F0FS2 
 
BANCROFT 
 LIBRARY 
 
 0- 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
FKEMONT-HIS SUPPORTERS AM) THEIR RECORD. 
 
 THE OPINIONS OF OUR GREAT STATESMEN UPON THE 
 
 MISSOURI RESTRICTION. 
 
 BY AN INDIANIAN. 
 
 The Black Republican candidate for the Presidency, though a sena 
 tor of the United States for several months, was in his seat and parti 
 cipated in the proceedings of that body but twenty-one days ; yet, 
 during that time, he showed himself to be a most ultra pro-slavery 
 man. 
 
 He is now the candidate of, and supported by, that class of abolition 
 ists who demand that wherever Congress has the power, slavery shall 
 be abolished. 
 
 When bill No. 226, "To suppress the slave trade in the District of 
 Columbia," was under consideration, Mr. Seward moved an amend 
 ment, "To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia." Chase, Hale 
 and Seward voted for the amendment, and FREMONT and DAYTON. 
 against it. (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 627.) 
 
 Subsequently, when bill No. 347 was under consideration, the sam 
 amendment was proposed by Mr. Hale, and supported by Messrs. 
 Hale, Chase and Seward, and opposed by Messrs. FREMONT and 
 DAYTON. (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 617.) 
 
 Under the responsibility of official duty, and the obligations of his 
 senatorial oath, Mr. Fremont resisted the proposition to abolish slavery 
 in the District of Columbia, although he conceded the power. Yet, he 
 is now the candidate of the party with which that measure is first in 
 importance. What brought about this change in his views of right and 
 duty in relation to so important a measure "? Has he abandoned a high 
 principle to attain a high position ? Has his gaze been so intent upon 
 the White House, that he would send his principles to the auction 
 block,- that he might reach the Presidency ? Let the unprejudiced mind 
 answer. 
 
 The Senate on the 14th of September, 1850, resumed the considera 
 tion of bill No. 226, "To suppress the slave trade in the District of 
 Columbia," the third section of which provided, that any person who 
 should induce or entice a slave to run away from his master should be 
 imprisoned in the penitentiary for ten years. Senator Badger, of North 
 Carolina, movtd to strike out the clause denouncing a penalty of ten 
 years' imprisonment, and insert, " For any time not exceeding five 
 years." 
 
 Mr. FREMONT voted against this amendment. (Senate Journal, 1st 
 session 31st Congress, p. 632.) 
 
 He was the only senator representing a free State who voted against 
 
2 
 
 that wise and humane proposition, originating in the benevolent feelings 
 of a southern senator. In his judgment, to persude a slave to leave 
 his master was a crime of such magnitude, that nothing less than ten 
 year*? imprisonment in a southern penitentiary would be an adequate 
 punishment ; and so stern and harsh must the law be, that the court 
 should be denied all discretion in imposing the penalty, nor allowed to 
 take into consideration the character, age, or intelligence of the ac 
 cused, nor any mitigating circumstance. The amendment was pro 
 posed by a southern senator, an enlightened and able defender of 
 southern rights and institutions, but it was too liberal, too indulgent to 
 secure the vote of Mr. Fremont, though he represented a free State. 
 To satisfy his convictions of right, the man who might encourage a 
 .faithful slave to escape from a cruel master, must be crushed with a 
 penalty more severe than is usually inflicted upon the perpetrators of 
 high crimes and infamous felonies in the States. For crimes against 
 the property and persons of the people, the courts and juries may, in 
 most cases, reduce the imprisonment to a term of two years; but the 
 misguided enthusiast, or blind fanatic, who should encourage a slave to 
 flee for liberty, is denied the mercy of the court, and must suffer a fixed 
 and certain penalty often years' imprisonment in the penitentiary. So 
 voted Fremont and in giving that vote he stood alone among the sena 
 tors from the North. That record stands unchanged ; but where stands 
 the man who made it? the man who was so ultra in his views that a 
 southern measure was not sufficiently stringent he who was so quick 
 and valiant to draw his sword for the South ? Six years have passed 
 since, that record, but in that short period the relative position and 
 strength of the sections, North and South, have greatly changed. The 
 North has become powerful and defiant whilst the South, by calling 
 into action every energy, is scarcely able to maintain her constitutional 
 rights, and her equality in the Union. A sectional party in the North 
 seeks to seize and control the government, and this late champion of 
 the South. John C. Fremont, is their candidate for the Presidency. 
 He is supported by Seward, Sumner, Giddings, Chase, Wade, Hale, 
 and their compeers the acknowledged leaders and mouth-pieces of the 
 Abolition party of the United States. . 
 
 John C. Fremont has made no political record since his brilliant 
 senatorial career; therefore to ascertain the opinions and sentiments that 
 will govern him in his administration of public affairs, if the American 
 people shall, by their suffrage, place him in the highest office in the gift 
 of a free people, we must recur to the avowed arid published opinions 
 and purposes of his political associates. 
 
 The leaders of his party have a record a record of vituperation 
 against the Democratic party, against the federal constitution, and 
 against the federal Union; this record we submit to the American 
 people, and ask them to decide, in November next, whether the diver 
 sified interests of this great country are to be subserved by commit 
 ting them to the management of such men. 
 
 On the petition of John J. Woodward and others, praying that a 
 plan might be devised for a dissolution of the Union, the yeas 
 were, SALMON P. CHASE, JOHN P. HALE, and WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
 (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 129.) 
 
3 
 
 These men are now the acknowledged leaders of Black Republi 
 canism ; they are of those who profess love for the constitution and 
 the Union, whilst black and horrid treason has possession of their 
 hearts ; but when they nominated John C. Fremont, they declared to 
 the world that " the constitution ir.u?t and shall be preserved." This 
 they did, only to deceive the contiding, and mislead the unwary. 
 Their votes speak louder than their words. They use the language of 
 patriotism and of love for the Union to secure the support of Union- 
 loving men, whilst their votes, their acts, and their organization, lead 
 only to a dissolution, and all the evils that must follow. They believe 
 in the " higher-law" doctrine, first enunciated at a Black Republican 
 (then called a Liberty) convention, held in the city of Buffalo in 1843, 
 at which the following resolution was unanimously adopted, with Sal 
 mon P. Chase as chairrran of the Committee on Resolutions: 
 
 " Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood, by this nation and the world, 
 that, AS ABOLITIONISTS, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, 
 and our hopes for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and our support of the rights of 
 man, we owe to the sovereign Ruler of the Universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all 
 our civil relations and offices, whether as friends, citizens, or as public functionaries, sworn to 
 support the constitution of the United States, to regard and treat the third clause of the in 
 strument, whenever applied in the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and conse 
 quently as forming no part of the constitution of the United Slates, whenever we are called upon, 
 or sworn to support it." 
 
 This doctrine was reiterated in June, 1853, at Ravenna, Ohio, by a 
 mass meeting of Free-soilers, which was addressed by CHASE, GID- 
 DINGS, SAMUEL LEWIS, and JUDGE SPAULDTNG, (all of whom are now 
 the champions of the Fremont cause,) by the adoption of the follow 
 ing resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That we cannot respect, nor can we confide in those lower-law doctors of divinity 
 who hold human laws above the laws of God ; nor can we concur in their teachings, that 
 the divine law is subject to Congressional compromises." 
 
 And again announced by the Hon. Charles Sumner, in 1854, in the 
 Senate of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, asked, "If we repeal the fugitive- 
 slave law, will Massachusetts execute the provision of the constitution 
 without any law of Congress?" Will this honorable senator [Mr. 
 Sumner] tell me that he will do it?" To which Mr. Sumner replied : 
 " Is thy servant a dog, that he should do this thing?" Mr. Butler con 
 tinued : " Then you would not obey the constitution. Sir, standing 
 here before this tribunal, where you swore to support it, you rise and 
 tell me that you regard it the office of a dog to enforce it. You stand 
 in my presence as a co-equal senator, and tell me that it is a dog's 
 office to execute the constitution of the United States ?" To which 
 Mr. Sumner said: ( ' I recognise no such obligation." 
 
 Welcome is Mr. Sumner to his senatorial honors, acquired by 
 charging that only a "dog" could recognise or execute an express 
 clause of the constitution of the United States, which, however, is in 
 strict accordance with the Buffalo and Ravenna resolutions, and com 
 ports with the "higher-law" notions of the party who recently made 
 Colonel Fremont their presidential candidate. 
 
 This doctrine, which makes the private notions or prejudices of each 
 individual the paramount law of his political action, is but a practical 
 development of the "higher-law" notions as applied to American poli- 
 
tics by William H. Seward, who, in a speech delivered in the United 
 States Senate in 1850, said : 
 
 " The constitution regulates our stewardship ; the constitution devotes the domain to 
 Union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the 
 constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble 
 purposes." 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to say that, with such ideas in the ascendant 
 in any country, no government is practical, and anarchy and confusion, 
 and brute force, must inevitably rule the hour. Bodies of men or in 
 dividuals, maddened by sectional or party prejudices, will never want 
 an excuse for the violation of unpalatable laws, so long as they are 
 permitted to substitute the vagaries of their own distempered intellects 
 as having a stronger claim to their obedience than the constitution of 
 their country. 
 
 As a further development of this idea of individual sovereignty, 
 Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts, at a Free-soil meeting in Boston, 
 in May, 1849, said: 
 
 "We confess that we intend to trample under foot the constitution of this country. Daniel 
 Websttr says : ' You are a law-abiding people ;' that the glory of New England is, ' that it is 
 a law-abiding community.' Shame on it, if this be true ; if even the religion of New England 
 sinks as low as its statute-book. But I say we are not a law-abiding community. God be 
 thanked for it." 
 
 But the Black Republican platform says: 
 
 "The federal constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and 
 shall be preserved." 
 
 In preservation of the "rights of the States," JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS, 
 in the House of Representatives, in May, 1854, said : 
 
 "'I look forward to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South ; when 
 the blaik man, armed with British bayonets, and commanded by British officers, shall wage a 
 war of extermination againsi the white man ; when the master shall see his dwelling in flames, 
 and his hearth-stone polluted ; and, though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when 
 their fear cometh,yet shall I hail it as the dawn of a political millenium." 
 
 The man who uttered this chaste sentiment contributed more to the 
 nomination of Fremont than perhaps any other man in the convention; 
 he was the master-spirit of that convention, and was no doubt the 
 author of that clause in the platform which declares " the rights of the 
 States must and shall be preserved." Yes, such preservation " as the 
 woJf gives to the lamb !" 
 
 But certainly that Black Republican party which professes so much 
 love for the federal constitution and the union of the States must have 
 a record in strict conformity to such professions. Let us, then, look to 
 that record. _ Mr. Mann, of Massachusetts, in 1850, expressed his love 
 for the constitution and the Union as follows : 
 
 " I have only to add, that, under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my 
 God, 1 deliberately gay. better disunion, better a civil or a servile war, better anything that 
 God, in his Providence, shall send, than an extension of- the bounds of slavery." 
 
 At a celebration of the 4th day of July, 1854, by citizens of Massa 
 chusetts, in which the Rev. (?) Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, and 
 others, took the lead, the constitution of the United States was thrown 
 into a fire, built for that purpose, and burnt in derision of the Ameri 
 can Union. 
 
 Senator Wade, of Ohio, in a speech to a mass meeting of the Black 
 Republicans, held in the State of Maine in 1855, according to the 
 Boston Atlas, said : 
 
: 
 
 "There was no freedom at the South for either white or black, and he would strive to pro 
 tect the free soil of the North from the same blighting curse. There was really no Union noio 
 between the North and the South, and he believed no two nations upon the earth entertained 
 feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other than these two sections of the republic. The 
 only salvation of the Union, therefore, ii-as to be found in divesting it entirely from all taint of 
 slavery. There was no Union with the South. Let us have a Union, said he, or let us sweep 
 aicay 'this remnant which we call a Union. I go for a Union where all men are equal, or for no 
 Union at all, and I go for right." 
 
 This speech was vociferously applauded by the constitution-union- 
 loving people of Maine. 
 
 These disunion sentiments, and the man who uttered them, were 
 endorsed by the Black Republican legislature of Ohio in 1856, by re- 
 electing him to the Senate of the United States. The Black Republi 
 cans of the great State of Ohio, therefore, respond faithfully to the 
 sentiment: u Let its sweep away this remnant which we call a Union." 
 
 This same party, at a convention held in Boston in 1855, adopted, 
 by a unanimous vote, the following resolutions: 
 
 " 15. Resolved, That a constitution which provides for a slave representation and a ."lave 
 oligarchy in Congress, *hich legalizes slave hunting and slave catching on every inch of 
 American soil, and which pledges the military and naval power of the country to keep four 
 millions of chatiel slaves in their chains, is to be trodden under foot and p onounced accursed, 
 however unexceptionable or valuable may be its other provisions. 
 
 " 16- Resolved, That the one great issue before the country is, the dissolution of the Union, 
 in comparison with which all other issues with the slave power are as dust in the balance ; 
 therefore, we will give ourselves to the work of annulling this ' covenant with death,' as essential 
 to our own innocency, and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the slave system." 
 
 This same party " loves this Union ! " yet, at various meetings and 
 processions in Indiana, during the month of July, 1856, flags and trans 
 parencies were carried with but sixteen stars ; emblematic of a northern 
 confederacy of the sixteen free States. The same thing has recently 
 occurred in the State of Maine : 
 
 " Hannibal Hamlin, Lot M. Morril, and Charles W. Goddard, esq., of Danville, addressed 
 a Fremont meeting at Norway on Monday, standing under an American flag, on which were 
 only sixteen stars ! 
 
 " The disunion flag, with sixteen stars only, still continues to float across the public highway 
 in this village an emblem of sectionalism, and a disgrace to the party who placed it there." 
 Norway Advertiser. 
 
 " The ' Portland State of Maine ' has hung out a Fremont and Dayton flag, on which are only 
 sixteen stars. 
 
 " A salute of sixteen guns was fired at Portland the day Hamlin was nominated fc r governor. 
 
 " Only sixteen States were represented in the convention which nominated Fremont and 
 Dayton. 
 
 " These are significant signs of the disunion tendencies and feelings of the Black Republicans. 
 They scarcely take any pains to disguise their hostility to the Union. Let tho^e who love their 
 country and desire to perpetuate the Union ponder these things, and then do their duty " 
 
 Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, in a speech delivered in Faneuil 
 Hall, Boston, on the 2d November, 1855, said: 
 
 "Not that I love the Union less, but freedom more, do I now, in pleading this great cause, 
 insist that freedom, AT ALL HAZARDS, shall be preserved. God forbid that for the sake of the 
 Union, we should sacrifice the very thing for which the Union was made." 
 
 Our glorious Union was formed to promote the prosperity and happi 
 ness of the white race, and as a condition of the Union, expressed in 
 the constitution, the rights of the slave States are recognised and guar 
 antied. Shall it be sacrificed to a false philanthropy, a wild and fa 
 natical sentimentality towards the black race? You respond " yes," 
 when you, as sectional men, support John Charles Fremont. 
 
 Wade, Sumner, and their political associates, have long and openly 
 declared their disunion sentiments ; they have violated their constitu 
 tional obligations ; they have defamed our glorious constitution ; they 
 
6 
 
 have traduced their country, and have plotted treason against our beloved 
 Union ; they are the leaders of the black cohorts of Black Republican 
 ism ; whilst plotting tieason, they are also plotting for the election of 
 Fremont ; and if successful in either, they will have accomplished their 
 great first design, the disunion of these States. 
 
 Wendell Phillips issued a pamphlet in 1850, reviewing Mr. Web 
 ster's speech " on the constitutional rights of the States," in which is 
 the following : 
 
 "We are disunionists, not from any love of separate confederacies, or as ignorant of the 
 thousand evils that spring from neighboring and quarrelsome States, but we would get rid of 
 this Union." 
 
 This man that uttered these delectable sentiments is a leading Black 
 Republican of Massachusetts and New England, and his shrieks are 
 loud and long for "free speech, FREE MEN, and Fremont." 
 
 The Black Republican-Know-nothing legislature of Massachusetts, 
 in 1855, passed an act denominated the personal liberty bill, nullifying 
 thereby an act of Congress, which, by the constitution, is a part of the 
 supreme law of the land. 
 
 This " personal liberty bill," as has been well said, " menaces with 
 disfranchisement any lawyer who appears for the claimant of the fugi 
 tive slave ; menaces with impeachment any judge who issues a warrant 
 or certificate, or holds even the office of commissioner under the federal 
 law ; and menaces with infamous punishment, any ministerial officer or 
 officer of militia who aids in its execution." And although Governor 
 Gaidner vetoed the bill because of its conflict with the constitution ol 
 the United States, yet this Black Republican and Know-nothing legis 
 lature passed it over the veto, and it became a law. 
 
 The legislature of Ohio, composed of the same material as the legis 
 lature of Massachusetts, at their session in 1856, passed laws nullifying 
 the same acts of Congress. 
 
 Judge Spaulding, one of the leaders in the Black Republican con 
 vention from Ohio, said: 
 
 " In the case of the alternative being presented of the continuance cf slavery or a dissolu 
 tion of the Union, 1 am for dissolution, and I care not how quick it comes." 
 
 John P. Hale addressed the convention as follows : 
 
 " You have assembled, not to say whether this Union shall be preserved, but to say whether 
 it shall be a blessing or a scorn and hissing among the nations." 
 
 Senator Wilsun, on the 12th of June, 1855, in the Philadelphia 
 Know-nothing convention, said: 
 
 " I am in favor of relieving the federal government from all connexion with, and responsi 
 bility for, the existence of slavery. To effect this objeci, I am in favor of the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, and the prohibition of slavery in all the Territories." 
 
 Mr. Wilson, by abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 would perpetrate an act of bad faith, highly injurious to the peace and 
 quietness of the States of Virginia and Maryland, from whom the ces 
 sion was made to the general government. He would demand of a 
 Congress, composed ol members from all the States, to denounce and 
 abolish an institution recognised and protected by fifteen States of this 
 Union ; yet what cares he for the peace and harmony of the Union, or 
 the great wrong that he would inflict upon the South, so that his morbid 
 appetite should be gratified ? But the abolishment of slavery in the 
 
7 
 
 District of Columbia, and the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, 
 Mr. Clay said, were " but so many masked batteries, concealing the 
 real and ultimate point of attack. That point of attack is the institu 
 tion of slavery as it exists in the States. Their purpose is abolition 
 universal abolition peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must." 
 
 Mr. Banks, the present Abolition-know-nothing Speaker of the House 
 of Representatives, and who declined the nomination of the New York 
 Know-nothing convention in favor of Mr. Fremont, said: 
 
 " I am not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I 
 am willing, in a certain state of circumstances, to let it slide." 
 
 Mr. Josiah Quincy, of Boston, in a speech in August, 1854, said: 
 
 " The obligation incumbent upon the free States to deliver uo fugitive slaves is that burden, 
 and it must be obliterated from that constitution at every hazard." 
 
 General James Watson Webb, a Black Republican leader, said, in 
 the Philadelphia convention : 
 
 " Our people come together from all parts of the Union and ask us to give them a nomina 
 tion which, when fairly put before the people, will unite public sentiment, and, through the 
 ballot-box, will restrain and repel this pro-slavery extension and this aggression of the slave- 
 ocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they are willing to abide by the bal 
 lot-box, and willing to make that the last appfal. If we fail there, what then? WE WILL 
 DRIVE IT BACK, SWORD IN HANP, and, so help me God .' believing that to be rightj I am with them.'* 
 [Loud and prolonged applause.] 
 
 Let the ballot-box fail to elect Fremont, and the cartridge-box is 
 threatened against the American people. The idiosyncracies of the 
 Black Republican party must prevail, or the fire and sword must fol 
 low. They are truly a constitution Union-loving party. 
 
 Mr. Burlingame, in the House of Representatives, in 1856, said : 
 
 " The times demand, and we must have, an ANTI- SLAVERY CONSTITUTION, AN ANTI-SLAYERI 
 BIBLE, AND AN ANTI-SLAVERY GOD." 
 
 The following extract is from the " Boston Liberator," a paper now 
 warmly supporting Mr. Fremont : 
 
 "Justice and liberty, God and man, demand the dissolution of ihia slaveholdinff Union and 
 the formation of a NORTHERN CONFEDERACY, in which slaveholders shall stanl before the law 
 as/e/ons and be treated as pirates. God and humanity demand a ballot-box in which the 
 slaveholders shall never cast a ballot. In this, what State so prepared to lead as the Old 
 Bay State ? She has already made it a penal offence to help to execute a law of the Tfnion. I 
 want to see the officers of the State brought into collision with those of the Union.' 1 
 
 These benevolent and patriotic sentiments meet with a hearty re 
 sponse from the leaders of this Union- loving-Fremont party. 
 
 But of all the damnable sentiments that have ever met the public 
 gaze were those uttered by that prince of Black Republicans, WIL 
 LIAM LLOYD GARRISON, who, in a speech made in New York on the 
 1st day of August, 1855, spoke thus : 
 
 " The issue is this : God Almighty has made it impossible from the beginning for liberty 
 and slavery to mingle together, or a union to be founded between abolitionists and slavehold 
 ers between those who oppress and those who are oppressed. THIS UNION is A LIE ; THE 
 AMERICAN UNION is A SHAM, AN IMPOSTURE, A COVENANT WITH DEATH, AN AGREEMENT WITH 
 
 HELL, AND IT IS OUR BUSINESS TO CALL FOR A DISSOLUTION. L.ET THAT UNION BE ACCURSED 
 WHEREIN THREE MILLIONS AND A HALF OF SLAVES CAN BE DRIVEN TO UNREQUITED TOIL BY THEIR 
 MASTERS. 
 
 " I will continue to experiment no longer it is all madness. LET THE SLAVEHOLDIVG UNION 
 
 GO, AND SLAVERY WILL GO WITH THE UNION DOWN INTO THE DUST. If the church is agdinst dis- 
 
 union, and not on the side of the s'ave, then I pronounce it as of the devil. 
 
 " I SAY LET US CEASE STRIKING HANDS WITH THIEVES AND ADULTERERS, and give to the winds 
 
 the rallying cry, 'No UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS, SOCIALLY OR RELIGIOUSLY, AND UP WITH 
 
 THE FLAG OF DISUNION.' " 
 
8 
 
 This party, with these leaders and this record, ask the Americau 
 people to vote for their candidate for the presidency, John C. Fremont. 
 Are you prepared to endorse the doctrine that, for our civil govern 
 ment, there is a " higher law" than the constitution? Are you pre 
 pared to say you owe no allegiance to that government which gives 
 you protection in your person and property? that you " are not a law- 
 abiding people ?" Can yo u find it in your hearts to utter that this 
 Union "is accursed," and that the great compact (.f your fathers is 
 "a covenant with hell?" If you can deliberately do all this, then, in 
 deed, are you a Black Republican, and you ought to cast your vote for 
 John C. Fremont. But truly might you ask, "Is thy servant a dog, 
 that he shall do this thing?" 
 
 For two years past the opponents of the Democratic party through 
 out the United States have waged a cruel and relentless war upon 
 foreigners and members of the Roman Catholic church. These classes 
 have been proscribed commercial rights and political equality have 
 been refused them their fitness to participate in the affairs of govern 
 ment has been denied. They have been driven from the ballot-boxes, 
 beaten and murdered in the streets, their homes sacked, their houses 
 burned, and their wives and children cruelly murdered. That was the 
 work of superstition, proscription, and bigotry. And whilst the rights 
 of man were thus being crushed, and human blood nude to flow, 
 Abolitionism and Know-nothingism were allies brothers in the field. 
 Against them was arrayed the National Democracy. True to its 
 mission, that party fought for the rights of man, and the freedom of 
 religion. It has defeated and scattered the oath-bound forces of Know- 
 nothingism. Democrats have fought the battle, and the foreigner is 
 made secure in his social and political rights and privileges; and, 
 strange to tell, the Abolitionists now ask him to turn against his friends. 
 
 His sympathies are invoked in behalf of the negro, and he is told that 
 the war which they had waged for two years against him has ceased. 
 Were not the legislatures of Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, 
 and Connecticut, in 1855, composed almost entirely of Abolition-Know- 
 nothings? Those legislatures passed laws to elevate, socially and po 
 litically, the negro, whilst they denied social or political equality to the 
 adopted citizen. They denied their State courts to a foreigner, who 
 should apply for naturalization ; they hampered their law with condi 
 tions, so as to prevent the adopted citizen from exercising the elective 
 franchise ; they elevated the negro, and degraded the naturalized citi 
 zen; they are of the leaders of Fremont, and still shout "Down with 
 the foreigners," "Up with the negroes," and "Americans must rule 
 America." They are still of the Abolition party, and still against the 
 Democracy; they hate the adopted citizen; they trample upon the 
 constitution; they accurse the Union, and sing paeans of praise and love 
 to the negro. Such is the Abolition-Know-nothing party of those States, 
 and such are the supporters of John C. Fremont for the Presidency. 
 
 David Kilgore, in the Indiana Constitutional Convention in 1850, in 
 speaking of our adopted citizens, said : 
 
 " A man, then, who has no feeling in common with us, who never felt the pulse oflibarty 
 till he set foot upon our soil, such a man is to enjoy the opportunity and the right to vote 
 
amongst us, whilst these rights are to be denied to the unfortunate black man, who has ten 
 times more intelligence, and who has lived in the State of Indiana from his birth." [See debates 
 in the Convention, vol. 1, p. 25.1] ^ 
 
 And at the Black Republican State Convention in 1856, he said : 
 
 "NO NOMINATION SHOULD BE MADE WHICH WOULD TREAD UPON THE TOES OF THE KNOW- 
 NOTHINGS neither should a nomination be made which would tread upon the toes of the Free- 
 soi'ers even the nvst ultra anti-slavery man. * 
 
 He was opposed to foreigners. They should be permitted to come to this country to buy 
 lands here to till the soil, but they should be the horses, not the drivers. The Americans 
 would hold the lines the foreigners could draw the burdens. [This infamous sentiment was 
 applauded.] The foreigner should not be allowed to make our laws. He might live under 
 them and must obey them, but he should have no voice in the making of them." 
 
 This man is now the Know-nothing- Abolition candidate for Congress 
 in the fifth Congressional district in the State of Indiana, regularly nom 
 inated by what they termed a "Republican Convention," and if elected, 
 he is pledged to labor in Congress for the principles of his party the 
 elevation of the negro, and the degradation of the unfortunate victims 
 of European oppression, who have sought an asylum in free America. 
 To this work of self-debasement the foreigner himself is asked to e:ive his 
 
 C? * 
 
 influence and vote. Will he give his vote to such men, and prove to 
 them and the world that what his enemies have asserted is true that 
 he cannot appreciate a free government that he is unfit to be a freeman? 
 Let the adopted citizen ponder well before he casts his vole for his 
 enemies, lest they may hereafter point to this very act, as evidence of 
 a want of intelligence and capacity to vindicate the rights of a freeman. 
 
 On the 19th day of June, 1856, John C. Fremont was nominated for 
 the Presidency by a grand council of Know-nothings, in the city of New 
 York, representing all the Know-nothings of the northern and some of 
 the southern States. On the 30th day of June he accepted that nomi 
 nation, and in his letter of acceptance he speaks of it as an honor con 
 ferred upon him, and tenders his "grateful acknowledgment" to the 
 members of that council, and to " their respective constituencies," for 
 the " distinguished expression of their confidence" The constituencies 
 represented were the Know-nothing lodges and wigwams all over the 
 country, in which, for two years before, the destruction or degradation 
 of foreigners was planned and plotted in which companies of men 
 were armed, organized, and sworn to attack, beat, and murder the 
 foreign- born citizen. From them Fremont accepts the nomination as 
 an honor ; and if he accepts their services to secure his election, must 
 he not represent their sentiments, and give himself up to their work of 
 hatred and destruction? 
 
 On the day after Fremont received this Know-nothing nomination, 
 the New York Herald, a Fremont paper, marie the following announce 
 ment: 
 
 " The sudden change which has taken place in the sentiments of the convention in regard to 
 Mr. Fremont is y.Ur butable to the fact th^t that gentleman was waited on last night by a dele 
 gation from this party, with whom he had a long and earnest confabulation, extending into the 
 small hours of the morning; that he then and there declared himself unreserve Uy in favor of 
 the principles of the Know-nothing party, and would give them his entire and cordial adher 
 ence, and that he was perfectly convinced that if he did not receive the support of the American 
 party throughout the Union, he had not the slightest prospect of being elected." 
 
 When Senate bill No. 343, making temporary provision for working 
 the mines in California, was under consideration, Mr. Seward, of New 
 
10 
 
 York, moved to extend to all persons "who shall have, in pursuance 
 oflaw, declared their intention to become citizens," the same benefits 
 and privileges conferred upon citizens of thlf United States relative to 
 working the gold mines. Mr. Fremont voted against the proposition, 
 (Sen. Jour., 1st ses. 31st Cong., p. 671.) The most bitter and prescriptive 
 Know-nothings have conceded that the foreigner might come to our land 
 and enjoy the profits of his labor, demanding only that he be socially and 
 politically degraded. But Mr. Fremont would go further : by his vote 
 in the Senate, he said, that among the thousands of adventurers in Cali 
 fornia the foreigner shall not mingle. Although he may hale declared 
 his intention to become a citizen of the United States, he shall not be 
 allowed the only profitable labor in California, but shall stand by until 
 his full term of five years shall have expired the mines in the mean 
 time being exhausted or wholly occupied. The labor was profitable, 
 and therefore he should be excluded from it. That principle, thus 
 supported by Mr. Fremont, goes further: it excludes the foreigner from 
 our rich lands, where his labor would secure him a rich return in plen 
 tiful harvests, and says to him, social and political inferiority shall be 
 your condition, and poor lands and unprofitable labor your portion in 
 this land of plenty. The Know-nothing council of New York could 
 well afford to nominate a man who has shown so unmistakably his 
 sympathy with that order in its hostility towards the foreigner. 
 
 James Buchanan, the candidate of the democracy, proscribes no 
 man because of his religion or birth-place, but, adopting the republican 
 sentiment that each man shall be judged by his own conduct, he has 
 supported wise, just, and equal laws ; his political career has been a 
 long and useful one ; he has been tried, and proved himself an incor 
 ruptible patriot, qualified for all the high positions which he has filled; 
 he is against sectionalism, and will maintain the Union the whole 
 Union upon the firm basis of the constitution ; and, to use his own 
 language, he " will cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, be 
 lieving this to be our highest policy, as well as our most imperative 
 duty." With James Buchanan as the candidate of the national de 
 mocracy, opposed to John C. Fremont, the nominee of the sectional 
 Know-nothing and Black Republican conventions, can we doubt a 
 glorious triumph for the Democracy and James Buchanan, of Penn 
 sylvania? * 
 
 The Black Republican party allege that the great excitement, now 
 prevailing to such an alarming extent throughout the country, has le 
 gitimately resulted from the repeal of the so-called Missouri compro 
 mise ; and, in their denunciation of the Kansas-Nebraska act, they ap 
 peal to the fathers for the justification of their action in resisting the 
 passage of the bill ; they invoke the names of Thomas Jefferson, 
 James Madison, and James Monroe, to prove that the prohibition of 
 slavery in the Territories by Congress was the settled doctrine of the 
 early fathers. They would deceive you in the opinions entertained 
 by those great statesmen, and would mislead you as to the cause of 
 the excitement which is now almost wrecking this fair fabric. We 
 quote from the fathers that they would invoke, to show that this excite 
 ment, properly and legitimately, is the consequence of the legislation 
 
11 
 
 of 1820 ; that the prohibition of slavery in the territory north of 36 
 30' was the first fire-brand to disturb the peace of the Union ; that we 
 are now realizing the almost prophetic language of that great states 
 man, Thomas Jefferson, when he said he considered the Missouri 
 question " as the knell of the Union," and that " every new irritation 
 would mark it deeper and deeper." But let these great men speak 
 for themselves. In reference to sectionalism and the Missouri ques 
 tion, Jefferson said : 
 
 "The question is a mere party trick. The leaders of federalism, defeated in their schemes 
 of obtaining power by rallying partisans to the principle of monarchisrn a principle of per 
 sonal, not of local division have changed their tact and thrown out another barrel to the 
 whale. They are taking advantage of the virtuous feeling; of the people to effect a division 
 of parties by a geographical line ; they expect that this will insure them, on Itecal principles, 
 the majoiity they could never obtain on principles of federalism ; but they are still putting 
 their shoulders to the wrong wheel ; they are wasting jeremiads on the miseries of slavery as 
 if we u-ere advocates of it. Sincerity in their declamations should direct their efforts to the 
 true point of difficulty, an^ unite their councils with ours in devising some reasonable and practi 
 cable plan of getting rid of it." Jefferson's Writings, vol- 7. 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Adams, dated January 22, 1821, he says : 
 
 " Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated in the question, What does the holy alli 
 ance, in and out of Congress, mean to do with us on the Missouri question? And this, by 
 the way, is but the name of (he case; it is only the John Doe or Richard R.oe of the eject 
 ment. The real question, as seen in the States afflicted with this unfortunate population, is, 
 Are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger? For, if Congress has the power 
 to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants o Ithe States within the States, it will be but 
 another exercise of that power to declare that all shall be free. Are we, then, to see again 
 Athenian and Lacaedemonian confederacies? To wage another Pelopponesian war to settle 
 the ascendency between them? Or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war? THAT REMAINS 
 TO BE SEEN ; BUT 1 HOPE NOT BY YOU OR ME. SURELY THEY WILL PARLEY A.WHILE 
 AND GIVE US TIME TO GET OUT OF THE WAY. What a bedlamite is man!" 
 
 In a letter to Lafayette, dated November 4, 1823, Mr. Jefferson said: 
 
 '" On the eclipse of federalism with us, although not its extinction, its leaders got up the 
 Missouri question, under the false front of lessening the measure of slavery, but with the 
 real view of producing a geographical division of parties, which might insure them the next 
 President. The people of the North went blind'old into the snare, and fo!lov r ed their lead 
 ers for a while with a zeal truly moral and laudable, until they became sensible that they were 
 injuring instead of aiding the real interests of the slaves ; that they had been used merely as 
 tools for electioneering purposes, and that trick of hypocrisy then fell as quickly as it had 
 been got up." y 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Short, dated April 13, 1S20, Mr. Jefferson says : 
 
 "Although I had laid down as a law to myself never to write, talk, or even think of polities, 
 to know nothing of public affairs, and had therefore ceased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri 
 question aroused and filled me with alarm. The o d schism of federal andrepublican threatened 
 nothing, because it existed in every State, and united them together by the fraternism of party. 
 But the coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political, with a geographical line, once* 
 conceived, 1 feared would never more be obliterated from the mind ; that it would be recurring 
 on every occasion, and renewing irrigations, until it would kindle such mutual and mortal ha 
 tred as to render separation preferable to eternal discord. I have been among the most san 
 guine in believing that our Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much, arid see 
 the event at no great distance, and the direct consequence of this question ; not by the line 
 which has been so confidently counted on the laws of nature control this but by the Poto 
 mac, Ohio, and Missouri, or more probably the Mississippi, upwards to our northern bound 
 ary. My only comfort and consolation is, that I shall not live to see it ; and I envy not the 
 present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of their fathers' sacrifices of life 
 and fortune, and of rendering desperate the experiment which was to decide ultimately 
 whether man is capable of self-government. This treason against human hope will signalize 
 their epoch in future history as the counterpart of the model of their predecessors." 
 
 " I thank you, my dear sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send me of the letter 
 to your constituents on the Missouri question. * * * But this momerTtous question, like a 
 fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at onre as the knell 
 of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment ; but this is a reprieve only, not a final 
 sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once 
 
12 
 
 conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated ; and every new 
 irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. * * * If they .would but dispassionately weigh 
 the blessings they will throw away, against an abstract princtple, mors likely to be effected by 
 union that by scission; they would pause before they could perpetrate, this act of suicide on 
 themselves and of treason against the hopes of the world." Letter to Jno. Holmes, dated Mon- 
 ticello, April 22, 1820. 
 
 " I am indebted to you for your two letters of February 7th and 19th. This Missouri ques 
 tion, by a geographical line of division, is the most portentous one I ever contemplated. * * 
 * * is ready to risk the Union for any chance of restoring his party to power, and wriggling 
 himself to the head of it; nor is * * * * without his hopes, nor scrupulous as to the means 
 of fulfilling them." Letter to Mr. Madison. 
 
 "The banks, bankrupt, law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, are nothing. These are occur 
 rence? which, like waves in a storm, will pass under the ship ; but the MISSOURI QUESTION is a 
 breaker on which we lose the Missouri country by revolt, and what more, God only knows. 
 From ihe battle, of .Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a question. 
 It even damps the j.iy with which I hear of your high health, and welcomes to me the want of 
 it. I thank God I shall not live to witness its issue "Letter to John Adams, December 10, 1819. 
 
 "The line of division lately marked out between different portions of our confederacy, is 
 such as will never, I fear, be obliterated)and we are now trusting to those who are against ua 
 in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds and affections of our youth. 
 If, as has been estima'ed, we send three -hundred thousand dollars a year to the northern sem 
 inaries, for the instruction of our own sons, 'then we must have five hundred of our sons im 
 bibing opinions and principles in discord with those of their own country. This canker is 
 eating on the vitals of our existence, and, if not arrested at once, will be beyond remedy." 
 Letter to General Breckenridge, February 11, 1321. 
 
 " The Missouri question is the most portentous one which ever yet threatened our Union. 
 In the gloomiest moment of the revolutionary war, I never ha*t any apprehension equal to that 
 I felt from this source." Letter to Mr. Monroe, March 3, 1820. 
 
 Mr. Madison said: 
 
 " On one side it naturally occurs, that the right being given from the necessity of the case, 
 and in suspension of the great principle of self-government, ought not to be extended further, 
 nor continued longer, than the occasion ni'ght fairly require. 
 
 " The questions to be decided seem to b<, first, whether a territorial restriction be an as 
 sumption of illegitimate power; or, second, a misuse of legitimate power; and if the latter 
 only, when the injury threatened to the nation from an acquiescence in the misuse, or from a 
 frustration of it, be the greater. 
 
 " On the first point there is certainly room for difference of opinion ; though, for myself, I 
 must own that I have ilway* leaned to the belief the restriction was not within the true scope of 
 the constitution.'" Letter to Mr. Monroe in 1820. 
 
 " Hearken not to the unnatural voice which tells you that the people of America, knit to 
 gether as they are by so many cords of affection, can no longer live together as members of 
 the same family can no longer continue the mutual guardians of their mutual happiness can 
 no longer be fellow-citizens of one great, respectable, and flourishing empire. The kindred 
 blood which flows in the veins of American citizens the mingled blood which they have shed 
 in defence of their saered rights, consecrate their union, and excite horror at the idea of their 
 becoming aliens, rivals, enemies. And if novelties are to be shunned, believe me, the most 
 alarming of all novrlt : es the most wild of all projects the most rash of all attempts, is that 
 of rending us in pieces in order to preserve our liberties and promote our happiness.'^ 
 
 [The Federalist, p. 86. 
 
 " Should a state of parties arise, founded on geographical boundaries and other physical 
 distinctions which happen to coincide with them, what is to control those great repulsive 
 masses from awful shocks against each other?" Letter to Mr. Walsh, dated November 27, 1819. 
 
 General Harrison said : 
 
 " I am, and have been for many years, so much opposed to slavery, that I will never live 
 in. a State where it exists But I believe that the constitution has given no power to the gen 
 eral government to interfere in this matter, and that to have slaves or no slaves depends upon 
 the people in each Siate or Territory alone. 
 
 " But besides the constitutional objections, I am persuaded that the obvious tendency of such 
 interferences on the part of the States which have no slaves with the property of their fellow- 
 citizens of the others, is to produce a state of discord and jealousy that will in the end prove 
 fatal to the Union. I believe in no other State are such wild and dangerous sentiments enter 
 tained on this subject as in Ohio." General Harrison in a letter to President Monroe in 1821. 
 
 In reference to sectionalism, and ftie nullification of the acts of Con 
 gress, General Jackson said : 
 
13 
 
 " The laws of the United Stales must be executed. * Those who told you that you 
 
 might peareably prevent their execution, deceived you; they c uld not have been deceived them 
 selves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, 
 and they kr.ow that such opposiWon must be repelled. Their ol >ject is disunion ; but be not 
 deceived by names; disunion, by armed force, is TREASON." Message of General Jackson, in 
 1833, on Nullification. 
 
 " Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order to influence the election of 
 the Chief Magistrate, as if it were desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the coun 
 try, instead of fulfilling; the duties of his station with impartial justice to all ; and the possi 
 ble dissolution of ihe Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject of discus 
 sion. Has tde warning: voice of Washington been forgotten, or have designs already 
 been formed to dissolve the Union?" * * * * "Mutual suspicion and reproaches may 
 in time create mutual hostiliiy ; and artful and designing men will always be found who are 
 ready to foment these fatal divisions and inflame the natural jealousies of t ifferent sections of 
 the country. The history of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of 
 republics." 
 
 "And no citizen who loves his country would, in any case whatever, resort to forcible re 
 sistance, unless he clearly saw that the time had r.ome when a freeman should prefer death to 
 submission." * * * * " Rest assured that men found busy in this work of discord are 
 not worthy of your confidence, arid deserve your strongest reprobation. 
 
 u In the legislation of Congress, also, and in every measure of the general government, 
 justice to every portion of the l nited states should be faithfully observed, fto free govern 
 ment can siand without virtue in the people and a lofty spirit of patriotism ; and if the sordid 
 feelings of me-e selfishness shall usurp the place which ought to be rilled by public spirit, the 
 legislation of Congress will soon be converted into a scramble for personal at d sectional ad 
 vantages. " Jackson. 
 
 " And solemnly proc'aim that the constitution and the laws are supreme, and the Union in 
 dissoluble." Jackson's Message, Jan 16, ibcJ3. 
 
 In relation to the very questions now agitating the country, the Sage 
 of Ashland said: 
 
 " Sir, I am not in the habit of speaking lightly of the possibility of dissolving th's happy 
 Union. The Senate know that I have deprecated allusions, on ordinary occasions, to ihat dire 
 ful event. The country will testify that, if there be anything in the history of rny public 
 career worthy of recollection, it is the truth and sincerity of my ardent devotion to its lasting* 
 preservation. But we should be false in our allegiance 10 it if we did not discriminate between 
 theimaginaiy and real dangers by which it may be assailed. Abolitionism should no longer 
 be regarded as an imaginary danger. The abolitionists, let me suppose, su<-cee'i in iheir pres 
 ent aim of uniting the inhabitants of the free Mates, as one man, against the inhabitants of the 
 slave States. Union on one side will beget union on the other, and this process of reciprocal 
 consolidation will be attended with all the violent prejudice, embittered passions, and implacable 
 animosities which ever degraded or deformed human nature. * * * One section will stand 
 in menacing and hostile array against the other. The collision of opinion will be quickly fol 
 lowed by ihe clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe ecrnes which now happily lie con 
 cealed from our view. Abolitionists themselves would shrink beck in dismay ar.d horror at 
 the contemplation of desolated fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, and the over 
 throw of the fairest fabric of human government that ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized 
 man." Speech of Mr. Clay in the U. S. Senate on the 1th of February, 1839. 
 
 In the same speech Mr. Clay summed up what the abolitionists 
 wanted, as Ibllows : 
 
 " And"the third class are the real ultra abolitionists, who are resolved to persevere in the 
 pursuit of their object at all hazards. With this class the immediate abolition of slavery in 
 the District of Columbia, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the 
 refusal to admit any new Mate comprising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery, 
 are but so many means conducing to- the accqmplishment of the ultimate but perilous end, at 
 which they Avowedly and boldly aim, are but so many short stages in the long and bloody 
 road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive. Their purpose is abolition uni 
 versal abulition peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must," 
 
 The Fremont party of 1856 has assumed a position identical with 
 the abolition party of 1839. How well the picture of abolitionism, 
 drawn by Mr. Clay in 1839, suits the Republican party of the present 
 day. They have but one common aim the dissolution of this Union. 
 
 Mr. Clay, in speaking of our Catholic citizens, said : 
 
 ** With regard to their superstition, they worship the same God with us. Their prayers art 
 Offered up in their temples to the same Redeemer, whose intercession we expect to save us. NOR IS 
 
14 *S , | | 
 
 THERE ANYTHING IN THE CATHOLIC RELIGION UNFAVORABLE TO FREE 
 DOM. All religions united with government are more or less inimical to liberty. All 
 separated from the government are compatible with liberty." Speech in Congress, March 24, 
 1818. 
 
 And in reference to our adopted citizens, he made use of the follow 
 ing language : 
 
 "The honest, patient, industrious GERMAN readily unites' ^ith our people, establishes him 
 self on some of our fat lands, fills his capacious barns, and enjoys in tranquillity the abundant 
 fruits which his diligence gathers around him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted 
 country, or of its laws, when called by duties of patriotism. 
 
 " The gay, the versatile, the philosophical FRENCHMAN, accommodating himself cheerfully to 
 all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty in our society. 
 
 " But of all foreigners, none amalgamate themselves so quickly with .our people as the 
 NATIVES OF THE EMERALD ISLE. In some of the visions wh ch have passed through my im 
 agination, I have supposed that Ireland was originally patt and parcel of this continent, and 
 that by some extraordinary convulsion of nature it was torn from America, and, drifting across 
 the ocean, was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain. 
 
 " The same open-hearted ness, the same generous hospitality, the same careless and uncal- 
 culatirtg indifference about human life, characterized the inhabitants of both countries. Ken 
 tucky has sometimes been called the Ireland of America. And I have no doubt that if the 
 current of emigration were reversed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, every 
 American emigrant to Ireland would there find, as ev^ry Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty 
 welcome, and a happy home." Speech in the United States Senate in defence of the American 
 System. 
 
 The democracy now stand where Jefferson and Madison stood; they 
 have restored our territorial policy as it existed prior to that violent 
 and unconstitutional departure in 18^0. The exigencies demanded, 
 and the democracy, true to the rights of man and the equality of the 
 States, gave the country the compromise measures of 1850. These 
 were endorsed by the Baltimore convention, ratified by the people in 
 1852 by the election of Franklin Pierce, reaffirmed by the democracy 
 in the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854, re-endorsed by the Cincinnati 
 convention, and will stand confirmed by the American people in 1856 
 by the election of James Buchanan to the presidency. 
 
 This vindication of the right of the people to form their own domestic 
 institutions is a vindication of the instructions given by the colonies to 
 their delegates to form a confederation a vindication of the spirit and 
 letter of the immortal Declaration of Independence a vindication of 
 our glorious constitution, and a vindication f the inalienable rights of 
 an American citizen. 
 
 Our opponents have been uniform in their hatred and denunciation 
 of the Democratic party; they opposed the election of Jefferson, of 
 Madison, and of Jackson; they repudiated the Louisiana purchase ; 
 they denounced the war of 1812, and burnt ^blue-lights in their win 
 dows to light the enemys' ships into our harbors; they endeavored to 
 defeat the purchase of the Floridas and the annexation of Texas, and 
 would have welcomed our brave soldiers in Mexico " with bloody 
 hands to hospitable graves;" they forced upon the people the restric 
 tion oi 1850 by refusing to admit Missouri into the Union, and repu 
 diated it in 1848 by opposing its extension to the Pacific. The legiti- 
 mate consequence of such repudiation was the compromise of 1850, 
 the passage of which they resisted by every parliamentary expedient, 
 and by every appeal to a false and fanatical philanthropy. They coun 
 selled revolution on the floor of Congress, in resistance to the passage 
 of the Kansas-Nebraska act, because it carried out the great principles 
 
15 
 
 embodied in the compromise of 1850. They would subvert, through 
 emigrant aid societies and other appliances, the practical development 
 ot non-intervention by Congress, and the right of the people to govern 
 themselves ; they would counsel the incendiary torch and the assas 
 sin's knife against the most sacred rights of American freemen in the 
 Territory of Kansas ; they have a deep and profound hatred against, 
 and denounce in unmeasured terms, the doctrine that the bona fide resi 
 dents of Kansas should adjtist their domestic affairs in their own way; 
 they have sought foreign aid, and have carried foreign assistance into 
 the Territory of Kansas for the express purpose of interfering in the do 
 mestic policy of the people of that Territory; they are the authors and 
 instigators ot, and before God and man are responsible for, all the out 
 rages, the arsons, and the murders in Kansas. 
 
 The democrac} r , true to the great doctrine of the early fathers, true 
 to the rights of the States, the constitution, the Union, and ever watch 
 ful of the peace, happiness, and prosperity of a free people, have 
 sought, by wise and pacific legislation, to rescue the people of Kansas 
 from the anarchy, the rapine, and murder brought upon them by the 
 Black Republican party. 
 
 The democratic Senate, on the 3d of July, 1856, after a continuous 
 session of twenty-one hours, passed, and sent to the Black Republican 
 House, a great pacific rheasure, declaring null and void those acts of 
 the Kansas Legislature repugnant to the bill of rights as embodied in 
 our great charter of liberty a measure which secures the freedom of 
 speech, the freedom of the press, and the writ of habeas corpus pro 
 hibits religious tests for office, or an established religion protects the 
 rights of conscience, the persons and property of the people, and their 
 right to hold and bear arms forbids excessive bail, excessive fines, 
 and cruel and unusual punishments declares that no test-oath, or 
 oath to support any act T)f Congress or other legislative act, shall be 
 required as a qualification for any office or trust, or for any employ 
 ment or profession, or to serve as a juror, or to vote at an election 
 and that no tax shall be imposed upon the exercise of the right of suf 
 frage, and guarantees to the people the free discussion of any law or 
 subject of legislation, and in a free expression of opinion upon all ques 
 tions whatever provides for the appointment of five commissioners 
 to arrange the preliminaries and superintend the election ; for the regis 
 tration of voters, and all other needful regulations necessary to a fair 
 and impartial expression at the ballot-box of the bona fide residents of 
 Kansas ; and pledges the entire military force of the government to a 
 pure and untrammelled ballot-box. If any resident shall have left the 
 Territory, he is protected in his rights, provided he shall return by the 
 1st day of October, 1856. If any person is imprisoned for a violation 
 of the obnoxious laws of Kansas, his prison-doors are opened, and he 
 is restored to all his rights. But it also provides that the people, the 
 bona fide residents of Kansas, shall regulate and form their domestic 
 institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the 
 United States ; and they shall be admitted into the Union on a footing 
 with the original States whenever they shall present a constitution with 
 a republican form of government. Every Black Republican senator re- 
 
16 
 
 sisted the bill at its Various stages, and voted against it on its passage. 
 Let it be proclaimed to the people, let it be known in every town and 
 hamlet, that the democracy have given a fair and honest bill one that 
 will restore peace to a distracted country, correct the outrages and 
 murders in ac unhappy Territory, vindicate the majesty of the law, 
 and protect the American citizen in an inalienable right that the de 
 mocracy have given such a bill to the Black Republican House of Rep 
 resentatives for their action. If they desire tranquillity in the States, 
 peace and happiness to Kansas, and a correction of the violent abuses 
 and outrages committed, they will immediately pass the Senate bill; 
 but if outrage upon outrage and blood upon blood is necessary to the 
 accomplishment of their political ends, necessary to the election of John 
 C. Fremont, then will they refuse to psss the bill or to give repose to 
 Kansas.