo. i zs. 6d. net. 
 
 *»• These pages are full of interest to the general reader, owing to the fact 
 that Harriet Hosmer was on intimate terms with so many of her most famous 
 contemporaries in the World of Art and Letters. Particularly valuable will be 
 fonnd the authentic and charmingly recounted information regarding the home 
 life of Robert Browning and his wife. The correspondence shows that in nearly 
 every case the letters of these celebrities were never intended for print. They 
 are, all the more perhaps, indications ol the true characteristics of the writers. 
 
 THE GREATEST HOUSE AT CHELSEY. By 
 
 Randall Daviks. With i 8 Illustrations. Demy 8vo. ios.6d.net. 
 
 »,» This is a most fascinating account of the great house built at Chelsea in 
 1520, by Sir Thomas More, and occupied successively by various notable people, 
 among whom were Sir Arthur Gorges, the Duke of Buckingham, and finally 
 Sir Hans Sloane. Each of the successive owners is dealt with by Mr. Randall 
 Davies in most entertaining fashion, and a "leat deal of historical detail is 
 brought together which has never seen the light before. The illustrations are 
 of great interest. 
 
 NAPOLEON AT BAY, 18 14. By F. Loraine 
 
 Petre. With Maps and Plans. Demy 8vo. 1 28. 6d. net.
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 TAPESTRIES : THEIR ORIGIN, HISTORY, 
 
 AND RENAISSANCE. By George Leland Hunter. With 
 four full-page Plates in Colour, and 147 Half-tone Engravings. 
 Square 8vo. Cloth. i6s. net. 
 
 %* This is a fascinating book on a fascinating subject. It is written by a 
 scholar whose passion for accuracy and original research did not prevent him 
 from making a story easy to read. It answers the questions people are always 
 asking as to how tapestries differ from paintings, and good tapestries from bad 
 tapestries. It will interest lovers of paintings and rugs and history and fiction, 
 for it shows how tapestries compare with paintings in picture interest, with rugs 
 in texture interest, and with historic and other novels in romantic interest; 
 presenting on a magnificent scale the stories of the Iliad and the Odyssey, the 
 jEneid and the Metamorphoses, the Bible and the Saints, Ancient and Medieval 
 History and Romance. In a word, the book is indispensable to lovers of art and 
 literature in general, as well as to tapestry amateurs owners, and dealers. 
 
 FROM STUDIO TO STAGE. By Weedon 
 
 Grossmith. With 32 full-page Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 1 6s. net. 
 
 %* Justly famous as a comedian of unique gifts, Mr. Weedon Grossmith is 
 nevertheless an extremely versatile personality, whose interests are by no means 
 confined to the theatre. These qualities have enabled him to write a most 
 entertaining book. He gives an interesting account of his early ambitions and 
 exploits as an artist, which career he abandoned for that of an actor. He goes on 
 to describe some of his most notable roles, and lets us in to little intimate 
 glimpses "behind the scenes," chats pleasantly about all manner of celebrities in 
 the land of Bohemia and out of it, tells many amusing anecdotes and like a true 
 comedian is not bashful when the laugh is against himself. The book is well 
 supplied with interesting illustrations, some of them reproductions of the 
 author's own work. 
 
 FANNY BURNEY AT THE COURT OF 
 
 QUEEN CHARLOTTE. By Constance Hill. Author of 
 " The House in St. Martin Street," " Juniper Hall," etc. With 
 numerous Illustrations by Ellen G. Hill and reproductions of 
 contemporary Portraits, etc. Demy 8vo. 1 6s. net. 
 
 *«* This book deals with the Court life of Fanny Burney covering the years 
 1786-91, and therefore forms a link between the two former works on Fanny 
 Burney by the same writer, viz. "The House in St. Martin Street," and 
 "Juniper Hall." The writer has been fortunate in obtaining much unpublished 
 material from members of the Burney family as well as interesting contemporary 
 portraits and relics. The scene of action in this work is constantly shifting— 
 now at Windsor, now at Kevv, now sea-girt at Weymouth, and now in London ; 
 and the figures that pass before our eyes are endowed with a marvellous vitality 
 by the pen of Fanny Bnrney. When the court was at St. James's the Keeper ot 
 the Robes had opportunities of visiting her own family in St. Martin Street, and 
 also of meeting at the house of her friend Mrs. Ord "eveiything delectable in the 
 blue way." Thither Horace Walpole would come in all haste from Strawberry 
 Hill for the sole pleasure of spending an evening in her society. After such a 
 meeting Fanny writes— '• he was in high spirits, polite, ingenious, entertaining, 
 quaint and original." A striking account of the King's illness in the winter of 
 178S-9 is given, followed by the widespread rejoicings for his recovery ; when 
 London was ablaze with illuminations that extended for many miles around, and 
 when "even the humblest dwelling exhibited its rush-light." The author and the 
 illustrator of this work have visited the various places, where King George and 
 
 8ueen Charlotte stayed when accompanied by Fanny Burney. Among these are 
 xford, Cheltenham, Worcester, Weymouth and Dorchester ; where sketches 
 have been made, or old prints discovered, illustrative of those towns in the late 
 i8th century savours of Georgian days. 'There the national flag may still be seen 
 as it appeared before the union. 
 
 ORIENTAL RUGS, ANTIQUE AND MODERN. 
 
 By Walter A, Hawley. With numerous Illustrations in Colour 
 and Half-tone. Demy ^to. 42s. net.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. 5 
 
 THE STORY OF DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 By Padre Luis Coloma, S.J., of the Real Academia Espanola. 
 Translated by Lady Moreton. With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 1 6s. net. 
 
 %* "A new type of book, half novel and half history," as it is very aptly 
 called in a discourse delivered on the occasion of Padre Coioma's election to the 
 Academia de Espaiia, the story of the heroic son of Charles V. is retold by one ol 
 Spain's greatest living writers with a vividness and charm all his own. The 
 childhood of Jeromin, afterwards Don John of Austria reads like a mysterious 
 romance. His meteoric career is traced through the remaining chapters of the 
 book ; first as the attractive youth ; the cynosure of all eyes that were bright and 
 gay at the court of Philip II., which Padre Coloma maintains was less austere 
 than is usually supposed; then as conqueror of the Moors, culminating as the 
 "man from God" who saved Europe from the terrible peril of a Turkish 
 dominion ; triumphs in Tunis ; glimpses of life in the luxury loving Italy of the 
 day ; then the sad story of the war in the Netherlands, when our hero, victim 
 of an infamous conspiracy, is left to die of a broken heart ; his tnd hastened by 
 fever, and, maybe, by the "broth of Doctor Ramirez.' Perhaps more fully than 
 ever before is laid baie the intrigue which led to the cruel death of the secretary, 
 Escovedo, including the dramatic interview between Philip II. and Antonio 
 Perez, in the lumber room of the Escorial. A minute account of the celebrated 
 auto da fe in Valladolid cannot fail to arrest attention, nor will the details of 
 several of the imposing ceremonies of Old Spain be less welcome than those of 
 more intimate festivities in the Madrid of the sixteenth century, or of everyday 
 life in a Spanish castle. 
 
 *»* " This book has all the fascination of a vigorous roman a clef . . . the 
 translation is vigorous and idiomatic." — Mr. Osman Edwards in Morning Post. 
 
 THIRTEEN YEARS OF A BUSY WOMAN'S 
 
 LIFE. By Mrs. Alec Tweedie, With Nineteen Illustrations. 
 
 Demy 8vo. i6s. net. Third Edition. 
 
 %* It is a novel idea for an author to give her reasons for taking up her pen 
 as a journalist and writer of books. This Mrs. Alec Tweedie has done in 
 "Thirteen Years of a Busy Woman's Life." She tells a dramatic story of youthful 
 happiness, health, wealth, and then contrasts that life with the thirteen jears of 
 hard work that followed the loss of her husband, her father, and her income in 
 quick succession in a few weeks. Mrs. Alec Tweedies books of travel and 
 biography :.re well-known, and have been through manj' editions, even to shilling 
 copies for the bookstalls. This is hardh' an autobiographj-, the author is too 
 young for that, but it gives romantic, and tragic peeps into the life of a woman 
 reared in luxury, who suddenly found herself obliged to live on a tiny income 
 with two small children, or work — and work hard — to retain something of her old 
 life and interests. It is a remarkable story with many personal sketches of some 
 of the best-known men and women of the day. 
 
 *«* " One of the gayest and sanest surveys of English society we have read 
 for years.' — Paii Mali Gazette. 
 
 *,* "A pleasant laugh from cover to cover." — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 THE ANGLO-FRENCH ENTENTE IN THE 
 
 XVIIth century. By Charles Bastide. With Illustrations. 
 
 Demy 8vo, los. 6d. net. 
 
 %* The author of this book of essays on the intercourse between England 
 and France in the seventeenth century has gathered much curious and little- 
 known information. How did the travellers proceed from London to Paris? Did 
 the Frenchmen who came over to England learn, and did they ever venture 
 to write English? An almost unqualified admiration for everything French then 
 prevailed : French tailors, milliners, cooks, even fortune-tellers, as well as writers 
 and actresses, reigned supreme. How far did gallomania affect tlie relation* 
 between the two countries ? Among the foreigners who settled in England none 
 exercised such varied influence as tne Hugenots ; students of Shakespeare and 
 Milton can no longer ignore the Hugenot friends of the two poets, historians of 
 the Commonwealth must take into account the " Nouvelles ordinaires de 
 Londres.'' the French gazette, issued on the Puritan side, by some enterprising 
 refugee. Is it then possible to determine how deeply the refugees impressed 
 English thought? Such are the main questions to which the book affords an 
 answer. With its numerous hitherto unpublished documents and illustrations, 
 drawn from contemporary sources, it cannot fail to interest those to whom a most 
 brilliant and romantic period in English histery must necessarily appeal.
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 THE VAN EYCKS AND THEIR ART. By 
 
 W. H. James Weale, with the co-operation of Maurice 
 Brockwell. With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 
 I2S. 6d. net. 
 
 ,% The large book on "Hubert and John Van Eyck" which Mr. Weale 
 published in 1908 through Mr. John Lane was instantly recognised by the 
 reviewers and critics as an achievement of quite exceptional importance. It is 
 now felt that the time has come for a revised and slightly abridged edition of that 
 which was issued four years ago at £$ 5s. net. The text has been compressed in 
 some places and extended in others, while certain emendations have been made, 
 and after due reflection, the plan of the book has been materially recast. This 
 renders it of greater assistance to the student. 
 
 The large amount of research work and meth'^dical preparation of a revised 
 text obliged Mr. Weale, through failing health and eyesight, to avail himself of 
 the services of Mr. Brockwell, and Mr. Weale gives it as his opinion in the new 
 Foreword that he doubts whether he could have found a more able collaborator 
 than Mr. Brockwell to edit this volume. 
 
 "The Van Eycks and their Art," so far from being a mere reprint at a popular 
 price of '■ Hubert and John Van Eyck,'' contains several new features, notable 
 among which re the inclusion of an Appendix giving details of all the sales at 
 public auction in any country from 1662 to 1912 of pictures reputed to be by the 
 Van Eycks. An entirely new and ample Index has been compiled, while the 
 bibliography, which extends over many pages, and the various component parts 
 of the book have been brought abreast of the most recent criticism. Detailed 
 arguments are given for the first time of a picture attributed to one of the brothers 
 Van Eyck in a private collection in Russia. 
 
 In conclusion it must be pointed out that Mr. Weale has, with characteristic 
 care, read through the proofs and passed the whole book for press 
 
 The use of a smaller/orwa/ and of thinner paper renders the present edition 
 easier to handle as a book of reference. 
 
 COKE OF NORFOLK AND HIS FRIENDS. 
 
 The Life of Thomas Coke, First Earl of Leicester and of 
 Holkham. By A. M. W. Stirling. New Edition, revised, 
 with some additions. With 19 Illustrations. In one volume. 
 Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE. By Joseph 
 
 TuRQUAN. Author of "The Love Affairs of Napoleon," 
 "The Wife of General Bonaparte." Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 
 I2S. 6d. net. 
 
 ,*» "The Empress Josephine" continues and completes the graphically 
 drawn life story begun in " The Wife of General Bonaparte" by the same author, 
 takes us through the brilliant period of the Empire, shows us the gradual 
 development and the execution ol the Emperor's plan to divorce his middle-aged 
 wife, paints in vivid colours the picture of Josephine's existenceafter her divorce, 
 tells us how she, although now nothing but his friend, still met him occasionally 
 and corresponded frequently with him, and how she passed her time in the midst 
 of her minature court. This work enables us to realise the very genuine 
 afiFection which Napoleon possessed for his first wife, an afi"ection which lasted 
 till death closed her eyes in her lonely hermitage at La Malmaison, and until he 
 went to expiate at Saint Helena his rashness in braving all Europe. Compar- 
 atively little is known of the period covering Josephine s life after her divorce, 
 and yet M. Turquan has found much to tell us that is very interesting; for the 
 ex-Empress in her two retreats, Navarre and La Malmaison, was visited by many 
 celebrated people, and after the Emperor's downfall was so ill-judged as to 
 welcome and fete several of the vanquished hero's late friends, now his declared 
 enemies. The storj' of her last illness and death forms one of the most interesting 
 chapters in this most complete work upon ihe first Empress of the French. 
 
 NAPOLEON IN CARICATURE : 1795-1821. By 
 
 A. M. Broadley. With an Introductory Essay on Pictorial Satire 
 as a Factor in Napoleonic History, by J. Holland Rose, Litt. D. 
 (Cantab.). With 24 full-page Illustrations in Colour and upwards 
 of 200 in Black and White from rare and unique originals. 
 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. 42s. net. 
 
 Also an Edition de Luxe. 10 guineas net.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. 7 
 
 NAPOLEON'S LAST CAMPAIGN IN GER- 
 MANY. By F. LoRAiNE Petre. Author of " Napoleon's 
 Campaign in Poland," " Napoleon's Conquest of Prussia," etc. 
 With 17 Maps and Plans. Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 *,* In the author's two first histories of Napoleon's campaigns (1806 and 1807) 
 the Emperor is at his greatest as a soldier. The third (1809) showed the 
 commencement of the decay of his genius. Now, in 1813, he has seriously declined. 
 The military judgment of Napoleon, the general, is constantly fettered by the 
 pride and obstinacy of Napoleon, the Emperor. The military principles which 
 guided him up to 1807 are frequently abandoned ; he aims at secondary objectives, 
 or mere geographical points, instead of solely at the destruction of the enemy's 
 army; he hesitates and fails to grasp the true situation in a way that was never 
 known in his earlier campaigns. Yet frequently, as at Bautsen and Dresden, his 
 genius shines with all its old brilliance. 
 
 The campaign of 1813 exhibits the breakdown of his over-centralised system 
 of command, which lelt him without subordinates capable of exercising semi- 
 independent command over portions of armies which had now grown to dimensions 
 approaching those of our own day. 
 
 The autumn campaign is a notable example of the system of interior lines, as 
 opposed to that of strategical envelopment. It marks, too, the real downfall ot 
 Napoleon's power, for, after the fearful destruction of 1813, the desperate struggle 
 of 1814, glorious though it was, could never have any real probability of success. 
 
 FOOTPRINTS OF FAMOUS AMERICANS IN 
 
 PARIS. By John Joseph Conway, M.A. With 32 Full-page 
 
 Illustrations. Witla an Introduction by Mrs. John Lane. 
 
 Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 •»* Franklin, JefTerson, Munroe, Tom Paine, La Fayette, Paul Jones, etc., 
 etc., the most striking figures of a heroic age, working out in the City oi Light 
 the great questions for which they stood, are dealt with here. Longiellow the 
 poet of the domestic afi'ections ; matchless Margaret Fuller who wrote so well of 
 women in the nineteenth century; Whistler master of American artists; Saint- 
 Gaudens chief of American sculptors ; Rumford, most picturesque of scientific 
 knight-errants and several others get a chapter each for their lives and 
 achievements in Paris. A new and absorbing interest is opened up to visitors. 
 Their trip to Versailles becomes more pleasurable when they realise what 
 Franklyn did at that brilliant court. The Place de la Bastille becomes a sacred 
 place to Americans realizing that the principles of the young republic brought 
 about the destruction of the vilest old dungeon in the world. The Seine becomes 
 silvery to the American conjuring up that bright summer morning when Robert 
 Fulton started from the Place de Ta Concorde in the first steam boat. The Louvre 
 takes on a new attraction from the knowledge that it houses the busts oi 
 Washington and Franklyn and La Fayette by Houdon. The Luxembourg becomes 
 a greater temple of art to him who knows that it holds Whistler's famous portrait 
 of his mother. Even the weather-beaten bookstalls by the banks of the Seine 
 become beautiful because Hawthorne and his son loitered among them on sunny 
 days sixty years ago. The book has a strong literary flavour. Its history is 
 enlivened wtth anecdote. It is profusely illustrated. 
 
 MEMORIES OF JAMES McNEILL 
 
 WHISTLER : The Artist. By Thomas R. Way. Author of 
 "The Lithographs of J. M. Whistler," etc. With numerous 
 Illustrations. Demy 4 to. los. 6d. net. 
 
 *„* This volume contains about forty illustrations, including an unpublished 
 etching drawn by Whistler and bitten in by Sir Frank Short, A.R.A., an original 
 lithograph sketch, seven lithographs in < ofour drawn by the Author upon brown 
 paper, and many in black and white. The remainder are facsimiles by photo- 
 lithography. In most cases the originals are drawings and sketches by Whistler 
 which have never been published before, and are closely connected with the 
 matter of the book. The text deals with the Author's memories of nearly twenty 
 year's close association with Whistler, and he endeavours to treat only with the 
 man as an artist, and perhaps, especially as a lithographer. 
 
 *Also an Edition df. Luxf. on hand-made paper, with the etching 
 printed from the original plate. Limited to 50 copies. 
 'This is Out of Print with the Publisher.
 
 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 THE BEAUTIFUL LADY CRAVEN. The 
 
 original Memoirs of Elizabeth, Baroness Craven, afterwards Mar- 
 gravine of Anspach and Bayreuth and Princess Berkeley of the 
 Holy Roman Empire (1750- 1828). Edited, with Notes and a 
 Bibliographical and Historical Introduction containing much 
 unpublished matter by A. M. Broadlev and Lewis Melville. 
 With over 50 Illustrations. In 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 25s. net. 
 
 *#* Elizabeth Berkeley who was one of the roost beautiful, as well as the 
 cleverest, wittiest and most versatile women of the age in which she flourished, 
 while stiil a girl was given in marriage to the sixth Lord Craven. Between 1770 
 and 1780 she was not only a persona grata at Court, but the friend of all the great 
 political, literary and social p<.rsonages of the period. Between 1780 and 1790 
 came that period of wandering through Europe which enabled her to record 
 personal experiences of Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, Frederick the Great, the 
 Empress Catherine, the King and Queen of Naples, and other Royal and 
 Illustrious personages. 
 
 In 1791 she married the Margrave ot Anspach and Bayreuth. Returning to 
 London she became at Brandenburgh House and Benham Valence, Newbury, the 
 centre of a great social circle. A little later the Emperor Francis II, made her a 
 Princess in her own right of the Holy Roman Empire. For a whole decade the 
 theatricals and concerts at Brandenburgh House were the talk of the town. 
 Some four j'ears before her death she published her memoirs. Mr. Broadley and 
 Mr. Melville have discovered many new facts, a large number of unpublished 
 letters and MSS., which have enabled them to elaborate an historical introduction 
 of extraordinary and fascinating interest. The illustrations have been taken 
 from existing portraits and from contemporary engravings in Mr. Broadley's 
 possession. 
 
 IN PORTUGAL. By Aubrey F. G. Bell. 
 
 Author of " The Magic of Spain." Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 *j(* The guide-books give full details of the marvellous convents, gorgeous 
 palaces, and solemn temples of Portugal, and no attempt is here made to write 
 complete descriptions of them, the very name of some of them being omitted. 
 But the guide-books too often treat Portugal as a continuation, almost as a province 
 of Spain. It is hoped that this little book may g:ive some idea of the individual 
 character of the country, of the quaintnesses of its cities, and of peasant life in 
 its remoter districts. While the utterly opposed characters of the two peoples 
 must probably render the divorce between Spain and Portugal eternal, anci reduce 
 hopes of union to the idle dreams of politicians. Portugal in itself contains an 
 infinite variety. Each of the eight provinces (more especially those of the 
 alenitcjanos, minkotos and bcirocs) preserves many peculiarities of language, 
 customs, and dress ; and each will, in return for hardships endured, give to the 
 traveller many a day of delight and interest. 
 
 A TRAGEDY IN STONE, AND OTHER 
 
 PAPERS. By Lord Redesdale, G.C.V.O., K.C.C., etc. 
 Demy 8vo. js. 6d. net. 
 
 *,* " From the author of 'Tales of Old Japan ' his readers always hope for 
 more about Japan, and in this volume they will find it. The earlier papers, 
 however, are not to be passed over." — Times. 
 
 %* " Loi-d Redesdale's present volume consists of scholarly essays on a 
 variety of subjects of historic, literary and artistic appeal." — Standard. 
 
 *t* "The author of the classic 'Tales of Old Japan' is assured of welcome, 
 and the more so when he returns to the field in which his literary reputation was 
 made. Charm is never absent from his pages." — Daily Chronicle, 
 
 NOLLEKENS AND HIS TIMES. Edited by 
 
 Wilfred Whitten. With numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. 
 Demy 8vo 25s. net. 
 
 THE BERRY PAPERS. By Lewis Melville. 
 
 With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 2 vols. 25$. net.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. 9 
 
 AN IRISH BEAUTY OF THE REGENCY : By 
 
 Mrs. Warrenne Blake. Author of " Memoirs of a Vanished 
 Generation, 1813-1855." With a Photogravure Frontispiece and 
 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 1 6s. net. 
 
 %*The Irish Beauty is the Hon. Mrs. Calvert, daughter of Viscount Pery, 
 Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, and wiie of Nicholson Calvert, M.P., of 
 Hunsdon. Born in 1767, Mrs. Calvert lived to the age of ninety-two, and there 
 are many people still living who remember her. In the delightful journals, now 
 for the first time published, exciting events are described. 
 
 THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE NINETEENTH 
 
 CENTURY. By Stewart Houston Chamberlain. A Translation 
 from the German by John Lees. With an Introduction by 
 Lord Redesdale. Demy 8vo. 2 vols. 25s. net. Second 
 Edition. 
 
 *jf* A man who can write such a really beautiful and solemn appreciation of 
 true Christianity, of true acceptance of Christ's teachings and personality, as 
 Mr. Chamberlain has done. . . . represents an influence to be reckoned with 
 and seriously to be taken into account.' — Theodore Roosevelt tn the Outlook, New 
 York. 
 
 %* •' It is a masterpiece of really scientific history. It does not make con- 
 fusion, it clears it away. He is a great generalizer of thought, as distinguished 
 from the crowd of mere specialists. It is certain to stir up thought. Whoever 
 has not read it will be rather out of it in political and sociological discussions for 
 some time to come." — George Bernard Shaw in Fabian News. 
 
 *«* "This is unquestionably one of the rare books that really matter. His 
 iudgments of men and things are deeply and indisputably sincere and are based 
 "on immense reading . . . But even many well-informed people . . . will be 
 grateful to Lord Redesdale for the biographical details which he gives them in the 
 valuable and illuminating introduction contributed by him to this English 
 translation." — Times. 
 
 THE SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF 
 
 COMMONS from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, with 
 a Topographical Account of Westminster at Various Epochs, 
 Brief Notes on Sittings of Parliament and a Retrospect of 
 the principal Constitutional Changes during Seven Centuries. By 
 Arthur Irwin Dasent, Author of "The Life and Letters of John 
 Delane," "The History of St. James's Square," etc., etc. With 
 numerous Portraits, including two in Photogravure and one in 
 Colour. Demy 8vo. 21s. net. 
 
 ROMANTIC TRIALS OF THREE CENTU- 
 
 RIES. By Hugh Childers With numerous Illustrations. 
 Demy 8vo. 1 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 *»* This volume de jls with some famous trials, occurring between the years 
 1650 and 1850, AH of them possess some exceptional interest, or introduce 
 historical personages in a fascinating style, peculiarly likely to attract attention. 
 
 The book is written for the general reading public, though in many respects 
 it should be of value to lawyers, who will be especially interested in the trials of 
 the great William Penn and Elizabeth Canning. The latter case is one of the 
 most enthralling interest. 
 
 Twenty-two years later the same kind of excitement was aroused over 
 Elizabeth Chudleigh, alias Duchess of Kingston, who attracted more attention in 
 1776 than the war of American independence. 
 
 Then the history of the fluent Dr. Dodd, a curiously pathetic one, is related, 
 and the inconsistencies of his character very clearly brought out; perhaps now he 
 may have a little more sympathy than he has usually received. Several im- 
 portant letters of his appear here for the first time in print. 
 
 Among other important trials discussed we find the libel action against 
 Disraeli and the story of the Lyons Mail. Our knowledge of the latter is chiefly 
 gathered from the London stage, bin there is in it a far greater historiral interest 
 than would be suspected by those who have only seen the much altered story 
 enacted before them.
 
 lo A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF WILLIAM 
 
 COBBETT IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. By Lewis 
 Melville. Author of " William Makepeace Thackeray." With 
 two Photogravures and numerous other Illustrations. 2 vols. 
 Demy 8vo. 32s. net. 
 
 THE LETTER-BAG OF LADY ELIZABETH 
 
 SPENCER STANHOPE. By A. M. W. Stirling. Author 
 of " Coke of Norfolk," and " Annals of a Yorkshire House." 
 With a Colour Plate, 3 in Photogravure, and 27 other 
 Illustrations. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32s. net. 
 
 *j,* Extracts might be multiplied indefinitely, but we have given enough to 
 show the richness of the mine. We have nothing but praise for the editor's 
 work, and can conscientiously commend this book equally to the student of 
 manners and the lover of lively anecdote. " — Standard. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF ENGLAND 
 
 IN 1675. By Marie Catherine Comtesse d'Aulnoy. Trans- 
 lated from the original French by Mrs. William Henry Arthur. 
 Edited, Revised, and with Annotations (including an account of 
 Lucy Walter) by George David Gilbert. With Illustrations. 
 Demy 8vo. i6s. net. 
 
 %■' When the Comte de Graraont went back to France and Mr. Pepys 
 decided that to save his eyesight it was essential that he should suspend his 
 Diary, the records of delectable gossip of the ever interesting Restoration Court 
 became, of necessity, sadly curtailed. Indeed, of the second decade of the 
 Golden Days the sedate Lvelyn has hitherto been almost the only source of 
 information available to the public. Though the Memoirs of the Countess 
 d'Aulnoy have always been known to students, they have never received the 
 respect they undoubtedly merit, for until Mr. Gilbert, whose hobby is the social 
 history of this period, took the matter in hand, no-one had succeeded in either 
 deciphering the identity of the leading characters of the Memoirs or in verifying 
 the statements made therein. To achieve this has been for some years his labour 
 of love and an unique contribution to Court and Domestic history is the crown of 
 his labours. The Memoirs, which have only to be known to rank with the 
 sparkling " Comte de Gramont" (which they much resemble), contain amusing 
 anecdotes and vivid portraits of King Charles II., his son the Duke of Monmoutli, 
 Prince Rupert, Buckingham, and other ruffling "Hectors" of those romantic 
 days. Among the ladies we notice the Oueen, the Duchess of Norfolk and 
 Richmond, and the lively and vivacious Maids of Honour. The new Nell Gwynn 
 matter is of particular interest. The Memoirs are fully illustrated with portraits, 
 not reproduced before, from the collection of the Duke of Portland and others. 
 
 AUSTRIA: HER PEOPLE AND THEIR 
 
 HOMELANDS. By James Baker, F.R.G.S. With 48 Pictures 
 in Colour by Donald Maxwell. Demy 8vo. 21s. net. 
 
 %* The Empire of Austria with its strangely diversified population of many 
 tongues is but little known to English readers. The Capital and a few famous 
 interesting places, such as Carlsbad, Marienbad, the glorious Tyrol, and such 
 cities as Golden Prague and Innsbruck are known to the English and Americans ; 
 but the remarkable scenery of the Upper Elbe, the Ultava or Moldau and the 
 Danube, the interesting peasantrj' in their brilliant costumes, the wild mountain 
 gorges, are quite outside the ken of the ordinai-y traveller. The volume is 
 written by one who since 1873 has continually visited various parts of the Empire 
 and has already written much upon Austria and her people. Mr. Baker was 
 lately decorated by the Emperor Francis Joseph for his literary work and wae 
 also voted the Great Silver Medal by the Prague Senate. The volume is 
 illustrated with 48 beautiful water-colour pictures by Mr. Donald Maxwell, the 
 well-known artist of the Graphic, who has made several journeys to Austria for 
 studies for this volume.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. ii 
 GATES OF THE DOLOMITES. By L. Marion 
 
 Davidson. With 32 Illustrations from Photographs and a Map. 
 
 Crown Kvo. Second Edition. 5s. net. 
 
 %* Whilst many English books have appeared on the Lande Tirol, few have 
 given more than a chapter on the fascinating Dolomite J.and, and it is in the hope 
 of helping other travellers to explore the mountain land with less trouble and 
 inconvenience than lell to her lot that the author has penned these attractive 
 pages. The object of this book is not to inlorm the traveller huw to scale the 
 apparently inaccessible peaks of the Dolomites, but rather how to find the roads, 
 and thread the valleys, which lead him to the recesses of this most lovely part of 
 the world's face, and Miss Davidson conveys just the knowledg:e which is warned 
 for this purpose ; especially will her map be appreciated by those who wish to 
 make their own plans for a tour, as it shows at a glance the geography of the 
 country. 
 
 THE INTIMATE TETTERS OF HESTER 
 
 PIOZZI AND PENELOPE PENNINGTON 1 788-1 821. 
 Edited by Oswald G. Knapp. With 32 Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 1 6s. net. 
 
 %* This work is a most important find and should arouse immense interest 
 amongst the large number of persons whom the Johnson cult attracts to anything 
 concerning Mrs. Piozzi. 
 
 Mr. Knapps gives 198 letters dating from 1788 to 1821. The letters are most 
 delightful reading and place Mrs. Piozzi in a somewhat different aspect than she 
 has been viewed in hitherto. The attitude of her Thrale daughters to her is 
 shown to be quite unwarrantable, and her semi humorous acceptance of the 
 calumny and persecution she suffered arouses our admiration. 
 
 The Illustrations to this charming work have been mainly supplied from 
 Mr. A. M. Broadley's unique collection. 
 
 CHANGING RUSSIA. A Tramp along the Black 
 
 Sea Shore and in the Urals. By Stephen Graham. Author of 
 " Undiscovered Russia," " A Vagabond in the Caucasus," etc. 
 With Illustrations and a Map. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* In " Changing Russia," Mr. Stephen Graham describes a journey from 
 Rostof-on-the-Don to Batum and a summer spent on the Ural Mountains. The 
 author has traversed all the region which is to be developed by the new railway 
 from Novo-rossisk to Poti. It is a tramping diary with notes and reflections. 
 The book deals more with the commercial life of Russia than with that of the 
 peasantry, and there are chapters on the Russia of the hour, the Russian town, 
 life among the gold miners of the Urals, the bourgeois, Russian journalism, the 
 intelligentsia, the election of the fourth Duma. An account is given of Russia at 
 the seaside, and each of the watering places of the Black Sea shore is 
 described in detail. 
 
 ROBERT FULTON ENGINEER AND ARTIST : 
 
 HIS LIFE AND WORK. By H. W. Dickinson, A.M.I.Mech.E. 
 Demy 8vo. los 6d. net. 
 
 *^^* No Biography dealing as a whole with the life-work of the celebrated 
 Robert Fulton has appeared of late years, in spite of the fact that the introduction 
 of steam navigation on a commercial scale, which was his greatest achievement 
 has recently celebrated its centenary. 
 
 The author has been instrumental in bringing to light a mass of documentary 
 matter relative to Fulton, aud has thus been able to present the facts about him in 
 an entirely new light . The interesting but little known episode of his career as 
 an artist is for the first time fully dealt with. His slay in France and his 
 experiments under the Directory and the Empire with the submarine and with 
 the steamboat are elucidated with the aid nf documents preserved in the Archives 
 Nationales at Paris. His subsequent withdra^^al from France and his 
 employment by the British Cabinet to destroy the Boulogne flotilla that Napoleon 
 had prepared in i8oi to invade England are gone into fully. The latter part of his 
 career in the United States, spent in the introduction of steam navigation and in 
 the construction of the first steam-propelled warship, is of the greatest interest. 
 With the lapse of time facts assume naturally their true perspective. 
 
 It is believed that practically nothing of moment in Fulton's career has been 
 omitted. The illustrations, which are numerous, are drawn in nearly every case 
 from the original sources. It may confidently be expected, therefore, that this 
 book will take it« place as the authoritative biography which everyone interested 
 in the subjects enumerated above \,\ill require to possess.
 
 12 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 A STAINED GLASS TOUR IN ITALY. By 
 
 Charles H. Sherrill. Author of " Stained Glass Tours in 
 England," " Stained Glass Tours in France," etc. With 
 33 Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 *«* Mr. Sherrill has already achieved success with his two previous books 
 on the subject of stained glass. In Italy he finds a new field, which ofiers con- 
 siderable scope for his researches. His present work will appeal not only to 
 tourists, but to the craftsmen, because of the writer's sympathy with the craft. 
 Mr. Sherrill is not only an authority whose writing is clear in style and full of 
 understanding for the requirements of the reader, but one whose accuracy and 
 reliability are unquestionable. This is the most important book published on the 
 subject with which it deals, and readers will find it worthy to occupy the 
 position. 
 
 MEMORIES. By the Honble. Stephen Coleridge. 
 
 Witn numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* Mr. Stephen Coleridge has seen much of the world in two hemispheres 
 and has been able to count among his intimate personal friends many of those 
 whose names have made the Victorian age illustrious. 
 
 Mr. Coleridge lortunateiy kept a diary for some years of his life and has 
 religiously preserved the letters of his distinguished friends; and in this book 
 the public are permitted to enjoy the perusal of much vitally interesting 
 correspondence. 
 
 With a loving and appreciative hand the author sketches the characters of 
 many great men as they were known to their intimate associates. Cardinals 
 Manning and Newman, G. F. Watts, James Russell Lowell, Matthew Arnold, 
 Sir Henry Irving, Goldwin Smith, Lewis Morris, Sir Stafiord Northcote, Whistler, 
 Oscar Wilde, Ruskin. and many others famous in the nineteenth century will be 
 found sympathetically dealt with in this book. 
 
 During his visit to America as the guest of the American Bar in 1883, Lord 
 Coleridge, the Chief Justice, and the author's father wrote a series of letters, 
 which have been carefully preserved, recounting his impressions of the United 
 States and of the leading citizens whom he met. 
 
 Mr. Coleridge has incorporated portions ol these letters from his father in the 
 volume, and they will prove deeply interesting on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 
 Among the illustrations are many masterly portraits never before published. 
 
 From the chapter on the author's libraiy, which is full of priceless literary 
 treasures, the reader can appreciate the appropriate surroundings amid which 
 this book was compiled. 
 
 ANTHONY TROLLOPE : HIS WORK, ASSO- 
 CIATES AND ORIGINALS. By T. H. S. Escott. Demy 
 8vo. 1 2s. 6d. net, 
 
 *<* The author of this book has not solely relied for his materials on a 
 personal intimacy with its subject, during the most active years of Trollope's life, 
 but from an equal intimacy with Trollope's contemporaries and from those who 
 had seen his early life. He has derived, and here sets forth, in chronological 
 order, a series of personal incidents and experiences that could not be gained 
 but tor the author's exceptional opportunities. These incidents have never before 
 appeared in print, but that are absolutely essential for a right understanding of 
 the opinions — social, political, and religious— of which Trollope's writings became 
 the medium, as well as of the chief personages in his stories, from the 
 " Macdermots of Ballycloran" (1847^ to the posthumous " Land Leaguers " (1883). 
 All lifelike pictures, whether of place, individual, character or incident, are 
 painted from life. The entirely fresh light now thrown on the intellectual and 
 spiritual forces, chiefly felt by the novehst during his childhood, youth and early 
 manhood, helped to place within his reach the originals of his long portrait 
 gallery, and had their further result in the opinions, as well as the estimates 
 of events and men. in which his writings abound, and which, whether they cause 
 agreement or dissent, always reveal life, nature, and stimulate thought. The 
 nian, who had for his Harrow schoolfellows Sidney Herbert and Sir William 
 Gregory, was subsequently brought into the closest relations with the first State 
 officials of his time, was himself one of the most active agents in making penny 
 
 Eostage a national and imperial success, and when he planted the first pillar- 
 ox in the Channel Islands, accomplished on his own initiative a great postal 
 reform. A life so active, varied and full, gave him a greater diversity of friends 
 throughout the British Isles than belonged to any other nineteenth century 
 worker, literary or official. Hence the unique interest of Trollope's course, and 
 tV.eiefore this, its record.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. 13 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH PATRIOTISM. 
 
 By EsME C WiNGHELD Stratford, FcUow King's College, Cam- 
 bridge. In 2 vols. Demy 8vo. With a Frontispiece to each 
 Tolume, (1,300 pages). 25s. net. 
 
 %* This work compresses into about HALF A MILLION WORDS the 
 substance ot EIGHT YEARS of uninterrupted labour. 
 
 The book has been read and enthusiastically commended by the leading 
 experts in the principal subjects embraced in this encyclopaedic survey of English 
 History. 
 
 When this work was first announced under the above title, the publisher 
 suggested calling it "A New History of England." Indeed it is both. Mr. 
 Wingfield Stratford endeavours to show how everything of value that nations in 
 general, and the English nation in particular, have at any time achieved has been 
 the direct outcome of the common feeling upon which patriotism is built. He 
 sees, and makes his readers see, the manifold development of England as one 
 connected whole with no more breach of continuity than a living body or a perfect 
 work of art. 
 
 The author may fairly claim to have accomplished what few previous 
 historians have so much as attempted. He has woven together the threads ot 
 religion, politics, war, philosophy, literature, painting, architecture, law and 
 commerce, into a narrative of unbroken and absorbing interest. 
 
 The book is a world-book. Scholars will reconstruct their ideas from it, 
 economics examine the gradual fruition of trade, statesmen devise fresh creative 
 plans, and the general reader will feel he is no insignificant unit, but the splendid 
 symbol of a splendid world. 
 
 CHARLES CONDER : HIS LIFE AND WORK. 
 
 By Frank Gibson. With a Catalogue of the Lithographs and 
 Etchings by Campbell Dodgson, M.S., Keeper of Prints and 
 Drawings, British Museum. With about 100 reproductions of 
 Conder's work, 12 of which are in colour. Demy 410. 21s. net. 
 
 %* With the exception of one or two articles in English Art Magazines, and 
 one or two in French, German, and American periodicals, no book up to the 
 present has appeared fully to record the life and work of Charles Condor, by 
 whose death English Art has lost one of its most original personalities. Con- 
 sequently it has been felt that a book dealing with Conder's life so full ot interest, 
 and his work so full oi charm and beauty, illustrated by characteristic examples 
 of his Art both in colour and in black and white, would be welcome to the already 
 great and increasing number of his admirers. 
 
 The author of this book, Mr. Frank Gibson, who knew Conder in his early 
 days in Australia and afterwards in England during the rest of the artist's life, 
 is enabled in consequence to do full justice, not only to the delightful character 
 of Conder as a friend, but is also able to appreciate his remarkable talent. 
 
 The interest and value of this work will be greatly increased by the addition 
 of a complete catalogue of Conder's lithographs and engravings, compiled by 
 Mr. Campbell Dodgson, M.A , Keeper of the Print-Room of the British Museum. 
 
 PHILIP DUKE OF WHARTON. By Lewis 
 
 Melville. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. i6s. net. 
 
 *,* A character more interesting than Philip, Duke of Wharton, does not 
 often fall to the lot of a biographer, yet, by some stranpe chance, though nearly 
 two hundred years have passed since that wayward genius passed away, the 
 present work is the first that gives a comprehensive account oi^ his life. A man 
 of unusual parts and unusual charm, he at once delighted and disgusted his 
 contemporaries. Unstable as water, he was like Dryden's Zimri, "Everything 
 by starts and nothing long." He was poet and pamphleteer, wit, statesman, 
 buffoon, and amorist. The son of one of the most stalwart supporters of the 
 Hanoverian dynasty, he went abroad and joined the Pretender, wno created him 
 a duke. He then returned to En:;iand, renounced the Stuarts, and was by 
 George I. also promoted to a dukedom —while he was yet a minor. He was the 
 friend of Attenbury and the President ot the Hell-Fire Club. At one time he was 
 leading Spanish troops against his countrymen, at another seeking consolation 
 in a monastery. It is said that he was the original of Richardson's Lovelace.
 
 14 A CATALOGUE OF 
 
 THE LIFE OF MADAME TALLIEN NOTRE 
 
 DAME DE THERMIDOR (A Queen of Shreds and Patches.) 
 Fr6m the last days of the French Revolution, until her death as 
 Princess Chimay in 1885. By L. Gastine. Translated from 
 the French by J. Lewis May. With a Photogravure Frontispiece 
 and 1 6 other Illustrations Demy 8vo. 1 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* There is no one in the history of the French Revolution who has been 
 more eagerly canonised than Madame Talhen ; yet according to M. Gastine, there 
 is no one in that history who merited canonisation so little. He has therefore set 
 himself the task of dissipating the mass of legend and sentiment that has 
 gathered round the memory of La Belle Tallien" and of presenting her to our 
 eyes as she really was. The result of his labour is a volume, which combines the 
 scrupulous exactness of conscientious research with the richness and glamour of 
 a romance. In the place of the beautiful heroic but purely imaginary figure of 
 popular tradition, we behold a woman, dowered indeed with incomparable loveli- 
 ness, but utterly unmoral, devoid alike of heart and soul, who readily and 
 repeatedly prostituted her personal charms for the advancement of her selfish 
 and ignoble aims. Though Madame Tallien is the central figure of the book, the 
 reader is introduced to many other personages who played famous or infamous 
 r31es in the contemporary social or political arena, and the volume, which is 
 enriched by a number of interesting portraits, throws a new and valuable light on 
 this stormy and perennially fascinating period of French history. 
 
 MINIATURES : A Series of Reproductions in 
 
 Photogravure of Ninety-Six Miniatures of Distinguished Personages, 
 including Queen Alexandra, the Queen of Norway, the Princess 
 Royal, and the Princess Victoria. Painted by Charles Turrell. 
 (Folio.) The Edition is limited to One Hundred Copies for sale 
 in England and America, and Twenty-Five Copies for Presentation, 
 Review, and the Museums. Each will be Numbered and Signed 
 by the Artist, i 5 guineas net. 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF GUYDE MAUPASSANT. 
 
 By his Valet FaANfois. Translated from the French by Maurice 
 Reynold. Demy 8vo. i zs. 6d. net. 
 
 THE WIFE OF GENERAL BONAPARTE. By 
 
 Joseph Turquan. Author of " The Love Affairs of Napoleon," 
 etc. Translated from the French by Miss Violette Montagu. 
 With a Photogravure Frontispiece and 16 other Illustrations. 
 Demy 8vo. i 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* Although much has been written concerning the Empress Josephine, we 
 know comparatively little about the veuve Beauharnais and the ciloyettne 
 Bonaparte, whose inconsiderate conduct during her husband's absence caused 
 him so much anguish. We are so accustomed to consider Josephine as the 
 innocent victim of a cold and calculating tyrant who allowed nothing, neither 
 human lives nor natural affections, to stand in the way of his all-conquering will, 
 that this volume will come to us rather as a surprise. Modern historians are 
 over-fond of blaming Napoleon for having divorced the companion of his early 
 years ; but after having read the above work, the reader will be constrained to 
 admire General Bonaparte's forbearance and will wonder how he ever came to 
 allow her to play the Queen at the Tuileries. 
 
 ENGLISH TRAVELLERS OF THE RE- 
 NAISSANCE. By Clare Howard. With 12 Illustrations. 
 Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* A good sub-title to this book would be "The Grand Tour in the i6th and 
 17th Centuries." We have a series of most interesting extracts from, and 
 comments on the innumerable little volumes of directions for foreign travellers 
 issued during the i6th and 17th Centuries for the guidance of English youths 
 about to venture on the Continent.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. 15 
 SOPHIE DAWES, QUEEN OF CHANTILLY. 
 
 By VioLETTE M. Montagu. Author of "The Scottish College in 
 Paris," etc. With a Photogravure Frontispiece and i6 ether 
 Illustrations and Three Plans. Demy 8vo. 1 2S. 6d. net. 
 
 %* Ainon» the manv queens of France, queens by right of marriage with the 
 reigning sovereign, queens of beauty or of intrigue, the name of Sophie Dawes, 
 the daughter of humble fisherfolk in the Isle of Wight, better known as "the 
 notorious Mme. de Feucheres,'" "The Queen of Chantilly" and "The Montespan 
 de Saint Leu" in the land which she chose as a suitable sphere in which to 
 exercise her talents for money-making and for getting on in the world, stand 
 torth as a proof of what a woman's will can accomplish when that will is ac- 
 companied with an uncommon share of intelligence. 
 
 TRAVELS WITHOUT BAEDEKER. By Ardern 
 
 Beaman. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* An entertaining book of unconventional travel — unconventional as the 
 author progressed more on the lines of a tramp than a tourist, from Aden to 
 Port Said, afterwards through Cairo and Alexandria, then on to Jaffa and 
 Jerusalem, then into Greece and Turkey, and finally on to Venice. He con- 
 stantly travelled third class amongst crowQs of filthy natives and on at least one 
 occasion made a steamer voyage in the steerage, but he had experiences he could 
 not have obtained in any other way, and kept a light heart and amused 
 countenance through it all. 
 
 MADAME DE BRINVILLIERS AND HER 
 
 TIMES. 1630-1676. By Hugh Stokes. With a Photogravure 
 Frontispiece and 16 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d. net. 
 
 %*The name of Marie Marguerite d'Aubray, Marquise de Brinvilliers, is 
 famous in the annals ol crime, but the true history of her career is little known. 
 A woman of birth and rank, she was also a remorseless poisoner, and her trial 
 was one of the most sensational episodes of the early reign of Louis XIV. The 
 author was attracted to this curious subject by Charles le Brun's realistic sketch 
 of the unhappy Marquise as she appeared on her way to execution. This chej 
 doeuvre of misery and agony forms the frontispiece to the volume, and strikes a 
 fitting keynote to an absorbing story of human passion and wrong-doing. 
 
 GLIMPSES OF INDIAN BIRDS. By Douglas 
 
 Dewar. Demy 8vo, 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 %* The author of "Jungle Folk" and "Birds of the Plains" has written 
 another volume which will be welcomed by all lovers of the subject in which 
 Mr. Uewar has specialised so successluUy. The book is written in the pleasant 
 style which lays stress on all the intimate habits and quaint characteristics of the 
 birds ol India. The author dedicat s his book to ex-President Roosevelt, who 
 has always shown a keen appreciation of Mr. Dewar's research. 
 
 ANNALS OF A YORKSHIRE HOUSE. From 
 
 the Papers of a Macaroni and his kindred. By A. M. W. Stirling, 
 author of "Coke of Norfolk and his Friends." With 33 
 Illustrations, including 3 in Colour and 3 in Photogravure. 
 Demy 8vo. 2 vols. 32s. net. 
 
 MARGARET OF FRANCE: DUCHESS OF 
 
 SAVOY, 1 523-1 574. By Winifred Stephens. With a 
 
 Photogravure Frontispiece and 16 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 
 12s. 6d. net.
 
 MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc. i6 
 
 ADVENTURES WITH A SKETCH BOOK. By 
 
 Donald Maxwell. Illustrated by the Author. F'cap 4to. 
 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 *»* This book provides a new departure from the conventional methods of 
 book illustration. By an ingenious use of tints it is illustrated throughout in 
 colour. All the text drawings are printed on rough surface paper, and are not, 
 as in the case of so many so-called colour books, plates printed on a shiny paper. 
 
 With regard to the text ihe reader will feel that he is an active partaker in 
 Mr. Maxwell's explorations and romantic expeditions in numerous unexpected 
 places all over Europe. It is a book that will make a delightful possession. 
 
 NAPOLEON AND KING MURAT. 1805-18 15 : 
 
 A Biography compiled from hitherto Unknown and Unpublished 
 Documents. By Albert Espitalier. Translated from the French 
 by J. Lewis May. With a Photogravure Frontispiece and i6 
 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 1 2S. 6d. net. 
 
 LADY CHARLOTTESCHREIBER'S JOURNALS 
 
 Confidences of a Collector of Ceramics and Antiques throughout 
 Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Holland, Belgium, 
 Switzerland, and Turkey. From the year 1869 to i 885. Edited 
 by Montague Guest, with Annotations by Egan Mew. With 
 upwards of 100 Illustrations, including 8 in colour and 2 in 
 Photogravure. Royal 8vo. 2 volumes. 42s. net. 
 
 CHRONICLES OF ERTHIG ON THE DYKE. 
 
 From Original Letters preserved in the House, By Albinia 
 Cust. With Illustrations from Photographs. In 2 vols. 25s. net. 
 
 %» The story is not of a Family but of a House. In the oak-panelled 
 library are parchments, manuscripts, old printed books, and the letters — frail yet 
 enduring souvenirs of a vanished past Never intended for publication, they 
 have an interest so poignant as to be realised only in the reading. The writers 
 with their joys and sorrows seem to live again in these pages, conjuring up 
 visions of the scenes amid which they played their little part. 
 
 A MOTOR TOUR THROUGH CANADA. By 
 
 Thomas Wilby. With 32 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 5s. net. 
 
 %*■ A capital account of a trip from Halifax to the Pacific Coast. Mr. Wilby 
 brings the scene most vividly home to the reader and he blends, with con- 
 siderable skill, history and narrative. The Photographs also g^ve an excellent 
 idea of the tour. 
 
 WITH THE RUSSIANS IN MONGOLIA. By 
 
 H. G. C. Perry-Ayscough and R. B. Otter-Barry. With an 
 Introduction by Sir Claude McDonald, K.C.M.G., K.C.B., 
 etc. With numerous Illustrations from Photographs. Demy 8vo. 
 I 6s. net. 
 
 THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF NAPOLEON. By 
 
 Joseph Turquan. Translated from the French by James Lewis 
 May. New Edition. With 8 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 
 3s. 6d. net.
 
 'J''„'^,''l'THri!NRFf;iorjAI LIBIWffYIACII 
 
 AA 000 922 426
 
 :>■■;'••; -ft jJ; 
 
 ^ , '■fin V 
 
 '< •( 
 
 '^/i / 
 
 v.y.y:Kv'5::V'