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 Vol. I MAY, 1900 No. i 
 
 Abraham Lincoln: The Evolution of his 
 Literary Style 
 
 By 
 
 DANIEL KILHAM DODGE, Ph. D., 
 
 Professor of the English Language and Literature 
 
 Champaign 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, 
 
 PRESIDENT S OFFICE. 
 
 The publication of The University Studies has been provided for 
 b} 7 the Board of Trustees in order to encourage research throughout 
 the University and to convey the results thereof to those who would 
 be interested. The publication is under the direction of the 
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 encouraged to submit material for publication. None will be used 
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 do so. No charge will be made therefor, but the applicant ma} 7 send 
 ten cents in stamps or otherwise to cover the expense of carriage. 
 
 President. 
 
of fllinofe 
 
 
 
 VOLUME ONE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 

 r\ J v/ 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 V. l- 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGES 
 
 No. 1. Abraham Lincoln: The Evolution of his Literary 
 
 Style - 1- 58 
 
 No. 2. The Decline of the Commerce of the Port of New 
 
 York - - 59- 76 
 
 No. 3. A Statistical Study of Illinois High Schools - - 77-135 
 
 No. 4. The Genesis of the Grand Remonstrance from Parli 
 ament to King Charles I - 137-181 
 
 No. 5. The Artificial Method for Determining the Ease 
 
 and Kapidity of the Digestion of Meats 183-208 
 
 No. 0. Illinois railway Legislation and Commission Con 
 trol since 1870 - 209-289 
 
 No. 7. The Coals of Illinois ; Their Composition and Anal 
 ysis - 291-332 
 
 No. 8. The Granger Movement in Illinois - - 333-385 
 
 , No. 9. The Illinois Constitutional Convention of 1862 - 387-442 
 
 -iNo. 10. Labor Organization Among Women - - 443-521 
 
of flltnots 
 
 Vol. I MAY, 1900 No. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln: The Evolution of his 
 Literary Style 
 
 By 
 
 DANIEL KILHAM DODGE, Ph. D., 
 
 Professor of the English Language and Literature 
 
 Champaign 
 
PRINTED BYTHEGAZETTE 
 CHAMPAIGN, ILLINOIS. 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN: 
 THE EVOLUTION OF HIS LITERARY STYLE 
 
 At a time when lives and studies of Abraham Lincoln are 
 almost as thick as leaves ipa Vallombrosa, a further contribu 
 tion to the subject would seem to call for explanation. The 
 only apparent excuse for adding to the list of Lincolniana is 
 the ability to present new facts or to treat old facts in a new 
 way. For the former, no substantial claim is made. It is 
 hoped, however, that by bringing together the known facts of 
 Lincoln s reading and writing and by comparing the views of 
 his contemporaries as to the intellectual side of his character, 
 it will be possible to help the present generation to assign to 
 Abraham Lincoln his proper place in the history of our country. 
 
 In this study of Lincoln as a writer the following topics 
 will be discussed. After briefly noting the main facts of Lin 
 coln s early education, we shall pass on to his reading and its 
 relation to his taste and mental development, concluding this 
 part of the subject by giving several specimens of his expres 
 sions of critical opinion on Shakspere. The consideration of 
 Lincoln s imagination and of his interest in words prepares for 
 the immediate study of his prose style. After a brief survey of 
 the minor writings, the letters, poems and lectures, the speeches 
 and other public papers will be taken up in chronological 
 order. 
 
 To the student of Lincoln s writings no single topic is of 
 greater interest than the careful tracing out of the culture of 
 that self-taught genius. And lest expectation be raised too 
 
 [3] 
 
high, it may be stated at the very outset that, while Herndon s 
 claim is far from true that " He [Lincoln] read less and thought 
 more than any [other] man in his sphere in America" 1 , yet it is 
 undoubtedly true that no other man in any sphere or in any 
 country who had read and retained as much as Lincoln, quoted 
 so little, f Although Lincoln lived at a time when direct quota 
 tions were in far greater favor with public speakers and writers 
 than they are now, the approximately complete list of quota 
 tions occurring in his public utterances must occasion surprise 
 by reason of its brevity and limited range. 
 
 But before considering the relation of Lincoln s knoAvledge 
 of literature to his writings let us glance at the beginnings of 
 his culture. The story of Abraham Lincoln s early education 
 in Kentucky and Indiana has been so often told and the differ 
 ent accounts agree so closely, that we need not dwell upon it 
 here. All the important facts can be obtained from Nicolay 
 and Hay s Life. \His schooling " amounted to less than a year 
 in all." " His last school days were passed with one Swariey in 
 1826, when he was seventeen years old, who taught at a dis 
 tance of four and a half miles from the Lincoln cabin." 2 No 
 one was more conscious of the shortcomings of his education 
 than Lincoln himself. In the Dictionary of Congress he des 
 cribes his education as " defective," 3 and in the Short Autobiog 
 raphy he writes : " He regrets his w r ant of education, and does 
 what he can to supply the want." 4 A chief difficulty at the 
 beginning of his career was the mastery of English grammar. 
 In 1831, when he was twenty-two years old, he studied Kirk- 
 ham s English Grammar. 5 According to Nicolay and Hay, " he 
 seemed surprised at the .... ease with which it yielded 
 all there was to it to the student." 6 In the Autobiography Lin- 
 
 ] Herndon, 593. 2 Nicolay and Hay, Life I., 34. 
 
 :j lbid. Works, I., 240. Nicolay and Hay s statement does not seem to be quite 
 accurate. The article itself reads, " received" a limited education." The Dictionary 
 of the U. S. Congress, edit, by Charles Lanman, 1859. 
 
 4 Nicolay and Hay, Works, L, 640. 
 
 Ibid. Life, I., 84. For an account of the study of grammar, see Tarbell, I., 66 
 Nicolay and Hay, Life, L, 84. 
 
 [4] 
 
5 
 
 coin says : " He studied grammar imperfectly, of course, but 
 so as to speak and write as well as he now does." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s desire to improve himself received fresh im 
 petus from his life in Washington while a member of Congress. 
 " He began a serious course of self-education, studying mathe 
 matics, astronomy, poetry as regularly as a school-boy who 
 had lessons to recite. In the winter of 1849-50 he even joined 
 a club of a dozen gentlemen of Springfield who had begun the 
 study of German." 1 Arnold states : " He studied Euclid, Alge 
 bra, and Latin, when traveling the circuit as a lawyer." 2 But 
 if he studied Latin, Mr. Lincoln never mastered it. The only 
 other references to the language that were noted occur in Car 
 penter and Tarbell. Commenting on a Latin quotation that 
 was made in a conversation Mr. Lincoln said : " which, I sup 
 pose you are both aware, I do not understand." 3 Speaking of 
 the clearness of Mr. Lincoln s legal arguments, Miss Tarbell 
 relates the following anecdote : " A lawyer quoting a legal 
 maxim one day in court, turned to Lincoln, and said : t That s 
 so, is it not, Mr. Lincoln ? t If that s Latin, Lincoln replied, 
 you had better call another witness. "* 
 
 The study of mathematics here mentioned is evidently that 
 referred to in the following extract : 
 
 " His wider knowledge of men and thing s, acquired by contact 
 with the great world, had shown him a certain lack in himself of the 
 power of close and sustained reasoning-. To remedy this defect, he 
 applied himself, after his return from Congress, to such works upon 
 logic and mathematics as he fancied would be serviceable. Devoting- 
 himself with dog-ged energy to the task in hand, he soon learned by 
 heart six books of the propositions of Euclid, and he retained throug-h 
 life a thoroug-h knowledge of the principles they contain." 5 
 
 barbell, 1., 239. 2 Arnold, 24. 3 Carpenter, 78. 4 Tarbell, I., 254. 
 
 5 Nicolay and Hay, Life, I., 298. " He studied and nearly mastered the six books 
 of Euclid since he was a member of Congress." Autobiography. A striking example 
 of Lincoln s use of his knowledge of Euclid is given by the following : " If you have 
 ever studied geometry, you will remember that by a course of reasoning Euclid 
 
 proves that all the angles in a triangle are equal to two right angles Now 
 
 if you undertake to disprove that proposition . . . would you prove it to be false 
 by calling Euclid a liar?" Nicolay and Hay, Works, I., 412. This is the only direct 
 reference to Euclid that was noted. 
 
 [5J 
 
6 
 
 According to Herndon, the school books, used by Lincoln 
 were Webster s Spelling Book, the American Speller, Pike s 
 Arithmetic, and probably Murray s English Reader. 1 In addition 
 to these books, Lincoln read with eagerness the. Bible, Pilgrim s 
 Progress, Robinson Crusoe, ^Esop s Fables, Weems [not Weem s, 
 as in Nicolay and Hay] Life of Washington, and a History of 
 the United States. 2 It would be hard to find better models of a 
 pure English style than the Bible, Bunyan, and DeFoe, while 
 the deep impression made upon Lincoln by ^Esop can be seen 
 in his love of illustrative anecdotes, and perhaps in the epigram 
 matic quality of his style. 
 
 It is impossible to follow in detail the course of Lincoln s 
 reading, but some hints as to its general direction in the early 
 Illinois days can be gathered, the chief source of this informa 
 tion being Herndon s " Life." Writing of the New Salem period 
 of 1833, Herndon says : 
 
 * Meanwhile he was reading- not only law books, but natural 
 philosophy and other scientific subjects. He was a careful and pa 
 tient reader of newspapers. . . . He paid a less degree of atten 
 tion to historical works, althoug-h he read Rollin and Gibbon. . . . 
 He had a more pronounced fondness for fictitious literature, and read 
 with evident relish Mrs. Lee Hentz s novels, which were very popular 
 books in that day, and which were kindly loaned him by his friend A. 
 Y. Ellis. . . He [Ellis] says that Lincoln was fond of short, spicy 
 stories one or two columns long-. . . . He remembered everything- 
 he read, and could afterwards without apparent difficulty relate it." 3 
 
 This account is of special interest for several reasons. In 
 the first place, it brings out clearly Lincoln s early habit of 
 newspaper reading, which was kept up even after the duties of 
 
 *But Sumner, in his Eulogy, refers to Dilworth s Spelling Book as " one of the 
 three volumes that formed the family library." Sumner, IX., 375. "Mr. Lincoln 
 told me in later years that Murray s English Reader was the best school-book 
 ever put into the hands of an American youth. I conclude, therefore, he must have 
 used that also." Herndon, 37. 
 
 8 Dr. J.G. Holland, quoted by Morse, I., 13, adds Ramsay s Life of Washington 
 and Lives of Henry Clay and Franklin (probably the famous Autobiography). 
 Leonard Swett gives also Weems Life of Marion, adding the interesting statement : 
 " He [Lincoln] said to me that he had got hold of and read every book he ever heard 
 of in that country for a circuit of about fifty miles." Reminiscences, 459. Whitney 
 is the only authority for Lincoln s knowledge of Bacon. Whitney, 126. 
 
 3 Herndon, 112. 
 
 [6] 
 
his presidential office made it necessary for him to obtain most 
 of the news of the day by deputy. 1 The reference, too, to his 
 fondness for newspaper stories is important. We shall several 
 times have occasion to mention his equal fondness for the poets 
 corner and the use he made of it. Of far greater importance is 
 the negative reference to Lincoln s historical reading. A pos 
 sible clue to his apparent lack of interest in this class of litera 
 ture is furnished by the following criticism, as reported by 
 Herndon, of a life of Burke: "In 1856 I purchased in New 
 York a Life of Edmund Burke. I have forgotten now who the 
 author was 2 .... One morning Lincoln came into the 
 office and, seeing the book in my hands, enquired what I was 
 
 reading Taking it in his hand he threw himself 
 
 down on the office sofa and hastily ran over its pages, reading 
 a little here and there. At last he closed and threw it on the 
 table with the exclamation, No, I ve read enough of it. It s 
 like all the others. Biographies as generally written are not 
 only misleading, but false. The author of this life of Burke 
 makes a wonderful hero out of his subject. He magnifies his 
 perfections if he had any and suppresses his imperfections. 
 He is so faithful in his zeal and so lavish in praise of his 
 every act that one is almost driven to believe that Burke never 
 
 made a mistake or a failure in his life History is 
 
 not history unless it is the truth. " 3 Lincoln s lack of interest 
 would seem to be not in history, but in histories as he found 
 them. 
 
 A third element of interest found in the quotation from 
 which the criticism of Burke has led us, is the information that 
 it gives of Lincoln s early attitude toward prose fiction. In 
 spite of Herndon^s^statemenf^Tiowever, it would appear that 
 Lincoln s taste for imaginative literature inclined far more 
 
 1 " Amid all his labors, Lincoln found time to read the newspapers, or, as he 
 sometimes expressed it, to skirmish with them. " Scribner s Monthly, XVIII., 585. 
 
 2 Prpbably P. Burke s "Life of Burke," published in 1851 and characterized in 
 the Dictionary of National Biography as " utterly valueless." But it may have been 
 Sir James Prior s " Life ", the fifth edition of which was published in the Bohn 
 Library in 1854. 
 
 3 Herndon, 437. 
 
 [7] 
 
8 
 
 toward poetry than prose. He once remarked : "It may seem 
 somewhat strange to say, but I never read an entire novel in 
 
 my life I once commenced Ivanhoe , but never 
 
 finished it." 1 In this same conversation Mr. Lincoln said to 
 Carpenter: " Who wrote the play? [Richelieu, which was to 
 be performed by Forrest.] Bulwer , I replied. Ah! he re 
 joined, Well, I knew Bulwer wrote novels, but I did not know 
 he was a play writer also." This is not quoted in order to 
 expose Mr. Lincoln s ignorance of the authorship of Richelieu, 
 which is not at all strange, but as being one of the very few 
 references to novels made by him. In Reuben E. Fenton s 
 article a conversation is reported in which Mr. Lincoln men 
 tioned Dickens. 2 But these later references to fiction prove 
 only that Lincoln did not care for Scott, not that he had read 
 either Bulwer or Dickens. So we must leave to Mrs. Lee Hentz 
 the one distinction of which she can now boast, of being the 
 only novelist that Lincoln is know^n to have enjoyed. 
 
 Finally, we have in Herndon s account one of the many 
 references to Lincoln s phenomenal memory, a memory appar 
 ently of very much the same character as Macaulay s. A 
 careful examination of the facts, however, seems to bring out 
 contradictions in the claims made by some of Lincoln s friends. 
 Herndon says : " No one had a more retentive memory. If he 
 ever read or heard a good thing it never escaped him." 3 In the 
 same strain Noah Brooks says : " The truth was, that anything 
 he heard or read fastened itself into his mind, if it tickled his 
 fancy." 4 And General Viele states that he had "a memory so 
 wonderful that he could repeat, almost word for word, what 
 ever he had read." 5 On the other hand, Lincoln himself once 
 said: "My mind is like a piece of steel, very hard to scratch 
 anything on it, almost impossible after you get it there to 
 rub it out." 6 But it is probable that Lincoln referred here 
 
 Carpenter, 115. 
 
 2 "You know Dickens said of a certain man that if he would always follow his 
 nose he would never stick fast in the mud." Reminiscences, 74. 
 
 3 Herndon, 44 ; see also p. 113. 4 Scribner s Monthly, XV., 563. 
 
 "Scribner s Monthly, XVI., 814. Source not found. 
 
 [8] 
 
9 
 
 to the slowness with which he received ideas rather than 
 to the impression made on his mind by the language in 
 which they were expressed. Unconscious testimony is given 
 by Noah Brooks in his account of Lincoln s acquaintance 
 with Longfellow s Birds of Killingworth , "which he picked 
 up somewhere in a newspaper, cut out and carried in his 
 vest pocket until it was committed to memory." 1 If Lincoln 
 had had the memory so often attributed to him, one reading of 
 the piece would have done away with the necessity of carrying 
 it in his pocket for later reference. An examination of the list 
 of quotations will justify General Viele s limitation, for several 
 of them are far from being word for word . 
 
 But after all, the question of the exact quality of Lincoln s 
 memory is not one of prime importance. We must not accept 
 too literally all statements about any great man s ability, 
 especially when these are made by personal friends and ad 
 mirers, and of all qualities of the intellect, the memory, though 
 perhaps the least important, is the one that most readily appeals 
 to the average mind. 
 
 While Herndon s statements of facts are invaluable, his ex 
 pressions of opinion must often be taken with a generous pinch 
 of salt. It is certainly going too far to say that " beyond a limited 
 acquaintance with Shakespeare, Byron and Burns, Mr. Lincoln, 
 comparatively speaking, had no knowledge of literature." 3 
 This statement probably reflects more severely upon Mr. Hern 
 don s appreciation of Mr. Lincoln, than upon the latter s 
 knowledge of literature. This much may be said, however, in 
 extenuation, that Lincoln s powers of literary criticism do not 
 seem to have found frequent expression until during the last 
 four years of his life, when they were brought out by the con 
 genial atmosphere of Washington. The volume of critical 
 opinion by Lincoln, preserved from those four years, far exceeds 
 that of the whole of his preceding life. 
 
 But before considering Lincoln s critical powers it will be 
 well to present the facts gleaned with regard to his reading. 
 
 Carper, XXXI., 229. 2 Herndon, 320. 
 
10 
 
 Herndon gives a list of the newspapers and books that were 
 read by Lincoln and him during the years immediately preceding 
 the Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858. The books included "the 
 latest utterances of Giddings, Phillips, Sumner, Seward, and one 
 whom I considered grander than all others, Theodore Parker." 1 
 It is interesting to note, though it has no direct bearing on the 
 question of his literary taste and development, that at that time 
 Lincoln regularly read two of the leading Southern pro-slavery 
 journals, The Charleston Mercury and The Richmond Enquirer, 
 and that he read, also with Herndon, "all the leading histories 
 of the slavery movement, and other works which treated on 
 that subject." 2 
 
 Of special interest in connection with the study of Lincoln s 
 public speaking is the question of what public speakers he himr 
 self read and admired. Disregarding here the contemporary 
 debaters of the slavery question, whose works would be read 
 by Lincoln for the arguments they presented, and without any 
 necessary reference to their literary qualities, we find the fol 
 lowing important statement by Lincoln s intimate friend Isaac 
 N. Arnold : "Patrick Henry had always been his ideal orator." 8 
 He also admired Clay, whom he called his "beau ideal of a 
 statesman," 4 Calhoun, and, of course, Webster, whose reply to 
 Hayne "he read when he lived at New Salem, and which he 
 always regarded as the grandest specimen of American oratory." 5 
 This last does not contradict Arnold s statement as to Patrick 
 Henry, as it refers to the single oration, not to the orator. In 
 a conversation with Noah Brooks Mr. Lincoln once said : " Now, 
 do you know, I think Edward Everett was very much over 
 rated."" With the exception of the reference to the life of 
 Burke, no mention of Burke s name has been discovered, and 
 it is not at all improbable that Lincoln was not acquainted 
 even with his speeches on the colonies. 
 
 While Lincoln s admiration of Byron is often referred to, 
 only two of his works are specifically mentioned as having been 
 
 Herndon, 363. 2 Herndon, 363. 8 Arnold, 145. 
 
 *Nicolay and Hay, Works, L, 299 ; see also Lincoln s Eulogy of Clay, p. 170. 
 r Herndon, 478. "Scribner s Monthly, XV., 678. 
 
 [10] 
 
11 
 
 read by him. Lamon says : " Byron s Dream was a favorite 
 poem, and I have often heard him repeat the following 
 
 lines : 
 
 Sleep hath its own world, 
 A boundary between the thing s misnamed 
 Death and existence : Sleep hath its own world, 
 And a wide realm of wild reality ! " etc. 1 
 
 The second reference, taken from Whitney, is far more im 
 portant. " Closely allied with this sad trait was an inherent 
 belief in his destiny ; perhaps the specific destiny was not very 
 clearly indicated, but that, somehow, the Genius, whom we hail 
 as destiny, had touched him with her wand, and marked him for 
 her own. 
 
 " Apropos of this, I recollect that in the fall of 1854, Mr. 
 Lincoln, with other lawyers from abroad, drove over from 
 Urbana, the county seat, to West Urbana (now Champaign), to 
 see the embryo town, and, while there, stopped at my law office, 
 which had been improvised in the dining-room of my father s 
 house. I had no law library to speak of, but made a display of 
 miscellaneous books to fill up, and render less inviting the ap 
 pearance of the cupboard shelves. Lincoln took down a well- 
 worn copy of Byron (which no boy s library at that time was 
 without) and, readily turning to the third canto of Childe 
 Harold, read aloud from the 34th verse [stanza], commencing : 
 
 There is a very life in our despair, etc. 
 to and including the 45th verse, 
 
 4 He who ascends to mountain tops shall find 
 
 Those loftiest peaks most wrapped in clouds and snow: 
 
 He who surpasses or subdues mankind 
 
 Must look down on the hate of those below ; 
 
 Thoug-h hig-h above, the sun of glory glow, 
 
 And far beneath, the Earth and Ocean spread, 
 
 Round him are icy rocks, and loudly blow 
 
 Contending- tempests on his naked head, 
 
 And thus reward the toils which to those summits lead. 
 
 " This poetry was very familiar to him evidently ; he looked 
 
 JLamon, 121. 
 
 [ii] 
 
12 
 
 specifically for, and found it with no hesitation, and read it 
 with a fluency that indicated that he had read it oftentimes 
 before. I think I am justified in saying that he read it sadly 
 and earnestly, if not, indeed, reverently." 1 
 
 The references to Burns are of an even more unsatisfactory 
 character. Carpenter is certainly wrong when he names Burns 
 as Lincoln s favorite poet. 2 Arnold says more reasonably : 
 " Next to Shakespeare among the poets was Burns. There was 
 a lecture of his upon Burns full of favorite quotations and sound 
 criticism. He sympathized thoroughly with the poem A Man s 
 a Man for a that. " and again, " He could repeat nearly all the 
 poems of Burns." 3 Though Noah Brooks does not mention 
 Burns in connection with the President s reading, he refers to 
 his fondness for " plaintive Scotch songs." 4 And yet in spite of 
 this strong evidence of Lincoln s admiration of Burns, not a 
 single quotation from the Scotch poet occurs in either his 
 speeches or conversation, and no trace of the lecture on Burns 
 is to be found in his Works. Between Herndon s statement of 
 "a limited acquaintance with Burns," and Arnold s claim that 
 "he could repeat nearly all the poems of Burns," there is a 
 middle ground of conjecture on which the critic is at liberty 
 to disport himself to his heart s content. 
 
 An examination of the files of the Urbana Union for 1854, 
 then edited by Judge J. 0. Cunningham, revealed one of Mr. 
 Lincoln s newspaper poets who has escaped the attention of 
 his biographers. His name is John M. Leslie, and he was at 
 that time a resident of Danville, Illinois. Many of his poems 
 were written for this paper, which Mr. Lincoln was in the 
 habit of reading when in Urbana on the circuit. Judge Cun 
 ningham informed the writer that Mr. Lincoln was very fond of 
 Leslie s poetry. By connecting the sitting of the court at Urbana 
 with the appearance of the different poems it would be possible 
 to determine with certainty which of these were read by 
 Mr. Lincoln, but that investigation must be left for later 
 
 1 Whitney, 140-141. -Carpenter, 114. Arnold, 444 and 45. 
 
 4 Harper, XXXI., 229. 
 
 [12] 
 
18 
 
 treatment. The poem from 1854 that was noted is called " The 
 Phantom," and it shows considerable imaginative power. 
 
 Much interesting information as to Lincoln s preference for 
 single poems is given by Herndon, Whitney, Lamon and Noah 
 Brooks. Lincoln preferred what he called " little sad songs." 1 
 Brooks characterizes his taste as extending especially toward 
 " all songs which had for their theme the rapid flight of time, de 
 cay, the recollections of early days." 2 Among his favorites may 
 be mentioned Twenty Years Ago , Ben Bolt , The Sword of 
 Bunker Hill , The Lament of the Irish Emigrant , and Holmes 
 The Last Leaf. Lincoln once said to Carpenter of the last: 
 " There are some quaint, queer verses, written, I think, by Oliver 
 Wendell Holmes, entitled, The Last Leaf, one of which is to 
 me inexpressibly touching. He then repeated these also from 
 memory As he finished this verse The mossy mar 
 bles rest , he said, in his most emphatic way, For pure pathos, 
 in my judgment, there is nothing finer than those six lines in 
 the English language. " 3 After Mr. Lincoln s death a copy of 
 Charles Mackay s The Enquiry was found in an envelope 
 marked in his hand writing, Poem. I like this. * 
 
 Lamon gives the titles of several comic songs that were 
 enjoyed by Mr. Lincoln and mentions his fondness for negro 
 melodies, but to judge by the example submitted, these latter 
 were not of the genuine plantation growth, but were inferior 
 minstrel exotics. 
 
 Special mention should be made of the poem that became 
 so closely associated with Lincoln that its authorship was often 
 attributed to him. This is "Immortality", or "Oh ! why should 
 the spirit of mortal be proud?" According to Herndon the 
 
 "One little sad song a simple ballad entitled Twenty Years Ago was, 
 above all others, his favorite. . . . He loved simple ballads and ditties, whether 
 of the comic or pathetic kind ; but no one in the list touched his great heart as did 
 the song of Twenty Years Ago. " Lamon, 147. 
 
 2 Harper, XXXI., 229. 
 
 ^Carpenter, 58. A letter from Dr. Holmes, written in 1866, refers to the poem 
 and to the President s use of it. Whitney, 484-5. 
 4 Herndon, 320. 
 
 [13] 
 
14 
 
 poem was first given to Lincoln by Dr. Jason Duncan in 1842, 
 shortly after the death of a friend, Bowlin Greene, by whom 
 Lincoln had been helped in the trying months succeeding the 
 death of his first love, Ann Rutledge. The poem seems to have 
 been associated in his mind with that earlier grief. 1 Mr. Lincoln 
 himself said to Carpenter : " The poem was first shown to me 
 by a young man named Jason Duncan, many years ago/ 5 
 Were it not for these explicit statements it would be natural 
 to suppose that "Immortality" is the poem referred to in the 
 following extract from a letter to - - Johnston, dated April 
 18, 1846 : 
 
 " I think you ask me who is the author of the piece I sent to you, 
 and that you do so as to indicate a slight suspicion that I myself am 
 the author. I would give all I am worth, and go in debt, to be able 
 to write so fine a piece as I think that is. Neither do I know who is 
 the author. I met it in a straggling- form in a newspaper last sum 
 mer, and I remember to have seen it once before, about fifteen years 
 ago, and that is all I know about it." 3 
 
 Indeed, the references to this poem resemble so closely 
 Lincoln s estimate of " Immortality " that one is tempted to 
 disregard the slight contradictions of the three accounts. 
 
 The principal authorities for Lincoln s later reading, be 
 sides those already quoted, are the writers in the Reminiscen 
 ces and General Viele. The last named gives the only refer 
 ence that has been discovered to Lincoln s knowledge of 
 Browning. 
 
 u With a mind well stored with the grandest and most beautiful 
 in English literature ... he would sit for hours during the 
 trip repeating the finest passages of Shakespere s best plays, page 
 after page of Browning and whole cantos of Byron. He was as 
 
 1 "He committed these lines to memory, and any reference to or mention of 
 Miss Rutledge would suggest them." Herndon, 140. 
 
 2 Carpenter, 59. In this conversation mention is made of Mr. Lincoln s sup 
 posed authorship of the poem. 
 
 3 Nicolay and Hay, Works, I, 86. "He (Lincoln) quoted aloud and at length the 
 poem called Immortality. When he had finished he was questioned as to its 
 
 authorship He had forgotten the author, but said that to him it sounded as 
 
 much like true poetry as anything he had ever heard." Herndon, 320. Arnold, 43, 
 also speaks of Lincoln s association of the poem with Ann Rutledge. 
 
 [14] 
 
15 
 
 familiar with belles lettres as many men who make much more pre 
 tension to culture ." * 
 
 One cannot help wondering what pages of Browning were 
 repeated by so unexpected an admirer. It would be interest 
 ing also to learn what parts of Byron were included. If the 
 phrase " whole cantos" is correctly used, the extracts must 
 have been from one or more of the long poems. In the inter 
 view with McDonough three poets, not elsewhere mentioned, 
 are connected with Lincoln s reading, but the statement is so 
 general that it need not be taken too literally. " He inter 
 spersed his remarks with extracts striking from their similarity 
 to, or contrast with, something of Shakespere s, from Byron? 
 Rogers, Campbell, Moore and other poets." 
 
 Brooks speaks of Lincoln s fondness for Hood and Holmes, 
 which we should expect. " Of the former author he liked best 
 the last part of Miss Kilmansegg and her Golden Leg , Faith 
 less Sally Brown , and one or two others not generally so pop 
 ular as those which are called Hood s best. Holmes Septem 
 ber Gale , Last Leaf, Chambered Nautilus , and Ballad of 
 an Oysterman were among his very few favorite poems. 
 Longfellow s Psalm of Life and Birds of Killingworth were 
 the only productions of that author he ever mentioned with 
 praise. . . . James Russell Lowell he only knew as Hosea 
 Biglow , every one of whose effusions he knew. . . . He 
 once said that originality and daring impudence were sublimed 
 in this stanza of Lowell s : 
 
 Ef you take a sword and dror it, 
 An stick a feller creetur thru, 
 Gov ment hain t to answer for it, 
 God ll send the bill to you. " 3 
 
 On one occasion Noah Brooks repeated Longfellow s The 
 Building of the Ship , a quotation from which had attracted 
 the President. "As he listened to the lines: 
 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
 Our faith triumphant o er our fears. 
 
 ^cribner s Monthly, XVI., 813. 
 2 Reminiscences, 267. ^Harper, XXXI., 229. 
 
16 
 
 his eyes filled .... and his cheeks were wet. He did 
 not speak for some minutes, but finally said, with simplicity: 
 It is a wonderful gift to be able to stir men like that. " l N.P. 
 Willis once told Carpenter that "he was taken by surprise on a 
 certain occasion when he was riding with the President . . . 
 by Mr. Lincoln of his own accord referring to and quoting sev 
 eral lines from his poem entitled Parrhasius [and the Cap 
 tive] ." 5 
 
 The only mention of Lincoln s reading on the subject of 
 the fine arts is given by the artist Thomas Hicks. Speaking of 
 his own portrait, on which the artist was engaged, Mr. Lincoln 
 said : " It interests me to see how, by adding a touch here and 
 a touch there, you make it look more like me. I do not under 
 stand it, but I see it is a vocation in which the work is very 
 fine. ... I once read a book which gave an account of 
 some Italian painters and their work in the fifteenth century, 
 and, taking the author s statement for it, they must have had 
 a great talent for the work they had to do." 3 
 
 The humorous prose writers from whom Mr. Lincoln so 
 often quoted were David R. Locke (author of the Nasby Let 
 ters), Orpheus C. Kerr, Artemus Ward, Joe Miller, and Baldwin 
 (author of Flush Times in Alabama ). In his introduction to 
 the "Nasby Letters", published in 1872, Charles Sumner gives 
 a very interesting account of the book and its relations to Mr. 
 Lincoln. He says : " Of publications during the war none had 
 such charm for Abraham Lincoln. He read every letter as it 
 appeared and kept them all within reach for refreshment. . . . 
 He then repeated with enthusiasm the message he had sent to 
 the author: For the genius to write these things I would 
 gladly give up my office. " ; David li. Locke, in his article on 
 Lincoln, states : " Lincoln also seized eagerly upon everything 
 that Orpheus C. Kerr wrote, and knew it all by heart." f Whit 
 ney furnishes the following testimony to Lincoln s acquaintance 
 
 iScribner s Monthly, XVIII., 585. 
 2 Carpenter, 115. 
 3 Reminiscences, 599. 
 
 4 Sumner, XV., 65-66. - Reminiscences, 448. 
 
 [16] 
 
17 
 
 with one of the humorous classics : "Judge Treat told me that 
 he once lent Lincoln a copy of Joe Miller , and Lincoln kept 
 it for a while and evidently learned its entire contents, for he 
 found Lincoln narrating the stories therein around the Circuit, 
 but very much embellished and changed, evidently by Lincoln 
 himself." 1 
 
 Although Mr. Lincoln s later reading consisted for the most 
 part of poetry and humorous prose, he was also "a lover of 
 many philosophical works, and particularly liked Butler s Anal 
 ogy of Religion, [John] Stuart Mill on Liberty, and he always 
 hoped to get at President Edwards on the Memory." The only 
 work at all belonging to this class that we know that Lincoln 
 had read while living in Illinois is a book called t Vestiges of 
 [the Natural History of] Creation , "which interested him so 
 much that he read it through." 3 In the same passage Herndon 
 gives the negative testimony that Lincoln found the "works of 
 Spencer, Darwin, and the utterances of other English scientists 
 . . . entirely too heavy for an ordinary mind to digest." On 
 a preceding page Herndon states : " Investigation into first 
 causes, abstruse mental phenomena, the science of being, he 
 brushed aside as trash mere scientific absurdities." This 
 view of Lincoln s mind is borne out by Joseph Gillespie in a 
 letter of 1866. It is possible that Lincoln s taste for Butler 
 and Mill developed in the last years of his life, as the result of 
 a broader mental outlook. In the lecture on Inventions, Lin 
 coln quotes from Plato, but there is no proof that he had ever 
 read the Greek Philosopher. Herndon states that Mr. Lincoln 
 read Volney s Ruins and Paine s Age of Reason .* 
 
 Of special interest in connection with the study of Lin 
 coln s style is his love of the Bible. Disregarding as irrelevant 
 
 Whitney, 126 and 177. ^Harper, XXXL, 229. 
 
 3 Herndon, 437. "The volume was published in Edinburgh, anonymously, and 
 undertook to demonstrate the doctrine of development or evolution. The treatise 
 interested him greatly, and he was deeply impressed with the notion of the so- 
 called universal law evolution ; he did not extend greatly his researches, but by 
 continual thinking in a single channel seemed to grow into a warm advocate of the 
 new doctrine." The authorship was generally attributed to Robert Chambers, but 
 was not acknowledged until the appearance of the twelfth edition in 1884. 
 
 4 Herndon, 439. 
 
 [17] 
 
18 
 
 here the question of Lincoln s religious belief, concerning which 
 his different biographers show such wide divergence of opinion, 
 we are straightway impressed by the fact that at all stages of 
 his development Lincoln refers to or quotes from the Bible, 
 both in his conversation and in his writings. Indeed, he shows 
 a familiarity with the Scriptures that almost justifies Arnold s 
 statement : " He knew the Bible by heart. There was not a 
 clergyman to be found so familiar with it as he." 1 His knowl 
 edge of the Bible seems to have been as accurate as it was 
 extensive. " He would sometimes correct a misquotation of 
 Scripture, giving generally the chapter and verse where it 
 could be found." 2 In the same passage Brooks states, but 
 unfortunately without furnishing proof, that Mr. Lincoln "liked 
 the Old Testament best". He adds that "whole chapters of 
 Isaiah, the New Testament and the Psalms were fixed in his 
 memory." Lincoln s familiarity with the Psalms may be taken 
 in connection with Ruskin s acknowledgment of his indebted 
 ness to that book in the formation of his style. Lincoln s love 
 of the Bible and Shakspere suggests Sir Henry Irving s reply 
 to a request that he furnish a list of what he regarded as 
 the hundred best books: " Before a hundred books commend 
 me first to the study of two, the Bible and Shakespeare." 
 
 It is possible, however, to exaggerate Lincoln s direct use 
 of the Bible in his writings. If Arnold had made a careful 
 examination of the works of Lincoln he would not have stated 
 that " scarcely a speech or paper prepared by him from this 
 time (1834) to his death, but contains apt allusions and strik 
 ing illustrations from the sacred book." 3 
 
 On the contrary, investigation shows great unevenness in 
 the use of Biblical quotations. Taking some representative ad 
 dresses and other papers from different periods, we establish the 
 following facts : In five speeches between 1839 and 1852, six quo 
 tations from the Bible were noted, four of these occurring in the 
 temperance lecture of 1842. In a speech made in 1854 in reply 
 to Senator Douglas two quotations from the New Testament 
 
 Arnold, 45. 2 Harper, XXXI., 229. Arnold, 45- 
 
 [18] 
 
19 
 
 and one reference to the Old Testament occur. In 1856 
 we find the celebrated " House-divided-against-itself speech", 
 which, however, contains no other quotations than the one 
 from which it has received its unfortunate name. The Bloom - 
 ington speech of the same year, the so-called lost speech, on the 
 other hand, shows the largest number of Biblical quotations 
 anywhere noted. There are four passages from the New Tes 
 tament and two from the Old Testament, six in all. As will be 
 brought out in the proper place this speech is also distinguished 
 by an unusually large proportion of figures. Of the ten speeches 
 delivered in 1858 in the Lincoln-Douglas debates, two contain 
 one reference each and several of them refer to the quotation, 
 "a house divided against itself ", in connection with the earlier 
 speech. The great Cooper Institute Address of 1860 shows no 
 trace of direct Biblical influence. ^Turning now to the important 
 presidential addresses, we find in the First Inaugural only one 
 reference, in the Gettysburg Address none, but in the Second 
 Inaugural four. The two Messages to Congress of 1861 are 
 without any quotations. The twenty-five speeches examined 
 were found to contain twenty-two references to the Bible, or 
 an average of less than one to each speech. Eight of the refer 
 ences were from the Old Testament, fourteen from the New 
 Testament. This majority in favor of the New Testament, 
 however, does not disprove Brooks statement of Lincoln s pref 
 erence for the Old Testament, as, in the first place, the instances 
 are not sufficiently numerous to form a fair basis for compar 
 ison, and, in the second place, the results of the examination 
 of Lincoln s quotations from other writers warn us not to 
 attach too much importance to this matter. 
 
 \ The number of quotations from Shakspere is even smaller 
 than that from the Bible. A reference to the list in the 
 appendix shows that the plays cited are "Hamlet", "Macbeth", 
 "King Lear" and "The Merchant of Venice", and Falstaff is 
 once mentioned by way of comparison. When we consider the 
 ample testimony of Carpenter, Brooks and others to Lincoln s 
 habit of introducing passages of Shakspere in his conversation, 
 
 [19] 
 
20 
 
 this comparative neglect of his favorite poet in his writings is 
 
 Imarkable. 
 With the exception of the orators, statesmen and Shaks- 
 pere, not one of the writers w^hom Lincoln is known to have 
 read and admired is quoted by him. Not even Burns and Byron 
 are to be found, and there are only two references to the fables 
 of his old favorite ^Esop. All but two of the quotations are in 
 verse, and the authors that have been identified, besides these 
 already mentioned, are T. H. Bayly, Dickens, Robert Herrick, 
 Pope and Scott. 
 
 The only possible way of explaining this apparent absence 
 of any close relation between Lincoln s reading and his use of 
 quotations is that he generally used "familiar quotations", as 
 he used proverbial sayings. This is clearly brought out in an 
 instance such as the quotation from Pope, which is introduced 
 with these words: "As some poet has said". The quotation 
 " Behind the clouds the sun is shining still ", the author of 
 which has not been identified, is introduced with the words : 
 "As some poet has expressed it". It is not at all probable 
 that Lincoln had ever read Herrick, except perhaps in 
 some stray selection. But even admitting this supposition it 
 remains a surprise that Lincoln should confine his quotations 
 from his favorite writers almost wholly to conversation. 
 
 Turning now to the consideration of Lincoln s literary 
 criticisms we find a number of reports of his views of Shaks- 
 pere and of the relation of the plays to the stage. One of the 
 most interesting of these is found in a letter to the actor 
 Hackett, and it is also the only specimen of Lincoln s Shaks- 
 pere criticism written by his own hand : " For one of my age 
 I have seen very little of the drama. The first presentation of 
 Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter or spring 
 [1862-3]. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as 
 I truly can, I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shaks- 
 pere s plays I have never read ; while others I have gone over 
 perhaps as frequently as any unprofessional reader. Among 
 the latter are Lear , Richard III. , Henry VIII. , Hamlet , 
 
 [20] 
 
21 
 
 and especially Macbeth . I think nothing equals Macbeth . 
 It is wonderful. 
 
 " Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the solil 
 oquy in Hamlet commencing, Oh, my offense is rank , 
 surpasses that commencing, To be or not to be . But pardon 
 this small attempt at criticism. I should like to hear you 
 pronounce the opening speech of Richard III. " l 
 
 The following passage from Carpenter is closely connected 
 in part with the Hackett letter: "Presently the conversation 
 turned upon Shakespeare, of whom it is w^ell known Mr. Lincoln 
 was very fond. He once remarked, It matters not to me 
 whether Shakespeare be well or ill acted, with him the thought 
 suffices . Edwin Booth was playing an engagement at this 
 time at Grover s Theatre. He had been announced for the 
 coming evening in his famous part of Hamlet . The Presi 
 dent had never witnessed his representation of this character, 
 and he proposed being present. The mention of this play, 
 which I afterward learned had at all times a peculiar charm 
 for Mr. Lincoln s mind, waked up a train of thought I was not 
 prepared for. Said he ... There is one passage of the 
 play of Hamlet which is very apt to be slurred over by the 
 actor, or omitted altogether, which seems to me the choicest 
 part of the play. It is the soliloquy of the King, after the 
 murder [of Polonius]. It always struck me as one of the finest 
 touches of nature in the world. 
 
 " Then, throwing himself into the very spirit of the scene, 
 he took up the words : Oh ! my offence is rank, it smells to 
 heaven . He repeated this entire passage from memory, with 
 a feeling and appreciation unsurpassed by anything I ever 
 witnessed on the stage. Remaining in thought for a few mo 
 ments, he continued : 
 
 " The opening of the play of King Richard the Third 
 seems to me often entirely misapprehended. It is quite com 
 mon for an actor to come upon the stage, and, in a sophomoric 
 style, to begin with a flourish : 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 392. 
 
 [21] 
 
22 
 
 " Now is the winter of our discontent 
 Made glorious summer by this sun of York, 
 And all the clouds that lowered upon our house, 
 In the deep bosom of the ocean buried ! " 
 
 Now/ said he, this is all wrong. Richard, you remember, had 
 been and was then, plotting the destruction of his brothers, to 
 make room for himself. Outwardly, the most loyal to the 
 newly crowned king ; secretly, he could scarcely contain his 
 impatience at the obstacles still in the way of his own eleva - 
 tion. He appears upon the stage, just after the crowning of 
 Edward, burning with repressed hate and jealousy. The pro 
 logue is the utterance of the most intense bitterness and satire/ 
 
 " Then, unconsciously assuming the character, Mr. Lincoln 
 repeated, also from memory, Richard s soliloquy, rendering it 
 with a degree of force and power that made it seem like a new 
 creation to me. Though familiar with the passage from boy 
 hood, I can truly say that never till that moment had I fully 
 appreciated its spirit." 1 
 
 After seeing Booth as Shylock, Mr. Lincoln said to Noah 
 Brooks : " It was a good performance, but I had a thousand 
 times rather read it at home, if it were not for Booth s play 
 ing. A farce, or a comedy, is best played ; a tragedy is best read 
 at home." 2 It must not be concluded from this, however, that 
 Mr. Lincoln was indifferent to the stage. On the contrary, "he 
 liked to go to the theater. It gave him an hour or two of 
 freedom from care and worry." 3 
 
 A remarkable interview, held apparently in 1863, with the 
 actor McDonough, is reported by the Hon. W. D. Kelley. After 
 some preliminary talk, Mr. Lincoln began the discussion as 
 follows : " I am very glad to meet you, Mr. McDonough, . . . 
 for I want you to tell me something about Shakespeare s plays 
 as they are constructed for the stage. You can imagine that I 
 do not get much time to study such matters, but 1 recently had 
 a couple of talks with Hackett .... but I elicited few 
 
 Carpenter, 49-52. 2 Scribner s Monthly, XV., 675. 
 Scribner s Monthly, XV., 675. 
 
 [22] 
 
23 
 
 satisfactory replies, though I probed him with a good many ques 
 tions . . . Hackett s lack of information impressed me with 
 a doubt as to whether he had ever studied Shakespeare s text, 
 or had not been content with the acting edition of his plays. 
 He arose, went to a shelf not far from his table, and having 
 taken down a well-thumbed volume of the Plays of Shakes 
 peare, and having turned to Henry VI [IV] and read with fine 
 discrimination an extended passage, said, Mr. McDonough, can 
 you tell me why those lines are omitted from the acting play ? 
 There is nothing I have read in Shakespeare, certainly nothing 
 in Henry VI or the Merry Wives .of Windsor, that surpasses 
 its wit and humor . " 
 
 Then turning to a clergyman who was present, Mr. Lincoln 
 said : " From your calling it is probable you do not know 
 that the acting plays which people crowd to hear are not 
 always those planned by their reputed authors. Thus, take the 
 stage edition of Richard III. It opens with a passage from 
 Henry VI, after which come portions of Richard III, then 
 another scene from Henry VI, and the finest soliloquy in the 
 play, if we may judge from the frequency with which it is 
 heard in amateur exhibitions, was never seen by Shakespeare 
 but was written, was it not, Mr. McDonough, after his death, 
 by Colley Gibber? " 1 
 
 In illustration of the relation that Lincoln s study of 
 Shakspere bore to his own life, we may quote a passage from 
 Carpenter, which is also given in slightly different language by 
 Noah Brooks: "In the spring of 1862, the President spent 
 several days at Fortress Monroe . . . He bore with him 
 constantly the burden of public affairs. His favorite diversion 
 was reading Shakspeare. One day as he sat reading alone, he 
 called to his aide in the adjoining room, l You have been writing 
 long enough, Colonel ; come in here ; I want to read you a pass 
 age in " Hamlet ". He read the discussion on ambition between 
 Hamlet and his courtiers, and the soliloquy, in which con 
 science debates of a future state. This was followed by a 
 
 Reminiscences, 2615-267. The speech beginning, " Richard s himself again." 
 
 [23] 
 
24 
 
 passage from Macbeth . Then opening to King John , he 
 read from the third act the passage in which Constance bewails 
 her imprisoned lost boy : 
 
 Closing the book, and recalling the words, 
 
 " And, father cardinal, I have heard you say 
 That we shall see and know our friends in heaven: 
 If that be true, I shall see my boy again ."- 
 
 Mr. Lincoln said: Colonel, did you ever dream of a lost friend, 
 and feeling that you were holding sweet communion with that 
 friend, and yet have a sad consciousness that it was not a 
 reality ? Just so I dream of my boy Willie. Overcome with 
 emotion, he dropped his head on the table, and sobbed aloud." 1 
 Another illustration of Mr. Lincoln s personal application 
 of his Shakspere reading is given by Arnold in the follow 
 ing : " Mr. Lincoln once said : I have all my life been a 
 fatalist. What is to be will be, or rather, I have found all my 
 life as Hamlet says : 
 
 " There s a divinity that shapes our ends, 
 Rough-hew them how we will." 2 
 
 The most interesting account of the famous trip up the 
 Potomac of April 9th, 1865, when the President delighted his 
 companions by reading to them from Shakspere, is that of 
 the Marquis de Chambrun. "On Sunday, April 9th, we were 
 steaming up the Potomac. That whole day the conversation 
 dwelt upon literary subjects. Mr. Lincoln read to us for several 
 hours passages taken from Skakespeare. Most of these were 
 from Macbeth, and in particular, the verses which follow Dun 
 can s assassination. I cannot recall this reading without being 
 awed at the remembrance, when Macbeth becomes king after 
 the murder of Duncan, he falls a prey to the most horrible 
 torments of mind. 
 
 " Either because he was struck by the weird beauty of these 
 verses, or from a vague presentiment coming over him, Mr. 
 Lincoln paused here while reading and began to explain to us 
 
 Carpenter, 115-116. 2 Arnold, 81. These lines from Hamlet were fre 
 
 quently quoted by Lincoln in conversation. Herndon, 436. 
 
 [24] 
 
25 
 
 how true a description of the murderer that one was ; when, the 
 dark deed achieved, its tortured perpetrator came to envy the 
 sleep of his victim ; and he read over again the same scene." 1 
 
 The specimens of Lincoln s criticisms that have been sub 
 mitted justify fully the remark of the writer just quoted : 
 "His judgment evinces that sort of delicacy and soundness of 
 taste that would honor a great literary critic. "* 
 
 In considering Lincoln s imagination, to which we may 
 properly pass from the study of his critical powers, we are 
 immediately struck by its frequent homeliness, the material for 
 metaphor and simile being usually taken from everyday expe 
 rience. We find a tendency, too, especially in the letters, to 
 the repeated use of a figurative idea in connection with some 
 important subject. After the manner of really great men, 
 Lincoln never hesitated to repeat himself, and just as we shall 
 find striking phrases repeated in orations, so we find striking 
 metaphors and similes repeated in letters and in conversation. 
 This tendency to repetition is especially marked in the war 
 correspondence, where it may almost be said to be the rule. 
 The favorite ideas of comparison are taken from card playing, 
 the ship of state and eggs. As examples of the first we may 
 take the following : " You must not expect me to give up this 
 government without playing my last card,"* the last card 
 being the Emancipation Proclamation. "I shall not surrender 
 this game leaving any available card unplayed." 4 " It had got 
 to be midsummer, 1862 : Things had gone from bad to 
 worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on 
 the plan of operations we had been pursuing ; that we had 
 about played our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose 
 the game!" 5 All these examples belong to the same period 
 and refer to the same subject. 
 
 The figure of the ship of state was most freely used in the 
 
 ^cribner s Magazine, XIII., 34. The other accounts agree closely with the above^ 
 
 2 Ibid, 32. 
 
 Reminiscences, 125. Quoted by C. S. Boutwell from an unpublished letter. 
 
 4 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 215, Letter of July 26, 1862. 
 
 Carpenter, 20. Conversation, 1864. 
 
 [25] 
 
26 
 
 series of addresses delivered on the journey to Washington, in 
 1861. While it is somewhat varied in details the underlying 
 thought is always the same. The figure had already occurred 
 in the Peoria Speech of October 16th, 1854 : " You stand on mid 
 dle ground and hold the ship level and steady," and "the very 
 figure-head of the ship of state." 1 From among the half-dozen 
 cases the following may be cited : " If we do not make com 
 mon cause to save the good old ship of the Union on this 
 voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on another 
 voyage." 5 "I understand that the ship is made for the carry 
 ing and preservation of the cargo ; and so long as the ship is 
 safe with the cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union 
 shall never be abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence 
 shall cease to exist without the necessity of throwing passen 
 gers and cargo overboard." 3 The latter part of the second 
 figure was a favorite one with Lincoln in his later familiar talk 
 and correspondence. Speaking of Union men in the South ? 
 he said in a letter : " They are to touch neither a sail nor a 
 pump, but to be merely passengers deadheads at that to be 
 carried snug and dry throughout the storm, and safely landed 
 right side up." Lincoln s use of this time-honored metaphor is 
 not oratorical, after the manner of the Fourth of July speaker, 
 but purely illustrative, and as it exactly serves his purpose he 
 uses it with a sublime indifference to its familiarity. 
 
 In the same spirit he does not hesitate to introduce in state 
 papers and private correspondence alike the homeliest kind of 
 comparisons. Thus, in the Greeley Letter of August 23rd, 1862, 
 which was really not a letter but a formal statement of princi 
 ples to the public through Mr. Greeley, the figure of broken 
 eggs occurred in the original draft. " The omitted passage 
 * Broken eggs can never be mended, and the longer the break 
 ing proceeds the more will be broken was erased, with some 
 reluctance, by the President, on the representation, made to 
 him by the editors, that it seemed somewhat exceptionable, on 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 202 and 293. 
 2 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 681. 3 Ibid, 688. 
 
 [26] 
 
27 
 
 rhetorical grounds, in a paper of such dignity." 1 In a letter of 
 November 29th, 1862, Lincoln varies the figure : " I should 
 merely furnish a nestful of eggs for hatching new disputes." 2 
 
 In his first message to Congress the President used the 
 expression : " With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have been 
 drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty 
 years." To this the government printer took exception on the 
 ground that it was an undignified expression . Lincoln s reply 
 deserves special mention as helping to explain his preference 
 for homely comparisons. " That word expresses precisely my 
 idea, and I am not going to change it. The time will never 
 come in this country when the people won t know exactly 
 what sugar-coated means !" 3 Lincoln s figures almost always 
 serve a useful purpose in making an obscure thought clear and 
 a clear thought still clearer. 
 
 Another undignified figure, which was repeated later, is the 
 following from the l Lost Speech : "Free-state men come trail 
 ing back to the dishonored North, like whipped dogs with their 
 tails between their legs." 4 In a letter of June, 1862, to General 
 McClellan, the President made use of the following vivid but 
 inappropriate figure : " Shields s division has got so terribly out 
 of shape, out at elbows, and out at toes, that it w r ill require a 
 long time to get it in again." 5 And in a telegram of the same 
 year he said : " You must know that major-generalships in 
 the regular army are not as plenty as blackberries." 6 Exam 
 ples of this class of figures might be added in large numbers, 
 but those that have been given sufficiently illustrate this side 
 of Lincoln s imagination. 
 
 Occasionally wholly commonplace comparisons are used, 
 as in the following cases : "It [slavery] gathers strength like 
 a rolling snowball, by its own infamy." 7 "Like the great Jug 
 gernaut I think that is the name the great idol, it [slave 
 
 Reminiscences, 626. Reported by J. C. Welling, one of the editors of the 
 National Intelligencer, in which the Greeley Letter was originally published. 
 
 2 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 260. 3 Carpenter, 126. 
 
 4 Tarbell, II., 312. 5 Nicolay & Hay, Works. II., 181. 6 Ibid, II., 144. 
 
 7 Tarbell, II., 315. 
 
 [27] 
 
28 
 
 power] crushes everything that comes in its way." But the 
 number of these is very .small. Lincoln s figures like his 
 other utterances are strongly marked by the individuality of 
 the speaker. 
 
 Many of Lincoln s similes and metaphors are, indeed, of 
 the greatest beauty and force. Even in the most informal 
 letter he occasionally strikes off a figure of marked character. 
 One of the best of these comparisons occurs in a telegram. In 
 a long dispatch to General Hooker the President wrote : " In 
 one word, I would not take any risk of being entangled upon 
 the river, like an ox jumped half over the fence and liable to be 
 torn by dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one 
 way or kick the other." 2 And in a later telegram to the same 
 general : "If the head of Lee s army is at Martinsburg and 
 the tail of it on the plank road between Fredericksburg and 
 Chancellorsville, the animal must be very slim somewhere. 
 Could you not break him ? " ; A letter to E. B. Washburne in 
 1860 closes with the following simple but forcible simile: " On 
 that point hold firm, as with a chain of steel." 4 
 
 In the Bloomington Speech is found a skilful adaptation of 
 the familiar saying " The pen is mightier than the sword " in 
 " The ballot is stronger than the bullet." In Notes for Speeches 
 from 1858 the figure is varied thus: "To give the victory to 
 the right, not bloody bullets, but peaceful ballots only are nec 
 essary." 5 Finally, in the first message to Congress the thought 
 occurs again : "It is now for them [the people] to demonstrate 
 to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can 
 also suppress a rebellion ; that ballots are the rightful and 
 peaceful successors of bullets ; and that when ballots have 
 fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful 
 appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no successful 
 appeal, except to ballots .themselves, at succeeding elections." 6 
 In the Peoria Speech of 1854 occurs a passage that suggests 
 Burke : "Our republican robe is soiled* and trailed in the dust. 
 
 Barbell, II., 369. 2 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 344. 
 3 Ibid, II., 352. 4 Ibid, I., 658. 5 Ibid, I., 427. Ibid, II., 65. 
 
 [28] 
 
29 
 
 Let us repurify it. Let us turn and wash it white in the spirit 
 if not the blood of the Revolution." On the succeeding page 
 of the same speech simile is finely combined with suggested 
 quotation : " Like the bloody hand , you may wash it and 
 wash it, the red witness of guilt still sticks and stares horribly 
 at you." The reference in the Conkling Letter to the Missis 
 sippi Eiver is not a little in the manner of Webster : " The 
 signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to 
 the sea." 
 
 According to Brooks, "Lincoln was a close observer of 
 nature, as w r ell as of men. Into the wonderful alembic of his 
 mind everything was received, to be brought forth again as 
 aphorism, parable, or trenchant saying. In woodcraft, for ex 
 ample, he was deeply skilled, his habit of close observation 
 leading him to detect curious facts which escaped the notice 
 of most men. Riding through a wood in Virginia, he observed 
 a vine which wrapped a tree in its luxuriant growth. Yes, 
 he said, that is very beautiful ; but that vine is like certain 
 habits of men : it decorates the ruin that it makes . . . The 
 very next day, somebody was discussing with him the differ 
 ence between character and reputation, when he said, with a 
 look at me, as if to remind of what he had been talking about 
 the day before, i perhaps a man s character was like a tree, 
 and his reputation like its shadow: the shadow is what we 
 think of it ; the tree is the real thing. " 2 
 
 Carpenter, quoting from an article published in the San 
 Francisco Bulletin, gives similar testimony. The President 
 was visiting the Soldiers Home with a party, when a dispute 
 arose as to whether a bit of green was cedar or spruce. " Let 
 me discourse on a theme I understand, said the President, I 
 know all about trees in right of being a backwoodsman. I 11 
 show you the difference between spruce, pine, and cedar, and 
 this shred of green, which is neither one nor the other, but a 
 kind of illegitimate cypress. He then proceeded to gather 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 398. 
 2 Scribner s Monthly, XVI 1 1., 586. 
 
 [29] 
 
30 
 
 specimens of each, and explain the distinctive formation of 
 foliage belonging to every species. Trees, he said, are as 
 deceptive in their likeness to one another as are certain classes 
 of men, amongst whom none but a physiognomist s eye can 
 detect dissimilar moral features until events have developed 
 them. " 1 It is significant that both these nature comparisons 
 are based on woodcraft. 2 
 
 In spite of this strong evidence of Lincoln s love and close 
 observation of nature, few instances of true nature compar 
 isons were noted in his writings, and none of these suggest the 
 poetical coloring shown in the quotations just given. It is 
 possible that Lincoln s nature comparisons were, like his 
 stories, confined mainly to conversation, and that they were 
 suggested, as in those instances, by the sight of the natural 
 objects. 
 
 A collection of notes for a lecture on Niagara Falls fur- 
 ishes the most important written testimony to Lincoln s love 
 of nature and his habit of associating natural phenomena with 
 the affairs of life. After commenting on the purely physical 
 characteristics of the Falls, he continues : " The mere physical 
 of Niagara Falls is only this. Yet this is really a very small 
 part of that world s wonder. Its power to excite reflection and 
 emotion is its great charm. . . . But still there is more. It 
 calls up the indefinite past. When Columbus first sought this 
 continent when Christ suffered on the cross when Moses led 
 Israel through the Ked Sea nay, even when Adam first came 
 from the hand of his Maker: then, as now, Niagara was roaring 
 here. The eyes of that species of extinct giants whose bones 
 fill the mounds of America have gazed on Niagara, as ours 
 do now. Contemporary with the first race of men, and older 
 than the first man, Niagara is strong and fresh today as ten 
 thousand years ago. The Mammoth and Mastodon, so long 
 dead that fragments of their monstrous bones alone testify 
 
 Carpenter, 224-5. 
 
 -Judge J. O. Cunningham, of Urbana, Illinois, has informed the writer that 
 Mr. Lincoln, while in Urbana on the Circuit, loved to take long walks in the woods 
 to the northeast of the town. 
 
 [30] 
 
31 
 
 that they ever lived, have gazed on Niagara in that long, long 
 time never still for a moment [never dried], never froze, never 
 slept, never rested." 1 
 
 The quotation is given at such length because of its 
 curious connection with a passage in Herndon. The contra 
 diction between Lincoln s statement to Herndon and the auto 
 graph record of his real impressions shows clearly that Lincoln 
 did not always express himself fully to his partner. It serves 
 to illustrate the truth of Herndon s estimate of Lincoln s 
 character : " He never revealed himself entirely to any one 
 man, and therefore he will always to a certain extent remain 
 enveloped in doubt. Even those who were with him through 
 long years of hard study and under constantly varying circum 
 stances can hardly say they knew him through and through." 2 
 
 The passage in Herndon is as follows : " What , I en 
 quired, made the deepest impression on you when you stood 
 in the presence of the great natural wonder ? I shall never 
 forget his answer, because it in a very characteristic way illus 
 trates how he looked at everything. The thing that struck 
 me most forcibly when I saw the Falls, he responded, was, 
 where in the world did all that water come from ? He had 
 no eye for the magnificence and grandeur of the scene, for the 
 rapids, the mist, the angry waters, and the roar of the whirl 
 pool, but his mind, working in its accustomed channel, heedless 
 of beauty or awe, followed irresistibly back to the first cause. " : 
 
 From an early age Lincoln showed a deep interest in 
 words. Speaking of his boyhood, Mcolay and Hay state : " He 
 would sit in the twilight and read a dictionary as long as he 
 could see." 4 That this study of words was a part of his severe 
 course of self-culture is clearly brought out by the following 
 passage : "In the search for words Mr. Lincoln was often at a 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 162. 
 
 2 Herndon, 585. 
 
 3 Herndon, 297. It is possible that Lincoln s matter of fact statement was pro 
 voked by the florid description given just before by his companion. There is no 
 reason to doubt the sincerity of his written account. 
 
 4 Nicolay & Hay, Life, I., 35. 
 
 [30 
 
32 
 
 loss. He was often perplexed to give proper expression to his 
 ideas ; first, because he was not master of the English language ; 
 and secondly, because there were, in the vast store of words, 
 so few that contained the exact coloring, power and shape of 
 his ideas." l 
 
 The following valuable statement of Lincoln s difficulty in 
 finding suitable words to express his exact meaning is reported 
 by Albert B. Chandler, who during the war was connected with 
 the Military Telegraph Office, at Washington. After describing 
 the President s manner of writing he tells that Mr. Lincoln 
 read to him what he had just written. " During this reading 
 he stopped occasionally to remark upon the subject of his read 
 ing a detailed description of a battle and one of his remarks, 
 I remember, was upon the meagreness of adjectives in the lan 
 guage to express the different degrees of feeling and action." 2 
 
 Still more important testimony in this direction is fur 
 nished by the report of a conversation between the Rev. J. P. 
 Gulliver and Mr. Lincoln, published in the New York Inde 
 pendent of Sept. 1st, 1864, and reprinted by Carpenter. In 
 answer to a question by Mr. Gulliver as to his unusual power of 
 putting things , Mr. Lincoln replied: "I can say this, that 
 among my earliest recollections I remember how, when a mere 
 child, I used to get irritated when anybody talked to me in a 
 way I could not understand. I don t think I ever got angry at 
 anything else in my life. But that always disturbed my temper, 
 and has ever since. 1 can remember going to my little bed 
 room, after hearing the neighbors talk of an evening with my 
 father, and spending no small part of the night walking up 
 and down, and trying to make out what was the exact mean 
 ing of some of their, to me, dark sayings. I could not sleep, 
 though I often tried to, when 1 got on such a hunt after an 
 idea, until 1 had caught it ; and when I thought I had got it. I 
 w r as not satisfied until I had repeated it over and over, until I 
 had put it in language plain enough, as 1 thought, for any boy 
 
 Herndon, 592. 
 2 Ward, 223. 
 
 [32] 
 
38 
 
 I knew to comprehend. This was a kind of passion with me, 
 and it has stuck by me. . . . Perhaps that accounts for the 
 characteristic you observe in my speeches, though I never put 
 
 the two things together before But your question 
 
 reminds me of a bit of education I had, which I am bound in 
 honesty to mention. In the course of my law-reading, I con 
 stantly came upon the word demonstrate. I thought at first 
 that I understood its meaning, but soon became satisfied that I 
 did not. I said to myself, What do I mean when I demonstrate 
 more than when I reason or prove ? How does demonstration 
 differ from any other proof ? I consulted Webster 7 s Dictionary. 
 That told of certain proof, proof beyond the possibility of 
 doubt; but I could form no idea what sort of proof that was. 
 . . . I consulted all the dictionaries and books of reference 
 I could find, but with no better results. You might as well have 
 defined blue to a blind man. At last I said, Lincoln, you can 
 never make a lawyer if you do not understand what demonstrate 
 means ; and I left my situation in Springfield, went home to 
 my father s house, and stayed there till I could give any prop 
 osition in the six books of Euclid at sight. I then found out 
 what demonstrate means, and went back to my law-studies." 1 
 But just as Lincoln s reading afforded him pleasure as w r ell 
 as profit, so his study of words was not pursued with sole ref 
 erence to its aiding him in writing and speaking. Noah Brooks, 
 in his account of Mr. Lincoln s meeting with Prof. Agassiz in 
 the winter of 1864, relates : " The visitors were shown in, the 
 President first whispering, Now sit still and see what we can 
 pick up that s new. . . . The President said, I never knew 
 how to properly pronounce your name ; won t you give me a 
 little lesson at that ? Then he asked if it were of French or 
 Swiss origin, to which the professor replied that it was partly 
 of each. {That led to a discussion of different languages, the 
 President speaking of several words in different languages 
 
 ^Carpenter, 312-314. This story is not accurate. Lincoln was living at New 
 Salem, not Springfield, when he began the study of law, and he relates in the Auto 
 biography that he studied Euclid after leaving Congress. There is no reason, how 
 ever, to doubt the truth of the main statement, with which we are concerned. 
 
 [33] 
 
34 
 
 which had the same root as similar words in our own tongue ; 
 then he illustrated that by one or two anecdotes, one of which 
 he borrowed from Hood s Up the Rhine . But he soon re 
 turned to his gentle cross-examination of Agassiz, and found 
 out how the Professor studied, how he composed, and how he 
 delivered his lectures." 1 
 
 Although Lincoln s biographers give ample evidence of his 
 frequent use of anecdotes to illustrate and emphasize his mean 
 ing in conversation and in his law pleadings, an examination of 
 / Lincoln s writings shows a comparatively slight use of them 
 there. Even the earlier speeches contain but few stories, and 
 none of these are of any length. In the case of the Douglas 
 Debates it is possible to refer this to the circumstances under 
 which the speeches were delivered and Lincoln s own attitude. 
 On being urged by his friends to treat the subject more pop 
 ularly, Lincoln answered : " The occasion is too serious, the 
 issues are too grave. I do not seek applause, or to amuse the 
 people, but to convince them." 5 The same is true of the 
 Cooper Institute Address of two years later. So, too, the 
 character of the presidential addresses is such as to preclude 
 wholly the introduction of stories, although in the informal 
 discussion of the most important topics the President frequently 
 indulged his taste for anecdote. It seems possible also that 
 many of the earlier addresses contained stories that were more 
 fitted for the stump than for the printed page. There is 
 certainly no reason to suppose that the gift of story-telling, so 
 dear to the heart of the frontiersman, would be neglected by so 
 skilful a speaker as Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Although Lincoln s stories have but little direct bearing upon 
 his writing, they for mso intimate a part of his mental make-up 
 that they deserve at least passing mention. Several authorities, 
 
 Harper, XXXI. , 223. A slightly different though not at all contradictory ac 
 count is given by Noah Brooks in Scribner s Monthly, XV., 678. 
 
 2 Arnold, 145. This attitude had already begun in the preliminary discussion of. 
 1854. " Once launched upon this theme, men were surprised to find him imbued 
 with an unwonted seriousness. They heard from his lips fewer anecdotes and more 
 history. Careless listeners, who came to laugh at his jokes were held by the strong 
 current of his reasoning." Nicolay & Hay, Life, I., 373. 
 
 [34] 
 
35 
 
 among others Chauncey M. Depew, state that Lincoln originated 
 very few of his stories. In Mr. Depew s article Mr. Lincoln is 
 quoted as follows: "They say I tell a great many stories ; I 
 reckon I do, but I have found in the course of a long experi 
 ence that common people and repeating it common people, 
 take them as they run, are more easily influenced and informed 
 through the medium of broad illustration than in any other 
 way, and as to what the hypercritical few may think, I don t 
 care. Mr. Lincoln added : "I have originated but two 
 stories in my life, but I tell tolerably well other people s 
 stories. " 1 
 
 "Turning now to Lincoln s writings we may begin with the 
 "if most informal class, the letters. Herndon states: "In the 
 matter of letter-writing he could never distinguish between 
 one of a business nature or any other kind. If a happy thought 
 struck him he was by no means reluctant to use it." 2 We have 
 already seen that Lincoln frequently introduced striking figures 
 in telegrams to generals in the field, and throughout the cor 
 respondence Herndon s statement finds ample confirmation. 
 That Lincoln could, if need be, distinguish between different 
 classes of correspondence is shown by his exquisite tact in that 
 most difficult class, the letter of condolence. Unfortunately 
 the number of these preserved in Nicolay and Hay is compar 
 atively small, for the number actually written during the Civil 
 War must have been very great. Room may be found for one 
 example, and that perhaps the most beautiful. 
 
 k EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
 WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864. 
 Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Massachusetts. 
 
 DEAR MADAM: I have been shown in the files of the War De 
 partment a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that 
 you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field 
 of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine 
 
 Reminiscences, 428. Compare Lincoln s statement to Brooks : " I do gen 
 erally remember a good story when I hear it, but I never did invent anything 
 original; I am only a retail dealer. " Harper, XXXI., 228. 
 
 2 Herndon, 313. 
 
 [35] 
 
36 
 
 which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so 
 overwhelming-. But I cannot refrain from tendering- to you the con 
 solation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died 
 to save. I pray that our heavenly Father may assuage the ang-uish 
 of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of 
 the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have 
 laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. 
 
 Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. m 
 
 The letters of the early period of Lincoln s life require no 
 special comment. Most of them are to friends and relatives 
 and treat of ordinary events. Occasionally they anticipate the 
 terseness of the later letters, as in this specimen from 1848 : 
 " In law, it is good policy to never plead what you need not, 
 lest you oblige yourself to prove what you cannot." 2 But in 
 the earliest letters there is a tendency to wordiness and to long 
 sentences that is wholly foreign to the later style. 
 
 One characteristic of the letters written during the last 
 four years of Lincoln s life may be noted, their extreme brev 
 ity. Few of those printed in the second volume of the Works 
 exceed a quarter of a page, and many of them do not extend 
 beyond the limits that many correspondents would use for 
 expressions of formal courtesy. But in view of the great ex 
 tent and variety of his correspondence, both public and private, 
 and in view also of the fact that "he preferred writing his 
 letters with his own hand, making copies himself frequently," 3 
 this is not strange. 
 
 The less said about Lincoln s early poetical efforts, recorded 
 by the frank Herndon, the better. They are not only rude and 
 unfinished, but they give no promise of their author s later style. 
 The following poems, however, written in 1844, deserve notice. 
 
 a Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 600. The letter to J. C. Conkling has received the 
 distinction of being quoted in full by John Earle, Professor of Anglo-Saxon at the 
 University of Oxford, in his work entitled "English Prose", "as a good specimen 
 of Nineteenth Century prose." 
 
 2 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 112. This suggests the following sentence from 
 the Bloomington Speech : " But we must not promise what we ought not, lest we be 
 called on to perform what we cannot." Tarbell, II., 307. 
 
 3 Harper, XXXI., 229. 
 
 [36] 
 
37 
 
 While the sentiments are not especially original there is a 
 decidedly poetical coloring to the whole, charged as it is with 
 the melancholy natural to Lincoln : 
 
 I. 
 
 "My childhood s home I see again, 
 
 And sadden with the view; 
 And still, as memory crowds my brain, 
 There s pleasure in it too. 
 
 O memory ! thou midway world 
 
 Twixt earth and paradise, 
 Where thing s decayed and loved ones lost 
 
 In dreamy shadows rise, 
 
 And, freed from all that s earthly vile, 
 
 Seem hallowed, pure, and bright, 
 Like scenes in some enchanted isle 
 
 All bathed in liquid light. 
 
 As dusky mountains please the eye 
 
 When twilight chases day ; 
 As bugle-notes that, passing by, 
 
 In distance die away ; 
 
 As leaving some grand waterfall, 
 
 We, lingering, list its roar 
 So memory will hallow all 
 
 We ve known, but know no more. 
 
 Near twenty years have passed away 
 
 Since here I bid farewell 
 To woods and fields, and scenes of play, 
 
 And playmates loved so well. 
 
 Where many were, but few remain 
 
 Of old familiar things ; 
 But seeing them, to mind again 
 
 The lost and absent brings. 
 
 The friends I left that parting day, 
 
 How changed, as time has sped ! 
 Young childhood grown, strong manhood 
 
 And half of all are dead. 
 
 [37] 
 
38 
 
 I hear the loved survivors tell 
 
 How nought from death could save, 
 
 Till every sound appears a knell, 
 And every spot a grave. 
 
 I range the fields with pensive tread , 
 And pace the hollow rooms, 
 
 And feel (companion of the dead) 
 I m living in the tombs." 
 
 II. 
 
 "But here s an object more of dread 
 
 Than aught the grave contains 
 A human form with reason fled, 
 While wretched life remains. 
 
 When terror spread, and neighbors ran 
 Your dangerous strength to bind, 
 
 And soon, a howling, crazy man, 
 Your limbs were soon confined : 
 
 How then you strove and shrieked aloud, 
 
 Your bones and sinews bared ; 
 And fiendish on the gazing crowd 
 
 With burning eyeballs glared ; 
 
 And begged and swore, and wept and prayed,. 
 
 With maniac laughter joined ; 
 How fearful were these signs displayed 
 
 By pangs that killed the mind ! 
 
 And when at length the drear and long 
 
 Time soothed thy fiercer woes, 
 How plaintively thy mournful song 
 
 Upon the still night rose ! 
 
 I ve heard it oft as if I dreamed, 
 
 Far distant, sweet and lone, 
 The funeral dirge it ever seemed 
 
 Of reason dead and gone. 
 
 [38] 
 
39 
 
 To drink its strains I Ve stole away, 
 
 All stealthily and still, 
 Kre yet the rising 1 god of day 
 
 Had streaked the eastern hill. 
 
 Air held her breath ; trees with the spell 
 
 Seemed sorrowing 1 angels round, 
 Whose swelling tears in dewdrops fell 
 
 Upon the listening ground. 
 
 But this is past, and naught remains 
 
 That raised thee o er the brute ; 
 Thy piercing* shrieks and soothing strain 
 
 Are like forever mute. 
 
 Now fare thee well ! More thou the cause 
 
 Than subject now of woe. 
 All mental pang s by time s kind laws 
 
 Hast lost the power to know. 
 
 O death ! thou awe-inspiring- prince 
 
 That keepst the world in fear, 
 Why dost thou tear more blest ones hence, 
 
 And leave him ling-ering- here ?" * 
 
 These two poems called by Lincoln cantos together with 
 a third, on a "Bear Hunt", were apparently published anony 
 mously in a newspaper in 1847. Lincoln is not known to have 
 written any verse after this time. 
 
 According to Herndon, during the last years of his life in 
 Springfield, Lincoln occasionally wrote political editorials. 2 
 But he never became a journalist in the proper sense of the 
 word. His editorial writing, like Herndon s, was for the prac 
 tical purpose of aiding his party. 
 
 Closely connected with the speeches but forming a class by 
 themselves are the lectures delivered by Lincoln during the 
 
 & Hay, Works, I., 86-88. The poems were enclosed in two letters 
 written in 1846. The circumstances under which they were composed are there 
 related. 
 
 -" Anent the subject of editorial writing it may not be inappropriate to relate 
 that Lincoln and I kept on furnishing political matter of many varieties for the 
 Springfield Journal until 1860." Herndon, 369. . 
 
 [39] 
 
40 
 
 middle period of his life. If we exclude the Address on Tem 
 perance, which is more of a speech than a lecture, the only 
 representative of this class that has been preserved is that on 
 Inventions, written in 1859. According to Nicolay and Hay, it 
 was delivered in neighboring towns in that year and at Spring 
 field, Illinois, in I860. 1 Herndon states that this lecture was 
 given at three different towns in central Illinois during the 
 winter of 1859, " but it was so commonplace, and met with 
 such indifferent success, that he soon dropped it altogether. 
 Invitations to deliver the lecture prompted, no 
 doubt by the advertisement given him in the contest with 
 Douglas came in very freely ; but beyond the three at 
 tempts named, he declined them all." Lincoln referred to 
 this lecture in the Agassiz interview. 3 A reading of the lecture, 
 as it has been preserved , tends to confirm the opinion of Lin 
 coln s friends as reported by Herndon. It shows no special 
 originality and is decidedly lacking in literary finish. Even its 
 humor is not of a high order. 
 
 Arnold mentions a lecture on Burns, and besides the frag 
 mentary notes for a lecture on Niagara Falls, which have 
 already been quoted from in connection with Lincoln s imag 
 ination, there are some notes for a law lecture, from about 
 July, 1850. 4 
 
 Finally we have to consider that class of writings on which 
 Mr. Lincoln s claims to literary distinction rest, the oration. 
 In one sense it is perhaps misleading to refer to the great mass 
 of Lincoln s public speaking as oratory. With the exception 
 of the Bloomington Speech of 1856, the Gettysburg Address 
 and the Second Inaugural, none of his speeches appeal pri 
 marily to the feelings, but they are addressed to the reasoning 
 faculty, with only a slight element of the imaginative. They 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, L, 522. 
 
 2 Herndon, 448-9. In a foot note a letter from Lincoln is given, declining an in 
 vitation to lecture at Galesburg and stating : "I read a sort of lecture to three 
 Different audiences during the last month and this." 
 
 3 Harper, XXXI., 224. "The lecture was never finished, and was left among his 
 4oose papers at Springfield when he came to Washington." 
 
 4 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 162. 
 
 [40] 
 
41 
 
 are argumentative rather than persuasive, suggesting the 
 lawyer rather than the orator, and the lawyer addressing the 
 Court rather than pleading with the jury. 1 In his speeches, 
 as in his arguments before the bar, he is always strictly logical 
 and fair. As his former associate, Leonard Swett, states in a 
 letter to Herndon of 1866 : u The force of his logic was in con 
 veying to the minds of others the same clear and thorough 
 analysis he had in his own, and if his own mind failed to be 
 satisfied, he had little power to satisfy anybody else. He never 
 made a sophistical argument in his life, and never could make 
 one. " Lincoln himself said of his manner of arguing, "that a 
 peculiarity of his own life from his earliest manhood has been, 
 that he habitually studied the opposite side of every disputed 
 question, of every law case, of every political issue, more 
 exhaustively, if possible, than his OWTL side. He said that the 
 result had been, that in all his practice at the bar he had never 
 once been surprised in court by the strength of his adversary s 
 case." ? This habit, which proved so valuable to him in his law 
 practice, was used with equal effect in political debate and in 
 his later more finished addresses. 
 
 Lincoln s first speech that has been preserved dates from 
 the campaign of 1832, when he was an unsuccessful candidate 
 for the Illinois Assembly. In spite of, or rather, largely because 
 of its rudeness and lack of finish, it is of sufficient interest to 
 merit a place in the Works. It is of special value when com 
 pared to the circular issued by Lincoln a short time before, of 
 which Nicolay and Hay say : " This is almost precisely the 
 style of his later years. . . . But his language was, at twenty - 
 two, as it was thirty years later, the simple and manly attire 
 
 writer is indebted to Judge J. O. Cunningham, of Urbana, Illinois, for the 
 following interesting note : During the campaign of 1856 a political meeting was 
 held near Urbana, in a grove, which contained two stands. The principal speakers 
 on the occasion were Owen Lovejoy, then for the first time candidate for Congress, 
 and Mr. Lincoln. While Mr. Lincoln was in the midst of his argument, some one 
 called out that Owen Lovejoy had begun to speak at the other stand. Immediately 
 half the audience deserted Mr. Lincoln and hurried over to hear the more fiery 
 speaker. That Mr. Lincoln could be eloquent as well as convincing is clearly shown 
 by the Bloomington Speech and its effect upon the audience. 
 -Herndon, 536. 3 ^chuyler Colfax, Reminiscences, 333. 
 
 [41] 
 
42 
 
 of his thought, with little attempt at ornament and none at 
 disguise." In the main this is true, but it is impossible to tell 
 how much of this circular was the independent work of Lin 
 coln. 3 The speech, if it he correctly reported, shows us exactly 
 how Abraham Lincoln spoke in 1832, the address does not nec 
 essarily show us exactly how he wrote at that time. The state 
 ment, too, that "the errors of grammar and construction . . . 
 remained with him through life," seems to be slightly exagger 
 ated in view of the style of the Inaugurals and the Gettysburg 
 Address. The tendency to incorrect expression was undoubtedly 
 never wholly overcome. 
 
 Although Lincoln made many speeches in the years imme 
 diately following his first attempt to enter public life, nothing 
 is recorded by Nicolay and Hay until 1837, when he delivered 
 before the Young Men s Lyceum in Springfield an address on 
 4 * The Perpetuation of our Political Institutions." The style of 
 this address is in marked contrast to Lincoln s later manner, 
 and it may be taken as representing the " intermediate time 
 w^hen he sinned in the direction of fine writing." 3 It is what 
 might be expected from a very clever young man of strong 
 imagination but limited experience. The use of figures is 
 
 1 Nicolay & Hay, Life, I., 106. The address itself forms the first specimen of 
 Lincoln s writings in the Works. The speech given by Herndon, 104, is as follows : 
 " Fellow Citizens, I presume you all know who I am. I am humble Abraham 
 Lincoln. I have been solicited by many friends to become a candidate for the. Leg 
 islature. My politics are short and sweet, like the old woman s dance. I am in 
 favor of a national bank. I am in favor of the internal improvement system and a 
 high protective tariff. These are my sentiments and political principles. If elected 
 I shall be thankful ; if not it will be all the same." Herndon adds : " I obtained 
 this speech from A. Y. Ellis, who in 1865 wrote it out." Herndon does not state 
 whether Mr. Ellis had made an earlier copy of the speech or whether he trusted to 
 his memory. The ambiguity of the reference is the probable reason why this 
 speech is omitted by Nicolay and Hay. Its accuracy is rendered somewhat doubtful 
 by the fact that two of the three political principles mentioned in it, the national 
 bank and the high protective tariff, are not stated in the address, while several 
 important matters mentioned in the address do not occur in the speech. The two 
 resemble each other closely in the conclusion. 
 
 -"In a letter dated May 5, 1866, James McXamar says : I corrected at his 
 request some of the grammatical errors in his first address to the voters of Sangamon 
 County. " Herndon, 102. 
 
 Xicolay &: Hay, Life, I., 106. The speech delivered in the House of Repre 
 sentatives at Springfield in January, 1837, first reprinted by Miss Tarhell, is with 
 out ornament, but "it shows the free use of satire, amounting almost to personal 
 abuse, that we find in the speech on President Taylor s veto. Tarbell, II., 270. 
 
 142} 
 
43 
 
 excessive, metaphor and interrogation being the most frequent. 
 And yet there are many strong, one or two almost splendid 
 passages, the latter perhaps influenced by Webster. One of 
 these passages deserves citation as an example of a comparison 
 based upon a natural phenomenon. "They [these histories] 
 were a forest of giant oaks ; but the all-restless hurricane has 
 swept over them, and left only here and there a lonely trunk, 
 despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and 
 unshaded, to murmur in a few more gentle breezes and to com 
 bat with its mutilated limbs a few more ruder storms, then to 
 sink and be no more. 771 The effect, to be sure, is weakened by 
 the introduction of a new figure immediately after, but we are 
 concerned here, not with the speech as a whole, but with such 
 elements in it as serve to connect it with Lincoln s later efforts. 
 The most striking of these elements is found in the closing 
 sentence, which does more than give a promise of the later 
 manner, for it is almost wholly in that manner: "Upon these 
 let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its basis; 
 and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, 
 the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. ? 
 
 Two years later, in the next speech recorded, we iind the 
 close reasoning and clear statement by which almost all oj 
 Lincoln s political addresses from that time on are character 
 ized. \^ The use of a rhetonal_closing paragraph, in marked 
 contrast to the style of the body of the speech, is also a depar 
 ture, which frequently recurs. The figures are still crowded 
 and complex, but their effect is not weakened by a contin- 
 uous use throughout the oration. The Temperance Address of 
 February 22nd, 1842, apparently as a result of the subject and 
 the occasion, shows a return to the earlier rhetorical manner. 
 The closing sentences, however, are strong: "To add bright 
 ness to the sun or glory to the name of Washington is alike 
 impossible. Let none attempt it. In solemn awe pronounce 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 14. 
 
 -Ibid, I., 15. It is characteristic of Lincoln s method that this quotation is used 
 again in a speech delivered in 1861. Nicolay & Hay, Works, I., 673. " The gates 
 of hell cannot prevail against them." 
 
 [43] 
 
44 
 
 the name, and in its naked deathless splendor leave it shining 
 on./ 
 
 Tlie next period in Lincoln s public speaking is that of his 
 term in Congress, 1847-49, the. intervening five years being 
 represented by only a few fragments. The first speech, of 
 January 12th, 1848, has no special features ; it is a plain argu 
 ment on the question at issue, unadorned with figures. The 
 speech against President Taylor s veto, which contains the 
 famous attack on General Cass, is characterized by a sustained 
 satire and humor very unusual in Lincoln s public utterances. 
 
 The Eulogy on Clay, delivered in 1852, is the only specimen 
 of -its class represented and a reading of it does not cause regret 
 at its solitary position. In spite of some fine passages the 
 speech as a whole is a failure. It shows a lack of sympathy 
 with the occasion, though not with the subject. Lincoln 
 almost seems to offer an apology for himself when he says of 
 Henry Clay : " All his efforts were made for practical effect. 
 He never spoke merely to be heard. He never delivered a 
 Fourth of July oration, or a eulogy on an occasion like this." 5 
 
 To the period from 1854, wiien he first met Senator Douglas 
 in debate, to February 27th, 1860, when he delivered his great 
 Cooper Institute Address, belong Mr. Lincoln s principal contri 
 butions to political oratory of the argumentative kind. Many 
 of these speeches have never been reported, but this loss is not 
 very great, as Lincoln never hesitated to repeat himself, and in 
 the speeches that have been preserved are probably contained 
 all the main thoughts that were expressed by him. 
 
 In a monograph like this it is impossible to discuss at all 
 in detail this great series of speeches. With the political prin 
 ciples involved we are not concerned. The question of popular 
 sovereignty and the Dred Scott decision must be left to the 
 historian and the student of constitutional law. The first 
 speech, that at Peoria in 1854, is in marked contrast to the 
 speeches forming the debate proper of four years later. While 
 
 & Hay. Works, I., 63. 
 2 Ibid, I., 171. 
 
 [44] 
 
45 
 
 the first half is confined to sober statement and argument, the 
 second half is decidedly rhetorical, containing more quotations 
 than any other speech except that at Bloomington two years 
 later. Such figures as : " Will not the first drop of blood so 
 shed be the real knell of the Union ? ", and " In our greedy 
 chase to make profit of the negro, let us beware lest we cancel 
 and tear in pieces even the white man s charter of freedom", 
 remind us of the period of fine writing. There is also a much 
 freer use of satire than appears in the later debates. In the 
 speeches of 1858 Mr. Lincoln confined himself almost wholly 
 to the actual subject under discussion. No quotations, with the 
 exception of some few references to the Bible, occur arid the 
 number of figures is very small. It has already been stated that 
 in these debates Lincoln deliberately avoided the use of amusing 
 stories and other means of appealing to the crowd. Apparently 
 for the same reason he omitted all mere rhetorical devices, his 
 aim being to convince. 
 
 Midway between the Peoria Speech and the debates is an 
 oration, which was until three years ago known as the Lost 
 Speech. It was delivered at Bloomington, Illinois, before the 
 State Convention, and " the reporters were so carried away by 
 his eloquence that they forgot to take notes and could give no 
 reports to their papers. As Lincoln himself refused to try to 
 write it out, it was supposed^ to have been, in fact, a lost 
 speech ." L Fortunately a young lawyer in the audience [Mr. W. 
 C. Whitney] preserved sufficient coolness to make careful 
 notes. These remained unpublished until their appearance in 
 McClure s Magazine. 2 It is evident that the extremely rhe 
 torical character of this speech is in the main the result of the 
 circumstances under which it was prepared and delivered. In 
 his other political speeches Lincoln was addressing opponents 
 whom he wished to convince, here he was addressing friends 
 whom he wished to arouse. The Bloomington Speech is perhaps 
 
 Tarbell, I., 296. 
 
 2 Judge J. O. Cunningham, who heard the speech and to whom Mr. Whitney 
 referred his report of it, believes that, while the report in the main is correct, certain 
 phrases are omitted. 
 
 [451 
 
46 
 
 the only important public utterance of Lincoln s that opens 
 with an appeal to the emotions. Unlike other speakers he 
 was accustomed to plunge right into his serious argument, 
 leaving the emotional treatment to the close. 
 
 The Cooper Institute Speech of February 27th, 1860, is un 
 doubtedly Lincoln s strongest and most finished political effort. 
 In extent of research and in the rhetorical skill \vith which 
 the arguments are presented it reaches a level far above that 
 previously attained. From the beginning to the end Lincoln 
 appeals only to the intelligence of his hearers. The success of 
 the speech was instantaneous. In the words of the New 7 York 
 Tribune for February 28th, 1860 : " No man ever before made 
 such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audi 
 ence." 1 The speech was reprinted in pamphlet form and "in 
 the Presidential campaign a more careful edition was prepared 
 and circulated, to which were added copious notes by two 
 members of the committee. Their comment, printed in the 
 preface, is w r orth quoting as showing its literary value under 
 critical analysis. No one w r ho has not actually attempted to 
 verify its details can understand the patient research and his 
 torical labor which it embodies. ... A single, easy, simple 
 sentence of plain Anglo-Saxon words contains a chapter of 
 history that, in some instances, has taken days of labor to 
 verify, and which must have cost the author months of inves 
 tigation to acquire." 1 
 
 The principal rhetorical effect used is the frequent repeti 
 tion of this sentence quoted from one of Douglas speeches : 
 " Our fathers, when they framed the government under which 
 we live, understood this question just as well [as , and even 
 better, than we do now." Portions of this sentence are applied 
 here and there, where they will have the greatest effect. The 
 close is thoroughly characteristic : " Let us have faith that 
 right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to 
 do our duty as \ve understand it." 
 
 The speech of farewell to his old Springh eld neighbors is 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Life, II., 225. 
 
 [46] 
 
47 
 
 one of the best examples of Mr. Lincoln s simple manner and 
 at the same time it anticipates the solemn organ-tone of the 
 Gettysburg Address and the Second Inaiiguyal. While it does 
 not contain a single figure or quotation it is charged with 
 Biblical suggestion, which is far more significant of literary 
 influence than direct quotation. 
 
 The First Inaugural is closely connected with the political 
 speeches that immediately precede it. In the concluding sen 
 tences, however, we find a sudden change to the poetical 
 manner. The last paragraph, the most beautiful passage in 
 the whole address, was suggested to Mr. Lincoln by Mr. Sew- 
 ard, to whom the paper had been submitted for correction and 
 suggestion. 1 Lincoln s biographers seem to do Seward an 
 injustice when they compare his rough draft to the finished 
 treatment in the address. Had Mr. Seward introduced his 
 beautiful thought in one of his own orations it would undoubt 
 edly have appeared in as fair a garb as that in which Mr. 
 Lincoln presented it. 
 
 For the sake of readier comparison the original draft, the 
 suggestion by Mr. Seward and the final form used by the Pres 
 ident in closing the Inaugural, are given : " You can forbear 
 the assault upon it, I cannot shrink from the defense of it. 
 With you, and not with me, is the solemn question of shall it 
 be peace or a sword ? ; Then Mr. Se ward s suggestion : "I 
 close. We are not, we must not be, aliens or enemies, but 
 fellow-countrymen and brethren. Although passion has 
 strained our bonds of affection too harshly, they must not, I 
 am sure they will not, be broken. The mystic chords which, 
 proceeding from so many battle-fields and so many patriot 
 graves, pass through all the hearts and all hearths in this broad 
 continent of ours, will yet again harmonize in their ancient 
 music when breathed upon by the guardian angel of the nation." 
 And finally : "I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but 
 friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may 
 have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Life, III., 327-344. 
 
 f47] 
 
48 
 
 mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field 
 and patriot grave, to every living heart aud hearthstone, all 
 over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union 
 when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels 
 of our nature." 1 
 
 In preparing the First Inaugural Mr. Lincoln used the fol 
 lowing books : "Henry Clay s great speech delivered in 1850, 
 Jackson s proclamation against Nullification, the Constitution, 
 . . . and Webster s reply to Hayne." 2 
 
 Before considering the other two great presidential ad 
 dresses, the Gettysburg and the Second Inaugural, we may glance 
 at an inferior class, which the President was frequently called 
 upon to deliver, the answers to serenades. It cannot be claimed 
 that Mr. Lincoln succeeded in these speeches, which call for a 
 maximum of form and a minimum of sense. As he himself 
 said at the beginning of one of the latest of these : " I believe 
 I shall never be old enough to speak without embarrassment 
 when I have nothing to talk about." 3 Brooks states that, with 
 the exception of a few of the earlier ones, all these informal 
 addresses were read. He describes one such occasion and gives 
 the President s own explanation of his reason for using man 
 uscript : " You think it mighty queer that an old stump 
 speaker like myself should not be able to address a crowd 
 like this outside without a written speech. But you must 
 remember I am, in a certain way, talking to the country, and I 
 have to be mighty careful."* All the replies to serenades are 
 short, some of them containing not more than half a dozen 
 lines. 
 
 Reference should also be made to the messages to Congress 
 and to the various proclamations issued by Mr. Lincoln. It has 
 already been noted in another connection that the messages 
 sometimes contained very inappropriate phrases. They are 
 
 j The closing paragraph varies slightly in punctuation in the Life and the Works 
 by Nicolay and Hay, and both these versions differ from the form given in the official 
 collection of "Messages and Papers of the Presidents." The spelling loth in the 
 Life is apparently a misprint. 
 
 2 Herndon, 478. 3 Nicolav & Hay, Works, II., 615. 
 
 4 Scribners s Monthly, XV., 567. 
 
 [48] 
 
49 
 
 further distinguished from other documents of their class by 
 the introduction of poetical passages and appeals to the 
 imagination. The first Message, of July 1st, 1861, closes with 
 these words: And having thus chosen our course, without 
 guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, 
 and go forward without fear and with manly hearts." 1 The 
 closing paragraphs of the second annual message to Congress 
 contain the following forcible words : " The dogmas of the 
 quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion 
 is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. 
 As our case is new, so we must think anew 7 and act anew. We 
 must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country. 
 . . . We of this Congress and this administration will be 
 remembered in spite of ourselves. . . . The fiery trial through 
 which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the 
 latest generation." 
 
 The reason for this marked difference between President 
 Lincoln s messages and those of other presidents, however, is 
 not wholly personal and individual, Mr. Lincoln gave a warmer 
 coloring to these public utterances because they were made at 
 a time and under circumstances that naturally suggested it. 
 
 The Proclamations, from their very nature, are far more 
 imaginative than the messages. Tp thebi^ty-lp, they en ri on sly 
 suggest the Book of Common Prayer, especially in the tendency 
 to follow 7 Cranmers manner of using words in pairs, the exact 
 phraseology of the Prayer Book sometimes appearing. The. 
 following short extracts may be taken to illustrate this point : 
 "And whereas it is fit and becoming in all people, at all times, 
 to acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God ; 
 to bow in humble submission to his chastisements ; to confess 
 and deplore their sins and transgressions, in the full conviction 
 that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ; and to 
 
 Nicolay Hay, Works, II., 66. Compare with this the following quotation 
 from Jean Paul Richter, used by Longfellow as the motto of Hyperion: "Look not 
 mournfully into the Past. It comes not back again. Wisely improve the Present. It 
 is thine. Go forth to meet the shadowy Future, without fear, and with a manly heart." 
 
 >J Ibid, II., 276. 
 
 [49] 
 
50 
 
 pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of their 
 past offenses, and for a blessing upon their present and pros 
 pective action. . . . Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi 
 dent of the United States, do appoint the last Thursday in 
 September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and fasting 
 for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recom 
 mend to all the people, ... to observe and keep that day, 
 according to their several creeds and modes of worship, in all 
 humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the 
 united prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace, 
 and bring down plentiful blessings upon our country." k * It is 
 therefore recommended to the people of the United States 
 that . . . they especially acknowledge and render thanks 
 to our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings ; . . . 
 and that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our 
 national counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in 
 the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout our 
 borders, and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations 
 among all the countries of the earth." 
 
 The two Emancipation Proclamations are of so formal a 
 character that only their intrinsic importance warrants a ref 
 erence to them in a study such as this. The only passage that 
 may be said to possess any literary coloring is the following 
 from the close of the Proclamation of January 1st, 1863 : " And 
 upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war 
 ranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke 
 the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor 
 of Almighty God." 3 
 
 Nothing need be said here about the beauty of the Getty s- 
 burg--Ad^Lres. No words of praise can add to the brightness 
 of its sunT" Some attention, however, should be paid to certain 
 evident errors that have arisen in connection both with its 
 composition and its delivery. Beginning with its composition 
 we find four main accounts. The claim that it was written on 
 the cars on the trip from Washington, for which Arnold seems 
 
 Nicolay & Hay, Works, II., 73-74. -Ibid, II., 143. :! Ibid, II., 288. 
 
 [5o] 
 
51 
 
 to be responsible, 1 is undoubtedly incorrect. The statement 
 by General James B. Fry, who acted as special escort to the 
 President on the occasion, that he had " no recollection of see 
 ing him writing or even reading his speech during the jour 
 ney ", a while not furnishing actual disproof is strong evidence. 
 A plausible suggestion is made by Hapgood : " The story that 
 it was written on the train probably grew out of a final revi 
 sion." 3 Closely connected with this story is the account given 
 by Mowry, "received directly from the lips of ex-Governor 
 Curtin, of Pennsylvania, who was present on the occasion and 
 knew whereof he affirmed." According to this account the 
 President, while seated in the parlor of the hotel " remarked 
 that he understood the committee expected him to say some 
 thing. He would, therefore, if they would excuse him, retire 
 to the next room and see if he could write something. He- 
 was absent some time, and upon returning to the company had 
 in his hand a large-sized, yellow government envelope. "After 
 reading it and receiving one or two suggestions from Mr. 
 Seward, the President said: Now, gentlemen, if you will 
 excuse me again, 1 will copy this off, and retiring again made 
 a fresh copy to read from." 4 This statement is so decided and 
 is given on such undisputed authority that it cannot be ig 
 nored, although Mowry undoubtedly goes too far when he says 
 that it offers " conclusive evidence that the words of the ad 
 dress were not written out until after the Presidential party 
 had arrived upon the ground." It is possible here also to 
 apply Hapgood s suggestion of a final revision. 
 
 Finally, we have two slightly different accounts of the 
 composition of the Address before leaving Washington. The 
 first of these, by Lamon, states that a day or two before the 
 dedication Mr. Lincoln expressed to him the fear that he might 
 not acquit himself with credit, as he had had no time for prep 
 aration. " From his hat ... he drew a sheet of foolscap, 
 one side of which was closely written with what he informed 
 me was a memorandum of his intended address ... It 
 
 Arnold, 328. -Reminiscences, 403. :i Hapgood, 335. 4 Mowry, 406. 
 
 [50 
 
52 
 
 proved to be in substance, if not in exact words, what was aft 
 erwards printed as his famous Gettysburg speech." J The fourth 
 account is by Noah Brooks. On the Sunday before the dedica 
 tion Brooks says that reference was made to the speech by Mr. 
 Lincoln, with whom he was walking, and that the President, 
 in answer to a question, said : "It is not exactly written. It 
 is not finished, anyway. I have written it over, two or three 
 times, and I shall have to give it another lick before I am sat 
 isfied. But it is short, short, short. Brooks adds : ; I found, 
 afterward, that the Gettysburg speech was actually written, 
 and rewritten a great many times." These two independent 
 accounts, based on the President s own statement, seem to 
 prove conclusively, in spite of their variation, that the speech 
 was composed in at least approximately its final form before 
 leaving the capital. 
 
 The story that Edward Everett, the orator of the day, on 
 the conclusion of the President s speech, seized the latter s hand 
 and expressed a willingness to exchange his hundred pages for 
 those twenty lines hardly deserves serious attention, though it 
 is given in many popular lives of Lincoln. It probably owed 
 its origin to the following passsage from a letter written by 
 Everett the next day to the President : " I should be glad if I 
 could flatter myself that 1 came as near to the central idea of 
 that occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes." 
 
 There is also some dispute as to the effect produced upon 
 the audience by the Address. According to Lamon the Presi 
 dent remarked immediately after : " * Lamon, that speech 
 won t scour . It s a flat failure." But as Lamon states that 
 Mr. Everett and Secretary Seward agreed with the President 
 in his unfavorable view/ our knowledge of Mr. Everett s 
 written opinion inclines us to doubt the correctness of Lamon s 
 statement. 
 
 No confirmation has been found of Morse s claim that 
 " Mr. Lincoln added to the words which he himself had written 
 a quotation of one of Webster s most famous flights of oratory, 
 
 Lamon, 170. 2 Scribner s Monthly, XV ., 565. 
 H Nicolay & Hay, Life, VIII., 203. 4 Lamon, 171. 
 
 [52] 
 
58 
 
 that familiar passage in reply to Hayne, beginning : When my 
 eyes turn to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, etc." 1 
 
 The Second Inaugural marks the highest pitch of the 
 presidential addresses, as the Cooper Institute Address marks 
 the highest pitch of the political addresses. It is not too 
 much to say that in its combined distinction of thought and 
 beauty and perfection of form the Second Inaugural is unex 
 celled by any other state paper in the English tongue. It 
 cannot be better characterized than in the brief words of Carl 
 Schurz : * This was like a sacred poem. No American Pres 
 ident had ever spoken words like these to the American people. 
 America never had a president who found such w^ords in the 
 depth of his heart." 
 
 Noting the continued simplicity of manners and depth of 
 sympathy shown by Mr. Lincoln as President, it might be 
 assumed that the four years spent in Washington had no ap 
 preciable effect upon him. It is certainly true that his great 
 heart was never hardened by the selfish worldliness of the 
 capital. Therefore the distress of a father or mother pleading 
 for the life of a son, or the dreadful losses of a battle appealed 
 with as great force to Lj*icoln at the end of his term of office 
 as at the beginning. J\it is also true that his later public 
 addresses, like his earlier ones, were always the expression of 
 intense feeling, suggested by some special circumstance. He 
 not only found it difficult to speak when he had nothing to 
 say, but he was unable to find anything to say unless his sym 
 pathies were engaged. All of Mr. Lincoln s real contributions 
 to literature are of this occasional class, from the Bloomington 
 Speech, dictated by political enthusiasm, through the farewell 
 speech at Springfield, breathing neighborly love, to the Second 
 Inaugural, inspired by devotion to his country and by joy at 
 the prospect of renewed peace and prosperity. 
 
 And yet, while Lincoln s great heart remained the same, 
 the style of his utterances after his election to the presidency 
 suffered a change. The Second Inaugural is anticipated only 
 
 , II. ,216. 2 Schurz, II., 206. 
 
 1531 
 
54 
 
 in single passages by the earlier writings, and no parallel to 
 the Gettysburg Address and the Bixby letter can be found. 
 Part of this change is undoubtedly due to the subject matter, 
 but still more is the result of an intellectual change in Lincoln 
 himself. 
 
 Thus, while Lincoln the man remained ever the same, 
 his intellect continually broadened and his sensibilities were 
 quickened. Mr. Lincoln s realization of the fact that he was 
 speaking to the country did not affect his minor utterances 
 alone, but it informed all his important papers with dignity 
 and impressiveness. The very difficulties under which he 
 labored and the anxieties and disappointments to which he 
 was daily exposed acted as an intellectual discipline of the 
 greatest value. Even his personal bereavement during the 
 presidency must be taken into consideration by the student of 
 Lincoln s development as a writer. There is a significance 
 beyond that intended by the speaker in these words of the 
 First Inaugural : " Yet, with all this scope of precedent, 1 now 
 enter upon the same task for the constitutional term of four 
 years under great and peculiar difficulty." 
 
 } In his earlier life Lincoln had learned much from the books 
 of the Bible, Shakspere and Burns, his powers of observation 
 and his judgment of human nature had been broadened by close 
 intercourse with all sorts and conditions of men, his imagina 
 tion had been kindled by the majesty of Niagara Falls and by 
 the quiet beauty of the woods and the lonely monotony of the 
 wide-stretching prairie. To all these influences were finally 
 added the discipline and inspiration that come from an active 
 sharing in the affairs of a nation engaged in a mighty struggle 
 for existence. Viewed in this light the Gettysburg Address 
 and the Second Inaugural are no longer isolated phenomena, 
 they are as truly the result of natural conditions as is 
 Lincoln s success as a lawyer and debater. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s public utterances as President of the United 
 States are the fullest expression of that wonderful culture 
 the development of which has been attempted in these pages. 
 
 [54J 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 QUOTATIONS OCCURRING IN LINCOLN S WRITINGS * 
 
 1832 " Firm as the surge-repelling- rock." Letter. 
 
 1841 " Kiss her o er and o er again V Letter. 
 
 1842 " A drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall." 
 
 German proverb. Temperance Address. 
 
 " Love through all their actions runs, and all their works are 
 mild." Ibid. 
 
 " While the lamp holds out to burn, The vilest sinner may re 
 turn." Apparently from a hymn. Ibid. 
 
 "Come sound the moral trump, that these may rise and stand 
 up an exceeding great army." Ibid. 
 
 " Come from the four winds, O breath ! and breathe upon these 
 slain that they may live." Ibid. 
 
 " Savory remembrances." Ibid. 
 1848 " Attempt the end and never stand to doubt, 
 
 Nothing so hard but search will find it out." Speech in Con 
 gress. Herrick. 
 
 "Seek and find." Ibid. 
 
 "The noblest Roman of them all." Shakspere, "Hamlet". 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 1854 " Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." Pope, " Essay on 
 Criticism". Peoria Speech. 
 
 " It hath [has] no relish of salvation in it. 1 Shakspere^ "Ham 
 let ". Ibid. 
 
 "Cancel and tear in [to] pieces." Shakspere, "Macbeth". 
 Ibid. 
 
 "Grand, gloomy and peculiar." Wendell Phillips on Napo 
 leon. Ibid. 
 
 Bloody hand. "Suggests Macbeth". Ibid. 
 1856 " Cradle of Liberty." Ibid. 
 
 "Nominated in the bond." Shakspere, " Merchant of Venice ". 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 *In order to keep the list within proper limits quotations from the Bible are not 
 included. 
 
 [55] 
 
56 
 
 1856 " Where the offence lies there let the [great] axe fall." Shaks 
 pere, "Hamlet". Ibid. 
 " . . . they never mention him, 
 
 His name is never heard : 
 Their lips are now forbid to speak 
 
 That once familiar word." T. H. Bayley, Song-. Ibid. 
 [The original reads : "Oh no ! we never mention her, 
 
 Her name is never heard : 
 My lips" etc.] 
 "He is the cat s paw." /Esop s Fables. Fragment of Speech 
 
 in Chicago. 
 
 " As the fool said of King Lear, when his daughters had turned 
 him out of doors, He s a shelled peascod. " ["That s a 
 shelled peascod. 1 ] Shakspere, " King Lear ". Ibid. 
 "Come as the winds come, when forests are rended ; 
 Come as the waves come, when navies are stranded. -- Scott, 
 " Pibroch of Donald Dhu ". [Given by Nicolay and Hay as 
 the peroration of the Lost Speech.] 
 
 1858 " A living dog is better than a dead lion." Proverb. Speech 
 
 at the Springfield Convention. 
 
 1859 "As Plato had for the immortality of the soul, so Young 
 
 America has a pleasing hope, a fond desire a longing 
 after territory." Plato. Lecture on Inventions. 
 
 1861 " You have no oath registered in heaven." Shakspere, " Ham 
 
 let". First Inaugural. 
 
 "Act well your part, there all the honor lies. 1 Pope, Essay 
 on Criticism ".Letter. [First published inTarbell,!!., 348.] 
 
 1862 " From age to age descends the lay 
 
 To miUions yet to be, 
 Till far its echoes roll away 
 
 Into eternity." Hymn. Address On Colonization, August 
 14th. 
 
 I56J 
 
57 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 AUTHORITIES CITED. 
 
 [The names in parenthesis are those by which the authorities are cited.] 
 
 Arnold, Isaac N. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Chicago, 1885. 
 (Arnold.) 
 
 Brooks, Noah. Recollections of Abraham Lincoln. Harper s New 
 Monthly Magazine, Vol. XXXL, 1865. (Harper). 
 
 Personal Reminiscences of Lincoln. Scribner s Monthly, 
 XV., 1877-78. (Scribner s Monthly.) 
 
 Lincoln s Imagination. Scribner s Monthly, Vol. XVIII., 
 1879. 
 
 ^Carpenter, F. B. The Inner Life of Abraham Lincoln. Six Months 
 at the White House. New York, 1869. (Carpenter.) 
 
 Chambrun, The Marquis de. Personal Recollections of Mr. Lincoln. 
 Scribner s Mag-azine, Vol. XIII., 1893. (Scribner s Magazine.) 
 
 Hapgood, Norman. Abraham Lincoln. The Man of the People. 
 New York, 1899. (Hapgood.) 
 
 Herndon, William H. and Jesse William Weik. Herndon s Lincoln. 
 The True Story of a Great Life. . . . The History and 
 Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln. 3 Vols., Chicago, 
 1889. (Herndon.) 
 
 Lamon, \Vard Hill. Recollections of Abraham Lincoln. 1847-65. 
 Edited by [his daughter] Dorothy Lamon. Chicago, 1895. (La 
 mon.) 
 
 Morse, John T., Jr. Abraham Lincoln. American Statesmen Se 
 ries. 2 Vols , Boston, 1893. (Morse.) 
 
 Mowry, William A. and Arthur May Mowry. History of the United 
 States for Schools. New York, 1897. (Mowry.) 
 
 Nicolay, John C. and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln, a History. 10 
 Vols., New York, 1890. (Nicolay & Hay, Life.) 
 
 - Abraham Lincoln. Complete Works. Comprising his 
 Speeches, Letters, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings. 2 
 Vols., New York, 1894. (Nicolay & Hay, Works.) 
 
 *Mr. Carpenter painted his well-known picture "The Emancipation Procla 
 mation " during those six months. 
 
 [57] 
 
58 
 
 Rice, Allen Thorndike, Editor. Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln 
 by Distinguished Men of his Time. Eighth Edition, New York, 
 1889. (Reminiscences.) 
 
 Schur/s, Carl. Abraham Lincoln. An Essay. Boston, 1892. (Schurz.) 
 
 Sumner, Charles, The Works of. 15 Vols., Boston, 1875-83. (Sum- 
 ner.) 
 
 Tarbell, Ida M. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Drawn from the 
 original Sources, etc. New York, 1900. (Tarbell.) 
 
 Viele, Egbert L. A Trip with Lincoln, Chase and Stantont Scrib- 
 ner s Monthly, Vol. XVI., 1878. (Scribner s Monthly.) 
 
 Ward, William Hayes, Editor. Abraham Lincoln. Tributes from 
 his Associates. Reminiscences of Soldiers, Statesmen and Citi 
 zens. New York, 1895. (Ward.) 
 
 Whitney, Henry C Life on the Circuit with Lincoln etc. Illus 
 trated. Boston, 1892. (Whitney.) 
 
 In the quotations from Lincoln s writings and from the authorities, the exact 
 form of the originals has been preserved, with only occasional corrections. This 
 accounts for the different spellings of proper names arid other words. 
 
XHntoersttp of 3flUnoi0 
 
 Vol. I APRIL, 1901 No. 2 
 
 The Decline of the Commerce of the Port of 
 
 New York 
 
 By 
 
 RICHARD PRICE MORGAN 
 
 Dwight, Illinois 
 
 uEnttoer0t$p 
 |)ampatg;n anU Orbana 
 
The University has previously published one number of the 
 University Studies, under the title: Abraham Lincoln: The K vo 
 lution of his Literary Style. 
 
THE DECLINE OF THE COMMERCE OF THE 
 PORT OF NEW YORK* 
 
 It would be impossible, within the compass of a single 
 paper, to attempt a detailed and careful examination of the 
 decline of the commerce of New York City, and I, therefore, 
 disclaim at the threshold any such intention. But I may well 
 hope to state in a general way the conclusions that years of 
 investigation have forced upon my mind. The result may not 
 be convincing, in fact it may not justify the method employed, 
 but the conclusion reached is in no case the expression of a 
 purely personal opinion, and the view presented is, I believe, 
 uncolored by personal feeling. Perhaps I might add that the 
 views, although based upon numerous documents, reports, and 
 the literature dealing with the subject, have been corrected, 
 matured and supplemented by professional employment in 
 New York. It is not, therefore, a theory I present, but the 
 result of professional observation. 
 
 The history of the period of rapid growth and progress of 
 every part of the United States is practically identical with the 
 facilities provided by natural conditions and by the mechanic 
 arts for connecting their commercial exchanges. 
 
 About 1809 Boston was pre-eminent in the United States 
 for her commercial relations. Her comparatively dense tribu 
 tary population and the introduction of manufactures enabled 
 her for a number of years to take the lead of the City of New 
 York. It was not until the opening of the Erie Canal, fifteen 
 years later, that an essential change took place. This, the 
 first remarkable event leading to greater economy in transpor 
 tation, and the introduction of steam on navigable rivers and 
 the Great Lakes, enabled New York City to secure the domestic 
 trade of a wide-spread territory. Other Atlantic seaports could 
 
 ^Copyrighted 1891 by Richard Price Morgan. 
 
 [61] 
 
obtain but a small proportion in consequence of the fact that 
 canals are poorly adapted to crossing the mountainous regions 
 which intercepted them from the great valley of the Mississippi 
 and the Great Lakes basin, ridges which are broken by tide 
 water in the valley of the Hudson only. The necessity to them 
 of cheap transportation was, therefore, so fully appreciated 
 and so forcibly felt by the enterprising citizens of Pennsylva 
 nia and other southeastern states, that they boldly projected 
 the use of canals and surmounted the mountain ridges with 
 them, by constructing their boats in two sections and so carry 
 ing them over portages by stationary power. This very imper 
 fect method was put into successful practice at an immense 
 cost for those times. 
 
 Almost simultaneously with the completion of these great 
 works, a Second Era of Internal Improvements was inaugu 
 rated by the introduction of railroads. In 1828 the world was 
 astonished by the opening to public use of the Liverpool and 
 Manchester Kailroad and the wonderful effects produced by it. 
 These facts, in passing, illuminate for a moment the conjunction 
 of two great names; the men of genius who gave the powerful, 
 comprehensive, and enduring impulse to the material progress 
 of the world, during the century just passed, Robert Fulton 
 and George Stephenson. 
 
 Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington, finding that their 
 canals crossing the mountains were incapable of competing 
 with the Erie Canal, seized upon the railroad with the greatest 
 avidity, and by the aid of circuitous routes and heavy grades 
 opened lines of communication with the Mississippi Valley and 
 the Great Lakes basin. New York and Boston were equally 
 active in availing themselves of this new means for the trans 
 portation of persons and property, and they, also, constructed 
 railways to the same regions. The wonderful effect of these 
 lines of transit upon the extensive country over which they 
 have since been constructed, and of steam navigation on the 
 lakes and rivers, discloses the greatest influences referred to in 
 alluding to the progress through the mechanic arts. 
 
 [62] 
 
The railroads have not only been chiefly instrumental in 
 the development of the productive areas of the country by 
 making them fit for an enterprising and industrious population ; 
 but they have also revolutionized the commercial relations and 
 habits of the people, by establishing, through the means of rapid 
 transit, comparatively close intercourse for nearly all of their 
 needs. The results have been so immense, so far-reaching, and 
 so beneficial in detail that the question is now stringently 
 pressed in many quarters as to what is the true and full capacity 
 of railroads to serve the people, and what is to be their future 
 influence upon the country at large and upon its exterior and 
 interior cities of commerce. 
 
 In considering the subject, the influence of the Great Lakes 
 by their present and prospective water connection with the 
 Atlantic seaboard as well as with the Mississippi Hi ver must be 
 taken into account, including all of the points of contact and 
 effective competition of these water lines with the railway 
 system. Great benefits would doubtless be realized by the 
 Middle West and especially by the region west of and between 
 the parallels of latitude embraced by the lakes, if a water way 
 could be made connecting the lakes with the Atlantic at New 
 York a channel that could be successfully navigated by first 
 class ocean and lake vessels. The report of the preliminary 
 surveys and investigations, December, 1896, made under author 
 ity of congress, as to the physical and financial feasibility of 
 constructing such a water way, was so encouraging that more 
 complete and accurate surveys and estimates were ordered by 
 congress, and an investigation of the comparative cost and the 
 feasibility of the several routes upon which ship channels twen 
 ty-one feet and thirty feet deep may be constructed. The sur 
 veys and estimates upon this project have recently been re 
 ported to congress for its consideration. 
 
 The Mississippi River and its extensive tributaries have 
 always been and still are navigated under unfavorable circum 
 stances; but the work of improving this vast system of river 
 navigation is in progress, and the force of public opinion, as to 
 
 [63] 
 
its importance, is probably too extended and powerful to be 
 overcome by the railways and other adverse interests. It may, 
 therefore, be depended upon that many of the improvements 
 contemplated by the government will be completed. 
 
 The advantages to be derived by the people of the Missis 
 sippi Valley and citizens of the United States at large, from 
 these improvements, will doubtless be very great; but experience 
 has already demonstrated that the railways are successful com 
 petitors of the water lines in important respects, even when the 
 railways are located closely adjacent to the best navigation af 
 forded by the lakes, rivers and canals. 
 
 Already several railways parallel with the Mississippi river 
 have been constructed to the Gulf ports on the east and west 
 of New Orleans, by which throughout its navigable length the 
 movement of persons and property to the Mississippi for ship 
 ment has been greatly intercepted and carried by rail to other 
 gulf ports. 
 
 The regulating influence of lake, river, and canal rates 
 upon railroad rates is at present felt almost wholly in the 
 transportation of grain, ores, coal, and other coarse and heavy 
 products conveniently carried in bulk. Their influence upon 
 the charges by rail for transporting persons and light and 
 valuable merchandise, express and mail matter, indeed, all 
 things which demand quick transit, is no longer perceptible. 
 My judgment is that, in the main, railroads are paramount, 
 and that their pre-eminence will be fully maintained by 
 improved facilities, equaling any that can be made in trans 
 portation by internal water ways. In the same light it is prob 
 ably safe to forecast that by railroad trains on the land, and 
 by steamers and sailing vessels on the water, the work of trans 
 porting persons and property will continue to be done; and it 
 is also safe to predict that submarine vessels and air ships will 
 continue to while away their time at the old anchorage. 
 
 Quickly after the termination of the Civil War, the pro 
 ducers and consumers in the Mississippi valley and the region 
 of the Great Lakes sorely felt the onerous tax resting upon 
 
 [64] 
 
them for the transportation of persons and property to and 
 from the Atlantic seaboard. They soon learned that lower 
 charges must be obtained, else a new and comprehensive adjust 
 ment of the industries of the country would take place through 
 the force of economic principles, so that such a disproportion 
 ate percentage of the people s earnings would not be taken up 
 for transportation charges. 
 
 The brilliant future of New^ York, at that time, was shad 
 owed by the hand of extortion, and it was seen by her most 
 enterprising and intelligent merchants that, if the producer, 
 manufacturer, merchant, and consumer were forced by a com 
 mon interest to unite prematurely on the fertile plains of the 
 Mississippi valley, the political and commercial change w r ould 
 be in magnitude and rapidity without parallel in the history 
 of the world. The strenuous efforts of the merchants of New 
 York and of the people of the West at that time resulted in 
 measurable relief, but it fell far short of curing the malady. 
 
 The great change predicted is, therefore, already far ad 
 vanced and is rapidly approaching its final establishment and 
 resting place. The focal point of the industries of the United 
 States is now about midway between Chicago and St. Louis. 
 It is not far from the center of population, and it is also very 
 near the center of productive capacity for food and manufac 
 tures, being on the axis of the most fertile, extended, and dense 
 ly populated region of the Middle West. The census just com 
 pleted indicates clearly that the focal point spoken of will not 
 again be materially disturbed by the future development of the 
 country. 
 
 The western limit of surplus grain production, excepting 
 the Pacific coast states, cannot reasonably be placed west of 
 the one-hundredth meridian. The recession of the emigration 
 which pressed beyond this line and the very small increase of 
 population in Kansas, Nebraska, and everywhere along the 
 border of the plains, as disclosed by the census of 1900, practi 
 cally established permanently the limiting line of surplus cereal 
 productions. 
 
 [65] 
 
The diverting of the commerce of the interior to other 
 ports from territory formerly tributary to New York, primarily 
 involves important physical considerations which exercise in 
 fluences of a reciprocal nature upon the routes of commerce. 
 This feature of the subject may be briefly considered before 
 discussing the conditions which have grown out of the applica 
 tion of capital, international development, and local causes af 
 fecting New York as a commercial center. 
 
 The routes of the Great Lakes to the Atlantic seaboard 
 exert extended competitive influence over transportation 
 charges on the Mississippi and its tributaries to the Gulf of 
 Mexico, and reciprocally the river system exerts similar in 
 fluence over the charges to the Atlantic seaboard by the Great 
 Lakes route. Again, it is manifest that all of these water routes 
 have their influence upon the cost of transportation by railways 
 to eastern and southern ports. 
 
 There are, however, important limitations to this competi 
 tion between the water and rail lines spoken of, the most im 
 portant being the limit of the season of navigation on the up 
 per rivers and the Great Lakes to eight months. But, during 
 the season of navigation, the Lakes surpass all other means of 
 transporting gross articles, and in that respect meet the de 
 mands of the immense length of fertile and mineral country 
 bordering them. The extent of the beneficial influence of the 
 lake routes to the seaboard for cereals is determined largely by 
 their eligibility to the great surplus grain producing areas of 
 the West and Northwest. 
 
 During the last thirty years highly important changes have 
 taken place in the relative position of the surplus grain pro 
 ducing areas west, southwest, and northwest, of the Lakes; that 
 is in the central axes east and west of the wheat and corn areas. 
 The routes by which these cereals are taken to the ports of ex 
 port have thus been materially affected. 
 
 During the period referred to, the development of the 
 surplus wheat area has been north of latitude 42 and west of 
 longitude 93, and the central axis of its production has moved 
 
 [66] 
 
9 
 
 from Lake Michigan, at Chicago, to a point west of Lake Supe 
 rior. It is quite manifest that the geographical transfer of the 
 surplus wheat producing area has also changed the movement 
 of this product to market almost exclusively to the routes by 
 the Great Lakes; in fact, the railways have not yet seriously 
 undertaken to compete for this business of the northwest des 
 tined to eastern and foreign markets. It is also quite apparent 
 that the central axis of production of this cereal is now more 
 convenient to the Canadian transportation lines than ever 
 before, and American lines of railway have recently felt the 
 effect of Canadian competition as well as that of the lakes. 
 During the same period the surplus corn producing area devel 
 oped to the west and southwest from Lake Michigan, gradually 
 becoming more eligible to the southerly Atlantic and Gulf 
 ports, which have, in consequence, become important markets 
 of foreign export and coastwise distribution. 
 
 Taking into consideration all of the means of transit, as 
 they are, and the terminal facilities now provided at the Atlan 
 tic and Gulf ports, it seems that New York has yielded much 
 of this element of her commerce to the geographical change in 
 the relative position of a populous, manufacturing, and very 
 large surplus-producing territory. 
 
 With these general considerations in view as a partial 
 means for comprehending their effect upon the commerce of 
 New York, there are additional reasons for the loss of other 
 territory formerly largely tributary to that city. For a num 
 ber of years prior to the rebellion, capital found safe employ 
 ment mainly in the North. Its application created and devel 
 oped avenues of transit between the East and the West, and its 
 controlling influence strengthened commercial and manufac 
 turing interests at the North, with the effect that for many 
 years there was an increased tendency for the growth of manu 
 factures and commerce to move upon east and west lines on 
 the parallel of New York and adjacent to it. 
 
 Those political issues are no longer dividing the Nation, 
 and defining limits for the safe investment of capital. Money 
 
 [67 
 
10 
 
 now finds safe employment throughout the entire country, and 
 for more than twenty years past has been freely invested in 
 the southern states, developing new lines of internal commu 
 nication, opening new ocean and gulf ports, at many eligible 
 localities, for direct intercourse with the markets of the world, 
 and otherwise affording the means for the general industrial 
 advance already well inaugurated. These comparatively new 
 channels of commerce can but exercise an increasing influence 
 adverse to the old lines which were early strengthened by the 
 conditions alluded to. 
 
 The foreign and coastwise commerce, which w r as originally 
 possessed almost exclusively by the port of New York and a 
 few other ports, is now conveniently finding an outlet at many 
 ports. The advantages and facilities then afforded at north 
 Atlantic ports are no longer enjoyed by them so fully. Many 
 of the essential facilities for expedition and economy, quite 
 equal to those of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, 
 are now provided at other ports, and as the tendency of com 
 merce is towards an equilibrium in the volume of exports and 
 imports, the results of this development upon the commerce 
 of New York have been seriously felt. For these and many 
 other reasons the decline in the commerce of New York is "a 
 great and live question." 
 
 The comprehensive development of the railway system, 
 extending from every port of entry into every state and county ; 
 connecting every city of commercial importance with almost 
 every town and hamlet in the country, at large, now circum 
 scribes and limits the competition by water routes. By virtue 
 of a common gauge and perfected traffic arrangements, every 
 center of trade and industry is provided with ready intercourse 
 with the interior, and means of continuous rapid transit to the 
 seaports. Under these conditions, east bound shipments by 
 rail from local points in the Middle West secure the benefit of 
 direct through rates against comparatively higher rates charged 
 for short hauls to the Great Lakes for trans-shipment by water 
 to the east. 
 
 [68] 
 
11 
 
 It is a well established fact at the present time that the 
 actual cost of transportation on the lakes, per ton per mile, for 
 heavy articles in bulk, is less than the actual cost for the same 
 service by rail. It is also true that, even within the range of 
 competition, the advantages of quick and constant transit have 
 in a great degree taken possession of the commercial world, 
 which finds its interests better served than by slower move 
 ment. There is an objection to transfer expenses and the 
 detentions incident to winter seasons, as well as to trans-ship 
 ment to lake vessels, canal boats, or barges and from those into 
 ocean-going craft, and all return tonnage is subject to the same 
 objection. Hence railways for and within themselves are con 
 stantly seeking a balance of tonnage from the seaboard against 
 that moving to it. The regulating influence of the Great Lakes 
 routes is disturbed by these conditions, and it is also subject to 
 important limitations with respect to the quality and value of 
 the commodities seeking transport. 
 
 One of the striking features of the lake traffic is its extreme 
 simplicity. Nearly the entire volume of business is embraced 
 in a few commodities and articles. 
 
 In lieu of presenting tables and voluminous figures in de 
 tail to sustain and justify my address, I present the following 
 quotation from the summary of the Conclusions of the New 
 York Commerce Commission in a voluminous report presented 
 to the Governor of New York in 1900: 
 
 "The decline in New York s commerce has been steady and 
 continuous for many years; it has been more pronounced during 
 recent years and has now reached serious proportions in an 
 actual loss of exports. This loss has been largely in exports of 
 grain and flour. While New York has been steadily losing, 
 Montreal, Boston, Newport News, and the Gulf ports of New 
 Orleans and Galveston have made substantial gains". 
 
 The Commission also says: 
 
 "No analysis of statistics will permit an escape from a full 
 realization that New York has lost in her export trade, not only 
 has lost, but is losing". 
 
 [69] 
 
12 
 
 An explanation has been given of the change in the central 
 axis of the corn producing area, which in a degree accounts for 
 the decline in the export of that cereal from New York; but 
 with regard to wheat it has been shown that the change in the 
 central axis of production has in respect to water transporta 
 tion been favorable to New York; yet there has been a decline 
 in the amount of wheat exported from that port quite equal to 
 the decline in corn. 
 
 As exports more nearly represent competitive business, 
 this brief allusion is for the purpose of leading to the considera 
 tion of the "terminal charge" made by railroad lines centering 
 at New York, as well as to the consideration of differential 
 rates by rail to the leading ports of the Atlantic seaboard. 
 
 TERMINAL CHARGE 
 
 Of the New York terminal charge it may be said that per 
 haps the influence exerted by it was originally intended to be 
 local in its effect, but in reality its influence is not only far- 
 reaching but is exceedingly harmful to New York. This charge 
 is also of not a little concern to the Central West whose interests 
 can best be conserved by commercial intercourse with New 
 York. So long as it shall continue to be as excessive as hitherto, 
 and so long as it is applied upon its present basis to east-bound 
 shipments originating in the Central West, it will continue to 
 exercise an adverse influence between New York and territory 
 naturally tributary to that city. The effect of a charge, on all 
 rail shipments of grain, of two or three cents per one hundred 
 pounds to cover terminal expenses at New York, needs no spe 
 cial elucidation beyond the statement of fact, for it is a matter 
 of almost common knowledge and the results are not in the 
 least obscure. 
 
 On grain shipments from Chicago to New York, when the 
 consignment is routed over other than through lines, the charge 
 is prorated to the respective roads forming the through lines. 
 The proportional division of the rate is not based upon the full 
 through tariff charged for the shipment from Chicago to New 
 
 [70] 
 
13 
 
 York, but the terminal charge is first deducted from the full 
 rate, and, after being credited to the eastern connection to 
 cover the terminal expense, the remainder of the through rate 
 is then prorated between the lines over which the consign 
 ment is shipped. Western lines making their connections with 
 lines terminating in New York, though hauling the grain the 
 greater distance, secure the lesser proportion of the total 
 charge. As a result, then, since New York is the only eastern 
 port having an extensive terminal charge which the western 
 connections must participate in paying, it is most natural that 
 so far as possible western lines should seek connections with 
 the Atlantic seaboard at ports where a less or no terminal 
 charge is exacted, by which means they are permitted to share 
 the total charge in proper proportion. The energies of New 
 York should be applied to reduce this terminal charge and to 
 readjust the relation it now bears to western lines forming New 
 York connections. This is necessary in order that western 
 lines and shippers may be offered inducements via New York 
 equal to those possessed by any other connections that can be 
 made with Atlantic ports. 
 
 Before speaking of differential rates it is also important 
 to note that the lighterage and elevating charge on export 
 grain at New York is higher than at other Atlantic ports; 
 therefore, it also becomes a factor affecting the movement of 
 grain to that port. 
 
 DIFFERENTIAL RATES 
 
 Differential rates to ports on the Atlantic seaboard, south 
 of New r York, which were agreed upon and made effective in 
 1877, were called into existence by reason of the advantages 
 New York then possessed in the matter of ocean rates to the 
 markets of the world. As compared with New York, Phila 
 delphia was given a differential rate in its favor of two cents 
 and Baltimore a rate of three cents per one hundred pounds. 
 These extreme differentials, now somewhat modified, are still 
 in force as originally adopted and apply on shipments from 
 
 [71] 
 
14 
 
 Chicago, St. Louis, and the adjacent country to the Atlantic 
 seaboard. In the twenty years passed since their adoption, 
 the conditions have greatly changed. New York no longer 
 possesses so distinct an advantage in ocean rates, so that the 
 reason for a continuation of differential rates upon the basis 
 originally adopted does not now exist. 
 
 An investigation of the relation of differentials to the rates 
 charged in 1877 and in 1897 shows that, by the decline in the 
 rates w T hich has taken place during that period, the differentials 
 are now even more effective against New York than when first 
 established. The rate on wheat by rail from Chicago to New 
 York has fallen about forty per cent, since 1877. At that time 
 the percentage of the differentials allowed Philadelphia and 
 Baltimore were respectively ten per cent, and eighteen per 
 cent, of the rate on wheat charged from Chicago to these ports. 
 In 1897, by reason of the decline in the rate on wheat, the per 
 centage of the differentials had increased to nineteen per cent, 
 of the rate to Philadelphia and thirty-one per cent, of the rate 
 to Baltimore. Thus, by the continuous application of fixed 
 differentials, originally established to offset conditions existing 
 twenty years ago, the beneficial effect to ports south of New 
 York has increased in proportion to the decline in rates, and 
 it has been still further augmented as New York has been dis 
 possessed of the advantages she then enjoyed. 
 
 Since it is a well established fact that all commodities of 
 low value in proportion to weight are greatly affected by the 
 cost of transportation, the movement of western products to 
 ports of export is naturally along the lines of lowest transpor 
 tation cost; and while doubtless for many reasons great diffi 
 culty would be encountered in effecting a readjustment, it is 
 true that the influence exerted by the differential rates is 
 entirely disproportionate to the conditions now existing, and 
 therefore harmful to the interests of New York. 
 
 CONCLUSIONS 
 
 A careful consideration of the very numerous and volu- 
 
 [72] 
 
15 
 
 ruinous data, national, state, and municipal, touching the ques 
 tion involved, together with an intimate personal knowledge 
 acquired professionally of the character and resources of the 
 country at large and its industrial developments during the 
 past half century, lead me to the following conclusions: 
 
 1. New York, by reason of its most excellent ocean har 
 bor, its superior geographical position in the civilized world, its 
 healthful climate, and central place in the Atlantic seaboard 
 states, became prominent at an early period in the history of 
 this country as its commercial entrepot, financial center, and 
 most populous city. 
 
 2. These conditions gave to New York a substantial 
 monopoly of the commerce of the country, which continued 
 almost without interruption until a comparatively recent date. 
 
 About 1870 the industrial opportunities offered in the re 
 gion of the Great Lakes and in the upper Mississippi Valley, by 
 the vast and richly inviting agricultural and mineral wealth, 
 railroad and water transportation facilities, a high protective 
 tariff, and a teeming population of energetic and enterprising 
 people, aroused a spirit of competition, not only with the 
 Atlantic seaboard states, but with the world. This spirit, 
 stimulated by the extortion referred to, rapidly created many 
 great manufacturing establishments, cities, and towns, the great 
 est of which are Pittsburg, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, and 
 St. Louis. 
 
 Prior to 1870 and about that time, the country embraced 
 by these cities and tributary to them was the field of the com 
 mercial traveler of New York, but that great area is now almost 
 wholly supplied by its own cities and manufactures, and the 
 New York traveler, comparatively speaking, is a ram acis in 
 that field. Merchants are constantly seeking the cheapest 
 markets and the quick turns in business which the growing in 
 dustries of the West and the financial power of its cities are 
 furnishing to them. 
 
 The proportion of goods that has been lost to New York s 
 trade cannot be followed to any particular western city: it is 
 
 [73] 
 
distributed mainly among western manufacturing cities and 
 towns, the principal markets being Chicago and St. Louis. Of 
 course it is manifest that the remoteness of New York from 
 this great heart of the country enables it now to withhold 
 from that city and port, by its own commercial and financial 
 power, very much of the trade and commerce that springs 
 from it; indeed, this may be regarded as the principal and 
 doubtless the most permanent cause adverse to New York. 
 Other causes which have contributed greatly to an early con- 
 sumation of the existing conditions in the Mississippi Valley and 
 the region of the Great Lakes -have been the undue govern 
 mental fostering of manufacturing industries; the excessive 
 tariffs and terminal charges, and the inequitable differentials 
 of the railroad companies centering in New York. It should 
 not be omitted in this connection that the Infra-mural chart/ex 
 for transporting persons in Greater New York are onerous and 
 compared with those of other localities, affect unfavorably 
 manufacturers and their operatives. 
 
 It is believed that those who have given intelligent and 
 unbiased consideration to the causes x)f the declining commerce 
 of New York, and who are opposed to all forms of monopoly 
 w r hich impair or destroy the invigorating and healthful effect 
 of actual competition upon commerce, will concur with what 
 has been said. 
 
 The means by which to revive and restore to New York 
 even a measurable degree of its former commercial prestige, in 
 the territory west of the eightieth degree of longitude, are not 
 so clear as the causes of its decline, because retro-active or 
 entirely new measures must be mainly depended upon for its 
 accomplishment. If, however, the vast financial energies of 
 New York could be awakened, united, and directed with an eye 
 single to the revival of this commerce, great results could be 
 obtained. I have stated my belief that railroads are para 
 mount as a means of transporting persons and property in the 
 interior of this country, and this conviction leads me to the 
 conclusion that to them New York must look for relief. If not 
 
 [74] 
 
17 
 
 obtained through this mechanical appliance, her pre-eminence 
 as a port of export at least will continue to decline. 
 
 It does not clearly appear that a ship canal connecting the 
 Great Lakes via the Hudson River with the Atlantic at New 
 York would be a safe agency for reviving its commerce, but on 
 the contrary it is almost manifest that it would more firmly 
 and completely establish the conditions already existing in the 
 Great Lakes basin and in the Mississippi Valley adverse to New 
 York. But the active and now powerful interests which are 
 promoting the construction of this projected ship canal, the 
 cities and other great industries on and adjacent to the shores 
 of the Great Lakes and the country west of them, as well as on 
 and adjacent to the Mississippi River and its tributaries, are 
 united and moving for their own welfare. New York can, 
 therefore, but regard it as highly probable that the improve 
 ments of the water ways, which now possess very favorable 
 public opinion, will be carried forward early in this century. 
 
 I firmly belie ve that the greatest possible saving agent for 
 the declining commerce of New York is the railway. What 
 ever the comparative inducements for exportation from the 
 Gulf of Mexico or by the proposed ship canal to the Atlantic 
 may become, the true merits of the railway, mechanical and finan 
 cial, are equal to successful competition, and, if they can be 
 taken advantage of, the pre-eminence of New York will be 
 conserved in the highest degree feasible. 
 
 A line extending directly from New York to St. Louis may 
 be taken to illustrate New York s economic railway. It is the 
 axis through the best and most densely populated area west of 
 the Alleghany Mountains. On each side of this line through 
 out its length north and west of the Ohio River, is an immense 
 and vastly capable area almost wholly dependent upon rail 
 ways. It is on this line mainly, or its equivalent, that New 
 York can find relief, if it will, and in a degree revive the bril 
 liant future it possessed thirty years ago by demonstrating the 
 true value of the railway. 
 
 The true merits or value of railways to serve the people, 
 
 [75] 
 
18 
 
 can only be found when skill and honesty are combined in 
 their construction and operation. The present status of the 
 relations between the railways and the public is: First, that 
 the principle of pooling earnings has been rejected by the peo 
 ple. Second, that the Interstate Commerce Commission is 
 confessedly powerless to conserve equitable relations between 
 the people and the railroads. Third, that the stupendous con 
 solidations of railways now taking place are but the irrepres 
 sible tendency toward government ownership, the principal 
 merits of which would be uniform classification and rates 
 throughout the United States, thus placing New York and 
 every city and locality upon its natural merits. 
 
 [76] 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PUBLICATIONS Ne<w Series Vol. /., No 6. 
 
 Untoersttp of 
 
 Vol. I MAY, 1902 No. 3 
 
 A Statistical Study of Illinois High Schools 
 
 By 
 
 FREDERICK GORDON BONSER, B,S. 
 
 Fellow in Psychology 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 Studies of the nature of the following are possible only 
 through the courteous cooperation of many people, in this case, 
 the courtesy of the superintendents and principals of the Illi 
 nois High Schools ; and the department of education of the 
 University, under the general direction of which the study was 
 made, wishes to acknowledge to them its obligation for the 
 general response to its request for information. The schools 
 covered are widely distributed and diverse in character, yet 
 each expresses more or less exactly the educational ideal of its 
 community and becomes more perfect as the ideal is raised. 
 Intelligent comparison is one of the most potent means of rais 
 ing that ideal, and every school-man in our state will appreci 
 ate the value of Mr. Bonser s work in making such a compari 
 son possible. 
 
 EDWIN G. DEXTER, 
 
 Professor of Education. 
 University of Illinois, May, 1902. 
 
A STATISTICAL STUDY OF ILLINOIS 
 HIGH SCHOOLS 
 
 SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND NATURE OF THE STUDY 
 
 In November, 1900, there was mailed to each of the 311 
 high schools of Illinois, a copy of the regular blank used by the 
 University of Illinois in securing reports from the accredited 
 schools, with a request that it be filled out and returned. The 
 mailing list was made up from Table XIX. of the Report of the 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction for 1898, and from Table 
 XLII. of the Report of the United States Commissioner of Edu 
 cation for 1897-98. The material utilized in this study is de 
 rived from the answers to the following questions contained 
 in the report blank: 
 
 1. Number of years covered by high school course of study. 
 
 2. Number of weeks in the school year. 
 
 3. Curriculum. 
 
 a. Subjects taught. 
 
 b. Years in which subjects are taught. 
 
 c. Number of recitation periods per week in each subject. 
 
 d. Number of weeks given to each subject. 
 
 e. Length of recitations, in minutes. 
 
 f. Total time given to each subject, in hours of sixty minutes. 
 
 g. Text-books used in each subject. 
 
 4. Report on teachers. 
 
 a. Number of teachers. 
 
 b. Number who are normal graduates. 
 
 c. Number who are college graduates. 
 
 d. Number who are graduates of high schools only. 
 
 e. Number who have higher degrees. 
 
 i. Master s. 2. Doctor s. 
 
 5. Number of pupils enrolled in the high school department. 
 
 a. Boys. b. Girls. c. Total. 
 
 6. Number in the graduating class of 1900. 
 
 a. Boys. b. Girls. c. Total. 
 
 Of the 311 schools to which blanks were sent, reports were 
 received from 297, or 95.5 per cent. Of these 184 are on the 
 accredited list of the State University, and the remaining 113 
 
 are not accredited. 
 
 [79] 
 
The data for these 297 schools, in which nearly 40,000 
 pupils receive secondary instruction, have been summarized 
 and reduced to percentages. A brief discussion of the length 
 of the high school courses and of the school year precedes the 
 summaries for the curriculum as a whole. 
 
 For convenience the subjects of the curriculum are divided 
 into five groups: mathematics ; English and foreign languages; 
 history, civics, and political economy ; physical and biological 
 sciences ; and miscellaneous subjects. The subjects making up 
 each group, together with the appropriate data, are arranged 
 in tabular form. 
 
 The interpretation of these tables is not difficult. For ex 
 ample, in Table L, referring to algebra, it may first be noted 
 that it is offered in all of the schools reporting. Then, under 
 " Year Taught", the 10.6 in the first column means that 10.6 
 per cent, of the schools offer algebra in the first year, and the 
 
 65.5 jin the column headed 1, 2, means that 65.5 per cent, 
 offer it in both the first and second years. Again, under "Rec 
 itations a Week", the 93.2 in the column headed 5 indicates 
 that 93.2 per cent, of the schools have 5 recitations a week 
 in algebra ; and under "Number of Weeks Given", the 10.8 in 
 the column headed 37 40 means that 10.8 per cent, of the 
 schools teach algebra from 37 to 40 weeks. Under "Length of 
 Recitations", the 49.1 in the column headed 40 means that 49.1 
 per cent, of the schools give to algebra a recitation period of 
 forty minutes ; and under "Total Number of Hours given", the 
 
 26.6 in the column headed 80 100 means that 26.6 per cent, 
 of them give a total of 80 to 100 hours to algebra, This mode 
 of interpretation applies to the tables throughout, with only 
 this difference : as algebra is the only branch taught in all the 
 schools reporting, the various percentages are in no other case 
 percentages of the total number of schools, but only of the 
 number teaching the subject. The same is true in the discus 
 sions of the tables unless otherwise clearly stated. 
 
 Following each table is a short summary for each of the 
 
 subjects found in that group, indicating the chief points of in- 
 
 [80] 
 
terest concerning it. This is followed by the statistics concern 
 ing the number and status of teachers, and finally the data of 
 enrollment and graduation are briefly summarized. 
 
 LENGTH OF COURSES AND OF THE SCHOOL YEAR 
 
 Percentages of schools whose courses are three, four, and 
 five years, respectively: 
 
 3 years. .. .25.2. 4 years .... 73.6. 5 years....!. 
 
 The percentage of schools having only three-year courses 
 is still high, but is yearly diminishing. 1 Reports were received 
 from several schools of the state whose courses were for but 
 two years, but these were not included, not falling under the 
 definition of the term high school as used in this study. A few 
 five year courses are noted. The pushing downward of some 
 of the subjects, as foreign languages and mathematics, tends to 
 bring the eighth grade, and probably the seventh as well, under 
 the administration of the high school. The tendency is not to 
 lengthen the pre-college course, but to apportion more peda- 
 gogically the several subjects within the time limits already 
 embraced by the twelve years devoted to elementary and sec 
 ondary training. 
 
 Percentages of schools whose years are of the several 
 numbers of weeks. 
 
 28 weeks 3 33 weeks 7 36 weeks 18. 39 weeks 10.5 
 
 30 weeks 1.3 34 weeks. .. 20. 37 weeks.. . 3.4 40 weeks 14.9 
 
 32 weeks 2.3 35 weeks 4.8 38 weeks. ... 19.3 42 weeks 7 
 
 Less than 5 per cent, of the schools have a shorter year 
 than thirty-four weeks, and in almost half of them it ranges 
 from thirty-eight to forty weeks. This increased length of the 
 school year is a gratifying indication of progress. 
 
 THE CURRICULUM AS A WHOLE 
 
 The number of subjects offered in individual high schools 
 varies from ten to thirty. The school having but one or two 
 teachers does well if ten are creditably taught; while the 
 
 1 See Reports of the Superintendent of Public Instruction, Introduction, and 
 Summary of High School Statistics. 
 
 [81] 
 
6 
 
 school with fifteen, thirty, or fifty teachers, may consistently 
 make its curriculum cover the whole field of secondary subject- 
 matter. Forty-nine different subjects are found in the curric 
 ula of Illinois secondary schools. Eleven of these may be 
 termed constants, each of them occurring in more than 75 per 
 cent, of the schools, and eight of them in more than 85 per 
 cent. Exact percentages for each may be seen by referring to 
 the appropriate tables. These eleven subjects, in the order of 
 their prominence, are algebra, geometry, physics, botany, Latin, 
 English literature, zoology, physiology, general history, civics, 
 and physiography. Chemistry, coming next, is found in 50 per 
 cent, of the schools, and German in 34.6 per cent. 
 
 These studies furnish all the mental pabulum insisted 
 upon as essential to the symmetrical development of the pu 
 pils powers and capacities. Mathematics, literature, language, 
 and science, each has its place in almost every high school of 
 our state. The belief that another constant is essential to the 
 completeness of this list, namely, a provision for motor train 
 ing, is rapidly growing, but as yet has found but slight expres 
 sion in the actual practice of our high schools. A considerable 
 number of minor subjects, each found in only small percent 
 ages of the schools, are offered, in most cases, no doubt, in re 
 sponse to local demand. 
 
 MATHEMATICS 
 
 Not a few of the secondary schools of Illinois offer an un 
 interrupted four years course in mathematics, and courses are 
 found embracing all branches from arithmetic to trigonome 
 try and descriptive geometry. Algebra is taught in every 
 school reporting, and it is commonly begun in the first year. 
 Geometry follows in most cases, but in four schools algebra 
 and geometry are reported as beginning simultaneously. The 
 committee on college entrance requirements especially rec 
 ommends that in all cases the study of geometry should begin 
 
 i Report of the Committee on College Entrance Requirements, University of 
 Chicago Press, 1899, p. 145. 
 
 [82] 
 
before that of^algebra. 1 That this recommendation is not ob 
 served by most Illinois high schools is shown by the fact that 
 algebra is taught in the first year in 87.6 per cent, of the 
 schools, while geometry is taught in that year in only 2 per 
 cent. Nevertheless, the reports indicate that in a very few 
 cases concrete geometry is taught in the grades, and that in a 
 small but growing number algebra is begun in the seventh or 
 eighth school year. 
 
 A number of the large high schools teach trigonometry and 
 advanced algebra. Rockf ord, for example, in addition to arith 
 metic and bookkeeping, both given in the first year, gives alge 
 bra the first year, plane geometry the second, solid geometry 
 the first half of the third, college algebra the second half of 
 the third, and trigonometry the first half of the fourth year. 
 
 ALGEBRA 
 
 Algebra is the only subject reported by every school con 
 sidered, and in a few it is begun in the grades. 
 
 Reference to Table I. shows that in seven-eighths of the 
 schools the course for the first year contains algebra ; that 10 
 per cent, give it in the first year only ; that 65 per cent, con 
 tinue the subject through the whole or a part of the second 
 year ; and that 6 per cent, give it in the second and third years, 
 5 per cent, in the first and third, and small percentages in each 
 of several other combinations of years of the course. Three 
 schools offer advanced algebra in the fourth year. 
 
 Over 93 per cent, of the schools have five recitations a 
 week in algebra ; 5 per cent, have four among which are the 
 fourteen Chicago schools ; and three schools have respectively 
 two, two and a half, and three recitations a week. 
 
 Almost 20 per cent, of the schools give algebra from 26 to 
 40 weeks, that is, for one full school year ; 43 per cent, give it 
 from 50 to 60 w^eeks a year arid a half ; 29 per cent, give it 
 from 61 to 80 weeks, or, in most cases, for two full years ; and 
 a small percentage offer it for a longer period, as shown in the 
 table. 
 
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 [84) 
 
PERCENTAGES OF SCHOOLS USING THE SEVERAL TEXT-BOOKS. 
 
 Wentworth 47.8 
 
 Milne 24.4 
 
 Wells 18.8 
 
 Robinson 1.9 
 
 Sheldon 1.3 
 
 Wentworth 63.5 
 
 Wells 14.9 
 
 Phillips & Fisher. . 6.8 
 
 White 3.7 
 
 VanVelzer& Schutt 2.3 
 
 Wentworth 64.2 
 
 Wells 14.2 
 
 Milne 15.5 
 
 White 13.3 
 
 Beman & Smith... n.i 
 
 Ray s Higher n.i 
 
 Wentworth... ii.i 
 
 Rowe 19.5 
 
 Rogers & Williams 16. 
 
 Ellis 14.2 
 
 Bryant & Stratton.. 10.6 
 
 Packard 7.1 
 
 Gay 5.3 
 
 ALGEBRA 1 . 
 
 Brown 
 
 White 
 
 Sensensign 
 
 Olney 
 
 Taylor 
 
 GEOMETRY 
 
 9 
 .6 
 
 .6 
 .6 
 .6 
 
 Milne 2.3 
 
 Beman & Smith. . . 2.1 
 
 Olney 1.3 
 
 Macnie 6 
 
 Stewart 6 
 
 TRIGONOMETRY 
 
 Davies 7.1 
 
 Crocket 7.1 
 
 ARITHMETIC 
 
 Cook & Cropsy.... 8.8 
 
 Werner 6.6 
 
 Bailey 4.4 
 
 Hall 4.4 
 
 Walsh 4.4 
 
 BOOKKEEPING 
 
 Goodyear , .. 3.5 
 
 Marshall 3.5 
 
 Meservey 3.5 
 
 Tablet System 3.5 
 
 Beman & Smith... 1.7 
 
 Card 1.7 
 
 Hall & Knight 6 
 
 Appleton 3 
 
 Bowser 3 
 
 Bradbury 3 
 
 Schuyler 3 
 
 Davis 
 
 Holpin 
 
 Maine 
 
 Welsh 
 
 Winchester s Con.. 
 
 Olney. 
 
 7-: 
 
 Saddler 2.2 
 
 Thompson 2.2 
 
 Williams 2.2 
 
 Stoddard s Oral.. 2.2 
 
 Drew 1.7 
 
 Gardner 1.7 
 
 Gregory 1.7 
 
 Musselman 1.7 
 
 Seymore & Eaton.. 1.7 
 
 Recitations are 40 minutes in length in 49 per cent, of the 
 schools, 45 minutes in 22 per cent., 30 minutes in 11 per cent., 
 and smaller percentages have recitations of 20, 25, 35, 50, 55, 
 and 60 minutes, respectively. 
 
 The total time devoted to the subject by the individual 
 school varies from 41 hours to 300. Over 60 per cent, of the 
 schools those devoting a year and a half or a year and two- 
 thirds to the study give from 140 to 200 hours ; 18 per cent. 
 
 i Concerning interpretation, see page 4. 
 
 [85] 
 
10 
 
 give from 200 to 240 hours ; and small percentages give still 
 more time, as may be seen in detail by reference to the table. 
 Of the fifteen algebras in use, the favorite text is Went- 
 worth s, found in 47.8 per cent, of the schools. Milne s is used 
 in 24.4 per cent.; Wells s in 18.8 per cent.; and each of the 
 other twelve books listed is used by a small percentage, as 
 given fully in Table T. 
 
 PLANE GEOMETRY 
 
 Plane Geometry is not in every curriculum reported, but it 
 is taught in 291 of the schools, or 97.9 per cent, of them. Fol 
 lowing algebra in most cases, it is given in the second year in 
 27 per cent, of the schools, in the third in 38 per cent., and 
 in a part of both the second and third years in 19 per cent. In 
 6 per cent, it is given in the third and fourth years ; and in 4 
 per cent, in the fourth year only. 
 
 In 93 per cent, of these schools recitations in plane geome 
 try occur five times a week ; in 5.8 per cent., but four times a 
 week, and in two schools, but three times each week. 
 
 The number of weeks devoted to this subject varies from 
 10 to 80. and the total number of hours, from 50 to 280. From 
 26 to 40 weeks a full school year are given to it by over 84 
 per cent, of the schools, the total number of hours ranging 
 from 85 to 160. The small percentages in which the time is 
 greater or less than this may be seen by reference, to Table I. 
 
 The percentages expressing the length of recitation peri 
 ods are practically the same as those for algebra, 48 per cenfc. 
 giving 40-minute periods, 21 per cent. 45 minutes, and the re 
 maining 31 per cent, having periods ranging all the way from 
 twenty minutes to an hour and a half. 
 
 Fifteen texts are used in geometry, Wentworth s being the 
 most popular, as in algebra, and leading with 63.5 per cent, of 
 the schools. Wells s text is used in 14.9 per cent.; Phillips and 
 Fisher s in 6.8 per cent. ; and the various other texts in smaller 
 percentages, indicated fully in the table. A single school 
 teaches geometry without the use of any text. 
 
 [86| 
 
11 
 
 SOLID GEOMETRY 
 
 This subject is offered in 189, or 93.4 per cent, of the 
 schools, 5 per cent, of them giving it in the second year, 52 per 
 cent, in the third, and 42 per cent, in the fourth-. Five recita 
 tions a week is the rule, this practice prevailing in 93 per cent, 
 of the schools. Four periods a week are given to it in 5.8 per 
 cent., and a single school gives it but three. 
 
 The number of weeks given to solid geometry varies from 
 9, in 3 per cent, of the schools, to 55 in 1 per cent. Forty-seven 
 per cent., however, give it from 20 to 25 weeks (a little over 
 half a year) ; 20 per cent., from 16 to 19 weeks (a half year ex 
 actly in most cases); and 14 per cent., 10 to 15 weeks a little 
 less than half a year. From this it is seen that although the 
 total time devoted to this subject varies in individual schools 
 from 12 hours to 180, the majority give a total ranging from 50 
 to 90 hours. 
 
 Fifty-three per cent, of the schools offering solid geometry 
 give forty minutes to recitations ; 27 per cent., 45 minutes ; 7 
 per cent. 35 minutes ; 6 per cent., 30 minutes ; and the remain 
 der, in small percentages, the several other standard periods 
 in about equal number. 
 
 TRIGONOMETRY 
 
 Trigonometry is taught in 16 schools, or in 5.3 per cent, of 
 all. In 81 per cent, of these it is given in the fourth year, the 
 other three giving it in the third. The number of recitations 
 a week is uniformly five. In 60 per cent, of the schools from 
 16 to 19 weeks (a half year) are devoted to the subject, and the 
 remaining 40 per cent, give it a full year. The total time 
 given is 40 to 70 hours in 68 per cent, of the schools, 80 to 120 
 hours in 25 per cent., and 160 to 180 hours in 6 per cent. 
 
 Five texts are used in trigonometry, Wentworth leading 
 with 64.2 per cent., Wells standing next with 14.2 per cent., 
 and Davis, Crockett, and Olney following with small percent 
 ages, about equally divided between them. 
 
 [87] 
 
12 
 
 ARITHMETIC 
 
 Arithmetic is included in the curricula of 15.1 per cent, of 
 the high schools of Illinois, in 45 by number. In 40 per cent, 
 of these it is given in the first year ; in 20 per cent., in the 
 second ; in 75 per cent, in the third ; and in 22 per cent., in the 
 fourth. Two and a half per cent, continue it through the first 
 and a part of the second year, and 7 per cent, take it up in the 
 fourth year, after having dropped it at the close of the first. 
 In all but 6 per cent, of the schools there are five recitations a 
 week ; in 4 per cent, there are but four ; and in 2 per cent, 
 only three. 
 
 Arithmetic is given but 7 to 9 weeks in 4.5 per cent, of the 
 schools, while 11 per cent, give it 45 to 50 weeks. In 34 per 
 cent, the time given is half a year, while in about 40 per cent, 
 it is a full year. Almost 60 per cent, give it a total of 40 to 80 
 hours, the remaining 40 per cent, allotting it 85 to 160 hours. 
 
 Recitation periods vary from 20 minutes (in 2 per cent.) to 
 an hour (in 2 per cent.), 11 per cent, having a 35-minute per 
 iod, 42 per cent, having a 40-minute, and 24 per cent, a 45-min- 
 ute period. 
 
 Fourteen texts are used, Milne leading with 15.5 per cent., 
 White coming second with 13.3 per cent., and the percentages 
 for the other twelve texts being as indicated in Table I. 
 
 BOOKKEEPING 
 
 The popularity of bookkeeping is seen in the fact that it 
 is found in the curricula of 86 of the Illinois high schools, 
 which is 28.2 per cent, of them. In 31 per cent, of these it is 
 given in the first year ; in 17 per cent, in the second ; in 15 per 
 cent, in the third ; in the same number in the fourth ; and in 19 
 per cent, it is continued through the second, third, and fourth 
 years. There are five recitations a week in 71 per cent, of the 
 schools ; four, in 22 per cent, while in 5 per cent, there are but 
 two, and a single school reports ten. Thirty-two per cent, give 
 a half year s work to Bookkeeping, 55 per cent, give it from 26 
 
 [88] 
 
13 
 
 to 40 weeks a full year in most cases, and the remaining 12 
 per cent, give it more than a year, from 50 to 80 weeks, Table 
 I. giving the specific percentages. 
 
 Recitation periods vary from 20 minutes to 90 minutes, the 
 40-minute period predominating and occurring in 38 per cent, 
 of the schools, while 16 per cent, have the 45-minute period, 
 and 20 per cent, a period of 50 minutes. 
 
 The total time devoted to bookkeeping varies from a min 
 imum of 12 to 25 hours, in 1 per cent, of the schools, to a 
 maximum of 300, in another 1 per cent. ; but 25 per cent, give 
 it from 51 to 60 hours, and 40 per cent, give it 141 to 160 hours. 
 
 Seventeen texts are used in this study. Rowe, the most 
 popular, is found in 19.5 per cent, of the schools; Roger and 
 Williams, a close second, in 16 per cent. ; Ellis, in 14.2 per 
 cent. ; and Bryant and Stratton, in 10.6 per cent. 
 
 DESCRIPTIVE GEOMETRY 
 
 This branch is taught in a single school, five 40-minute 
 periods a week being given to it for half of the second year. 
 The total time devoted to the subject is 70 hours. 
 
 ENGLISH AND FOREIGN LANGUAGES 
 
 In a small percentage of the high schools of Illinois the 
 total time devoted to English is but a year and a half, while a 
 larger number give it two years. Most of the larger schools 
 and many of the smaller ones not only offer, but require, four 
 full years of English. That the higher technicalities of gram 
 mar belong properly in the secondary school and not in the 
 grades is coming to be recognized, as indicated by the fact that 
 nearly 5 per cent, of the high schools include grammar in their 
 curricula. One of the most exemplary courses in English is 
 that offered by the Decatur high school. This is a very close 
 approximation to the course suggested by the Committee of 
 Ten. 1 Composition work, including Rhetoric, is given two 
 periods each week throughout the course, with three recita- 
 
 1 Report of the Committee of Ten, Amer. Book Co. 1894, pp. 90-91. 
 
 [89] 
 
14 
 
 tions a week ; while English Grammar is given twenty weeks 
 of the fourth year, with recitations three times each week. 
 
 Twenty-three high schools in Illinois offer no foreign lan 
 guage work. In all those giving it, Latin is reported with but 
 three exceptions. Highland, Mazon, and Milledgeville report 
 German but no Latin. German is much more popular than 
 French, the former being taught in more than a third of the 
 schools, while the latter is found in but 8.7 per cent. Greek is 
 taught in 11.4 per cent. Moline is the only school which has 
 introduced Spanish into its curriculum. The north Park high 
 school (Chicago) offers Swedish for three years, in response to 
 an influential Swedish environment. 
 
 In by far the larger number of cases Latin is studied for 
 four years. A large percentage of the schools giving it but 
 three years are schools whose curricula cover only that period. 
 While nearly a fourth of the courses in German are for four 
 years, the majority are for two years most frequently the last 
 two of the curriculum. 
 
 A small percentage of the high schools give but a single 
 year to foreign language study. 
 
 ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 English Grammar is taught in 14 of the secondary schools 
 of Illinois, 71 per cent, of these giving it in the first year. In 
 the remainder it is placed in the fourth year, after the work in 
 rhetoric and literature, when the pupil s age and training ena 
 ble him to deal thoroughly with the difficulties of technical 
 grammar. In 11 per cent, it is given three periods a week, and 
 in the remainder, five periods. Sixty-two per cent, give a half 
 year to the subject, and the others a full year, the total time 
 ranging from 40 to 80 hours in 70 per cent., and from 81 to 140 
 in the remaining 30 per cent. The recitation period is 35 min 
 utes in 25 per cent, of the schools and 40 minutes in 37 per cent. 
 
 Nine texts are used in English Grammar, Swinton, report 
 ed in 20 per cent, of the schools, being in the lead. Table II. 
 gives the smaller percentages for the other eight texts. 
 
 [90] 
 
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16 
 
 PERCENTAGES OF THE VARIOUS TEXTS USED IN LANGUAGE WORK 
 
 Swinton, 
 Harvey.. 
 Hyde... 
 
 Lockwood 
 
 Herrick & Damon. 
 Genung 
 
 Scott & Denney... 
 
 Hill 
 
 Buckler , 
 
 Kellogg 
 
 Waddy 
 
 Reed & Kellogg 
 Williams. . 
 
 20. 
 
 13.3 
 
 I3-S 
 
 21-3 
 18.8 
 
 10.2 
 8.2 
 
 7.6 
 4-7 
 4-1 
 
 3-8 
 
 2.8 
 
 2.8 
 
 Painter 35.7 
 
 Pancoast 16. 
 
 Stopford A. Brooke 14. 
 
 Shaw 5.9 
 
 Swinton 4.7 
 
 Watkins Amer. Lit. 3.5 
 
 Kellogg 2.9 
 
 Matthews 2.3 
 
 Collar and Daniel.. 67.1 
 
 Harkness 12.1 
 
 Bennett 5. 
 
 Fuell & Fowler.. . . 4.2 
 
 Joynes-Meissner.. . 52. 
 
 Thomas 21.8 
 
 Collar 15.6 
 
 Gueber... 2. 
 
 Keetels 66.6 
 
 Chardenal., 9.5 
 
 White 53.4 
 
 ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 Maxwell 13.3 
 
 Reed & Kellogg.. 13.3 
 Gowdy 6.6 
 
 COMPOSITION AND RHETORIC 
 
 Lytes 6.6 
 
 Meade 66 
 
 Wiseley 6.6 
 
 Chittenden 
 
 1.9 
 
 Bell.... 
 
 3 
 
 Cairns 
 
 1.6 
 
 Buck 
 
 3 
 
 Lewis 
 
 1.5 
 
 Carpenter 
 
 3 
 
 ( Whitney & 
 ( Lockwood 
 
 1-5 
 
 Quack enbos 
 
 3 
 
 Hart 
 
 1.2 
 
 Raub 
 
 3 
 
 Butler 
 
 9 
 
 Sheldon 
 
 3 
 
 Meade 
 
 9 
 
 Shaw 
 
 3 
 
 Newcomer 
 
 9 
 
 ( Southworth & 
 ( Goddard 
 
 3 
 
 Keeler & Davis.. 
 
 9 
 
 Swinton 
 
 3 
 
 Welsh 
 
 .6 
 
 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 Meiklejohn 
 
 7 
 
 Johnson 
 
 .6 
 
 Raub 
 
 7 
 
 Morgan 
 
 .6 
 
 Trimble 
 
 7 
 
 Pattee 
 
 .6 
 
 Blaisdell 
 
 .1 
 
 Rovce 
 
 .6 
 
 Halleck 
 
 i 
 
 Scudder 
 
 .6 
 
 Cathearts 
 
 .6 
 
 Shair 
 
 .6 
 
 Emery 
 
 . .6 
 
 Welsh 
 
 .6 
 
 Irish 
 
 . .6 
 
 Williams & Rogers. 
 
 .6 
 
 LATIN 
 
 Scudder.. 
 
 Jones 
 
 Coy 
 
 Comstock 
 
 GERMAN 
 
 Keller.. 
 Ahn. . . . 
 Martin. 
 Otto... 
 
 3-8 
 3- 
 
 2. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 FRENCH 
 
 Whitney 9.5 
 
 de Bordes 4-7 
 
 GREEK 
 Goodwin .... 38.8 Pattengill 
 
 Bellum & Helvetius .4 
 Harper & Burgess.. .4 
 Lindsey & Rollin... .4 
 Sunley & Storke. .. .4 
 
 Sanders i. 
 
 Schmitz i. 
 
 Worman.. i. 
 
 Dreyspring 4.7 
 
 Edger 4.7 
 
 . 4.8 Kelsey 2.4 
 
 i Concerning interpretation, see p. 4. 
 
 [92] 
 
17 
 
 ENGLISH COMPOSITION 
 
 English Composition, as such, is reported from 72.9 per 
 cent, of the schools, which by number is 217, while 12.1 per 
 cent, report it as included with rhetoric. In 47 per cent, of the 
 schools offering English Composition, this work comes in the 
 first year, and the second, third, and fourth years are each al 
 lotted to it by small percentages. Twenty-one per cent, give it 
 during the first year and through the whole or a part of the 
 second ; 10 per cent, give it throughout the four years ; and 15 
 per cent, offer it in the first, second, and fourth years. 
 
 The number of recitations given in composition is by no 
 means uniform. Eight per cent, give it one period a week, 10 
 per cent, give it two periods, 5 per cent, give three, 9 per cent, 
 give four and 61 per cent, give five, while 4 per cent, report 
 four periods for a part of the course and five for a part. 
 
 Seven per cent, of the schools give the subject less than 
 one year, about 50 per cent give it a full year, while the re 
 maining 43 per cent, give it for a longer time, the maximum 
 number of weeks being from 120 to 150 in 6 per cent, of the 
 courses. Table II. gives specific percentages for the various 
 periods of time. 
 
 The total time given to composition varies from a mini 
 mum of 18 hours to a maximum of 560 hours. Fifty per cent, 
 of the schools teaching it give a total of 50 to 120 hours ; 29 
 per cent., 160 to 200 hours ; and 15 per cent., 200 to 360 hours. 
 
 RHETORIC 
 
 Formal rhetoric is reported from 61.8 per cent., or 184, of 
 the 297 schools under discussion, while 26 per cent, of them 
 report rhetoric as included with composition. Of those schools 
 reporting rhetoric specifically, 18 per cent, teach it in the first 
 year; 36 per cent, in the second; 15 per cent, in the third; 3 
 per cent, in the fourth ; 8 per cent, in the first and second years; 
 and 4 per cent, continue it through the four years. Small per 
 centages give other combinations of years, as may be seen by 
 reference to Table II. 
 
 [93] 
 
18 
 
 There is one recitation a week in 2 per cent, of the schools ; 
 there are two recitations in 7 per cent. ; three, in 9 per cent. ; 
 four, in 7 per cent. ; and five, in the remaining 73 per cent 
 The time devoted to rhetoric varies from 10 weeks to 150, the 
 total number of hours ranging from 30 to 400. In 59 per cent, 
 however, the time is between 26 and 40 weeks, a full year s 
 work in most cases, or 60 to 120 hours. Detailed percentages 
 are given in Table II. 
 
 For composition and rhetoric, twenty-nine texts are used. 
 Lockwood, in 21.3 per cent, of the schools, is the favorite ; Her- 
 rick and Damon follows with 18.8 per cent. ; Genung ranks 
 next, with 10.2 per cent.; and Scott and Denney, with 8.2 per cent. 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 No discrimination is here made between English and 
 American literature, the term English literature standing for 
 literature in the English language, This subject is offered by 
 83.3 per cent of the schools. Two per cent, give it in the first 
 year only ; 2 per cent, in the second ; 12 per cent, in the third ; 
 11 per cent, in the fourth ; 13 per cent, offer it during the last 
 three years ; 14 per cent, during the last two years ; and 22 per 
 cent, continue it throughout the four years. 
 
 A single school gives but one recitation a week, while 6 
 per cent, give two, 5 per cent, give three, 8 per cent, give four, 
 and 71 per cent, give five. Three per cent, devote from 20 to 
 25 weeks to literature ; 25 per cent, give it from 34 to 40 weeks 
 or one full year s work ; 28 per cent, offer from 41 to 80 
 weeks ; while the remaining 43 per cent, give from 81 to 150 
 weeks to it, or from two and one half to four years. This is a 
 total number of hours varying from 40, in a single school, to 
 600 in two schools, with 30 per cent, lying between 140 and 180 
 hours and 38 per cent, between 200 and 320 hours. Table II. 
 gives more specific percentages. 
 
 Recitation periods for literature range from 15 minutes to 
 55 minutes. The majority of the schools, however give 40 or 
 45-minute periods ; 49 per cent, the former, and 1 7 per cent the 
 latter. 
 
 [94] 
 
19 
 
 Twenty-four text-books are used in literature. Of these 
 Painter leads, with 35.7 per cent. Pancoast is next, with 16 per 
 cent ; and Stopford A. Brook follows with 14 per cent. 
 
 LATIN 
 
 Latin is reported by 265 of the Illinois high schools, 89.9 
 per cent, of them. Fifty-two per cent, of this number give four 
 years to it ; 10 per cent, the last three years ; 5 per cent, the 
 last two years ; and 13 per cent, the first three years. Four 
 per cent, give it in the fourth year only ; two per cent, in the 
 third year only ; and 8 per cent, in the second year only. In 
 91 per cent, of the schools there are five recitations a week, and 
 in 6 per cent, there are four. 
 
 In 12 per cent, of the schools Latin is given from 71 to 80 
 weeks ; in 8 per cent, from 81 to 100 weeks ; in 22 per cent, 
 from 101 to 120 weeks; in 21 per cent, from 121 to 150 
 weeks ; and in 32 per cent, from 151 to 170 weeks. The total 
 number of hours is thus from 80 to 100 in 2 per cent., from 140 
 to 180 in 7 per cent., from 201 to 240 in 8 per cent., from 281 to 
 400 in 27 per cent., from 401 to 520 in 30 per cent., from 521 to 
 640 in 23 per cent., and 720 for a single school. 
 
 The percentages for the different recitation periods are 
 almost the same as in literature. Forty-nine per cent, give 40- 
 minute recitations and 26 per cent, a period of 45 minutes. 
 
 Twelve texts, including grammars and beginners books, 
 are reported in Latin. Collar and Daniel has marked prece 
 dence, being used in 67.1 per cent, of the schools, and Harkness 
 ranks next with 12.3 per cent. 
 
 GERMAN 
 
 German, rapidly growing in popularity as a secondary lan 
 guage study, is now found in 103, or 34.6 per cent., of our 
 schools. In almost half of these, 41 per cent., it is a two years 
 course, given in the last two years. Twenty-four per cent, give 
 it the full four years ; 8 per cent, continue it through the first 
 three years ; and 7 per cent, through the last three. As a one 
 
 [95] 
 
20 
 
 year s course it is taught in 8 per cent, of the schools, 3 per 
 cent, giving it in the first year, 3 per cent, in the third, and 2 
 per cent, in the fourth. 
 
 In one school there are but two recitations a week, but 17 
 per cent, have four, and the remaining 82 per cent, five, each 
 week. 
 
 Seven per cent, of the schools offering German devote from 
 37 to 40 weeks to it ; 52 per cent, give it from 60 to 80 weeks ; 
 20 per cent, give it 100 to 150 weeks ; and 20 per cent. 151 to 
 170 weeks. This gives a total in hours ranging from 240 to 
 280 in 34 per cent, of the schools, from 281 to 360 in 18 per 
 cent., from 440 to 480 in 16 per cent., from 520 to 600 in 8 per 
 cent, and from 80 to 240 in various smaller percentages. 
 
 Eleven texts are used in beginning German, but the Joynes 
 Meissner grammar is by far the most common, being in 52 per 
 cent, of the schools. Thomas follows with 21.8 per cent, and 
 Collar stands next, with 15.6 per cent., the remaining eight be 
 ing found in small percentages only. 
 
 FRENCH 
 
 French is far less common than German in our high 
 schools, being taught in but 8.7 per cent, of them, 26 by num 
 ber. Fourteen of this number are Chicago schools. In 60 per 
 cent, of the schools giving French it is continued throughout 
 the four years ; 8 per cent, give it the last three years and 12 
 per cent, the last two, while one school offers it in the first two 
 years, one in the first three, one in the third year, and one in 
 the fourth. 
 
 In 60 per cent, of the schools there are four recitations a 
 week in French and in the remainder, five. Twenty-three per 
 cent, give it from 70 to 80 weeks ; 11 per cent., from 100 to 120 
 weeks ; 58 per cent., from 150 to 170 ; while 7 per cent, give it 
 but 40 weeks. The totals in hours range from 140 to 160 in 11 
 per cent, of the schools ; from 200 to 280 in 18 per cent.; and 
 from 400 to 480 in 69 per cent. 
 
 Six texts are used in French, Keetels leading with 66.6 per 
 
 cent. 
 
 [96] 
 
21 
 
 GREEK 
 
 Greek is found more frequently than French in Illinois 
 high schools, being in the curricula of 34 of them, 11.4 per 
 cent. In 61 per cent, of these the last three years are given to 
 it, and in 32 per cent, it is given but two years, these being the 
 first and second years in 6 per cent., the second and third in 3 
 per cent., and the third and fourth in 23 per cent. The first 
 three years are given to Greek in 3 per cent, of the schools, and 
 in another 3 per cent, it is given in the fourth year only. 
 There are four recitations each week in 47 per cent, of the 
 schools, and five in the remainder. From 80 to 120 weeks are 
 given the subject in 90 per cent, of the schools, the total 
 number of hours ranging from 200 to 280 in 17 per cent., from 
 281 to 360 in 66 per cent., and from 400 to 480 in 13 per cent. 
 
 Four texts are reported. White is used in 53.4 per cent, of 
 the schools ; Goodwin, in 38.8 per cent. ; Pattengill, in 4.8 per 
 cent. ; and Kelsey in the remaing 2.4 per cent. 
 
 SPANISH AND SWEDISH 
 
 The Moline high school alone offers a course in Spanish. 
 It is given in the second and third years, continuing for 80 
 weeks. With three 45-minute recitations a week, this gives a 
 total of 180 hours devoted to the subject. 
 
 Swedish, given in the North Park high school, is continued 
 through the first three years, with five 45-minute recitations 
 for each of the 120 weeks, making a total of 450 hours devoted 
 to the subject. 
 
 The text-books used in these languages are in neither case 
 reported. 
 
 HISTORY, Civics, AND POLITICAL ECONOMY 
 
 The offerings in history include in every case more than 
 American history. More than four fifths of the schools give 
 general history, many of the smaller ones giving no other work 
 in European history. A large percentage of the schools give 
 general history in the first two years, and civics in the first. 
 
 [97] 
 
22 
 
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 [98] 
 
23 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF THE SEVERAL TEXTS USED IN THESE BRANCHES 
 
 Myers 
 
 Barnes . . . 
 
 Fisher 
 
 Colby.... 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 Coman & Kendall 
 Guest & 
 
 Underwood , 
 
 Larned 
 
 Greene 
 
 Anderson. . , 
 
 McMasters . . 
 Montgomery 
 McLaughlin 
 Channing . . . 
 
 Myers and Allen 
 
 Allen 
 
 Barnes. . 
 
 71.1 
 
 17.7 
 2.8 
 2.4 
 
 65. 
 17.4 
 
 2-7 
 
 2.7 
 
 2. 
 
 322 
 22.5 
 15-7 
 13.5 
 
 69.4 
 
 5-2 
 
 5.2 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY* 
 Swinton 1.6 
 
 Appleton 8 
 
 Adams European. . .8 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 Barnes 1.3 
 
 Oman 1.3 
 
 Gardner.. .7 
 
 Gibson 
 
 Emerton. . 
 Morris.. . 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 Fisher 9. 
 
 Johnson 2.2 
 
 Thomas 1.5 
 
 Barnes 7 
 
 GREEK AND ROMAN HISTORY 
 
 Fisher 3.9 
 
 Botsford 3.9 
 
 Smith .. .2.6 
 
 Boltwood s Topical 
 
 Outlines 4 
 
 Montgomery 4 
 
 Quackenbos 4 
 
 Myers 7 
 
 Guerber 7 
 
 Ransom 7 
 
 Thalkeimer. 7 
 
 Eggleston 7 
 
 Mowry 7 
 
 New Era 7 
 
 Harding 1.3 
 
 McClear 1.3 
 
 Myers Ancient 6.5 
 
 MEDIEVAL AND MODERN HISTORY 
 
 Myers . . 85.6 Fisher 14.2 
 
 FRENCH HISTORY 
 Montgomery 66.6 Emerton 33.3 
 
 Trowbridge 21.7 
 
 Fiske 18.9 
 
 Young 15.4 
 
 Dole s Amer. Citizen.. 8.2 
 
 McCleary 5.1 
 
 Hinsdale 3.5 
 
 Macy 3.5 
 
 Mowry and Barton. ... 3.5 
 
 Laughlin 31.3 
 
 Walker 31.3 
 
 Thompson 1 1.4 
 
 Civics 
 
 Townsend 3.5 
 
 Andrews Tighes 2.3 
 
 Morrill 2.3 
 
 Peterman 1.9 
 
 Thorpe 1.9 
 
 Crawford i.i 
 
 Williams i.i 
 
 Willoughby i.i 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY 
 
 Macvane 8.5 
 
 Bullock 5.7 
 
 Thurston 5.7 
 
 Judson 7 
 
 McCreary 7 
 
 Wright 7 
 
 Cocker 4 
 
 Johnston 4 
 
 Martin 4 
 
 Rogers Williams 4 
 
 Davenport 2.8 
 
 Nordhoff.. .. 2.8 
 
 Concerning interpretation, see p. 4. 
 
 [991 
 
24 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 General History is given in 245 of the high schools of 
 Illinois, 82.3 per cent, of them. Ten per cent, of these give it 
 in the first year ; 35 per cent, in the second ; 22 per cent, in the 
 third ; and 6 per cent, in the fourth. Nine per cent, continue 
 it through the second year and a part of the third, and 3 per 
 cent, give it through the third and fourth years. There are 
 five recitations a week in 95 per cent, of these schools ; four, in 
 3 per cent. ; and three, in 2 per cent. 
 
 The time given to this subject ranges from a minimum of 
 16 to 19 weeks, given by 1 per cent, of the schools, to a maxi 
 mum of 81 to 90 weeks given by 4 per cent. Of these, however, 
 78 per cent, fall between 34 and 40 weeks a full year s work. 
 The shortest number of hours devoted to History is 60, given 
 by 1 per cent, of the schools, and the longest time is 300 hours ; 
 while 73 per cent, give from 95 to 140 hours to the subject, 
 
 Ten text-books are used in general history, but Myers, with 
 71.1 per cent., is far more generally used than any other, and 
 Barnes comes next with 17.1 per cent 
 
 ENGLISH AND AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 These branches, without differentiation, are reported in 
 125, or 42.4 per cent, of the schools. Of this number, 16 per 
 cent, give them in the first year ; 9 per cent, in the second ; 18 
 per cent., in the third ; 27 per cent., in the fourth ; and 17 per 
 cent., in the third and fourth. Eighty-four per cent, have five 
 recitations a week. 
 
 Sixteen per cent, give but 20 to 25 weeks to these subjects, 
 while 73 per cent, give them 34 to 40 weeks, or a full year. 
 This makes a total of 61 to 70 hours in 13 per cent., and 120 to 
 160 hours in 60 per cent. The smaller percentages for a 
 greater or less number of hours are fully represented in the 
 
 table. 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 English history as differentiated from American is reported 
 from 14.7 per cent, of the high schools, 44 by number. Sixteen 
 
 fioo] 
 
25 
 
 per cent, of these give it in the first year ; 19 per cent., in the 
 second ; 31 per cent., in the third ; and 33 per cent., in the 
 fourth. In 95 per cent, of these schools there are five recita 
 tions a week ; and in the remainder, three. In 91 per cent, 
 from 34 to 40 weeks a full year are given to the subject ; and 
 8 per cent, give it from 41 to 50 weeks. The total time in 
 hours is from 71 to 80 in 39 per cent., and from 100 to 140 in 41 
 per cent. 
 
 Sixteen texts are used in English history, but Montgomery 
 takes precedence, being used in 65 per cent, of the schools, 
 while Coman and Kendall ranks second with 17.4 per cent. 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 American history is separately reported by 22.8 per cent., 
 or in 68, of the schools. In 20 per cent, of these it is given in 
 the first year ; in 9 per cent., in the second ; in 26 per cent., in 
 the third; and in 43 per cent., in the fourth. Ninety-six per 
 cent, have five recitations a week. In 10 per cent, only 10 to 
 15 weeks are given to the subject ; but 81 per cent, offer it for a 
 full year from 34 to 40 weeks, and a few schools give it still 
 more time. The total number of hours given to it is from 50 
 to 60 in 34 per cent, of the schools ; from 70 to 80 in 27 per 
 cent. ; and 90 to 120 in 23 per cent. 
 
 Of the eleven texts used, McMaster s leads with 32.2 per 
 cent, and Montgomery follows closely with 22.5 per cent. 
 
 GREEK AND ROMAN HISTORY 
 
 A single school reports a distinct course in ancient history 
 It is given in the first year, with recitations four times a week 
 the total number of hours amounting to 100. 
 
 Greek and Roman history are offered in 25 per cent, of the 
 schools. In 13 per cent, of these the subject is given in the 
 first year ; in 36 per cent., in the second ; in 9 per cent., the 
 third year ; and in 97 per cent., in the fourth year. Seventy- 
 two per cent, of the schools have five recitations a week, and 
 21 per cent, but four. Ten per cent continue the study from 
 
 [101] 
 
26 
 
 20 to 25 weeks, while 83 per cent, give it from 26 to 40 weeks 
 or a full year in most cases. For fourteen per cent, of the 
 schools the total number of hours given the subject is 90 to 
 100; for 46 per cent., 101 to 120; and for 17 per cent,, 121 to 
 140. 
 
 Nine different texts are used in Greek and Roman history, 
 but Myers and Allen is much the commonest, being found in 
 69.4 per cent, of the schools. 
 
 OTHER COURSES IN HISTORY 
 
 Medieval and Modern history are offered in 2.3 per cent, of 
 the high schools, 7 of them, in the second year in half of them, 
 and in the third in the other half. In 57 per cent, of these 
 schools recitations are held five times a week ; in 14 per cent., 
 four times ; and in 28 per cent., three times. In a single school 
 a half year is devoted to the subject, the remaining schools 
 giving it a full year in each case. The total number of hours 
 devoted to this study is 50 for one school, 80 for one, 90 for one, 
 and from 100 to 140 for the remainder. Myers s text is used in 
 all of the schools but one, which uses Fisher. 
 
 French history is given in two schools, in both in the sec 
 ond year. One has four recitations a week ; the other, five- 
 One devotes 18 weeks, or 50 hours, to the subject ; the other 
 36 weeks, or 90 hours, recitation periods being 40 minutes in 
 both cases. One school uses Montgomery s text ; the other 
 Emerton. Another school reports Montgomery s French his 
 tory as constituting a part of its course in medieval and mod 
 ern history. 
 
 Civics 
 
 Eighty-one per cent, of the schools of Illinois, 259, offer 
 civics. In 32 per cent, of these it is given in the first year ; in 
 18 per cent., in the second ; in 14 per cent, in the third ; and 
 in 32 per cent., in the fourth. Small percentages of the schools 
 give it in parts of two years, as shown fully in the table. In 
 89 per cent, of the schools recitations are held five times a 
 week. 
 
 [102] 
 
27 
 
 Sixteen per cent, of the schools give but 10 to 15 weeks to 
 civics, while a very few give even less time. Forty-eight per 
 cent, give it from 16 to 19 weeks ; 20 per cent., from 20 to 25 ; 
 and 14 per cent, give a full year to the subject. The total time 
 devoted to civics varies from 12 hours to 160, but for 64 per 
 cent, it lies between 40 and 70 hours. 
 
 Twenty-three texts are used in teaching civics. Trow- 
 bridge s " Illinois and the Nation " leads, with 21.7 per cent., 
 while Fiske is a close second, with 18.9 per cent., and Young 
 stands next with 15.4 per cent. 
 
 ECONOMICS 
 
 The term economics, as here used, includes political econ 
 omy. Work is offered in this subject by 38 schools, which is 
 12.7 per cent, of the high schools of Illinois. In 3 per cent, of 
 these it is given in the first year ; in 9 per cent., in the second ; 
 in 12 per cent., in the third ; and in 75 per cent., in the fourth. 
 There are five recitations a week in 97 per cent, of the schools, 
 the remainder having two. Thirty-nine per cent, give half a 
 year to political economy ; 35 per cent, give a little more than 
 half a year from 20 to 25 weeks; while 16 per cent, give a v 
 full year to the subject. This makes the total in hours from 
 50 to 70 in 65 per cent., and from 71 to 80 in 18 per cent. 
 
 Eight different texts are used, the leading ones being 
 Laughlin s and Walker s, each used in 31.3 per cent, of the 
 schools, and Thompson following with 11.4 per cent. 
 
 PHYSICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES 
 
 Most of the secondary schools of Illinois offer both physi 
 cal and biological science in their curricula. All but 2.2 per 
 cent, teach physics, and all but .6 per cent, report biological 
 science. A large number offer both botany and zoology, and 
 the percentages in Table IV. show the prominence given to 
 physiology and physiography. Laboratory courses in physiog 
 raphy are offered in a small number of schools, East Aurora 
 and Joliet township reporting specific data concerning them, 
 
 [103] 
 
28 
 
 while in the latter school a laboratory course in geology is also 
 provided for. Descriptive astronomy is taught in more than 
 26 per cent, of the schools, and text-book psychology is studied 
 in a small percentage. 
 
 Laboratory work while given in most of the sciences in 
 all of the larger schools, is found to be deplorably wanting in 
 many of the smaller ones. Nearly 40 per cent, of the schools 
 make no report of laboratory work either in botany or zoology, 
 and 27 per cent, make no mention of any .in connection with 
 physics. In small percentages demonstration work is reported 
 for each of the sciences, and for about one-fifth there is men 
 tion of laboratory work, but without specification of its amount 
 or the time given to it. Over 20 per cent, of the schools teach 
 ing physiology give laboratory work, but in most cases it is va 
 riable and indefinite. 
 
 By far the larger percentage of schools give botany and 
 zoology in the first and second years, while physics and chem 
 istry are confined even more definitely to the third and fourth 
 years. In 25 per cent, of the 196 schools teaching both physics 
 and chemistry, chemistry precedes physics ; in 17 per cent 
 they are given in the same year ; and in one school they alter 
 nate, each being given but once in two years. In all other 
 cases physics precedes. 
 
 In a very large percentage of the shools physics and chem 
 istry are each given a full year. On the other hand, nearly 80 
 per cent, of the schools offering botany and zoology give them 
 but a half year each. As nearly 40 per cent, of the schools 
 offer no laboratory work in the biological sciences, it is fair to 
 assume that the courses are largely devoted to getting infor 
 mation about plants and animals from text-books. 
 
 PHYSICS 
 
 Physics is almost universally taught in the high schools of 
 Illinois, data concerning the subject having been received from 
 97.4 per cent., or 290, of them. In 49 per cent, of these it is 
 placed in the third year ; in 37 per cent., in the fourth ; and in 
 
 [104] 
 
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 [105] 
 
30 
 
 PERCENTAGES OF THE VARIOUS TEXTS USED IN THE SCIENCES 
 
 PHYSICS 1 
 
 Avery 40.2 
 
 Carhart Chute 18.3 
 
 G.age 10.9 
 
 Wentworth Hill.. . 9.8 
 
 Steele 6.3 
 
 Cooley 4. 
 
 Appleton ............ 2.5 
 
 Baker ............... 1.8 
 
 Hall Bergen ....... i.i 
 
 Shaw ................. 7 
 
 Sharpless Phillips... .7 
 
 Thwing .............. 7 
 
 PHYSICS LABORATORY MANUALS 
 Chute ....................... 60 . 7 Adams ......... 8.6 
 
 Nichols, Smith, and Thurston. 13. Allen .......... 8.6 
 
 Wells 7 
 
 Crew 3 
 
 Everett 3 
 
 Hoadley 3 
 
 Meade 3 
 
 Andrews 4.3 
 
 Stone Shamin.. 4.3 
 
 Remsen 32.2 
 
 Williams 31.6 
 
 Shepherd 18.7 
 
 Storer and Lindlay . 3.8 
 Newell 3.2 
 
 Bergen 51.6 
 
 Gray 31.7 
 
 Coulter 6. 
 
 Atkinson 1.9 
 
 Woods.. 1.9 
 
 Colton 16.8 
 
 Packard 16.2 
 
 Needham 12.7 
 
 Holder 11.8 
 
 Steele 10.6 
 
 Jordan 7.6 
 
 Boyer 
 
 50. 
 
 Blaisdell 20. 
 
 Martin 17.6 
 
 Overton 14.4 
 
 Hutchinson 12.8 
 
 Colton 6.4 
 
 Tracy 6.4 
 
 CHEMISTI^ 
 
 Steele 2.5 
 
 Avery 1.9 
 
 Cooley 1.2 
 
 Freer 1.2 
 
 Shaw 1.2 
 
 BOTANY 
 
 Spalding 1.6 
 
 Bailey 1.2 
 
 Hall 1.2 
 
 Clark 9 
 
 Barnes 3 
 
 ZOOLOGY 
 
 Burnett 6.5 
 
 Orton 6.2 
 
 Davenport 4.4 
 
 Tenney 2. 
 
 Kingsley 1.4 
 
 Boyer 8 
 
 BIOLOGY 
 
 Needham 25. 
 
 PHYSIOLOGY 
 
 Steele 4.8 
 
 Stowell : . . . 3.6 
 
 Walker 3.2 
 
 Brands 2.4 
 
 Huxley 2. 
 
 Macy and Harris ... 1.6 
 
 Graham 6 
 
 Noyes 6 
 
 Richardson ... .6 
 
 Bessey. . . 
 McBride 
 
 Williams 
 
 Nicholson 
 
 Montmsbon and Beau- 
 regard 
 
 Cooper 
 
 Norton. . 
 
 Nicholson 25. 
 
 Cutter 
 
 Dunglison 
 Baldwin. . , 
 Youmans . , 
 Brown 
 Hitchcock. 
 
 1.2 
 
 1.2 
 
 I Concerning interpretation, see p. 4. 
 
 [106] 
 
31 
 
 Young 
 Todd . 
 
 Steele. 
 
 Tarr 34.3 
 
 Davis 31.1 
 
 Houston 10.5 
 
 Eclectic 5.9 
 
 Hinman 3.2 
 
 Redway 4 
 
 LeConte 67.2 
 
 Dana 10.8 
 
 Tarr 6.5 
 
 Roach 
 Buell. 
 
 ASTRONOMY 
 
 63.6 Howe 4.8 
 
 16.8 Bowen 1.2 
 
 8.4 Comstock 1.2 
 
 PHYSIOGRAPHY 
 
 Guyot 2.7 
 
 Warren 2.7 
 
 Monteith 2.2 
 
 Appleton 1.3 
 
 Maury 1.3 
 
 Cornell 9 
 
 GEOLOGY 
 
 Heilprin 4.1 
 
 Andrews 2.1 
 
 Brigham 2.1 
 
 PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 33.3 Halleck 16.6 
 
 16.6 Ladd . . i6 6 
 
 Gillet and Rolfe 1.2 
 
 Holder and Newcomb 1.2 
 Ray 1.2 
 
 Butler 
 
 Frye 
 
 Geike 
 
 Hutchinson 
 Mills.. 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 Rand McNally 4 
 
 Davis 2.1 
 
 Shaler 2.1 
 
 Steele. . .2.1 
 
 Taylor 16.6 
 
 small percentages, in the first and second. Three per cent, of 
 the schools have four recitations a week ; 27 per cent, have 
 five ; and 23 per cent, report five recitations a week, including 
 laboratory work. The remaining 45 per cent, report laboratory 
 work separately, giving it from one to six periods a week, with 
 one to five recitations a week in the text. The most common 
 arrangement is to divide the weekly five days work in physics 
 into two double periods for the laboratory, and into three per 
 iods for text-book recitations, or vice versa. But almost all pos 
 sible combinations of class-room and laboratory work exist, 
 and these are summarized in Table IV., the numbers above the 
 line in each case indicating recitations, and the number below 
 indicating laboratory periods. Where laboratory periods were 
 reported as differing in length from recitation periods they are 
 given separately in the table. For the most part they are 
 double the recitation period if they differ at all. 
 
 In 3 per cent, of the schools only half a year, 16 to 19 
 weeks, is devoted to physics ; but 88 per cent, give it 34 to 40 
 weeks a full year ; and a few give it more than a year, one 
 
 [107] 
 
32 
 
 school, 84 weeks. The total time is, for 27 per cent., from 80 
 to 120 hours, and for 40 per cent., from 121 to 160 hours. Table 
 IV. gives full data for smaller percentages. 
 
 Seventeen different texts are used in physics, and six dif 
 ferent laboratory manuals are reported. Avery is the most 
 common text, used in 40.2 per cent, of the schools ; Carhart 
 and Chute follow with 18.3 per cent. ; and Gage, with 10.9 per 
 cent., ranks third. Chute s manual leads, and Nichols, Smith 
 and Thurston s stands second. 
 
 CHEMISTRY 
 
 Just one-half of the Illinois schools, 149, offer chem 
 istry. One-third of these give it in the third year ; 58 per 
 cent., in the fourth ; 3 per cent., in the second ; and 4 per cent, 
 through the third year and a part of the fourth. Fifteen per 
 cent, make no mention of laboratory work ; and in 19 per 
 cent, the five recitations a week reported, include it. As in 
 physics, two per cent, report five periods a week, stating that a 
 part of the time is given to demonstration work. Most of the 
 58 per cent, making specific reports on laboratory work assign 
 three periods a week to it, with two for recitations, or vice versa. 
 The length of the periods is about the same as for physics, ex 
 cept that a somewhat larger percentage give double laboratory 
 periods. 
 
 Twenty-seven per cent, of the schools teaching chemistry 
 give less than a year to it. Of these, 15 per cent, give it from 
 16 to 19 weeks a half year ; 3 per cent., 9 to 15 weeks ; and 
 9 per cent., from 20 to 25 weeks. Sixty-eight per cent, give 
 a full year to the subject, and one school gives it two full years. 
 The total number ot hours thus varies from 40 to 400, but in 
 18 per cent, the range is from 80 to 120, and in 38 per cent., 
 from 121 to 160. 
 
 Thirteen texts are used in chemistry. Remsen leads, with 
 32.2 per cent. ; Williams is a close second, with 31.6 per cent.; 
 and Shepard third, with 18.7 per cent. 
 
 [108] 
 
33 
 
 BOTANY 
 
 Botany is included in the curricula of 94.4 per cent, of our 
 high schools, 281 of them by number. In 22 per cent, of these 
 it is offered in the first year ; in 52 per cent., in the second ; in 
 16 per cent., in the third ; and in 4 per cent., in the fourth. In 
 a few cases it is given in parts of two years, as may be seen in 
 full by reference to the table. Thirty-eight per cent, report 
 without reference to laboratory work, and demonstration work 
 is reported from 1 per cent. Separate laboratory periods are 
 reported from 42 per cent., 20 per cent, of these having two 
 periods a week, and 9 per cent, having three. These periods 
 are, for the most part, of the same length as recitation periods, 
 but in a few schools they are twice as long. 
 
 Seventy-three per cent, of the schools give from 16 to 19 
 weeks, a half year, to botany, and 12 per cent, give it a full 
 year. From 9 to 15 weeks are given by a small percentage, 
 making a minimum of 26 in the total number of hours given 
 the subject ; 27 per cent., give it from 50 to 60 hours, and 41 
 per cent, give it from 80 to 120 hours. 
 
 Thirteen texts are used in botany, Bergen in 50.6 per cent, 
 of the schools, and Gray in 31.7 per cent. 
 
 ZOOLOGY 
 
 Zoology is not so frequently found in the high schools as is 
 botany, being taught in but 263, or 88.3 per cent, of them. In 
 15 per cent, of these it is given in the first year ; in 54 per cent., 
 in the second ; in 16 per cent, in the third, and in 5 per cent, in 
 the fourth. The number and length of recitations in zoology, 
 as also the total time given it, are approximately the same as 
 for botany. In many schools the subjects receive an equal time 
 allotment, a half year being given to botany in 73 per cent, of 
 them, and to zoology in 74 per cent. 
 
 Sixteen texts are used in zoology. Colton is the most pop 
 ular, being used in 16.8 per cent.; but Packard closely follows 
 with 16.2 per cent. Needham is used in 12. 7 per cent, of them; 
 Holder, in 11.8 ; and Steele in 10 per cent. 
 
 [109] 
 
34 
 
 BIOLOGY 
 
 Biology, as such, is taught in but 2.6 per cent., or 8, of the 
 schools. Of these, 43 per cent, give it in the first year, and 
 the remainder in the second. One school reporting four reci 
 tations a week makes no reference to laboratory work, and 
 the same is true of three schools in which there are five recita 
 tions a week. In the remaining number, from one to five peri 
 ods a week are devoted to laboratory work, these periods being 
 of the same length of recitations 40 minutes in 50 per cent, of 
 the schools and 45 minutes in 25 per cent. Boyer s Biology is 
 used in 50 per cent, of the schools, and Needham and Nichols 
 each in 25 per cent. 
 
 PHYSIOLOGY 
 
 Physiology is taught in 255 of the high schools, which is 
 85.6 per cent, of them. In 80 per cent, of these it is given in 
 the first year and in 11 per cent, in the second, while 3 per cent, 
 give it in the third, and 3 per cent, in the fourth. Seventeen 
 per cent, give four recitations a week and 77 per cent, give five, 
 while 13 per cent, more give five periods, specifying that this 
 includes laboratory work. While 15 per cent, report the latter 
 as done separately, so few schools specify the amount that the 
 slight information in hand on this point has not been tabulated. 
 Seventeen per cent, of the schools give physiology from 9 to 15 
 weeks ; 53 per cent, give it from 16 to 19 weeks or one half year; 
 16 per cent, give it 20 to 33 weeks ; 11 per cent, 33 to 40 weeks; 
 and 1 per cent., 50 weeks. The total number of hours thus 
 ranges from 30 to 180, but in 60 per cent, of the schools, lies 
 between 40 and 70. Recitations vary from 15 minutes to 90, 
 46 per cent, giving a 40-minute period and 22 per cent, one of 
 45 minutes. 
 
 Eighteen texts are used in physiology, but a large percent 
 age of the schools use either Blaisdell, (20 per cent.), Martin, 
 (17.6 per cent.), Overton (14.4 per cent.), or Hutchinson (12.8 
 per cent.). 
 
 [1 10] 
 
35 
 
 ASTRONOMY 
 
 Astronomy is taught by 79, 26.5 per cent., of the Illinois 
 high schools. In 82 per cent, of these it is given in the fourth 
 year, and in the remainder in the third. Eighty-one per cent, 
 have five recitations a week, the other 19 per cent, have four. 
 Thirteen per cent, of the courses cover from 16 to 19 weeks ; 
 69 per cent., 20 to to 25 weeks ; and 6 per cent., 26 to 37 weeks 
 a full year. The total time in hours is, for 55 per cent., 40 to 
 60 ; for 31 per cent, 70 to 100 ; for 3 per cent., 101 to 120 ; and 
 for 1 per cent., the maximum period of 280 hours. 
 
 Nine texts are used in Astronomy, Young being in the 
 lead, with 63.6 per cent, of the schools, and Todd following 
 with 16.8 per cent. 
 
 PHYSIOGRAPHY 
 
 Physiography, embracing physical geography and, in a few 
 cases, the physical aspects of geography as given in topo 
 graphical geographies, is offered in 76.6 per cent, of the second 
 ary schools, 228 by number. It is given in the first year in 61 
 per cent, of the schools ; in the second in 17 per cent. ; in the 
 third in 12 per cent. ; and in the fourth in 8 per cent. Five 
 recitations a week is the rule, 89 per cent, of the schools hav 
 ing this number. There are four a week in 8 per cent, while a 
 small number have two or three each week. The subject is 
 given from 9 to 15 weeks in 4 per cent, of the schools ; from 16 
 to 19, in 18 per cent.; from 20 to 25, in 49 per cent. ; from 26 to 
 40, in 26 per cent. ; and from 41 to 50, in 4 per cent. The total 
 number of hours spent in astronomy varies from 41 to 60 in 41 
 per cent, of the schools ; from 61 to 80 in 28 per cent. ; and 
 from 81 to 120 in 20 per cent. 
 
 Of the eighteen texts used in physiography, Tarr is most 
 generally used, occurring in 34.3 per cent, Davis following 
 with 31.1 per cent. 
 
 GEOLOGY 
 
 Geology is taught in 16.4 per cent, of the schools, 49 of 
 them. In 6 per cent, of these it is given in the first year ; in 
 
 [in] 
 
36 
 
 17 per cent., in the second ; in 19 per cent., in the third ; and 
 in 56 per cent., in the fourth. Sixty-five per cent, of these 
 schools have five recitations a week, 28 per cent, have four, 4 
 per cent, have three, and 2 per cent, have two. From 9 to 16 
 weeks are devoted to geology in 20 per cent, of the schools, and 
 from 20 to 25 in 75 per cent., while 4 per cent, give it 37 to 40 
 weeks. The total number of hours given ranges from 35 to 60 
 in 74 per cent., and from 61 to 80 in the remainder of the 
 schools. 
 
 Le Conte is the favorite among the nine texts used, being 
 reported from 67.2 per cent, of the schools, Dana following 
 with 10.8 per cent, 
 
 PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 All of the 2.6 per cent., or 8, of the schools offering psy 
 chology place it in the fourth year and give it five periods a 
 week. One school gives it but 10 weeks, one gives it 33 weeks, 
 and the remaining number give it from 20 to 25 weeks. The 
 total number of hours devoted to it varies from 40 to 50 in 16 
 per cent, of the schools ; from 61 to 80 in 66 per cent. ; and 
 from 81 to 100 in 16 per cent. 
 
 Five texts are used, Roach being reported in 33.3 per cent, 
 of the schools, and each of the other four in 16.6 per cent, of 
 them. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS 
 
 A number of subjects following are in the schools as a re 
 sponse to demands for utilitarian courses. Including bookkeep 
 ing, what may be termed commercial subjects are offered in 
 over 30 per cent, of the schools. The percentages for most of 
 them are very small. While manual training, stenography and 
 typewriting, mechanical drawing, and pedagogy are here classed 
 as utilitarian subjects, and it is believed that this view of 
 them is responsible for their introduction into most of the 
 schools, the value of each as an educational discipline is by 
 no means to be disregarded. 
 
 [112] 
 
37 
 
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 Commercial Law 1.3 
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38 
 
 PERCENTAGES OF THE VARIOUS TEXTS USED IN THESE BRANCHES 
 
 COMMERCIAL GEOGRAPHY 1 
 Tilden 66.6 Adams 33.3 
 
 COMMERCIAL LAW Music 
 
 Lyons 40. Ginn s Chart 28.4 
 
 Clark. . 20. Normal Music Course 28.4 
 
 Hamilton 20. Golden Glees 14.2 
 
 Hill.. 20. Natural Method 14.2 
 
 Reader 14.2 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 
 
 Johnson ,00. MYTHOLOGY 
 
 Galey 50 . 
 
 DRAWING Dwight 50. 
 
 Pran 49-9 PEDAGOGY 
 
 Thompson 23. Roark SQ 
 
 American System 3.8 white co 
 
 Cross 3.8 
 
 Flanagan 3.8 STENOGRAPHY AND TYPE WRITING 
 
 Heath 3.8 Pitman Howard 40. 
 
 Natural Series 3.8 Pitman Barnes 20. 
 
 Normal Drawing Course 3.8 Dement 20. 
 
 Tracy 3.8 Perrin 20 . 
 
 Free-hand drawing finds growing acceptance in our high 
 schools. Owing both to its value as a mental training and to 
 its utility as an aid to natural science study, drawing has es 
 tablished a valid claim as an essential feature of the secondary 
 curriculum. 
 
 A small number of schools report a review of the common 
 branches during some part of the last year of the high school 
 course. For the most part this is in response to the demand of 
 pupils who wish to teach in the elementary schools after grad 
 uation and desire a special preparation for the teachers exam 
 ination. In consideration of the present arrangement of the 
 subject matter in the curricula of many of our secondary schools, 
 a review of the high school branches in the fourth year is no 
 doubt in many cases a wise provision. The pupil who has had 
 no algebra since his second year is ill prepared for advanced 
 algebra without a review of the elements of the subject. 
 
 i Concerning interpretation, see p. 4. 
 
 [114] 
 
39 
 
 COMMERCIAL GEOGRAPHY AND COMMERCIAL LAW 
 Commercial Geography is taught in 5, or 1.6 per cent, of 
 our high schools, and is given either in the first, second or third 
 year. Courses vary from 15 weeks to 40, most of them rang 
 ing from 20 to 25. The two texts used are Tilden, reported in 
 66.6 per cent, of the schools, and Adams, used in the remain 
 der. 
 
 Commercial law is offered in 1 .3 per cent, of the schools, 4 
 by number, and is given in the third year in 75 per cent, of 
 them and in the fourth year by the remaining 25 per cent. A 
 half year is given to it in 25 per cent, of the schools and a full 
 year by another 25 per cent., while 50 per cent, give it from 20 
 to 25 weeks, or about two thirds of a year. Four texts are used, 
 Lyons leading with 40 per cent. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 
 
 This branch is given in a single school for 25 weeks of the 
 fourth year, recitations of 30 minutes being held five times 
 each week. The text used is Johnson s. 
 
 DRAWING 
 
 Free-hand drawing is given by 80 of the Illinois high 
 schools, which is 26.8 per cent, of them. In 50 per cent, of 
 these it is continued through the four years ; in 14 per cent, it 
 is given for three years ; in 15 per cent., for two ; and in 20 
 per cent., for a single year. In 17 per cent, there is but one 
 recitation a week, while 49 per cent, have two recitations each 
 week, and smaller percentages, respectively, three, four, and 
 five. The time devoted to it varies from 15 to 170 weeks, 25 
 per cent, giving it from 37 to 40 weeks, and 36 per cent, from 
 140 to 160. Recitations vary in length from 15 to 90 minutes, 
 being, however, for the larger percentages either 40 or 45 
 minutes. 
 
 Nine texts or systems are used in drawing, but 73 per cent, 
 of the schools report either Prang or Thompson, Prang leading 
 with 49.9 per cent. 
 
 [115] 
 
40 
 
 Mechanical drawing is given in three schools only, one 
 teaching it in the third year, one in the first and second years, 
 and the other in the first three years. The three schools have 
 respectively one, four, and five recitations a week, and give the 
 subject, respectively, 25, 26, and 120 weeks. No text is re 
 ported. 
 
 ELOCUTION AND FORMAL SPELLING 
 
 Elocution is taught in but 1.3 percent., or 4, of the schools, 
 in the first year in 50 per cent, of them, and for the full four 
 years in the other half. In 33.8 per cent, there is but one reci 
 tation a week, while 66.6 per cent, have two recitations a week. 
 The total number of hours given to the subject is 70 for 33 per 
 cent.; 80 for 33 per cent., and 240 for 33 per cent. 
 
 Formal spelling is reported by 5, which is 1.6 per cent, of 
 the high schools, four years being given to it in 50 per cent, of 
 them, the first three years in 25 per cent., and the first year in 
 25 per cent. There are uniformly five recitations a week, the 
 periods ranging from 10 to 40 minutes. From 16 to 25 weeks 
 are given in 50 per cent, of the schools ; frem 40 to 50 in 25 per 
 cent., and from 120 to 140 in 25 per cent. 
 
 HISTORY OF COMMERCE AND MANUAL TRAINING 
 
 The history of commerce is taught in but three schools, 
 one giving it in the second year and two in the third. Of the 
 two schools reporting additional data, one devotes three recita 
 tions a week to the subject and the other, five. One reports a 
 25 weeks course, the other, one of 40 weeks. 
 
 Manual training has found its way into 9, or 3 per cent., of 
 the high schools of Illinois, 57 per cent, giving it in the first 
 year, 14 per cent, in the first and second years, 14 per cent, in 
 the third and fourth years, and another 14 per cent, giving it 
 for the full four years. In 11 per cent, of the schools there is 
 but one recitation a week ; in 33 per cent, there are two reci 
 tations a week ; in 44 per cent., five ; and in 11 per cent., six. 
 Recitation periods are in most cases 40 or 45 minutes, but 33 
 
 [116] 
 
41 
 
 per cent, of the schools have double periods 80 minutes in 11 
 per cent, of these and 90 minutes for the other 22 per cent. 
 The total number of hours given to manual training ranges 
 from 50 to 60 in 25 per cent.; from 90 to 120 in 36 per cent.; 
 from 180 to 200 in 12 per cent., and from 240 to 320 in 24 per 
 cent. 
 
 Music AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 Music is taught in 3.3 per cent, of the high schools, in 10 
 of them, 80 per cent, of these giving it throughout the four 
 years ; 10 per cent, in the first three years ; and 10 per cent, in 
 the fourth year. The number of recitations a week is one, 
 three, and five, for 25 per cent, each, and two and four each for 
 12 per cent. They vary in length from 15 to 50 minutes, but 
 50 per cent, of the schools have a 30-minute recitation period 
 for music. The total time given to the subject is 40 hours in 
 14 per cent, of the schools ; 80 hours in 14 per cent. ; from 120 
 to 140, in 42 per cent. ; and from 140 to 160, in 28 per cent. 
 Ginn s Chart and the Normal Music Course are each used in 
 28.4 per cent, of the schools, and three other texts or methods 
 are used by smaller percentages. 
 
 Mythology is taught in a single school, 38 weeks of the 
 third year being given to it, with two 45-minute recitation 
 periods each week. Galey and Dwight are the text books used. 
 
 PEDAGOGY AND PHYSICAL CULTURE 
 
 Pedagogy has a place in three schools, in each case in the 
 fourth year. Two schools have five recitations a week and the 
 other but two. One school gives it a half year ; one, 24 weeks ; 
 and the other, a full year. Roark s text is used in one school, 
 White s in another, and the third reports no text. 
 
 Physical Culture is taught in 5 per cent, of the high schools 
 of Illinois, which is 5 of them, and is uniformly given for the 
 full four years, a 50-minute period being allotted to recitations 
 or exercises once a week in 94 per cent., and twice a week in 
 the remainder. 
 
 [117] 
 
42 
 
 STENOGRAPHY AND TYPEWRITING 
 
 In 3.6 per cent, of the high schools, 11 by number, stenog 
 raphy and typewriting have been introduced, 27 per cent, of 
 these giving it in the second year, 18 per cent, in the second 
 and third years, 9 per cent, in the last three years, and 45 per 
 cent, during the last two. In 72 per cent, of the schools there 
 are five recitations a week ; and two, three, and four are each 
 given by 9 per cent. The total time given to the work is from 
 40 to 60 hours in 28 per cent, of the schools ; from 61 to 70, in 
 42 per cent, ; from 81 to 90, in 14 per cent. ; and from 120 to 
 140 in another 14 per cent. 
 
 The Pitman-Howard system is the most popular, being 
 used in 40 per cent, of the schools. 
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 Reviews in the common branches are reported by 5, or 1.6 
 per cent, of the high schools, and are given in the last year of 
 the course. In most cases they are confined to a half year, but 
 two schools report a full year spent in this work. 
 
 NUMBER OF TEACHERS IN EACH SCHOOL 
 PERCENTAGES OF SCHOOLS EMPLOYING THE VAKIOUS NUMBERS OF TEACHERS 
 
 i 13-8 7 i-3 15 13 22 3 
 
 2 21.8 8 i. 16 3 24 3 
 
 3 3Q- 1 9 i- J 7 3 25 3 
 
 4 12. i 10 3.4 19 6 S 2 3 
 
 5 5-9 12 i. 20 3 40 3 
 
 6 2.7 13 6 21 6 51 3 
 
 In 13.8 per cent, of the high schools but one teacher is re 
 ported. These are the smallest of the schools, and in most 
 cases the course is but three years. Almost 22 per cent, of the 
 schools get along with two teachers, while nearly a third have 
 but three. Less than 6 per cent, have a force of more than ten 
 teachers, and these are all larger city schools, where depart 
 mental organization is complete and efficient. 
 
 While in many of our schools the small number of teach 
 ers suffices to meet the demands, in many others the greatest 
 obstacle to the best results is the shortage in the teaching 
 force. "Only progressive scholars can maintain for many 
 
 [118] 
 
43 
 
 years the mastery of even a single subject, " 1 and the necessity 
 of teaching a diversity of subjects, as well as having from 
 seven to ten hours a day in the class room, as is often the case 
 even in some of our larger high schools, is not conducive to 
 the highest efficiency of the secondary school. 
 
 PREPARATION OF TEACHERS 
 
 Total Number of teachers reporting 1344 
 
 Percentage of Normal graduates 15.6 
 
 Percentage of College graduates 54-4 
 
 Percentage haying attended higher schools, not graduating 17.2 
 
 Percentage who are high gchool graduates only 14.8 
 
 NUMBER OF TEACHERS HOLDING ADVANCED DEGREES 
 Master s 41 Doctor s 1 1 
 
 The fact that 15.6 per cent, of our high school teachers are 
 normal graduates and 54.4 per cent, college graduates, is of lit 
 tle value in measuring their real preparation. The colleges 
 and normal schools represented are of all grades, and the fact 
 that so many of our teachers hold diplomas from them is 
 chiefly significant as indicating a general consensus of opinion 
 with regard to the necessity of special and professional train 
 ing for secondary school teachers. The preparation of 14.8 per 
 cent, of the high school teachers, however, as reported, in 
 cludes no higher training than that given by a high school 
 course. Teachers of this rank are principally confined to the 
 smaller schools. On the other hand, forty-one teachers hold 
 the master s degree and eleven the doctor s, advanced scholar 
 ship finding in the field of secondary education an attractive 
 pedagogical opportunity. 
 
 DATA WITH REFERENCE TO ENROLLMENT 
 
 The total enrollment for the 283 schools reporting on this 
 point is 34,824. Of these, 11773 are boys and 23,051 are girls. 
 The total attendance of seniors is 4,390, the boys numbering 
 1,655 and the girls 2,735. It may be noted as a matter of in 
 terest that while the percentage of boys in the total enroll 
 ment is but 33.8, they constitute 37.5 per cent, of the senior 
 class. 
 
 i Charles W. Eliot. " The Unity of Educational Reform," Ed. Rev. VIII., p. 221 . 
 
 [II9J 
 
44 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 Certain tendencies in the trend of secondary education in 
 Illinois are made apparent by this investigation. Perhaps one 
 of the most important of these is the tendency in the direction 
 of uniformity not the uniformity which characterizes the 
 European secondary school, but that in which the emphasis is 
 laid upon the end to be accomplished rather than upon the 
 means to that end. More and more the school is regarded as 
 an instrument for developing the latent capacities of the pu 
 pil, enabling him to realize the highest educational value of 
 the studies he is able to pursue. The diversity of means nec 
 essarily employed to effect this end is one of the most signifi 
 cant features of our school system, and yet it is in no sense in 
 consistent with the statement that there is a marked tendency 
 towards uniformity. Notwithstanding the manifold diversities 
 of the individual courses of study, over two hundred of the 
 high schools of Illinois are able to send pupils to the State 
 University prepared to take up its freshman work. What the 
 high school does for the pupil is determined by the demands of 
 an industrial society on the one hand and those of the institu 
 tions of higher education on the other, the two being in no 
 sense antagonistic, but rather complementary. How the high 
 school shall accomplish the ends agreed upon is a matter to be 
 determined in each case by the nature of the means locally 
 available. 
 
 The influence of the great educational movements of the 
 last decade notably of the ideals set forth in the classical re 
 ports of the National Educational Association is evident in 
 many of the courses of study in our secondary schools. The 
 effort to secure continuity in a given subject throughout the 
 course ; the introduction of fractional courses into the curricu 
 lum ; the extension of some of the so-called secondary sub 
 jects downward to the grades ; the insistence upon adequate 
 laboratory work in science study ; the broadening and enrich 
 ing of the high school course in every field, thus permitting 
 greater freedom of election on the part of the pupil ; all these 
 
 [120] 
 
45 
 
 features are largely results of the numerous conferences of the 
 ablest educators in America. 
 
 The entrance of advanced scholarship into the field of sec 
 ondary instruction is a fact of far-reaching significance to the 
 progress of the high school. That some broadly trained and 
 highly cultured minds from our colleges and universities are 
 devoting their abilities to the service of the high school is a 
 presage of hopeful advance in this field of education. 
 
 Another tendency, somewhat less marked than the forego 
 ing, which it is believed will bear noteworthy fruit at no dis 
 tant time, expresses itself in the introduction into the high 
 school curriculum of subjects hitherto regarded as college 
 studies. In schools having a sufficiently large corps of instruc 
 tors it is found possible by this means, with some extension of 
 time, to prepare students for second-year college work. The 
 attempt would of course be unwarranted without assurance 
 that the subjects will be as efficiently taught as in the higher 
 institution ; but it is an encouraging fact that a few branches, 
 notably trigonometry, have already been so taught in the sec 
 ondary school. 
 
 The increasing number of township high schools in Illi 
 nois is one of the most gratifying evidences of the popular ap 
 preciation of secondary education. The time does not seem 
 remote when the boy or girl who lives on the farm may ac 
 quire an academic training not inferior to that of the most fa 
 vored city student. 
 
 Perhaps there is no feature of our institutional develop 
 ment during the last decade of greater significance than the 
 rapid evolution of the high school. It marks an epoch in the 
 rise of the common people, and intrenches our democracy be 
 hind an impregnable safeguard a citizenship of intelligence 
 and independent character. Secondary education is not a lux 
 ury. It is a necessity. 
 
 [121] 
 
46 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF DIAGRAMS 
 
 Figures 1-7 show the percentages of schools offering the 
 principal subjects in the curriculum for the various periods of 
 time expressed in hours of sixty minuts. In Fig. 1, beginning 
 with the third column, the curve for algebra shows that 2.4 per 
 cent, of the schools teaching algebra give from 40 to 50 hours 
 to the subject. Following this curve to the column marked 
 161-200, the height of the line indicates that this number of 
 hours is devoted to algebra by 26.6 per cent, of the schools 
 teaching it. In like manner the periods of total time for any 
 any of the subjects may be determined by reference to the 
 proper figure, the height of the curve indicating percentages, 
 and the columns the number of hours. 
 
 Figure 8 represents approximately the total number of 
 hours of sixty minutes offered by all of the high schools of 
 Illinois, taken together, in each of the several groups of the 
 curriculum. These totals express the time that may be taken, 
 and not the time required. In many of the schools some of 
 the subjects are elective. In many schools offering 4 years 
 Latin and requiring 4 years foreign language study, 2 years 
 may be devoted to Latin and 2 to a modern language. The 
 ordinates in the figure express thousands of hours. Thus, the 
 ordinate for mathematics, extending almost to the line marked 
 100, means that approximately 100 thousand hours are offered 
 in the mathematical subjects in the high schools of Illinois. 
 
 In Figure 9 are shown the percentages of schools offering 
 the various subjects of the curriculum. The numbers at the 
 top or bottom of each of the vertical lines indicate percent 
 ages. The line for algebra, extending to the line marked 100, 
 shows that all of the high schools of Illinois offer algebra in 
 their curricula. The ordinate for solid geometry, extending 
 beyond the line marked 60, expresses the fact that approxi 
 mately 63 per cent, of the high schools offer this subject. 
 
 The grouping of subjects in Figures 1-7 is somewhat ar 
 bitrary, determined largely by convenience ; as far as possible, 
 however, related subjects are grouped together. 
 
 [122] 
 
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 [123] 
 
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 [127] 
 
GEOMETRY PLANE 
 
 TRIGONOMETRY 
 ARITHMETIC 
 BOOK KEEPING 
 DESCRIPTIVE GEOMETRY 
 
 ENGLISH 
 
 T^VT/ TT TA.t-4 
 
 GERMAN 
 FRENCH 
 GREEK 
 ANISH 
 
 ENGLISH & ANCIENT ^ "> 
 ENCLISH HISTORY 
 AMERICAN 
 ANCIENT 
 
 MEDIEVAL &.MODEEN 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY 
 
 CHEMISTRY 
 
 GEOLOGY 
 PSYCHOL OC3Y 
 
 COMMERCIAL GfOC. 
 
 COMMERCIAL LAW 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 
 
 FgEE HAMP 
 DRAWIKI G , MECHANICALlL 
 
 ELOCUTION 
 
 FORMAL SPELLING 
 
 MU6>IO 
 MYTMOLOC3Y 
 
 PHYSICAL CULTURE 
 RE: VIEWS 
 
53 
 
 FIG. 1O. 
 
 TABLE SHOWING THE TOTAL NUMBER OF HOURS OF SIXTY MINUTES OFFERED BY 
 ALL THE ILLINOIS HIGH SCHOOLS IN EACH OF THE SEVERAL SUBJECTS 
 
 Algebra 47, 560 
 
 Geometry Plane 33,840 
 
 Geometry Solid 10,960 
 
 Trigonometry 1,010 
 
 Arithmetic 3,54 
 
 Bookkeeping 7.610 
 
 Descriptive Geometry 63 
 
 English Grammar 480 
 
 English Compositton 3i>62O 
 
 Rhetoric 20,860 
 
 English Literature 52,170 
 
 Latin 100,350 
 
 German 27,540 
 
 French 9,400 
 
 Greek 9,120 
 
 Spanish 170 
 
 Swedish 440 
 
 General History 30,410 
 
 English and American History. . 2i<6oo 
 
 Ancient History 95 
 
 Greek and Roman History 10,500 
 
 Medieval and Modern History. . . 670 
 
 French History 140 
 
 Civics 15,200 
 
 Political Economy 2,210 
 
 Physics 38,660 
 
 Chemistry 20,840 
 
 Botany 19,650 
 
 Zoology 19,070 
 
 Biology 690 
 
 Physiology 14,53 
 
 Astronomy 4,740 
 
 Physiography 14,880 
 
 Geology 2,390 
 
 Psychology . , 380 
 
 Commercial Geography 300 
 
 Commercial Law 320 
 
 Constitutional History 45 
 
 Drawing Free-hand 9,630 
 
 Drawing Mechanical 320 
 
 Elocution 350 
 
 Formal Spelling 220 
 
 History of Commerce 260 
 
 Manual Training 1,120 
 
 Music 760 
 
 Mythology 30 
 
 Pedagogy 140 
 
 Physical Culture 420 
 
 Reviews 360 
 
 Stenography and Typewriting... . 480 
 
 [129] 
 
54 
 
 TITLES OF ARTICLES PUBLISHED BY THE CORPS OF INSTRUCTION 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, BETWEEN MAY 6, 1901, AND MAY 15,1902 
 
 PRESIDENT A. S. DRAPER 
 
 " The University s Return to the State," 
 
 Commencement address, University of Minn., jr.ne 6, 1901. The 
 
 Minnesota Daily. 
 "Our State Universities," 
 
 Outlook (Annual), Aug. 3, 1901. 
 " President William McKinley," 
 
 Published by the University of Illinois, Sept. 19, 1901. 
 " The Element of Inspiration in the Schools," 
 
 Regents of the State of New York, Dec. 26, 1901 . 
 " " Educational Tendencies, Desirable and Otherwise," 
 
 Educational Review, May, 1902, 
 " Shall the Use of the Terms College and University be Restricted 
 
 by the State? " 
 
 Educational Review, June, 1902. 
 BAKER, I. O. 
 
 Good Roads and Civilization," 
 
 Proceedings 111. Society of Engineers, 1902 ; also in Eng g News, 
 Feb. 6, 1902; Engineering Record, Feb. 15, 1902, and else 
 where. 
 "Illinois Earth Roads," 
 
 (Read before 111. Corn Growers and Stockmen s Assoc., Jan. 2, 
 1902); Drovers Jour., Jan. 28, 1902; Good Roads, April, 1902. 
 " " Traction on Wagon Roads," 
 
 Engineering News, Mar. 6, 1902. Also in Clay Worker, April, 
 
 1902, and Brick, May, 1902. 
 "Limitations on Road Improvements," 
 
 The Automobile, April, 1902. 
 " Earth Road Construction and Maintenance," 
 
 The Automobile, April. 1902. 
 " Steel Wheelways for Wagon Roads," 
 
 Engineering News, May 8, 1902. 
 BALDWIN, E. C. 
 
 " Ben Johnson s Indebtedness to the Greek Character Sketch," 
 
 Modern Language Notes, Nov., 1901. 
 BEAL, A. C. 
 
 " The Farmer s Flower Garden," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Mar., 1902. 
 " " The Window Garden," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Mar., 1902. 
 
55 
 
 BLAIR, J. C. 
 
 " Spraying for Apple Scab," 
 
 Western Fruit Grower, Feb., 1902. 
 " " Fruit Storage Experiments," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 BLAIR, J. C. AND STUBENRAUCH, A. V. 
 
 "Field Work with Bitter Rot During 1901," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 BRENKE, W. C. 
 
 " An Observational Determination of the Apparent Figure of the Sky," 
 
 Popular Astronomy, June and July, 1901. 
 " " Observations of Nova Persei," 
 
 Popular Astronomy, June and July, 1901. 
 " " The Leonids of 1901," 
 
 Popular Astronomy, Feb., 1902. 
 BROOKS, X. C. 
 
 " The Lamentations of Mary in the Frankfurt Group of Passion Plays," 
 
 Jour, of Germanic Philology, Vol. 3, 1901. 
 BROOKS, S. D. 
 
 " Problems of the Small High School," 
 
 School News, June, 1901. 
 " " Electives in the Small High School," 
 
 School Review, Nov., 1901. 
 " " A Proposed Course of Study for a Small High School," 
 
 School News, Dec., 1901. 
 " " A Suggested Course in Physics for a Small High School," 
 
 New England Jour, of Education, Dec. 26, 1901 ; Jan. 2, 9, and 16, 
 
 1902. 
 " The Functions of the High School of Today," 
 
 Proceedings of N. E. A., 1901. 
 
 " " The Biological Laboratory in the Small High School," 
 
 Jour, of Applied Microscopy, Jan., 1902. 
 
 BROOKS, MORGAN 
 
 " Interior Lighting," 
 
 The Blue Print, pub. by University of Nebraska, 1902. 
 
 BURR1LL, T. J. 
 
 " Some Diseases of Apple Trees and their Fruits," 
 
 Transactions of 111. State Hort. Society, 1901. 
 " Bitter Rot of Apples," 
 
 Transactions 111. State Hort. Society, 1901. 
 CLARK, T. A. 
 
 " Biographies of Lowell, Holmes and Emerson, 
 
 C. M. Parker, Taylorville, 111. 
 "Supplementary Reading for Seventh and Eighth Grades," 
 
 School News, Monthly, 1901-02. 
 
 [130 
 
56 
 
 CLINTON, G. P. 
 
 " Apple Scab, 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp, Station Bull., Dec., 1901. 
 " "Apple Rots in Illinois," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 
 COLVIN, S. S. 
 
 " History Teaching in the First Two Years of the High School," 
 
 Jour, of Pedagogy, Dec., 1901. 
 
 " "The Psychological Necessity of Religion," 
 
 Amer. Jour, of Psychology, Jan., 1902. 
 " " The Common-sense View of Reality," 
 
 Philosophical Review, Mar., 1902. 
 
 DEXTER, E. G. 
 
 " " Ethics and the Weather, " 
 
 International Journ. of Ethics, July, 1901. 
 " Some Conditions Influencing Success at School," 
 
 Science, Aug. 16, 1901. 
 
 " " Freedom in the High School Course," 
 
 Journ. of Pedagogy, Dec., 1901. 
 Reprinted in Review of Education, Mar., 1002. 
 " The Survival of the Fittest in Motor Training," 
 
 Educational Review, Jan., 1902. 
 "A Study of Calms," 
 
 Popular Science Monthly, Apr., 1902. 
 ERF, O. 
 
 " The Efficiency of Different Methods of Cream Separation," 
 
 Rept. 111. State Dairymen s Association, 1902. 
 " "Starters," 
 
 Rept. 111. State Dairymen s Association, 1902. 
 " " Cream Ripening," 
 
 American Cheesemaker, Jan., 1902. 
 FAIRFIELD, G. D. 
 
 Beaumarchais Barbier de Seville, (College Text), 
 Scott, Foresman & Co., April, 1902. 
 
 FOLSOM, J. W. 
 
 " Review of the Collembolan Genus Neelus and Description of N. muri- 
 
 nus n. sp." 
 Psyche, Vol. 9, 1902. 
 " The Identity of the Snow Flea (Achorutes nivicola Fitch)," 
 
 Psyche, Vol. 9, 1902. 
 " " Papers from the Harriman Alaskan Expedition. Apterygota," 
 
 Proceedings Wash. Acad. Science, 1902. 
 FORBES, S. A. 
 
 "Experiments with Insecticides for the San Jose Scale," 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., May, 1902. 
 
 [132] 
 
57 
 
 FRASER, W. J. 
 
 " Individual Differences in the Value of Dairy Cows," 
 
 U. of. I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Nov., 1901. 
 " " Standard Milk and Cream," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Apr., 1902. 
 " " Agriculture in Holland," (six articles), 
 
 Breeders Gazette, Nov., 1901, to Jan., 1902. 
 
 FREDERICK, F. F. 
 
 " Plaster Casts and How They are Made," 
 
 Wm. T. Comstock, Sept., 1901. 
 " The Study of Fine Art in American Colleges and Universities," 
 
 Fortieth Rept. of Nat. Ed. Assoc., 1902. 
 " Nineteenth Century Painting in England, Scotland and America, 
 
 International Art Assoc., Oct., 1901. 
 
 GRINDLEY, H. S., AND SAMMIS, J. L. 
 
 " Nutrition Investigations at the University of Illinois," 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., June, 1901. 
 
 GRINDLEY, H. S., MCCORMACK, H., AND PORTER, H. C. 
 " Experiments on Losses in Cooking Meats," 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Dec., 1901. 
 
 HASSELBRING, H. 
 
 " Canker of Apple Trees," 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., April, 1902. 
 
 KETCHUM, M. S. 
 
 "Steel Frame Mill Buildings," 
 
 Proceed, of 111. Soc. of Eng s and Survey s, 1902. 
 Revised Edition of Pence and Ketchum s Surveying Manual, 
 Engineering News Pub. Co., N. Y. 
 
 KINLEY, I). 
 
 " European Feeling toward the United States," 
 
 Forum, Oct., 1901. 
 " Credit Currency and Population, 
 Journ. Pol. Econ., Dec., 1901. 
 
 KUEHN, A. L. 
 
 Editor of 1902 Proceedings of Illinois Society of Engineers. 
 
 LLOYD, J. W. 
 
 "Spraying for Second Brood of Codling Moth," 
 
 Trans, of 111. State Hort. Society, 1901. 
 " Screens for Protecting Garden Crops," 
 
 Orange Judd Farmer, Jan. n, 1902. 
 ,. " Producing and Marketing Popcorn," 
 
 Orange Judd Farmer, Feb. 8, 1902. 
 
 [133] 
 
58 
 
 " Growing and Marketing Horseradish," 
 Orange Judd Farmer, Feb. 8, 1902. 
 " " Small Fruits for the Northern Half of the State," 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 "Vegetables for a Farmer s Garden in Northern Illinois," 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 "The Farmer s Vegetable Garden," 
 
 Farmer s Voice and National Rural, Mar. 15, 1902. 
 
 LLOYD, J. W., AND STUBENRAUCH, A. V. 
 
 "Directions and Formulas for Spraying." 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 
 OLIVER, E. C. 
 
 " An Automatic Recording Machine," 
 
 American Machinist, Feb. 27, 1902. 
 
 PALMER, A. W. AND DEHN, W. M. 
 " Ueber Primare Arsine," 
 
 Berichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft, Oct., 1901. 
 
 PARR, S. W. 
 
 " The Peroxide Calorimeter as Applied to European Coals and Petro 
 leum," 
 Jour, of Amer. Chemical Society, Feb., 1902. 
 
 RHOADES, L. A. - 
 
 " Die Jungfrau von Orleans, with introductory notes and vocabulary"(Ed). 
 
 Appleton & Co., Nov., 1901. 
 "Special Vocabulary for Schiller s Maria Stuart," 
 
 Heath & Co., Jan., 1902. 
 
 RICKER, N. C. 
 
 "Translation of Professor Wagner s Modern Architecture," 
 
 Brickbuilder, June, July, Aug., 1901. 
 "The Cantilever Arch Truss," 
 Brickbuilder, Feb., 1902. 
 
 SCHMIDT, E. C. 
 
 "The Dynamometer Car and its Uses," 
 
 Proceed, of Pacific Coast R y Club, Nov., 1901. 
 
 SHARP, KATHARINE L. 
 
 " Library Schools on Graduate Basis," 
 
 Assoc. of Collegiate Alumnae Publications, Feb., 1902. 
 
 STUBENRAUCH, A. V. 
 
 " Important Details of Spraying," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., June, 1902. 
 " The Farmer s Fruit Garden," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., Feb., 1902. 
 
 [134] 
 
59 
 
 " Some Spraying Lessons Deduced from the Season of 
 
 Transactions 111. Hort. Soc., 1901. 
 " "The California Home Garden and How to Make It," 
 
 Country Life in America, Jan., 1902. 
 " Articles in Cyclopedia of American Horticulture, 
 
 Vols. III. and IV., 1901 and 1902. 
 
 TALBOT, A. N. 
 
 "The Railway Transition Spiral," 
 
 Engineering News, N. Y., 1901. 
 " " The Proper Construction and Maintenance of Brick Pavements," 
 
 Proceed, of 8th Annual Convention of Amer. Soc. of Municipal 
 
 Improvements, Oct., 1901. 
 " Report of Committee on Paving Brick Specifications and Tests," 
 
 Seventeenth Annual Rept. of 111. Soc. of Engineers and Survey 
 ors, Jan., 1902. 
 " Discussion of Sewage Purification Plants," 
 
 Jour, of Western Soc. of Engineers, April, 1902. 
 " " Valve Resistance in Pumps," 
 
 Jour, of Western Soc. of Engineers, Feb., 1902. 
 " " The Transition Spiral," 
 
 Jour, of Western Soc. of Engineers, Apr., 1902. 
 WHITE, J. M. 
 
 "Architecture of American Country Homes," 
 
 American Kitchen Magazine, Jan. and Feb., 1902. 
 
 [135] 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PUBLICATIONS New Series-Vot. I., No. 7 
 
 of f llmots 
 
 Vol. I JUNE, 1902 No. 
 
 The Genesis of the Grand Remonstrance from 
 Parliament to King Charles I. 
 
 By 
 
 HENRY LAWRENCE SCHOOLCRAFT, Ph. D. 
 
 University of Illinois 
 
THE GENESIS OF THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE FROM 
 PARLIAMENT TO KING CHARLES I 
 
 PART I. 
 TO THE KING 
 
 The authorship of the Grand Remonstrance and the reason 
 for its being written have never been determined. From the 
 time of the English Civil War until the present, writers have 
 differed in their opinions ; Clarendon saw in it nothing but the 
 increased "fury" of the majority in the Commons ; l Disraeli, a 
 move on the part of the Lower House to escape the impending 
 wrath of the King. 2 Not until 1860 did any one appear who 
 knew any more about the subject. In his " Debates on the 
 Grand Remonstrance," John Forster used Sir Simonds D Ewes 
 manuscript Journal of the Long Parliament, and in it speeches 
 till then unsuspected came to light. Forster saw that the Re 
 monstrance was an appeal to the people, but why such an 
 appeal was made he does not suggest. This question was left 
 for Ranke to answer, and he finds the explanation in the 
 troubles caused by parliamentary action on church matters. 
 Just before the recess in September, 1641, the Commons, with 
 out the approval of the Lords or the consent of the King, had 
 changed the established Episcopal service. The Calvinistic 
 communion tables w r ere again introduced, bowing the head at 
 the name of the Savior was forbidden, and the Sabbath of the 
 Scots was ordained in all its severity. The Episcopalians re 
 sented these changes, and Episcopalianism was a power in 
 p]ngland. The excitement produced by them in the country* 
 and even in London, the stronghold of Puritanism, was so in 
 tense that when Parliament reassembled toward the end of 
 October, it was found that the measure had cost the leading 
 
 1 History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars. Oxford, 1896. I. Ft. 2. 396. 
 
 2 Disraeli s Charles the First. II., 293, 297. 
 
 [139] 
 
party some of its ablest members. As the House filled, it 
 seemed likely that Pym and his friends would lose their ma 
 jority. They therefore introduced the Remonstrance to main 
 tain their position. 1 
 
 The theological controversy, however, was not the only 
 source of irritation towards the parliamentary majority. A 
 dispute about the control of the army embittered the situation. 
 The rebellion in Ireland broke out just after the Scotch and 
 English armies had been disbanded, and Parliament was com 
 pelled to put a new army into the field. But the leaders in the 
 Commons felt that they could not place the army under the 
 control of the King, for he might use it, not against Ireland but 
 against the parliamentary opposition in England. They there 
 fore declared that he could either u choose those counselors and 
 ministers as should receive parliamentary approval," or Par 
 liament would control the army. This ultimatum converted 
 the Episcopalians in the House into Royalists, and Pym and 
 his friends thought it necessary to appeal to the nation for sup 
 port. This appeal, both Mr. Gardiner and Mr. Forster think, 
 was made by the Grand Remonstrance. Mr. Gardiner says : 
 " Pym may be fairly regarded as its main author." 2 
 
 The Long Parliament met on the third of November, 1640. 
 In his opening speech, the- King said that the Short Parliament 
 had not granted him money because the members thought that 
 Scotland would become Episcopal without a show of force, and 
 that a grant was, therefore, unnecessary. Now that force had 
 been applied and failed, he was sure, he said, that Parliament 
 would come to his aid. For the present he was willing to 
 waive his personal needs, but expected measures to expel the 
 " rebels. " After this was done he would grant a consideration 
 of grievances. He declared further that the ,200,000 which 
 had been borrowed from London would support the English 
 arrny only until December 1, and that the first duty of Parlia- 
 
 1 Ranke s Works. XVI., 78. 
 
 2 Gardiner s History. X., 54. 
 
 [140] 
 
5 
 
 ment was, therefore, to raise money. 1 This was the belief and 
 policy of the Crown. The attitude of Parliament was soon to 
 be shown. 
 
 For the first few days of the session the course of debate 
 was determined by the petitions presented either by members 
 or by others who had felt the heavy hand of some agent of the 
 Crown. Petitions came from York, Norfolk, Essex, Kent, Som- 
 erset,- in fact from nearly every shire, as did that of Sir Ar 
 thur Capel of Herefordshire, 2 complaining of the " burdens 
 and oppressions of the people in their consciences, liberties, 
 and properties, and especially in the heavy tax of ship- 
 money. " 3 
 
 Though the petitions presented through the members were, 
 in the main, of a general nature, some set forth specific cases. 
 That of Susannah Bastwick, one of the first read, recited that 
 four years previously her husband, a physician, had been 
 brought before the Star Chamber for writing and publishing 
 books attacking the church ; that in his defense. Mr. Bastwick 
 boldly charged the prelates with despising the Scriptures and 
 advancing popery, superstition, and idolatry ; that he had been 
 condemned to pay a fine of five thousand pounds, to be put 
 into the pillory and to lose his ears, 4 and that he had since 
 been kept in close confinement. The punishment of Alexan 
 der Leighton had been even more severe. His offense consist 
 ed in having written, in 1628, " Sion s Plea Against Prelacy, " 
 calling the attention of the members to what he considered 
 some of the worst abuses in the church. He wished to see the 
 ceremony of kneeling at the celebration of the Lord s supper 
 abolished. The laws of the church, he thought, should rest on 
 the authority of the Scriptures and not of the King. He had 
 also called the prelates enemies of God and of the State. In 
 consequence, the Star Chamber had condemned him to the 
 
 1 Rushworth, III., 1279, 1302. Ibid. IV., 2. 
 
 2 Rushworth. IV., 2. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 22. Rush., IV., 21. 
 
 4 Rushworth, I., 55!?. Commons Journal, II., 22, 24. 
 
6 
 
 Fleet for life and had fined him ten thousand pounds ; in addi 
 tion, the High Commission deprived him of his orders and put 
 him in the pillory at Westminster. One ear was cut off, his 
 nose slit, and the letters S. S., "sower of sedition," branded on 
 his face. One week later he was whipped, again put into the 
 pillory, and the other ear was cut off. 
 
 The effect of such petitions on a Puritan House of Com 
 mons can well be imagined. What wonder that the discussion 
 of grievances was preferred to the granting of supplies. Of all 
 the members who spoke during the opening days, only one re 
 ferred to the financial distress of the King, and even he did 
 not advocate immediate action. 1 The other speakers, Sir Ben 
 jamin Rudyard, Mr. Bagshaw, Sir John Culpepper, and Mr. 
 Harbottle Grimston 2 each presented the various grievances of 
 the Kingdom. Differ as they did on what weighed most heav 
 ily on the people, they were one in regard to the source of all 
 past misgovernment. The King s advisers were that source. 
 Later in the struggle between King and Parliament, the au 
 thorship of all arbitrary measures was charged directly to the 
 King, but as yet the King could do no wrong." His counselors 
 were to blame, and the first step of the Commons w r as to se 
 cure their removal from court. A plan of action for this pur 
 pose was prepared by Lord Digby. 3 In his speech, after review 
 ing the grievances of his county, Dorset, he closed thus : " The 
 humors that I understand to have caused all of the desperate 
 maladies of the nation are the ill ministers. To purge them 
 away clearly, they must be first loosened, unsettled and exten 
 uated ; which can no way be effected with a gracious Master 
 
 1 Sir John Holland s speech, Rush., IV., 27. 
 
 2 Rush., IV.. 24, 26, 33, 34. 
 
 3 Rush. IV., 30. Lord Digby s speech was probably on the loth, not on the 
 9th as Rushworth says. Rushworth places the appointment of the committee of 
 twenty-four also on the Qth. The Journals place that on the loth. The connec 
 tion of the two events seems to justify putting them on the same day. Rushworth 
 seems to be confused as to his dates here, for he places Mr. Crew s vindication on 
 the 9th, while in the Journals it comes on the 7th. The petition for Northumber 
 land is found in Rushworth on the gth, in the Journals on the loth. 
 
 [I42J 
 
but by duly representing them unworthy of his protection. 
 And this leadeth me to my motion, which is, that a select com 
 mittee may be appointed to draw out of all that hath here been 
 presented such a Remonstrance as may be a faithful and lively 
 representation to his majesty of the deplorable state of the 
 Kingdom, and such as may happily discover unto his clear and 
 excellent judgment the pernicious authors of it. And that 
 this Remonstrance being drawn, we may with all speed, repair 
 to the Lords and desire them to join with us in it. " This mo 
 tion, however, was passed only in part. On November 10, a 
 committee of twenty-four was appointed 1 "to frame from what 
 had been or what should be presented to the House, some such 
 way of declaration as may be a faithful presentation to the 
 Commons of the state of the Kingdom, and any other com 
 mittee that should find anything fit for this business should 
 report it to the House, that the House may, if they find cause, 
 recommend it to this committee to be from them presented to 
 the House." There was to be then simply a statement of the 
 condition of the Kingdom. Whether it should assume the form 
 of a Remonstrance, and whether the Lords be asked to unite in 
 its presentation to the King, was undetermined. The powers 
 of the committee were also somewhat circumscribed, since they 
 could receive no matter for the declaration except on approval 
 of the House. 
 
 But the development of the plan was interrupted. From 
 the very first, Irish affairs had taken a prominent place in the 
 consideration of the Commons, and on the third day of the 
 session, November 6, it was decided in the first division that 
 the petitions and complaints from Ireland should be referred to, 
 
 i The commijtee was composed of Lord Digby, Sir John Culpepper, Sir T. Wid- 
 rington, Mr. Seldon, Mr. Pym, Sir P. Hayman, Sir W. Earle, Sir J. Strangeways, Mr. 
 Bagshaw, Mr. Capell, Mr. Perd, Sir T. Harrington, Sir Francis Seymour, Mr. St. 
 John, Sir Robert Harley, Sir M. Fleetwood, Mr. Grimston, Mr. Kerton, Sir J. Clat- 
 worthy, Mr. Pierpoint, Mr. Hampden, Mr. Crew, Mr. Bellassis, Sir B. Rudyard. In 
 omitting the action taken by the Commons, does not Mr. Gardiner omit an important 
 fact? It was the first definite stand taken by the House. The more momentous 
 step on the next day, the accusation of Strafford, tends to obscure its importance. 
 
 [143] 
 
8 
 
 a committee of the whole House. 1 In the course of the debate 
 Straff ord s government in Ireland was criticised, and his friends 
 in Parliament believed that the deliberations of the commit 
 tee would result in his impeachment. Accordingly they wrote 
 him, at the head of the army in Yorkshire, of the action of the 
 Commons. " If, " said his informers, " you come to London, it 
 would be well to ward off the intended blow by a counter at 
 tack" by demanding the impeachment of those members of 
 both Houses who w^ere privy to the Scotch invasion. Acting 
 on this advice, Strafford resolved to go to London and accuse 
 his accusers. He arrived on the evening of the 9th, 3 but on 
 the 10th, the day of the appointment of the committee of 
 twenty-four, he did nothing, possibly because Charles would 
 not give his consent, thinking that it might prevent an imme 
 diate grant of money. On the next day the Commons had in 
 some way heard of his plan, but their action did not depend 
 upon the consent of a wayward King, and Pym appeared in the 
 Upper House and accused the Earl of high treason. He was 
 placed under arrest, the Commons promising to present the 
 formal charges at a later date. 3 
 
 Other matters of importance were pressing on the Com 
 mons. A Scotch army was in England, and if a permanent 
 treaty were made with it, the King would be free to oppose re 
 forms. But reforms were necessary if English subjects were 
 to be free from the arbitrary measures of an absolute mon 
 archy. The Commons, therefore, were in no hurry to see the 
 Scots recross the border, but did not intend to let the English 
 army go to pieces for want of pay. 
 
 On the 9th a committee was appointed for the purpose of 
 inquiring into the condition of the Catholics. It immediately 
 began its work, and on the llth Mr. Newton and Mr. Gray tes 
 tified before it that by order of Secretary Windebank one (lood- 
 man, a priest, and two Jesuits, Fisher and Reynolds, had been 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 21. 
 
 2 Baillie, I., 272. 
 
 3 Rush., VIII., i. Commons Journal, II., 21. 
 
 [144] 
 
discharged from the Gatehouse, and that one Mosse.also a Jes- 
 uite, had been discharged from the Newgate. On the next day 
 the keepers of the prisons corroborated the statements. The 
 under sheriff for the county of Southampton testified that 
 although he had been ordered by the King to seize the lands 
 and goods of convicted recusants, Secretary Windebank had 
 countermanded the order, and had placed him under bond of 
 one hundred pounds not to prosecute. Moreover, he had been 
 offered thirty pounds not to appear in the House. Such testi 
 mony aroused the indignation of the Puritan members. J-ust 
 at this time, too, November 21, one of the members, Mr. Hay- 
 wood, while on his way to Westminister with a list of Papists 
 in his possession, was stabbed by a Roman Catholic. The 
 wound was not dangerous, but the attempt was enough ser 
 iously to alarm the House. The whole Catholic question was 
 now sure to receive a careful investigation. 1 
 
 Meantime the committee of twenty-four, appointed Nov 
 ember 10, was not forgotten. During the first few weeks of its 
 existence the activity of the committee was confined to the 
 reception of material for the preparation of a future possible 
 declaration. It was empowered to receive from petitioners all 
 such matters as pertained to the advancement of its business. 2 
 On November 30 the petition of the city of Norwich and the 
 county of Warwick were referred to it. On the 16th of Nov 
 ember two Southampton petitions were referred to it, and on 
 the 25th of November it was authorized to consider a petition 
 from the parishioners of the Church of St. Gregories, in Lon 
 don, concerning injury to their church. Mr. White had re 
 ported from the grand committee for religion that this church 
 which, four years previously had been beautified at a cost of 
 one thousand five hundred pounds, had been almost completely 
 demolished by order of the King and Council. The parishion- 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 46, 27, 33, 34, 37. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 28. Rush., IV., 45. Rushworth is wrong in saying that 
 at its appointment the committee had power to receive material other than direct 
 from the House. 
 
10 
 
 ers could get no satisfaction by petitioning the Council, and the 
 whole matter was, therefore, referred to the committee of 
 twenty-four. 1 
 
 On December 1 the committee for the Catholics was ready 
 to report. Cases were cited of release from two prisons only, 
 the Newgate and the Clink. One Carrell, a secular priest, who 
 had been a prisoner thirty years, was released on the verbal order 
 of Secretary Windebank. A Dominican friar was similarly 
 liberated, and the Secretary threatened Mr. Gray, the appointed 
 prosecutor of the Catholics, that he would " lay him by the 
 heels " if the monk were touched. In all there had been dis 
 charged in one year, sixty-four priests and Jesuits, some few 
 by the |King, others by warrants of the Lords of the Council, 
 but the Secretary was responsible for the most. Of all the dis 
 charges, none had been according to law. In London, and in 
 the county of Middlesex, there had been issued in seven years 
 seventy-four letters of grace staying the prosecution of recus 
 ants and Catholics, and only four thousand and eighty pounds 
 had been levied on recusants in thirteen years. 2 Even in cases 
 where there had been an attempt to carry out the laws, prison 
 ers had been released. These facts made it clear that the laws 
 against the Catholics had not been enforced, though the fault 
 seemed to lie not with the King, but with his Secretary, and 
 doubtless recalled to the minds of the members the words of 
 Lord Digby that " the humors that had caused all the desperate 
 maladies of the nation were ill ministers." At any rate that 
 part of his motion that had failed on the 10th was passed on 
 December 1, for the committee of twenty-four was entrusted 
 with the preparation of a humble Remonstrance to his Majesty, 
 as well as with the Pope s pretended nuncio. 3 
 
 The preparation of the Remonstrance, however, was not 
 allowed to interfere with the immediate adoption of more vigor 
 ous measures. What need of presenting a Remonstrance to the 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 29, 35. Rush., IV., 59. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 41. Rush., IV., 68. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 42. Rush., IV,, 71. 
 
 [146] 
 
11 
 
 King when the Commons could make reforms in a surer way? 
 The bulwarks of royal absolutism were being actually over 
 thrown, or attacks on it were in preparation. The petition pre 
 sented by Mrs. Bastwick at the beginning of the session had 
 secured the release of her husband, and others suffering like 
 punishment for like causes were also released. On December 
 3, Messrs. Bastwick, Burton, and Pryn, appeared in the House 
 and presented their cases. Simply for having had opinions of 
 their own and having dared to express them, it appeared that 
 they had been condemned to fines and imprisonment. A com 
 mittee was appointed to consider their grievances, and to in 
 vestigate the abuses of the Star Chamber and the High Com 
 
 mission. 1 
 
 More vigorous measures were taken. On the same day, 
 December 1, on which the committee was instructed to prepare 
 the Remonstrance, the Secretary was ordered to appear in the 
 House to give an explanation of his conduct. 2 On the 3rd it 
 was determined that the justices of the peace in the places com 
 plained of in the report on the Catholics should secure names 
 of recusants from the church officers in their respective par 
 ishes, and should proceed against them at the next session ac 
 cording to the law. 3 As the Secretary did not appear in an 
 swer to the summons of the House, the order was repeated on 
 the 3rd and 4th. He still ignored the summons, however, and 
 on the 10th it was determined to arrest him and bring him in, 
 but he fled to France before the warrant was served.* 
 
 After the dissolution of the Short Parliament, Convoca 
 tion had remained in session, a condition contrary to all prece 
 dent. In addition, they had voted the supplies for the King 
 that Parliament had refused, and they also changed the canons 
 to conform more nearly to Laud s conception of church doc 
 trine and government. This irregularity came up for discus- 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 44. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 42. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 44. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 44, 45. 48. Rush., IV., 91. 
 
 [147] 
 
12 
 
 sion towards the middle of December. On the 15th it was 
 voted that Convocation had no power to pass canons without 
 the consent of Parliament, and that those passed during the 
 last Convocation were not binding. 1 But the author of treas 
 onable laws must himself be convicted of treason, and there 
 fore a committee was appointed to determine the part played 
 by Laud in the formulation of the new canons, and "in how 
 far he had been an actor in the great design of the subversion 
 of the realm and of the religion. " The same committee was 
 ordered to prepare articles for his impeachment. Two days 
 later, on the 18th, Laud was accused in the House of Lords and 
 placed under arrest. 2 On the 21st the Lord Keeper of the 
 Great Seal, Lord John Finch, was also accused of high treason, 
 and impeached for having forced the judges to deliver an 
 opinion in favor of the legality of ship-money ; and because 
 he had persuaded the King to dissolve the Short Parliament. 
 Like Windebank, he sought safety in flight. 3 
 
 But the Commons were not content with attacking the 
 King s counselors. They wished also to ensure the perpetua 
 tion of constitutional government. Had there not been an in 
 termission of Parliament they believed that the Kingdom 
 would never have suffered so much unjust taxation, and that 
 Puritanism would have had a means of counteracting the Ro 
 manizing tendency in the church. It was intended that such 
 a condition should never occur again, and therefore on Decem 
 ber 24, a bill for annual Parliaments passed the first reading, 
 and six days later, the second. No further action was taken 
 until January 19, when the bill reappeared as one for triennial 
 Parliaments.* On the next day, thus amended, it passed the 
 third reading and was sent up to the House of Lords. 
 
 During January but little new business came up in the 
 Commons, except that four new subsidies were voted and used 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 51. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 52, 54. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 55. Rush., IV., 129. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 58, 60, 70. Rush., IV., 146. 
 
 [148] 
 
13 
 
 as security to borrow money from the city of London for the sup 
 port of the army. Most of the time of the House, however, 
 was spent in preparing the charges against Straff ord and Laud, 
 and in securing evidence against the high Commission and the 
 Star Chamber. 1 Not a little time was spent, too, in the con 
 sideration of petitions, the influence of which on the legisla 
 tion of the Long Parliament has never been duly recognized. 
 At the opening they determined the course of debate and the 
 measures taken, and until well on towards the summer of 1641 
 almost every important action is to be traced to the same 
 source. During December and January not less than seventy 
 petitions were presented. It was in the consideration of two 
 of these that the longest and thus far the most serious de 
 bate of the session arose. A petition signed by some fifteen 
 hundred citizens of London had been presented to the Com 
 mons, desiring the extermination of Episcopacy "roots 
 and branches. " On January 23, several ministers had pre 
 sented a petition, praying for changes in church government. 
 Neither petition was discussed until early in February, when 
 the religious question was raised by the indignation felt at 
 the reprieve of Goodman, a convicted Catholic. 4 On the 8th 
 and the 9th the debate was very warm. The question was nom 
 inally whether or not the two petitions should be referred to 
 the committee of twenty-four. The real question at issue, the 
 first to draw party lines in the House, was whether the Com 
 mons were in favor of the reform or of the overthrow of the 
 English Church. The decision was postponed for future dis 
 cussion. The London petition, however, and that part of the 
 ministers petition and of other petitions of like nature that 
 had been read, were referred to the committee of twenty-four, 
 increased by six for the consideration of this particular busi- 
 
 1 Commons Journal for January. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 49. Rush., IV., 93. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 72, 73. Rush., IV., 152. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 72, 73. Lords Journal, IV., 140, 141, 143, 146, 150. Rush., 
 153. : 55> 157. i5 8 . l6 5- 
 
 [I4Q] 
 
14 
 
 ness 1 . Three days later, February 12, there was referred to the 
 committee of twenty-four as much of the petition of the Mayor 
 and burgesses of Gloucester as would aid in the preparation of 
 the Remonstrance. 2 
 
 For some six weeks nothing was heard of the Remon 
 strance or the committee ; instead, the Commons were contin 
 uing the work of reform. On February 16 the King signed the 
 bill for triennial Parliaments, 3 and periods of absolutism such 
 as England had seen during the personal government of 
 Charles the First were thus made impossible for the future. 
 But this important step was not sufficient to satisfy the House. 
 On March 10th the Commons voted that the " legislative and 
 judicial powers of the Bishops in the House of Lords is a great 
 hindrance to the discharge of their spiritual function, " and 
 should be abolished ; and on the next day it was determined 
 that no judicial position of any kind whatever should be open 
 to the clergy. 4 On February 16, the articles of impeachment 
 against Laud had been sent up to the House of Lords, and 
 three days later the Archbishop had been consigned to the 
 Tower. 5 
 
 During the first three weeks of March the preparation for 
 the trial of Laud s supposed accomplice, Strafford, engaged 
 much of the attention of the Lower House. From the time of 
 his arrest in the preceding November, Pym and his associates 
 on the committee had been accumulating evidence against 
 Strafford, and preparing the formal charges. On January 30 f) 
 the charges had been completed, and on February 25, the Earl 
 had submitted his answers to the Commons. The trial itself 
 began March 22. 7 The proceedings of the first week showed 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 72,73. Lords Journal, IV., 140, 141, 143, 146, 150. Rush., 
 IV., 153, 155, 157, 158, 165. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 83. 
 
 3 Ibid, 87. 
 
 4 Ibid, 101, 102. 
 
 5 Commons Journal, II., 94. Rush., IV., 202. 
 
 6 Ibid. 76,93. Rush., VIII., 22. 
 
 7 Rush., VIII., 101. 
 
15 
 
 that the Lords were not inclined to consider him a traitor. 
 The possibility of acquittal for the man whose life had been 
 devoted to the support of the royal prerogative was enough to 
 awaken the utmost concern in the Commons. At the same 
 time it became known that there was a plot of some sort in 
 the English army. 2 The situation was, therefore, more seri 
 ous than at any time since the opening of Parliament. On 
 April 2, it was ordered that the committee of twenty-four, 
 that was formerly appointed for the Remonstrance of the state 
 of the Kingdom, shall collect the heads of such of the great 
 grievances of the Kingdom as they shall see fit ; and dispose 
 them into the form of a petition and present them to the 
 House ; so to desire the Lords to join with this House in pre 
 senting them to his Majesty for redress. " During the suc 
 ceeding few days the course of the trial was not more favor 
 able ; on the contrary, Strafford seemed to be gaining ground, 4 
 and therefore it was determined that he should be attacked 
 in a surer way. The Commons could themselves become 
 the judges and ask the Lords to concur in their sentence. On 
 the I0th a bill of attainder w r as introduced and passed the first 
 reading, and on the 21st it was finished and carried up to the 
 Lords. 5 
 
 Since the first rumor of an army plot, on April 1st, fear of 
 military intervention had been constantly growing, until the 
 24th, when it had become so great as to exclude all other con 
 siderations. 6 The English army was to be disbanded in hot 
 haste, and the Scots were to be sent home. The tension in the 
 Commons was increased when it was reported on the 28th that 
 there was a plan on foot for Straff ord s escape. 7 Though but 
 
 1 Ibid. 
 
 2 Gardiner s History, IX., 317. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 115. 
 
 4 Rush., VIII., 46 iff. 
 
 5 Commons Journal, II., 125. 
 
 6 Ibid, 123. 
 
 7 Rush., IV., 238. 
 
16 
 
 a rumor, the excitement of the members gave it the value of 
 a demonstrated fact. The Remonstrance and the petition were 
 now all the more imperative, and the committee of twenty- 
 four was ordered to meet on the next day, the 29th, and to 
 bring in the Remonstrance and the petition on the 30th. But 
 there was no report, for the committee was not ready. On the 
 following Monday, the third of May, the worst fears of the 
 Commons were confirmed. Two plans to use the army in be 
 half of the King had been disclosed to some of the leading 
 Puritan members in both Houses, because the leaders of the 
 two parties could not agree. Both plans rested on the dissat 
 isfaction that had arisen in the army because Parliament had 
 seemed to be more considerate of the Scotch than of the En 
 glish soldiers, whose pay was far in arrears. Early in March, 
 too, 10,000 that had been originally intended for the English 
 was given to the Scotch. Some officers of the army, Sir Henry 
 Percy, Colonel Ashburnham, Captain Pollard, and Commissary 
 Wilmot, who were also members of the Commons, were so dis 
 satisfied that they agreed among themselves that in case the 
 bishops should be deprived of their votes in the Upper House, or 
 that the Irish army should be disbanded before the Scotch, or 
 that Parliament should not grant supplies to the King equal to 
 his previous income, they would attempt to secure the army for 
 his support. To their surprise they found that others, Suckling, 
 Goring, and Jermin, had made more violent propositions, for 
 they were in favor of immediate intervention. Goring was to 
 be the virtual commander of the army in place of Northum 
 berland, who wanted to resign. In such a capacity it was 
 thought that he could secure the army for the King. Charles 
 was persuaded by Percy that the latter plan was not feasible, 
 and Goring, thus seeing his expected command of the army 
 vanish in thin air, in disgust revealed the whole matter to 
 Parliament. 1 The conspirators were summoned to the House. 
 In order to secure additional evidence, it was voted that all 
 
 i Verney MSS., Jan. 15. Ibid, March 8. Rush., IV., 255 ; VIII., 735, 
 
17 
 
 soldiers revealing what they knew would be pardoned. But 
 military intervention could not daunt the members of the 
 House of Commons, who, " in the presence of Almighty God 
 promised to defend with their lives, power and estates, the 
 true reformed Protestant Religion, his Majesty s Royal Person, 
 Home and Estate, also the Power and Privileges of Parlia 
 ment, and the lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subject. " 1 If 
 legislative action could do it, they also resolved to prevent a 
 dissolution by force, and a bill to that effect was introduced. 2 
 Never had the demand for the Remonstrance been so great. 
 On the 4th of May there was an order for the committee to 
 be received ; on the 5th the committee for the ministers re 
 monstrance was added to the committee of twenty-four to as 
 sist them in their labors, and they were ordered to bring in 
 the Remonstrance and the petition on the duty they owed to 
 the House. 3 On the next day the tension was not so great, 
 for it was known that the leaders of the army plot had fled. 
 On the 7th the bill to prevent the dissolution of Parliament 
 was passed and taken to the Lords, where there was a prospect 
 of a speedy passage. Two days later the King gave his con 
 sent to Strafford s death, * and with the disappearance of the 
 last serious danger to the House disappeared also for the time 
 being all traces of activity on the part of the committee. The 
 struggle between King and Parliament was to enter a new 
 phase. 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 132. 
 
 2 Ibid, 136. 
 
 3 Ibid, 134, 136. 
 
 4 Rush., IV., 262, 
 
 [153] 
 
18 
 
 PART II. 
 TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 The growth of the constitutional and religious struggle had 
 been thrice reflected in the plans of the House for the commit 
 tee: (1) At the opening of Parliament, the motion for a Re 
 monstrance to the King, was adopted in the form of a declara 
 tion to the House concerning the state of the Kingdom, and a 
 committee of twenty-four was appointed to prepare the 
 declaration. (2) On the first serious consideration of church 
 affairs, the Commons determined to entrust the drafting of a 
 Remonstrance to the Committee, the end of what may be 
 called the essentially religious phase coming in February with 
 the close of the ecclesiastical debates. (3) During the anxiety 
 of Stratford s trial and the army plot, the plan was again re 
 vived. Remonstrance and petition were to be presented to the 
 King by Lords and Commons. Although the plan had passed 
 through these successive stages, the purpose had remained the 
 same ; real grievances were to be redressed by direct appeal to 
 the Sovereign. 
 
 Because of his financial needs, Charles had been compelled 
 to summon Parliament with the expectation of an immediate 
 grant. But what had Parliament done ? The grievances of 
 the people had been discussed, and the victims of the Star 
 Chamber and the High Commission had been released. The 
 King had not been permitted to take part in the negotiations 
 with the Scots, and had been forced to sign two bills, one pro 
 viding for triennial Parliaments, and the other insuring the 
 continuation of the present session at the will of the Com 
 mons. Two members of his council had sought safety in flight, 
 Laud was in prison awaiting trial, and Straff ord was dead. His 
 execution had been the hardest blow the King was called upon 
 to bear. The man whom Charles had trusted most, and whose 
 ideas of government most nearly approached his own, had paid 
 with his life the penalty of faithful service to the crown. Full 
 as he was of the idea of the divine right of Kings, Charles felt 
 
 [154] 
 
19 
 
 that the majority in the Commons were his bitter enemies. 
 After the events of the early part of the session, any compro 
 mise with them was now impossible, and some means must be 
 found by which they could be successfully opposed. 
 
 Soon after Strafford s death it became known that the 
 King intended to visit Scotland. 1 Though seeking a solution 
 of the religious question and continuing their reforms, the 
 Commons were alive to the dangers of such a journey. The in 
 vestigation and revelations of the army plot had shown that 
 the King was ready to use force in his contest with Parliament. 
 It was now feared that the Scotch visit was only a pretext and 
 that the King intended to secure the support of an army. If 
 peace were made with Scotland and the troops sent home, the 
 English army, the existence of which was a constant menace 
 to the House, could be disbanded. Though begun at the open 
 ing of the session, only once, during the excitement of Straf 
 ford s trial, had the negotiations with the Scots been carried 
 on in a vigorous way. At the opening of the session the 
 Scotch army had been the only guarantee against the abrupt 
 dismisssal of Parliament by the King. But the army had 
 served its purpose ; reforms had been introduced and the bill 
 preventing the arbitrary dissolution of the present Parliament 
 had been passed. Peace, however, had not been made because 
 other matters were more urgent. One month remained before 
 the first week in July, the time set for the King s departure, 
 ample time, it was thought, for the ratification of a treaty of 
 peace and for the disbanding of the armies. 2 
 
 At the opening of the session, Parliament had agreed to 
 the terms of the Treaty of Bipon, continuation of the negoti 
 ations, and the payment to the Scots of 850 per day until the 
 completion of the treaty. In January the Scots had submitted 
 their term in twelve articles. In those referring to finance 
 they requested Parliament to grant them 514,000 as part pay- 
 
 1 Calendar of Domestic State Papers, CCCCLXXXXI., 42. 
 
 2 Ibid., CCCCLXXXI., 44. 
 
 [155] 
 
20 
 
 ment of the expenses of the campaign. Parliament did not 
 accede entirely to the request, though in February it had voted 
 them 300,000 by way of " brotherly assistance," and the Scots 
 were satisfied. 1 On May 17, the consideration of the articles 
 of the Scots was again taken up, but the completion of the 
 treaty had to be a work of time. It was necessary that the 
 committees of the two Houses agree separately and jointly, 
 and the articles must then be referred to the respective Houses 
 for ratification or change. After Parliament had completed 
 the articles, they must be submitted to the Scotch commis 
 sioners for approval or reconstruction. Though time was press 
 ing, the negotiations begun May 17 continued until June 22. 
 Even then the treaty had to be referred to the Parliament in 
 Edinburgh for ratification and be returned to London before 
 peace could be considered an accomplished fact. Clearly the 
 two armies would still be in the field at the time of the King s 
 journey, even if money had been at hand, as it was not, to pay 
 all debts. There was due the Scots 120,000 arrears in pay, 
 which sum on May 21 was offered to the Scotch commissioners 
 for the discharge of the army. They replied that they must 
 have in addition part of the 300,000 voted as a " brotherly as 
 sistance. " 3 On the 26th they were granted 80.000 of the 
 sum ; 50,000 was set aside June 12 for the discharge of part of 
 the English army. 4 It was determined that the debt to the 
 counties for the support of the troops should not be paid until 
 the following November, and that all officers from captain up 
 wards should wait for half of their pay until the same time. 5 
 Even then, when the Commons on June 17 considered the state 
 of the finances, it was found that it required 452,000 for the 
 discharge of the armies, and of that sum only 155,000 was in 
 sight. Subsidies enough had been voted to cover the whole, 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 72. Baillie, vol. I., 289. Gardiner, IX., 261. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 157, 170, 175, 180, 182. 
 
 3 C. D. S. P. CCCCLXXX, 53. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 173. 
 
 5 Commons Journal, II., 177. 
 
 [156] 
 
21 
 
 but the money had not come in. 1 To aid in securing it quickly, 
 a graduated poll tax was voted which, it was expected, would 
 produce a large sum within a few days. 2 
 
 But the completion of the treaty and the discharge of the 
 armies were not the only means of providing for the coming 
 crisis ; a reconciliation with the King would remove all danger. 
 On June 24, Pym proposed in ten articles the terms of a policy 
 looking to that end. According to the proposals the King was 
 to consent to the disbanding of the five regiments, and the rest 
 of the army as money should come in ; to postpone his pro 
 posed journey to Scotland until both armies could be sent 
 home ; to remove evil counselors, and to choose in their places 
 only those whom Parliament could trust ; the Catholics in the 
 service of the Queen were to be dismissed, and only those ac 
 ceptable to Parliament to be received ; the Prince and the 
 other children of the King were to be cared for by persons of 
 trust ; no Nuncio was to be permitted in the Kingdom ; the 
 ports and the forts were to be placed in proper hands, and the 
 navy improved ; and committees were to be appointed from 
 both houses to confer from time to time on courses best suited 
 to advance the public good. These proposals show that the 
 time had not come, in the minds of the leaders of the Com 
 mons, when the gulf which divided the two forces in the state 
 could not be bridged. 3 These articles were immediately passed 
 and sent to the House of Lords, and by the evening of the 
 26th, with the exception of a few unimportant matters, they 
 were all passed in that House. On the day of their reception 
 in the Lords, a committee of the Lords had waited upon the 
 King and secured his consent to the first article, and on the 
 26th a second committee expressed the desire of the two 
 Houses that he should postpone his journey to Scotland. The 
 King answered that his promise was given, and referred them 
 to the Scotch commissioners, who replied that the affairs of 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 177. 
 
 2 Ibid. 179; C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXI, 61. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 184. 
 
 [157] 
 
22 
 
 Scotland could wait until August 5th. Parliament asked for 
 the 10th, and the commissioners assented on condition that 
 Parliament would consent to the departure of the King on 
 that date. It replied in the affirmative, and on the 29th the 
 second article was settled. 1 The King was requested to give an 
 answer to the third article on July 9th. On the 12th he replied 
 that he knew no evil counselors and that he did not expect 
 anyone would deter those whom he trusted from giving him 
 advice. 2 This reply destroyed Pym s hope of establishing a 
 cabinet government and with it the possibility of union with 
 the King. The remaining seven articles were never presented 
 for the King s consideration. 
 
 After some discussion, the poll tax had been passed by the 
 Commons on the 19th and sent to the Upper House. 3 On 
 July 1st the Lords had acted favorably, and on the 3rd it was 
 signed by the King. 4 It was thought that the bill would im 
 mediately bring in enough to disband the two armies, and that 
 some money would even be left in the treasury for the com 
 monwealth. 5 A few days were spent in determining the mari 
 ner of collecting, and a few more in the receipt of the first 
 returns. By the 16th it was clear that the tax was not produc 
 ing the income expected, and on the 20th it was clear that the 
 revenue would not suffice to disband the armies before August 
 10th. The parliamentary leaders saw themselves drifting into 
 a position similar to that of one month previous, a position 
 the same with this exception : then a policy of reconciliation 
 was possible ; now it was not, for it had been proposed and 
 failed. Parliament must now seek some other means to gain 
 its ends. If the King was to gain control of one or both of the 
 armies, Parliament must make sure of the people. To accom 
 plish this the committee of twenty-four that had been so long 
 
 1 Lords Journal, IV., 286-295. 
 
 2 Ibid. 306, 310. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 179-192. 
 
 4 Lords Journal, IV., 293-299. 
 
 5 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXI., 64 ; CCCCLXXXI., 72. 
 
 [158] 
 

 dormant was again called into activity. On the 23d of July 
 it was entrusted with the drafting of a Remonstrance con 
 cerning the state of the Kingdom and of the Church. It was 
 to describe the condition of both at the opening of the session, 
 and the acts of Parliament in regard to each, the document to 
 be finished and reported four days later. 1 The Remonstrance 
 thus provided for was to differ in two important particulars 
 from all previous drafts. In the first place it was to report 
 separately on the state of the Kingdom and that of the Church. 
 This distinction had never before been drawn. In the second 
 place, and more remarkable, it was to set forth the condition 
 of the Kingdom at the opening of Parliament and the attempts 
 at reform ; and to compare absolutism with a parliamentary 
 system of government. Surely, if Parliament sincerely desired 
 an amelioration of existing evils, a Remonstrance to the King 
 would have avoided making these contrasts. For a petition 
 would not be more likely to receive the royal sanction if at the 
 same time there were placed before the King the evil results of 
 absolute rule and the blessings of a parliamentary regime. 
 Moreover, there seemed little left of which the Commons could 
 seriously complain. The intermission of Parliaments, which 
 Pym considered to be the fountain of all ills, was prevented by 
 a bill for a session at least once in three years ; the premature 
 dissolution of the present Parliament was prevented by a 
 special act ; Charles had forever surrendered his claim to levy 
 duties without a parliamentary grant ; the Star Chamber and 
 the High Commission had disappeared ; Laud was in prison and 
 Strafford was dead. But the Remonstrance was not meant pri 
 marily for the King. True, it was to be presented to him, but it 
 was hardly expected that it would be graciously received. After 
 he had refused it, it would go to the people, who would see the 
 Commons, the champions of their liberties, opposed by the King? 
 and would thus be won to the support of Parliament in order 
 that, in the contest which the Commons felt to be impending, 
 
 i Commons Journal, II., 221. 
 
 [159] 
 
24 
 
 some provision might be made for the preservation of parlia 
 mentary life and the liberties already won 
 
 Meantime, no stone was left unturned to secure the dis 
 banding of the armies before the King s proposed journey to 
 Scotland. Still, on July 29, the poll tax had yielded only 13,- 
 000. This amount, in addition to the 40,000 loaned by the 
 City of London and the 8,000 subscribed by individual mem 
 bers of the House, would not go far toward paying the 152,000 
 still required for the discharge of the English army, and the 
 53,000 still due the Scots for arrears in pay, to say nothing of 
 the 80,000 promised them as " brotherly assistance." The 
 Scots were, therefore, asked to wait until September for the 
 latter sum, and at the same time entreated to be gone on 
 August 9th, the day before the King s departure. They replied 
 that they would not agree to depart on a certain day, but would 
 leave after the payment of all arrears and the 80,000. In 
 regard to the latter amount, however, they said they owed the 
 northern counties 28,000 and if these counties were willing to 
 be paid by Parliament, that fact would diminish the sum just 
 so much. 2 It was quite certain that the financial obstacles could 
 not be surmounted in time, and it was determined again to ask 
 the King to postpone his journey. 3 At a meeting of the two 
 Houses, the Commons requested the Lords to unite in asking 
 the King to remain in London yet fourteen days. Some idea 
 of the anxiety of Parliament, and their conception of the dan 
 ger that threatened, may be drawn from their resolution to sit 
 on Sunday, the 8th. In the morning, after a six o clock service, 
 a committee of the Lords was appointed to wait upon the King 
 and to present the request for a postponement of his journey. 
 The King promised to reply in the afternoon. In the mean 
 time, Mr. Pym introduced a resolution in the Commons, the 
 object of which was to reconcile the Scotch commissioners to 
 the proposed delay. The Lords agreed to unite with the Com- 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 222, 226, 228, 230. 
 
 2 Lords Journal, IV., 334, 339. 
 
 3 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXII., 94, 95. 
 
 [160] 
 
25 
 
 mons in petitioning the King to send a commissioner to Edin 
 burgh to represent him during his absence, and offered also to 
 send commissioners of their own to the Parliament in Scotland 
 to explain why they had petitioned the King to remain. A 
 committee of the Lords presented the resolutions to the Scotch 
 commissioners. The afternoon brought their answer as well as 
 as that of the King. The Scotch commissioners expected the 
 King to arrive in Scotland at the appointed time, while the 
 King himself agreed to remain until Tuesday to sign the treaty 
 with the Scots. 1 
 
 The treaty had returned from Scotland on August 5th. On 
 the 7th it passed the House of Lords and was sent to the Com 
 mons, but it did not come up for consideration on the 8th, for 
 if the King could be persuaded to stay his journey, the treaty 
 need not be hurried. When his determination became known, 
 however, the matter was immediately pushed. On the morn 
 ing of the 9th it passed its first and second readings. In the 
 afternoon some changes were agreed upon, and it was returned 
 to the other House, where the Lords agreed to the amendments, 
 and submitted them to the Scotch commissioners, whose assent 
 was immediately given, and the treaty was returned to the 
 Commons for their final reading. A little later in the day the 
 Lords sent two messages to the Commons, the one desiring the 
 passage of the treaty on the same afternoon, and the other that 
 unless 220,000, the remainder of the " brotherly assistance, 
 could be secured, the treaty could not be completed. The Com 
 mons replied that they were unable to finish the treaty before 
 the next morning ; "as to the money due the Scots, they were 
 just passing the bill for it." A committee of the Lords waited 
 upon the King and secured his consent to delay a^few hours on 
 
 i Commons Journal, II., 245-247. Lords Journal, IV., 350-353, 
 
 Is not Gardiner wrong in saying that two requests were sent to the King to stay 
 his journey, one on Saturday and the other on the next day? From the very first 
 the Commons intended to act in unison with the Lords. The latter did not inform 
 the Lower House of their concurrence till Sunday morning. Commons Journal, 
 II., 245 ; Gardiner s History, IX., 414-416. 
 
 [161] 
 
26 
 
 the next morning to sign the bills. The treaty passed the final 
 reading in the Commons at the appointed time, and was imme 
 diately sent to the Lords and passed. A little later the King 
 appeared in the Upper House, signed the two bill and went off 
 to Scotland. 1 Before his departure, Parliament had at least 
 secured a a peace with the sister Kingdom, and in so far made 
 more difficult any kind of Scotch intervention in English affairs. 
 
 The work of disbanding the armies was also energetically 
 continued. On the 9,th and 10th it was arranged to pay the 
 Scots all their dues, antrthe commissioners were requested to 
 secure the speedy departure of the troops. Both Houses, too, 
 sent letters to the General of the English army, stating that the 
 treaty was now finished, that the Scots would soon be in full 
 retreat, that the King had consented to the disbanding of the 
 army, and, therefore, Parliament desired that he would send 
 the soldiers home with all possible speed. But for the English 
 army the financial problem had not yet been solved, and on 
 the llth the future income from the poll-tax was offered as 
 security to those members or other persons who should offer to 
 loan money for the " public service of the Kingdom." 2 
 
 Parliament was also provided for the worst. On the day 
 before the King s departure the Commons discussed the means 
 of putting the " Kingdom in a position of defense against all 
 foreign invasions and commotions at home." At a joint meet 
 ing of both Houses on the 14th measures were taken for secur 
 ing the Tower and all the forts in the Kingdom. Trusty per 
 sons were to be placed in charge of the trained bands, and the 
 arms which were taken from them three years previously were 
 to be returned. On the 16th the Commons informed the Lords 
 that they were apprehensive of the magazine at Hull, and on 
 the next day the houses sent a joint letter to the General of 
 the English army saying ; " Hull is a place of great importance 
 (especially by reason of its magazine) upon which ill affected 
 persons may most readily have some design, and, therefore, 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II. ,249. Lords Journal, IV., 256. C. IX S. P..CCCCLXXXI1I. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II. ,248, 251-252. 
 
 [162] 
 
27 
 
 both Houses have determined that your Lordship shall com 
 mand the Mayor of Hull to secure the town committed to his 
 charge, and not to suffer the arms and ammunitions in the mag 
 azine to be disposed of without the order of both houses." On 
 the next day it was ordered that 3,000 of the poll money col 
 lected in the county of Hampshire should be paid to Colonel 
 Goring for repairing the fortress at Portsmouth. The next day 
 brought an order from the Earl of Newport, Constable of the 
 Tower, to stay there with forty trusty men to be paid by the 
 Commons. 1 
 
 In providing for the defense of the realm, the necessity for 
 the support of the people was not forgotten, for on August 2 
 the committee of twenty-four, was ordered to bring in the two 
 Remonstrances. The Remonstrance in two parts had now 
 fallen into two separate Remonstrances. 2 On the next day 
 there was another change equally important. The committee 
 of twenty-four, which had been appointed on the 10th of the 
 previous November, and at different times had played a very 
 important part in the proceedings of the Commons, was sup 
 planted by a new committee of eight, at the head of which 
 was Mr. Pym, whose name was followed by that of Sir John 
 Culpepper, Sir Henry Vane, Mr. Hampden, Mr. Fiennes, Mr. 
 Strode, Sir Walter Earle and Oliver St. John. 3 In the inter 
 val of eight months which had elapsed since the appointment 
 of the old committee, many changes had occurred. Digby and 
 Seymour had been removed to the Upper House. Another, 
 Hay man, was dead. The old committee certainly contained 
 the names of members who opposed the majority on the reli 
 gious question ; others, probably, were not thought worthy of 
 being entrusted with the true reasons for the framing of the 
 Remonstrances. Whatever may have been the reasons for the 
 dissolution of the old committee, the personnel of the new was 
 a sufficient guarantee that the matter was to betaken seriously 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II. ,247, 249,257, 260. Lords Journal, IV., 366,367, 369. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 232. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 234. 
 
 [163] 
 
28 
 
 in hand and, if necessary, pushed to a rapid conclusion. On 
 the 7th, the Saturday before the King s departure, the commit 
 tee on Remonstrances was ordered to meet on the following 
 Monday morning. 1 But there was more delay, as is shown by 
 an order of the Commons, passed on the 12th, which is of very 
 great value in throwing light upon the authorship of the Re 
 monstrance. It has been shown that on August 2 and 3 the 
 committee of twenty-four had been supplanted by a committee 
 of eight ; and that the Remonstrance which at different times 
 had been under consideration since the previous December had 
 fallen into two separate Remonstrances ; one on the state of 
 the Kingdom, the other on the state of the Church. It was 
 now ordered "that Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Mr. Strode, and Sir 
 John Culpepper bring in the Remonstrance on the state of the 
 Kingdom on Saturday morning next ; and Mr. Fiennes and Sir 
 Henry Vane the Remonstrance on the state of the Church at 
 the same time." The Remonstrance on the state of the 
 Kingdom was thus put in the hands of men who had demon, 
 strated in their Parliamentary life that they saw in the per 
 version of the civil government the cause of the disorders of 
 the Kingdom. Pym s whole life was an exposition of his belief 
 in the principle that if civil affairs were rightly managed reli 
 gious affairs would take care of themselves. 3 This conviction 
 compelled him in the opening days of the Long Parliament to 
 seek a remedy for misgovernment in the removal of the Earl 
 of Straff ord. It was this conviction that induced him to pre 
 pare in June the compromise with the King on the basis of a 
 cabinet government ; and it was surely because of the same 
 conviction that he was now found at the head of the commit 
 tee for the state of the Kingdom. Never, with but one excep 
 tion in the Short Parliament, when the representative body 
 had not yet determined on the method of resisting the usurpa 
 tions of the crown, had he ever been prominently connected 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 244. 
 
 2 Ibid. 253. 
 
 3 Rush., III., 1131. 
 
 [164] 
 
29 
 
 with any religious measure. 1 Even in the religious debates in 
 February, when the first parties began to appear in the House, 
 he was comparatively a spectator. Hampden s trial for his re 
 fusal to pay ship money, not any opposition to innovations in 
 the Church, had made him famous. Strode had introduced the 
 bill for annual Parliaments, and Mr. Culpepper s only extant 
 speech previous to this time was directed chiefly against the 
 civil grievances. 2 
 
 The framers of the Remonstrance of the state of the 
 Church were equally confident that in the misgovernment in 
 religious affairs was to be found the cause of internal strife. 
 " Mr. Fiennes had spent some time in Geneva and in the can 
 tons of Switzerland, where he improved his disinclination to 
 the church with whose milk he had been nurtured." 8 Early in 
 December the presentation of the London petition opened the 
 religious question, and on the 14th of December Mr. Fiennes 
 spoke at length, and declared that the canons passed at the last 
 Convocation were "not only contrary to, but destructive of, the 
 principal and fundamental laws of the Kingdom. The authors 
 have assumed unto themselves a Parliamentary power of a 
 very high degree. " They have not only defined the power of 
 the King, the liberty of the subject, and what property he hath 
 in his goods ; " but have also " under great penalties forbid all 
 persons, vicars, curates, etc., to speak in any other way than as 
 they defined ; by which means, having seized upon all the con 
 duits whereby knowledge is conveyed to the people, how easy 
 it would be to undermine the King s prerogative and to sup 
 press the subject s liberty or both." He continued with a dis 
 cussion of the individual canons, and concluded with the mo 
 tion that they be "damned as destructive of the rights of 
 Parliament and the fundamental laws of the Kingdom." 1 Till 
 the momentous debates in February on the committal of the 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 16. 
 
 2 Rush,, IV,, 33. 
 
 3 Clarendon s History, edited by Macray, I., 247. 
 
 4 Rush., IV., 105. 
 
 [165] 
 
30 
 
 London petition to the first committee for the Remonstrance 
 he appears to have taken no important part in the proceedings 
 of the Commons. Then, however, in reply to Lord Digby, he 
 found that "the chief and principal cause of all the evils that 
 they had suffered in State and Church since the Reformation 
 proceeded from that division that had sprung up amongst them 
 about church government and ceremonies." Other causes of 
 disturbance, as Catholicism, "supplemented and worked in 
 harmony with it ; or others, such as the evils that were suffered 
 in civil liberties and right of property proceeded out and acted 
 from it." The "roots of the evil " were not found in the char 
 acter of the dignitaries of the church, but in the form of gov 
 ernment. The ecclesiastical law contained too much civil law. 
 It was contrary not only to the precept and practice of Christ 
 and the Apostles, but was also incompatible with human na 
 ture. " Until the Ecclesiastical Government be framed some 
 thing of another twist, and be more assimilated into that of the 
 commonwealth, I fear that the Ecclesiastical Government will 
 be no good neighbor to the civil but will be still casting off its 
 leaven into it to reduce that also to a sole, absolute and arbi 
 trary way of proceeding. And herein I do not believe that I 
 utter prophecies, but what we have already found and felt. " 1 
 Mr. Fiennes s associate on the committee for the Remon 
 strance on the state of the Church was not satisfied with 
 merely giving the "ecclesiastical government another twist." 
 He favored its total extermination. Sir Henry Vane, jr., had 
 also spent some time in Geneva and "after his return to Eng 
 land contracted a full prejudice and bitterness against the 
 Church, both against the form of government and the liturgy." 3 
 He spent some time in New England, where his religious ideas 
 were certainly not mollified. On his return he was made asso 
 ciate in the office of treasurer of the Navy and elected to the 
 Long Parliament where he furnished the most telling evidence 
 against Strafford, and in company with Cromwell introduced 
 
 1 Rush., IV., 174. 
 
 2 Clarendon s History, I., 247. 
 
 [166] 
 
31 
 
 the bill for the abolition of Episcopacy. 1 Why Episcopacy 
 should be abolished is given in a speech delivered by him at a 
 committee meeting June 12. He first referred to a resolution 
 of the House on the day previous to the effect that the Church 
 government had been found by long experience to be a great 
 impediment to the perfect reformation and growth of religion, 
 and very prejudicial to the State. He said that in his opinion 
 that was enough to decide the question ; "for the end of church 
 government is the advancement of religion, but when it be 
 comes destructive of that end, it should go. Doubly so when 
 it contaminates the laws, the prerogative of the King, and the 
 liberties of the subject. . . . That the whole building 
 (church government) is rotten from the bottom to the top may 
 be seen from a consideration ; first, of the fact that the same 
 principles support the papacy and the Bishops. Secondly, 
 Episcopacy is the result of pride exalting itself in the temple 
 of God first above its fellow presbyters under a form of bishop, 
 then over its Bishops under the title of Archbishop, and then 
 still mounting over those of its own profession till it comes to 
 be Pope, when it sticks not to tread upon the necks of Princes, 
 Kings and Emperors and trample them under foot. Thirdly, let 
 us judge it by its fruits, and let it stand or fall as its influence 
 in Church and State has been good or bad. In the Church it 
 has let in superstition and corruption. Many goodly ministers 
 have been displaced and the most religious of all sorts and con 
 ditions have been banished from the Kingdom. Schism and 
 factions have arisen at home, and the Church has been sepa 
 rated from the reformed Churches abroad, also the prodigious 
 monster of the late canons, whereby they had designed the 
 whole nation to a perpetual slavery and bondage to themselves 
 and their superstitious inventions. The fruits in the State are 
 as great. The countenancing of all illegal projects and pro 
 ceedings by teaching the lawfulness of arbitrary power ; the 
 overthrow of all processes at common law, that reflected never 
 
 i Gardiner, IX., 381. 
 
 [167] 
 
32 
 
 so little upon their courts ; the war between the two nations, 
 and increasing the flame of their councils, canons and subsi 
 dies, and the plots, practices, and combinations during this 
 parliament ; these all are the fruits. You may judge the tree. 
 Let us then not halt between two opinions, but pass this bill 
 we are now upon." 1 
 
 The report shows how sound was the judgment of the Com 
 mons in entrusting Mr. Fiennes and Sir Henry Vane with the 
 preparation of that part of the Remonstrance which concerned 
 church matters. That the members entrusted with the prepar 
 ation of the Remonstrance on the condition of the State were 
 also still at work is proven by the fact that on August 14 the 
 committees for the Remonstrances were ordered to meet on the 
 same afternoon, and bring in these Remonstrances with all con 
 venient speed. 2 It is at this time, too, that Mr. Rushworth 
 writes that many articles of the Remonstrances were discussed 
 in the House of Commons. 3 Perhaps the work of the com 
 mittee was nearing completion. 
 
 On his way to Scotland the King had reviewed the Scotch 
 army, and on September 14th arrived in Edinburgh. 4 Evidently 
 he intended no immediate attack on Parliament, and the relief 
 felt in the Commons was very great. 5 With the passing of the 
 crisis, all indications of the activity of the committees once 
 more disappeared. 
 
 The Commons were uncertain, however, whether it was 
 safe to trust Charles alone in Scotland, and therefore they de- 
 
 1 Rushworth gives no speech of Sir Henry Vane, jr. This speech was found in 
 a volume entitled, "Speeches and Passages of the Great and happy Parliament from 
 the third of Nov. to this instant, June, 1641." 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 257. 
 
 3 Rush, I V., 375. He is wrong, however, when he says (IV 7 ., 273) that from 
 the i8th until the 26th the time of the Commons was taken up in the debates on 
 the Remonstrance and the levying of poll money. Mr. Rushworth was not pre 
 sent in the House at that time. On the iQth he was ordered to York to carry the com 
 mand of Parliament to the Lord General. He did not return until after the 24th. 
 (Commons Journal, II., 265, 269). Gardiner says that the Remonstrance was not 
 discussed until after November i.- History, IX., 41. 
 
 4 Nicholas papers, I., 8. 
 
 5C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXIII.,8i. 
 
 [168] 
 
33 
 
 termined on the day of his departure, to send a commission of 
 their number to Edinburgh. In view of the possibility that the 
 King would not approve the appointment of a commission to 
 watch himself, the Commons determined to appoint it in a way 
 which, while perhaps extra-legal, would yet accomplish their 
 purpose. In the Middle Ages, Kings had issued ordinances, 
 acts which had the force of law without the consent of Par 
 liament, and that weapon was now used against the Crown- 
 On the morning of the 20th, Mr. Pym reported the first Parlia 
 mentary ordinance. The commissioners were authorized to 
 present to Charles from time to time the advice, the counsels 
 and the desires of Parliament. The Lords immediately agreed 
 to the new plan, and the commissioners departed for Scotland 
 with the intention of watching the King. 1 
 
 The work of disbanding the armies had gone on. Soon 
 after the llth, 12,750, the residue of all the money due the 
 Scots, was paid to the commissioners. 2 Before the 20th, the 
 cannon and carriages had been sent away, and on that day the 
 bulk of the army left Newcastle. 3 On August 25 the army 
 crossed the Tweed and, with the excption of four thousand foot 
 and five hundred horse, which were kept under arms in the 
 vicinity of Edinburgh " until all matters were quieted and 
 settled," immediately broke up. After some delay caused by the 
 difficulty of raising money to pay the troops, the English army 
 was also finally "almost quite disbanded " on September 9th. 
 
 As the summer drew to a close the attendance in the Com 
 mons had gradually diminished. The three hundred and 
 twenty-five of February had decreased to two hundred and fifty 
 in July. On August 7th, the day before the Sunday session, 
 the House numbered only one hundred and seventy-eight. By 
 the 13th. that number had diminished to one hundred and 
 thirty-one. The plague and small-pox were raging in West- 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 249, 256. 258-9, 262-3. Lords Journal, IV., 362, 360, 370, 
 372. 
 
 2 Ibid, 252. 
 
 3 C. D. S. P.. CCCCLXXXIL, 78, 79. 
 
 [169] 
 
34 
 
 minster and London, and in the week ending August 26, one 
 hundred and thirty- one people died of the pest and one hun 
 dred and eighteen of the small-pox. The members must have 
 been weary from the exertions and excitement of the session, 
 for as early as August 23 the matter of a recess had been men 
 tioned, and on the 27th at a joint session the Commons pro 
 posed a recess from September 8 to October 20. The Lords 
 agreed to the time of adjournment but wished to prolong the 
 recess till November 1. At another conference the Lower 
 House expressed a desire to reassemble at the earlier date, to 
 which the Lords at once assented. 1 
 
 But the work of the session was not quite finished. On 
 August 17, when the fear of the union of the King and army 
 for an attack on Parliament w r as not quite over, the Commons 
 had proposed to the Lords the disarming of the Recusants. Al 
 though the danger had blown over and the members of Parlia 
 ment felt so safe that they determined to take a six weeks va 
 cation, the matter was not dropped. After some discussion 
 another ordinance was signed by both houses on the 14th: 
 "Because of the King s absence in Scotland and the time of 
 the recess draws near and considering the late troubles in the 
 kingdom that are not yet settled ; in view of the fact that the 
 Popish Recusants have always had and still have and do prac 
 tice most dangerous and pernicious designs against the church 
 and State," 2 throughout England and Wales they were to be 
 deprived of their arms. At a time when all the difficulties of 
 the session seemed to have been surmounted, the armies to 
 have been disbanded and the kingdom to be quiet, Parliament 
 wished to make assurance doubly sure by anticipating a possi 
 ble Catholic uprising. The Puritan leaders in the Lower House 
 felt, too, that the session should not end without their having 
 done something for religion. The previous discussions had 
 shown that Episcopacy could not be abolished ; now only the 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 268, 271, 279 ; Lords Journal, IV., 379, 380 : C. D. S. P., 
 CCCCLXXXIII.,9i. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 261, 274, 278 ; Lords Journal, IV., 384. 
 
 [170] 
 
35 
 
 forms of service were to be altered. On September first Church 
 wardens were ordered to remove Communion tables from the 
 East end of the Church, to take away the rails and to level 
 the Chancel as they were before the late innovations. All 
 crucifixes, scandalous pictures of any one or more persons of 
 the Trinity, and all images of the Virgin Mary were to be taken 
 away and abolished ; and all tapers, candlesticks and basons to 
 be removed from the Communion table. All corporeal bowing 
 at the name of Jesus, or towards the East end of the Church, 
 was to be henceforth foreborn. 1 Thus far the House had been 
 unanimous, but on the question of the alteration of the Com 
 mon Prayer there was " a very hot debate." Mr. Hyde and 
 others spoke very much in opposition to the motion, desiring 
 that the Common Prayer might be continued as it was without 
 alteration and be observed with reverence. 2 On September 6 
 the question was again up, and the party of Hyde and Falkland 
 was victorious, for the addition to the Common Prayer was 
 dropped. 3 Two days later the Lords agreed to some of the res 
 olutions of the Commons, but " as to the bowing at the name 
 of Jesus it shall not be enjoined or prohibited to any man." 
 Conservatism was in full swing in the Upper House, for on the 
 next day they opposed changes of any kind, voting that divine 
 service should be performed " as it is appointed by the Acts of 
 Parliament. All who disturb that wholesome order shall be 
 punished according to the law." The resolution was ordered 
 to be published, from which, and not in the usual way, the 
 Lower House was to learn of the action of the Upper/ The 
 Commons, however, were not to be out done, for they voted to 
 publish their order with that of the Lords added, and with the 
 statement that it passed at a time when eleven was a majority 
 in the Upper House. It was hoped that when the Houses 
 again met the resolution of the Commons would pass in the 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 278. 279. 
 
 2 Rush., IV., 385. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II. , 280, 281. 
 
 4 Lords Journal, IV., 292, 295. 
 
 [170 
 
36 
 
 other House. In the meantime the intended changes should 
 be introduced " without any disturbance of the worship of God 
 or the peace of the Kingdom." 1 The recess began with a Par 
 liament divided against itself. Not only had the two Houses 
 taken an opposite stand on a question that was sure to bring 
 strife, but in the Lower House, where above all unanimity was 
 necessary if the Constitutional reforms were to become perma 
 nent, the lines of division were drawn more sharply than ever 
 before. Well might the King think, if he could quiet the oppo 
 sition in Scotland, that he would yet be supreme in England. 
 
 Charles evidently knew the part he had to play, for in his 
 address to the Scotch Parliament, August 17th, he assured the 
 members that love for his native country had brought him to 
 Scotland, and that his first act would be to give satisfaction in 
 all civil and religious matters. 2 His acts, too, conformed to his 
 words, for he took such a lively interest in worshiping accord 
 ing to the forms of the Scotch church that Sir Henry Vane 
 believed that " by the next spring he would be found in such a 
 posture with his subjects, that he would be useful to his friends 
 abroad and the comfort of all the Reformed Churches." 3 Sid 
 ney Bere wrote from Edinburgh : " Yesterday his Majesty w r as 
 again at the great hall at sermon, where the bishops were not 
 spared but such downright language [used]* as would a year 
 ago [have] 4 been at the least a Star Chamber business ; imply 
 ing all that was amiss to ill counselors ; and so ingratiated his 
 Majesty with his people who indeed show a zeal and affection 
 beyond expression." 5 Such unanimity was not long to last. 
 Under the leadership of the Duke of Argyle, Parliament pro 
 posed the policy which Pym had some months earlier formu 
 lated in the English Commons a government in which the 
 highest officers of the Crown would be chosen by Parliament. 6 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 286. 
 
 2 Rush., IV., 382. 
 
 3 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXYXIIL, 81. 
 
 4 Not in the manuscript but in the C. D. S. P. 
 
 5 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXIII., 104. 
 
 6 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXIII., 96. 
 
37 
 
 Through Hamilton, who had accompanied the King to Scotland, 
 Argyle secured the consent of the King to such a program. In 
 the future he would choose only those officers who were ap 
 proved by Parliament. He seemed to think, however, that in 
 some mysterious way he still had a voice in the choice of men, 
 for though willing to give Argyle or any one of his friends the 
 choice between the treasurership or chancelorship, he expected 
 to dispose of the others as he wished. His candidate was Lord 
 Morton, an opponent to Parliament and a staunch supporter of 
 the King. But Parliament exercised its newly granted privi 
 lege and opposed Morton because he was not u free in his for 
 tune and dependence," 1 and Lord Morton withdrew his name. 
 The King felt himself humiliated and the nobility was angry. 
 Lord Almond, a hot headed Scotchman, was then nominated 
 for the treasurership by the King. Parliament opposed him as 
 much as they had opposed Morton. Almond said he would not 
 " quit the King s honor done him, as long as he had any blood 
 in his veins, for any man s pleasure whatsoever." 2 After sev 
 eral days discussion, in which party feeling ran very high, the 
 King asked Almond also to withdraw his name. It was no 
 wonder that in a country where the sword had long been the 
 ultimate arbiter in cases of dispute, and where the custom had 
 not yet wholly died out, there should have been some plan 
 formed to dispose of Argyle and Hamilton. At any rate it came 
 to their ears that such a plan was to be executed on October 13 
 by the Earl of Crawford, Lord Almond, and Colonel Cochran. 
 The threatened Lords fled to the country, and Parliament began 
 an investigation of the plot, 3 of which the King seemed to have 
 been not entirely ignorant. 
 
 The committee sent by the English Parliament to report 
 the conduct of the King had followed the course of events with 
 much suspense. An account of the plot against Argyle and 
 Hamilton was immediately sent to the Committee of the Com- 
 
 1 Webb to Nicholas, Sept. 21. Nicholas Papers, I., 48. 
 
 2 Webb to Nicholas, Sept. 27. Nicholas Papers, 1., 51. 
 
 3 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXIV., 77. 
 
 [1731 
 
38 
 
 mons which had been appointed to sit and transact business 
 during the recess. For them it was enough to know that there 
 was to have been an attempt on the lives of the Scotch Parlia 
 mentary leaders, that the leader of the plot was a Catholic, 
 and that the King had not been ignorant of the design. They 
 at once concluded that " there might be some correspondence 
 with the Catholic party in England," and that conviction was 
 so strong as to induce them, immediately on the arrival of the 
 information, October 19, to cause the Mayor of London to place 
 guards at different points in the city. 1 When Parliament as 
 sembled on the next day, so strong was the conviction that de 
 fensive measures must be taken that the report of the commit 
 tee appointed to conduct the affairs of the Lower House during 
 the adjournment was hurried through because of "the great 
 importance of the business first to be considered of this day 
 touching the troubles in Scotland." 2 A committee appointed 
 to devise means for the defense of the Kingdom reported a res 
 olution which was at once adopted by the House. "When 
 there was a design, somewhat of the same nature, in the King 
 dom to seduce the King away, to interrupt the Parliament 
 here, there was the like design at that time in Scotland. The 
 principal party named in that design in Scotland, is a person 
 suspected to be popishly affected ; and therefore may have cor 
 respondency with the like party here. It hath been published 
 here lately that some things were do be done there in Scotland 
 before it broke out here. Therefore we may suspect some cor 
 respondency here. Upon these grounds we propound that a 
 strong guard be kept in the city of Westminster and London, 
 and that care be taken in the future for the defense of the 
 whole Kingdom." 3 At a joint session on the next day the Lords 
 assented to the resolutions of the Commons, and Parliament 
 determined also to send a letter to its Committee in Scotland. 4 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 20,0. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 289. 
 
 3 Lords Journal, IV., 399. 
 
 4 Lords Journal, IV., 400. 
 
 [174] 
 
39 
 
 The members of the committee were to be informed that " Par 
 liament holds it to be a matter of great importance to this 
 Kingdom that the Religion, Liberty and Peace of Scotland be 
 preserved, and therefore they have resolved to employ their 
 humble and faithful advice to his Majesty, the power and auth 
 ority of Parliament and of this Kingdom for the suppressing of 
 all such as by any conspiracy, practice or other attempts shall 
 endeavor to disturb the peace of Scotland and to infringe the 
 articles," and the committee was ordered to present the resolu 
 tion to the King. 1 
 
 Distant as was the scene of action and futile as the plan 
 had been, the English Parliament thought they saw in the con 
 spiracy of a few discomfited Scotchmen a danger to represent 
 ative government. In no uncertain way had the Commons 
 spoken as to their course of action at such a time. The Lower 
 House felt itself to represent the people, and to them it would 
 appeal. On the twenty-fifth it was ordered that the Declara 
 tion on the State of the Kingdom should be presented to the 
 House on Friday next, the twenty-ninth. 2 At the appointed 
 time the Remonstrance was evidently not ready, for there was 
 another order to meet the next day and to bring in the Declara 
 tion on the following Monday. 3 The two Remonstrances of 
 August are united in the one declaration of October as an ex 
 amination of the text will show. In that part of the Remons 
 trance setting forth the grievances of the Kingdom in the in 
 terval between the Short Parliament and the Long, the evils in 
 state and church are not grouped under these respective heads ; 
 nor do the paragraphs on the two subjects succeed each other 
 chronologically. In short there is no division either in time or 
 
 1 Lords Journal, IV., 400. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 298. Mr. Gardiner first introduced the Remonstrance 
 on October 29, 1641. It was in connection with the insult which the Commons felt 
 that they had received i-n the appointment by the King of the new Bishops, two of 
 whom had been impeached by the Commons for the part they had taken in drafting 
 the new canons. Gardiner s History, IX., 41. But on the 25th it was resolved that 
 the Remonstrance should be presented to the House. Commons Journal, II., 294. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 298. 
 
 [1751 
 
40 
 
 matter. Paragraphs seventy-nine to eighty-four inclusive are 
 on the State, eighty-three and eighty-four treating of the finan 
 cial embarrassment of the government and the attempt through 
 the aldermen to force a loan from the city of London. Para 
 graphs eighty-five to ninety-four are given exclusively to the 
 Church. Paragraph ninety-five treats of civil affairs again, but 
 it is surprising that it is the financial embarrassment of the 
 government and again a compulsory loan, this time however 
 from the officers and servants of the King. If this part of the 
 Remonstrance be read, omitting paragraphs eighty-five to 
 ninety-four, on religion, there is no break. The State document 
 appears to have opened in the midst of its treatment of the 
 financial condition and admitted a statement on the condition 
 of the Church. 1 
 
 There is other evidence to the same effect. In regard to 
 the poll money, paragraph one hundred and eleven of the Re 
 monstrance reads : " Six subsidies have been granted and a bill 
 of poll money which if it be duly levied may equal six subsi 
 dies more, in all six hundred thousand pounds." The poll bill 
 " may equal " three hundred thousand pounds. The statement 
 " if it be duly levied " shows that it was written at a time when 
 there was some question whether or not it would be duly lev 
 ied ; and the words " may equal six subsidies more " show also 
 that that sum was expected from the tax. That part of the 
 Remonstrance was therefore written at a time when it was 
 clear that the management of the collection was poor, when 
 the expectation that a million 2 would be secured had been re 
 nounced, but when the consciousness that the poll tax was a 
 financial failure had not yet forced itself upon the House. This 
 time is found to be coincident with that of the agitation of the 
 two Remonstrances during the August crisis. The poll tax bill 
 secured the signature of the King on the third of July ; it pro 
 vided for the payment of the tax within four days after its an 
 nouncement. At first the money came in rapidly, and it ap- 
 
 1 Rushworth, IV., 438. 
 
 2 C. D. S. P., CCCCLIL, 61, 72. 
 
 [176] 
 
41 
 
 peared as though the expectation of the Parliament was to be 
 realized. The first payments received came, however, from 
 members of Parliament and citizens of London and vicinity, 
 and therefore soon ceased. 1 Not until the 10th were measures 
 taken for the " speedy issuing of commissions for the speedy 
 raising of monies by the poll tax." 2 The result was not what 
 was expected, and on the 16th the House ordered the members 
 for the city to find out " where the obstruction is that the 
 monies are not paid in accordance to the said act." : By the 
 twentieth it was clear that payments would not be sufficiently 
 rapid to discharge the army before August 10, and provision 
 was made for receiving voluntary loans of more than one hun 
 dred pounds to be repaid from the poll when the money should 
 come in. 4 On July 23, the day on which the plan for a Remon 
 strance again appeared in the Commons, it was discovered that 
 all the commissions had not been issued, a negligence attributed 
 to the Mayor of London and his officers. 5 On the 30th Sir 
 Arthur Ingram, a member of Parliament, having been granted 
 permission to go home, was asked to use his best endeavors to 
 hasten the poll money. If he found any obstruction in the 
 business he was to certify the same to the House. 6 On August 
 4 the Commons again attributed the tardy payment to the 
 Mayor and Aldermen of London and gave them explicit in 
 structions as to the method of collection. 7 A writer of the time 
 in a letter to a friend observes that " The poll money comes in 
 cheerfully, . . . and if the assessors look not better to it a 
 writ ad -melt us inquirendum will be issued out of Parliament 
 against them ; and certainly they will deserve it, for they are 
 very partial in most places." 8 On the llth of August another 
 
 1 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXHXIL, 19 ; CCCCLXPXIL, 23. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 206. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 214. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 217. 
 
 5 Commons Journal, II., 221, 224. 
 5 Commons Journal, II., 225, 230. 
 
 7 Commons Journal, II., 235. 
 
 8 Thomas Smith to Sir John Pennington, Aug. 6, 1641 ; C. D. S. P., CCCLXXX- 
 III, 19. 
 
 [I77J 
 
42 
 
 appeal was made for loans to be repaid when the poll money 
 should come in. 1 On the 14th the Remonstrances were men 
 tioned for the last time till October 25. The words " if it be 
 duly levied " can be understood only on the supposition that 
 at least this part of the Remonstrance was written at this time, 
 not two months later when the pitiful outcome of the poll tax 
 was known. It " may equal " three hundred thousand pounds! 
 The total income of the poll tax to July 29 was 18,069. July 
 30 only 900 came in ; on the next day only 377, but on 
 August 4, 2,400 was reported. 2 The total payment to August 
 24 was only 54,064. 3 By this time even it was clear that the 
 300,000 mark would not be reached. In November such a 
 supposition was absurd. Before that same August 24, 68,000 
 had been borrowed, for which poll money was security ; after 
 that date there is no evidence either that any more poll money 
 was paid in or that any other sums were borrowed. On Octo 
 ber 29 the Commons resolved to take measures to secure funds 
 to pay off their poll money debts, 4 an action which was a con 
 fession that the poll tax was a failure and was admitted to be 
 such by vote of the Commons. It is impossible to conceive 
 that at the same time they would say that 300,000 was ex 
 pected from that source. 
 
 The committee had been ordered to bring in the Declara 
 tion on the first of November, but on that day events of a still 
 graver nature engaged the attention of the House. News had 
 arrived of a general uprising of the Catholics in Ireland ; Dub 
 lin had only been saved by timely warning, though elsewhere 
 the outbreak had been successful. The King s arsenal contain 
 ing pow r der and arms had been captured. Many villages had 
 been burned, and many English robbed. It was affirmed that 
 all English Protestants were to be killed, and the news which 
 had arrived seemed to justify the statement. 5 The Catholic 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 251. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 228,231, 232,237. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 269. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 298. 
 
 5 Rush., IV., 397, ff. 
 
43 
 
 movement in Ireland, following so closely upon the plot against 
 the Parliamentary leaders in Scotland, convinced a majority 
 in the Commons that a relentless war against Protestantism 
 was to be waged by the united Catholicism of the three King 
 doms. In order to meet the danger the Commons voted to re 
 quest the Lords to unite with them in asking a loan of fifty 
 thousand pounds from the city of London, in sending men and 
 arms to Ireland, in "securing the persons of Papists of quality 
 in the several counties of the Kingdom," in dissolving the 
 House of Capuchins and in commanding all strangers not of 
 the protestant religion to deliver in tickets of their names and 
 an account of their stay in London or else to depart from the 
 Kingdom. 1 The Lords did not conceive the danger so great 
 but in a few days agreed to the propositions of the Lower 
 House. 2 
 
 If the question of a Remonstrance had come up as the re 
 sult of the news from Scotland, how much more necessary was 
 it after the Irish Rebellion ! On the 8th of November the Dec 
 laration was at last read in the Commons, 3 and the next few 
 days were spent in the discussion and amendment of some fifty 
 paragraphs. 4 But on the llth the further consideration was 
 interrupted, for more news had been received from Ireland. 
 The Lords Justices wrote that the rebellion had increased im 
 mensely, saying that three hundred thousand were now under 
 arms. " Five counties in the province of Ulster were in the 
 hands of the rebels. Thousands had been exposed to want and 
 beggary. Many were prisoners ; many had been most barbar 
 ously slain. The purpose was to exterminate the English and 
 Protestants and not to lay down arms till the Romish Religion 
 was established, the government settled into the hands of the 
 natives and the Irish restored to the lands of their supposed 
 ancestors." 5 In consequence of this news the Commons devoted 
 
 1 Commons Journal, II., 30x3. 
 
 2 Lords Journal, IV., 426, 429. 
 
 3 Commons Journal, II., 398. 
 
 4 Commons Journal, II., 309, 311. 
 
 5 Rush., IV., . Commons Journal, II., 311. 
 
 [179] 
 
44 
 
 the llth and the two days following exclusively to providing 
 for the needs of Ireland. But on Monday, the 15th, the Declar 
 ation was once more under discussion, paragraph one hundred 
 and ninety, which attributed the origin of the Sectaries to the 
 idolatry and Popish ceremonies introduced into the church by 
 the command of the Bishops, being the subject of a long de 
 bate. The opposition by the Episcopalians was very great. 
 
 On the same day the Commons received, as they thought, 
 not only additional proof of a Catholic Union, but also evi 
 dence that a blow was to be struck in England. While the 
 House was in the midst of discussion a tailor demanded to be 
 heard. On the morning of the same day, he said, he had been 
 walking in the fields near London and sitting down on one 
 side of a high bank to rest, he heard two men talking on the 
 other side. One told of a plot to kill one hundred and eight of 
 both Houses of Parliament by an equal number of Catholics. 
 The plan was to be executed in the evening when the mem 
 bers were coming from Parliament. The tailor while trying to 
 get away was discovered by the speaker who followed, wounded 
 him and left him for dead, but having revived he was sent to 
 the Lords where he told his story. 1 Whether true or false the 
 effect was the same ; measures being at once taken for antici 
 pating the designs of the Catholics and for providing for the 
 safety of the Kingdom. 
 
 On the 16th the Declaration was again discussed, and some 
 few concessions were made to the Episcopalians. 2 The 17th 
 and 18th were spent in other matters, the 17th in the investi 
 gation of another army plot in which the guilt of the King was 
 evident, the 18th in preparing to subdue the rebellion in Ire 
 land. On the 19th some additional changes were made in the 
 Declaration, and it was ordered to be brought in engrossed on 
 the following morning. 3 On Monday, the 22nd was the final 
 debate which began early and continued late. After some 
 
 1 C. D. S. P., CCCCLXXXV., 93. Lords Journal, IV., 439. 
 
 2 Commons Journal, II., 317. 
 
 3 Ibid. 318, 319,320. 
 
 [180] 
 
45 
 
 minor changes the Remonstrance was passed by a vote of one 
 hundred and fifty-nine to one hundred and forty-eight. Had 
 it not been for Hampden s presence of mind an attempt by the 
 minority to protest would probably have led to an appeal to 
 arms. On the following Wednesday the committee that drew 
 up the Remonstrance was ordered to frame a petition to ac 
 company it, and on the 27th that was presented and accepted. 
 On December 1st the whole was presented to the King, and 
 soon after it was ordered to be printed and was then given to 
 the public. 1 
 
 The events whose history this essay has traced show clearly 
 that the opinion so long held by historians that Mr. Pym was 
 the sole author of the Grand Remonstrance, is a mistaken one. 
 The document really consisted of two parts, written by separ 
 ate committees. Mr. Fiennes and Sir Henry Vane prepared 
 that part which related to the affairs of the Church ; Messrs. 
 Pym, Hampderi, Strode, and Culpepper were jointly responsible 
 for that which related to political affairs. 
 
 I Commons Journal, II., 321,322,324,326,330,334. 
 
 [ibi] 
 
Untoemtp of 
 
 Vol. I APRIL, 1903 No. 5 
 
 The Artificial Method for Determining the Ease 
 and the Rapidity of the Digestion of Meats 
 
 By 
 
 HARRY SANDS CRINDLEY, Sc. D., 
 
 and 
 TIMOTHY MOJONNIER, M. S. 
 
 Selrbana 
 
THE ARTIFICIAL METHOD FOR DETERMINING 
 
 THE EASE AND RAPIDITY OF THE 
 
 DIGESTION OF MEATS* 
 
 BY H. S. GRINDLEY AND TIMOTHY MOJONNIER. 
 
 During the course of an extended investigation upon the 
 nutritive value of raw and cooked meats, which the authors are 
 making under the auspices of the United States Department of 
 Agriculture, Office of Experiment Station, it became necessary 
 to study the digestibility of meats by the artificial method. 
 Since A. Sttitzer ( Journal fur Landwirthschaft, 28 ; J95, 435 ) 
 in 1880, proposed his method for determining the digestibility 
 of the proteids in foods, considerable work has been done in im 
 proving the method and in enlarging its utility. The investi 
 gations of Dr. Gustav Kuhn, which were compiled and published 
 by Dr. 0. Kellner ( Die Landwirthschaftlichen Versuchs-Station- 
 en 44 ) in 1894, show conclusively that it is now possible to 
 make artificial digestion experiments upon foods, which give 
 results agreeing well with those made by the natural di 
 gestion experiments upon lower animals. However, the re 
 sults obtained by the methods for artificial digestion which are 
 now used, represent the total digestibility of the food and show 
 nothing, or at most very little regarding the ease and the rapid 
 ity of the digestion. 
 
 This fact was forcibly called to our attention in the course 
 of an investigation upon the influence of the cooking of meats 
 
 *Contributions from the Chemical Laboratory of the University of Illinois. 
 
 185 
 
upon the digestibility of the same. In the first experiments in 
 the investigation the digestibility of the protein of raw meat 
 and the same meat cooked by broiling, frying and boiling, was 
 determined by the usual method employed in the artificial di 
 gestion experiments except that the fresh substance was used 
 instead of the air-dried material. That is to say, fresh samples 
 of the raw meat or the same meat cooked as indicated in the 
 table were treated for 24 hours at a temperature of 39 to 40 de 
 grees with 100 cc. of a pepsin solution made by dissolving 1.25 
 grams of pepsin in one litre of 0.33 per cent hydrochloric acid. 
 The results given in Table I, represent the average of two or 
 more well agreeing duplicate determinations and they are rep 
 resentative results taken from a large number of experiments, 
 the data of which have not as yet been published. 
 
 TABLE I 
 
 Results obtained by the action of acid pepsin solution for 
 twenty-four hours upon meats. 
 
 
 1 
 K"inH rif TYTpaf- 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Beef, round, animal 2> 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 1 202 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 Grams. 
 o8di 
 
 Grams. 
 0028 
 
 Grams. 
 0813 
 
 06 67 
 
 1203 
 
 Pan-broiled . . 
 
 O746 
 
 002^ 
 
 O72I 
 
 yu.u/ 
 
 06 6s 
 
 1 204. 
 
 Fried in hot lard 
 
 0698 
 
 OO2 4. 
 
 .U/^l 
 
 OO74 
 
 9u.u 
 96 56 
 
 1 20? 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 0618 
 
 OO2 7 
 
 OCnr 
 
 oc 6^ 
 
 ^2 
 1206 
 
 I2IO 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 Beef, round, animal 3 years old. 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 .0764 
 08 to 
 
 .0027 
 0028 
 
 0737 
 08^1 
 
 y z z 
 
 96.46 
 
 06 74 
 
 I2TC 
 
 Pan-broiled 
 
 0870 
 
 0040 
 
 0810 
 
 QC /I r 
 
 1^13 
 I2IQ 
 
 Fried in hot lard 
 
 0867 
 
 0047 
 
 0820 
 
 SO ty 
 
 O4 ^8 
 
 I2II 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 0862 
 
 OO2Q 
 
 o8n 
 
 06 6^ 
 
 1212 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 1180 
 
 ooc;6 
 
 I I-JQ 
 
 nC 20 
 
 I2^C 
 
 Beef, round, animal about 3 
 years old. 
 Raw beef round 
 
 0848 
 
 OO27 
 
 0821 
 
 96 82 
 
 I2l8 
 
 Pan-broiled 
 
 06 1 ^ 
 
 OO2O 
 
 QC.QT. 
 
 06 72 
 
 I24.I 
 
 Fried in hot lard . .... 
 
 wij 
 
 0062 
 
 OO22 
 
 OO4O 
 
 O7 71 
 
 1242 
 124^ 
 
 Boiled one hour at 80-85 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 .1026 
 .07^ 
 
 .0028 
 OO24 
 
 .0998 
 07^1 
 
 97.27 
 06 82 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [186] 
 
It is plainly evident from the results here reported that 
 there is no difference between the digestibility of raw and 
 cooked meats. That is to say, there is practically no difference 
 between the amount of nitrogenous matter in raw and cooked 
 meats that is made soluble by the action of the acid pepsin so 
 lution of the above strength when allowed to act for the 
 time mentioned. In other words, the total digestibility of raw 
 and cooked meats in acid pepsin solution of the strength used, 
 acting for twenty-four hours, is the same. It is commonly be 
 lieved that cooked meat is less digestible than raw meat. At 
 present there is much confusion regarding the meaning of the 
 term digestibility of foods. Professor W. 0. Atwater in the 
 bulletins from the U. S. Department of Agriculture, office of 
 Experiment Stations, has called attention to the looseness with 
 which this term is used. In this article when the term diges 
 tibility alone is used we mean the total amount of nitrog.en- 
 ous food which becomes soluble by natural or artificial diges 
 tion without regard to time required or the ease or rapidity of 
 the solution during the process. 
 
 The results obtained \u these experiments do not agree 
 with the common opinion regarding the relative digestibility 
 of cooked and raw T meats, nor do they agree with the results 
 obtained by other investigators. Ernest Jessen (Zeit. fur Bio- 
 logie, new series, 1, p. 129) in 1883, found cooked meats to be 
 less digestible than raw meats. He proceeded as follows in 
 making his experiments. Two hundred and fifty grams of 
 beef from a steer one and one-half years old were freed as com 
 pletely as possible from sinew, fat, gristle and bone. Portions 
 of this sample were "half boiled, well boiled, half roasted and 
 well roasted. In each case, 25 gram portions of the air-dried 
 meats, cooked as indicated above were treated with 400 cc. of 
 the acid pepsin solution containing in some cases 1 gram and in 
 others 2 grams of pepsin solution in one litre of pure hyrdochlo- 
 ric acid of either 0.1 per cent, or 0.2 per cent, strength. The 
 digestion was continued for 24 hours at a temperature of 37 
 with frequent stirring. After the digestion had continued for 
 
 [187] 
 
the time indicated the insoluble residue was removed by filtra 
 tion, dried at 100-110 degrees for two to five hours and weighed 
 Jessen obtained the results given in the following table. 
 
 TABLE II 
 
 Results obtained by Jessen by digesting air-dried beef with 
 acid pepsin for twenty-four hours. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 Residue 
 undigested. 
 
 Coefficient 
 of digestibility. 
 
 25 grams of raw beef air-dried 
 
 Grams. 
 5 67 
 
 77.32 
 
 25 grams of half-boiled beef, air-dried 
 
 9-49 
 
 62.02 
 
 25 grams of well-boiled beef air-dried 
 
 17. QC 
 
 28.20 
 
 25 grams of half-roasted beef, air dried 
 25 grams of well roasted beef air-dried 
 
 9.76 
 17.07 
 
 60.96 
 31.72 
 
 
 
 
 It will be seen upon comparing these results with those 
 obtained in our experiments, Table I, that there is a great dif 
 ference in the results from the two investigations. The only 
 reason w r hich we can suggest for this great variation in results, 
 is the difference in methods used. Jessen s acid pepsin solution 
 did not differ materially in strength from that used in our ex 
 periments but the amount of dry substance in the sample of 
 meat used per 100 cc. of acid pepsin solution w r as much greater 
 than that in our work. For 100 cc. of acid pepsin solution Jessen 
 took from 5.5 grams to 6.5 grams of dry substance ; in our ex 
 periments the amount ranged from 0.8 to 1.2 grams. This dif 
 ference in procedure it seems to us is quite probably the cause 
 of the great difference found in the two investigations. It has 
 been proved in this laboratory, as will be shown later in this 
 paper, that the coagulated proteids of meat are not as easily 
 and rapidly digested, as those which have not been coagulated. 
 It is probable that the action of the pepsin in Jessen s experi 
 ments, in which so much meat was taken in proportion to the 
 amount of acid pepsin used, was so retarded on account of the 
 accumulation of the products formed, that in the case of 
 cooked meats where the proteids have been coagulated, the di 
 gestive action of the pepsin solution had not been complete or 
 
 [i 88] 
 
in other words the action had not continued long enough to 
 effect the maximum change. That being the case the experi 
 ments of Jessen proved that cooked meats are not as easily and 
 rapidly digested as raw meats but they did not prove that the 
 total digestibility of cooked meats is less than that of raw meats. 
 This is a distinction which it seems to us should be made. 
 Further, it is also probable that Jessen s insoluble residue, after 
 digestion, contained considerable fat which would, by his 
 method, make the digestibility of the protein matter appear less. 
 
 R. H. Chittenden and Geo. W. Cummins (American Chem 
 ical Journal, 6, p. 331) in 1884, also found cooked meats to be 
 less digestible than raw meats. They carried out their experi 
 ments as follows: In each case 20 grams of meat either raw 
 or cooked in a steam bath after freeing it as completely as pos 
 sible from sinew, fat, skin and bone was treated in a beaker 
 with 200 cc. of the gastric juice containing 5 grams of pepsin 
 in 1000 cc. of pure hydrochloric acid of exactly 0.2 per cent 
 strength. The digestion was continued for 22 hours at a tem 
 perature of 38-40 degrees Centigrade, with occasional stirring. 
 After the pepsin solution had been allowed to act for the time 
 mentioned, the digested mixture was cooled to 20 degrees and 
 then diluted to 250 cc. After a thorough mixing, the solution 
 was filtered through a dry filter and 50 cc. of the clear filtrate 
 was evaporated to dryness in a weighed dish after the addition 
 of 5 cc. of a standard solution of sodium carbonate of such strength 
 as to exactly neutralize the acid present. The residue was then 
 dried to constant weight at 110C. Control experiments were 
 also run upon the acid pepsin solution alone. The residue ob 
 tained from the blank experiment was subtracted from the weight 
 of the residue left by the evaporation of the 50 cc. of the digested 
 mixture. The number thus obtained was multiplied by five, 
 which gave the amount of matter (peptones and intermediate 
 products together with some salts), dissolved from 20 grams of 
 meat. 
 
 Chittenden and Cummins made only a few experiments to 
 show the difference in digestibility between raw and cooked 
 
 [189] 
 
8 
 
 meats. In one experiment with beef they found that the 
 digestibility of raw beef as compared with cooked beef (steamed) 
 was as 100 : 94.85, while in a second experiment this ratio was 
 100 : 70.24. These results do not agree, and so far as we are 
 able to find, they are the only two experiments published by 
 these authors regarding the relative digestibility of raw and 
 cooked beef. They also report a similar experiment with blue 
 fish. In this case they found that the digestibility of the raw 
 blue fish as compared with the same cooked (steamed) was as 
 100: 95.39. With one exception the results of Chittenden and 
 Cummins do not differ nearly as much from our results as do 
 those of Jessen. For this reason, and also because Chittenden 
 and Cummins give so few results, it is perhaps not necessary 
 to attempt to explain or to account for the differences between 
 their results and our own. However they made one experi 
 ment which supports our contention that in Jessen s method 
 too large quantities of the meat were used per 100 cc. of the 
 acid pepsin solution. In order to ascertain the quantity of 
 flesh best adapted to 200 cc. of their standard pepsin solution 
 Chittenden and Cummins made three digestions using in each 
 case different quantities of cooked sea bass. They obtained 
 the following results: 
 
 Amount digested (cal. to 20 grams). -From 20 From 30 From 40 
 
 grams. grams. grams. 
 
 3-3995 3-2325 2.5200 
 
 Relative proportion 100.00 95.08 74.12 
 
 In this experiment increasing the amount of material plain 
 ly diminishes the amount of digestive action that takes place 
 during the same length of time. Now, for 100 cc. of acid pep 
 sin solution Jessen took from 5.5 grams to 6.5 grams, Chitten 
 den and Cummins from 3.5 to 4.5 grams probably, and the 
 writers took from .8 to 1.2 grams of dry substance. As ex 
 plained above we believe this difference in the method accounts 
 for the low results which Jessen. and Chittenden and Cummins 
 obtained. Further it seems to us that the experiments of these 
 investigators go to show that cooked meats are not so easily 
 
 [190] 
 
and rapidly digested as raw meats, but that they do not show 
 the total digestibility of cooked meats to be less than that of 
 raw r meats. Further investigations on this question are now 
 being made in this laboratory. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that the method of artificial 
 digestion as now used, shows no difference in the total digesti 
 bility of the protein of raw and cooked meats, there may how 
 ever be a difference in the ease and the rapidity of the digestion 
 of the protein of raw and cooked meats. It was thought that it 
 might be possible to determine this difference if there be any, 
 by using a solution of pepsin of the above strength and allowing 
 the solution to act for shorter periods of time, that is, for one, 
 two, three or four hours. So far as we have been able to find 
 there has been no systematic investigation having for its object 
 the adaptation of Stutzer s method of artificial digestion to the 
 determination of the relative ease and of the rapidity of the di 
 gestion of foods. As it seemed quite essential to our investiga 
 tions to have a method for determining the ease and the rapid 
 ity of the digestion of raw and cooked meats we undertook to 
 modify the ordinary method of artificial digestion so that it could 
 be used for this purpose. Since it has been found that it requires 
 from 24 to 25 hours to filter the digested solution by the 
 method that seems best at present, it was necessary in the first 
 place to find some way of stopping the action of the acid pep 
 sin solution after it had acted for the desired time. 
 
 At first an attempt was made to attain this end by lower- 
 ering the temperature of the digested solution to from 4 to 5 
 degrees Centigrade after the action had been continued for the 
 desired time. The results of these experiments are shown in 
 Tables III, IV and V. 
 
 [191] 
 
10 
 
 TABLE III 
 
 Digestibility of air-dried samples of meats in artificial pepsin solution acting 
 for twenty-four hours at a temperature of 38 to 40 degrees. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 Indigest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 11073 
 iio7b 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Average 
 
 Grams. 
 .1237 
 1325 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .0024 
 .0025 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .1213 
 .1300 
 
 98.06 
 98.11 
 98.08 
 
 iu6a 
 iii6b 
 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Average 
 
 .1203 
 .I43 2 
 
 .0029 
 .0035 
 
 .1174 
 1397 
 
 97-59 
 97.56 
 O7 ^7 
 
 iiiga 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 I2 Q4 
 
 .00^0 
 
 1261 
 
 o7 68 
 
 nigb 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 n86 
 
 00^2 
 
 i ^d. 
 
 O7 60 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 1 J54- 
 
 o7 68 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TABLE IV 
 
 Digestibility of air-dried samples of meats in artificial pepsin solution acting 
 for twejity-ft ur hours at a temperature of 22 to 26 degrees. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 11073 
 iio7b 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Average 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .1219 
 .1206 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .0054 
 .0053 
 
 Grams. 
 .1165 
 II53 
 
 95-57 
 95.61 
 
 OC CQ 
 
 ni6a 
 iii6b 
 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Average 
 
 .1247 
 .1282 
 
 .0037 
 .0046 
 
 . I2IO 
 .1236 
 
 97-03 
 96.41 
 06 72 
 
 11193 
 iiigb 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 Average 
 
 .1182 
 .1196 
 
 .0055 
 .0057 
 
 .1127 
 1139 
 
 95-35 
 95-23 
 
 Q 1 ? 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [192] 
 
11 
 
 TABLE V 
 
 Digestibility of air-dried samples of meats in artificial pepsin solution acting 
 for a period of twenty-four hours at a temperature of 4 to 5 degrees. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 Indigest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 11073 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 Grams. 
 
 HCC 
 
 Grams. 
 0108 
 
 Grams. 
 
 IO17 
 
 oo 6? 
 
 iioyb 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 1244 
 
 oioi 
 
 I JOT 
 
 91 08 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 90 86 
 
 iu6a 
 ni6b 
 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Beef, round, boiled, air-dried. . . 
 Average 
 
 . 1290 
 
 .1379 
 
 .0098 
 .0126 
 
 .1192 
 1253 
 
 92.40 
 90.86 
 oi 6^ 
 
 ii ipa 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 . 1202 
 
 OOQ2 
 
 1 200 
 
 92 88 
 
 ii igb 
 
 Beef, round, raw, air-dried 
 
 . 1244. 
 
 008; 
 
 1 1 Co 
 
 Q-3 17 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 Q-l O? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The result of the above experiments demonstrate plainly 
 that the action of the pepsin solution of the strength used in 
 this study was as complete, or nearly so, at the end of 24 hours 
 when the temperature was only 22 to 24 degrees as it was when 
 the temperature was maintained at 38 to 42 degrees. Further, 
 even at a temperature of 4 to 5 degrees the action was almost 
 as complete as in the other two cases. It is evident that by 
 merely lowering the temperature to the zero point, we could 
 not stop the action of the pepsin sufficiently to answer our pur 
 pose. 
 
 In the next place an effort was made to use formalin for the 
 purpose of stopping the action of the acid pepsin upon meats. 
 In order to do this the following experiments were made. 
 Samples of meat were weighed into the digesting flasks and 
 100 cc. of the regular pepsin solution containing 10 cc. of for 
 malin (40 per cent, solution) was added to each of the flasks 
 containing the meat. The flasks and their contents were kept 
 at the room temperature for 24 hours and then filtered. The 
 nitrogen in the undigested residue was then determined. 
 The results of this experiment are shown in Table VI. 
 
 [193] 
 
12 
 
 TABLE VI 
 
 Action of formalin upon the activity of acid pepsin solution. The samples of meat 
 
 were digested for twenty-four hours with 100 cc. of pepsin solution 
 
 containing locc. of formalin (40 per cent, solution). 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 Indigest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 11073 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried . . . 
 
 Grams. 
 IIS; 
 
 Grams. 
 0661 
 
 Grams. 
 
 OC21 
 
 44 12 
 
 iioyb 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried .... 
 
 124.0 
 
 O7OO 
 
 OHIO 
 
 AT. CC 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 43 88 
 
 Iii6a 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . I4m 
 
 0062 
 
 04.01 
 
 i^ .70 
 
 ii [6b 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . I2OC, 
 
 0784 
 
 0421 
 
 24. QA 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 T.A 77 
 
 11193 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 H44 
 
 .osic. 
 
 .0600 
 
 C.2 21 
 
 iiigb 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 1171 
 
 ^JJO 
 
 .062? 
 
 occs 
 
 J-^-^J 
 4O Q4 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 40. C.Q 
 
 i I2oa 
 
 Beef boiled air-dried 
 
 I I2g 
 
 0617 
 
 0512 
 
 4.C. -jc 
 
 I I2Ob 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . 114=1 
 
 .0694 
 
 .occi 
 
 44.26 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 44.8l 
 
 i i^oa 
 
 Beef raw air-dried 
 
 I44Q 
 
 0800 
 
 
 
 occo 
 
 t<+ " 
 
 07 06 
 
 - j 
 
 i I3ob 
 
 Beef raw air-dried 
 
 I4^O 
 
 0908 
 
 OC.4.2 
 
 37 38 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 ^4^ 
 
 j/ j u 
 17 O7 
 
 11313 
 ii3ib 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 Average 
 
 .1202 
 .1358 
 
 .0719 
 .0820 
 
 .0483 
 .0538 
 
 J/ W 
 
 40. 18 
 39.62 
 
 -30 QO 
 
 
 Average of the averages 
 
 
 
 
 41 .70 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 From the results given in the above table, it is obvious 
 that formalin decreases the action of the acid pepsin solution 
 to a considerable extent. Referring to Table IV which gives 
 the results of the acid pepsin solution alone when allowed to 
 act at room temperature for 24 hours, it will be observed that 
 the formalin prevented approximately 55 per cent of the pro- 
 teid from being dissolved. It was also found that formalin 
 formed no precipitate with the peptones or the intermediate 
 products of the action of pepsin digestion. From these facts 
 it seems probable that formalin may be of considerable value 
 in checking the action of the pepsin solution and thus in aiding 
 the application of the method of artificial digestion to the de 
 termination of the ease and the rapidity of the digestion of 
 foods. 
 
 [194] 
 
13 
 
 Tn this connection it seemed desirable to determine how 
 much solvent action dilute hydrochloric acid alone, of the 
 strength used in preparing the acid pepsin solution, would have 
 upon meats. Samples of the same meats as those used in the 
 experiment described immediately above were treated with 100 
 cc. of hydrochloric acid (.33 per cent.), for 24 hours at the tem 
 perature of the room. The results of this experiment are given 
 in the following Table VII. 
 
 TABLE VII 
 
 Action of dilute hydrochloric acid upon meats. The samples were digested 
 
 vvitli 100 cc. of .33 per cent hydrochloric acid for twenty-four 
 
 hours. No pepsin being used. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 Indigest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 i io7a 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 Grams. 
 1 3 2 
 
 Grams. 
 1 002 
 
 Grams. 
 .0300 
 
 23.04 
 
 i ioyb 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 .1366 
 
 . 1041 
 
 .0^21; 
 
 23.80 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 23.42 
 
 i n6a 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 .1318 
 
 .1198 
 
 .0120 
 
 9. 10 
 
 Hi6b 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . I2QQ 
 
 . 1184 
 
 .OIK 
 
 8.8S 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 8.98 
 
 i iiga 
 
 Beef, raw air-dried 
 
 1288 
 
 1046 
 
 O242 
 
 18 70 
 
 1 1 1 9b 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 I I ^2 
 
 OQ77 
 
 02 1 
 
 18 66 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 18 73 
 
 U2oa 
 
 I I2Ob 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 Beef, boiled, air dried 
 
 .1212 
 I I7Q 
 
 .1062 
 1O2S 
 
 .0150 
 0146 
 
 12.38 
 12.38 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 12.38 
 
 i I3oa 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 I "}^ 
 
 1177 
 
 .OK6 
 
 ii .70 
 
 H3ob 
 
 Beef, raw, air-dried 
 
 . m8 
 
 1180 
 
 .0108 
 
 12.46 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 12.08 
 
 ii3ia 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . 124; 
 
 107; 
 
 .0170 
 
 13.65 
 
 J , 
 i I3ib 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 .1228 
 
 . io=;2 
 
 .0176 
 
 14.33 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 13.99 
 
 ii48a 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 
 . 1 1 1Q 
 
 . 1019 
 
 .0120 
 
 10.54 
 
 ii48b 
 
 Beef, boiled, air-dried 
 Average 
 
 .1201 
 
 .1075 
 
 .0126 
 
 10.49 
 10. 52 
 
 
 Average of the averages 
 
 
 
 
 14.30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 It is evident that dilute hydrochloric acid, alone, has con 
 siderable solvent action upon the nitrogenous constituents of 
 meats. From the average of the results in Tables VI and VII 
 
 [195] 
 
14 
 
 it will be seen that the acid pepsin solution even in the pres 
 ence of formalin dissolved 27.40 per cent more of the protein 
 in the meat than did the hydrochloric acid alone. 
 
 It was thought probable that the most easily digestible 
 portions of the meat would be dissolved first, when treated 
 with pepsin. Furthermore it seemed likely that if formalin 
 were added after the action of the pepsin solution had gone on 
 for one hour or more, there would be but little if any further 
 action of the pepsin solution during the time required for filter 
 ing. In order to test the above supposition the following ex 
 periments were made. Weighed quantities of meat were treat 
 ed with the acid pepsin solution for exactly one hour and then 
 10 cc. of formalin was immediately added and the solutions 
 were then filtered as rapidly as possible. At the same time 
 weighed quantities of the same meats were treated with the 
 pepsin solution and the formalin exactly as above, and the solu 
 tions allowed to stand 23 hours and then filtered. The results 
 of these tests are given in the following Tables VIII and IX. 
 
 TABLE VIII 
 
 Results obtained by treating air-dried samples of meat with pepsin solution 
 for one hour ; adding 10 cc. of formalin, and then filtering at once. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 i^ioa 
 
 Pan-broiled beef 
 
 Grams. 
 12^0 
 
 Grams. 
 .oiu8 
 
 Grams. 
 0682 
 
 CC AC. 
 
 J7-3Ob 
 
 Pan-broiled beef . 
 
 1221 
 
 0^4^ 
 
 0678 
 
 CC. CC 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 CC . CO 
 
 I7i7a 
 
 Roasted beef, well done 
 
 OOQ2 
 
 o^oo 
 
 0692 
 
 60 7o 
 
 * jt/ 
 I"U7b 
 
 Roasted beef, well done 
 
 H38 
 
 O^H4 
 
 0804 
 
 70.66 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 70.22 
 
 i^iSa 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 .1488 
 
 .0614 
 
 .0874 
 
 58.73 
 
 M48b 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 . 1482 
 
 .0604 
 
 .0878 
 
 59.24 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 58.98 
 
 13613 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 I 74 
 
 .0^7 
 
 .1167 
 
 68.48 
 
 I36ib 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 .1682 
 
 .0^9 
 
 . 1 143 
 
 , ** 
 
 67.95 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 68 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [196] 
 
15 
 
 TABLE IX 
 
 Results obtained by treating air-dried samples of meat with pepsin solution 
 
 for one hour; adding 10 cc. of formalin, and then allowing the 
 
 solution to stand for twenty-three hours before filtering. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 Indigest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 moa 
 
 Pan-broiled beef 
 
 Grams. 
 i<;8c. 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .0720 
 
 Grams. 
 086; 
 
 Cl C7 
 
 mob 
 
 Pan-broiled beef. . . 
 
 1144 
 
 / ;; 
 
 oco6 
 
 0618 
 
 cc 77 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 cc 17 
 
 H47a 
 
 Roasted beef, well done . . . . 
 
 1212 
 
 .0^1 
 
 0881 
 
 71 40 
 
 * jt/" 
 I147b 
 
 Roasted beef, well done 
 
 . IO7I 
 
 .0208 
 
 O771 
 
 72 2O 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 71.84 
 
 13483 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 . 1467 
 
 .0606 
 
 .0861 
 
 58.60 
 
 I348b 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 . K4O 
 
 .0621; 
 
 .OQK 
 
 en. 42 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 Co. O^ 
 
 13613 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 1688 
 
 OJ.Q7 
 
 I IQI 
 
 70 CC 
 
 i36ib 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 14.70 
 
 04^8 
 
 I Ol I 
 
 70 40 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 70 4.7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 This experiment points clearly to the conclusion that for 
 malin can be used for the purpose of stopping the action of 
 acid pepsin solutions upon meats after the pepsin solutions have 
 acted upon them for one hour As a result of the experiments 
 here described the following method for the determination of 
 the ease and the rapidity of the digestion of meats was elaborated. 
 
 The weighed quantities of meat are treated in small beak 
 ers, with 100 cc. of the acid pepsin solution containing 1.25 
 grams of pepsin per litre of 0.33 per cent hydrochloric acid. 
 The solution and the samples of meat are thoroughly stirred 
 and the meat is broken up with a heavy glass rod. It was 
 found necessary to divide the sample as finely as possible be 
 fore the digestion begins, and after adding the pepsin solution 
 it was necessary to break down any small lumps of the meat. 
 The beakers containing the meat and the acid pepsin solution 
 are then placed in a large water bath and kept at a tempera 
 ture of 38 to 40 degrees for one, two, four, six and twenty four 
 
 [197] 
 
16 
 
 hours. During the digestion it is desirable to stir the solution 
 frequently. In all cases except when the digestion is continued 
 for 24 hours, after the periods mentioned, 10 cc. of formalin is 
 added to stop the further action of the acid pepsin. The solutions 
 are then filtered immediately through fluted filters, thoroughly 
 washed and the nitrogen determined in the residue by the 
 Kjeldahl method. 
 
 The following tables give the results of a few experiments 
 selected from a large number of similar experiments which 
 have been made in this laboratory, for the purpose of studying 
 the influence of the various methods of cooking upon the rapid 
 ity and the ease of the digestion of meats. 
 
 TABLE x 
 
 Results obtained by the action of pepsin solution for one hour upon meats. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Beef, round, animal three 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 I2ioa 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .0871; 
 
 Grams. 
 
 .OIIQ 
 
 Grams. 
 .07^6 
 
 86 40 
 
 I2iob 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 .OQ4C 
 
 .0120 
 
 .0816 
 
 86 35 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 86.^7 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 .O^Q4 
 
 .0143 
 
 .0451 
 
 7C .03 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 Average 
 
 .0590 
 
 .0139 
 
 .0451 
 
 76.05 
 7C.9Q 
 
 12193 
 I2i9b 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Average 
 
 .0989 
 .0946 
 
 .0243 
 .0231 
 
 .0746 
 .0715 
 
 75-43 
 75-58 
 
 75. 50 
 
 I2iia 
 I2iib 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 C 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 C 
 Average 
 
 .0799 
 .0910 
 
 .0085 
 .0095 
 
 .0714 
 .0815 
 
 89.36 
 89.56 
 80 46 
 
 I2i2a 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 C . . . . 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 C . . . . 
 Average 
 
 .0900 
 .1122 
 
 .0128 
 .0163 
 
 .0772 
 .0959 
 
 85-78 
 85.42 
 85.67 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [198] 
 
17 
 
 TABLE XI 
 Results obtained by the action of pepsin solution for two hours upon meats. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Beef, round, animal three 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 i2ioa 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 Grams. 
 
 O7O2 
 
 Grams. 
 0060 
 
 Grams. 
 072^ 
 
 01 20 
 
 I2iob 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 086 C 
 
 0076 
 
 0780 
 
 QI 21 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 qi 25 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 0624. 
 
 0082 
 
 OC42 
 
 86.86 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 Average 
 
 0554 
 
 .0077 
 
 .0477 
 
 86.10 
 86.48 
 
 12193 
 I2igb 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 
 .1048 
 .Oo6l 
 
 .0186 
 0161 
 
 .0862 
 0800 
 
 82.25 
 83.25 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 82.75 
 
 I2iia 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 .OQQt 
 
 .0080 
 
 OqK 
 
 QI .06 
 
 I2iib 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 . ii^u 
 
 .0002 
 
 . I O12 
 
 qi .8q 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 91 .92 
 
 I2i2a 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 .0824 
 
 .ooqt; 
 
 o72q 
 
 88.47 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 Average 
 
 .0925 
 
 .0085 
 
 .0840 
 
 90.81 
 8q 64 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TABLE XII 
 Results obtained by the action of pepsin solution for four hours upon meats. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Beef, round, animal three 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portior. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 I2ioa 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 Grams. 
 0780 
 
 Grams. 
 004 4. 
 
 Grams. 
 07^6 
 
 04 ^6 
 
 I2iob 
 
 Raw beef, round. 
 
 0872 
 
 oo^o 
 
 0822 
 
 04 27 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 04 ^1 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample. . . 
 
 0588 
 
 oo^c; 
 
 .0;^ 
 
 94 .05 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 ocqi: 
 
 00^7 
 
 .0^8 
 
 03.78 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 g^.gl 
 
 12193 
 I2igb 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Average 
 
 .0764 
 .0954 
 
 .0087 
 .0106 
 
 .0677 
 .0848 
 
 88.61 
 88.89 
 88 75 
 
 I2iia 
 I2iib 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 C 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 C 
 Average 
 
 .0947 
 .0931 
 
 .0046 
 .0043 
 
 .0901 
 .0888 
 
 95.14 
 
 95.38 
 0^.26 
 
 I2i2a 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 C 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 C 
 Average 
 
 .1352 
 .0991 
 
 .0065 
 .0048 
 
 .1287 
 .0943 
 
 95.19 
 95.16 
 
 nC 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [199] 
 
18 
 
 TABLE XIII 
 Results obtained by the action of pepsin solution for six hours upon meats. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Beef, round, animal three 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 I2ioa 
 
 Raw beef, round .... 
 
 Grams. 
 0828 
 
 Grams. 
 
 OO1Q 
 
 Grams. 
 0780 
 
 QC 2O 
 
 I2iob 
 
 Raw beef round 
 
 0872 
 
 004. i 
 
 0831 
 
 QC an 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 V.) J^ 
 
 QC 20 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 07 ic 
 
 0016 
 
 0670 
 
 Qd O7 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 OC71 
 
 0028 
 
 oc.dC 
 
 QC 1 1 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 QC .04 
 
 12193 
 
 Fried in lard 
 
 .o8c,2 
 
 0076 
 
 0776 
 
 QI 08 
 
 I2IQb 
 
 Fried in lard 
 
 .07 Co 
 
 0070 
 
 0680 
 
 oo 78 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 OI Q1 
 
 121 la 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 OnCC 
 
 OO2Q 
 
 0026 
 
 
 121 ib 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 OOjc 
 
 OO2O 
 
 0016 
 
 V U V IJ 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 V U -VJ 
 06 Qd 
 
 12123. 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 . 
 
 OQII 
 
 OOdd 
 
 0867 
 
 OC 17 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 IO77 
 
 OOCd 
 
 1 021 
 
 SO l / 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 QC. 08 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TABLE XIV 
 Results obtained by the action of pepsin solution for twenty-four hours upon meat. 
 
 
 
 
 Nitrogen. 
 
 
 Coeffi 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 Beef, round, animal three 
 years old. 
 
 In meat. 
 
 In undi 
 gested re 
 sidue. 
 
 In digest 
 ed portion. 
 
 cient of 
 digesti 
 bility. 
 
 I2ioa 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 Grams. 
 
 07 cc 
 
 Grams. 
 002 c 
 
 Grams. 
 07^0 
 
 06 60 
 
 I2IOb 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 ~/ j.? 
 0061 
 
 OO1I 
 
 00^2 
 
 96 78 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 06 71 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 .0811 
 
 oo 18 
 
 .0781 
 
 QC 07 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample 
 
 .O7CI 
 
 .ooic 
 
 .0716 
 
 QC ."3d 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 QC .7C 
 
 12193 
 I2i9b 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 Average 
 
 .0858 
 .0876 
 
 .0047 
 .0047 
 
 .0811 
 .0829 
 
 94.52 
 94.64 
 
 od c.8 
 
 121 la 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 .... 
 
 0882 
 
 oo 10 
 
 o8c,2 
 
 96 60 
 
 I2iib 
 
 Boiled two hours at 80-85 
 
 0842 
 
 OO2Q 
 
 o8n 
 
 06 c.6 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 96 c,8 
 
 12123. 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 1 127 
 
 .OOC7 
 
 . 1070 
 
 Qd Qd 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled five hours at 80-85 
 
 . I2C2 
 
 *-3/ 
 
 .ooc,6 
 
 ;; 
 . IIQ6 
 
 QC . C-l 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 QC .2^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [200] 
 
19 
 
 TABLE XV 
 
 Summary of the Coefficients of digestibility of the meats as obtained by means 
 of pepsin solution in the above experiments. 
 
 Lab. No. 
 
 Kind of Meat. 
 Beef, round, animal 
 three years old. 
 
 Digested 
 for 
 i hour 
 
 Digested 
 for 
 2 hours. 
 
 Digested 
 for 
 4 hours. 
 
 Digested 
 for 
 6 hours. 
 
 Digested 
 for 
 24 hours. 
 
 I2ioa 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 86 40 
 
 QI .20 
 
 04.^6 
 
 QC ,2Q 
 
 96.69 
 
 1 2 1 Ob 
 
 Raw beef, round 
 
 86.35 
 
 V V 
 QI .21 
 
 VT^ J 
 
 04.27 
 
 7j V 
 
 Q5.1O 
 
 *f ^\ 
 
 96.78 
 
 
 Average 
 
 V-/W . j;) 
 86.37 
 
 V r 
 
 91.25 
 
 vt +* / 
 
 94- 3 1 
 
 7j +S 
 
 95.29 
 
 V~ f w 
 
 96.73 
 
 12153 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample . 
 
 75-93 
 
 86.86 
 
 94-05 
 
 94-97 
 
 95-37 
 
 I2i5b 
 
 Pan-broiled, fresh sample . 
 
 76.05 
 
 86.10 
 
 93.78 
 
 95.11 
 
 95-34 
 
 
 Average 
 
 75-99 
 
 86.48 
 
 93-9 1 
 
 95-04 
 
 95-35 
 
 I2i9a 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 
 75-43 
 
 82.25 
 
 88.61 
 
 91.08 
 
 94.52 
 
 I2i9b 
 
 Fried in lard, fresh sample 
 
 75-58 
 
 83-25 
 
 88.89 
 
 90.78 
 
 94.64 
 
 
 Average 
 
 75-5 
 
 82.75 
 
 88.75 
 
 91-93 
 
 94.58 
 
 I2iia 
 
 Boiled 2 hours at 80-85 c - 
 
 89.36 
 
 91.96 
 
 95 -H 
 
 96.96 
 
 96.60 
 
 I2iib 
 
 Boiled 2 hours at 80-85 c - 
 
 89.56 
 
 91.89 
 
 95.38 
 
 96.93 
 
 96.56 
 
 
 Average 
 
 89.46 
 
 91.92 
 
 95.26 
 
 96.94 
 
 96.58 
 
 I2i2a 
 
 Boiled 5 hours at 80-85 C. 
 
 85.78 
 
 88.47 
 
 95 -!9 
 
 95-17 
 
 94-94 
 
 I2I2b 
 
 Boiled 5 hours at 80-85 C . 
 
 85.47 
 
 90.81 
 
 95.16 
 
 94-99 
 
 95-53 
 
 
 Average 
 
 85.62 
 
 89.64 
 
 95-17 
 
 95.08 
 
 95.23 
 
 It is plainly evident from the results given in the above 
 tables that there is a difference in the ease and the rapidity of the 
 digestion of the protein of raw meats and meats cooked by the 
 common methods. This difference is best seen in the results 
 obtained by digestion of meats with pepsin solution for one 
 hour. Although the data here presented are not sufficient 
 basis for definite final conclusions, it does seem that the pro 
 tein of raw meat is more readily soluble or digestible than the 
 protein of cooked meats. The experiments also indicate that 
 the protein of meat cooked by boiling is more readily digest 
 ible than the protein of broiled or fried meats. The protein of 
 fried meats is less rapidly soluble or digestible than broiled 
 meat. These same differences are also noticeable in the results 
 obtained after continuing the digestion for two hours, but after 
 longer digestion these differences mostly disappear and after 
 digesting with pepsin solution for 24 hours the digestibility of 
 raw and cooked meats seems to be practically the same. Fur 
 ther, the results here reported show that the method of artifi- 
 
 [.201] 
 
20 
 
 cial digestion, as thus modified, gives a ready means of deter 
 mining the relative ease and the rapidity of the digestion of 
 the protein of foods. The further application of this modified 
 method of artificial digestion is being studied in this laborato 
 ry. Experiments are also being made to see if other substan 
 ces such as phenol for example, cannot be used to better ad 
 vantage than formalin in stopping the action of the acid pep 
 sin solution. Further investigations may perhaps lead to some 
 changes in the method, 
 
 [202] 
 
21 
 
 TITLES OF ARTICLES AND BOOKS PUBLISHED BY THE CORPS OF 
 
 INSTRUCTION, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, BETWEEN 
 
 MAY i, 1902, AND MAY i, 1903. 
 
 PRESIDENT A. S. DRAPER 
 
 " Co-Education in the United States," 
 
 Address before Twentieth Century Club, Boston, Mass., Jan. 17, 1903. 
 
 Educational Review, Feb. 1903. 
 
 " Vital Points Touching the Public School System of Philadelphia. " 
 An address before the Public Education Society of Philadelphia., 
 Jan. 17, 1903. Published by the Society. 
 BAKER, I. O.-- 
 
 " A Treatise on Roads and Pavements," 
 
 John Wiley and Sons, New York. (646 pp. 8 vo. ) 
 " " Road Laws of Illinois," 
 
 Engineering Record, N. Y., April 25, 1903. 
 
 BEAL, ALVIN C. 
 
 " Forcing Tomatoes," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 81, Nov., 1902. 
 " The Window Garden," 
 
 Trans. 111. State Horticultural Society, Dec., 1902. 
 BLAIR, J. C. 
 
 " The Study in Horticulture," etc. A series of articles on the study of 
 horticulture in the Schools, School News and Practical Educator, 
 Oct., 1902-Apr., 1903. 
 " Fruit for the Farmer s Table," 
 
 Colman s Rural World, March n, 13, 1903. 
 " " Prevention of Bitter Rot," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 58, July, 1902. 
 " Bitter Rot of Apples," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 77, July, 1902. 
 " Fruit and Orchard Investigations," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 67, Feb. 1093. 
 " Results from Cool and Cold Storage Experiments," 
 
 Trans, of 111. Horticultural Society, Dec. 1902. 
 " The Cultivation of the Apple Orchard, Ibid. 
 " Spraying," Ibid. 
 " The Apple Rot Problem," Ibid. 
 
 BRENKE, W. C. 
 
 " Observations of Variable Stars of Long Period," 
 Astronomical Journal, Jan. 1903. 
 
 BROOKS, MORGAN 
 
 " Operating Conditions Governing Direct Current Machinery," 
 
 Univ. of 111. Technograph, May, 1902. 
 ff " Electrical Progress in United States in 1902," 
 
 Western Electrician, Jan. 3, 1903. 
 
 [203] 
 
22 
 
 CLARK, T. A. 
 
 Biographies of Daniel DeFoe, Robert Southey, and Robert Burns, Sept^ 
 and Dec. 1902, and Feb., 1903. Also editor of the series of biographies! 
 32 pp. each. 
 
 C. M. Parker, Taylorville, 111. 
 
 Supplementary Reading for Grammar Schools. (A series of monthly se 
 lections, with notes.) 
 
 School News and Practical Educator, 1902-1903. 
 COLVIN, S. S. 
 
 " Invention Versus Form in English Composition ; an Inductive Study," 
 Pedagogical Seminary, Dec. 1902. 
 
 CRANDALL, C. S. 
 
 " Pruning as applied to the Apple Orchard." Trans, of 111. Horticultural 
 
 Society, Dec., 1902. 
 
 " The Food Requirements of Orchard and Garden Plants," Ibid. 
 DAVENPORT, E. 
 
 " History and Plan of Co-operative Experiments in Agriculture in 
 Illinois," 
 
 Annual Report, Office of Experiment Stations, U. S. Dep t of Agric. 
 DEXTER, E. G. 
 
 " A Study of Twentieth Century Success," 
 
 Popular Science Monthly, July, 1902. 
 
 " Should Entrance to College be Through the Examination of the Pupil 
 or of the School?" 
 
 Proceedings National Educational Assoc., 1902. 
 " The Physiological Effects of Diminished Air Pressure," 
 
 Scientific American Supplement, Aug. 30, 1902. 
 " Weather Superstitions," 
 
 Scientific American Supplement, Dec., 1902. 
 " Training for the Learned Professions," 
 
 Educational Review, Jan., 1903. 
 " Inductive Studies in Weather Influence," 
 
 Monthly Weather Review, Jan., 1903. 
 " Uniformity in College Catalogs," 
 
 Educational Review, Feb., 1903. 
 " High Grade Men ; in College and Out," 
 
 Popular Science Monthly, March, 1903. 
 The Psychology of Weather Influence," 
 
 Proceedings of American Pyschological Association. 
 " What is the Best College?" 
 
 The World s Work, April, 1903. 
 " Accidents from College Football," 
 
 Educational Review, April, 1903. 
 " The Educational Status of the Legal Profession," 
 
 The Green Bag, April, 1903. 
 
 [204] 
 
23 
 
 DODGE, D. K. 
 
 " Learning to Read," 
 
 School and Home Education, April, 1903. 
 
 (Editing Department of Modern Philology, 
 International Encyclopedia, 1902-03.) 
 ERF, OSCAR- 
 
 Refrigeration in Creameries," 
 
 Ice and Refrigeration, July, 1902. 
 " " Standardization of Milk and Cream," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., July, 1902. 
 FISK, G. M. 
 
 " " Continental Opinion Regarding a Proposed Middle European Tariff 
 
 Union," 
 
 Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, Series XX., Nos. 11-12. 
 " German-American Most Favored Nation Relations," 
 
 Journal of Political Economy, Vol. XL, No. 2. 
 FOLSOM, J. W. 
 
 " Collembola of the Grave," 
 
 Psyche, Vol. 9, 1902. 
 " " Insect Psychology," 
 
 Psyche, Vol. 10, 1903. 
 FORBES, S. A. 
 
 " Additional Insecticide Experiments for the San Jose Scale," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 72, May, 1902. 
 " The Corn Bill Bugs in Illinois," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 79, Oct. 1902. 
 " " Methods and Results of Field Insecticide Work against the San Jose 
 
 Scale," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 80, Oct. 1902. 
 
 " Twenty-second Report of the State Entomologist on the Noxious and 
 Beneficial Insects of the State of Illinois." Eleventh Report 
 of S. A. Forbes. Feb., 1903. 
 
 " " Report of the Illinois State Entomologist on the Horticultural Inspec 
 
 tion Law." Feb., 1903. 
 FRASER, W. J. 
 
 " Standard Milk and Cream," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 74, June, 1002. 
 " " Dairy Investigations," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 63 Jan., 1903. 
 " " Dairy Conditions and Suggestions for their Improvement," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 84, Feb. 1903. 
 FULTON, E. 
 
 " A Selection of the Shorter Poems of Wordsworth," pp. 256, 12 mo. 
 
 Macmillan Co., 1903. 
 GLOVER, A. J. 
 
 " Records of Individual Cows on Dairy Farms," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 85, April, 1903. 
 [205] 
 
24 
 
 GREENE, E. B. 
 
 " American History, 1783-1902."* 
 
 School News and Practical Educator, Sept. to May, 1901-1902. 
 " " Church and State in Recent European Politics,"* 
 
 Current Encyclopedia, Aug., 1001. 
 
 GRINDLEY, H. S., and MOJONNIER, T. J. 
 
 " The Artificial Method for Determining the Ease and the Rapidity of 
 
 the Digestion of Meats," 
 University Studies, March, 1903. 
 
 HOPKINS, C. G. 
 
 " Alfalfa on Illinois Soil," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 76, July, 1902. 
 
 " " A Quantitative Method for Determining the Acidity of Soils," jointly 
 
 with W. H. Knox and J. H Pettit. 
 Proceedings of Nineteenth Annual Convention of Assoc. of Official 
 
 Agricultural Chemists, Oct. 1902. 
 " " Methods of Corn Breeding," 
 
 Part of Bull. No. 123, Office of Exp. Stations, U. S. Dep t. of Agric., 
 " " Methods of Corn Breeding," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp, Station Bull., No. 82, Dec., 1902. 
 "Fixation of Atmospheric Nitrogen by Alfalfa on Ordinary Prairie Soil 
 
 under Various Treatments," 
 
 Journal of American Chemical Society, Dec., 1902. 
 " " Sugar Beet Investigations in Illinois," (jointly with L. H. Smith.) 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station, Circular No. 62, Jan., 1903. 
 " " Growing Corn on Peaty Soil," 
 
 Breeder s Gazette, Jan., 1903. 
 " " Practical Methods of Corn Breeding," 
 
 Armour s Farmers Almanac, Jan., 1903. 
 "Alfalfa Bacteria," 
 
 Breeder s Gazette, Dec. 3, 1902, and Jan. 7, 1903. 
 " " Investigation of Illinois Soils," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 64, Feb., 1903. 
 " " Corn Experiments in Illinois," (Jointly with L. H. Smith and A. D. Sha- 
 
 mel,) 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 66, Feb., 1903. 
 "The Present Stock Fertility of Illinois Soils and Methods of Maintaining and 
 
 Increasing the Productive Capacity of Illinois Lands," 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 68, April, 1903. 
 
 "Owing to the absence of Prof. Greene these were omitted from the list of last year. 
 
 [206] 
 
25 
 
 LLOYD, J. W. 
 
 " Controlling the Second Brood of Codling Moth," 
 
 Trans, of 111. Horticultural Society, 1902. 
 " Spraying During the Blossoming Period," 
 
 Trans, of 111. Horticultural Society. 1902. 
 " " Pruning the Gooseberry," 
 
 Orange Judd Farmer, March 14, 1903. 
 
 MOJONNIER, T. J. See under Grindley. 
 MOSIER, J. G. 
 
 "Climate of Illinois," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 68, April, 1903. 
 
 Moss, C. M. 
 
 " What are Denominational Schools for?" 
 Christian Advocate, Oct. 9, 1902. 
 
 MUDGE, ISADORE G. 
 
 " Instruction in Reference Work," 
 
 Library Journal, June, 1902. 
 MUMFORD, H. W. 
 
 " Comparison of Silage and Shock Corn for Wintering Calves Intended 
 
 for Beef Production," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 73, June, 1902. Supplement. 
 Nov., 1902. 
 
 " Market Classes and Grades of Cattle with Suggestions for Interpreting 
 
 Market Quotations," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 78, July, 1902. 
 " Feeds Supplementary to Corn for Fattening Steers," 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull. No. 83, Jan, 1903. 
 " Live Stock Investigations," 
 
 U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular No. 65, Feb. 1003. 
 " Selecting, Feeding and Breeding Farm Animals for Profit," 
 
 In "Practical Farming and Gardening, "pub. by Rand, McNally & Co. 
 PARR, S. W. 
 
 " The Volumetric Determination of Copper," 
 
 Journal of American Chemical Society, June, 1902. 
 "The Coals of Illinois," 
 
 Univ. of 111. Technograph, 1902. 
 " Chemical Analysis and Heating Value of Illinois Coals," 
 
 Bull, of Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2oth Annual Coal Rept., 
 
 Springfield, 111. 
 RHOADES, L. A. 
 
 " Biblische Geschicten, Selections from Wiedemann s Wie ich meinen. 
 Kleinen die Biblischen Geschichten erzahle," edited with ques 
 tions and vocabulary. 
 Henry Holt and Co., 1902. 
 
 [207] 
 
26 
 
 ROBINSON, M. H.- 
 
 " The Report of the Industrial Commission on Trusts." A review and 
 
 criticism of the Report. 
 Yale Review for November, 1902. 
 " " A History of Taxation in New Hampshire," 
 
 Publications of the American Economic Association, Third Series, 
 Vol. III. No. 3, August, 1902 ; pp 232, Macmillan Co., N. Y. 
 
 SCHOOLCRAFT, H. L. 
 
 " The Genesis of the Grand Remonstrance from Parliament to King 
 
 Charles I," 
 University Studies, June, 1902. 
 
 SCOTT, F. W.- 
 
 Biographies of Addison, Keats and Shelley, each 32 pp., Oct. 1902, and 
 Mar. and Apr. 1903. See Clark, T. A. 
 
 C. M. Parker, Taylorville, 111. 
 " The Battle of Maple Hole," (story) 
 
 Savannah, Ga. Magazine, April, 1903. 
 
 SCOTT, J. B. 
 
 Cases on International Law," 
 Boston Book Co., Dec. 1902. 
 
 (Art. on International Law, 
 New International Encyclopedia, 1903.) 
 
 The Place of International Law in American Jurisprudence," 
 The Green Bag, April, 1903. 
 
 SMITH, L. H. 
 
 (See under C. G. Hopkins.) 
 TALBOT, A. N. 
 
 "Alleged Mistakes in Engineering Education, and Their Remedies," 
 Proceedings of Soc. for Promotion of Eng g Education, vol. X., 1902 
 
 TOWNSEND, E. J. 
 
 " Foundations of Geometry," 
 
 Trans, from the German of Hilbert. 
 Open Court Pub. Co., 1902. 
 
 WATSON, F. R. 
 
 "Viscosity of Liquids Determined by Measurement of Capillary Waves," 
 Physical Review, July, 1902. 
 
 WELLS, N. A. 
 
 " A New Movement in Art Education," 
 Inland Architect, Dec., 1902. 
 
 WILLIAMS, W. H. 
 
 " The Efficiency of Some Rocky Mountain Coals," 
 
 Trans, of Associated Engineering Societies, Dec. 1902. 
 
 
 
 [208 1 
 
of fllmots 
 
 Vol I MARCH, 1904 No. 6 
 
 Illinois Railway Legislation and Commission 
 Control Since 1870 
 
 By 
 
 JOSEPH HINCKLEY GORDON, A. M., 
 
 Instructor in History in the Academy of the University of Illinois 
 
 With an Introduction by M. B. Hammond, Ph.D., 
 Assistant Professor of Economics 
 
 Slniuermtp 
 
NOTE. 
 
 During the year 1900- 01 the advanced students in the Eco 
 nomic Seminary devoted themselves to a study of the railroad 
 development of Illinois, under the direction of Professor M. B. 
 Hammond, who was in charge of the department during my 
 absence in Europe. In addition to other excellent work done, 
 the essay here published was written by Mr. Gordon, under 
 Professor Hammond s direction. The history of railroad legisla 
 tion before 1870 was also written up, but is not at present avail 
 able for publication. Accordingly, Professor Hammond has kind 
 ly written an introduction to the present essay, covering the 
 ground before 1870. This introductory historical sketch is 
 drawn chiefly from the results of the labors of the students who 
 were at work under Professor Hammond. Mr. Gordon has re 
 cently revised his essay with Professor Hammond s assistance. 
 
 DAVID KINLEY, 
 
 Professor of Economics. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION : Railway Legislation Before 1870. 
 
 SECTION I. Railway Conditions in 1870 and the Constitu 
 
 tional Provisions Concerning Railroads. 
 
 SECTION II. The Restrictive Legislation of 1871 and the Work 
 
 of the First Commission. 
 
 SECTION III. Litigation over the Enforcement of the Law. 
 
 SECTION IV. The Law of 1873 and the Powers of the Commis 
 sion as Modified by It. 
 
 SECTION V. The Schedule of Maximum Rates. 
 
 SECTION VI. The Final Struggle in the Courts. 
 
 SECTION VII. General Legislation and Litigation. 
 
 SECTION VIII. Railway Construction and Consolidation. 
 
 SECTION IX. Later Work of the Commission. 
 
 SECTION X. Conclusion. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 RAILWAY LEGISLATION BEFORE 1870. 
 
 To the student of transportation problems the railway his 
 tory of Illinois possesses an interest hardly equalled by that of 
 any of her sister states. This is not because of the magnitude 
 of the railway interests, though ever since 1870 the railway 
 mileage of Illinois has exceeded that of any other state of the 
 Union and her chief city has long been known as the railway 
 capital of the world. Nor is it because of their antiquity that 
 we feel an especial interest in Illinois railroads. Although this 
 state was the pioneer among western states in railway building, 
 and although both private and public agitation in favor of rail 
 roads began in Illinois almost as soon as in the East, most of 
 the eastern commonwealths had already made a respectable 
 showing in railway construction before the western agitation 
 had attained any tangible results. 
 
 Our interest in Illinois railway problems lies rather in 
 their legislative aspects. This state, after having experimented 
 unsuccessfully with public ownership and management of rail 
 roads, abandoned the plan and, like most of her sister states, 
 went to the other extreme and placed matters of construction 
 and operation entirely in private hands. Not appreciating the 
 fact that they were dealing with an institution whose relation 
 to private industry and public welfare was essentially different 
 from that of other industrial undertakings, the people of Illi 
 nois at succsssive sessions of the legislative assembly freely 
 granted charters of incorporation to railway companies, and 
 made little effort to place on the powers conferred such limita 
 tions as were necessary to safeguard the agricultural, manufac 
 turing and trading interests of the state. The mistakes in this 
 policy soon made themselves felt in the so-called " Granger " 
 
 [213] 
 
agitation. After a bitter struggle in the courts and the legis 
 lature, the right of the state to regulate and control its railway 
 corporations was secured beyond a reasonable doubt. It was 
 in this struggle for control that Illinois led the way. The 
 McLean County case, the Neal Ruyyles case, the case of The Peo 
 ple r. The Illinois Central Railroad Company, and, above all, the 
 case of Mnnn v. Illinois, established the right of the state legis 
 lature under the Illinois Constitution of 1870 to regulate the 
 charges for railway transportation within the state, and, fur- 
 thermore,f ully demonstrated the public character of the railway 
 business. As is well known, these decisions had more than a 
 local bearing. They became the precedents for decisions in 
 similar cases arising in other states and they mark a new 
 era in American railway affairs. 
 
 Nor was this the only way in which Illinois did pioneer 
 work in railway legislation. She was the first state to estab 
 lish a railway commission having the power of regulation and 
 control in its own hands, often called the "strong" commis 
 sion, or the "commission with power". This, too, was an .out 
 come of the Granger agitation and is closely connected with 
 the decisions of the courts just referred to, which settled the 
 right of the legislature to control the roads through such a 
 commission. The question as to whether this type of a com 
 mission is preferable to the "advisory" type found in Massa 
 chusetts and other states has been ably discussed by various 
 writers, who have not all reached the same conclusions. In Il 
 linois, at the time the Railroad and Warehouse Commission 
 was established, there was little discussion of the merits of one 
 type as compared with those of the other. The condition of the 
 public mind, which had been wrought up to a state of excite 
 ment and fury by the persistence of extortionate charges and 
 unjust discriminations by the roads of the state, was not such 
 that the people could be satisfied by mere advice. An effort 
 was made to go directly to the heart of the difficulty by means 
 of legislative prohibitions and by entrusting such powers to a 
 
 [214] 
 
commission as were deemed essential to secure the enforce 
 ment of. the laws. Perhaps the wisdom of this move, under 
 the existing circumstances, has nowhere been better demon 
 strated than by the experience of the state of Iowa, which, 
 when confronted with similar problems, first experimented 
 with the advisory commission and later abandoned it to estab 
 lish a "strong" commission modeled after that of Illinois. 1 
 
 In this brief outline we have attempted to show the bear 
 ing of the Illinois railway problem of the 70 s on the railway 
 problem of the country at large. The way in which the people 
 of Illinois solved their own problem forms the subject of Mr. 
 Gordon s paper, and it would be a waste of words to attempt 
 further to elucidate that which he has so clearly presented. In 
 order to give this interesting episode its proper historical set 
 ting, it may be well, however, to present to the reader a short 
 sketch of the early history of railway construction and legisla 
 tion in Illinois. 
 
 As already suggested, a movement in favor of the con 
 struction of railroads in Illinois began as early as February, 
 1829, when Governor Coles of this State wrote to Governor 
 Bernard of New York concerning internal improvements and 
 among other things, inquired as to the probable expense of 
 constructing a railroad through the open prairies of Illinois. 
 At about the same time the editor of the Illinois Magazine, 
 published at Vandalia, was advocating the building of railroads 
 in Illinois. 2 By 1831 the matter was before the legislature and 
 that body appointed a commission to report on the " practi 
 cability and probable cost of constructing a canal or railroad" 
 in St. Clair county. The lack of an efficient means of trans 
 portation was sorely felt by the early settlers in Illinois, whose 
 only highways were the muddy "dirt" roads which still em 
 barrass the Illinois farmer in his efforts to market his crops. 
 
 1 For an account of the Iowa experience, see Dixon s State Railroad Control, 
 with a History of its Development in Iowa. 
 
 2 Illinois Magazine, 1, 85. 
 
 [215] 
 
8 
 
 The experiments being made with steam railroads in New 
 York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina at about 
 this time were eagerly watched by the Illinois farmers, and it is 
 not surprising that many of them believed that the new device 
 for transportation offered them a means of escape from their 
 own difficulties. 
 
 For several years, however,beginningwith 1831, a keen con 
 troversy took place both within and without the legislature be 
 tween the friends of the railroads and those who favored canals. 
 The railway advocates certainly presented the stronger argu 
 ments 1 but, on the other hand, railway building was as yet 
 in the experimental stage, while the success of the Erie Canal 
 created a strong bias in favor of water as a means of transpor 
 tation; and finally, in the legislative session of 1834- 35, the 
 supporters of the Illinois-Michigan Canal triumphed over their 
 railway opponents. But, although the canal project undoubt 
 edly had popular support at this time, the desire for railroads 
 still remained strong with the people. The same session of the 
 legislature which adopted the canal project also passed the 
 first railway incorporation act. This provided for the construc 
 tion of a railroad from Chicago to a point on the Wabash river 
 opposite Yincennes, Indiana. No organization was effected 
 under this charter and the road was never built. The first rail 
 road actually constructed in this state was a private enterprise, 
 unincorporated, undertaken by Ex-Governor Reynolds in 1836- 
 37. It was a coal road, six miles in length, built from the bluffs 
 in St. Clair county to the Mississippi river at a point about op 
 posite St. Louis. In character and purpose this road was similar to 
 the coal and granite tramways built in Massachusetts, Pennsyl 
 vania and other states, as well as in England, and, except as it 
 marks a beginning, its consideration hardly belongs to railway 
 history. The road was at first built with wooden rails, and 
 horse power was the motive power, though later steam was 
 
 i Senate Journal, i832-*33, p. 218. 
 
 [216] 
 
employed. 1 This road was finally incorporated and is now a 
 part of the Louisville, Evansville, and St. Louis Railroad. The 
 Chicago and Galena Union Railroad, which was chartered Jan 
 uary 16. 1836, was the first road to be chartered by an Illinois 
 legislature which was actually constructed and put in operation 
 under its charter. The survey of this road was begun in 1838, 
 but the financial stringency following the crisis of 1837 delayed 
 construction, and the road did not begin operation until near 
 the close of 1848. This road later came under the control of 
 the Illinois Central Railroad and now forms a part of its 
 western lines. 
 
 From 1836 on, the incorporation of railroad companies in 
 Illinois proceeded with some rapidity. Not only the incorpo- 
 rators bat likewise the people and their representatives in the 
 legislature expected large profits to be realized by these com 
 panies. Attempts were made in several of the early charters 
 to guard against excessive profits. A notable example is the first 
 act of incorporation of the Illinois Central Railroad, which pro 
 vided that when the dividends exceeded 12 per cent, on the in 
 vestment, the legislature might reduce the tolls. This marks 
 the first attempt at restrictive legislation. 
 
 By far the most interesting chapter in the early history of 
 Illinois railroads is that which deals with the effort of the peo 
 ple to establish a system of railroads owned and managed 
 directly by the state. This was a part of the great internal 
 improvement plan of 1837. Like many of her sister states Illi 
 nois was siezed with the internal improvement mania which 
 possessed the people of the United States during the 30 s- 
 This is not the place to enter into a discussion of the forces 
 which caused this remarkable movement. As historians have 
 frequently pointed out, it was due, in part, to the growth of a 
 surplus in the national treasury and its distribution in 1837, 
 and, in part, to bank and land speculation then rife in all the 
 
 iNiles Register, November 25, 1837. See also Reynolds, My Own Times. 
 
 [217] 
 
10 
 
 southern and western states. In Illinois the movement culmi 
 nated in the internal improvement convention of 1836- 
 37, and this resulted in the passage through the legislature of 
 the act of February 27, 1837, entitled, "An act to establish 
 and maintain a general system of internal improvements ". 
 This act provided for seven commissioners to superintend the 
 construction of certain specified public improvements, whose 
 estimated cost was $11,000,000. These expenditures, for which 
 a state loan of $8,000,000 was authorized, were, in part, for the 
 improvement of the chief rivers of the state and, in part, for 
 the improvement of roads and bridges in those counties where 
 no railroads were projected; but all but $600,000 of the amount 
 was for the purpose of constructing nine different railroads. 
 This ambitious program, which was entirely beyond the re 
 sources and credit of Illinois at the time, was hastily passed 
 in spite of the protests of conservative men within and without 
 the legislature. Almost from the first, the impossibility of ex 
 ecuting the plan was realized. Eastern capital would not enter 
 the undertaking, as had been confidently predicted, and within 
 three years after the passage of the act a special session of the 
 legislature, called for the purpose, had repealed it. The only 
 part of this stupendous undertaking which was ever completed 
 was the construction of the Northern Cross Railroad from 
 Springfield to Meredosia on the Illinois river, 33^ miles beyond 
 Jacksonville. The first eight miles of the road, from Meredosia 
 east, were opened in November, 1838, and the first locomotive 
 ever used in the Mississippi Valley was then employed. The 
 road was completed as far as Jacksonville by January 1, 1840, 
 and to Springfield by May 13, 1842. It had cost $1,000,000. Its 
 administration by the state was at a loss and it was soon sold 
 for $100,000. None of its successive lessees succeeded in mak 
 ing it pay and by 1843 it had been abandoned. Prior to this, its 
 one locomotive had been upset in a swamp and mules driven 
 tandem had taken its place. In 1847 the road was again sold, 
 
 [2I8J 
 
11 
 
 this time for $21,000, and was re-opened for traffic in 1849. It 
 now forms a part of the Wabash Railway system. 
 
 The internal improvement plan, after having saddled a 
 debt of $6,000,000 on the state, was reluctantly abandoned. 
 Many people continued to hope that later years might see a re 
 newal of the attempt to create a transportation system owned 
 and managed by the state. The surveyed and unfinished por 
 tions of the state roads were granted to the local divisions of 
 government through which they ran, with the proviso always 
 inserted in the grant that the state might resume control 
 whenever it desired to use them for their original purposes. 
 
 After the internal improvement plan had been abandoned, 
 the legislature reverted to the plan of granting charters to pri 
 vate companies. Under the early railway charters but little 
 had been accomplished. According to unofficial statistics, 1 
 there were as late as 1852 only ninety-five miles of railroad in 
 operation in the entire state. The roads which were now 
 chartered were, in many instances, planned to complete por 
 tions of the state roads begun under the act of 1837. The re 
 luctance of the people to give up the plan of state ownership 
 and management of these roads is seen in the proviso, usually 
 inserted in the charters, that the state may purchase the road 
 after a specified number of years by paying to the company the 
 cost of the road together with interest thereon. 
 
 Professor B. H. Meyer, in tracing the history of the rail 
 way legislation of this period for the country as a whole, has 
 shown that in all the western states, at least, these early 
 charters were loosely drawn and that they show little compre 
 hension on the part of the legislators of the public nature of 
 the railway industry, or of the serious difficulties which were 
 sure to follow as a result of the failure clearly to define the 
 mutual rights and obligations of the corporations and the com 
 monwealths. 2 In this respect the state of Illinois presented 
 
 1 Chicago Daily Press, Feb. 16, 1856. But see p. 18. 
 
 2 Meyer, Railway Legislation in the United States, 8-9. 
 
 [219] 
 
12 
 
 no exception to the general rule. In matters pertaining to 
 capitalization, increase of stock, indebtedness, the accumula 
 tion of a sinking fund, and even in the determination of the 
 route and the fixing of terminals, there was the utmost loose 
 ness and lack of uniformity. The early charters almost invari 
 ably conferred upon the directors unlimited power to fix the 
 rates of toll, and this provision later proved embarrassing when 
 the state undertook to regulate the charges for transportation. 
 Eelying upon the decision of the Federal Supreme Court in the 
 Dartmouth College case as proof of the inviolability of their 
 charters, the railway owners and officials insisted that any at 
 tempt on the part of the legislature to interfere with their rate- 
 making power was a clear violation of their contract. In spite 
 of the fact that a general incorporation act was passed by the 
 Illinois legislature in 1849, the practice of granting special 
 charters continued, and no road was actually incorporated 
 under a general law until after 1870. The reason for neglect 
 ing to take advantage of the general incorporation act of 1849 
 seems to have been that any road organized under its provisions 
 must still obtain from the legislature specific permission to 
 condemn land, thus necessitating a special act for each road. 
 Furthermore, the act of 1849 fixed the maximum rate for trans 
 porting passengers at three cents a mile. 
 
 During the years from 1848 to 1854 railway building in 
 Illinois was greatly hampered by the attitude of the legislature 
 in upholding what was known as the "State policy" in matters 
 of railway construction. This policy was to refuse to charter 
 any east and west road whose proposed terminals were trading 
 centres outside of the state. The object was to build up com 
 mercial centres within the state and the policy was directed, in 
 particular, against the cities of St. Louis, Missouri, and Vin- 
 cennes and Terre Haute, Indiana. The pursuance of this short 
 sighted policy not only hindered the flow of capital into the 
 state and retarded the industrial and commercial development 
 of certain sections, but it caused retaliatory measures to be 
 
 [220J 
 
13 
 
 adopted by neighboring states. The policy met with especi 
 ally strong opposition from the residents of the southern part 
 of the state and several conventions were called to protest 
 against its continuance. Two special sessions of the legislature 
 were called to deal with the matter, but so strong was the in 
 fluence exerted by the supporters of this plan that it was not 
 until 1854 that a more liberal policy prevailed. 
 
 In spite of this policy, however, railway building in Illinois 
 in the early 50 s proceeded with unparalleled rapidity. As 
 already indicated, there were in 1852 only 95 miles of railroad 
 in operation in the state. By February 16, 1856, there were 
 2410 miles in operation. 1 Of this amount only about three 
 hundred miles were in the southern part of the state. From 
 1835 to 1869, inclusive, 413 railway charters were granted by 
 the Illinois legislature and the great majority of these were 
 framed after 1854. 
 
 Of the railway building of this period, by far the most not 
 able undertaking was that of the Illinois Central Railroad. 
 This enterprise has an importance not confined to the state of 
 Illinois, since it marks the first important step in the policy of 
 securing Congressional land grants in aid of railroads. Small 
 beginnings of this policy had already been made in Illinois, as 
 well as in other states. In 1835 an act of Congress authorized 
 the legislature of Illinois, if it saw fit, to use the land granted 
 in 1827 to aid in the construction of the Illinois-Michigan 
 Canal for a railroad instead of a canal. Small grants of land 
 had also been made by Congress to several southern states in 
 aid of railway construction. Although several citizens have 
 claimed the credit of having originated the Illinois Central 
 railway project, the credit for having pushed the land grant 
 through Congress undoubtedly belongs to Stephen A. Douglas. 
 The desire to have a north and south line running the full 
 length of the state had long been a pet scheme of the people 
 of Illinois. The internal improvement plan of 1837 had 
 
 i Chicago Daily Press, February 16, 1836. See also p. 18. 
 
 [221] 
 
14 
 
 this as its main item and, after the failure of that ambitions 
 program, another attempt was made in 1843 to provide for such 
 a line by chartering the Great Western Uailroad Company. 
 Private capital, unaided by government subsidies, appeared 
 unwilling, however, to undertake the project and, beginning 
 with 1848, Douglas worked unremittingly to secure Congres 
 sional aid for the road. Finally, on September 26, 1850, Con 
 gress passed the act which gave to the State of Illinois the 
 right of way 250 feet in width through the public lands and 
 also the alternate sections of land, six sections deep, along the 
 proposed route, an amount of land aggregating nearly 2,600,000 
 acres. The Illinois Central Railroad Company was incorpo 
 rated in January, 1851, for the purpose of building the road, and 
 the lands granted by Congress to the state were conferred on 
 the company in return for a promise on its part to pay annu 
 ally a tax of seven per cent, of its gross earnings into the 
 State Treasury. This was to be in lieu of all other state and 
 local taxes. The company which received the charter and the 
 land grant was composed of New York and Boston capitalists 
 of high financial reputation but the capital for the enterprise 
 came, for the most part, from England. The bill incorporating 
 the company was hastily passed by the legislature and was in 
 opposition to the wishes of many who believed that the state 
 should have retained the title to the lands and should have 
 constructed and operated the railroad. Without discussing in 
 this place the relative merits of the two plans, or seeking to 
 justify the general principle of governmental subsidies in aid 
 of private railway corporations, it may be said in all fairness, 
 that in this case the Congressional land grant proved advan 
 tageous to all parties concerned. By withholding from the 
 market for two years the sections of land not granted along 
 the right of way, the Federal Government was able to dispose of 
 these lands at an average price four times as large as that at 
 which they were offered prior to making the grant. It also 
 fixed the compensation for carrying the mails over the road 
 and reserved the right to transport its troops and munitions of 
 
 [222] 
 
15 
 
 war free of cost. To the state of Illinois the land grant and 
 the building of the railroad added 150,000 in population within 
 a very few years and the development of the state s resources 
 was greatly hastened. Furthermore, the contract for the pay 
 ment of the gross earnings tax has proved very advantageous 
 to the state, and, judging from the market price of its stock, 
 has not seriously affected the prosperity of the company. 
 
 Several other attempts were made to secure Congressional 
 aid for Illinois railroads between 1837 and 1854, but they 
 proved fruitless. 
 
 The financial disasters resulting from the failure of the in 
 ternal improvement plan of 1837 led the framers of the Consti 
 tution of 1848 to insert a clause in that instrument, forbidding 
 the General Assembly to give the credit of the state in 
 any manner in aid of any individual, association or corporation. 
 The people were soon convinced, however, that public aid of 
 some sort was necessary, if railway building was to proceed 
 rapidly. The state government being estopped from giving 
 direct aid, the people turned to the local sub-divisions. In 1849 
 the legislature, in an amendment to the general incorporation 
 act, provided that any county might, upon vote of its citizens, 
 subscribe for shares in the capital stock of any such corpora 
 tion to an amount not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars. 
 Later acts extended the power to boards of supervisors, where 
 the township organization prevailed, and to councils of munic 
 ipalities. An attempt to increase this power of the local gov 
 ernments to aid railroads was made in 1869 by the passage of 
 the so-called "tax-grabbing" law. The features of this law 
 and the results of its passage are described in subsequent 
 pages. We need here only to mention the fact that the en 
 couragement which these laws afforded to counties, townships 
 and municipalities to bond themselves in aid of railroads led to 
 the adoption of many hastily-passed and ill-considered meas 
 ures for furnishing financial aid to various companies. In some 
 instances the aid thus rendered proved of advantage to all 
 concerned, but in other cases it simply resulted in saddling a 
 
 [223] 
 
16 
 
 heavy debt upon the local governments without yielding any 
 corresponding benefit whatever. 
 
 There remains for brief consideration in this introductory 
 chapter the early attempts on the part of the state to regulate 
 the rates of toll upon the railroads, in order to prevent extor 
 tionate charges and discriminations. Until 1849 complaints of 
 this character were infrequent, but about that time it began to 
 be charged that the railroads were not only making extortion 
 ate charges for transportation, but that they were, in this way, 
 making profits in excess of those in other industries. The 
 Committee on Internal Improvements in its report to the legis 
 lature in 1849 recommended the establishment of maximum 
 rates in every charter to be granted in the future. This recom 
 mendation found approval in the general incorporation act of 
 that year which fixed the maximum passenger rates on roads 
 chartered under its provisions to three cents a mile. The act 
 further provided that for roads already chartered the legisla 
 ture might alter the tolls, provided such alterations did not re 
 duce the profits to less than fifteen per cent of the capital 
 stock. The roads protested against the operation of this sec 
 tion, claiming it to be a violation of their charter contracts, 
 and the people began to realize the difficulties of rate regula 
 tion which the loosely drawn charters had imposed on them. 
 However, the demand for legislative action to control the rate- 
 making power of the roads continued to grow louder and more 
 emphatic throughout the two succeeding decades. This pro 
 duced some effect in the requirement, inserted in some of the 
 charters granted, that the roads should establish and maintain 
 a schedule of uniform rates for both passengers and freight. 
 Meanwhile railway consolidation which had been proceeding 
 with great rapidity during the 50 s and 60 s was causing alarm 
 and was being denounced as being "in restraint of trade. 7 So 
 great,indeed, was the fear of monopolistic power being secured 
 in this way, that in the Constitution of 1870 a clause was in 
 serted forbidding the consolidation of parallel or competing 
 lines. Public opinion seemed to be divided, however, as to the 
 
 [224] 
 
17 
 
 right of the legislature to modify the rates of toll on the roads 
 already chartered, and between 1858 and 1869 every attempt to 
 pass a general law fixing rates or for the prevention of dis 
 criminations failed of passage in the legislature. The first 
 general law of this character was not passed until March 10, 
 1869. It limited the charges on the roads of the state to 
 reasonable rates," but did not attempt to define what was 
 reasonable. On the other hand, the law stated: "That the 
 company shall fix a reasonable and uniform rate of tolls does 
 not mean that one road shall charge the same as any other 
 road, or that the same rate for different roads is required." 
 The act thus cautiously worded proved ineffective, and no at 
 tention whatever was paid to its provisions by any road in the 
 state. The real struggle for securing effective public control 
 over the railroads in Illinois began in the Constitutional Con 
 vention of 1870. 
 
 The railway history of Illinois may thus conveniently 
 be divided into jive periods, each period having its own peculiar 
 characteristics. 
 
 The first period (1829-1836) is one of agitation, having no 
 practical results other than the construction of a few unimport 
 ant tramways and the chartering of several roads which were 
 either not built, or whose construction was postponed until 
 later years. In this period the building of canals aroused more 
 enthusiasm than did railway projects. 
 
 The second period (1837-1889) witnesses the effort of the 
 state to construct and operate its own roads, an effort which 
 fails utterly after having brought about the insolvency of the 
 state government. 
 
 The third period (1840-1869) marks a return to the plan of 
 incorporated private companies aided in some cases by Federal 
 land grants and in others by the bond issues of counties, town 
 ships and municipalities. It is a period of rapid construction, 
 but one in which later difficulties are engendered, owing to the 
 loosely drawn charters arid the reckless financial aid furnished 
 by the local governments. 
 
18 
 
 The fourth period (1870-1876) is characterized by the 
 " Granger 7 agitation, and by the efforts of the people to regu 
 late railway rates and to prevent unjust discriminations by the 
 establishment of the Railroad and Warehouse Commission. 
 During this period the struggle for control is being carried on 
 in the State and Federal courts and results in the complete 
 triumph of the policy of state regulation. 
 
 The fifth period (1877-present time) is a period of calm in 
 which the principle of public control is recognized by the 
 roads, and the work of the Railroad and Warehouse Commis 
 sion is carried on without interference on the part of the rail 
 way managers. It is the importance which is attached to 
 these later periods which furnishes the interest to the follow 
 ing pages. 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, M. B. HAMMOND. 
 
 March 1, 1904. 
 
 [226] 
 
SECTION I 
 
 RAILWAY CONDITIONS IN 1870 AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRO 
 VISIONS CONCERNING RAILROADS. 
 
 The twenty years preceding 1870 had witnessed a rapid de 
 velopment of railroads in Illinois. In 1851 this commonwealth 
 had only one hundred and eleven miles of railroads,and was the 
 eighteenth state in the Union with respect to railway mileage. 
 By January 1, 1871 the number of miles had increased to 4,823 
 an amount in excess of that of any other state. 1 The same 
 period saw a rapid increase in the population and wealth of the 
 state, an increase which was greatest in those sections through 
 which the railroads had been built. The people of Illinois had 
 soon realized the aid which might be rendered by the railroads 
 in industrial development and the demand for increased rail 
 way facilities came from all parts of the state. * 
 
 So great was this eagerness for the extension of the roads 
 that hasty and ill-considered means had of ten-times been 
 adopted for the acceleration of the movement. Towns and 
 counties had bonded themselves to subscribe to the stock of 
 new railroads proposing to build through them and individual 
 citizens in many cases went so far as to mortgage their proper 
 ty to subscribe to the stock of the roads. 3 By the granting of 
 special privileges in charters the state legislature, also, did all 
 in its power to hasten the construction of new lines of road. 4 
 From 1850 to 1870 charters had been granted to three hundred 
 and twenty-two railway companies. 5 The close of the Civil War 
 
 1 H. V. Poor, "Manual of Railroads of the United States," 1871 - 72, p. XXXII. 
 
 2 John Moses, - Illinois, Historical and Statistical," 11:1057-8. 
 
 3 Ibid., 1058. 
 
 4 Davidson and Stuve, "History of Illinois." 1020. 
 
 5 Laws of Illinois, 1851-1869. 
 
 [22 7 J 
 
20 
 
 had left idle a class of men who were particularly attracted to 
 the field of railway enterprise. 1 All of these causes had com 
 bined to produce an abnormal development of railroads. 
 
 It was inevitable that this over development of the roads 
 should lead in many cases to failure. As a result of this fail 
 ure the people saw that their hopes of the benefits to be de 
 rived from the building of the roads were, in most cases, not to 
 be realized. The profits with which the holders of the railway 
 stock were expecting to pay the interest on the debt which they 
 had incurred to buy this stock were not forthcoming. Further 
 than this, the stock itself was rendered valueless by the failure 
 of the roads and often-times the farmer, with nothing to com 
 pensate him, was obliged to see the foreclosure of the mort 
 gage which he had placed upon his farm to enable him to buy 
 railway stock. The people were further dissatisfied with the 
 fact that the roads were using up in the payment of large sal 
 aries to railway officials the profits which the public had expect 
 ed to share. The citizens were also burdened with the heavy tax 
 which was necessary to liquidate the bonded indebtedness of 
 counties and towns. 2 
 
 The chief cause of the public dissatisfaction, however, is to 
 be found in the management of the roads. Each company ar 
 ranged its rates with a view to securing as large a share of the 
 traffic as possible and, as a consequence, the evils of discrimi 
 nations between places and persons arose. Rates at compet 
 ing points were made so low that they were not sufficient to 
 pay the cost of transportation and the loss was made up by the 
 charging of exorbitant prices at non-competitive points. Per 
 sonal discriminations were also frequent. The absence 
 of any regular tariffs made it necessary for each per 
 son to make a separate bargain with the company, and there 
 were, as a consequence, great variations in the rates charged to 
 
 1 Davidson and Stave, op. cit. 1020. 
 
 2 Moses, op. cit. 11:1058. 
 
 [228] 
 
21 
 
 different customers. 1 Mr. Pierce, one of the delegates to the 
 Constitutional convention of 1870, declared that the railroads 
 were charging exorbitant rates and were making discrimina 
 tions, citing as an instance the fact that, in shipping lumber 
 from Chicago to Springfield, it was cheaper to ship it to St. 
 Louis and from there to Springfield than to ship it direct to 
 Springfield from Chicago. He also asserted that the people of 
 Illinois were being discriminated against in favor of the people 
 of Iowa, Wisconsin, Kansas and Nebraska. 2 Although his de 
 scription of the situation may have been overdrawn, it is cer 
 tain that the practice of making unjustifiable discriminations 
 was very general and that it was having in many instances a dis 
 astrous effect. 
 
 In addition to these grave evils of railway management in 
 the state there was one which, although it worked no consider 
 able hardship to the patrons of the roads, did much to aggra 
 vate them and to excite their hostility. This was the attitude 
 which was assumed by the officials and employees of the roads 
 in their dealings with the people. Little attempt was made by 
 these officials to furnish the traveling and shipping public the 
 most satisfactory service which it was in their power to give. 
 The courteous treatment of the customers of a road is a matter 
 of vast importance to the avoidance of friction between the 
 roads and the people and the lack of a proper consideration of 
 this point is stated by C. F. Adams 3 to have been one of the two 
 great causes of the hostility to the roads which marked the 
 Granger movement. 
 
 Two acts of the state legislature in 1869, which served as a 
 good illustration of the lack of conservatism which marked the 
 action of the legislature at that time, furnished a disturbing 
 element of considerable importance in the railway situation in 
 
 1 A. E. Paine, "The Granger Movement in Illinois," manuscript thesis, Uni 
 versity of Illinois, 1900, 12. 
 
 2 Debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1870, 11:1646. 
 
 3 "The Granger Movement", North American Review, CXX:^98-4O4; Paine ofi. 
 cit. 1 8, 19. 
 
 [229! 
 
22 
 
 1870. These acts were known as the "tax grabbing" law and 
 the "Lake Front" law. The first of these laws 1 provided that 
 all counties and towns which had bonded themselves to aid in 
 the construction of railroads should receive for ten years 
 all of the state taxes on the increased assessment over 
 the assessments of 1868, and all of the taxes which were 
 raised during the same period from the railroads in 
 benefit of which the debt was created, except, in both 
 cases, the state school tax and the two mill tax. The sums 
 thus received were to be applied to the payment of the bonds. 
 The effect of this act was to increase greatly the amount of 
 local aid voted to railway companies. By the "Lake Front" 
 act 2 , a portion of the lake front in Chicago, south of the river 
 mouth, sufficient to construct miles of dockage and outside 
 harbor was given to the Illinois Central and Chicago, Burling 
 ton and Quincy railway companies, together with some land 
 for depot purposes within the city. In return for these grants 
 the city was to receive $800,000, a sum which fell short of the 
 
 actual value of the property by nearly $2,000,000. 3 The harm 
 ful effects of these two radical measures which provided such 
 generous assistance to the roads will be seen later when the 
 policy of the state changed from one fostering the railroads to 
 one restricting them. 
 
 The evils from the over-development of the roads, and the 
 discriminations and high charges, some justifiable but many not 
 so; the hardships resulting from the too liberal use made of 
 public and private credit in aid of the roads; the non-concilia 
 tory action of the managers of the railroads; the evils at 
 tendant upon absentee ownership; and the radical attitude of 
 the state legislature, all combined to produce in Illinois by 
 1870 a state of affairs which clearly could not long endure. Dis 
 satisfaction was general throughout the state and was especially 
 keen in the rural communities. The feeling prevailed that the 
 
 1 Public Laws of Illinois, 1869, 316-21. 
 
 2 Ibid., 245-8; Davidson and Stuve, op. cit. 1021. 
 
 3 Illinois House Journal, 1869, 111:523-4. 
 
 [230] 
 
23 
 
 previous state action with regard to the roads had been ill con 
 sidered and that the necessity had now arisen for the state to 
 take some positive action to curb the growing power of these 
 corporations. That the attitude of the people toward the roads 
 was the result of the Granger movement cannot be maintained, 
 for in 1870 this movement was still in its inception. The first 
 grange was not organized in the state until 1868 and the state 
 organization was not effected until 1872. The same forces, 
 however, which were to give the Granger movement the 
 strength which it attained in Illinois were working to intensify 
 popular opposition to the roads and in this way a close relation 
 existed between the Granger movement as such and the atti 
 tude of the people toward the railroads at this time. 1 Such 
 was the condition of public opinion when the Constitutional 
 convention met in 1870. 
 
 The delegates to the convention seem to have been almost 
 unanimous in the opinion that some measures restrictive of the 
 railroads were necessary and they felt that public sentiment 
 would support them in action along these lines. Mr. Snyder, 
 a delegate to the convention from Saint Clair county, remarked 
 that "if there is any one question on which there is unanimity in 
 this state, it is on restricting these railroads." 2 But, although 
 it was very generally agreed that there was a necessity for re 
 strictive measures there was wide difference of opinion as to the 
 method of restriction which should be adopted. The chief ques 
 tion to be settled was as to the power which the state possessed 
 to adopt measures limiting railway charges. 3 On the one side 
 it was claimed that the fixing of charges by the state legislature 
 was an illegal violation of the rights granted in the charters to 
 the railroads, and the decision in the Dartmouth College case 
 was cited to substantiate this claim. On the other hand, it was 
 argued that if the railway corporation was beyond public regu 
 lation, it had become superior to the state which had given it 
 birth, a condition of affairs which was impossible. The belief 
 
 1 Cf. Paine, op. cit. 31. 
 
 2 Debates of the Constitutional Convention, 11:1770. 
 
 3 ibid., II, 1637-64; 1708-23. 
 
 [23?] 
 
24 
 
 in an extensive power of the state to regulate the roads was the 
 general one among the delegates and after an extended debate 
 the convention incorporated in the Constitution certain pro 
 visions concerning railroads which were intended to define the 
 power of the state over the corporations. 
 
 Article XL of the constitution provides that no corpora 
 tion shall be created by special laws ; that the railroads shall 
 make public the amount of their capital stock and the names 
 of the stockholders, together with the amount of their assets and 
 liabilities ; that the directors of each road shall make a sw r orn 
 annual report to some officers designated by law concerning 
 such matters as may be prescribed by law ; that consolidations 
 of competing lines shall not be made ; that the General Assem 
 bly shall from time to time pass laws establishing reasonable 
 maximum passenger and freight rates ; that stocks or bonds 
 shall not be issued except for money, labor or property actually 
 received ; and, finally, that law T s shall be passed to correct 
 abuses and to prevent unjust discrimination and extortion in 
 freight and passenger rates and to enforce such laws by ade 
 quate penalties to the extent, if necessary, of forfeiture of rail 
 way property and franchises. A resolution was presented in 
 the convention providing for the insertion in the constitution 
 of a clause establishing a railroad and warehouse commission 
 but it failed of adoption. l 
 
 Thus through her fundamental law Illinois took an ad 
 vanced position with regard to railway control. 2 The constitu-* 
 tion prepared the way for the institution of some system of reg 
 ulation, leaving to the legislature the establishment of the ma 
 chinery through which regulation was to be accomplished. It 
 even went so far as to command the legislature to pass restric 
 tive legislation, an order for which there was no means of ex 
 ecution provided. The legislature, however, accepted the duty 
 laid upon upon it by the constitution and enacted laws regula 
 ting the railroads, fully as advanced in character as were the 
 provisions of the constitution which inspired them. 
 
 1 Debates, II, 1648. 
 
 2 Paine, op. cit. 20. [232] 
 
SECTION II. 
 
 THE RESTRICTIVE LEGISLATION OF 1871 AND THE WORK OF THE 
 
 FIRST COMMISSION. 
 
 In the debate on the adoption of the railway article of the 
 Constitution of 1870, it was declared by one of the delegates 1 
 that the people expected this article to inaugurate a fight 
 with the roads. The constitutional provisions opened the way 
 for positive legislative enactment, and the expectation of the 
 people was soon realized. 2 
 
 In his message of January 4, 1871, to the Twenty-Seventh 
 General Assembly, the first to be held after the adoption of the 
 new constitution, Governor Palmer considered the railway 
 problem at some length. 3 He declared that the claim that the 
 state legislature did not have the power to regulate railway 
 rates was equivalent to the assertion that "a power had grown 
 up in the state greater Ithan the state itself". In considering 
 the need for state intervention, Governor Palmer took an ad 
 vanced position in regard to the effects of railway competition. 
 "Those who deny the necessity of state intervention", he said, 
 "insist that all of the evils of excessive tariffs and unjust dis 
 criminations in rates for transportation will be ultimately cor 
 rected by the competition of different lines of railways in their 
 efforts to control business. Competition is far more expensive 
 than direct methods of legal control. The grossest oppressions 
 that burden the people grow out of the fierce and exhaust 
 ing railway competition at important points, where their inter 
 ests come in conflict ; and one of the strongest reasons for the 
 
 1 Washburn, of the sixth representative district. 
 
 2 Paine, op. cit., p. 21. 
 
 3 Senate Journal, 1871, 19-22. 
 
 [233] 
 
26 
 
 interference of the Legislature to control the management of 
 railway lines is, that the burdens of the useless competition of 
 different lines are thrown upon intermediate points, where corn- 
 petition is impossible. Deprive railroad corporations of the pow 
 er to impose discretionary rates upon their traffic, and the busi 
 ness community would suffer far less from the selfish contests 
 of competing lines, that in their effect unsettle values, to the 
 confusion of business and the disappointment of the most pru 
 dent commercial calculations." In regard to the difficulties of 
 the railway problem, Governor Palmer added, "The difficulties 
 that occur to my mind do not relate to the power of the state 
 to enact and enforce proper laws, but they grow out of the com 
 plex nature of the subject. There are conflicting interests to be 
 reconciled and adjusted, and nothing within the sphere of gov 
 ernmental action requires more delicacy of management than 
 what is termed the railway problem." 
 
 The Twenty-Seventh General Assembly did not hesitate to 
 follow the requirements of the constitution, and six acts, de 
 signed to institute state regulation of the railroads, were passed 
 at this session. 1 These acts contained provisions, (1) for the in 
 corporation of railway companies, (2) limiting railway consoli 
 dation, (3) regulating the receiving, transportation and delivery 
 of grain, (4) prohibiting unjust discriminations and extortion 
 in freight rates, (5) fixing reasonable maximum rates for pass 
 enger traffic, and, finally, (6) establishing a board of railroad 
 and warehouse commissioners. 
 
 The general incorporation act prescribed and defined the 
 duties of railway corporations, and limited their powers by 
 expressly reserving to the general assembly the power to pre 
 vent unjust discriminations and extortions and to fix maximum 
 freight and passenger rates. 2 
 
 The act "to provide for changes in incorporated com 
 panies" granted to railway companies the right to consolidate, 
 but provided that consolidation should not take place between 
 
 1 Laws of Illinois, 1871-72. 
 
 2 Ibid., 625-34. 
 
 [234] 
 
27 
 
 parallel or competing lines. 1 A.S to what were to be considered 
 parallel or competing lines the act made no statement. This 
 provision of the law, following as it does a similar clause in 
 the constitution, 2 is interesting as it reveals the general opinion 
 of the time as to the effect of railway competition. Notwith 
 standing the opinion expressed by Governor Palmer, competi 
 tion seems to have been considered an effective remedy for 
 railway evils instead of one of the primary sources of some of 
 the grossest of those evils. 
 
 The act regulating the receiving, transportation, and de 
 livery of grain forbade discrimination between shippers and 
 warehouses in the handling of grain. 
 
 The act to prevent unjust discriminations and extortion in 
 freight rates 3 provided "that no railroad corporation organized 
 or doing business in this state * * * shall charge or col 
 lect for the transportation of goods, merchandise or property 
 on its said road, for any distance, the same nor any larger or 
 greater amount as toll or compensation than is at the same 
 time charged or collected for the transportation of similar 
 quantities of the same class of goods, merchandise or property 
 over a greater distance upon the same road, nor shall such 
 corporation charge different rates for receiving, handling or 
 delivering freights at different points on its road, or roads con 
 nected therewith which it has a right to use. Nor shall such 
 railroad corporation charge or collect for the transportation of 
 goods, merchandise or property over any portion of its road, a 
 greater amount as toll or compensation than shall be charged 
 or collected by it for the transportation of similar quantities 
 of the same class of goods, merchandise or property over any 
 other portion of its road of equal distance." The provisions of 
 this act are thus seen to be more sweeping than the provisions 
 of the "long and short haul clause" of the interstate commerce 
 
 1 Laws of Illinois, 1871-72, 487-90. 
 
 2 Art. ix, Sec. ii. 
 
 3 Laws of Illinois, 635-6. 
 
 [235] 
 
28 
 
 act of 1887. 1 The Illinois statute makes the charging of the 
 same or greater sum for the shorter distance than is charged 
 for a longer illegal under all circumstances, while the federal 
 law only makes such a charge illegal when the shorter distance 
 is included within the longer and the haul is in the same 
 direction. 
 
 The act concerning freight rates further provided 2 that no 
 increase should be made in the rate then existing between any 
 two points, in following out the provisions of the act and that 
 the rates on any day should not be higher than the rates which 
 existed on the corresponding day of the year 1870. In cases 
 where the law was violated, the party aggrieved was entitled 
 to collect in an action of debt a sum not exceeding one thou 
 sand dollars and costs. 3 
 
 Although the aim of this act, the prevention of unjust 
 discrimination in freight rates was a laudable one, the act was 
 so constructed that it worked injustice to the roads. Condi 
 tions may very easily be so different in different parts of a road 
 that a reasonable charge for a certain distance at one place 
 may be unreasonably high at another, and a discrimination 
 by which more is charged for a shorter distance on one part of 
 the line than is charged for a longer distance on another part 
 may be perfectly just. The provision that rates should not on 
 any day be higher than the corresponding rates on the same 
 day of 1870 was also extremely unwise as the year 1870 pre 
 sented some astonishing fluctuations in freight rates. In 1869 
 and 1870 freight rates between New York and Chicago varied 
 from $5 to $37 per ton and between New York and St. Louis 
 there were variations of from $7 to $46 per ton.* A worse year 
 to serve as a standard could not have been chosen. 
 
 The act which had for its object the control of passenger 
 rates 1 proposed to accomplish this by a classification of the 
 
 1 24 U. S. Statutes at Large, 379-387, Sec. 4. 
 
 2 Sec. 3. 
 
 3 Sec. 5. 
 
 4 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1871-72. This report is published in the Reports 
 to the General Assembly of Illinois, 1871, II: 423-596. 
 
 [236] 
 
29 
 
 roads according to their gross earnings. The roads were divided 
 
 into four classes as follows: 
 
 Class A Those whose gross annual earnings per mile were 
 
 $10,000 or over. 
 Class B Those whose gross annual earnings per mile were 
 
 between $8,000 and $10,000. 
 Class C Those whose gross annual earnings per mile were 
 
 between $4,000 and $8,000. 
 Class D Those whose gross annual earnings were less than 
 
 $4,000 per mile. 
 
 The act provided that the roads in these classes were not to 
 charge for the transportation of passengers more than 2-J, 3, 4 
 and 5| cents per mile respectively, and required each road to 
 keep posted a table of distances between points on its line to 
 gether with a statement of the class to which the road be 
 longed. Thus for the first time in the history of the state a 
 classification of the roads with respect to the rates to be 
 charged was made. Although the method of classification 
 adopted, one based on the gross earnings of the companies, may 
 not have been the best possible, the legislature in providing 
 any form of classification took an advanced position for the 
 time. 
 
 The legislative measure, however, that was to have the 
 most far-reaching effect was the act establishing the railroad 
 and warehouse commission. This act 3 provided that the gov 
 ernor of the state was to appoint within twenty days of the 
 passage of the act a board of three commissioners, no one of 
 whom was to have any connection with a railroad company or 
 be interested in any stock or property of a company. To this 
 board of commissioners the law required every railway com 
 pany doing business in the state to make an annual report. 
 
 Forty-one particulars on which definite report was to be made 
 are specified. These embrace a very full statement of the rail- 
 
 1 Laws of Illinois, 1871-72, 640-1. 
 
 2 Ibid., 618-625. 
 
 [237] 
 
30 
 
 road s business and of its running arrangements. Among other 
 things each road was required to report on the a mount of its cap 
 ital stock, by whom it was owned, and the amount of cash paid 
 the company on the original capital stock; the names and resi 
 dences of its officials; the amount of its assets and liabilities 
 and of its bonded and floating debt; the value of all its property; 
 the mileage of the road and the mileage of freight and passen 
 ger trains; the monthly earnings and expenses from passenger 
 and freight transportation; expenses for improvement; passen 
 ger and freight rates and a copy of all its published schedules, 
 whether or not the published rates were followed; and the run 
 ning arrangements with express and other railway companies. 
 The commission was required to make an annual report of 
 the facts gathered to the governor. 
 
 The commission was further required to inquire into the 
 fulfillment of the law by the railway companies and to prose 
 cute the company where cases of the violation of the law were 
 reported to it or discovered by its own efforts. The commis 
 sioners were given power to examine the books of all railway 
 companies and to subpoena witnesses. Failure to obey the 
 process of subpoena was punishable by fine, imprisonment, or 
 both. Failure to make the reports required by the law or by 
 the commissioners was also punishable by fine. The attorney- 
 general and the state s-attorneys were required to institute and 
 prosecute all suits which were referred to them by the commis 
 sioners. 
 
 With these six measures the state legislature began the 
 work of public regulation of the railroads. On July 3, 1871, 
 Governor Palmer appointed Gustavus Koerner, Richard P. 
 Morgan, jr., and David S. Hammond as the first board of rail 
 road and warehouse commissioners. l The board met on July 
 5th and began their duties by sending requests to the railway 
 companies doing business in the state to make a report by Sep 
 tember 1st on the particulars specified in the act establishing 
 the commission, and also requested a report by August 1st on 
 
 i Moses, op. cit. t II., 809. 
 
 [238] 
 
31 
 
 the amount of their gross annual earnings for the year ending 
 June 30, 1871, and the total length of road on which these 
 earnings were made, in order that the classification for the 
 schedule of passenger rates might be made. 
 
 The railway companies were slow in sending in their re 
 ports and, as a result, the board was unable to make the required 
 classification until its October meeting. 1 Of twenty-one roads 
 operating in the state two did not issue reports, two did not 
 issue reports full enough for classification, and of the remain 
 ing seventeen, two were classed in Class A, three in Class B, 
 five in Class C, and seven in Class D. The gross earnings per 
 mile of the roads varied from $1,800 in the case of the St. 
 Louis and Southeastern to $15,000 per mile on the fourteen 
 miles of the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern. 2 
 
 The reports as sent in by the companies were imperfect. 
 The different methods adopted by the various companies for 
 keeping their books made uniform reports practically impos 
 sible. Books of different companies were kept for different 
 fiscal years and many of the roads of the state were merely 
 parts of great railway systems running through other states so 
 that separate accounts were not kept for the part of the road 
 in Illinois. 3 
 
 Under such conditions, the task of securing compliance 
 with the law must necessarily have been a difficult one, but it 
 was rendered doubly so by the attitude of the roads toward the 
 new laws. The people looked upon these laws as effectually 
 settling the railway question. The roads, however, denied the 
 constitutionality of the law and determined to pay no atten 
 tion whatever to it until it had been passed upon by the courts. 
 
 This attitude is clearly shown in a letter which represen 
 tatives of four of the leading roads of the state submitted on 
 August 1, 1871, to the commissioners after a conference had 
 been held with them. This letter formally denied the validity 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1871, 4. 
 
 2 Ibid., 64. 
 
 3 Ibid., $. 
 
 [239] 
 
32 
 
 of the law under which the commission was working and asked 
 that the board institute legal steps to secure in a court of last 
 resort a decision determining "the relative rights and duties of 
 the state and the railroad companies". 1 
 
 Among the first of the complaints to be made to the com 
 mission were a number to the effect that the railroads were 
 violating the long and short haul clause of the act to prevent 
 unjust discriminations and extortion in freight rates. When 
 the commissioners referred the complainants to the clause in 
 the act which gave the party aggrieved the penalty of $1,000 
 for violation of the law, the complainants universally refused 
 to prosecute, declaring that they could not afford to offend the 
 railway companies as these companies had it in their power to 
 do far greater harm by the denying of accommodations to the 
 complainants than the penalty could benefit them. 2 
 
 The first report of the commission, made in December 
 1871, pointed out that there had been a great increase in railway 
 construction during the year for which the report was made 
 and that a large amount of the stock of the new companies 
 was fictitious, but the railway managers were nevertheless 
 attempting to exact rates that would enable the companies to 
 pay good dividends on all the stock issued. 3 The report urged 
 the vital importance of early and effective action by the legis 
 lature to remedy this evil. No action, however, has ever been 
 taken by the legislature with a view to the regulation of the 
 practice of stock watering. 
 
 The existing legislation was discussed by the commissioners 
 and amendments were suggested which they thought would be 
 beneficial. They showed that the laws as passed conflicted in 
 some particulars and that there was uncertainty as to just how 
 far the new laws repealed previous legislation on the subj ect. The 
 law establishing the board gave the commissioners power to insti 
 tute suits against the railroads for violation of the laws, and it was 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report 1871, 59-60. 
 
 2 Ibid., 6. 
 
 3 Ibid., Q-II. 
 
 [240] 
 
33 
 
 provided that the attorney-general and the prosecuting attor 
 neys were to act under their direction, yet the kind of action, 
 whether civil or criminal, was not indicated and in many cases 
 the penalties were not fixed. The commissioners were of the 
 opinion that, while the right of the individual to prosecute the 
 company was retained, there ought to be a general provision 
 by which any violation of the law would be made an indictable 
 offense, or would subject the offender to a penalty to be sued 
 for by the state. l 
 
 The report also pointed out the difficulty which arose from 
 the classification of the roads for the purpose of fixing passen 
 ger rates when two competing companies were in different 
 classes. The road which the law allowed to charge the higher 
 rate of fare was compelled to reduce this charge to the rate 
 which the law fixed as the maximum which its competitor could 
 charge in order to meet its competition. The commissioners 
 finally suggested a remedy which they thought would be of the 
 greatest value in solving the entire railway question in the 
 state and the one which in their opinion was perhaps most likely 
 to be ultimately adopted, that the state own a few of its roads 
 and by the management of these and the control of the tariffs 
 charged by them, regulate the other roads of the state. 2 
 
 In his message to the adjourned session of the general 
 assembly which met November 15, 1871, Governor Palmer sug 
 gested that the new railway laws would need amendments to 
 make them realize public expectations, as the commissioners 
 were not provided with sufficient means to enforce the law. 
 He pointed out in particular that the state s attorneys, the 
 principal legal agents on whom the board had to rely would 
 cease to exist after their present terms expired and the enforce 
 ment of the laws would be left to the county attorneys. 3 The 
 chairman of the commission had prepared a bill, consolidating 
 and digesting all laws then existing in regard to the railroads 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1871, 14. 
 
 2 Ibid., 25-26 
 
 3 Senate Journal, 1871, 11:5. 
 
 [241] 
 
34 
 
 and removing all conflicting features. This bill was intro 
 duced in the house, but was lost in committee. A bill prepared 
 by the commission, embodying all the railway police laws in 
 force in the state, as well as some features from the legislation 
 of other states, was introduced in the senate, but suffered the 
 same fate as the house bill. 1 
 
 In their second annual report the commissioners presented 
 some interesting facts with regard to the railroads of the state. 
 They showed that by November 30, 1872, there were 6,258 miles 
 of railroad in the state with 1,587 miles in process of construc 
 tion. The average cost of the completed roads as shown by 
 the reports of the commission was $42,264 per mile. The com 
 mission believed that all expenditure over $25,000 per mile was 
 due to fictitious stock, sacrifices made in sale of securities and 
 other losses due to bad management and unavoidable delays 
 in the work of construction. 2 By the time of the issuance of 
 the second report railroads had been extended until seventy- 
 three per cent of all the land in the state lay within five miles 
 of some road in actual operation, twenty-one and one-half per 
 cent lay between five and ten miles, four per cent between ten 
 and fifteen miles, and one and one-half per cent lay more than 
 fifteen miles distant from any railroad. 3 The twenty-seven 
 roads actually operating and issuing reports full enough for 
 classification showed a variation in gross earnings per mile for 
 the year of from $772 to $19,885. The average gross earnings 
 were $8,108 and the average net earnings, $2,789. Such in gen 
 eral was the condition of the roads when the attempt was 
 made through the agency of the courts to put into force the 
 laws concerning public control. 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1872, 12. 
 
 2 Ibid., 18. 
 
 3 Ibid., 19. 
 
 [242] 
 
SECTION III. 
 LITIGATION OVER THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAW. 
 
 Unanimity of opinion throughout the state as to the 
 advisability of the new laws in restraint of the railroads was 
 lacking. In some portions of the state, and in Chicago especi 
 ally, there was manifested considerable opposition on the 
 ground that the state was taking up a war upon capital that 
 would not be for best interests of the people. The counties 
 that were anxious for railway development opposed any state 
 action hostile to the roads. But in the corn-growing counties 
 there was an active demand for the enforcement of the re 
 strictive legislation. The summer of 1872 produced an extra 
 ordinary corn crop and the farmers were anticipating great 
 profits from the sale of their staple. The railroads felt that 
 the abundant crop would afford them a large traffic and conse 
 quently tariffs raised. In December, 1872, corn in central 
 Illinois was worth seventeen cents a bushel while the cost of 
 the transportation of a bushel of corn to New York was thirty- 
 five cents, over twice the value of the corn. The farmer saw 
 that his expected profits would be absorbed by the railroads 
 by means of a rate which he considered extortionate and he 
 was determined to see the law enforced. l In answer to this 
 popular demand, the commission sought to secure compliance 
 with the law through the aid of the courts. 
 
 The first suit under the new laws was brought by Stephen 
 R. Moore of Kankakee against the Illinois Central Railroad 
 Company for charging four cents a mile for passengers when 
 the classification of the commission called for by law allowed 
 them to charge only three. The case was tried in the circuit 
 court of Kankakee County on an admitted statement of facts. 
 
 i Davidson & Stuve, op. cit. 1027. 
 
 [243] 
 
36 
 
 December 4, 1872, Judge Wood, who occupied the bench for 
 this trial, handed down a verdict for the railroad company. The 
 grounds of his decision were that it had not been shown that the 
 rate charged was unreasonable and that the fixing of rates by the 
 legislature was an unconstitutional violation of the railway 
 charter. The decision further held that the legislature could 
 not at any time fix the fare as it had no judicial powers and 
 no means of ascertaining whether a rate is reasonable or not. 
 No appeal was taken from this decision of Judge Wood and at 
 the time it was taken for granted that the decision was cor 
 rect. 
 
 In a later case, however, which came up under the same 
 law, an appeal was taken to the supreme court of the state 
 and the constitutionality of the law was upheld. This latter 
 case, generally known as the Neal Ruggles case, arose in 1873, 
 and the decision of the supreme court was handed down in 
 1878, five years after the law was repealed. The opinion of the 
 higher court in this case was that "the legislature of this state 
 has the power under the constitution to fix a maximum rate 
 of charges by individuals as common carriers, or others exer 
 cising a business public in its character, or in which the public 
 has an interest to be protected against extortion or oppression, 
 and it has the same rightful power in respect to corporations 
 exercising the same business, and such regulation does not im 
 pair the obligation of the contract in their charters." 2 
 
 The first decision of the supreme court, however, in which 
 the principal points at issue were covered, and the one which 
 led to important changes in the legislation of 1871, was handed 
 down in what is known as the McLean County case. This case 
 arose in 1871 under the act to prevent unjust discrimination 
 and extortion in freight rates. On December 5th of that year, 
 J. H. Rowell, state s attorney of the ninth judicial district, 
 acting on the information of the Railroad and Warehouse Com- 
 
 1 Davidson & Stuve, op. cit. 1028. 
 
 2 91 Illinois, 256. 
 
 [244] 
 
37 
 
 mission began quo warranto proceedings against the Chicago & 
 Alton Railroad Company for alleged violation of the act men 
 tioned above. The information filed by the state s attorney 
 set forth that this company had repeatedly transported lumber 
 from Chicago to Lexington, a distance of one hundred and ten 
 miles, for $5.65 a thousand feet, while at the same time it 
 charged only $5.00 a thousand feet for transporting like lumber 
 from Chicago to Bloomington, a distance of one hundred and 
 twenty-six miles. The former haul was included within the 
 latter. The railway company entered a plea, admitting the 
 alleged facts, but setting forth the acts of the legislature by 
 which it was incorporated and claiming that such acts gave it 
 the right to use its own discretion in the fixing of tolls, and 
 that the act of 1871 was in violation of its charter rights, and? 
 therefore, unconstitutional. To this plea a general demurrer 
 was interposed and the case came up for hearing on the de 
 murrer. 
 
 It is worth our while to consider in detail the arguments 
 presented by both sides of this important test case as they pre 
 sent a clear statement of the attitude assumed on the one side 
 by the railway companies and on the other by the people. 
 
 Mr. Corydon Beckwith, for the defense, argued that the 
 legislature in incorporating the railroad had given the directors 
 the power to fix the rate of toll; that the Lexington rate was 
 not unreasonably high while that to Bloomington was made 
 unreasonably low to meet the competition of the Illinois Cen 
 tral; that by common law the company had the right to charge 
 more for a less than for a greater distance in order to meet 
 competition; that the state had the power to contract, the 
 railway company the capacity to be contracted with, and that 
 the state had not surrendered any inalienable rights in that 
 the judiciary still had the power to determine what were rea 
 sonable and unreasonable rates; and, finally, that "the legisla 
 ture never had the right to fix the rates to be charged by 
 common carriers except by contract. It can no more fix them 
 for an artificial person than for a natural one. It may require 
 
 [245] 
 
38 
 
 of one as well as the other that the rates shall be reasonable; 
 but it cannot make itself the judge of what rates are reasonable 
 and what are not so. The contract makes the judiciary the judge 
 between the parties, and the attempt to define the rights of the 
 defendant by legislative enactment is simply the judgment of 
 one of the parties to the contract." l 
 
 The argument for the people was an equally able defense 
 of their position. It set up that the question underlying the 
 case was whether the act of 1871 was in conflict with the pro 
 visions of the constitution of the United States; that legislative 
 authority was a trust which the legislature could not irrevo 
 cably delegate or abandon and the legislature could not by a 
 contract deprive a future legislature of the power of exercising 
 any act of sovereignty confided to the legislative body; that the 
 prevention of unjust discrimination and extortion comes within 
 the legitimate exercise of the police powers of the state; and, 
 finally, that it could not be presumed that the legislature in 
 tended irrevocably to part with the power of preventing by 
 legislative enactment, unjust discrimination between commu 
 nities or individuals, and, as nothing was taken against the 
 state by implication, it was incumbent upon the defendant to 
 show that the state by positive enactment had contracted with 
 the defendant to withdraw permanently all control over its 
 rate of charges. 2 
 
 Judge Tipton, the presiding judge, handed down a verdict 
 for the people, sustaining the demurrer to the plea. The de 
 cision took the ground that no part of the contract between 
 the state and the defendant was impaired by the law of 1871, 
 and that consequently the state retained the power so to regu 
 late and control the franchise of the defendant as to determine 
 what should constitute unjust discrimination between com 
 munities as well as between individuals, and to prevent such 
 discrimination by proper legislation. 1 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1872, 46-69. 
 
 2 Ibid. 70-98. 
 
 [246] 
 
39 
 
 The case was appealed by the railroad company, and was 
 tried in the January term (1873) of the state supreme court. 2 
 The decision was reversed and the case remanded. Chief Jus 
 tice Lawrence, in delivering the opinion of the court, declared 
 that the legislature had a clear right to pass an act preventing 
 unjust discrimination in freight rates and to enforce it by ap 
 propriate penalties ; that a less charge for a long distance than 
 for a shorter one was an unjust discrimination unless the rail 
 road could show a peculiar state of affairs to justify the dis 
 crimination further than the mere fact that there were com 
 peting lines at one point and not at the other ; but the consti 
 tution of 1870 had given the legislature power to enact laws 
 preventing unjust discriminations, and the act under which the 
 case is being tried declares all discriminations unlawful without 
 giving the railway company the right to introduce evidence to 
 show that the discrimination was just. Thus, although the 
 court held that the legislature had complete power to prohibit 
 unjust discriminations in freight rates, it nevertheless declared 
 that no prosecution could be maintained under the existing act 
 until it was amended so as to prohibit unjust discriminations 
 and riot discriminations of all kinds. 
 
 The decision of Judge Lawrence cleared up the railroad 
 situation in Illinois. It showed that the law which was in 
 tended to correct one of the grossest abuses in the railway bus 
 iness, unjust discriminations in the transportation of freight, 
 had been so framed as to be contrary to the state constitution, 
 and that consequently the legislature had failed in its effort to 
 prevent discriminations in freight rates. But its greatest value 
 lies in the dictum with regard to the power of the legislature 
 to fix rates. It plainly declared that the courts of Illinois 
 would not uphold the railroads in their contention that the leg 
 islature in granting them their charters had surrendered its 
 right to regulate charges, and that they were, therefore, not sub 
 ject to legislative control in fixing their rates. 
 
 1 R. R. W. Corn. Report, 1872, 99-114. 
 
 2 67 111., ii. 
 
 [247] 
 
SECTION IV. 
 
 THE LAW OF 1873 AND THE POWERS OF THE COMMISSION AS 
 
 MODIFIED BY IT. 
 
 By the beginning of the year 1873, the opposition of the 
 farmers to the railroads had reached a state of frenzy. Numer 
 ous farmers conventions and meetings were being held and at 
 all of them the railway situation seemed to be the most im 
 portant topic for discussion. The management of the roads 
 was violently denounced. A portion of an address delivered 
 before a convention of delegates from granges and other farmers 
 organizations, which met at Bloomington, January 15, 1873, 
 clearly illustrates the radical attitude of the farmers 1 . "The 
 whole railroad system is fast falling into a very few organizations 
 each of whom represents hundreds of millions of dollars. It 
 looks as though the King in Wall street may soon rule over 
 the whole. Already the country is parcelled out in lots and 
 vast regions to the different systems. In most cases there 
 is no restraint to their charges save only the ability of the vic 
 tim to exist under the load. Like hostile invading armies, they 
 levy contributions limited only by the ability of the victims to 
 pay. These exactions are again aggravated by unjust discrim 
 inations against persons and places. If competition shows itself 
 at a few points, they remorselessly double up on others within 
 their grasp. They levy an Internal Revenue tax by their own 
 
 h at and to fill their own coffers The country is being 
 
 robbed and large portions of the money basely applied. Un 
 happy France only submitted to be ravaged after a gallant strug 
 gle. These railroad Bismarcks prey upon us, and as yet we 
 have scarcely lifted a finger. We must, Grant-like, move upon 
 the enemy s works. If the tidal-wave now rising does not win, 
 it must be followed by such a succession of others each higher 
 and stronger till the railroad Pharaohs are brought to judg- 
 
 i The Prairie Farmer, January 215, 1873. 
 
 [248] 
 
41 
 
 ment." Nor were legal precedents to be allowed to stand in 
 the way of the people in their effort to control the roads. "In 
 our advancing civilization public interest and public necessity 
 will not be thwarted by old and musty cobweb precedents. 
 Dartmouth College may have been well enough for that day 
 and for an institution of learning ; but it cannot much longer 
 
 be made a standard rule and hobby horse for railroads 
 
 Let that decision stand, for aught we care, for all such cases, 
 but it will no more apply to railroad corporations than will the 
 baby garments of infancy clothe the stalwart man, or the con 
 stable s posse meet the demands of a great revolution 
 
 The new constitution of Illinois declares railroads to be public 
 institutions subject to be regulated by law, and commands the 
 legislature to act. The legislature has mildly obeyed. The 
 roads spit upon the law and defy the people. They stand in 
 open rebellion to the constitution and laws. Near here a judge 
 has decided in favor of the supremacy of the people. This is a 
 good start. There should be no faltering. Let public opinion 
 be aroused and the executive and the legislature stimu 
 lated to bring all their powers to bear upon the question." Such 
 were the remarks of a man 1 who had been a prominent member 
 of the constitutional convention of 1870. 
 
 From the fruit growers of southern Illinois came the cry 
 that they were "wholly at the mercy of the soulless I. C. R. R. 
 Co."* The principal topic discussed at this time in the pages of 
 the "Prairie Farmer," the leading granger organ of the West, 
 was not some difficulty in corn-raising or fruit-growing, but 
 rather the best means of bringing the railroads into subjec 
 tion to the will of the people. Hadley in his "Railroad Trans 
 portation" 3 well describes the position of the farmer when he 
 says, "They were concerned in securing what they felt to be 
 their rights, and they were unwilling that any constitutional 
 barriers should be made to defeat the popular will. They had 
 
 1 Hon. D. L. Whiting of Bureau Co. 
 
 2 The Prairie Farmer, January 25, 1873. 
 
 3 Page 134. 
 
 [249] 
 
42 
 
 reached the point where they regarded many of the forms of 
 law as mere technicalities. They were dangerously near the 
 point where revolutions begin." 
 
 The farmers made their influence felt in the state govern 
 ment. When Governor Beveridge, after his succession to office, 
 sent his nominations for the members of the railroad and ware 
 house commission to the senate for confirmation, the list was 
 not satisfactory to the farmers. A storm of criticism of the 
 Governor for ignoring the wishes of the people arose, which so 
 influenced the senate that it became evident that the nomina 
 tions would not be confirmed. As a result the Governor was 
 forced to withdraw his nominations and send in appointments 
 satisfactory to the farmers. 1 
 
 The treatment accorded to Judge Lawrence by the people 
 shows how determined was the attitude assumed by the farm 
 ers. When his decision was announced, notwithstanding the 
 fact that it contained merely a statement of legal principles, 
 the justice of which was clearly obvious, it was received with 
 an outbreak of denunciation. The farmer had supposed that 
 the vexed railway questions had been finally settled by the laws 
 of 1871, and their disappointment was keen. The Supreme 
 Court and Judge Lawrence in particular were denounced as be 
 ing in the pay of railroads, and when Judge Lawrence ran for 
 reelection the following summer, he was defeated merely 
 through the unpopularity which arose from this decision. 2 Such 
 was the intense state of popular feeling. 
 
 Nothing was more natural than that this determined atti 
 tude of the people should lead to a demand for new legislation. 
 The act declaring discriminations in freight rates illegal was 
 intended to correct the evils in the freight tariffs, and with it 
 declared unconstitutional, one very important feature of the 
 restrictive legislation of 1871 became of no effect. Some law to 
 take its place was, therefore, demanded. On April 2, 1873, while 
 the legislature was still in session, a convention of the farmers of 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer, February 15, 1873. 
 
 2 A. T. Hadley, "Railroad Transportation," 134. 
 
 [250] 
 
43 
 
 the state met at Springfield to urge the enactment of a new 
 railway law to take the place of the one which had been de 
 clared unconstitutional. 1 In response to this popular demand 
 and with a view to meeting the defects in the law of 1871 which 
 had been pointed out by Judge Lawrence in the decision of the 
 Supreme Court and by the railroad commissioners in their an 
 nual reports, the Twenty-Sixth General Assembly passed, May 
 2, 1873, an act to prevent extortion and unjust discrimination 
 in freight and passenger rates, repealing the act of 1871 to pre 
 vent unjust discrimination and extortion in freight rates. 2 
 
 The new law prohibited unjust discrimination and the 
 charging of more than a reasonable rate, and m&deprima facie 
 evidence of unjust discrimination the charging of a greater sum 
 for the transportation of passengers and the same kinds of freight 
 for a less than for a greater distance; and the charging of dif 
 ferent sums for the same distance, for different persons and for the 
 same kinds of freight; and further declared that the existence of 
 competition at certain points is not a justification of such dis 
 crimination. 3 The penalty for violation of this provision is a fine 
 which is to be recovered by an action for debt in the name of 
 the state. 4 The railroad and warehouse commissioners are en 
 joined personally to investigate and ascertain whether the law 
 is being observed and to prosecute all violations of it. 5 The 
 commissioners are further directed to prepare a schedule of 
 reasonable maximum passenger and freight rates for each of 
 the railroads in the state. In actions of law the rates of such 
 schedules are to be taken as prima facie reasonable. 6 
 
 This last provision of the act gave to the commission a new 
 power of vast importance, and by means of it a long stride in 
 advance in the work of railway regulation was taken. The leg 
 islature had now hit upon a means of controlling rates which, 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, April 12, 1873. 
 
 2 Revised Statutes of Illinois, 1874, 816-20. 
 
 3 Sec. 3. 
 
 4 Sec. 5. 
 
 5 Sec. 7. 
 
 6 Sec. 8. 
 
 [251] 
 
44 
 
 while perhaps not the best possible, was at least far superior to 
 the one which had been attempted. The laws of 1871 had fixed 
 maximum passenger rates for the roads, but no attempt 
 had been made to fix maxima for the freight rates, the only 
 provision being that freight rates must not be unreasonable 
 or discriminating. Any scheme, however, by which an at 
 tempt is made to fix the rate of tariff by legislative enactment 
 has one great defect, the lack of flexibility. No matter how 
 just may be the maximum rates fixed by the stutute, changing 
 conditions will necessitate constant changes in the laws, which 
 it is impossible to secure. This difficulty was obviated in 1873 
 by placing in the hands of a board the authority to fix the 
 maximum rates, and the granting of this authority greatly in 
 creased the power of the commission. 
 
 The act as amended in 1873 is the law under which the 
 commission is working at the present time. The chief duties 
 of the commission prescribed by this law, so far as they pertain 
 to railroads are : 
 
 1. The making of schedules of maximum freight and pas 
 
 senger rates. 
 
 2. The investigation of complaints and the enforcement 
 
 by prosecutions of violations of the schedules and of 
 the statutes. 
 
 3. The taking of precautions to secure proper and safe 
 
 physical condition of roadbeds, bridges and trestles. 
 
 4. The requiring of annual reports from the various roads. 
 
 5. The making of an annual report to the governor. 
 
 The Illinois commission was thus a "strong" commission, 
 that is, a commission "with power." In this respect it inaugurated 
 a new method of railway control in the United States. State rail 
 way commissions had existed since 1836, when a commission 
 was established in Rhode Island, 1 and in 1871 six states 2 had 
 commissions, all of which were of the type of the advisory or 
 
 1 Meyer, Railway Legislation in the United States, p. 65. 
 
 2 New Hampshire, 1844; Connecticut, 1853; Vermont, 1855; Maine, 1858; Ohio 
 1867; and Massachusetts, 1869. 
 
 [252] 
 
45 
 
 "weak" commission. In the creation of commissions since 
 1871, the majority of states have followed the example set by 
 Illinois and have adopted some form of the strong commission. 
 Thirty states at the present time (Jan. 1, 1903) have railway 
 commissions. Of these, ten states 1 have established advisory 
 commissions and the remaining twenty 2 have commissions of 
 the strong type. 3 
 
 The functions of the weak commission are supervisory and 
 advisory. Complaints against the railroads are made to the 
 commission and if on investigation it believes the complaints 
 well grounded, it recommends to the railway company the cor 
 rection of the evil complained of. Failure of the roads to 
 comply with the recommendation is reported to the governor 
 or to the legislature. In addition to the supervisory and advis 
 ory functions of the weak commission, the Illirrois commission 
 has been given the further power of regulation. Not only has 
 it the right to investigate complaints and to make recommend 
 ations to the railway companies, but it also has the power by 
 the institution of suits to compel obedience to its regulations 
 and compliance with the law. 
 
 A typical form of the weak commission is that formed in 
 Massachusetts. In that state the chief duties of the board are : 
 
 1. To investigate as to whether the roads are living up to 
 their charters and to report violations of the charter 
 rights. 
 
 1 The ten commissions with the dates of their establishment are : Colorado, 1885; 
 Connecticut, 1853; Massachusetts, 1869; Michigan, 1873; New York, 1883; Ohio, 1867; 
 Rhode Island, 1872; Vermont, 1855; Virginia, 1877: Wisconsin, 1874. 
 
 2 Alabama, 1881; Arkansas, 1899; California, 1876; Florida, 1897; Georgia, 1879; 
 Illinois, 1871; Iowa, 1878; Kansas, 1901; Kentucky, 1880; Louisiana, 1898; Maine, 
 1858; Minnesota, 1871; Mississippi, 1884; Missouri, 1875; New Hampshire, 1844; 
 North Dakota, 1889; South Carolina, 1878; South Dakota, 1889; Tennessee, 1897; 
 Texas, 1891. 
 
 Interstate Commerce Commission Report on "Railways in the United States in 
 in 1902," Pt. IV., 46-60. 
 
 3 F. C. Clark, "State Railroad Commissions and How They May be Made Effec 
 tive," in Publications of the American Economic Association, VI: 473-582, Appendix 
 A, Table I. 
 
 [253] 
 
46 
 
 2. To care for the safety and accommodation of the public. 
 
 3. To inspect books of railway companies and to require a 
 
 uniform system of accounts. 
 
 4. To summon witnesses in order to decide upon the mer 
 
 its of a controversy and to arbitrate disputes between 
 the roads and the complainants. If the roads refuse 
 to obey the recommendations of the commission, the 
 attorney-general decides whether the state shall 
 prosecute or not. 
 
 5. To make annual reports to the legislature. 
 
 The commission relies chiefly on public opinion for the enforce 
 ment of its decisions. The public press is used in keeping the 
 recommendations of the commission before the people, and the 
 legislature is ever ready to enforce its decisions. In this way 
 a very effective control over the roads has been secured. 
 
 Under these circumstances it might seem at first thought 
 that the natural course for the Illinois legislature to have taken 
 would have been to model the Illinois commission after the 
 commissions which were already in successful operation else 
 where. It must, however, be remembered that the state con 
 stitution enjoined upon the legislature the fixing from time to 
 time of reasonable maximum passenger and freight rates, and this 
 duty was very naturally entrusted to the commission as the 
 most efficient body for carrying out the constitutional provis 
 ions. There were, moreover, differences between the condi 
 tions in the New England states, where all the commissions 
 then existing, with the exception of the one in Ohio, were to be 
 found, and in Illinois, which made it highly probable that a 
 supervisory and advisory commission would not be successful 
 in its working in this state. The commissions in the East worked 
 in conservative communities where public opinion was a power 
 ful force. The roads were owned largely by capitalists living 
 in the community and on whom public opinion could easily 
 exert its force. In Illinois, however, the roads were owned by 
 eastern capitalists who, however sensitive they may have been 
 
 [254] 
 
47 
 
 to public feeling were, as C. F. Adams points out, 1 in no posi 
 tion to appreciate the exact state of that feeling. Further than 
 this, railroads had reached a considerable development in New 
 England before the commissions were established, and these 
 bodies were not often forced to meet and correct the evils aris 
 ing from rapid railway building. 2 Industrial conditions were 
 in a more settled state, and industry had adapted itself to trans 
 portation conditions, while in Illinois in 1870 this adaptation 
 had yet to take place. Such considerations seem to indicate 
 that the results obtained in New England could not have been 
 attained in Illinois by the same type of a commission. 
 
 In addition to these considerations, the attitude which the 
 railroads actually assumed would seem to furnish conclusive 
 evidence that a commission of the Massachusetts type would 
 have been unable to cope with the situation in Illinois at this 
 time. The railroads made no attempt to correct evils which it 
 was very evident were universally condemned by public opinion. 
 When public opinion had shaped itself into the restrictive leg 
 islation of 1871-73, it has been shown that the railroads dis 
 played no inclination to yield and only conformed their prac 
 tices to the demands of the public when forced to do so by the 
 courts. 
 
 1 "Railroads, Their Origin and Problems," 140. 
 
 2 F. B. Dixon, "State Railroad Control," 201-203. 
 
 [255] 
 
SECTION V. 
 
 THE SCHEDULE OF MAXIMUM RATES. 
 
 One of the most important provisions of the law of 1878 in 
 its direct bearing on railway conditions was that which made 
 it the duty of the commissioners to prepare a schedule, for each 
 different railroad, of reasonable maximum rates of charge for 
 the transportation of passengers and freight. Although such a 
 provision as this brought the railroads to a much greater de 
 gree under the control of the commission, there were serious 
 objections to conferring on the commission such a power. It 
 is in the first place more expedient to give a commission the 
 power to investigate any particular rate arid to make its find 
 ings with respect to that one rate prima facie evidence of reas 
 onableness than it is to require of the commission the making 
 of schedules of rates. Different roads work under such different 
 sets of conditions that not only do reasonable rates differ for 
 each road, but they also differ for the different sections of the 
 same road. Justice in the rates allowed could only have been 
 approached by the commission undertaking the preparation of 
 a schedule for each road in the state. Even such a plan would 
 have left out of account the important fact that reasonable 
 rates differed on the same road. This difficulty could only have 
 been met by the clearly impossible task of preparing schedules 
 of reasonable rates for each road and between all of the points 
 of shipment on each road. The further difficulty would have 
 remained that the time of year is a determining factor in the 
 consideration of the reasonableness of rates, and a rate which 
 is reasonable for one time of year might be clearly unreason 
 able for another. 
 
 An attempt is made in the law under which the Interstate 
 Commerce Commission is working to obviate the difficulties 
 which arise from the adopting of schedules by a commission. 
 
 [256] 
 
49 
 
 That law makes it the duty of the commission to investigate 
 individual rates on complaint or on its own motion and deter 
 mine their reasonableness. The courts have, however, 
 refused to admit the findings of the commission as prima facie 
 evidence of reasonable rates and Congress has not yet conferred 
 upon the Commission the right to determine in specific cases 
 what rate is reasonable and to enforce its findings. While there 
 are many grave objections to a plan of this sort, it seems prob 
 able that its emploj^ment in Illinois would have been more ben 
 eficial in its workings than the plan which was adopted. 
 
 A difficulty in the practical working of the law arose from 
 the fact that the duty of making the schedules devolved upon 
 a board of commissioners which had been in office less than a 
 year and which was made up of men who were not practical 
 railroad men. Although the remainder of the law went into 
 effect July 1, 1873, special provision was made that the section 
 providing for the adoption by the commission of the schedules 
 of maximum rates should not go into force until January 15, 
 1874. This provision was made in order that the commission 
 ers might be given ample time to prepare the schedules. In 
 August of 1873, the commissioners began the arduous work of 
 preparing these schedules. l A more difficult task cannot easily 
 be conceived of. The men whose positions best fitted them to 
 prepare schedules of reasonable rates were the traffic managers 
 of the various roads, but whenever these managers were sum 
 moned before a commission, they referred that body to their 
 published schedules as their idea of reasonable rates. It was, 
 however, the evils of these very schedules which the commis 
 sion was seeking to remedy. The commissioners were largely 
 guided in their work by the testimony of well informed ship 
 pers throughout the state. The amount of capital invested in 
 road and equipment, the amount of business done, and the av 
 erage proportion of the operating expenses to the gross earn 
 ings were given important consideration. 
 
 By the plan which was adopted, the roads of the state were 
 
 i R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1873, 25, 26. 
 
 [257] 
 
50 
 
 divided into five classes, and different rates were provided for 
 each class. The basis of the classification of the roads was the 
 amount of business done and the cost of operation. In the first 
 class known as "the standard class," was put a number of the 
 leading roads of the state doing about the same amount of bus 
 iness at approximately the same cost. 1 In the second group 
 were placed all of the roads doing a greater business than the 
 roads of the standard group. 3 In the remaining three groups 
 were placed the roads doing a less business than the roads of 
 the standard group. :< It will be seen that in this classification 
 the second group comprised the most prosperous roads 
 of the state and the fifth the least prosperous. 
 
 The maximum passenger rates fixed by the commission 
 varied from two and one-half cents a mile for the roads of the 
 second group to four cents a mile for the roads of the fifth group. 
 Freight was divided into four classes, and for each class a rate 
 on one hundred pounds of freight for the first mile was fixed as 
 well as the amount to be added for each additional mile from 
 one to five ; from five to twenty ; from twenty to thirty ; from 
 thirty to one hundred and forty ; and from one hundred and 
 forty to two hundred and forty-seven miles. Car-load rates for 
 each class were fixed and special car-load rates corresponding 
 to the commodity tariffs of the present time were made for (1) 
 flour and meal ; (2) salt and cement ; (3) grain (except wheat ;) 
 (4) wheat; (5) lumber; (6) horses and mules; (7) cattle and 
 
 1 There were ten roads in this class as follows : Chicago and Alton ; Chicago, 
 Burlington and Quincy ; Chicago and Northwestern ; Chicago, Rock Island and Pa 
 cific ; Illinois Central; Indiana, Bloomington and Western ; Indianapolis and Saint 
 Louis ; Ohio and Mississippi ; Pittsburg, Cincinnati and Saint Louis ; Wabash. 
 
 2 These were : Lake Shore and Michigan Southern ; Michigan Central ; Pitts- 
 burg, Fort Wayne and Chicago. These, it will be noted, are all Eastern "trunk 
 lines," having very few miles within the state. 
 
 The third group comprised the following roads : Chicago and Eastern Illinois ; 
 Illinois and Saint Louis ; Saint Louis, Alton and Terre Haute; Toledo, Peoria and 
 Warsaw ; Western Union. 
 
 In the fourth group were the Peoria, Pekin and Jacksonville ; The Rock Island 
 and Peoria ; and the Saint Louis, Rock Island and Chicago. The fifth group con 
 tained the remaining six roads of the state. R. R. & W. Report, 1879, v-Com.-vii. 
 
 [258] 
 
51 
 
 hogs; (8) sheep ; and (9) coal. These rates were fixed for the 
 roads of the first or standard group. The maximum rates of the 
 second group were ten per cent, lower ; those of the third, 
 fourth and fifth groups, five, ten and fifteen per cent, higher 
 respectively. l The rates fixed by the commission for the 
 standard group varied from thirty-seven cents for carrying 
 one hundred pounds of merchandise of the first class one 
 hundred miles to eighteen and one-half cents fora similar haul 
 of merchandise of the fourth class. The standard rate on 
 wheat in car load lots for a hundred miles was 14.26 cent per 
 hundred pounds. The corresponding rate on coal was $1.60 a 
 ton. 
 
 In the classification and fixing of rates, various principles 
 must have been recognized. A few illustrations will show the 
 conflicting influences. Common soap, for instance, was placed 
 in the fourth class, while fancy soap went into the second class. 2 
 The cost of hauling different kinds of soap would be the same 
 and the justification of placing different kinds of soap in differ 
 ent classes must be found in the fact that one kind was more 
 valuable than the other. The value of the commodity must, 
 therefore, have been recognized in fixing the rate. On the 
 other hand, butter in crocks was placed in the first class, and 
 butter in kegs or boxes in the second, 3 a clear recognition of 
 the " cost of service " principle. In their report for 1873, the 
 year in which these schedules were prepared, the commission 
 ers state that the justice of the rates was the end aimed at in 
 preparing the schedules* but they do not state what basis they 
 took for determining just rates. In the report for the follow 
 ing year, however, the same commission, with one change in 
 its membership, 5 discussed the question of what constitutes 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1879, vi, vii. 
 
 2 Ibid., 1874, 376. 
 
 3. Ibid., 1874, 371. 
 
 4. Ibid., 1873, 26, 
 
 5. Chairman H. D. Cook had died in November, 1873, and had been succeeded 
 Lv James Steele. 
 
 [259] 
 
52 
 
 reasonable rates. 1 In the discussion the cost of the road and 
 the aggregate cost of service are both rejected as criteria in 
 determining reasonable rates, and the conclusion is reached 
 that "there are certain maximum charges for transportation 
 which the business of the country can afford to pay and be 
 yond which it cannot afford to go," and if the value of the road 
 is so high, that when these maximum rates are charged, a rea 
 sonable per cent, of profit is not made, "the sooner its owners 
 cut down its nominal value to such figures, or sell to other 
 parties at such price as will justify its operation at reasonable 
 rates, the better for the community and all concerned/ As to 
 what is a reasonable rate for the transportation of a particular 
 commodity the board comes to no definite conclusion further 
 than that a classification is necessary and that a variety of cir 
 cumstances enter in to make it " worth more to transport some 
 commodities than others. * The commissioners thus more or 
 less definitely recognize the " value of service " principle, or the 
 v principle of "charging what the traffic will bear" as the true 
 criterion of reasonable rates. As we have seen, however, an 
 examination of the classification which the commission adopt 
 ed shows that the "value of service" principle was not consist 
 ently and exclusively followed, but that "cost of service" and 
 other principles exerted a strong modifying inflence. 
 
 As might be expected, the schedules of reasonable maxi 
 mum rates were unsatisfactory both to the commission and to 
 the people, while they were exceedingly obnoxious to the rail 
 roads. The traffic managers, who had not been in the habit of 
 following even their own schedules, refused to follow those 
 which were prepared by a body of men whose authority over 
 them and whose ability to deal with so intricate a matter was 
 denied. The result was that the roads paid scant attention to 
 the schedules and considered them as in no way binding. 
 Again a fierce struggle over the enforcement of the law broke 
 out in the courts. 
 
 i. R. K. & VV. Com. Report, 1874, 21-24. 
 
 [260] 
 

 SECTION VI. 
 
 THE FINAL STRUGGLE IN THE COURTS. 
 
 On July 1, 1878, apparently as the result of some agreement 
 between the different companies, rates at all competing points 
 and at many non-competing points advanced, and the public 
 was coolly informed that the advance in rates was due to the 
 workings of the new law. 1 The commissioners accepted this 
 action on the part of the railroads as equivalent to an ultima 
 tum by them that it w r as their intention to settle the points at 
 issue in the courts. Suits were accordingly commenced by the 
 commission against the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad 
 Company at Freeport and against the Illinois Central Railroad 
 Company at Urbana on the charge of extortion.* The commis 
 sioners thought it best, and in this view they were upheld by 
 their legal counsellors, not to begin other suits until the sched 
 ules which were to be prepared by them became prlma fade 
 evidence, as they would be on the fifteenth of January follow 
 ing. ;i The case against the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad 
 Company was begun in the December term of the circuit court, 
 was continued to the March term, then to the September term 
 and again to the March term, 1875, to await the decision of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States on cases pending before it. 4 
 The case was later dismissed by the commission. 5 The suit 
 against the Illinois Central was also dismissed, the purpose of 
 the commissioners being to institute new suits when the sched 
 ules went into effect. G 
 
 In testing the validity of the law, the policy of the com- 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Corn. Report, 1874, q, 10. 
 
 2 Ibid., 8-10. 
 
 3 Ibid., 1873, 29. 
 
 4 Ibid., 1873, I0 - 
 
 5 Ibid., 1875, 17. 
 
 6 Ibid., 1874, 10. 
 
 [261] 
 
54 
 
 mission was not to institute suits in all cases where violations 
 of the statute were found, but rather to begin suits against the 
 most powerful corporations in cases in which the various points 
 of issue were clearly involved. 1 The first case in which a de 
 cision of the principal point of controversy, the right of the 
 legislature to authorize the commission to make a schedule 
 which would be prima facie evidence, was made by the Supreme 
 Court of the state, was that of " The People v. The Illinois Cen 
 tral Kailroad Company." This case was begun at the October 
 term, 1874, of the Douglas county circuit court. 2 Judgment for 
 one thousand dollars was rendered against the railway com 
 pany in this court 3 and the case was immediately appealed to 
 the Supreme Court. The proverbial delay of the law was evi 
 denced in this case, and the decision of the Supreme Court was 
 not handed down until 1880. By this decision the judgment of 
 the circuit court was affirmed and the validity of the law of 1873 
 declared. 4 Although this was the first case decided by the Su 
 preme Court of the state in which the law of 1873 was involved, 
 the right of the state legislature to fix a maximum rate of 
 charges had already been upheld by the Supreme Court in the 
 Neal Ruggles case to which reference has been made. 5 
 
 The law empowering the commission to fix schedules of 
 maximum rates and to compel the roads to abide by them was 
 thus upheld by the courts of Illinois. It yet remained for the 
 Supreme Court of the United States to declare whether or not 
 the constitutional provision that no law impairing the obliga 
 tion of a contract should be passed by a state legislature had 
 been violated. This point was covered in a decision handed 
 down by the Supreme Court of the United States in October, 
 1876, in the case of Munn v. Illinois. The court held in this 
 case that the state legislature had the right under the constitu- 
 
 1. R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1875, 15. 
 
 2. Ibid., 1874, 12. 
 
 3. Ibid., 1875, 17. 
 
 4- 95 HI- 313- 
 
 5. Above, pp. 28-29. 
 
 [262] 
 
55 
 
 tion "to limit the rate of charges for service rendered in a pub 
 lic employment, or for the use of property in which the public 
 has an interest." 1 The decision in this case served as a prece 
 dent upon which was based the decision of many important 
 cases, commonly known as the "granger cases," which came 
 up to the supreme court from Iowa and Wisconsin. 2 After 
 years of litigation, the position of the commission was thus 
 finally established by the courts. 
 
 1. 94 U. S. 113. 
 
 2. Davidson & Stuve, op. cit., 1036. 
 
 [263] 
 
SECTION VII. 
 GENERAL LEGISLATION AND LITIGATION. 
 
 In the preceding chapters, the legislation which provided 
 a scheme for state regulation of railroads in Illinois has been 
 discussed, together with the litigation which grew out of it and 
 which finally firmly established the position of the railroad and 
 warehouse commission and their right of control. There re 
 mains for our consideration a large body of legislation, which, 
 while lacking the importance of the laws already considered, 
 nevertheless deserves mention in a history of railway legisla 
 tion. To this should be added some railway litigation arising 
 under laws already referred to in this essay, though dating from 
 the period prior to 1870, which had an important bearing in the 
 railway history of the state. 
 
 Of the laws which have not yet been considered, the most 
 important are those providing for the incorporation of railway 
 companies and defining the powers of the companies so incor 
 porated, and the laws which provide rules in the nature of po 
 lice regulations governing the management of the railway bus 
 iness in the state. 
 
 We have seen that the constitution of 1870 prohibited the 
 chartering of any corporation by special laws 1 and that in 1871 
 the legislature passed a general incorporation law for railway 
 companies. ? This law is still in force and, with a few minor 
 changes, is the law governing the incorporation of railway com 
 panies at the present time. In 1877 the act was amended by 
 adding a provision granting railway corporations the right to 
 purchase another company, 3 and in 1891 a further amendment 
 was made to the effect that a railway company in this state 
 
 1 Above, p. 24. 
 
 2 Above, p. 26. 
 
 3 Laws of Illinois, 1877, 163, 4. 
 
 [264 
 
57 
 
 which operates a railway connecting it with a railway owned 
 by a company of another state might, acting by itself or jointly 
 with this foreign company, purchase the stock and securities 
 of the connecting road. 1 In 1875 an act was passed empower 
 ing a railway company operating other companies under lease 
 for a period of not less than twenty years to buy or sell "the 
 remaining interests, property or franchises of such railroads" 
 on terms agreed upon by the parties to the lease. 2 A provision 
 was added which forbade railroads in other states from becom 
 ing owners of roads in this state under the act, but in 1895 this 
 restriction was removed. 3 An act of 1883 provided for the con 
 solidation of corporations owning a railroad situated partly in 
 Illinois and partly in other states when separate corporations 
 are organized in each state through w r hich the road runs.* In 
 1885 railroads organized in this state were, on complying with 
 certain conditions, given the power to purchase and to hold 
 railroads which are located in other states, but with which they 
 connected. 5 In 1889 the acquisition of a railroad in this state by 
 a corporation of another state was made possible by a law which 
 provided conditions under which a corporation of another state 
 which was in possession, or owned or controlled the capital 
 stock of a railroad in this state, might secure ownership of the 
 road, The passage of these laws seems to have been largely 
 due to the demand for consolidation of railroads and to the 
 growing faith in the advantages which consolidation would 
 bring about. At the same time this legislation by its restrict 
 ive features shows the fear entertained by the legislature that 
 the roads \vould be taken beyond the control of the commission. 
 The second class of laws to which I have referred, the laws 
 providing regulations as to the details of the management of 
 the railway business of the state, constitutes the greater part 
 
 i Laws of Illinois, 1891, 184-5. 
 
 2 Ibid., 1875, 96. 
 
 3 Ibid., 1895, 293-4. 
 
 4 Ibid., 1883, 124-5. 
 
 5 Ibid., 1885, 229-231. 
 7 Ibid., 1899, 116-7. 
 
 [265] 
 
58 
 
 of the legislation which has been enacted by the general as 
 sembly since the commission was established in its final form. 
 Before 1870 laws had been passed at different times containing 
 various provisions with regard to the details of the operation 
 of the railroads, the maintenance of the roadbed, the speed of 
 trains, and matters of this sort. In 1874 an act was passed which 
 embodied with several additions the more important provisions 
 of this character which had been previously enacted. The act 
 contains provisions in regard to the fencing of the track, sign 
 boards of warning at country road crossings, the speed of trains, 
 the stopping of trains at draw bridges and railway crossings, 
 the handling of baggage, etc. 1 Since this law, additional pro 
 visions concerning union depots, 2 investing railway conductors 
 with police powers while on duty on trains, 3 regulating the 
 selling of passenger tickets, 4 the placing of interlocking switch 
 es at railway crossings, 5 and others of the same nature have 
 been added. 
 
 In general, the laws just referred to are conservative in their 
 character. They seem to have been enacted with due regard 
 to the rights of the railway companies and the regulations which 
 have been prescribed are of such a nature as to insure the con 
 venience and safety of the public without imposing onerous re 
 strictions upon the railway companies. 
 
 It is a noteworthy fact in regard to Illinois railway legis 
 lation that no laws restricting railway pooling have been en 
 acted, although many other states have adopted restrictive 
 legislation of this nature. Indeed such legislation as has been 
 enacted is on the whole favorable to railway consolidation. 
 Not only has the legislature not taken any action toward the 
 prohibiting of pooling, but the railroad and warehouse com 
 mission seems to have given it little consideration. The atti 
 tude of the commissioners, which in all probability has coin- 
 
 1 Revised Statutes of Illinois, 1874, 807-14. 
 
 2 Laws of Illinois, 1875, 97-99. 
 
 3 lbid. t 1879, 223-4. 
 
 4 Ibid., 1875, 8 1 -2. 
 
 5 Ibid., 1891, 180-82. 
 
 [266] 
 
59 
 
 cided with that of the legislature, is given in their report for 
 1886 in which they take the ground that the enforcement of the 
 schedule of maximum rates will prevent the evils which might 
 arise from pooling contracts between roads lying within the 
 state, and that the state is powerless to regulate pooling con 
 tracts between inter-state roads. 1 Congress prohibited pooling 
 by inter-state roads in 1887. In the meetings of the general 
 assembly of the state which followed, several bills were intro 
 duced aiming at the prohibition of pooling, but none was able 
 to command a majority of both houses. 2 
 
 Reference has already been made to the "tax grabbing" 
 and "Lake Front" laws as disturbing elements in the railway 
 situation in 1869. 3 The importance of the workings of these 
 laws in the later history of the state is sufficient to justify their 
 further consideration. The "tax grabbing" law, which, it will 
 be remembered, offered inducements to local units to issue 
 bonds in aid of railroads, was passed with the intention of rem 
 edying the inequalities of railway extension throughout the 
 state. The local bodies quickly took advantage of the law and 
 over $15,500,000 of these bonds were issued by various counties, 
 townships, cities and towns and registered with the state au 
 ditor. 4 In 1871 the general assembly passed an act further de 
 fining the method of distributing the taxes paid into the state 
 treasury on the bond account between the different townships, 
 cities and towns in the same county which had issued bonds. 5 
 In 1874 a decision by the supreme court of the state in the case 
 of Ramsey v. Hoger declared the law unconstitutional on the 
 ground that it interfered with the constitutional provision 
 which requires equality of taxation for state purposes. This 
 decision of the supreme court worked great hardship on the 
 local units which, because of the benefits which the law held 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1866, xxi. 
 
 2 See House and Senate Journals. 
 
 3 Above, p. 22. 
 
 4 Auditor s report in Reports of General Assembly, 1882, 1:200-207. 
 
 5 Laws of Illinois, 1871-72, 192-3. 
 
 (267) 
 
60 
 
 out to them, had bonded themselves heavily in aid of the rail 
 roads. In many cases repudiations of their debts followed l . 
 After the decision was handed down the state treasurer was un 
 certain as to the status of over $430,000 which had come into 
 the state treasury as a part of the local bond fund. 3 To solve this 
 difficulty, in 1875, a law was passed making the state sole 
 trustee of all of the excess over f 8 of the state tax of 1873, except 
 so much as had been carried to the local bond fund and paid 
 out of the treasury for the redemption of the bonds, and a 
 method of refunding such excess was provided: 5 The excess of 
 76 of the state tax was increased by the law of 1869, allowing 
 the different localities to devote part of their state tax to pay 
 ing interest and principal on their railway bonds. The pro 
 visions of this measure clearly showed the injustice of the law 
 of 1869 as it was made evident that the state taxes were thereby 
 increased nearly twenty-five per cent. The localities which 
 had not issued bonds were obliged to bear this increase, though 
 they received no corresponding benefits as did the localities 
 which had issued bonds. The legislature from time to time dis- 
 cusssed the matter of relieving the embarrassing possition in 
 which the localities which had issued bonds were placed by the 
 abrogation of the law, but no action was taken/ 
 
 A repetition of the evils due to the unlimited issue of rail 
 way aid bonds was made impossible by the constitution of 1870. 
 One of the sections which was submitted to the people for sepa 
 rate vote and which was endorsed by them provided that "no 
 county, city, town, township or other municipality shall ever 
 become subscriber to the capital stock of any railroad or private 
 corporation or make donations to or loan its credit in aid of 
 such corporation". Provision was, however, made for the is 
 suance of aid already voted. A law of 1874 prohibited the is 
 suance after 1877 of bonds which had been voted before 1870 
 
 1 76 in. 432. 
 
 2 Davidson and Stuve, 935, note. 
 
 3 Reports of the general assembly, 1875. 
 
 4 Davidson and Stuve, op. cit. 935; House and Senate Journals. 
 
 (268) 
 
61 
 
 and not yet issued. 1 In 1877 the liability for the issuance of 
 bonds voted was extended to 1880 2 , and a law of 1883 finally 
 decided against any further issuance after that year except 
 under certain conditions. 3 
 
 The "Lake Front" act proved to be equally as disturbing 
 an element as the "tax grabbing" law, but its influence was felt 
 in Chicago alone, while the evils of the "tax grabbing" law were 
 felt throughout the state. The act became the basis of a strug 
 gle in the courts which lasted for twenty years. On petition 
 made within four months after the passage of the act, the 
 United States circuit court issued an injunction restraining the 
 city of Chicago from releasing and the railway companies from 
 occupying the land granted for depot purposes. The record of 
 this proceeding was destroyed in the great Chicago fire of 1871 
 and was never fully restored. 4 The opposition to the act was 
 so determined that in 1873 it was repealed. 5 The repeal, how 
 ever, was of little value in effecting a definite settlement of 
 the rights of the respective parties. In 1883, the attorney-gen 
 eral of the state began proceedings in the circuit court of Cook 
 county to quiet title and remove the cloud upon the title of the 
 state to the submerged lands. The case was removed to the 
 United States circuit court for the northern district of Illinois. 
 The Illinois Central defended its title by alleging the uncon 
 stitutionally of the repealing act of 1873 on the ground that it 
 impaired the validity of contracts ; that it interfered with vested 
 rights ; and that it was in violation of the provision of the con 
 stitution of 1870 which prohibited the release of impairment of 
 any tax imposed upon the Illinois Central Railroad. 6 The cir 
 cuit court held in a decision handed down in 1888 that the 
 effect of the repealing act was to abrogate the cession of the 
 submerged lands to the railway company. It was also held by 
 
 1 Revised Statutes of Illinois, 1874, 797. 
 
 2 Laws of Illinois, 1877, 157-8. 
 
 3 Ibid., 1883, 122, 3. 
 
 4 A. T. Andreas, History of Chicago, 111:92. 
 
 5 Laws of Illinois, 1873-4, 119. 
 
 6 Andreas, III: 192. 
 
 (269) 
 
62 
 
 the court that the return to the railway companies, at their re 
 quest, by the comptroller of Chicago, of the money deposited 
 by them as the first installment to be paid to the city for the 
 land for depot purposes had deprived them of the benefit which 
 had accrued to them from the tender and the repeal of the act 
 accordingly left the title in the city of Chicago. 1 The circuit 
 court further confirmed the title of the road to the piers and 
 docks then built out into the lake so far as they did not extend 
 beyond the point of practical navigability, but perpetually en 
 joined the company from erecting further structures over or 
 filling in the bed of the lake between Chicago River and Six 
 teenth street. 2 The case was appealed and was tried at the 
 October term, 1892, of the Supreme court of the United States. 
 The decision of the lower court was sustained, a majority of 
 the court holding, with regard to the act of 1869 and its repeal, 
 that "it was not competent for the legislature to thus deprive 
 the state of its ownership of the submerged lands in the harbor 
 of Chicago, and of the consequent control of its waters ; and 
 the attempted session of the act of April 16, 1869, was inopera 
 tive to affect, modify, or in any respect to control the sover 
 eignty and dominion of the state over the lands, or its owner 
 ship thereof, and any such attempted operation of the act was 
 annulled by the repealing act of April 15, 1873, which to that 
 extent was valid and effective". 3 The claim to the land grant 
 ed for depot purposes was not revived by the railway company. 
 In another attempt made recently by the Illinois Central to se 
 cure title under its charter to submerged land recovered by it, 
 the superior court of Cook county held that the company had 
 no right under the charter to take possession of land submerged 
 beneath Lake Michigan. In this decision, the court was sus 
 tained by the Supreme court of Illinois in 1899* and by the 
 
 1 Moses, op. cit. II ; 782-3. 
 
 2 184 U. S. 87. 
 
 3 146 U. S., 387. 
 
 4 173 111. 471. 
 
 (270) 
 
63 
 
 Supreme court of the United States in 1900 1 . Appeal was taken 
 to the state to the decision of the circuit court in 1888 as to 
 the right of the railway company to the piers built out into the 
 lake but the decision was affirmed by the circuit court of ap 
 peals in 1899 8 and by the Supreme court of the United States 
 in 1902 s Here the matter rests for the present, and the decis 
 ion of the Supreme court seems to be regarded as a final settle 
 ment of the long controversy. 
 
 1 176 U. S. 646. 
 
 2 91 Federal Reporter, 955. 
 
 3 184 U.S. 77- 
 
 (271) 
 
SECTION VIII. 
 RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION AND CONSOLIDATION. 
 
 In 1870 Illinois ihad 4,823 l miles of railroad within her 
 boundaries. In the thirty years since that date the railway 
 mileage of the state has more than doubled, the mileage for 
 1892 being 11, 031 2 . The increase in railway construction has 
 not been uniform throughout this period, but there have been 
 two distinct periods of rapid construction. The first of these 
 periods beginning with 1870 extends to about 1876. In the five 
 years from June 30, 1871, to June 30, 1876, the railway mile 
 age increased 2,736 miles, an average of 547 miles a year 3 . The 
 rapid extension of the railroads during this period was probably 
 due in great measure to the aid to railway construction which 
 was being granted through local aid bonds. For three years 
 there was somewhat of a lull in railway building, but in 1879 a 
 second period of rapid extension began during which, however 5 
 the building of new lines of road was not carried on so rapidly 
 as it had been in the earlier period. In the nine years from 
 June 30, 1879, to June 30, 1888, the number of miles of railroad 
 in the state increased from 7559 4 to 9918 s , an increase of 2,359 
 miles in the nine years. The year of greatest increase during this 
 period was 1883-84, when 375 miles of road were built 6 . This 
 was a period of much more rational development than w T as the 
 earlier one. The extension of the railroads was in the main 
 due to an increased need for railway service and not to an ar- 
 
 I 
 
 Poor, Manual, 1871-72, xxxiii. 
 
 2 
 
 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 
 
 1902, 92. 
 
 3 
 
 /*#., 1871-76. 
 
 
 4 
 
 /&#., 1879, viii. 
 
 
 5 
 
 Ibid., 1888, xxviii, xxix. 
 
 
 6 
 
 7zV/., 1879-88. 
 
 
 
 
 (272) 
 
65 
 
 tificial stimulus such as was furnished by the railway aid 
 bonds. In the fifteen years succeeding 1888 only 1,100 miles 
 of road have been built. It is, therefore, fair to assume that 
 Illinois had by 1888 reached a state of equilibrium in which 
 railway development would keep pace with the slow but steady 
 increase of industrial development. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that the increase in mileage in 
 Illinois has been great, it by no means represents the full in 
 crease in the usefulness of the railroads which has come about 
 in the same time. The improvements which have been intro 
 duced during the past thirty-three years have brought to the 
 roads an increase in efficiency which is several times as great 
 as the increase in mileage. In 1871, of the 5,490 miles of track 
 in Illinois, more than ninety per cent, was laid with iron rails 
 weighing from thirty to fifty-six pounds to the yard 1 ; by 1902 
 ninety-nine and four-tenths per cent. 2 of the mileage of the 
 roads was laid with steel rails weighing from thirty-five to one 
 hundred pounds to the yard. In 1871 the road way was bal 
 lasted only in those places where trouble was caused during 
 the wet season 1 ; in 1902 eighty-five per cent, of the mileage 
 was ballasted 2 . In 1875, in the 7,100 miles of road in the state, 
 there were fifteen stone arch bridges 3 , but in 1902, with only 
 an increase of about fifty per cent, in the mileage, there were in 
 use 444 masonry bridges and 2156 iron and steel bridges 4 . In 
 1870, there were 99| miles of double main track in the state 5 , 
 or about 1-60 as many miles of double as of single track; in 
 1902, the number of miles of second, third, fourth and addi 
 tional main tracks was 1,827 6 , about 1-6 the mileage of the sin 
 gle main track. In 1870 also the protection of a crossing by 
 an interlocking switching device was unknown, but by 1902, 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1895, xi. 
 
 2 Ibid., 1902, 179. 
 
 3 Ibid., 1895, 4. 
 
 4 Ibid., 1902, 183. 
 
 5 Ibid., 1871, Table " H." 
 
 6 Ibid., 1902, 79. 
 
 (273) 
 
66 
 
 there were 246 of such devices in use. 1 These merely illustrate 
 the many improvements that have been introduced. In ad 
 dition, block signalling systems have been put into operation, 
 curves and grades have been reduced, tracks have been elevated 
 and many changes of like benefit have been effected. Follow 
 ing the direction of the improvements which have been men 
 tioned, and largely as a result of them, have come changes in 
 the transportation of passengers and freight which have revo 
 lutionized the railway industry. The size and power of the 
 engines and the capacity of the cars have been increased, longer 
 trains have come into use and a much higher rate of speed has 
 been attained by both passenger and freight trains. 
 
 The influence of these changes on Illinois has been great. 
 It is not confined to the mere fact that they have secured an 
 increased efficiency for the roads of the state. With the im 
 provements which have been introduced has come a reduction 
 in the rates which would have been almost impossible without 
 them. This reduction in rates has caused a great extension 
 in the market for the grain of [llinois and of the Northwest, 
 and an increased demand has followed as an inevitable result. 
 The extension of the market caused by the reduction in rates 
 has made it possible for the states of the West and Northwest 
 to supplant Illinois in the production of wheat and the farmers 
 of the state have consequently been forced to turn from wheat- 
 raising to corn-raising which the reduced rates made a much 
 more profitable industry than it had previously been. This 
 change has in the end probably proved of greater benefit to the 
 agricultural interests of the state. 2 
 
 Two other results of importance in the railway situation 
 in Illinois have ensued. The extended markets for the corn- 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1901, ix. 
 
 2 In 1869 Illinois ranked as the first wheat producing state in the union with a 
 production of 30,128,405 bushels; by 1899, this production had decreased 1019,795,500 
 bushels and the state was fourteenth in amount of wheat produced. The production 
 of corn during the same year increased from 129,921,395 bushels to 398, 149,140 bushels, 
 Illinois ranking first in both years. Census 1900, vol. VI, Part II, pp. 80, 93. 
 
 [274] 
 
67 
 
 modities of the Northwest has created the need for extended 
 railroad facilities to transport them across the state, and the 
 world market which has been thrown open to Illinois commod 
 ities has led to an enlarged prosperity and at the same time 
 to an increased dependence by the people of the state on the 
 welfare of the railway system. Railways have thus become of 
 transcendent importance to the well being of the state not only 
 through the extension that has been made in the lines them 
 selves, but also through the changed conditions that have been 
 brought about by the improvements in the management of 
 the transportation industry. 
 
 There is a second feature which has marked the develop 
 ment of the railway industry in Illinois and which has had an 
 equal importance with the changes in railway construction and 
 equipment in securing a better service to the people of the state. 
 This feature of railway development is the growth of railway 
 consolidation. In this process the two distinct lines along 
 which consolidation has progressed in the United States at 
 large 1 have been evident in Illinois. During the earlier part 
 of the period under consideration, consolidation was chiefly 
 effected by the union of short connecting lines. In the latter 
 part of the period, the chief method by which consolidation has 
 been brought about has been the purchasing or leasing of a mi 
 nor road by one of the great railway systems. 
 
 On June 30, 1871, the average number of miles of road in 
 Illinois operated by the different companies was 263. 2 By 1875, 
 the average had decreased to 142, 3 and from that time until 
 1900 it had not varied much, the average for 1900 being 161 
 miles/ From these figures it might seem that there had been 
 no tendency toward railway consolidation in Illinois, but there 
 had been a movement toward short lines of road. The error 
 lies, however, in taking the number of miles owned in Illinois 
 
 1 Newcomb, "Railway Economics", 120-1. 
 
 2 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1871, Appendix "H", II. 
 
 3 Ibid,, 1875, 300-1. 
 
 4 Ibid., 1900, Lxxxii-Lxxxvi. 
 
 [275] 
 
68 
 
 the various companies operating in the state as a basis for es 
 timating the amount of consolidation that has taken place. The 
 true basis for the estimate is the whole number of miles owned 
 by the roads rather than that part which lies within the state. 
 The significant fact for our consideration is that the roads of 
 the state have become parts of great railway systems. The fol 
 lowing table 1 shows the progress of consolidation as far as it 
 can be traced statistically. It does not include consolidations 
 which have been effected without any change in the operating 
 organizations. The mileage given is the total mileage of all 
 roads which operate with in the state. 
 
 It will be seen from the table that there has been a great 
 increase in the number of roads in the state which are parts of 
 great railway systems. In 1871 only a little over one-half of 
 the mileage of the state represented part of a railroad over six 
 hundred miles long and the length of the longest road which 
 had any mileage in the state was 1,224 miles. z By 1900, eighty- 
 nine per cent of the mileage was part of railway systems over 
 six hundred miles long, and one road running through the state 
 operated 6,410 miles of line. 
 
 This consolidation, the extent of which is shown by the 
 table, has secured two benefits to the travelling and shipping 
 public. Better service has been secured than would have been 
 possible if it had remained necessary for each shipment to tra 
 verse several different lines. Consolidation has also made pos 
 sible lower rates on account of the reduction in operating ex 
 penses which has been secured by the bringing of several roads 
 under one management. * 
 
 It will be seen that the railway system of Illinois has not 
 only grown enormously since 1870, but its usefulness has also 
 been increased by the introduction of improvements and through 
 the consolidations which have taken place. As a result of these 
 
 1 The table is adopted from the one in the Reports of the Statistician of the 
 Interstate Commerce Commission. (See next page). 
 
 2 The Chicago and Northwestern Railway Company. 
 
 3 The Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway Company. 
 
 4 Newcomb, op. cit., 122. 
 
 [276] 
 
69 
 
 changes, lower rates have ensued. There has, therefore, been 
 an increase in efficiency far greater than would be indicated by 
 the mere increase in mileage. 
 
 ITEMS. 
 
 Mileage 
 over 600 
 
 Mileage 
 from 
 300-600 
 
 Mileage 
 from 
 100-300 
 
 Mileage 
 under 
 100 
 
 Total 
 
 1871 
 Number of roads 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 
 17 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 3661 
 
 1448 
 
 1368 
 
 133 
 
 6610 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage 
 
 55 
 
 22 
 
 21 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1875 
 Number of roads 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 24 
 
 50 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 9309 
 
 2313 
 
 2312 
 
 1178 
 
 15112 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage 
 
 62 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1880 
 Number of Roads 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 48 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 13859 
 
 2362 
 
 2923 
 
 775 
 
 19919 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage 
 
 69 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1885 
 Number of roads 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 19 
 
 57 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 22234 
 
 4317 
 
 3396 
 
 719 
 
 30606 
 
 Per cent of total mileage 
 
 73 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1890 
 Number of roads 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 20 
 
 63 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 36826 
 
 5737 
 
 3128 
 
 676 
 
 40367 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage. . 
 
 76 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1895 
 Number of roads 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 
 27 
 
 67 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class. 
 
 35008 
 
 5149 
 
 2617 
 
 817 
 
 43591 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage 
 
 80 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1900 
 Number of roads 
 
 21 
 
 
 13 
 
 27 
 
 68 
 
 Aggregate mileage in class 
 
 50810 
 
 2914 
 
 2565 
 
 805 
 
 57094 
 
 Per cent, of total mileage 
 
 89 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 100 
 
 In connection with this increase in the efficiency and mile 
 age of the steam railroads must be noted the growth of interur- 
 ban electric railways. In 1899 when the reports of the electric 
 roads were for the first time compiled separately by the com 
 mission, the total mileage of elevated and interurban electric 
 lines reporting was 97.06. (Report 1899, III.) This mileage 
 more than tripled in the following three years aggregating in 
 1902,352.35 miles. (Report 1902, 8.) This movement which 
 
 [277] 
 
70 
 
 is yet in its infancy bids fair to become a factor of great import 
 ance in the transportation interests of the state. It is yet too 
 early to determine whether the electric interurban lines will 
 seriously decrease the earnings of the steam railroads by their 
 competition in the local passenger traffic or whether by serving 
 as "friends" to the steam roads, they may not actually prove of 
 benefit to them. However this may be it is certain that by 
 the extension of passenger freight and express facilities into 
 the heart of rural districts, a benefit of inestimable value will 
 be conferred upon much territory which must otherwise be 
 practically devoid of easily accessible means of communication. 
 
 [278 
 
SECTION IX. 
 
 LATER WORK OF THE COMMISSION. 
 
 By 1880, as we have seen, the authority of the commission 
 and the validity of the restrictive legislation were firmly estab 
 lished by the courts. The commission has consequently since 
 that time been able to carry on its work without being ham 
 pered by delays in litigation. During this later period, as in 
 the earlier one, the fixing of maximum rates has occupied a 
 prominent place in the work of the commission. The first 
 schedule of maximum rates went into effect in 1874. By 1881, 
 a feeling that a change in the conditions since that time had 
 made necessary a new schedule caused the general assembly to 
 adopt a joint resolution requesting the commission to revise 
 the schedule. In response to this request, the first general re 
 vision of the schedule of maximum rates was made. For the 
 purpose of the schedule, two classes of roads were made in 
 stead of the five classes into which they were divided for the 
 schedule of 1874. The commissioners made no definite state 
 ment as to the basis of classification, but a general estimate of 
 the prosperity of the roads seemed to be the controlling consid 
 eration. The maximum passenger rate was fixed at three cents 
 a mile for the roads of both classes. The freight rates of the 
 schedule of 1881 were from twenty to thirty per cent, lower 
 than the rates of the schedule of 1873, and according to the 
 commissioners, from twenty-five to thirty-three per cent, lower 
 than the rates in the adjoining states of Wisconsin and Missouri 
 where the rates w r ere fixed by legislation. 2 The reduction in 
 the rates of this schedule as compared with those of the previ 
 ous one corresponded closely with the actual reduction in rates 
 
 1. Senate Journal, 1881, 845. 
 
 2. R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1881, 15-18. 
 
 [279] 
 
72 
 
 which had taken place throughout the country during the pe 
 riod. 1 
 
 The rates which were adopted by the schedule of 1881 
 proved satisfactory to the managers of the different roads, and 
 they signified a general willingness to conform their charges to 
 schedule rates." Since 1881, changes in the schedules have 
 been made almost every year . These changes hav 7 e taken place 
 chiefly through variations in the classification of freight. The 
 last general revision of the schedules under which the roads are 
 working at the present time went into effect January 1, 1900. 
 By it the uniform maximum passenger rate of three cents a 
 mile is retained. Freight is divided into ten classes, and in ad 
 dition to these, special rates are made for (1 ) horses and mules, 
 (2) cattle, (3) hogs, (4) sheep, (5) wheat, (6) grain except 
 wheat, (7) lumber, (8) salt, and (9) coal. 3 
 
 The hearing and adjusting of complaints has proved one of 
 the most important duties of the commission during the latter 
 period. The policy of arbitrating complaints was undertaken 
 in 1878, while the constitutionality of the law of 1873 w r as still 
 undecided.* This policy proved to be very satisfactory in prac 
 tice, and, although undertaken as a temporary measure, was 
 continued as a permanent policy. In 1893, the commission 
 adopted rules of practice to govern the method of trial of com 
 plaints brought before it for its adjustment. 5 In most cases the 
 railroads have shown a willingness to comply with the decisions 
 of the commission, and as a result disagreements between the 
 shippers and the roads have had a speedy settlement without 
 resort to the courts. This has meant a considerable saving of 
 time and expense and has brought each party to a clearer under 
 standing of the rights of the other. The complaints to the com 
 mission arise from many different causes. Of these causes dis 
 crimination and extortion are probably the most important, 
 
 i Hadley, 104. 
 
 -2. R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1882, xvi. 
 
 3 Ibid., Schedule of rates. 
 
 4 Ibid. t Report, 1878, xvii, xviii. 
 
 5 Ibid., 1893, 6, 153-59- 
 
 [280] 
 
73 
 
 and the adjusting of complaints arising from these two sources 
 has been productive of great benefit. Since the passage in 1891 
 of the act providing for the determination by the commission 
 of the necessity for the location of interlocking switches at rail 
 way crossings, action on petitions for the location of such 
 switches has been one of the important functions of the com 
 mission. In 1878, the commission commenced the practice of 
 inspecting the roads of the state. 1 This additional duty which 
 has been assumed by succeeding commissions has greatly in 
 creased their usefulness. When the physical condition of the 
 road or the equipment is deemed insufficient for the safety of 
 the public, an order for the improvement of the deficiency is 
 issued by the commission to the railway company. In this res 
 pect, also, the companies have exhibited a willingness to obey 
 the orders of the commission, and the roads have thus been 
 kept in a sound physical condition. 
 
 The conferences which the commissions of the different 
 states have held furnishes another feature of the work of the 
 Illinois commission which is worthy of mention on account of 
 the beneficial results in the way of railway regulation which 
 may be secured in this way. The first national convention of 
 state railway commissioners was held at Springfield in 1875. 
 Succeeding conventions were held in 1878, 1879 and 1881. After 
 1881 this first movement for the conference of state commissions 
 came to an end. In 1889 the movement was revived by the 
 Interstate Commerce Commission. An invitation was extended 
 by this body to all of the state commissions to attend a confer 
 ence. The invitation was accepted, and beginning with 1889, 
 the commissions of the various states, together with the Inter 
 state Commerce Commission and representatives of the rail 
 roads have met in annual conference. The questions which 
 have been discussed at the conferences are especially those 
 features of railway regulation which require uniform action by 
 the state and federal governments. Classification and railway 
 
 1 R. R. & W. Com. Report, 1878, xviii. 
 
 2 Ibid., 1879, 247-59. 
 
 [281] 
 
74 
 
 accounting, for instance, matters in which uniformity is espec 
 ially desirable, have been given particular attention. Although 
 the practical results of these conferences have not been import 
 ant, they furnish on the whole a good medium through which 
 the incongruities in the railway legislation of the different 
 states can be revealed and state regulation made more effective 
 by securing a greater degree of uniformity in the methods em 
 ployed by the different sovereignties. 
 
 [282] 
 
SECTION X. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 For thirty years Illinois has endeavored to control her rail 
 roads by means of the strong commission. It cannot be claimed 
 that complete success has been attained in remedying the many 
 evils, which have been in large measure due to the unsettled 
 condition of the transportation industry. But although gross 
 abuses have existed in the past, and in some instances still exist, 
 the work of the commission has justified its establishment. It 
 is true that its usefulness during the first ten years of its his 
 tory was greatly impaired by the struggle which it was forced 
 to carry on in the courts, yet during that period it was by no 
 means a useless body, if for no other reason than that it was 
 carrying on the fight which must inevitably have arisen be 
 tween the railroads and the people before the roads would sub 
 mit to public control. By 1880 the courts had finally estab 
 lished the validity of the law under which the commission was 
 working, and the commission was left free to carry out its work 
 without hindrance. But by this time the need for the exercise 
 of the authority of the commission had greatly diminished. 
 The evils due to the over-development of the roads were passing 
 away as the population and business of the state increased, and 
 the abuses of rapid railway building were remedied as the has 
 tily built roads were placed on a sound basis. One of the most 
 potent influences in securing the correction of railway abuses 
 was the fact that the commission had the unquestioned power, 
 with the aid of the courts, to force compliance with the law 
 and with its own decisions. The railroads recognized this pow 
 er and confirmed their management to the requirements of the 
 law. Thus the commission, without being called upon to rem 
 edy actual abuses, exercised a strong potential influence in se 
 curing the correction of evils. This fact, notwithstanding the 
 apparent diminution in the need for the commission as railway 
 
 [283] 
 
76 
 
 conditions have changed, furnishes an important element in 
 the justification of the continuance of the commission. 
 
 The schedule of maximum rates which the commission pre 
 pares is of far less importance than it was when the first one 
 was prepared in 1874. The railroads have in a large measure 
 come to a realization that "charging what the traffic will not 
 bear" in the guise of "charging what the traffic will bear" is 
 fully as detrimental to their interests as it is to the interests 
 of the public, and attempts at extortionate charges have been 
 largely abolished. Further than this, the competition between 
 points where competition is possible serves to keep down com 
 petitive rates to a reasonable level, and through the operation 
 of the "long and short haul" clause of the Illinois law and that 
 of the interstate commerce law, reasonable rates between non- 
 competing points is secured, 
 
 But complaint has arisen from some sources that the com 
 mission no longer fills a positive place, but that it has come to 
 furnish merely an opportunity for political "graft" at the ex 
 pense of the state treasury. Whatever truth there may be in 
 such criticism of the commission of today, it is nevertheless 
 true that it still does a work of positive value to the state. The 
 general surveillance which the commission exercises over the 
 state still further justifies its existence and continuance. It 
 furnishes a permanent body to which the legislature can assign 
 the execution of matters connected with the railroads ; it ex 
 ercises a general supervision over the physical condition of the 
 roads of the state ; it collects and presents to the public statis 
 tics in regard to the financial condition and management of the 
 roads ; it provides the only competent body to study the rail 
 way situation and to recommend to the legislature measures 
 which would be of benefit both to railroads and to the people; 
 and, finally, it furnishes the most convenient means by which 
 the state can keep in touch with the work of the federal gov 
 ernment and the other states, and thus make possible that 
 united action on the part of the different sovereignties which 
 is essential to effective control. 
 
 [284] 
 
77 
 
 Although the work of the commission has thus been of 
 great benefit to the state, a few changes in the law might great 
 ly increase its efficiency. The law establishing the commission 
 provides for the appointment of all three members of the board 
 at one time for a term of two years. Although the disadvant 
 age of the short term has been in some measure counteracted 
 by the general practice of retaining the same commissioners in 
 office during the four year term of the governor, the efficiency 
 of the commission is lessened by the fact that all the mem 
 bers of the board retire at the same time and their duties must 
 be taken up by men unfamiliar with the workings of the office. 
 This defect could be easily remedied by a plan which the com 
 mission proposes, * in accordance with which the term of office 
 of the commissioners would be extended to six years and one 
 member of the board would retire every two years. There 
 would then be only one new man on the board after each change. 
 The usefulness of the commission could be further increased if 
 the power which it now exercises over railroads should be ex 
 tended to include sleeping-car and express companies. 2 These 
 businesses are analogous to the railway business and are sub 
 ject to many similar evils. To this power should be added 
 also the authority of the commission to require reports of the 
 same character as the reports of the railway companies from 
 telegraph and telephone companies and from street railway 
 companies. The commission should also be given the power to 
 decide in regard to the equipment of crossings of street rail 
 ways and steam railroads with interlocking devices. 3 This last 
 power the commission claims, but its right to exercise it is ques 
 tioned. 4 
 
 There has been in the past a considerable waste of capital 
 through the building of roads which paralleled existing lines of 
 
 1. R. R. VV. Com. Report, 1880, 9. 
 
 2. The interstate commerce commission has recommended that its power be 
 extended in this way. 
 
 3. R. R. & VV. Com. Report, 1898, xii-xiii. 
 
 4. Ibid., xii. 
 
78 
 
 road or which were built where the business was not sufficient 
 to justify their construction. With the disappearance of the 
 idea that competition of different lines would secure benefits 
 to the public, should come some method for restraining the 
 building of unnecessary roads. Under the present general in 
 corporation law, any number of persons not less than five may 
 become incorporated for the purpose of constructing and oper 
 ating a railroad. Under this law 7 more than nine hundred 
 franchises for the construction of new railroads have been is 
 sued. 1 Although many of the roads thus chartered have not 
 been built, a need exists for some positive means of control 
 ling the unlimited granting of railway franchises and the build 
 ing of unnecessary roads. It is doubtless true that much great 
 er evil has arisen from this latter cause in the past than is to 
 be expected in the future, but the securing of franchises for 
 purely speculative purposes is as pronounced an evil at the 
 present time as it has been in the past. Beneficial results 
 could be secured by a law requiring a proper certificate to be 
 obtained from the railway commission before articles of incor 
 poration are granted for the construction of any new railroad 
 in the state. 
 
 There is opportunity for increasing the usefulness of the 
 commission in the matter of securing uniformity of railway 
 accounts. As the law now stands, the only restriction placed 
 upon the keeping of their accounts in any way which the roads 
 see fit lies in the fact that on certain particulars, specified in 
 the law of 1871, the roads are required to make a report to the 
 commission. Uniformity in railway accounting is eminently 
 desirable, and if the method of accounting is to be prescribed, 
 the commission should be delegated with the power of prescrib 
 ing it. Action along this line w r ould. however, be of little value 
 until the initiative is taken by the federal government in giv 
 ing the Interstate Commerce Commission power to prescribe 
 uniform methods of accounting for interstate roads. Should 
 
 R. R. W. Com. Report, 1895, xix. 
 
 [286] 
 
79 
 
 this action be taken by the federal government, the states hav 
 ing railway commissions should confer upon them the power 
 to prescribe the form in which the railroads within the state 
 shall keep their accounts. 
 
 In general the legislation which has been adopted by Illi 
 nois since 1870 with regard to the railroads has promoted a har 
 monious development of the transportation industry in the 
 state. A due regard has been paid to the rights of the people 
 but in most cases in protecting public interests, the legislature 
 has not worked injustice to the roads. During the period of 
 thirty years over which the legislation under our consideration 
 has extended, the legislature of the state has many times been, 
 forced to the front in seeking a solution of the railway problems 
 which were characteristic of the development of the roads in 
 the West. The successful dealing with these problems has se 
 cured for Illinois a condition of railway development and effi 
 ciency which justly entitles her to the rank of the first railway 
 state in the Union. 
 
 [287] 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 ADAMS, C. F. 
 
 Railroads, Their Origin and Problems. New York. 1886. 
 
 The Granger Movement. North American Review, CXX: , 594-424, Boston, 1875. 
 ANDREAS, A. T. 
 
 History of Chicago. Chicago. 1886. 
 CLARK, F. C. 
 
 State Railroads Commissions and How They May Be Made Effective. Publica 
 tions of the American Economic Association. VI : 473-582. Baltimore, 1891. 
 DAVIDSON & STUVE. 
 
 History of Illinois. Springfield, 1884. 
 
 Debates of the (Illinois) Constitutional Convention of 1870. Springfield. 
 DIXON, F. H. 
 
 State Railroad Control, with a History of its Development in Iowa. New York, 
 
 1896. 
 HADLEY, A. T. 
 
 Railroad Transportation. New York, 1886. 
 HENDRICK, F. 
 
 Railway Control by Commissions. New York. 1900. 
 Illinois House Journal. Springfield. 
 Illinois Senate Journal. Springfield. 
 Illinois Supreme Court Reports. Springfield. 
 LANGSTROTH & STILZ. 
 
 Railway Cooperation. Publications of the University of Pennsylvania. Series 
 
 in Political Economy and Public Law. No. 15, Philadelphia, 1899. 
 Laws of Illinois. Springfield. 
 
 MclNTOSH, A. T. 
 
 The Regulation of Railroads by the State of Illinois. Manuscript Thesis in the 
 
 Library of Northwestern University. 1900. 
 MCLEAN, S. J. 
 
 State Regulation of Railways in the United States. Economic Journal, X:349-369. 
 
 London. 1900. 
 MOSES, JOHN. 
 
 Illinois, Historical and Statistical. Chicago. 1895. 
 NEWCOMB, H. T. 
 
 Railway Economics. Philadelphia, 1898. 
 PAINE, A. E. 
 
 The Granger Movement in Illinois. Manuscript Thesis in the Library of the 
 University of Illinois. 1900. [This will be the next number of the Studies.] 
 
 [288] 
 
81 
 
 PERRY, E. R. 
 
 The Regulation of Railroads by the State of Illinois. Manuscript Thesis in the 
 Library of Northwestern University. 1900. 
 
 POOR, H. V. 
 
 Manual of the Railroads of the United States. New York, 1868. 
 
 The Prairie Farmer, v.44. Chicago, 1878. 
 
 Proceedings of the Annual Conferences of the State Railroad Commissioners. Wash 
 ington, 1889 
 
 Reports of the Railroad and Warehouse Commission, Illinois. Springfield, 1871. 
 
 Reports of the Statistician of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Washington, 
 1888. 
 
 Reports of the General Assembly of Illinois. Springfield. 
 
 Revised Statutes of Illinois. Springfield and Chicago. 
 
 United States Statutes at Large. Washington. 
 
 United States Supreme Court Reports. Washington. 
 
 [289] 
 
Untoersitp of f Utnois 
 
 Vol I JULY, 1904 No. 7 
 
 The Coals of Illinois; Their Composition 
 and Analysis 
 
 By 
 
 S. W. PARR, M, S.. 
 
 Professor of Applied Chemistry in the University of Illinois 
 
 PRICE 25 CENTS 
 
THE COALS OF ILLINOIS. 
 THEIR COMPOSITION AND ANALYSIS. 
 
 There are two sources of motion on the earth, chemical 
 action and gravity. They are the initial forms of power and 
 constitute the prime factors in industrial development. Their 
 availability in any region is an index of present or potential 
 activity. Of gravity it may almost be said that it has become 
 a commodity by reason of its easy transformation into electric 
 energy; but its range is limited. Chemical energy in its cheap 
 est form resides in the coal and oil deposits of the world. Their 
 cost of transformation is the great problem of the engineer. 
 He has been mainly occupied with boilers and grates and stok 
 ers, but recently a marked tendency is evident towards a more 
 critical study of the fuel itself. The investigation presented 
 herewith of the composition and properties of coal is a con 
 tribution in that direction. 
 
 Geologically, coal is a mineral derived by process of de 
 composition from organic material consisting, in the main, of 
 cellulose. We know the products of decomposition of this 
 material when submerged to be carbon dioxide, marsh-gas and 
 water; hence a chemical change takes place somewhat after 
 the following equation: 
 
 GCeHioO 7 C0 2 + CH4 -f 15H 2 + C 28 H 26 
 
 Cellulose Coal 
 
 Now, if we take this hypothetical coal molecule, C 2 8H 2 60, 
 and examine it chemically, we shall find that under the influ 
 ence of heat its most natural decomposition products are coke, 
 marsh-gas and water, indicated in an equation with their per 
 centages as follows : 
 
 C 28 H 26 C 22 + 6CH 4 -f H 2 
 
 Coal Coke Marsh-gas Water 
 
 100 per cent. 69. 84 per cent, -f 25.40 per cent. + 4.76 per cent. 
 
 [2QI] 
 
But in the usual method of analysis a separation is made 
 between the coke, or non-volatile part, and the volatile matter 
 as a whole, including in the latter both the marsh-gas and 
 water; hence we have a procedure represented by the follow 
 ing equation: 
 
 CwHaeO C 22 4- (6CH 24 + ILO) 
 
 Coal Coke Volatile Matter 
 
 100 per cent. -= 69.84 per cent. -f 30.16 per cent. 
 
 This volatile matter burns, being mostly marsh-gas, the 
 chief constituent of house-gas; the water is small in amount 
 and seems to have been in a measure lost sight of, for this vola 
 tile material came to have the name " volatile combustible " 
 applied to it. Moreover, water of more genuine characteristics 
 is always found present. It is hygroscopic and invisible, to be 
 sure, but it can be removed by drying, as the other water of 
 composition can not be, and hence the analysis showing only 
 the one kind, the hygroscopic, has been made to satisfy both 
 the purpose of the engineer and the conscience of the chemist. 
 The engineer therefore receives his results in percentages of 
 constituents labeled as follows : 
 
 Ash 
 
 Moisture 
 Volatile Matter 
 Fixed Carbon or Coke 
 
 He calls the first two the non-combustible, and the last two 
 the combustible, material; and to the sum of the latter, as the 
 unit of the fuel, he refers the evaporative efficiency of his 
 boiler, and also his calorific values, on the theory that he ob 
 tains the heat units per pound of combustible when making 
 the calculation to the material as " ash and water free." 
 
 SEMI-BITUMINOUS COAL. 
 
 In the accompanying diagram (Fig. 1) the characteristics 
 of this type of coal are more concisely shown and in the rela 
 tive proportions of the constituents. The results, moreover, 
 
 [292] 
 
5 
 
 are not hypothetical, as above considered, but are taken from 
 an actual sample of " Pocahontas" coal, 1 which belongs to the 
 so-called semi-bituminous type, and constitutes a very large 
 part of the coal deposit of the Appalachian field. 
 
 The outer zone in the diagram represents the constituents 
 as ordinarily found by proximate analysis, and in tabular form 
 would be represented thus : 
 
 Ash 3.49 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 93 " " 
 
 Volatile Matter 18.70 " " 
 
 Fixed Carbon. 76.88 " " 
 
 100.00 " " 
 Total non-Combustible. 4.42 " " 
 
 Total Combustible 95.58 " " 
 
 Hence 104.62 pounds of coal are required to make 100.00 
 pounds of actual fuel. 
 
 In the next to the outer zone of the figure the constituents 
 are the same, except that the " volatile matter " is subdivided 
 into that part which in our hypothetical coal molecule was 
 referred to as water of composition, as distinct from the 
 " moisture " or hygroscopic water. This constituent in the 
 actual coal amounts to 4.21 per cent., leaving for actual com 
 bustible in the volatile part only 14.50 per cent, instead of 18.7 
 per cent, as before indicated. Hence it appears that our report 
 of analysis as above given should be modified to read thus : 
 
 Ash 3.49 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 93 " " 
 
 j Water of Composition 4.21 " 
 
 T True Volatile Combustible.. 14.50 " " 
 Fixed Carbon. 76.88 " " 
 
 100.00 
 
 Total non-Combustible..... 8.63 " 
 Total Combustible . 91.38 " 
 
 Trans. Am. Soc. M.E., XXIV., 1211. 
 
 [293] 
 
ANALYSIS - EASTERN 
 COALS 
 
 ANALYSIS OTA SEMI-BITUMINOUS COAL 
 
 (POCAHONTAS) SHOWING CONSTITUENTS 
 
 IN RELATIVE PROPORTIONS 
 
 FIGURE 
 
 [294] 
 
In this case 109.43 pounds of coal are required to make 100.00 
 pounds of actual fuel. 
 
 The inner zone of the diagram shows a still further sub 
 division of the true volatile combustible into carbon, hydrogen 
 and sulphur; but of this subdivision and their ratios we shall 
 make mention later. 
 
 The type of coal thus far considered is common to the 
 Eastern States and to European countries, and it may be that 
 analytical processes, at least the so-called " proximate analysis, " 
 conveyed an element of untruth of not sufficient magnitude to 
 disturb the method because of the convenience that character 
 ized it. 
 
 BITUMINOUS COAL. 
 
 Let us briefly make a parallel statement concerning the 
 coals of the Mississippi Valley. We find on working back from 
 the present structure to the original cellulose decomposition, 
 that it has proceeded somewhat differently, thus : 
 
 6C 6 H 10 5 - 7CO-2 + 4CH 4 + 13H 2 + C, 5 Hi 8 3 
 
 Cellulose Coal 
 
 The decomposition of the coal in analysis, therefore, would 
 be represented thus : 
 
 C 26 H 18 2 = C 20 + C 6 H M + 3H 2 
 
 Coal Coke Pentane Water 
 
 100 per cent. = 65.58 per cent. + 19.67 per cent, -f 14.75 
 
 To carry out the comparison, a second diagram has been pre 
 pared, and again this has not been made up from the hypothet 
 ical coal molecule just presented, but from the average of results 
 obtained from ten typical Illinois coals. 
 
 As in the first diagram, the outer zone represents the ordi 
 nary proximate analysis and by the usual method would be 
 reported thus : 
 
 [295] 
 
ANALYSIS -ILLINOIS 
 COALS 
 
 AVERAGE or TEN ILLINOIS COALS 
 
 SHOWING CONSTITUENTS IN 
 
 RELATIVE PROPORTIONS. 
 
 FIGURE 2. 
 [296] 
 
9 
 
 Ash 8.00 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 7.00 " " 
 
 Volatile Matter 35.60 " " 
 
 Fixed Carbon. 49.40 " " 
 
 100.00 " " 
 
 Total non-Combustible. 15.00 " " 
 Total Combustible .... 84.00 " 
 
 Here we need 119.00 pounds of coal to make one hundred 
 pounds of fuel. 
 
 The next zone shows the relative parts when a division is 
 made of the volatile matter, and for this type of coal the 
 analytical data agree somewhat closely with our hypothetical 
 coal molecule given above. This zone shows the volatile mat 
 ter to consist of 14.00 per cent, of inert matter, or, as we have 
 been calling it, " Water of Composition ", and 21.6 per cent, of 
 true combustible matter. Hence, instead of the list as given 
 above, our report of constituents should be : 
 
 Ash 8.00 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 7.00 " " 
 
 ( Water of Composition 14.00 " " 
 
 \ True Volatile Combustible. . 21.60 " " 
 
 Fixed Carbon . 49.40 " " 
 
 100.00 " 
 
 Total non-Combustible 29.00 " 
 
 Total Combustible 71.00 " " 
 
 Hence there are required 141.00 pounds of coal to make 100.00 
 pounds of actual fuel, instead of 119.00, as by the usual method. 
 
 LIGNITE OR BROWN COAL. 
 
 It is of interest here to present a third diagram showing 
 the same facts with regard to brown coals, a North Dakota 
 lignite being used for the analysis. 
 
 [297] 
 
ANALYSIS OF LIGMITIC 
 COALS 
 
 ANALYSIS or A LIGMITIC OR BROWM 
 
 COAL SHOWING CONSTITUENTS 
 
 IM RELATIVE PROPORTIONS. 
 
 FIGURE 3. 
 
 [298] 
 
11 
 
 By reference to the outer circle, which represents the usual 
 method of analysis, we have results as follows : 
 
 Ash 2.71 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 14.12 " 
 
 Volatile Matter 41.91 " " 
 
 Fixed Carbon. 41.26 " " 
 
 100.00 " " 
 
 Total non-Combustible. 16.83 " " 
 Total Combustible .... 83.17 " " 
 
 Hence, by this showing, 120.23 pounds of coal would be re 
 quired to make 100.00 pounds of combustible. 
 
 However, upon further analysis of the volatile matter, we 
 find it to consist of 21.63 per cent, of water of composition 
 and of only 20.28 per cent, of actual combustible. Hence our 
 results should be made to read as follows : 
 
 Ash 2.71 per cent. 
 
 Moisture 14.12 " 
 
 ( Water of Composition ..... 21.63 " " 
 
 \ True Volatile Combustible. . 20.28 " " 
 
 Fixed Carbon. 41.26 " " 
 
 100.00 " " 
 
 Total non-Combustible 38.46 " " 
 
 Total Actual Combustible . . 61.54 " " 
 Here there would be needed 162.49 pounds of coal to make 
 100.00 pounds of actual combustible. These ratios in the three 
 types of coal, with the differences in the results of the custom 
 ary and the proposed method of determining actual fuel, may 
 be better illustrated in a table, thus : 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 
 No. of pounds required to make 100 pounds 
 of "Combustible." 
 
 Error of common 
 method per 100 
 pounds of actual 
 fuel. 
 
 Kind of Coal. 
 
 Common Method. 
 
 Proposed Method. 
 
 Pocahontas 
 Illinois 
 
 104.02 
 119.00 
 120.23 
 
 109.43 
 141.00 
 162.49 
 
 4.81 
 22.00 
 42.26 
 
 Lignite 
 
 
 [209] 
 
12 
 
 It is evident from the table that a boiler rated, for example, 
 at an efficiency of 10 pounds of steam per pound of coal of the 
 Pocahontas type would have difficulty with a coal wherein 22 
 per cent, of the so-called combustible was really non-combusti 
 ble and inert, to say nothing of the loss due to heat of vapor 
 ization and temperature of the same water in the form of 
 escaping flue gases. 
 
 WATER OF COMPOSITION AND VOLATILE COMBUSTIBLE. 
 
 We come now to the methods for obtaining the factors 
 above indicated. At first thought, an ultimate analysis of all 
 the constituents would seem to be the only means for arriving 
 at these data. But such analyses are almost prohibitive for 
 technical use, because of the time and manipulative skill 
 involved; but more than this it may be questioned whether an 
 ultimate analysis alone will give the data in the desired form. 
 Very much depends upon the factor for "available ", that is, 
 combustible, hydrogen. With this factor at hand, and one for 
 total carbon, we have all the constituents that can enter into 
 the actual combustible, with the possible addition of a small 
 correction for sulphur. 
 
 In the data so far presented the factor for the disposable 
 hydrogen has been calculated from the results obtained by 
 both ultimate and proximate analysis, wherein the available 
 hydrogen in bituminous coals was regarded as a part of the 
 volatile hydrocarbon having the composition represented by 
 the formula C 5 H| 2 , or, in semi-bituminous coals, by CH 4 . The 
 formula in each case therefore, for calculating the hydrogen 
 
 would be - - and - f - in which C and c are the total carbon 
 5 d 
 
 and the fixed carbon respectively. Therefore (C -c) + g 
 
 would represent the true volatile combustible, and this value 
 subtracted from the total volatile matter equals the water of 
 composition. 
 
 Before passing to the consideration of methods for obtain 
 ing the total and fixed carbon, a word further concerning the 
 
 [300] 
 
13 
 
 deriving of hydrogen from these constituents is necessary. That 
 this method is applicable to certain classes of coals is evident 
 from Table II. 
 
 Comparison is made between the usual method for arriving 
 
 at the available hydrogen by means of the expression (H ~-), 
 
 Q c 
 
 and the proposed ratio ( = ). The first results are derived 
 
 o 
 
 from the averages of 10 Illinois coals. The others are calcu 
 lated from averages obtained by Lord and Haas. 1 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 Coals. 
 
 Percentage of 
 Available 
 Hydrogen 
 
 Difference 
 in 
 Percent 
 age. 
 
 
 H - C ~ c 
 
 11 8 5 
 
 Average of ten Illinois coals ... 
 
 3.76 
 3.94 
 4.15 
 4.10 
 3 34 
 
 3.60 
 4.20 
 4.28 
 4.10 
 3.67 
 4.39 
 3.35 
 3.62 
 
 .16 
 + .26 
 + .13 
 .00 
 + .33 
 + .12 
 -.50 
 .35 
 
 
 Upper Freeport, Ohio and Penn . . . 
 Pittshurg, Penn . . 
 
 Darlington, Penn. 
 
 Hocking Vallev, Ohio 
 
 Thacker, W. Va... 
 
 4.27 
 
 3.85 
 3.97 
 
 Pocahontas, W. Ya. (Sample I) 2 . 
 ( Sample 2) 2 ... 
 
 From the table, it would appear that the possible error 
 from thus calculating the available hydrogen would be less 
 than one-half of one per cent, of the true value, and its effect 
 as a variable, therefore, in calculating the true volatile com 
 bustible would fall within that limit. 
 
 It may not be concluded, however, that so uniform a ratio 
 is applicable to widely varying types of coal. Indeed, there is 
 good evidence, so far as it has been tested in connection with 
 Illinois coals at least, that a gradation exists; thus if we let 
 the volatile carbon be represented by total carbon minus fixed 
 carbon, or C - - c; then 
 
 1 Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Eng. XXVII., 266-7. 
 
 [30iJ 
 
14 
 
 Where C c = 10 per cent, the available hydrogen = J 
 
 -20 
 -25 
 
 = * 
 
 A diagram therefore has been arranged as follows to test the 
 correctness of the above ratios. Fifty Illinois coals have been 
 located with the volatile carbon for abscissa and that amount 
 of hydrogen for ordinate which would be required to produce 
 the heat values indicated by the calorimeter. 
 
 10 IS JZO 
 
 Volatile Carbon, C c 
 
 FIGURE 4. 
 
 TOTAL CARBON. 
 It will be noted that the expression 
 
 25 
 
 C c 
 
 requires the 
 
 value for C, that is, the total carbon content of the coal. If 
 this must be obtained by the usual combustion method we have 
 made but little progress by the mere development of the above 
 ratio. It is proposed to obtain the factor for the total carbon 
 by means of the apparatus shown in Figure 5. 
 
 Combustion of the coal is effected in a closed bomb as in 
 the calorimetric process described further on, by use of sodium 
 
 [302] 
 
15 
 
 peroxide, Na202, the product of the combustion being sodium 
 carbonate, Na2CCk The solution of this material is placed in 
 the receptacle A, while acid is in B and C. The flask C con 
 tains about 25cc. of sulphuric acid, and a carefully measured 
 volume of air taken at common pressure and temperature. At 
 
 APPARATUS FOR "TOTAL CARBON DETERMINATION. 
 FIGURE 5. 
 
 the end, after admitting all the carbonate solution and meas 
 uring the volume of gas evolved, the flask C is completely 
 filled with the wash water from A and the total volume meas 
 ured over in the jacketed pipette PP. By subtracting the 
 initial volume in the flask C, the exact volume of carbon diox- 
 
 [303! 
 
16 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 
 UJ 
 
 cr 
 
 : 
 
 ii 
 
 si 
 
 ! 
 
 11 
 
 ^1 
 
 II 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 v 5 
 
 % 
 
 > * 
 
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 II 
 
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 i 
 
 11 
 
 Y 1 
 
 V to 
 
 S 5S 
 
 Y to v * 
 
 I.I 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 UJ 
 
 X 
 
 e 
 o 
 
 V? * 
 
 "> & 
 
 il 
 
 5101 
 
 .70 796 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 9J.669 
 
 er>o9 
 
 11 
 
 t 
 
 | 
 
 25 " 
 
 1 
 
 |I 
 
 ii 
 
 ? i 
 
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 ^r 
 
 
 
 > to 
 
 51 
 
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 11 
 
 li 
 
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 p 
 
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 4899 
 
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 r> 4 
 
 ex. * 
 
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 N* 5 
 
 -S 
 
 
 Si 
 
 5^ 
 
 S6999 
 
 999>- 
 
 Y to 
 
 WEIGHT OF CARBON 
 
 IN MILLIGRAMS PER CUBIC CENTIMETER OF CO, 
 CALCULATED FROM .ooi964i = w~r OF cq, AT 41 LATITUDE, PRESSURES CORRECTED FOR WATER VAPOR AND" 
 
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 [304] 
 
17 
 
 ide from the sodium carbonate is obtained. The pressure and 
 temperature readings are taken and from the subjoined table 
 the exact weight of the carbon is derived. Great care has been 
 exercised in the preparation of the table. The computations 
 were made by three individuals, with comparison of results to 
 eliminate all possibility of errors in the final readings. 
 
 FIXED CARBON. 
 
 It will be evident from what has preceded that more than 
 usual importance attaches to the factor for fixed carbon. A 
 special study has been made of methods for obtaining this 
 factor, first because the method recommended by the commit 
 tee of the American Chemical Society on coal analysis 1 is not 
 altogether satisfactory; and, second, because with western 
 coals high in sulphur the use of platinum for this determina 
 tion is to be avoided if possible. 
 
 The report of the committee prescribes heating in a plati 
 num crucible over a Bunsen flame 20 cm. high when burning 
 free. Our objections to the prescribed method may be stated 
 as follows : 
 
 The heat capacity of a Bunsen burner is not measured 
 alone by the height of the flame. For example, a large sized 
 adjustable burner with a tube of 10 mm. caliber will give more 
 heat than a small burner with a tube of 9 mm, caliber, and 
 burning at the regulation height. The results also are more 
 variable than they should be. This is more noticeable in west 
 ern than in eastern coals, but in any case it is to be expected 
 that the platinum crucible arranged as prescribed is especially 
 sensitive to external influences, and especially to differences in 
 the heat capacity of the flame. In the table following, an aver 
 age sample of coal designated Sandoval, Illinois, was used. It 
 cokes freely, and has ash 11.94 per cent, and moisture 5.51 per 
 cent, Comparison of results is made with use of a large and 
 small sized Bunsen burner as aboye described, and also with 
 
 1 J. Am. Chem. Soc. XXL, 1122. 
 
 [305J 
 
18 
 
 the old combination of burner and blast, and with use of a 
 porcelain crucible in a small furnace of special construction to 
 be described later. 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 DETERMINATION OF VOLATILE MATTER, SANDOVAL, ILLINOIS, COAL. 
 
 Large Bunsen burner 
 
 Flame 20 cm. high 
 
 Plat, crucible, Time 7 min , 
 Small Bunsen burner . . 
 
 Flame 20 cm. high V 
 
 ible, Time 7 min J 
 
 Plat. crucible 
 Bunsen flame 3 J min 
 Blast flame 3 min 
 Plat, crucible 
 Bunsen flame 3 min 
 
 Blast flame 3 min 
 
 Porcelain crucible in special 
 
 furnace J 
 
 1 
 
 Highest ... 37.21 per cent. 
 
 Lowest 35.71 
 
 Variation 1.50 
 
 Average of eight . . . 36.52 per cent. 
 
 Highest 36.73 per cent. 
 
 Lowest 35.69 
 
 Variation 1.04 
 
 Average of eight .... 36. 13 per cent. 
 
 Highest 
 Lowest . 
 
 37.78 per cent. 
 36.53 
 
 Variation 1.25 
 
 Average of fourteen . 37.13 per cent. 
 
 Highest 37.35 per cent. 
 
 Lowest 36.69 
 
 Variation 66 
 
 Average of nine 37.10 per cent. 
 
 From this table it appears feasible to replace the expensive 
 platinum crucible with one of porcelain. The serious deterior 
 ation of platinum under the combined effect of red hot carbon 
 and sulphur makes this end a very desirable one, even if there 
 were no advantage in the results. On this latter point there 
 is much to be said in favor of the porcelain crucible. The in 
 itial heating up is somewhat more gradual. A bright red is 
 very easily reached and evenly maintained, and especially is it 
 true that the full effect of the heat is exerted on all sides, com 
 pletely enveloping the crucible. 
 
 The form of apparatus is shown in the accompanying 
 figure. 
 
 First, as to the lamp : This simple form of blast lamp has 
 been in use in this laboratory for the past seven years, and has 
 
 [306] 
 
19 
 
 proved itself of such general utility as to merit a brief descrip 
 tion. 
 
 It consists essentially of a Bunsen burner with the blast 
 entering at the usual inlet for the gas, and the gas entering 
 through a side tube attached where the air is ordinarily ad 
 mitted. The air is discharged through a tip with circular open 
 ing 1J mm. in diameter, and is so adjusted as to come about 
 
 COKING FURNACE 
 FIGURE 6. 
 
 even with the lower side of the gas inlet tube. A wire gauze 
 is inserted in the tube about f of the way towards the top. The 
 lamp is especially adapted for use with blast of constant press 
 ure. By adjustment of the air it may be made to burn with a 
 common Bunsen flame. In connection with the furnace it is 
 allowed to burn for the first 3^ minutes as a strong Bunsen 
 flame of 12 inches when burning free. During the second 
 period of 3^ minutes it burns as a blast lamp. The combus- 
 
 [307] 
 
tion, however, leaves the tip of the lamp and takes place en 
 tirely within the chamber underneath the crucible. In this 
 way an excessive amount of fuel may be forced into a small 
 space by the jet action of the blast. The combustion taking 
 place in this chamber and the hot gases being turned downward 
 to escape through the annular space at the side, a very intense 
 heat is quickly attained. 
 
 A cross section is shown through the furnace in Fig. 7. 
 
 FURNACE: 
 
 FIGURE 7. 
 
 The base B rests on a cast plate with an opening 1 inches 
 in diameter. The crucible rests on a triangular support which 
 permits of the free passage of the gases, part of which may 
 escape through a small opening in the top of C, but mostly 
 they are required to travel downward between the two walls 
 and escape at the lower edge of R. 
 
 A common glazed crucible of Eoyal Berlin Porcelain No. 
 00 is used. Crucibles as true as possible are selected, with well 
 fitting covers, and these are ground with emery powder until 
 
 [308] 
 
21 
 
 the lid touches at all points. Crucibles may be used many 
 times, but if warping occurs the covers may require regrind- 
 ing, not a difficult matter and easily accomplished by hand in 
 five or ten minutes. 
 
 SULPHUR. 
 
 We come now to sulphur, a constituent having more im 
 portance than is usually ascribed to it; this is especially true 
 of western coals, in which this element varies from 1 per cent, 
 to 5 per cent. One of its characteristics, and by no means 
 the least, is the part it plays as a disturbing element in 
 nearly all the determinations in coal analysis. The Eschka 
 method is satisfactory, but heat other than from a gas flame 
 must be used. There is still some question as to the like 
 lihood of sulphur being left in the residue, and also as to 
 the necessity of dehydrating the silica. The use of sodium 
 peroxide as an oxidizing agent has received considerable atten 
 tion, but the violence of the reaction has brought disfavor upon 
 the method. However, by means of a closed bomb, as in the 
 Parr calorimeter, there has been fully demonstrated the prac 
 ticability of using sodium peroxide for this purpose. Indeed, 
 over two years ago, Mr. Milton Hersey of Montreal, Canada, in 
 a communication to the author reported the very satisfactory 
 use of the residues from the calorimetric process for gravimet- 
 rically determining the sulphur. Later articles by Sundstrom 1 
 and by von Konek 2 have advocated the same method. 
 
 It is not my purpose now to enter into a discussion of this 
 phase of the matter, but simply to emphasize the fact of the 
 completeness of the oxidation, which has been verified very 
 many times by the writer. 
 
 Coupling the sodium peroxide method of arriving at a 
 combustion with the photometric method proposed by Mr. 
 Hinds, 3 there seem to be possibilities well worth investigating. 
 
 1 Jour. Am. Chem. Soc. XXV., 184. 
 
 2 Zeit. flir Ang. Chem. 1903, p. 517. 
 
 3 Jour. Am. Chem. Soc. XXIII., 269. 
 
 [30Q] 
 
22 
 
 The work with the photometer, however, either as outlined by 
 Mr. Hinds, or as elaborated by Mr. Jackson, 1 was not found 
 satisfactory. A careful study was made of the variable ele 
 ments that entered into the proposition. The method prescribed 
 a candle of standard power, maintained at a definite distance 
 from the bottom of the graduated tube in which was read the 
 depth of liquid through which the outline of the candle flame 
 could be seen. It was soon found that the strength of the 
 light had little to do with the matter. A stronger light would 
 illuminate the liquid to a corresponding degree and cause the 
 outline of the candle flame to disappear at about the same 
 depth as a lesser light with a less illumination of the liquid. 
 As between a common candle and a forty candle power 
 acetylene light there was no marked difference. Indeed, the 
 greatest difference was noted when the diffused light was cut 
 out by diaphragms, in which case the light could be seen 
 through a greater depth. An extreme illustration of this fact 
 was afforded by completely blackening an incandescent light 
 bulb and then cleaning a small spot to show a short length of 
 the glowing filament. This bit of filament, which afforded no 
 illumination to the liquid, could be seen through a very much 
 greater depth than was the case with an ordinary candle, though 
 its power was far below the standard. Other disturbing conditions 
 related to the method of precipitation, whether hot or cold, 
 whether the barium salt was added in the solid or the liquid 
 state, whether readings were made at once, or on standing, or 
 whether precipitations made in the cold were subsequently 
 heated or not. The control of the conditions regarding the 
 lighfc has been accomplished with a greatly modified apparatus 
 in the following manner, as shown in Fig. 8. 
 
 The tube graduated in millimeters is placed in a common 
 flask having a little clear water in the bottom. The flask is 
 placed on a square of glass resting on a carbon plate about f of 
 an inch thick and having a J inch hole in the center. The 
 
 i Jour. Am Chem. Soc. XXIII., 799. 
 
23 
 
 plate is adjusted about JO inches above the flame of a common 
 candle. It will be noticed that the reading tube has a round 
 bottom. This is carefully blown, of clear glass without flaw, 
 and ground on the outer surface; the whole when immersed 
 playing the part of a lens. By this arrangement, together with 
 the diaphragm effect of the hole in the carbon plate, a pencil 
 of light is secured with the minimum amount of illumination 
 
 PHOTOMETER FOR SULPHUR DETERMINATIONS. 
 FIGURE 8. 
 
 being imparted to the liquid. Moreover, instead of the vary 
 ing and indefinite outline of a candle flame there appears a 
 steady compact point of light. The end reading is thereby 
 rendered sharp and definite. It is interesting to note that 
 precipitations made with the barium salt in solution, or with 
 the sulphate solution hot, transmit the rays from the candle as 
 white light, while in the case of precipitations made with the 
 crystals of the salt, the red rays only are transmitted, the illu- 
 
 [311] 
 
24 
 
 urination of the liquid is in this way still further reduced, and 
 the sharpness of the end reading is thereby promoted. To 
 secure concordant results, detiniteness of precipitation must be 
 obtained. This is accomplished by adding the barium salt to 
 the 100 cc. of solution at room temperature, and after dissolving 
 completely, heat on the water bath to about 70. Let stand 
 for half an hour and bring to the room temperature, when it is 
 ready to transfer to the photometric tube for reading. With 
 this device it has been necessary to work out a new table. (Ta 
 ble VI). The conditions are purely empirical, but not arbitrary 
 within reasonable limits, except as to the size of the hole through 
 the plate and the method of precipitation. The table has been 
 developed directly from a standard solution of potassium sulphate 
 having 5.4386 grams dissolved in a litre, thus containing 0.0001 
 grams of sulphur by w r eight per cubic centimeter of solution. 
 Results from use of this method as above outlined, in com 
 parison with those obtained under standard conditions, are 
 shown in Table V. 
 
 TABLE v. 
 
 SHOAVING PERCENTAGES OF SULPHUR. 
 
 Illinois Coal. 
 
 Washings from Mahler 
 Bomb. 
 (Per cent. ) 
 
 Residues from Parr 
 Calorimeter in Photo 
 meter. 
 (Percent.) 
 
 1. Odin, pea 
 
 2 30 
 
 2 17 
 
 2. St. John s, lump 
 
 1 55 
 
 1 65 
 
 3. Pana, slack 
 
 4 03 
 
 4 04 
 
 4. Danville, lump 
 
 2 16 
 
 2 31 
 
 5. Ridgely, pea 
 
 4 00 
 
 4 01 
 
 6. Bloomington, lump 
 
 2.57 
 
 2 68 
 
 7. Spring Valley, Avashed 
 
 3.04 
 
 3.20 
 
 8. Elmwood 
 
 1.53 
 
 1.61 
 
 
 
 
 With this form of apparatus, the facility with which the 
 sulphur determinations may be made has enabled us to under 
 take an additional factor in the case of each sample, viz., the 
 estimation of the amount of sulphur remaining in the coke 
 after the volatile matter has been driven off. The coke is pul- 
 
 [312] 
 
25 
 
 TABLE VI. 
 
 
 
 
 PHOTOMETRIC TABLE FOR 5ULPHUR 
 
 WEIGHT OF SULPHUR IM GRAMS 
 PER MILLIMETER DEPTH 
 
 M.M. 
 
 SULPHUR 
 
 IM GRAMS 
 
 M.M. 
 
 SULPHUR. 
 irs GRAMS 
 
 M.M. 
 
 SULPHUR 
 
 IM GRAMS 
 
 M.M. 
 
 SULPHUR 
 
 IN GRAMS 
 
 200 
 
 O.OOI3& 
 
 l_5_[ 
 
 0.00161 
 
 117 
 
 O. O02.04- 
 
 S3 
 
 O.OO2.70 
 
 195 
 
 O.OOI40 
 
 I5~0 
 
 O.OOI62 
 
 116 
 
 O.OO2O6 
 
 S2 
 
 O.OO 273 
 
 190 
 
 0.00142 
 
 149 
 
 0.0 163 
 
 //S 
 
 O.OO2.08 
 
 e>i 
 
 0.00277 
 
 153 
 
 0.0014-5 
 
 148 
 
 O.OOI64- 
 
 114- 
 
 O.OO2IO 
 
 80 
 
 O.OO28O 
 
 183 
 
 0.00147 
 
 14-7 
 
 0. OOI6S 
 
 113 
 
 O.OO2I2. 
 
 79 
 
 0.00284 
 
 /do 
 
 O.OO/ 50 
 
 14-6 
 
 O. OO 166 
 
 //2 
 
 O.O02-I4 
 
 78 
 
 O.OO 288 
 
 /79 
 
 O.OO/ 5O 
 
 /4-5 
 
 0.00167 
 
 III 
 
 O.O02.I6 
 
 77 
 
 O.OO 292 
 
 /78 
 
 O.OOI5/ 
 
 /4-4 
 
 C.OO/68 
 
 no 
 
 0.002/8 
 
 76 
 
 0.00296 
 
 /77 
 
 0.00151 
 
 /4-3 
 
 0.00/69 
 
 /09 
 
 0.00220 
 
 75 
 
 0.00300 
 
 176 
 
 0.00 IS/ 
 
 14-2. 
 
 0.0011 r ( 
 
 /OS 
 
 0.00222 
 
 74- 
 
 O.OO302 
 
 J73T 
 
 O.OO 151 
 
 /4-f 
 
 0.00172 
 
 107 
 
 0.00224- 
 
 73 
 
 O.OO304- 
 
 /74- 
 
 0.00152 
 
 /4-0 
 
 0.00174- 
 
 W6 
 
 0.00226 
 
 72 
 
 O.OO 3 07 
 
 /73 
 
 O.OO 152 
 
 139 
 
 O.OOI7S 
 
 105 
 
 O.OO228 
 
 71 
 
 0.003IO 
 
 /72. 
 
 O.OO 152 
 
 J38 
 
 O .00176 
 
 104- 
 
 O.OO230 
 
 70 
 
 0.003/3 
 
 f7l 
 
 O.OO/ 52 
 
 /37 
 
 0. OO/77 
 
 /03 
 
 0.0023 1 
 
 63 
 
 0.00317 
 
 170 
 
 0.00/53 
 
 136 
 
 O.OOJ79 
 
 /02 
 
 0.00233 
 
 68 
 
 O.OO 3 20 
 
 /69 
 
 O.OO 153 
 
 /JJ 
 
 O.OO/&0 
 
 /O/ 
 
 O.OO234- 
 
 67 
 
 0.00323 
 
 /68 
 
 0.00 / S3 
 
 /34- 
 
 0.001 &l 
 
 /OO 
 
 0.0023& 
 
 66 
 
 O.OO 3 27 
 
 /67 
 
 0. OIS4- 
 
 /33 
 
 0.00182 
 
 99 
 
 0.002.38 
 
 65 
 
 O. OO330 
 
 /6~6 
 
 O. OO/S4 
 
 J32. 
 
 0.00184- 
 
 98 
 
 0.00239 
 
 64 
 
 0.00335 
 
 /65 
 
 O.OOIS4- 
 
 /3I 
 
 O.OOI&S 
 
 97 
 
 O.OO 2.4-0 
 
 63 
 
 O.OO 3 4-0 
 
 /64 
 
 0.00155 
 
 130 
 
 O.OOIS7 
 
 96 
 
 0.0024-1 
 
 62 
 
 0.0034-5 
 
 /63 
 
 0.00/SS 
 
 /29 
 
 0.00188 
 
 95 
 
 0.0024-3 
 
 6/ 
 
 O.OO35O 
 
 /62 
 
 O.OOISS 
 
 128 
 
 0.0 183 
 
 34- 
 
 0.0024-4- 
 
 60 
 
 0.00355 
 
 /6I 
 
 O.OOIS6 
 
 /27 
 
 O.OOI9O 
 
 93 
 
 0.0024-6 
 
 53 
 
 O.O0360 
 
 /6O 
 
 O.OOIS6 
 
 126 
 
 O.OOI9/ 
 
 92 
 
 0.002.4-8 
 
 58 
 
 O.OO 367 
 
 /59 
 
 O.OO IS6 
 
 /2f 
 
 O.OOI93 
 
 91 
 
 O.OO 2.SO 
 
 S7 
 
 O.OO373 
 
 /S8 
 
 0.00157 
 
 12.4- 
 
 .OO I95~ 
 
 90 
 
 O.OO2.52 
 
 56 
 
 O.O038O 
 
 /57 
 
 O.OOI57 
 
 J23 
 
 O. OOI96 
 
 89 
 
 O.OO2L5S 
 
 S5 
 
 O.OO 38 6 
 
 /^6 
 
 0.0 01 S3 
 
 122 
 
 0.00/98 
 
 88 
 
 O.OOZS7 
 
 &4 
 
 O.OO 3 93 
 
 /S5 
 
 O.OOI5& 
 
 /2I 
 
 O. O OI99 
 
 87 
 
 O.O02.6O 
 
 53 
 
 o. 004-00 
 
 (54 
 
 O.OOI59 
 
 120 
 
 O.002OO 
 
 86 
 
 O.OO262 
 
 52. 
 
 O.OO4-O7 
 
 /S3 
 
 O.OOI5~> 
 
 1/9 
 
 O.O02.O/ 
 
 85 
 
 O.O02.6S 
 
 51 
 
 O.OO4-I3 
 
 /S2 
 
 O.OO/6O 
 
 1/8 
 
 0.002.03 
 
 84- 
 
 0.002.67 
 
 SO 
 
 O.OO4-2O 
 
 
 [313] 
 
26 
 
 verized and burned with sodium peroxide in the calorimeter 
 bomb as usual, and the sulphur determined in the residue by 
 means of the photometer. Having determined the total 
 sulphur in the coal, the difference between these two factors 
 represents the volatile sulphur. In the analytical tables at the 
 end these divisions are observed thioughout. 
 
 CALORIFIC VALUES. 
 
 1st. By calculation : Many attempts have been made to 
 develop a reliable formula for calculating heat values from 
 analytical data. The formula of Dulong is the most reliable 
 and is recommended by the committee of the American Chemical 
 
 Society in the following form,8080C + 34460 (H - ^) + 2250S. 1 
 
 o 
 
 The variations between the observed calorific values and the 
 calculated values as shown in Mahler s tables 2 range from + 3 
 per cent, to - 3 per cent., though the averages of numerous 
 results are much closer. 
 
 The variations in the work of Lord and Haas above re 
 ferred to are not so great, ranging from -\- 2 per cent, to -- 1.8 
 per cent. Kent 3 has used the factors 3 and 5 times the avail 
 able hydrogen derived from ultimate analysis to indicate (when 
 subtracted from the total carbon) the amount of fixed carbon, 
 and to the various percentages of fixed carbon he has assigned 
 certain calorific values. His results while interesting seem to 
 show greater conformity in the case of eastern than of western 
 coals. 
 
 Possibly quite as good as any method of calculation would 
 be the one already partially suggested in the discussion con 
 cerning the derivation of the factor for true volatile com- 
 
 1 Jour. Am. Chem. Soc. XXI., 1130. 
 
 2 Contributional Etude des combustibles. Mahler, 1892. 
 
 3 Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Eng., XXVII., 948. 
 
 [314] 
 
27 
 
 bustible or water of composition (p. 13). Stated as a formula 
 
 it would be 8080C + 34500 (^- C ) + 2250S in which C is the 
 
 o 
 
 total carbon, c the fixed carbon, and S the sulphur, or still 
 more accurately, 8080C + 34500 (H) -f 2250S, wherein H is the 
 available hydrogen as indicated by the curve in Figure 4, the 
 point being located by the percentage constituent of volatile 
 carbon as shown by C c. Calculated in this manner the 50 
 Illinois coals there listed would show extreme variations from 
 the calorimeter values of about +1.5 per cent, to - -1.5 per 
 cent. In Table VII. the calculated results thus derived are 
 compared with observed values by means of the calorimeter. 
 
 Concerning calculations in general, however, it is well to 
 quote Mahler 1 , who says : "We cannot give a general formula 
 depending strictly on the chemical composition which will give 
 the calorific power of substances so complex and varied"; or 
 Poole, who says: 2 "If possible, by all means, have a calorimetric 
 test. If not possible, use the best analysis available." 
 
 2nd. By observation: The calorimeter devised by the 
 writer has met with very general favor and is now widely used 
 both in this country and abroad. It is too well known to call 
 for detailed description here. However, a few modifications 
 and improvements have been made and since it has been used 
 in the accompanying results and also in comparison with quite 
 a list of determinations with the Mahler- Atwater apparatus, a 
 brief reference is here given. 
 
 Figure 9 shows the relative positions of parts. The can A. A. 
 for the water has a capacity of 2 litres. The insulating vessels 
 B.B. and c.c. are of indurated liber. The charge of coal and 
 chemical are put in the cartridge D. Upon ignition, the heat 
 generated is imparted to the water and the rise in temperature 
 is indicated on the finely graduated thermometer T. The car 
 tridge or bomb rests on the pivot F and is made to revolve, 
 thus by aid of the small turbine wings attached effecting a com- 
 
 1 As quoted by Poole, The Calorific Power of Fuels, p. 10. 2 Ibid. 
 
 [315] 
 
28 
 
 plete circulation of the water and equalization of temperature. 
 The reaction accompanying the combustion may be repre 
 sented by the equation: 
 
 56Na 2 2 + C 2 5H 18 3 = 25 Na 2 C0 3 + 18 NaOH + 22 Na 2 
 
 Sod. perox. Coal Sod. carb. Sod. hydrate Sod. oxide 
 
 With certain substances such as coke, anthracites, petrole 
 ums, etc., a more strongly or vigorously oxidizing medium is 
 
 FIGURE 9. 
 
 needed than exists in the peroxide alone. This may be secured 
 by various additions. The most effective are : a mixture of 
 potassium chlorate and nitrate in the proportion of 1 to 2 and 
 this mixture used in the ratio of 1 to 10 of the sodium peroxide; 
 another effective mixture is an addition of potassium persul 
 phate in the ratio of 1 to 10 of the sodium peroxide. Other 
 
 [3.6] 
 
29 
 
 substances facilitate the oxidation, notably ammonium salts 
 and certain organic substances, as tartaric or oxalic acid, ben- 
 zoic acid, etc. In the work on Illinois coals, while ordinarily 
 no extra chemical would be necessary, still in certain cases 
 such as extra slaty coals and coals with excessive volatile 
 matter, and also to guard against variations in 
 the quality of the sodium peroxide, a mixture 
 as first described above, of chlorate and ni 
 trate, has uniformly been used throughout 
 these tests. 
 
 One peculiarity in the behavior of the com 
 bustion has been improved by the above mix 
 tures. This behavior is probably due to the 
 fact that there is a tendency on the part of the 
 particles of coal in immediate contact with 
 the metal, which is kept cold by exterior con 
 tact with the water, to escape action of the 
 chemical. A further improvement in this 
 particular is effected by a modification of the 
 bomb as illustrated in the accompanying fig 
 ure (Figure 10). The air space about the low 
 er part of the bomb prevents direct contact 
 with the water. However, upon ignition this 
 enclosed air expands and part of it is driven 
 out through the holes below. Later as cooling 
 and contraction occur the water is drawn into 
 the air space and rapid cooling is effected but 
 the period of high temperature for the inter 
 ior reaction has been prolonged from a few- 
 seconds to a half minute or more. Other advantages are se 
 cured, notably the avoidance of screw threads on the interior 
 or other opportunity for material to lodge and cause sticking 
 or difficult removal of the ends. 
 
 In Table 7 are given results with this apparatus in 
 comparison with the readings obtained by use of a Mahler- At- 
 water apparatus. In the third column as already indicated 
 
 [317] 
 
 CALORfMETER BOMB 
 
 FIGURE 10. 
 
30 
 
 TABLE VII. 
 
 COMPARISON OF CALORIFIC FACTORS. 
 
 No. 
 
 A 
 B 
 C 
 D 
 E 
 F 
 G 
 H 
 I 
 J 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 24 
 37 
 38 
 45 
 60 
 64 
 65 
 75 
 126 
 131 
 134 
 135 
 136 
 137 
 140 
 141 
 
 Illinois Coal. 
 
 Mahler 
 Atwater Bomb 
 Calorimeter. 
 
 Parr 
 
 Per-oxide 
 Calorimeter. 
 
 Calculation 
 8080 C -4- 34500 
 "H." 
 
 Bloomington, lump 6566 
 
 Carterville, washed 7174 
 
 Danville, lump 6797 
 
 Elmwood, lump 7050 
 
 Moweaqua, lump 6152 
 
 Odin, pea 6227 
 
 Pana, slack 5383 
 
 Eidgeley, pea 5922 
 
 St. Johns, lump 6917 
 
 Spring Valley, washed 6150 
 
 Bloomington, 2nd V., slack . . . 5510 
 
 " "lump.... 6447 
 
 3rd V., slack.... 6327 
 
 11 " lump 7140 
 
 Buxton, lump 6534 
 
 Centralia, slack 5911 
 
 Centralia, nut 6425 
 
 Danville, slack 6616 
 
 Eldorado, slack 5743 
 
 Fairbury, slack 5782 
 
 lump 6804 
 
 Harrisburg, lump 7370 
 
 Sandoval, lump 6636 
 
 Springfield, slack 6653 
 
 Streator, 2nd V., slack 6343 
 
 " " lump 6962 
 
 7th V., slack 6745 
 
 " " lump 7257 
 
 Trenton, nut 5445 
 
 slack . 5808 
 
 6530 
 
 7185 
 6762 
 6990 
 6135 
 6257 
 5387 
 5964 
 6911 
 6109 
 5637 
 6511 
 6326 
 7106 
 6520 
 6020 
 6476 
 6672 
 5777 
 5868 
 6747 
 7379 
 6677 
 6635 
 6395 
 6983 
 6775 
 7256 
 5500 
 5947 
 
 6687 
 7027 
 6804 
 7092 
 6256 
 6333 
 5745 
 6193 
 6769 
 6346 
 5742 
 6571 
 6316 
 7119 
 6540 
 5879 
 6440 
 6610 
 5854 
 5893 
 6773 
 7276 
 6500 
 6589 
 6371 
 6948 
 6717 
 7119 
 5673 
 6008 
 
 under "Calorimetric Values by Calculation" are given results 
 obtained by use of the formula 8080 C + 34500 (H), in which "H" 
 is the percentage of available hydrogen as indicated by the 
 curve in Fig. 4. The samples are given numbers corresponding 
 with those of the analytical tables at the end. The values are 
 given in calories per kilo. (Cal. per kilo x 1.8 == B.T.U. per 
 pound). 
 
 The ultimate analyses which have served as the basis for 
 some of the preceding calculations are embodied in Table 
 VIII. There is also included the proximate analyses and a 
 comparison of values obtained by the old and new methods 
 Results are given throughout in per cent. 
 
 [318] 
 
31 
 
 H & 9^s 
 
 ajqpsnquioQ re^ox 
 
 (M 
 
 OS 
 
 oo 
 
 CO 
 
 g 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 g 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 IO 
 
 oo 
 
 e 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 (Of - H) + 
 
 o 
 
 OS 
 
 CO 
 
 -t 1 
 
 rH 
 rH 
 
 ; 
 
 CO 
 
 I 
 
 S 
 
 i 
 
 rH 
 
 8 
 
 ! 
 Ultimate Analysis 
 
 -nrtn 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 8 
 
 (M 
 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 
 rH 
 
 CO* 
 
 oo 
 
 CO 
 
 rH 
 
 1 
 
 u^ XO 
 
 o 
 
 00 
 
 oo 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 OS 
 
 oc 
 
 CO 
 
 * 
 
 J] 
 
 g 
 
 10 
 
 CO 
 
 OS 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 
 
 -" 
 
 8 
 
 rH 
 
 3 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 
 Th 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 OS 
 
 
 
 oo 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 
 rH 
 rH 
 
 na^H 
 
 rH 
 
 OS 
 
 00 
 rH 
 
 IO 
 
 o 
 
 * 
 
 iO 
 
 : 
 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 "<** 
 
 S 
 
 10 
 
 CO 
 10 
 
 uopsnquioQ Xq 
 uoqjBQ I^OX 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 OS 
 
 s? 
 
 rH 
 CO 
 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 
 rH 
 
 ig 
 
 rH 
 O 
 
 8 
 
 CO 
 
 1 I 
 
 OS 
 
 CO 
 
 Proximate Analysis 
 
 auinp^Y Xq 
 uoqxBQ ["B^OX 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 g 
 
 rH 
 00 
 
 
 
 (M 
 
 OS 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 OS 
 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 OS 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 rH 
 CO 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 rH 
 CO 
 
 uoqj^Q p^xi^j 
 
 iO 
 IO 
 
 rH 
 
 
 3 
 
 00 
 
 OS 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 "* 
 
 i 
 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 
 ^ M e l!WA 
 
 
 
 OS 
 CO 
 
 3 
 
 cc 
 
 -f 
 
 1 
 
 : 
 
 1 
 
 OS 
 iO 
 
 OS 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 OS* 
 
 CO 
 
 W>H 
 
 CO 
 
 oo 
 
 10 
 
 OS 
 
 ! 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 
 "** 
 
 CO 
 
 l ^ 
 
 co 
 
 10 
 
 qsy 
 
 iO 
 
 iO 
 
 CO 
 
 CO* 
 
 CO 
 OS 
 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 rH 
 
 (M 
 (M 
 
 CO* 
 rH 
 
 CO 
 CN 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 rH 
 
 
 
 : ^ :...:::: 
 
 Bloomington, lump . . . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Spring Valley, washed . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Carterville, washed 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 Elm wood, 3rd vein 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Moweaqua, lump 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 03 
 qp 
 
 of 
 
 jf 
 
 8 
 
 ^ 
 
 * 
 
 m 
 
 ? 
 
 fl 
 
 H 
 
 h 
 
 O 
 
 ffi 
 
 HH 
 
 1-5 
 
 [319] 
 
32 
 
 The samples for Table IX. were collected between Feb. 8th 
 and June 8th, 1904. These were obtained at the mines from 
 the surface of car lots as made ready for shipment to the con 
 sumer. Amounts varying from 40 to 50 pounds were taken 
 and shipped in sacks to the laboratory. In general one sample 
 of lump or screened nut and one of screenings or slack was 
 procured from each mine. The term " slack " has been uni 
 formly applied where the material included all that passed 
 through a 1^ inch screen. 
 
 Immediately upon receipt of the material it was reduced 
 by quartering in the usual manner. A check sample, buck 
 wheat size, was taken, another part was ground to pass through 
 a 100 mesh sieve and each was sealed in a " lightning " fruit 
 jar. The analytical results are given in per cent. The calorific 
 values are given in British thermal units per pound of actual 
 coal as represented by the samples and also in calories per kilo 
 of actual coal. 
 
 [NOTE. For the collection of many of the samples I am indebted to the State 
 Mine Inspectors, and I wish here to express my appreciation of their interest and 
 efficiency. The general analytical work has been in charge of C. H. McClure, assist 
 ed by Chas. Edwards and A. C. Brown, and I heartily commend the skill and faith 
 fulness which has characterized their part of the work. S. W. P.] 
 
 [320] 
 
[321] 
 

 
 O ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [322] 
 
35 
 
 TABLE IX Generated. 
 CHEMICAL ANALYSES AND HEATING VALUES OF ILLINOIS COALS. 
 
 Heat Units. 
 
 
 
 co" in" CD" co CD" co CD" CD in" co" co iff cb" CD" CD" co" co" CD" co" 
 
 -aeqjjtisi^ug; 
 
 ^*inroincci-iocoOGOOCM MOcoin8oS 
 
 11 O Of il O! T 1 i( of O rH ^ O T-I of of T-H T 1 i 1 O 
 
 
 PROXIMATE ANALYSIS. 
 
 il li i. 
 
 jnqding 
 
 co -* co i-! ct co co oi :o oi ci co o> co o? i-i co * -* 
 
 paxj^ 
 
 COCOOCOOCMCO(i-rtS2^iHCo8^GoS 
 
 
 jnqdjns 
 
 i icotnorHi- OiOincDT-Ht cicoo. McocDO 
 
 l>-^tlOOi^!OOiinCOC^(7!COCOCOCOO-COGOCO 
 
 
 ojqiisnqraoo 
 -uo^ ItJ^ojj 
 
 Illllllllllllllllll 
 
 *9|q i^jsnq 
 
 OCCOSGCCIi-Ht rtil- "^COt GO^JCOin^r-icO 
 
 GOoiGOCDCOt^OCOGO cCcdGOCDiHi-IOJOJCDCO 
 cDCDcocotcDt I incDCDincDt I>-COCOCDCO 
 
 "uoqj Bf) 
 
 of co c>> r-i t^ o >n co -* c? i * oj in >n in co os i^ 
 
 CD in co CD CD co CD co m co co >n co CD CD co co in in 
 
 aoq iS,,j 
 
 c^?5^coS^^og8^^oloSo8o>o? 
 
 C!ccco^-coococot^i-<co M-*-*ino3"+<ooi 
 
 
 lOA 9HJ J, 
 
 t-T-iin-^aj-^co^ioco-^^iocDi-iin^cMin 
 
 C~t CM 6-1 C-! Ct G\! fff Ci"i C! O! O! i I C 1 ! OI CM CM CJ O! C-! 
 
 JO J93.T5A1 
 
 co^coSoco^;nGoSS8cocM8^cot^ao 
 
 j4^^SJS *???453i5^ Cv * :fi c< *"* e< 3 1 ^ 
 
 
 *9jn^.sioi\[ 
 
 !^SSitnc5^cS8MS^^ScS^^gS 
 
 GOt-t-osint-ecpoooosiMi-iccao^oob-b-oo 
 
 qsy 
 
 o Sl^i-li-lScOCD^ioO3CiO^l-^S:3OS 
 
 i-i t~ oi ^H o in co n o; t-^ oi co ao i- GO CD o -^ in 
 
 
 DESCRIPTION. 
 
 ureas 
 [090 
 
 CD CD in in in m CM t-- t- co in m in co co CD co co CD 
 
 1 
 
 -gc|a so|a|a-g|a!S5-g-g-gl 
 
 ^C^GC^JaQSJKH^^Mh^^^^^^S 
 
 SOURCE OF SAMPLES. 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 O 
 
 iiB-iii MS i i n s ^iU8 
 
 5 5 ? ? a Ji i s s asSoo-iS-- 
 
 ??88*^ ^||||ld*llll 
 
 asJJS2^nooossssj 
 ggg = ,S r saaS-g-gSS5ltis 
 
 ^OOQ^ 00 _gg s "__ 
 
 iliias;l!|||!1!l|ll 
 
 .s.sHw^^wwcls^^ppG^^aa 
 
 County. 
 
 : a d a d d a 
 a a i:22222idfl :iflrt 
 oodcdd^^^^aa^oo ; ;oo 
 w 2 S * rf o .2 .2 >> > .2 
 
 : 5^s-l-SgSS^^ 5^i:i:^ : 3 
 
 rfcdpipiSOct>o<D^gcSc3c3oa)= 
 S^fefaEc(>-> >->aja}SSSf^PHSS 
 
 a" 
 o 
 
 qrantf 
 
 a- o i : i : : : i i ; i i . i : : : : 
 !:::::::: O 0) i 
 > *> ::ooo::^p;^fla^^ 
 
 22 : ; ; 3S33oo !3 >">So >: P 
 
 .5 .- c3 c3 sj c3 V V V V M M "S ^ ^Jj S S T 
 
 ^-^XJo^GGfia^^SacO O SS 
 
 COSdS^c3a3a3c3rf330)OO^S^^ 
 OOQQOOPPPPPPPPPPPSw 
 
 ?3^5525^i5;i^; ;g^gSS5 C rS!ftSJn 
 
 [323] 
 
a 
 J| 
 
 I 
 
 uoi^isodraoo 
 
 qsy 
 
 1089 
 
 o ie in in 
 
 tc in tc" iff ro 
 
 >n tc f t- 
 
 ig - o 
 
 3 
 
 OOr-GiOOJOiOT- 
 
 S 
 
 CO CO CO ^". 
 CO O Cl t- o 
 
 o ^ oc ci QC co >n -H i-^ 
 
 M IM C! Of VI Ot N O! 
 
 "o in cr. i^ =* ^ ^ ^ =~ 
 
 OGCcio-^i-^incoc! 
 
 3~S~sTSf W & 
 
 "* CO CO 
 <M M VI 
 
 O! 1-1 O 
 
 SI S o S Si 5 
 
 T-; core ci 
 
 fO O t- ^ 
 
 in --C i-^ o av GO 
 
 in in t- in in 
 
 co n in to -^r m 
 
 P. P 
 
 S a 
 
 8C O O 
 000 
 
 dodo 
 
 o o o o 
 o c o o 
 "S "5 S "2 
 
 i -s a 
 
 TTTI 
 
 000 
 
 5 S S 
 
 * 
 
 i- ^ ^ i~ fl t^ 
 
 c a a c 
 
 fj 0) 0) <U 0) "S 
 
 
 o ; ! .2 .2 i 
 
 ^r -o T3 P a 
 
 -: >- u 3 3 aj 
 
 g .-3 si o o c 
 
 0000 
 
 "Sill 
 
 s 1 
 
 3 be 
 
 
 
 &3 M K 
 
 -? - .^ 
 
 ^ O iH 71 CO 1< >n -O 
 
 o <- t- i- <- j- i- *- 
 
37 
 
 o 
 g 
 
 S 
 hJ 
 
 M 
 
 fc 
 
 O 
 
 02 
 
 w 
 
 ^ S 
 
 5 < 
 
 2 b> 
 
 5 o 
 
 T S 
 
 X H 
 
 ^H <j 
 
 S S 
 
 [325] 
 
38 
 
 ovfteD 
 
 fl T~ 1 OQ < 1 -^ O Ot in 
 
 o 01 M 55t-oS5<Me>!-*a m oo 
 
 -to to CD to" irt" --o" i- i--T o iff -o" m" >" 
 
 [326] 
 
TABLE IX Continued. 
 CHEMICAL ANALYSES AND HEATING VALUES OF ILLINOIS COALS. 
 
 Heat Units, 
 
 souopio 
 
 10 -r, ^ ci <* 1-1 01 O -x co -o -^ oo <- --fi o x co x \ 
 
 . CC X I- CO X O <~ (- ^ >O -^< <- -H CO O (- >rt C> 
 
 i- - w . \n \~ * co ITS ^ L- n co cs > co > >o co 05 
 
 10 co m co i>o co co >o co co >n co co co o co co co in 
 
 S uufi \v.ui 
 
 SSilSlliillS-l83lll 
 
 Oi-HO-r-O^i-lO"ClO-^C!i-lO-^^ -lO 
 
 PROXIMATE ANALYSIS. 
 
 jnqdint; 
 ITi^oj, 
 
 "g" 
 
 i-5 ro co c-i -^ co c-i co o i-5 co -^5 ci co -* c-i co ci co 
 
 paxij 
 
 -r-5i-5ci^ciTHrtr-5oOi-5rtOi-5c5Or4-r-5^ 
 
 .imid[ns 
 
 o ^H ^ -H c ? i-5 i-I ci o o f-5 co i-5 i-5 ci TH ci i-5 ci 
 
 oiqi jsnqraoo 
 
 -UOJ^ I B l^-Jj 
 
 x^fS^ococoiocoSSStSoxcSSSal 
 
 c^Slc^cl^SS^SSl^SSS^S^^S 
 
 8jqi^snq 
 -uioo nJ iox 
 
 S^^oScS^^SS^S5?l6i-cS8oo 
 
 1-1 t- * O C! CT. ^ O Oi t>- I - X C5 O O OC t~ O CO 
 
 COCOCOi>-tOO-OCOCOCOlOCC COt^-CO^3COl- CO 
 
 uoq.n?o 
 VR -ioj, 
 
 Sc ! S 1 S J c5 S e2 S ?J ^ g S JS 8 x 
 
 S^S3S?S^S^SlSc3S3SSSlS2 
 
 uoq.iuo 
 poxi^ 
 
 SiSfeS^S^^^SSS^^SwSSwS 
 
 S5^^^SS3*SJS5S8^^58!S 5JS5^5SS;S 
 
 G[qnsnquioo 
 iA ^n-*iL 
 
 Ol &2 Gsl (M CJ 7-"t C-l Cl C-l C\! i ( C-! C! T^t C-? Cst C*l CI *.-! 
 
 uoiiisodiuoo 
 
 ScjxoSo^xcooi^xcoSKSociS 
 ci ** c-i irf cvi co * c-i ;-o x ci r-5 co o co i.o co co c-i 
 
 
 n W o K 
 
 o" x co o x c; t- cc r-5 i-5 i-5 co ifi oi i-5 t^ i^ -^ ^ 
 
 qsy 
 
 c: c: in * i-5 cc x cc irs t>5 c-i co r-5 oc od od x i-5 ci 
 
 i 
 SOURUE OF SAMPLES. DESCRIPTION. 
 
 ij 
 
 t 08*) 
 
 lO CO CO C? C-I l.O lO i-O CO O CO i-O CO -^H rH O k-O kfi lO 
 
 
 
 vi 
 
 >> i J i^aa^aa^ ^&a^a iaa 
 
 o^ibjo^aaoaa^iaaia^aa 
 
 CO^EcWSr-^iJSJljSS^JSh^I^MJ 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 a 
 
 
 _9 ; ; i i ; 6 c " o o o 6 d 6 6 o ; 
 
 ^ i ! : i ; i : o 00000000" 
 
 .5 i i d d 5 ! "3 o d a- a 5 5 S 1 a 
 
 3 s s i 1 1 s 6 1 1 1 = 5 ; 1 s i i i 
 
 o < 3 3ooo i 3 33 ss =* -3 5 s ** =8 !f -^ 
 
 b ^ >, - V W , ri d o n - g. c^ 
 
 e||l^liill^SS|1 
 
 1 1 s 1 1 II i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 
 
 County. 
 
 : ! icjo^isl 1 ! | i I ia-aoo 
 
 ,-iac^^-^ - infc<ti 27;aa 
 
 | 1 | 1 1 1 I | a & & | s | g | | | | 
 
 ^rfcJ^^^^^QjQQ^ mojrfcS-jpj 
 
 feSSu^iJooo^o-cuccSSSwfMccaa 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 H 
 
 ii:i:i;ilijM ;; i^22 
 
 ! : : S^3fl r ^ r O r O : Oo 
 
 ! j ^ ^ !8t"E,||gg<*^ 
 
 SaaSS :3 " :3 S aj^^^^^.SS 
 
 (H C3 .3 -5 ^S a C G *i3 r S >C3 OJOcScitn t, 
 
 o-c^ &cics cj c3 ?3 rf a 2 ^^3^3 aaaa 
 
 ^OOOO&^O-PHO^iSffiWsCQO COCDDDCX 
 
 aeqmriM [~l2~S S 22 3 ^ |j " M g g g 
 
 [327] 
 
40 
 
TITLES OF ARTICLES AND BOOKS PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 CORPS OF INSTRUCTION, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, 
 
 BETWEEN MAY 1. 1903, AND MAY 1, 1904. 
 
 PRESIDENT A. S. DRAPER. 
 
 "Co-education in the United States." Address before Twentieth Century Club, 
 Boston, Mass., Jan. 17, 1903. 1 
 
 "Vital Points Touching the Public Schools of a Large City." Address before 
 Public Educational Association, Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1903. 
 
 The University of Illinois. Address before Association of fficers of State 
 Institutions at Executive Mansion, Springfield, 111., April 8, 1903. l 
 
 11 The Personal Equation in the Medical Profession." Address at Commence 
 ment of College of Physicians and Surgeons, Chicago, May 26, 1903. Pub - 
 lished in The Plexus for June, 1903. 
 
 "The University of Illinois ; Coming Steps in its Evolution." Illinois Maga 
 zine, Oct. 1, 1903. 
 
 "University Questions Concerning the Common Schools." Address at State 
 Teachers Association of Illinois, Dec. 30, 1903. Published in Educational 
 Review, Feb., 1904. 
 
 "Government in American Universities." Address before North Central 
 Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, March 25, 1904. Published 
 in Educational Review, June, 1904. 
 BALDWIN, E. C. 
 
 "The Relation of the Greek Character to its English Prototype." Proceed 
 ings of Modern Language Association, July, 1903. 
 
 " Lyman Abbott ; the Man and His Message." The Illinois, Feb., 1904. 
 
 "The Development of English Character Writing." Publications of Modern 
 
 Language Association, March, 1904. 
 BAKER, I. O. 
 
 "Engineering Education in the United States." Public Work, London, Eng 
 land, Jan., 1904. 
 
 " Neglected Details in Brick Pavement Construction." Proceedings, National 
 Brick Manufacturers Association, 1904. 
 
 " Brick Pavements in America." Public Work, London, England, May, 1904. 
 BARTON, H. J. 
 
 "The College Conference of the Middle West." Educational Review, Jan., 
 
 1904. 
 BEVIER, ISABEL, AND SPRAGUE, E. C. 
 
 "Roasting of Beef." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 71. Aug., 1903. 
 
 "The Comfortable Home." The House Beautiful, Jan., 1904. 
 
 1 Omitted from the list of last year. 
 
 [329] 
 
42 
 
 BROOKS, MORGAN. 
 
 "Electrical Progress in United States in 1903." Western Electrician, Jan. 2, 
 
 1904. 
 BROOKS, N. C. 
 
 " Lassar-Cohn s Die Chemie im taglichen Leben." pp. 130; D. C. Heath, 
 Boston, 1904. 
 
 BURRILL, T. J. 
 
 " Bitter Rot of Apples." American Apple Growers Congress, 1903. 
 " Street and Highway Planting." Illinois Horticultural Society, 1903. 
 " Weeds and Weed Legislation." Illinois Horticultural Society, 1903. 
 " Bacteria : The Friends of the Farm." Illinois Farmers Institute, 1904. 
 CARMAN, A. P. 
 
 * Past and Present Theories of Electricity." School Science, June, 1903. 
 CLARK, T. A. 
 
 " Biography of Keats." May, 1903. 
 " Biography of Shelley." June, 1903. 
 
 Published by C. M. Parker, Taylorville, 111. 
 DAVENPORT, E. 
 
 "Series of Articles in Agricultural Topics." School News, 1902-1903. 
 " Report upon the Cooperative Work of the Experiment Station." U. S. De 
 partment of Agriculture, Washington, D. C., 1902. 
 DENNIS, W. C. 
 
 " The Treaty of 1896 between the United States and New T Granada." Amer 
 ican Law r Register, May, 1904. 
 DEXTER, E. G. 
 
 " Training for the Ministry." Harper s Weekly, Jan. 7, 1903. 1 
 1 1 Some Advantages of the Accredited System of College Entrance. Educa 
 tional Conference, Northwestern University, Oct., 1903. 
 " The Problem of the Dull Pupil." Illinois State Teachers Association, 
 
 Dec., 1903. 
 
 " The Influence of the Weather upon the Deportment of the Child." Inter 
 national Congress of School Hygiene, Nuremberg, Germany, April, 1904. 
 Appendicitis and the Race. Science, May, 1904. 
 " The Best College ; What is it?" Education, June, 1904. 
 " Weather Influence." pp. 325. Macmillan, N. Y., May, 1904. 
 FISK, G. M. 
 
 " Training Needed for the Consular Service." Michigan Pol. Science Associa 
 tion, June, 1903. Vol. V. 
 " Review of Commerce, Industry and Navigation in U. S. for 1903. Review of 
 
 Legislation, 1903." New York State Library. 
 FRASER, W. J. 
 
 " Agriculture in England." Breeder s Gazette, June, 1903. 
 " Preventing Contamination of Milk." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 
 91, Dec., 1903. 
 
 1 Omitted from the list of last year. 
 
 [330] 
 
43 
 
 " City Milk Supply." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 92, Dec., 1903. 
 "The University Dairy." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 73, Dec., 
 
 1903. 
 " Feeding Dairy Cattle." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Bull., No. 75, April, 
 
 1904. 
 GREENE, E. B. 
 
 " The History of Illinois." Blue Book of State of Illinois, Springfield, 1904. 
 " Sectional Forces in the History of Illinois." Illinois State Historical Library, 
 
 No. 2, Springfield, 1904. 
 " The Government of Illinois ; Its History and Administration." Macmillan, 
 
 N. Y., 1904. 
 GRINDLEY, H. S. 
 
 A Study of the Nitrogenous Constituents of Meats." U. S. Dept. of Agric. 
 
 Bureau of Chemistry, Bull. No. 81. May, 1904. 
 
 " AND MO.IONNIER, TlMOTHY. 
 
 "Experiments on Losses in Cooking Meat." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station 
 
 Bull., No. 141, April, 1904. 
 HAMMOND, M. B., AND WESTON, N. A. 
 
 " Principles of Economics. Outline of a Course of Study in the University of 
 
 Illinois." pp. 20. D. H. Lloyde & Son, Champaign, 111. 
 HAMMOND, M. B. 
 
 " Bailway Legislation in Illinois prior to 1870." Introduction to University 
 Studies, No. 6, 1904. 
 
 HOLLISTER, H. A. 
 
 " Effect of the System of Accrediting Schools by the University upon the 
 High School and its Development." Educational Conference, Northwest 
 ern University, Oct., 1903. 
 KINLEY, DAVID. 
 
 "The Social Aim in Education." 111. State Teachers Assoc., Dec., 1902. 
 LAWRENCE, F. L. 
 
 " Bach Preparatory Studies." Geo. B. Jennings Co., Cincinnati, O., 1904. 
 LINCOLN, A. T. 
 
 " The Ternary System, Benzene, Acetic Acid and Water." Journal Physical 
 
 Chemistry, April, 1904. 
 LYTLE, E. B. 
 
 " A Way to Improve Algebra Teaching." School Mathematics, March, 1904. 
 MINER, J. B. 
 
 " Motor, Visual and Applied Ehythms ; an experimental study and a revised 
 
 explanation." Psychological Eeview, Vol. V., No. 4, 1903. 
 MUMFORD, H. W. 
 
 " Fattening Steers of the Various Market Grades." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Sta 
 tion Bull., No. 90, Dec., 1903. 
 PARR, S. W. 
 
 " The Determination of Sulphur in Coal." Technograph, 1903. 
 
 [330 
 
44 
 
 "The Determination of Total Carbon in Coal, Soils, etc." Journal of the 
 
 Society of Chemical Industry, Jan. , 1904. 
 "A Neglected Factor in the Proximate Analysis of Coal." Technograph, 
 
 1904. 
 PETERS, A. W. 
 
 "Metabolism and Division of Protozoa." American Academy of Arts and 
 
 Science, April, 1904. 
 SMITH, MRS. C. B. 
 
 "The Value of the Credit System as Applied to High School Music." The 
 
 Messenger, Oct., 1903. 
 STEBBINS, JOEL. 
 
 "The Leonids of 1903." Popular Astronomy, Dec., 1903. 
 SIMPSON, FRANCES. 
 
 "Syllabus of the Evolution of the Library." pp. 91. D. H. Lloyde & Son, 
 
 Champaign, 111., 1903. 
 SMITH, FRANK, AND BARRETT, J. T. 
 
 " The Vascular System and Blood Flow in Diplocardia communis Garman." 
 Science, Feb., 1904. 
 
 TOWNSEND, E. J. 
 
 " Uniform Convergence of Infinite Series." Technograph, 1904. 
 WALTON, J. H., JR. 
 
 "Die Jadionenkatalyse des Wasserstoffsuperoxyds." Zeitschrift fur physik- 
 
 alische chemie XL VII. , 2. 
 WATERBURY, L. A. 
 
 "The Effects of Manure on Masonry and Concrete." 
 
 "Present Practice in Stone Road Construction in Northern Illinois." 
 
 "Accuracy and Economy of Various Methods of Leveling." 19th Annual 
 
 Rept. Illinois Society of Engineers and Surveyors, 1904. 
 "Systematic Municipal Work in Small Cities." The Technograph, No. 18, 
 
 1904. 
 
 [332] 
 
of 
 
 Vol. I SEPTEMBER, 1904 No. 8 
 
 tubte0 
 
 The Granger Movement In Illinois 
 
 By 
 A. E. PAINE, A. M. 
 
 PRICE 35 CENTS 
 
 SEntoersitp 
 
THE GRANGER MOVEMENT IN ILLINOIS. 
 1. Introductory: The Rise of the Grange. 
 
 Of all the organizations that have flourished among farmers 
 since the middle of the last century, none, from a social and 
 economic standpoint, has equaled in importance the Patrons of 
 Husbandry, more commonly known as the Grange. Although 
 its immediate organization displays some peculiarities, it was 
 the outgrowth of natural conditions, and its promoters had a 
 mine of experience on which to draw in order to establish it on 
 a solid basis. For even the farming class, though poorly situ 
 ated for organization, had societies more than one hundred 
 years old. 
 
 The new order came into being shortly after the Civil War. 
 It was a favorable time for such a movement. For two decades a 
 feeling of dissatisfaction had been spreading among the farmers. 
 For a time it had found sufficient expression in the political agi 
 tation against slavery, but otherwise had played no important 
 part in the economic growth of the nation. It was temporarily 
 overshadowed by more vital questions, but gained new life in 
 the west as railroad building progressed and increasing migra 
 tion brought about more extensive competition among the farm 
 ers. This competition lowered the prices of their products, 
 while at the same time their purchases had to be made at ex 
 orbitant prices. They were at the mercy of the middlemen, 
 whom they were unable to oppose successfully owing to lack of 
 organization, and because their own inertia had prevented them 
 from undertaking to deal directly with the manufacturers. 
 
 The motives of the middlemen were not entirely selfish. 
 That their operations brought injury to the farmer was rather 
 their misfortune than their fault. They found the farmers 
 poorly supplied with cash and were forced to sell on credit. 
 
 [3351 
 
In this way a system of credit grew up which enabled the mid 
 dlemen to hold the farmers trade even though charging high 
 rates for the supplies which they furnished. 1 
 
 The railroads, too, were a source of irritation. At the be 
 ginning of the era of construction in the West the people were 
 friendly to the railroads. Railroad building in the east and the 
 opening of through lines of transportation in the few years be 
 fore the war opened new markets for the western farmer and 
 increased the demand for agricultural products. However, dis 
 criminations, high rates with their accompanying phenomenon 
 of stock watering, and the attitude which the railroad man 
 agers assumed toward the shippers, together with a succession 
 of sharp practices, gradually aroused the public and led to or 
 ganized opposition. 
 
 Hostility to the middlemen and fear of the railroads were 
 
 /the main causes of the movement among the western farmers 
 
 towards organization. In other sections of the country addi- 
 
 V tional causes operated to produce a like result. The farmers of 
 
 If the south had been left in an unfortunate condition as a result 
 
 <C of the Civil War. If we add to these causes of discontent, the 
 
 ] general feeling of unrest commonly prevalent among the tillers 
 
 / of the soil, we have a sufficient explanation of the causes of the 
 
 I widespread movement among the farming classes, which result- 
 
 \^ed in the organization of the Patrons of Husbandry. 
 
 Such were the conditions when OliverJHjidaQJiJKfillfi^ a 
 clerk in the Agricultural Department at Washington, was sent 
 throu^h^several jof__the southern states on public business., In> 
 pressed by the unfortunate condition of the people, appreciating 
 the^piiffiar^of united action^ and seeing that there was no com 
 prehensive organization of farmers, he began to plan the forma 
 tion of such a combination as should unite in one body the great 
 mass of farmers throughout the country. Upon his return to 
 Washington, April 21, 1867, he enlisted the sympathy of a few 
 friends who were interested in agricultural matters, and, resign - 
 
 1 Cf. M. B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry in the United States ch. V, on 
 Agricultural Credit. (Amer. Econ. Public. New Series, No. i.) 
 
 [336] 
 
ing his position under the government, he devoted his time to 
 planning such an organization and to perfecting for its use a 
 "ritual of four degrees for men and four for women, unsurpassed, 
 in my judgment, in the English language, for originality of 
 thought, beauty of diction and purity of sentiment." 1 It is a 
 ritual well calculated to exalt the occupation of the farmer in 
 the minds of members. Kelley being a Mason, Masonic methods 
 
 WPTP. pnpjprl PYtpJiaivply V>y +hn nnTir nndpr As first Organized 
 
 the four degrees for men were, Laborer, Cultivator, Harvester, 
 Husbandman, A lady friend of Kelley s suggested that women 
 be admitted to the order with corresponding rlpgrp^^ The sug 
 gestion was acted upon and thus, almost by chance, a feature 
 was adopted which added much to the influence of the Grange. 
 The four degrees for women at the beginning were. Maid, Shep 
 herdess. Gleaner, and Matom. Other degrees, open to both 
 men and women, were added as occasion demanded. The fifth 
 degree, Pomona (Hope), is composed of Masters of subordinate 
 granges and their wives who are Matrons. Past Masters and 
 their wives who are Matrons are honorary members and eli 
 gible to office but not entitled to vote, ^lora (Charity), is the 
 name of the sixth degree. It is composed ofTEe Masters of state 
 granges and their wives who have taken the degree Pomona. Past 
 Masters of state granges who have taken the degree Pomona 
 are honorary members and eligible to office but not entitled to 
 vote. The seventh ar>ri hfobpp*- Hftprrp.p i^ pgffl^f Ffl.-if.M Mem 
 bers of the National Grange who have served one year therein 
 may become members of this degree on application and election. 
 The secret work of the order is under the charge of the members 
 of this degree, who also sit as a court in all cases of impeachment 
 of officers of the National Grange. Members of this degree are 
 honorary members of the National Grange and are eligible to 
 office therein but are not entitled to vote. 
 
 Several months were spent upon the constitution and ritu 
 al, and on De,cemberjt, 1867, the National Grange of the order 
 
 1 D. W. Aiken, The Grange Its Origin, Progress and Purposes, Special Re 
 port 2, Misc. Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agric. pp. 55-64. 
 
 3337] 
 
Patrons of Husbandry was establish e(j at WRahinffton wifji a. 
 seen^jfSade up", as a writer for the Popular 
 
 it rather sarcastically, "of one fruit 
 grower and six government clerks, equally distributed among 
 the Post Office, Treasury and Agricultural Departments," 1 
 
 The officers were elected for a term of five years. 2 For two 
 years there were no additions to membership, and a full attend 
 ance of the original members was not always secured at the 
 annual meeting. Indeed, at the third annual session, Worthy 
 Master Saunders delivered his annual address in the presence 
 of Secretary Kelley, his entire audience, and when through, 
 asked the privilege of printing the same in the next morning s 
 papers that each might buy some to distribute. 3 At the fifth 
 annual session of the National Grange the original seven mem 
 bers were reinforced by the Grand Master of the Iowa State 
 Grange, Dudley W. Adams. 
 
 Immediately after the organization of the National Grange, 
 steps were taken to organize subordinate granges, and the ter 
 ritory selected for the first effort was the state of Minnesota. 
 Accordingly, Mr. Kelley left Washington April 1st, 1868, for 
 the accomplishment of this purpose. At this time the Grange 
 was $150 in debt, but Kelley was to receive a salary of $2,000 a 
 ,year besides his expenses, provided his receipts aggregated that 
 amount. On his way westward he organized granges succes 
 sively at Harrisburg, Fredonia, Cincinnati, and Chicago. The 
 Chicago Grange, which was the first in Illinois, was organized 
 in the office of the Prairie Farmer, in the latter part of April. 
 From Chicago Kelley went to Minnesota where he succeeded in 
 organizing a half a dozen granges by the close of the year. The 
 
 1 Charles W. Pierson, "Rise of the Granger Movement", Pop. Sci. Mo., vol. 32, 
 p 199. The members were Wm. M. Ireland and O. H. Kelley (recently trans 
 ferred from the Agricultural Dept.) of P. O. Dept., J. R. Thompson and Rev. John 
 Trimble of the Treasury Dept., Wm. Saunders and Rev. A. B. Grosh of the Agricul 
 tural Dept., and F. M. McDowell, a vineyardist of Wayne, New York. 
 
 2 Saunders, Master; Thompson, Lecturer; Ireland, Treasurer; Kelley, Secre 
 tary. Special Report 2, Misc. Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agric. p. 57. 
 3 Special Report etc., 2, p. 58. 
 
 [338] 
 
Minnesota State Grange was organized on February 23rd, 1869. 
 In Iowa, in 1869, he was still more successful, but the Iowa 
 State Grange was not organized until January 12th, 1871. No 
 charters were issued to a sub-grange unless at least nine men 
 and four women were pledged as members, while the number 
 of charter members was limited to thirty, at least ten of whom 
 must be women. The initiation fee seems to have varied some 
 what from time to time, but for the charter members was usu 
 ally about three dollars for men and fifty cents for women. 
 Men who joined later paid four to five dollars, and women two 
 to three dollars, as a membership fee. The order grew slowly 
 j!oj-_several years. At the close of 1871 the secretary was able 
 to report that the increase in membership had been four times 
 as great in that year as in the year preceding. After 1871 the 
 growth was more rapid and at the sixth annual session, Janu 
 ary 8, 1873, delegates were present from eleven states. Four of 
 these delegates were women. There were at this time twenty- 
 three state granges. 1 During the year 1872 1,074 subordinate 
 granges were organized, making, altogether, about 1,300. The 
 next two years saw a still more rapid growth, 8,668 being added 
 in 1873, and 11,941 in 1874, making a total of 22,000 granges 
 with an average membership of a little over 30. 2 The grange 
 was prospering, the treasury was full and there was a rush for 
 membership. A feverish activity seemed to pervade the order. 
 No undertakings were too big, no enterprises too grand, to be 
 attempted. One in particular, carried on during its period of 
 greatest activity, 3 but later given up on account of the expense, 
 was of considerable importance. This was its system of month 
 ly crop reports/ Blanks were sent from the office of the secre 
 tary to each of the subordinate granges in time to reach the 
 local grange before its meeting, the first week in each month. 
 The secretary of the subordinate grange was then enabled to 
 
 1 Special Report, etc. 2, p. 58 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, Mar. 31, 1877. 
 
 3 Commenced in May or June, 1872. See Prairie Farmer, May 18, 1872. 
 
 4 Special Report etc. ,2, p. 62. 
 
 [339] 
 
8 
 
 obtain the necessary data, and return the required information. 
 On the basis of these replies, the reports were compiled by the 
 fifteenth of each month. In this way the Grange bulletins were 
 issued before those of the Department of Agriculture and are 
 said to have been more reliable. 1 This and other accomplish 
 ments gave a prestige to the order, so that newspapers and poli 
 ticians became interested in it and the Grange became a factor 
 in politics. 
 
 The inevitable reaction was not long in coming. The mem 
 bership declined, the activity decreased. Various reasons were 
 assigned for the decline. TF~is~saiT!~l)EaF the Grange lacked ji 
 pnrpnsft.tha.t its energies were scattered, that it was 
 
 unable to accomplish its undertakings and that in consequence, 
 the enthusiasm of the members subsided. While such an hy 
 pothesis affords a partial explanation, it does not accurately or 
 fully describe the conditions. The Grange did have definite 
 objects, which, however, varied from time to time. By the 
 founders and earliest members the social and educationaliaat- . 
 ures were emphasized. They desired to bring together^the 
 farmers and their fa mi lies and to develop through this acquaint 
 anceship that fraternal feeling so notoriously lacking armong 
 them. They aimed, moreover, to bring about a more intelligent 
 and sciea.i -itifl ftnil.lm.i.iim u tke"soiL 
 
 .The success of the movement, however, soon attracted 
 idealists and disgruntled politicians, who came into itjnasEefl 
 as farmers, each with his o"wn plan for revolutionizing ,the 
 world. The grangers, confident because of what they had ac 
 complished, were ready to undertake new plans even though in 
 the main they were visionary. As a consequence gigantic 
 schemes of co-operation in buying and selling were undertaken 
 and entrusted to inexperienced men. Partly because of over- 
 confidence and mismanagement, partly because of the opposi 
 tion of the middlemen, almost every attempt of this kind re 
 sulted in financial loss. These failures not only caused loss to 
 
 1 Special Report, etc. 2, p.6z. Cf. "The Grange reports were costly and often un 
 reliable but had proved valuable." C. W. Pierson Pop. Sci. Mo. 32: 369. 
 
 [340] 
 
those immediately interested but also discredited the whole 
 movement in the eyes of the public. 
 
 Moreover, undue political activity, partisan expressions on 
 [the tariff and currency, 1 together with radical and sometimes 
 \ unwise railroad legislation, gradually brought about internal 
 \ dissension. The farmer was inclined to place too much depend- 
 Jence on legislation and too little on self-help to accomplish the 
 desired ends. Of course he did not grow rich immediately. In 
 \ fact there was little sign of improvement in his condition. He 
 ] was disappointed with the outcome and ignorant of the reason 
 / for the failure of his plans ; and seeing no prospect of securing 
 ! more favorable results, he soon lost hope. 
 \ The discontent which had been growing for several years 
 came to a head at the meeting held at Charleston, S. C., early 
 in 1875. At this meeting every State Grange was represented, 
 sixty-six members being present. There was heated discussion 
 on several matters, but the contest found its chief expression on 
 the financial methods of the National Grange, which by means 
 of fees had accumulated thousands of dollars and had paid 
 rather extravagant salaries to its officers. 2 At the end of the 
 discussion it was voted to distribute the funds of the Grange 
 among the subordinate granges in good standing. Accordingly 
 about $50,000 was distributed, or about $2.50 for each grange. 3 
 Internal dissension increased during the next few years, many 
 who had joined in the stirring days of 1873 and 1 1874 withdrew 
 from membership, and many granges discontinued their meet 
 ings entirely. As there was less agricultural discontent in the 
 country at this time few granges were organized. The receipts 
 of the National Grange fell off and the salaries of the officers 
 
 1 Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:373. Prairie Farmer, May 9, 1874; Feb. 2, 1878; Oct. 19, 
 1878. See also Proceedings of a Convention of Farmers held at Bloomington Oct. 
 16-17, 1872. 
 
 2 Master, $2,000 per year; Secretary, $2,500 per year. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372. 
 
 3 Prairie Farmer Feb. 20, 1875. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372. 
 
 [341] 
 
10 
 
 had to be reduced. 1 Politicians showed less interest and the 
 space devoted to grange topics in the newspapers gradually de 
 creased. However, although the number of granges had de 
 creased, the average membership per grange had increased from 
 3U to 40. 2 By 1880 those who had joined the Grange for any 
 other purpose than the objects stated in its constitution had, 
 for the most part, withdrawn, and the decline in membership 
 seems to have stopped. At the same time the political agita 
 tion within the Grange came to an end and its efforts were de 
 voted more and more to the fulfillment of its original aims. 
 From this time a revival of interest may be noted, more es 
 pecially in the New England States. At the meeting in Topeka 
 in 1888, thirty-six states reported, and thirty were represented. 
 By 1889 the total membership had increased to 150,000 and the 
 annual reports for the last few years show indications of a 
 healthy growth. 
 
 2. The Illinois Grange: Its Organization and Growth. 
 
 The movement in Illinois was similar to that in other 
 states. As already stated, Mr. Kelley, the founder of the na 
 tional order, organized the first grange in the state in the latter 
 part of April, 1868, in the office of the Prairie Farmer. The 
 number of granges organized each year for the eight succeed 
 ing years is as follows: 3 
 
 In 1869.... 2 In 1873.... 761 
 
 In 1870.... 1 In 1874.... 704 
 
 In 1871.... 5 In 1875.... 50 
 
 In 1872.... 69 In 1876.... 27 
 
 Up to October 13, 1898, altogether one thousand seven hun 
 dred and twenty-two subordinate granges had been organized, 
 
 1 Secretary, $2,500 to $2,000, Master, $2,000 to $1,200. Later: Master, $1,200 to 
 $1,000; Treasurer, $600 to $500; Secretary, $2,ooc to $1,500. In 1879, that of the Master 
 was reduced to nothing, that of the Secretary to $600. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372, 373 and 
 Prairie Farmer Jan. 12, 1878. 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer. 
 
 3 These figures were furnished by the Secretary of the State Grange, Thos. 
 Ready, Dunlap, 111, 
 
 [342] 
 
11 
 
 in one hundred and one counties of the state, with Pomona, or 
 county, granges in most of the counties. These sub-granges 
 meet weekly, and the Pomona granges quarterly or monthly. 
 
 The State Grange was organized Mar. 5, 1872, and meets 
 yearly. It is made up of delegates from the sub-granges and 
 the Pomona granges. The first Grand Master was Alonzo Gol- 
 der of Whiteside county. His successors in office were A. P. 
 Forsyth, of Edgar county, E. A. Giller of Green county, J. M. 
 Thompson of Will county, and Oliver Wilson of Putnam coun 
 ty, who now occupies the position. 
 
 Prom the figures given it is evident that the palmy days of 
 grange activity in Illinois were in the years 1873 and 74, dur 
 ing which five-sixths of the total number of granges in the state 
 were organized. .From various causes the next few years_s.a.w 
 a^apid decUneJ-njoumerical strength. The large corn crops of 
 1 871-73 filled every crib and available store-house to overflowing. 
 Prices fell and freight rates rose, until five or six bushels of grain 
 wftrft rpqnired to get one busheTTo MeW York Clt.V. The average 
 local price of corn in Illinois in December, 1872, was only twen 
 ty-four cents a bushel, 1 and there is good reason to believe that 
 it fell as low as fifteen cents a bushel in some localities. It be 
 came more profitable to use corn for fuel than to sell it. 2 A 
 general money stringency ensued, culminating: in the panic of 
 1873. The depression was continued by the unusually large 
 crop of wheat in 1873-4, 3 which helped to overstock the market 
 
 1 Monthly Reports of the Dept. of Agriculture for the year 1872, p. 470. 
 
 2 Statement of Mr. Jos. B. Carter, Supt. Champaign, 111., Schools. Also Pop- 
 Sci. Mo., 32:203. 
 
 3 The crops of corn and wheat for several years were : 
 
 CORN. 
 Year. Bushels. Value. 
 
 1870 1,094,255,000 $540,520,456 
 
 1871 991,898,000 430,355,210 
 
 1872 1,092,719,000 385,736,210 
 
 WHEAT. 
 
 1870 233,884,700 $288,766,969 
 
 1871 230,722,400 264,075,851 
 
 1872 249,997,100 278,522,068 
 
 1873 281,264,700 300,669,533 
 
 1874 308,102,700 265,881,167 
 
 Year Book, Dept. of Agric. 1897, 
 [343] 
 
12 
 
 with bread stuffs, bring down their prices, and increase the pro 
 portion of the product required to pay the cost of transporta 
 tion. In the meantime the railroad law of 1871, against dis 
 criminations in freight rates, was declared unconstitutional. 1 
 The farmer was inclined to blame the railroad management for 
 all his troubles, which were by no means light The CrediF 
 Mobilier lent added cause for his fault rinding? The grange or 
 ganizers, whose salaries depended upon the number of granges 
 formed, no doubt fomented the discontent and urged the for 
 mation of granges as a panacea for all ills. Thus, many who 
 had no jgal com prehension of the principles^o^the Grange 
 jomejj^tE^Qrganization In~thelIya^ue^searcF for a remedy for 
 tjmir discontent, 
 
 At first Iowa and Illinois took the lead in the Grange 
 movement. Illinois never held first place either in the number 
 of subordinate granges or in the number of individual members; 
 but on June 25, 1873, she stood second, with 517 subordinate 
 granges, Iowa being first. 2 Before Nov. 15 of the same year, Illi 
 nois had yielded second place to Kansas. The number of granges 
 in Illinois had increased, however, to 712, 3 and there was much 
 enthusiasm, especially in the northern part of the state. At the 
 December meeting of the State Grange seven hundred and fifty 
 Masters of subordinate granges were present, and it was estim 
 ated that there were eight hundred granges in the state. The work 
 of organization was energetically pushed during the following 
 year and the number of granges in the state nearly doubled. 
 Still, at the close of the year, Illinois was surpassed by three 
 states, Missouri, Iowa and Indiana/ The number of granges in 
 the country had increased to 21,208, of which Illinois had 1,522. r> 
 Other organizations of farmers had sprung up in the meantime, 
 but the Grange, not only because it was a secret order and un- 
 
 Report of R. R. & W. Commissioners for 1873 gives decision. 
 
 Prairie Farmer, July 5, 1873. 
 
 Ibid., Nov. 15, 1873. 
 
 Ibid., Dec. 26, 1874. 
 
 Ibid 
 
 [344] 
 
13 
 
 like any of the others, but also on account of the energy of the 
 officers, and its excellent discipline, held its own and gained 
 a large share of the increase. The state Grange ante-dated the 
 State Farmers Association by a few months, but there were 
 numerous local clubs in the state before the period of activity in 
 the organization of sub-granges. 1 It was Mr. Kelley s plan to 
 make of the Grange a great national organization under whose 
 banner the farmers of the entire country should combine for 
 mutual advantage. He believed and^preached that ;the Graajge 
 
 .was fViA hpst. ; in fa.^.f, fhp nn1y 3 orgra.rn7a.tirm adapted to securing 
 
 the good of the farmer, and it was his wish that all farmers 
 clubs should reorganize as granges. His feeling was shared by 
 many of his followers, and often resulted in aggressive action, 
 which in many cases was resented. Thus a feeling of rivalry, 
 a nd_ftven hostility, gr^w np hpf.w^pp the granges and the farm 
 ers clubsj At first the advantage seemed to lie with the grange! 
 Thq secrecy ^f tho ordnr, combiner! wifh its excellerr^orgainz a - 
 tion, made it a marked body, and the term Grange soon__came 
 to stand for the farmers , movement. All classes were eager to 
 
 1 Grange, Mar. 5, 1872; State Farmers Association Oct. 16, 1872. 
 
 2 S. M. Smith, the Secretary of the State Farmers Association, in his report at 
 the annual meeting of the association at Decatur, Dec. 16-18, 1873, calls attention to 
 the jealousy existing between clubs and granges. He gives the number of clubs in 
 the state as 820 and the number of granges as 549. He complains that many of the 
 granges were delinquent in the payment of the per capita tax of ten cents a head, 
 "acting probably under instructions from those in authority". He attributes this ac 
 tion to jealousy on the part of the Grange and implies that the feeling is mutual. He 
 then attempts by a brief survey of the past to show that the Grange was not justified 
 in its position, pointing out that at the first convention of the Farmers Association, 
 which was held at Kewanee, the grangers took a prominent part in the deliberations, 
 and nearly one half ot the offices of the Association were filled by them ; and further 
 more, that the Bloomington convention in January, 1873, was composed largely of 
 grangers. The granges, he said, had been well treated by the Association and should 
 by all means fulfill their obligations to it. For rivalry of such a nature is injurious 
 to the cause of the farmer, and both organizations are needed, since they are very dif 
 ferent in character, and many to whom one organization did not appeal would become 
 enthusiastic members of the other. 
 
 [3451 
 
14 
 
 join. "Lawyers, doctors, merchants, Shylocks and sharpers", 1 
 vied with one another in exhibiting their knowledge of agricul 
 ture and their interest in agricultural matters, in order to be 
 come grangers. 
 
 The Grange apparently held an enviable position, but in 
 jtfi YftTT ri""n n Iny r> n ii n n n for itff downfall On the on e 
 hfl.nrl the jealousy between it, a.nH nth ftr-ia.nomrs!.. .organ i /q.t.jjQfls 
 
 gradually p;rftw iritiO g^^^^^n^lflfe hostility. diverteiLit&,atteji - 
 ti.o.n from its real purpose, and weakened its _.eff ecjjven ess ..as 
 an organization. Moreover, the public, as a rule r blamed the 
 Grange tor acts of violence committed^ by the farmers ^nrUor 
 foolish and dangerous legislation passed through their influ 
 ence, but failed to credit the order with the good accomplished. 
 Many of the weaker members were dismayed by criticism and 
 surrendered their membership. Dissatisfaction with the policy 
 of the National Grange, or with the forms in the subordinate 
 granges, led others to withdraw. Same were c.nn vi n cad thaj;, 
 the Grange had performed its mission and^va^jaa-Iaiigfii jieed- 
 ed ; others IpsFTnTerest merely because the order had become 
 less popular. . S&jipubt the improvement in business also was 
 favorable to apathy on the part of the Grange. 
 
 For these reasons a decline in membership began in 1875. 
 Many new granges were organized during that and the follow 
 ing year, but still more were allowed to lapse; and by the close 
 of 1877 there were only 646 granges in the state, Vith 12,639 
 members, an average of less than twenty each. Illinois at this 
 time ranked 7th in number of granges and 14th in number of 
 members. 2 The lowest point which the Grange has touched 
 since the "days of 1873-4", was reached in 1885, when there were 
 only 96 sub-granges in the state. Since that time the number 
 has varied between one and two hundred, there being in October, 
 1898, one hundred and twenty-nine granges in forty-three 
 
 1 Lawyers, to get clients; doctors, to get patients; merchants, to get customers; 
 Shylocks, to get their pound of flesh; and sharpers to catch the babes from the 
 woods. D. W. Aiken in Special Report, etc., 2, p. 61. 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, Dec. 8, 1877. 
 
 [346] 
 
15 
 
 counties. 1 Numerically, the Grange became weaker, but, re 
 lieved of its load of useless freight, it has continued its exist 
 ence, steadily though slowly growing stronger, and in the opin 
 ion of the Secretary is now "stronger in real effort than ever 
 before." /Meanwhile, the Grange, though failing to accomplish 
 all that many of its enthusiastic admirers hoped, certainly has 
 produced some results of much importance, especially in con 
 nection with the railroads. J 
 
 3. The Grange and the Railroads. 
 
 While railroads were comparatively new in. this section of 
 the country, the advantages to be derived from them by the 
 farmers were over-estimated. Extravagant hopes of speedy 
 riches led many of small means, as well as some in comforta 
 ble circumstances, to move to the newly opened prairies of the 
 West. Each new settlement looked forward to a rapid and 
 continuous nunerical growth and on the approach of a new 
 road endeavored to bring it into the neighborhood. Large boun- 
 
 nities in^order to ^ secure a road. The railroads naturally took 
 advantage of the rivalry between flifFfyrftnf. towns f.n ma>P PYPPS- 
 sive demand^. In many cases towns gave promises which were 
 hard to fulfill, and issued bonds to an amount which they could 
 ill afford. The bonus was given readily and at the time was 
 thought to be a good ir vestment. But the donors soon learned 
 that the railroads were by no means charitable organizations, 
 
 1 The annual reports for the four years ending in December, 1903, show a total in 
 crease during that time of 26 granges and 2,140 members; 5 new granges and 300 
 new members are reported for the current year thus far, April 19, 1904. The report 
 of the treasurer in December, 1903, showed the amount on hand to be $2,921.64. The 
 present officers are, Master, Oliver Wilson, Magnolia, Putnam Co. ; Overseer, W. 
 J. Miller, St. Clair Co. ; Lecturer, G. F. Bell, Lostant, LaSalle Co. ; Steward, E. S. 
 Helms, St. Clair Co. ; Asst. Steward, E. R. Simmons. Jersey Co. ; Chaplain, Mrs. 
 Katherine Stahl, Madison Co. ; Treasurer. D. Q. Trotter, Jersey Co. ; Secretary, 
 Miss Jeannette E. Yeates, Dunlap, Peoria Co. ; Gate Keeper, Eric Lindstrom, Henry 
 Co. ; Ceres, Miss Florence A. Given, Putnam Co. ; Pomona, Miss Lela M. Eyerly, 
 Fulton Co. ; Flora, Miss Mary M. Zoll, Fulton Co. ; Lady Steward, Mrs. L. B. Seiler, 
 Wabash Co. Facts furnished by ex-Secretary Thomas Keady, Dunlap, 111. 
 
 [347] 
 
16 
 
 and that the development of the country was an incident rather 
 than a motive in their organization. Stock-watering was com 
 monly practised, wjt>> ^* Q^.n.nTYipa.-nyingftxt.ortiinna.t.ftratfts. Ac 
 curate figures, showing the extent to which this practice was 
 carried, are hard to get, but there is no doubt that the amount 
 of watered stock issued frequently equalled or exceeded the 
 paid up capital. 1 T|IF> farnripyg nm^ cam? t^ t-hf* ^n^l"^" f,ha_f. 
 thexhad beenJiaQdwinkp.d by the railway companies. _A feel- 
 ing of resentment was created, which might have beerToveF- 
 come and even destroyed by a little consideration on the part 
 of the roads : but the latter foolishly disregarded opporbumties 
 for conciliation, and blindly pursued whatj hfy rrm^ivfHlTQjfi 
 their own interests. Each company arranged its rates with a 
 view to securing as" large a share of the traffic as possible. This 
 led to discriminations of two sorts. 2 In the first place, those 
 /points fortunate enough to have two or more competing roads 
 were favored with very low rates, so low, indeed, as to bring a 
 \ loss to the roads. In consequence, they sought to recoup them- 
 \ selves by extortionate charges at intermediate points. In this 
 Way it frequently happened that it cost more to ship goods 100 
 ^than 150 miles, under similar circumstances, on the same road. 
 \ Smaller towns having but one road were thus placed at a great 
 j disadvantage. It became necessary for such towns to seek the 
 / favor of the roads, since an arbitrary use of the power of dis- 
 / crimination might render a business profitable at one place and 
 ruinous at another. Indeed, the very existence of towns was 
 placed at the mercy of the railroads. Personal discriminations 
 were also made. There were no regular tariffs, and every cus 
 tomer had to make his own bargain. If he had enough influence 
 
 1 No. Am. Rev., 120:415; Larrabee, The Railroad Question, 172:247; Cook, 
 The Corporation Problem, 24ff.; Second Annual Report of Interstate Commerce 
 Commission, 63; Hadley, Railroad Transportation, 101-2; Hudson, The Railroads 
 and the Republic, 267-95; Cowles, 262-3; Stickney, Railway Problem, 196-201; 
 Poor s Manual, 1884. 
 
 2 Hudson, The Railroads and the Republic, 25-67; Jeans, Railway Problems, 
 519-524; Hadley, Railroad Transportation, 100-125; Alexander, Railway Practice, 5-23; 
 Dabney, Public Regulation of Railways, 67-174; Dixon, State R. R. Control* 48-77. 
 
 [348] 
 
17 
 
 to secure favorable terms he possessed a decided advantage 
 over others with less weight, or who had incurred the displeas 
 ure of the roads. These discriminations bore heavily upon a 
 large number of people, so that instead of securing advantages 
 by the proximity of a road they were frequently placed at a 
 disadvantage. Then, too, the railroad charges varied from year 
 to year. 1 As long as the supply of agricultural produce was 
 limited, prices remained high and railroad charges fell. But 
 favorable seasons and additional producers soon increased pro 
 duction. Prices fell and at the same time the roads raised their 
 freight rates, expecting to have all the freight they could haul 
 even at the advanced rate, since the farmers, having more grain 
 than could be consumed on the farm, rather than hold their crops 
 for higher prices, would continue to market them so long as the 
 returns were sufficient to pay the cost of transportation. Thus^ 
 in_ seeking to regulate thejr rates so as to charge "what the 
 traffic would bear", theymade the mistake of charging what it 
 would not bear. The results were unfortunate to the compa- 
 nies and distressing to the farmers. The latter thought that 
 they were being robbed by the railroads and watched eagerly 
 for an opportunity to retaliate. Under such circumstances it 
 is not surprising that when the bonds issued by counties, towns, 
 etc., in payment of railroad bounties, fell due, there should be 
 serious opposition to their payment and in many cases absolute 
 repudiation. 
 
 Had the men who owned the railroads been western men, 
 men who were in sympathy with the western country, men who 
 recognized the community of interest between themselves and 
 the western farmer, their actions would certainly have been 
 very different, ^ut they were for the most part, residents^ of 
 the eastfvrn ataf^ a-nd F^l^r], 2 and were ignorant of the agri- 
 (vnlf.nrfl.1 sif.na.f.inp in the yest. _Thev cared little for the West 
 or for the western farmer, and failed to recognize the principle 
 that in order to run railroads successfully public opinion must 
 
 1 Bulletin No. 15 U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. 
 
 2 C. F. Adams, Jr., in No. Am. Rev., 120:398, 399, 400-402. 
 
 [249] 
 
18 
 
 not be antagonized. While the railroads took this view of the 
 matter it was not strange that the farmers of the West found 
 cause for complaint about the management. 
 
 Aside from aU^this^tbere was._still another cause for cgm- 
 plaint, in the insulting treatment which patrons of the road.sjajb- 
 times received at the hands of railroad officials and employees.^ 
 This discourteous attitude assumed by the officials and employ 7 " 
 ees is well set forth by E. W. Martin in his "History of the 
 Granger Movement". 1 The same abuse is also illustrated in an 
 article by C. F. Adams, Jr., appearing in the North American 
 Eeview, 2 an extract from which is given herewith : 
 
 u ln New England the condition of aif airs is bad enough ; and more 
 than one important corporation has experienced great injury, or finds 
 itself leading an existence of perpetual warfare and turmoil, solely 
 through the inability of some prominent and, perhaps, otherwise val 
 uable official to demean himself with consideration towards his broth 
 er man. What, in this respect, is seen here in the East is absolutely 
 nothing to what prevails in the West. Taken as a class, the man 
 ners of the employees of the western railroad systems are probably 
 the worst and most offensive to be found in the civilized world. It 
 is difficult to see why the official should regard the traveler or the 
 person having dealings with the railroad as his natural enemy ; but 
 it is apparent that he does. If it were an ordinary manifestation of 
 the American fondness for asserting equality on all occasions it 
 would be endurable ; it commonly, however, partakes of a more ag 
 gressive and hostile character. A ticket is sold, and the purchaser 
 at the same time is made to feel that a favor has been conferred up 
 on him, that he is on no account to ask any questions, and, indeed, 
 had best speedily remove himself out of the way. The gruffness of 
 the baggage-master is, as a rule, only exceeded by his violence to the 
 baggage. Indeed, it would sometimes seem that it must be a prom 
 inent rule laid down by the companies for the guidance of their ser 
 vants, that they are to show the least possible degree of respect or con 
 sideration to any person having business with the company ; and so 
 thoroughly is this principle applied, that always excepting Mr. Pull 
 man s cars, in which an excellent discipline is maintained the rail- 
 
 1 Pages 98-132. 
 
 2 Vol. 120:394-424. 
 
 [35J 
 
19 
 
 roads of the west are the single institution anywhere to be found 
 from whose servants money will not at all times buy civility even of 
 the commonest kind. I very well remember an amusing illustration 
 of this rule which happened to me about two years ago. One autumn 
 day I found myself at the station at Omaha about to take the east 
 ward train. In the baggage-room of the station, I had, some hours 
 before, left quite a heavy trunk for which I now presented my check. 
 The sternly silent baggage-master found it, seized it, and, without a 
 word tumbled it out of the door at my feet and disappeared into the 
 recesses of his lair. The train I was to take was some distance down the 
 same platform on which I was standing, perhaps a hundred yards. I 
 could not well carry the trunk to it, and it seemed foolish to abandon 
 it, especially as directly in front of me an assistant baggage-master 
 or porter of the company stood leaning against the side of the station, 
 chewing a straw and lazily observing me. There seemed bat one 
 short way out of the difficulty ; taking out my purse and addressing 
 him in the most persuasive tones, I said Do you think you could get 
 a truck and wheel that trunk down to the train there for me? at 
 the same time suggestively fingering the purse. For an instant the 
 gentleman addressed did not move a muscle ; then, after contemplat 
 ing me to his satisfaction, his mouth opened, he stopped chewing 
 the straw, and simply uttered the one expressive monosyllable, No ; 
 this done, he resumed the mastication of his straw, and the conversa 
 tion ceased. In that case it is fair to presume that the public had wor 
 ried and annoyed the poor fellow by asking him all sorts of questions, 
 and calling on him, even as I had, for all sorts of services; but the 
 ingenuity of discourtesy with which he retaliated was certainly de 
 serving of all praise, nor can I doubt that before this, his merit has 
 been recognized, and he has been promoted to the office of freight 
 agent, or, perchance, assistant superintendent." 
 
 However, the railroads were not altogether responsible for 
 the hostility felt against them by the farmers. That they could 
 please their patrons in no particular only shows that the ex 
 pectations of the latter were unreasonable. It is true, no doubt, 
 that the railroad agents, in order to induce the payment of a 
 larger bounty, painted in rosy colors the probable benefits which 
 the people would derive from the building of roads. 1 The peo- 
 
 1 E. W. Martin, History of the Grange Movement, pp. 52-53. 
 
 [351] 
 
20 
 
 pie, having magnified these suggestions into positLY_e__E>rom-_^ 
 jses, were irritated bv their failm-p. to materialize in faot. They 
 h^ped for too much and complained when their hopes were not 
 Realized. 
 
 As the threats of the farmers increased, the railroad officers 
 glvv obstinate, until finally, the farmers had recourse to legis 
 lation. Little was done in this direction. howeyp.r, before 1 QTO.^ 
 The Illinois constitution of that year took somewhat advanced 
 ground in the matter of railroad legislation. Some of the pro 
 visions referring to railroads are as follows : 
 
 Article XI sec. 1. u No corporation shall be created by special 
 laws or its charter extended, changed or amended, except those for 
 charitable, penal, or reformatory purposes which are to be and re 
 main under the patronage and control of the State, but the General 
 Assembly shall provide, by general laws, for the organization of all 
 corporations hereafter to be created." 
 
 Section 9 of the same article requires the directors of every 
 railway corporation to make an annual report^ to the state, un 
 der oath. Other sections define rolling stock as personal prop 
 erty, limit the power of consolidation, require the General As 
 sembly to "pass laws establishing reasonable maxim ujn ra.tea 
 of charges for the transportation of passengers on the different 
 railroads in the State", and provide against fictitious increase of 
 capital stock. Section 15 reads as follows : 
 
 "The General Assembly shall pass laws to correct abuses and 
 prevent unjust discriminations and extortion in the rates of freight 
 and passenger tariffs on the different roads in this State, and enforce 
 such laws, by adequate penalties, to the extent, if necessary for that 
 purpose, of forfeiture of their property and franchise." 
 
 These constitutional provisions opened the way for positive 
 enactment. As yet there had been no organized effort to secure 
 specific results, but such organization was not long in coming. 
 
 In the literature of the time we find many references to 
 the "Farmers Ring" in the Illinois legislature of 1871. l Strictly 
 speaking, this was not a ring of grangers, for it ante-dated the 
 
 i E. g. Prairie Farmer, Feb. 18, 1871. 
 
 [352] 
 
21 
 
 period of granger organization. But, after all, it was part and 
 parcel of the same movement, hastening the organization of 
 granges and having much influence upon them, so that a brief 
 notice of it will help us to a better understanding of the Grange. 
 
 On February 7th, 1871, sixty-five members of the legisla 
 ture met in the rooms of the State Agricultural Society "for the 
 purpose of organizing a farmers and mechanics club to look 
 after the interests of the producing class, to subject all bills and 
 measures to a thorough and free discussion, and by unanimity 
 of action to secure such legislation as will relieve the necessi 
 ties of the mechanical and agricultural interests of the state." 
 This organization was usually spoken of by its enemies as "The 
 Farmers Club" or "The Farmers Ring Veither as a term of des 
 cription or reproach. 
 
 It was this legislature that passed the famous restrictive law 1 
 of 1871. Among these laws was one approved by the governor, 
 April 15, 1871, entitled "An act to establish a reasonable maxi 
 mum rate of charges for the transportation of passengers on the 
 railroads of this state". 2 According to this law the railroads of 
 the state were divided into four classes, according to their gross 
 earnings per mile. Maximum passenger rates were established, 
 which varied from two and half cents a mile, in the case of 
 those earning $10,000, or more per mile, to five and a half cents 
 a mile for those earning under $4,000. 
 
 But the best known of these restrictive laws was intended 
 to prevent discriminations in freight rates, and was approved 
 by the governor, April 7, 1871. 3 Its provisions were complex 
 but may be summarized under three heads : First, roads shall 
 not charge as much, or more, for carrying gnnrjs n 1m dipfinrypp 
 than tor a greater distance. Second, the roads shall not charge 
 different rates for handling and receiving at the same or differ- 
 enJjj3O_ini$. Third, they shall not charge more for transporta- 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, Feb. 18, 1871. 
 
 2 Public Laws of thirty-seventh General Assembly, p. 640. 
 
 3 Ibid. p. 625. 
 
 [353] 
 
22 
 
 tion a given distance on one portion than for the same distance 
 on another portion of the road. 
 
 It was comparatively easy to secure the passage of this act. 
 Its enforcement was another matter. _At first the railroadlTpaTcf* 
 little or no attention to it. There was no method of enforce 
 ment except through the courts on complaint of an individual 
 who could show that he had been injured by the non-compliance 
 of the roads. At length, in order to test the validity of the law, 
 a suit known as the McLean Co. test case was instituted. 1 The 
 suit was brought by the Railway and Warehouse Commission 
 ers in the name of the people of the State of Illinois against 
 the Chicago & Alton Railroad Co. for violation of the law of 
 1871, regarding discriminations in freight rates. The complaint 
 declared that the company was charging $5.65 per thousand on 
 lumber from Chicago to Lexington, a distance of one hundred 
 and ten miles, while the rate from Chicago to Bloomington, a 
 distance of one hundred and twenty-six miles, was only $5.00 
 per thousand. The defendant admitted these facts and also 
 that its action was contrary to the law of 1871. It held, how 
 ever, that the Bloomington rate was excessively low owing to 
 competition with the Illinois Central ; that no one was injured 
 by the discrimination except the company itself ; and that such 
 discrimination was not illegal, because the Act of 1871 was con 
 trary to both state and national constitutions. 
 
 The case was heard in the McLean Co. circuit court by Judge 
 Tipton, who gave a verdict against the company. The grounds 
 of the decision were that the state, in order to give all citizens 
 equal protection, must insure them against such discrimina 
 tions, and that anything in the charter of the railroad company 
 construed contrary to the principle of equality must in the very 
 nature of things be void, for railroad companies have no rights 
 contrary to the welfare of the people. 2 The case was appealed 
 to the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Lawrence presiding, and 
 the decision of the lower court was reversed. In the words of 
 
 1 67 in., pp. 11-27. 
 
 2 Second Annual Report of the R. R. & W. Commissioners, pp. 99-114. 
 
 [354] 
 
23 
 
 the court, "Before this act can be enforced it should be so 
 amended as to correspond with the requirement of the consti 
 tution by directing its provisions against unjust discrimina 
 tions. It should make the charging of a greater compensation 
 for a less distance, merely prima facie evidence of unjust dis 
 crimination, instead of conclusive evidence as it now is, and it 
 should give the railway companies the right of trial by jury, 
 not only on the fact of discrimination, but upon the issue wheth 
 er such discrimination is just or not." In other words, the law 
 of 1871, although entitled an "Act to prevent unjust discrimin 
 ations," was so worded as to include all discriminations and 
 was therefore contrary to the constitution. 1 
 
 The decision of the higher court came as a surprise to the 
 farmers, most of whom had thought that the law of 1871 had 
 settled once for all the question of railroad control. Their dis 
 appointment was intense and showed itself sometimes in a ludi 
 crous manner. There had already been much agitation through 
 out the state for a three cent mileage rate for passenger travel. 2 
 The farmers were convinced that this was a sufficient charge 
 and that the railroad companies in charging more were giving 
 just cause for complaint. The adverse decision of the court in 
 the one instance led many to" believe that legal opposition to 
 tbe roads waslnettective in any case, slTtEat they tpegan to take 
 matters into their own hands. The more hot-headed among them 
 were preparedto~~use~~any means by which their grievances 
 might be redressed. They agreed to offer their fare when trav 
 elling at the rate of three cents a mile and to refuse more. Es 
 pecially when travelling in groups to and from conventions 
 they made themselves troublesome to the railroad officials in 
 this matter. Sometimes they accomplished their object and 
 sometimes they failed. Trains were often side-tracked leaving 
 the farmers unable to proceed. Sometimes the farmers resorted 
 to violence. A story is told 3 of a party of farmers on their way 
 
 1 67 111. pp. i -27. Quotation p. 26. 
 
 2 E. W. Martin, History of the Grange Movement; Jonathan Periam, The Ground 
 Swell ; Prairie Farmer 1871, 1872. 
 
 3 Jonathan Periam, The Ground Swell. 
 
 [3551 
 
24 
 
 to a convention who, when the train officials refused to accept 
 fares at the three cent rate, and ordered a force of employees to 
 put them off, drew revolvers and bowie-knives and drove the 
 railroad men from the train. It is not stated whether the con 
 vention to which these men were going was a meeting of 
 grangers or of some other farmers organization. It makes 
 little difference, however, for the whole farmers movement 
 was a unit in the popular conception and can scarcely be an 
 alyzed into distinct parts even by careful study. So, whatever 
 the facts may have been, the_Grange received the blame for 
 such acts of violence and the reputation of the order wa& in 
 jured. 
 
 TIeanwhile, opposition to the roads was continued in the 
 legislature. A law, passed May 2, 1873, 1 empowered the Rail 
 way and Warehouse Commissioners to make a schedule of rea 
 sonable maximum rates for the transportation of passengers, 
 freight and cars. 2 This law was finally sustained in the courts 
 though bitterly opposed by the railroads, and, as amended by 
 the act of June 30, 1885, may be found to-day on the statute 
 books. 3 The law also provided that any railroad which should 
 charge, demand or receive more than a fair and reasonable rate 
 of toll or compensation should be deemed guilty of extortion 
 and punished, and that "if any such railroad corporation shall 
 make any unjust discrimination in its rates of charge of toll or 
 compensation for the transportation of passengers or freight of 
 
 any description" etc it "shall be deemed guilty of 
 
 having violated the provisions of this act and shall be dealt 
 with", etc.* It was further provided that all such discriminat 
 ing rates, charges, collections, or receipts, whether made direct 
 ly or by means of any rebate, draw-back, or other shift or eva- 
 
 1 Statutes of 111., 1873, p. 135. Revised Stautes of 111., 1874, p. 816. sec. 86-95. 
 Report of R. R. & W. Commission, 1873, pp. 16,2-167. 
 8 Sec. 8 of the law. 
 
 3 Starr & Curtis s Annotated 111. Statutes, Second Edition (1896) v. 3 pp. 3309- 
 3316 ; Revised Statutes of 111. (1895) pp. 1210-1213, sections 124:133. 
 
 4 Section 2. 
 
 [356] 
 
25 
 
 sion shall be deemed and taken against such railroad corpora 
 tion as prima facie evidence of unjust discrimination". 1 
 
 The law was the outgrowth of claims made by the farmers 
 of extortionate rates in both passenger and freight traffic. Re 
 garding passenger rates they claimed that the three cent rate 
 had formerly prevailed, but that in order to increase the divi 
 dends upon watered stock, the rate had been gradually raised 
 since 1853 until, in 1871, it averaged four and a fifth cents a 
 mile throughout the state. 2 On the other hand, the railroads 
 claimed that in the state as a whole the rates were lower than 
 at any previous time. They also claimed that further reduc 
 tions would involve a loss. The facts as gathered from a late 
 publication 3 of the Department of Agriculture, show that in 
 almost every case railroad rates, both freight and passenger, 
 had gradually fallen from 1850-1870. A very slight increase is 
 noticeable in some of the roads from 1870 to 1873, and a decid 
 ed decrease in the years immediately following. From this 
 statement it may be seen that both sides were partly wrong 
 the farmer, in claiming that there had been a continuous rise; 
 and the railroad companies, in asserting that the rates were 
 lower than ever before. One circumstance in this connection 
 should be particularly noted, since it apparently substantiates 
 the claims of those who are antagonizing the railroads. Through 
 out the era of railroad construction the rates on newly built 
 lines, almost without exception, were higher than on those 
 which had been built for some time. During the lull in railroad 
 building between 1860 and 1865 the rates on existing roads, then 
 few in number in Illinois, continued to fall. The construction 
 of new roads was carried on rapidly in the next few years, and 
 when they began operations their rates were considerably high 
 er than those of the older roads. This, of course, temporarily 
 raised the average rate for the state. The rise occurred not 
 withstanding the steady decrease on the older roads and an 
 
 1 Section 3. 
 
 * Prairie Farmer, Jan. 25, 1873. 
 
 3 Bulletin No. 15, Miscellaneous Series, Division of Statistics, Sees. I and 6. 
 
 [357] 
 
26 
 
 almost immediate reduction on the new. In other words, when 
 we remember that new roads were rapidly going into operation, 
 it seems quite probable that the new roads, charging rates tem 
 porarily higher, more than counterbalanced the decrease in 
 rates on the older roads, so that the average for the state prob 
 ably was increasing, as claimed by the farmer. Although the 
 building of new roads was in reality a benefit to the farmer, 
 yet the high rates charged on these roads, in comparison with 
 the rates on the old lines, created the impression that the rail 
 roads were taking advantage of the situation to secure abnor 
 mal profits and thus gave plausibility to the arguments for fixing 
 rates by law. 
 
 At all events, l^ow-ever sound or unsound were the argu 
 ments advanced, the farmers werf) able to marshal sufficient 
 strength to pass the law. In this case, as in the former one, 
 the real test came with the effort to enforce the law. The roads 
 at first ignored th ft 1aw ftptiWh^ They did so publicly and even 
 boastingly. 1 The matter was soon brought into the courts, 
 where they were compelled to plead their cause. They main 
 tained the illegality of the law on the ground that the railroads 
 were private corporations, operating under a charter received 
 from the state, that it was not within the power of the state to 
 pass laws annulling or restricting the charter, 2 which, being in 
 the nature of a contract between the state and the rail 
 road, was not subject to alteration by either party without 
 the consent of the other. Consequently, since their charters 
 made no mention of state regulation, the railroads were not 
 bound to submit to interference, and therefore any discrimina 
 tions which they might make were both legal and justifiable. 
 They held that they had the right to make the best bargain 
 they could with each customer and might, if they saw fit, refuse 
 a man s trade altogether. 3 
 
 1 Stickney, Railway Problems, Letter of Alexander Mitchell to Governor W. R. 
 Taylor, of la , pp. 102-109. Report of Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce, 
 serial number 2356, p. 64. 
 
 - Cf. "Dartmouth College Case", Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U, S. pp. 
 518-715. 
 
 3 Cf. arguments in "granger cases." Also Stickney, Railway Problems, chs. X., XI. 
 
 [358] 
 
27 
 
 The farmers, on the other hand, contended that the rail 
 roads as "common carriers" had no right to refuse to haul a 
 man s goods at the price paid by others. They called attention 
 to the immense power over business which could be exercised 
 by the railroads, if allowed to discriminate in this way. They 
 also denied the contention of the railroads as to the power of 
 the state to make changes in the charter of a corporation, claim 
 ing that the state had virtually created the corporation, which, 
 as the creation of the state must be subject to its control. 1 The 
 fight in the courts was carried on with a great deal of bitter 
 ness and lasted for several years. The decision of the Supreme 
 Court rendered in 1876upheld the arguments of the grangers 
 and asserted the rigrHTof the states to regulate rates within 
 their own boundaries and to compel the railroads to post a 
 gcliedule of their rates tor the benefit Of the public. ExU acTk 
 trom the various decisions follow: 
 
 (A) Munn v. 111. 94 U. S. 134, extracts from syllabus, 
 
 (1) "Under the powers inherent in every sovereignty, a govern 
 ment may regulate the conduct of its citizens toward each other, and 
 when necessary for the public good, the manner in which each shall 
 use his own property." 
 
 (6) "The limitation by legislative enactment of the rate of 
 charge for services rendered in a public employment, or for the use 
 of property in which the public has an interest, establishes no new 
 principle in the law, but only gives a new effect to an old one." 
 
 (7) "When warehouses are situated and their business is car 
 ried on exclusively within a state, she may, as a matter of domestic 
 concern, prescribe regulations for them notwithstanding they are 
 used as instruments by those engaged in an inter-state, as well as a 
 state, commerce ; and, until Congress acts in reference to these in 
 ter-state relations, such regulations can be enforced even though 
 they may operate indirectly upon commerce beyond her immediate 
 jurisdiction." Decision rendered in October, 1876. 
 
 (B) Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R. Co. v. Iowa. Extracts 
 from syllabus : 
 
 (1) "Railroad companies are carriers for hire. Engaged in a 
 
 1 Cf. Stickney, Railway Problem, chapters X. and XI. 
 
 [2591 
 
28 
 
 public employment affecting the public interest, they are, unless 
 protected by their charters, subject to legislative control as to their 
 rates of fare and freight." 
 
 (4) "The act of the General Assembly of the State of Iowa, en 
 titled An act to establish reasonable maximum rates of charges for 
 transportation of freight and passengers on the different roads of 
 this state , approved March 23, 1874 is not in conflict with section 4, 
 Article 1, of the constitution of Iowa, which provides that all laws 
 
 of a general nature shall have a uniform operation and, etc . 
 
 "nor is it a regulation of inter-state commerce." Decision rendered, 
 October, 1876. 
 
 (0) Peck v. Chicago & Northwestern K. R. Co. 
 
 "Held, that the legislature had power to prescribe a maximum 
 of charges to be made by said company for transporting persons or 
 property within the state, or taken up outside the state and brought 
 within it, or taken up inside and carried without." Decision ren 
 dered Oct. 1876. 
 
 (D) Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad Co. v. Ackley. 
 The decision in this case, also given in October, 1876, determined 
 that a railroad company can not recover for any amount above the 
 maximum rate established by law. 
 
 (E) Winona & St. Peter R. R. Co. v. Blake. Syllabus : 
 "The Winona & St. Peter Railroad company, having been incor 
 porated as a common carrier was bound to carry when called upon for 
 that purpose and to charge only a reasonable compensation therefor. 
 
 (F) Shields v. Ohio, 95 U. S. 319, syllabus : 
 
 "The General Assemby does not, therefore, impair the obliga 
 tion of a contract by prescribing the rates for the transportation of 
 the passengers by the new company, although one of the original 
 companies was prior to the adoption of that constitution, organized 
 under a charter which imposed no limitations as to such rates." 
 
 It is interesting to note that similar legislation was in pro 
 gress in neighboring states, notably in Wisconsin, where the 
 famous Potter Law created intense feeling on the part of the 
 railroads. Iowa also had similar troubles. Illinois was proba 
 bly as successful as any of her sister states in dealing with this 
 problem and her legislation in general was less radical. 1 
 
 1 Report of Senate Committee,Congressional Reports, serial number 2356 pp. 71-74. 
 
 [360] 
 
29 
 
 The railroad laws of the 70 s are sometimes sneeringly 
 called Granger legislation". It is worth while to attempt to 
 discover what relation actually existed between them and the 
 Grange. Popular opinion on this subject is at variance with 
 the statements of grange officials. 1 The first so-called "Granger 
 laws" of Illinois were passed not later than April 15, 1871. At 
 the close of this year there had been but nine subordinate granges 
 organized in this state, and the state organization itself was not 
 formed until the fifth of March, 1872. In the light of these 
 facts it is difficult to see how the railway legislation of 1871 
 can be laid at the door of the grangers. This much, however, 
 is certain: an effort was being made at this time to bring the 
 railroads under legislative control and the movement was en 
 countering opposition. The decjpjor 1 ^ the court, declaring 
 the law of 1871 unconstitutional, came as a shock to the farm 
 ers It revealed their weakness and showed them that they 
 could not make neadway unless tney could combine their forces. ^ 
 By this timetheUrange nad attained some prominence and, be- 
 ause of its complete organization, its discipline, and the limita 
 tion of its membership to farmers, had become the center around 
 which the farmers rallied against the railroads. Whatever may 
 have been the previous policy of the Grange it could no longer 
 remain neutral. The question was of vital interest to the farjyi- 
 ers and its discussion could not be kept out of 
 
 The Grange therefore took the lead in th^ "war upon the rail- 
 i&ads", and all opposed to the roads were glad to call themselves 
 grangers. As one man prominent in political matters of the 
 time says, ^ We were all grangers. I never belonged to the or 
 der but I was a granger just the same". 
 
 We must therefore admit, that from this time on, the 
 Grange, at least equally with other farmers organizations, was 
 responsible for the opposition to the railroads. Otherwise we must 
 find some cause for its tremendous growth and activity at this 
 
 1 Mr. Chas. W. Pierson says, "In spite of the assertions of Mr. C. F. Adams and 
 others it can be shown that the Grange was not responsible for the Illinois legislation 
 Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:206. Cf. Hadley, Railroad Transportation 130-136. 
 
 C36i] 
 
30 
 
 time, distinct from those which led to corresponding growth in 
 other farmers organizations. The evidence seems convincing 
 that the whole struggle against the railroads, and other corpOc 
 rations, in the years from 1872-77, may properly be included^ 
 under the head of the granger movement^ This was certainly 
 the^ opinion of the majority of the 
 
 The railroad laws of the western states in the early seven 
 ties were crude, as laws are likely to be when dealing with new 
 subjects. In some cases they were declared unconstitutional, 
 as was the first law in Illinois. They caused much harsh criti 
 cism 1 in the east. Many articles were written denouncing the 
 laws as virtual cofiscation, and asserting that they were contrary 
 to the best interests of the states which passed them. It was 
 proved to the satisfaction of the writers that such states as 
 Illinois and Wisconsin had seriously impaired their credit, that 
 they were retarding their own development and that the demands 
 of the farmers were most unreasonable. It w r as declared that as 
 a result of these laws railroad building in the West had received 
 a check from which it would not recover. There was a grain 
 of truth in these statements. Some of the legislation was ill- 
 considered, and in so far as it was unconstitutional the granger 
 movement was somewhat discredited. The credit of the states 
 was impaired somewhat 2 but less on account of the laws them 
 selves than because of overdrawn comments upon them. Rail 
 road building w T as checked temporarily in some sections, but 
 this was not altogether undesirable. Moreover the length of 
 time during which some of these so-called "Granger laws" have 
 remained in force carries with it a decided vindication of the 
 policy. 
 
 The Railway and Warehouse Commission has already been 
 mentioned in connection with the Grange in this state, but de 
 serves separate treatment on account of its importance. It was 
 created by the act of May 13, 1871, with power to inquire into 
 
 1 Pop. Sci. Mo., 32.206, Nation, 16:381 ; 17:140; 17:266; 19:36; 19:122; etc. 
 J Nation, 20:33; C. F: Adams Jr. in No. Am. Rev. 120:394, 
 
 L362] 
 
31 
 
 the management of roads, to subpoena witnesses for that pur 
 pose, to prosecute parties for the violation of laws, but with 
 little or no discretionary powers in the regulation of the roads. 1 
 The reports of the commissioners for 1871 and 1872 indicate 
 that they met with many difficulties and were able to exert but 
 little influence upon the roads. The act of May 2, 1873 2 extended 
 and enlarged their powers. Section 7 of that act increased 
 their powers in .the prosecution of violations of the law, and 
 section 8 empowered them to fix a schedule of reasonable maxi 
 mum rates for the transportation of passengers, freight and 
 cars. These rates were to be accepted in the courts as prima 
 facie evidence in all cases of alleged unjust discrimination. 
 That the farmers then considered this commission able to en 
 force their demands is evident from the opposition aroused by 
 Governor Beveridge in 1873, when he proposed as members of 
 the commission, men who were not considered representative 
 of the interests of the farmers. Public sentiment was so strong 
 against these men that the appointments were finally withdrawn 
 without action by the Senate. The governor then appointed 
 three men more satisfactory to the farmers. 
 
 In conclusion, it may be said of the attitude of the railroads 
 that w r hile there is little question that many of the demands of 
 the Illinois grangers were decidedly unreasonable, and some 
 of their methods forcible and illegal, yet this unreasonableness 
 was made an excuse for opposition to many demands which 
 were reasonable. In the main, the granger principles were 
 sound and the results of the movement beneficial ; for it has 
 convinced the railroad* corporations that railroads. toTbe_suc - 
 cesstui, must be operated in accordance with the demands of 
 tEeir patrons, and that it is only a question of time when ^fla 
 grant abuses affecting a large number of people must be rem 
 edied. 
 
 1 Public Laws of Illinois, 1871-1872 pp. 619-625. 
 
 2 Report of R. R. & W. Commission 1873, pp. 62-65. 
 
 [3631 
 
32 
 
 4. Political Features. 
 
 The original design of the National Gy^.ngp Hid not I mmlm* 
 legislative activity. r But, as we^have already semi, some of f,he 
 abuses which called the organization into existence could be 
 reformed only through legislation. The precedent established 
 in the case of the railroads was soon extended, 1 and before long 
 we find criticisms of the Grange for depending on legislation as 
 a remedy for all evils. As a matter of fact, its influence se 
 cured the passage of comparatively few enactments. But 
 
 er conventions discussed many plans of -reform and, directly 
 or indirectly, aided in the passage of many measures in the leg 
 islature. If we might give the Grange credit for legislation in 
 accordance with its policy, passed since the days of its power, 
 the story might prove much longer. However, for the present, 
 at any rate, we must confine ourselves to measures passed or 
 reforms agitated as a direct result of granger influence. 
 
 One of the first moves of the grangers in this direction was 
 for the reduction of the salaries of public offers. This mat 
 ter was discussed with warmth in meetings of both state and 
 national granges, not only in Illinois, but also in Iowa, Wiscon 
 sin, Indiana, and other states. The discussion occurred for the 
 most part immediately after the panic of 1873. The term "sal 
 ary grab" was frequently used and there seemed to be practical 
 unanimity of opinion among grangers that the salaries of offi 
 cials were too high and that the offices, having become objects 
 of political greed, were not filled by representative men, a phrase 
 which to them meant farmers. The grangers further declared 
 that since all commodities had decreased in value, it was mani 
 festly unfair that officers of the government should not also sus 
 tain a reduction, and that an increase in their salaries would be 
 robbery of the people. The stand of the grangers seems to have 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of Feb. 8, 1873 urged activity in legislative matters, in the 
 following words: "The legislature is now in session. Now is the time for the grang 
 ers, of the state to discuss needed legislation and to put themselves in communication 
 with one or more members of the legislature" so as to know what is being done and 
 to exercise an influence on legislation. 
 
 [364] 
 
33 
 
 had some effect at least in neutralizing the movement for higher 
 salaries, especially in the case of judges of the Supreme Court 
 of the state. 
 
 Other measures were proposed by the farmers, such as laws 
 prohibiting stock from running at large : a tax on dogs To in 
 demnify sheep owners for losses due to dogs : the planting"ar7d 
 preservation of forest trees : the abolition of gambling ami 
 horse-racing at fairs : and guarding against the importation of 
 contagious diseases among stock. The discussion of other 
 questions such as Prohibition a.nd Woma.Ti Suffrage jfrnno-ht 
 a,bout numerous resolutions, but these matters received but 
 little sgrions a tiffin tifmr 
 
 The question was frequently raised among grangers, wheth 
 er or not a member of the Grange should seek office. The gen 
 eral opinion seemed to be that he should seek representation 
 for the farmer and if offered a nomination should not refuse it. 1 
 However, there were numerous instances where grange offi 
 cers refused a party nomination because of their position in the 
 Grange. On the other hand, many must have been quite willing 
 to accept. Otherwise we would not have had a grange legislature 
 in Wisconsin in 1875, nor 36 grangers in the California legislature 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of January 23, 1875, contains a noteworthy argument on 
 this subject. A portion of it is as follows : 
 
 "And vet farmers ought to fill important offices. Probably we shall have no re 
 form in politics until a majority of farmers shall be sent to the legislature and to con 
 gress. But as those now on the stage of action are unfit, however ravenous they may 
 be, those who shall be fit must be prepared, and the only material lies in the young 
 men now entering life. The question arises, how shall they be prepared. 
 
 Take any young man well brought up, and containing within himself good hered 
 itary qualities, who is married and somewhat in debt for land, teams and implements, 
 and who is ambitious ; it will be a good plan for him to think of going to the legis 
 lature, and being now, from 22 to 26, he may reasonably expect to attain this object 
 by the time he is forty or fifty, not before ; on the condition that he takes the proper 
 course and pursues it steadily. Many things must occur, and there are more things 
 in life than most young men imagine." 
 
 The article continuing, gives more specific directions in effect as follows : Be 
 honest, be temperate and keep good health. Cultivate love for your wife. Read, 
 learn to observe, practice handwriting. The farm should not exceed forty acres 
 Work no more than eight hours a day. Spend from three to six hours a day in read 
 ing or study. Travel as much as possible, etc. 
 
 [365] 
 
34 
 
 of 1878. From this we may conclude that although some of 
 the leaders were very careful to keep out of politics, either be 
 cause the Giange was theoretically outside of the sphere of po 
 litical activity or because the positions which they already held 
 were more influential than the political offices within their 
 reach, yet many members of the order certainly had no such 
 scruples and probably counted on the help of their fellow grang 
 ers to raise them into office. ^ Many grangers or grange repre 
 sentatives occupied seats in the various state legislatures because 
 of granger support.Politicians who were not members of the order 
 and who were unable to join, solicited the friendship of the 
 Grange by supporting their principles in words and often in 
 The Grange also came into politics sometimes through 
 e efforts of politicians to manipulate granger conventions. 
 The case of Judge Lawrence is in point. Acting in the capaci 
 ty of Chief Justice of the State Supreme Court, he pronounced 
 the decision of the court in the McLean county test case, de 
 claring the railroad law of 1871 unconstitutional. His term 
 soon expired and, as he was supported by nearly the whole bar 
 of the state, he was renominated by his party almost without 
 opposition. The executive committee of the State Grange had 
 previously publicly and explicitly acknowledged the justice of 
 the decision, 1 but politicians were shrewd enough to see that the 
 farmers were not entirely satisfied and that a little judicious 
 scheming might stir up a .blaze of opposition^/^TTrider their 
 leadership, or influence, grangers and farmers conventions met 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer, Mar. 22, 1873, prints resolutions adopted by the executive 
 committee of the Illinois State Grange after the decision in the McLean Co. case : 
 
 "Resolved, that the question of railway tariffs now agitating this and other states 
 involves issues of the gravest character and should be settled on principles of sound 
 est law and strictest justice to all parties concerned. 
 
 Resolved, that the recent decision of the Supreme Court of the State in the rail 
 way case from McLean Co., so-called, seems dictated by patriotism and wisdom, and 
 so far as we understand its reasonings and suggestions, they are accepted with satis 
 faction and approval. 
 
 Resolved, that the present General Assembly are respectfully requested and 
 urged to enact a law under which reasonable tariffs, both freight and passenger, shall 
 be established, and by which unjust discriminations in the same shall be prevented." 
 
 [366] 
 
35 
 
 and endorsed the nomination of the rival candidate, who was 
 less widely known, and who, though under no pledge, was gen 
 erally understood to be a friend of the farmers nominated for a 
 definite purpose. 1 Lawrence was defeated at the polls by the 
 vote of the organized farmers. This and other cases were plain 
 ly attempts to control the decision of the courts, and were quick 
 ly interpreted by outsiders as methods of lawlessness and an 
 archy. The granger movement was discredited, and the grange 
 weakened, since it was unable to justify itself in the eyes 
 of those who condemned its action. Here again -the Grange 
 suffered on account of its fame. Because of its prominence it 
 bore the brunt of the criticism though receiving only a share of 
 the praise from those in sympathy with its methods.1 As we 
 look at the matter now in the light of more dispassionate criti 
 cism, we are bound to admit -the right of the farmer to refuse 
 to vote for Judge Lawrence. But when we reflect that his de 
 feat was due to a judicial decision whose soundness was admitted 
 by the grangers themselves we can scarcely avoid misgivings 
 either as to the patriotism or good sense of the people responsi 
 ble for his defeat. But we must not judge the farmers organ 
 izations too harshly, for the members had been keenly disap 
 pointed at the failure of the law to which they had looked for 
 relief from the impositions of the railroad companies. 
 
 In the early days of the Grange, 1872 and 1873, partisan 
 newspapers made strenuous efforts to induce it to make an ex 
 pression of opinion on the tariff question. In this they were 
 only partly successful. Nearly every time resolutions were in 
 troduced bearing upon the subject, means were found for dis 
 posing of them without provoking discussion. Not so in a con 
 vention held in Bloomington, and controlled by politicians. A 
 resolution was introduced calling for the immediate repeal of 
 the protective duties on iron, steel and all other materials whiqfi 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, May 31, 1878, gives an account of a convention held at Yates City 
 at the call of the Yates City Grange for the purpose of ratifying the nomination of 
 Hon. A. M. Craig for Chief Justice of the state Supreme Court. Resolutions were 
 passed pledging the members of the convention "individually and collectively to use 
 all honorable means to secure the election of the Hon. A. M. Craig," etc. 
 
 [367] 
 
36 
 
 enter into the construction of railroad cars, steamships,_etc. 
 A heated discussion arose, at the close of which the resolution 
 was passed by a narrow margin. That night most of the dele 
 gates went home and an effort was made the next day to recon 
 sider the question. The attempt, however, failed. It was read 
 ily seen by the grangers that such matters must be let severely 
 alone, for much feeling was caused by this action. Consequently 
 we hear of no more tariff discussions in grange conventions. 
 
 In the matter of currency reform there were fewer differ 
 ences of opinion t.ha.-p on flip fa.vifF For although there were, 
 no doubt, as many different schemes of revision as there were 
 minds capable of evolving a scheme, the details of these plans 
 were little discussed and the grangers usually contented them 
 selves with a general demand for currency revision. 1 A clip 
 ping from an Iowa paper may be taken as fairly representing 
 granger declarations on this subject. It is as follows : "Thei, 
 grange is the germ seed of the great national movement now 
 i n vigorous progressj}0 g^-"-* ?- n^,innp r 1 system of QUITCH c y 
 that shall be just to all classes of citizens, without favoijng by 
 special law those who choose to invest, in banks of issue". 
 
 Many other public matters came upfor discussion, and there^ 
 .were few important questions of th^ tim^ upon which the Grange 
 failed to make some expressiojL^ For example the popular 
 election of United States Senators was often dismissed in grange 
 conventions and some efforts were made to secure a more equit 
 able adjustment of taxes. It is none the less true, as shown by 
 the resolutions of the Potomac Grange passed in 1878," that 
 there was a feeling somewhat widespread, that aside from the 
 principle involved it was a bad policy for the Grange to express 
 itself on political matters, 4 inasmuch as professional politicians 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of Feb. 21, 1878 announced that the Illinois State Grange 
 had endorsed the measures then before Congress to remonetize silver. 
 
 2 Copied in the Prairie Farmer, Oct. 19, 1878. 
 
 ;i Prairie Farmer, Sept. 5, 1878. 
 
 4 In the Prairie Farmer, January 23, 1875 under the heading, "Is it drifting into 
 politics?" Alonzo Golder, Grand Master of the Illinois State Grange, says in effect, 
 It is a conceded fact that the State Farmers Association of Illinois was organized 
 primarily for political purposes. In this line no doubt it will do good. But the Grange 
 
 [368] 
 
87 
 
 were usually successful in framing such declarations to suit 
 their own purposes. On the other hand, there was at the same 
 time a feeling that the agitation against political action by the 
 Grange was in fact a scarecrow, raised by the enemies of the 
 order so as to exclude it from politics and so narrow its field 
 of influence, 1 in order to meet both of these objections a plan of 
 secret ballot, similar in many respect to the present system of 
 primary elections, was adopted in some portions of the state, 
 whereby the general sentiment might be discovered without 
 the interferance of politicians, and the members of the Grange 
 enabled to unite on some candidate and so make their votes 
 effective. 2 The results of this expedient were not satisfactory 
 and the plan was therefore abandoned. 
 
 5. The Grange and the Middlemen: Buying, Selling, Mutual 
 
 Insurance. 
 
 Aide from its war on the railroads and its activity along 
 
 n-rg.ngrpj frmnrl nf.Kftr nplHs of labor of whJCrT 
 
 less is generally known. Of these less public activities perhaps 
 none ha.s su^om pi I sh^rl more lasting good than the attempt to 
 deal directly with the manufacturers, without the aid of mic^ 
 dlemen. In speaking of the causes which worked toward mak 
 ing the Grange powerful as an organization, we have already 
 mentioned briefly the inconveniences which the farmer suffered 
 at the hands of the local dealers. In the minds of the founders 
 of the order, probably no item in the farmers budget of griev 
 ances received more attention, or was considered of more real 
 importance to the farmer, than the disadvantages under which 
 
 must let politics alone. Politicians and the Associations would gladly drag the 
 Grange into politics but its fundamental principle is non-political, noi. -partisan. 
 Some subordinate granges in the state have been led away from their true purpose 
 and have taken sides on political questions. Such granges must beware in the future 
 or they will be deprived of their charter. When the Grange becomes truly and 
 avowedly a secret political organization its death knell is sounded. 
 
 1 Thomas M. Richards in address to the State Farmers Association in 1875 said 
 the scarecrow "Beware how you meddle with politics", etc., is the cry of political 
 schemers who fear the political influence of the Grange. 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, Sept. 20, 1873. 
 
 [369] 
 
38 
 
 ,he was laboring in buying his necessary supplies. The middle- 
 
 / man, however, shrewdly avoided antagonizing the farmer open- 
 
 l ly, and so allowed the railroads to bring upon themselves his 
 
 ^first attack. Unlike the roads, they saw that their hold upon 
 
 the farmer depended on keeping him in a good humor. Coin- 
 
 petition compelled them to be conciliatory and they dared not 
 
 be so overbearing in their manners as were the railroad officials. 
 
 Moreover, their existence, in limited numbers, was necessary, 
 
 or at least helpful, in developing the resources of the new 
 
 country. Many of theJmmigronts^wftrp not supplied with Ibp 
 
 was^worse, they lacked the necessaries of .life, and .wnujjjjfraye 
 been unable to support themseLYS.jaiitiL,their crop^s werp, har 
 vested but for the services of the middlemen, who furnished 
 f.frem with goods on credit. ^The middleman was careful to em 
 phasize these facts in order to impress upon the farmer a sense 
 of obligation for the leniency shown. The farmer, after receiy- 
 i n^these favors, felt himself bound to trade with. the. man w,ho 
 had helped him. This was especially true if his crops were flot 
 sufficient to pay his debt ; jor whether or not his farm had been 
 mortgager) as security, his freedom of action was none the less 
 limited. 
 
 A^system_o_f_credit was thus Jbuilt up r similar in its raain 
 t.o thp. system still ii^ operation in thft cotton 
 
 statesA The chief^difference. perhapg, lies in the fa^ ^ a-M.be 
 
 nn r f,V.Qvn farmpr ^^JT^^ ^pterpviginfr a nrl />/>]] ]{\ T)nt ftndll^ft 
 
 qf deM ___ t H.e... made use of all such means ashe 
 
 graiiger movement to rid himself of such obligations* It is nev 
 ertheless true that the disadvantages under which many of 
 these early settlers labored made the struggle for existence 
 severe. Having once put themselves into the power of the 
 middlemen it was no easy task to escape. And unless the 
 farmer adopted the motto, "Pay as you go," he was sure to be 
 come subject to the control of the merchant. Even then the 
 prices that he had to pay were exorbitant ; for there was little 
 
 1 M. B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry in the United States, chap. V. 
 
 [370] 
 
39 
 
 competition in prices among the merchants, and it was impos 
 sible for the farmer to deal directly with the manufacturer. 
 The leaders of the Grange movement saw these difficulties 
 providf 1 against tfiem so far as possible, 
 
 the first, the principle of cash payments was enunciated, and 
 this of itself marked a. distinct sfep in advance for the farmers- 
 They also tried the plan of concentrating thm r nrHprs fnr fJiP 
 purpose of getting more favorable terms. That the agitation 
 for co-operation in buying is as old as the State Grange may I>e 
 seen from the fact that at its organization in 18 72 the question 
 of special rates on agricultural implements was taken up ancl 
 discuss^djitsomfi length. 1 Individual granges in various parts 
 of the state had already made attempts in this direction. In 
 most cases they attained a measure of success, but owing to the 
 influence of the middlemen with the manufacturers, many ob 
 stacles were placed in the way and the results were not all 
 that could be desired. When county granges were organized 
 these matters passed into their hands and were usually carried 
 on with more success than by the individual grange. County 
 agents were chosen who gave bond for proper performance of 
 duty, received a fixed salary, and gave their time to the work. 
 The National Grange, independently of these more local 
 movements, had succeeded in obtaining important concessions 
 on condition that the Grange orders should be concentrated. 
 But the national organization was unable to carry out its part 
 of the contract because it lacked the power to control the 
 orders of a single grange. The^ principle of direct dealings 
 without the aid of middlemen had, however, been established 
 and when the state granges undertook the matter in a bqsi- 
 
 1 A communication from a granger who signs himself C. C. B., appearing in the 
 Prairie Farmer in May, 1872, furnishes additional evidence on the same point. He 
 says that although he entered the Grange with little confidence in its plans, his dis 
 trust has been overcome by its success in obtaining advantageous rates for its mem 
 bers on agricultural implements, though working under discouraging circumstances. 
 He states that although the granges in Lee and Whiteside counties are for the most 
 part less than a year old, yet much had already been saved to the members by 
 purchasing implements for cash direct from the manufacturers. 
 
40 
 
 ness-like way they found little difficulty in getting important 
 reductions. Illinois had a state purchasing agent as early as 
 1875 
 
 The method followed in making purchases through the 
 state agent was well adapted to secure substantial advanta^es^ 
 Tn the first place, the state agent was required to give a boj^d 
 large enough to cover any funds which he was likely to, hold at 
 The executive committee had the power of raising 
 
 this bond as they deemed necessary, in this way the members 
 of the_Grange were secured against loss^ The business with 
 the dealers w r as transacted by the state agent. The orders were 
 sent to him as early in the year as possible by the county or 
 district agents, whose business it was to secure them from the 
 secretary or agent of the sub-granges. As it was a cardinal 
 principle with the Grange that payment should be made in 
 cash, stress was also laid on this feature and a discount of ten 
 per cent, allowed when cash was sent with the order. Eeceipts 
 were given for this money by each individual who handled it. 
 The company who received the order sent a receipt to the state 
 agent but shipped the goods directly to the individual. Special 
 rates were obtained on car-load lots. Large reductions were 
 secured by this system and ample proof afforded that the mid 
 dlemen were either making unusual profits or were conducting 
 their business in a reckless or extravagant manner. Tn either 
 case the farmer had suffered unnecessarily. Eeapers for which 
 the middleman charged $275. were secured by the grangers for 
 $175. Threshers w r ere reduced from $300. to $200., wagons from 
 $150. to $90., sewing machines from $75. and $100. to $40. and $50., 
 and other articles in like proportion. 1 Tboia Jpr a few ^gars, 
 
 nf fhe Grange probably^ saved at leastJJM per^cgnt. 
 
 jjases. 2 The middle men,like the railroads, were 
 unwilling toshare their profits and tried_to protect themselves. 
 could prevent the wholesale firms from dealing 
 
 1 Special Report 2, Misc .Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture 
 
 - Ibid. Estimated at from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. Country Gentleman, Mar. 
 2, 1875, estimated at from 50 percent 1075 per cent. 
 
 [372] 
 
41 
 
 with the grangers their task was comparatively easy, but when 
 this failed they felt obliged to exterminate their new compet 
 itors. Accordingly they brought down prices to a point so low 
 that many outside tne Uran^e were enabled to buy of their 
 local dealers at a rate lower than that secured by the grangers. 
 They hoped to weaken, and perhaps destroy the Grange that 
 tVmy mifrbt a.^in V^IQA pn p.pg Sometimes they went so far as 
 to sell at a loss, and in some cases were soon forced out of bus 
 iness. 
 
 In so far as retail dealers were forced out of business by 
 freer competition, the result sustained the argument of the 
 grangers to the effect that the middleman was a dead weight 
 upon society, adding nothing to the value of the goods and act 
 ing as a leech upon the purse of the producer. But as a matter 
 of fact the decrease in the number of middlemen was by no 
 means commensurate with the complaints filed against them. 
 The charges should be examined critically. Such statements 
 as those of C. E. Barney at the State Farmers Association in 
 1875, need to be taken with considerable allowance. He said 
 that in 1873 it cost the workers in Illinois $29,000,000 to sup 
 port the professional middlemen and loafers. Now, it is con- 
 ceLVftble that the credit system may havp been so hazardousjfco 
 the dealer that thir nm^rmt wnr ^nly a, fair remuneration for 
 the work undertaken l1y the middlemen, or it may be that his 
 estimate is exaggerated^ But be this as it mav. there canJie 
 np doubt that the grander movement was the means of secur 
 ing a large reduction of prices, besides producing more health 
 ful business Conditions. ^ More impprfnnf tha.n 
 
 however, was its effect t-hfi rntnrinr rrnrigr whereby +-"hfi 
 
 er of the credit system was broken r and tVm fa.rnier enabled to 
 
 free himself from its toils. 
 
 The venture, so successful in one line, was soon extended 
 to others. It seemed to the farmer that if agricultural imple 
 ments could be bought cheaper bv ordering- Hir^n-. fmn-| f.T^p 
 manufacturer, groceries, dry goods, and in fact all of his sup 
 plies, could be obtained from the wholesale dealer with equal 
 
 [373J 
 
advantage. Enterprising business men were quick to take ad 
 vantage of this belief and advertised their firms extensively as 
 Grange supply houses. Atthi^time_J[ontgOTiiftry Ward s pras-, 
 ent department store YJ^LS startadlis a supply store for grangers, 
 and in its early days its patrons were chiefly members of the 
 order. During the first years that the new plan of purchase 
 was in operation the amount saved by grangers on commodi 
 ties of all kinds may be fairly estimated at no less than 20 per 
 cent, of the cost of their purchases at previous prices. 1 As, com 
 petition reduced prir pst * n P m nrp stable scale, the average sav 
 ings through the concentration of orders and direct dealings with 
 the wholesale houses was probably not above 10% on the retajT 
 prices, though there are many individual instances after 1875 
 where grangers claim to have saved 20 per cent, and even 30 
 per cent, in this way. 
 
 Asthe system became more firmly established, both^its 
 advanTages and disadvantages became more evident. A saving 
 was still effected on some goods, but on others which could not 
 IK- ordered in large quantities there was no gain. The need of 
 a central depot of samples and repairs, and later of a local store, 
 was felt. We hear of many such stores in 1875. At Woodstock, 
 McHenry county a grange warehouse for agricultural imple 
 ments was established. 2 In Tazewell county a grange store is 
 reported as doing a business of from $1,500 to $2,000 a month." 
 Rockford had a sample grange store for Winnebago county. 4 
 The Shelby county grange established a co-operative store with 
 a capital of $5,000, divided into shares of $10 each, 5 and the Ste- 
 phenson county grange incorporated and established a grange 
 store. 6 The Peoria county Co-opera tive Association was formed 
 
 1 Cf. saving on agricultural implements. The Prairie Farmer of Mar. 4, 1876 
 states that the patrons department store at Dixon had saved at least 50$ to those in 
 terested during the preceding year. 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, Mar. 13, 1875. 
 
 3 Ibid. July 15, 1876. 
 
 4 Ibid. Jan. 23, 1875. 
 
 5 Ibid. Mar. 20, 1875. 
 
 c Ibid. June 26, 1873; Mar - 2O l8 7 8 - 
 
 [374] 
 
43 
 
 with a capital stock of $5,000 and with 200 stock-holders l Re 
 garding the store thus established, an enthusiastic supporter 
 writes to the effect that after being in operation four weeks it 
 had proved an unparalled success, and that a plan to increase 
 the capital stock to $15,000 was under consideration. He furth 
 er stated that the sales had amounted to as much as $375 in 
 one day. 2 
 
 There were various plans for the management of these 
 stores, but the one most successful, and probably most common, 
 was similar to that known in England as the Kochdale system. 
 The Grange was of course incorporated under the laws of the 
 state, and the necessary officers elected ; the amount of the cap 
 ital stock, usually $5,000. was fixed and shares were issued. The 
 usual value of these shares seems to have been $10. At first 
 the general manager was usually a member of the Grange, but 
 later on outsiders were sometimes hired to take charge. Jri^ 
 spite^ of many successes, however, thj3_gr?^g p sf^rp^ wfT p a - Q a 
 ruleunprofi table in Illinois, although some prospered foxjajirms 
 and a number are said to be in operation yet. More often, how 
 ever, they have suspended business entirely and for the most 
 part now exist only in the memory of those living in the seven 
 ties. 
 
 Although the Grange was far more successful in co-opera- 
 tivq buying than in CQ-operative selling, anv discussion of foe 
 granger movement which fails to give some attention to^ the 
 latter phase would certainly be incomplete. Attempts were 
 made to get special rates and to do away with middlemen s 
 profit. A granger firm of commission men was established at 
 the Chicago stock yards, but soon failed. 3 In California, a gi 
 gantic scheme of wheat exportation failed because of poor 
 management and opposition from dealers. 1 In Iowa, especially, 
 and to some extent* in other states, an attempt was made to get 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, Dec. 12, 1874. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 3 Ibid. 
 
 [375] 
 
44 
 
 control of the grain elevators. In that state two-thirds of the 
 grain elevators were said to be in grange hands in 1874. l In 
 some parts of Illinois the plan of hiring a general shipper was 
 tried. 2 
 
 There were numerous cases in this state where resolutions 
 were passed by county and subordinate granges, recommending 
 that grangers "hold their hogs" for a certain length of time or 
 for a certain price. At its meeting in January, 1878, the State 
 Grange recommended to its members that they "hold their 
 hogs" for thirty days unless previously offered $5 a hundred for 
 dressed pork or $4.25 for live hogs. Whether they gained their 
 point in this particular case or not is a matter of little impor 
 tance. Whateyer success they mav haja had- in indivirfraal 
 cases the fact remains th^t t.hay pmilH nnf expect to fix prices 
 contrary to the law of supply and demand. Unable to control 
 thf flpnvr 1 "^ ?r| f^.jlin^ to limit the supply permanently. the4r 
 efforts soon ceased, though not before charges of dislipugsty 
 
 WPVP. marl ft fl.grfl.-JTjfgf. prp.nprp, Pg Q ntP -wtm-kia.nrl1pd thfi funds. 
 
 The co-operative measures of the Grange, however, were 
 not confined to the buying and selling of goods. They also 
 attempted to apply the principle to insurance. There was just 
 cause for dissatisfaction, in these early days, with the prevail 
 ing methods of insurance. Frauds were by no means unusual, 
 and much difficulty was experienced by policy holders in mak 
 ing collections in case of loss. An intimation of the feeling 
 may be found in the statement in the Prairie Farmer that the 
 Grange "has made necessary life insurance associations on some 
 plan that will keep the officers out of the penitentiary and the 
 patrons out of the poor-house". Mutual companies for both 
 property and life insurance were organized in various localities. 
 Property insurance was much the more common. The majority 
 of the companies were established on the township plan, though 
 many preferred a more extensive organization, even at the 
 
 1 Popular Science monthly 32:371. 
 
 2 Country Gentleman, 1872, p. 804, speaks of a general shipper in Illinois who re 
 ceived a remuneration of J^c. a bushel on grain handled. 
 
 [376J 
 
45 
 
 start, and as time passed the larger companies grew in favor 
 and were not always confined within township or even county 
 lines. In 1875 blanks were provided by the State Grange to 
 facilitate the organization of mutual fire insurance companies, 
 and in 1876 the Grange resolved to push the idea of the Patrons 
 Aid Society or Life Insurance for the Grange, so that insurance 
 might be had at actual cost. 1 In this enterprise as in all others 
 they met with obstacles. In Macon county a "traveling bum 
 mer" 2 had succeeded in swindling some credulous ones through 
 the organization of "boards of life insurance." Then, too, the 
 farmers lacked experience, and hence many companies were 
 poorly managed. But in spite of all difficulties the plan was 
 particularly successful even at the time, and in later years has 
 been more fully developed. 
 
 6. Fraternal, Social and Educational Features. 
 
 When the GrqngP Was first. nrgQniry.o^fh-t-00 linoa r>f 
 
 were emphasized, social, educations.] a.nd hnainpsg. Education 
 was the sIpp: QTV THie evils to which 
 
 were attributed to ignorance. Ij^was asserted that the railroads 
 would not impose on the farmer if VIP bar) p bptt^ T> Vnrvivio^nrfi_^f 
 business methods, neither would the middlemen and the politi 
 cians be able to take advantage of him so easily if he were bet 
 ter informed^ .The farmer s isolation kept him fvm-n p.njayincr 
 the benefits of social intercourse, and the social side of his na- 
 ture needed development in order to give him confidence in 
 dealing with others. To assist in bringing about these results 
 a program was to be given in every subordinate grange meet 
 ing recitations, songs, and discussions of various topics of in 
 terest to the farmer. Without some opportunity of coming 
 together such as was afforded by the Grange, the farmer would 
 not realize the meaning of current events. His daily round of 
 toil discouraged rather than stimulated efforts to keep well in- 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, July 15, 1876. 
 a Ibid, Mar. i, 1843. 
 
 [377] 
 
46 
 
 formed, and unless there was something to spur him on he 
 would not make the necessary effort. He had been led to be 
 lieve that education and farming like oil and water, would not 
 mix ; that it was impossible for hi_m__to use the educational 
 advantages within reach of others. .-Ifc^was" within thej^ere 
 of _t]ip Gra.ngp. to fpaoh. flip fa.rnier that all kinds of education 
 are open to him, that it is. worth his while to make the effort 
 necessary to acquire information and to learn how to use it. 
 Forjthis purpose the National Grange instituted its systemxrf 
 firnp rftportsT publisEed and sent out hundreds of thousands of 
 tracts among the farmers and urged the need of keeping up 
 with the times. For the same purpose the State Grange sent 
 out deputies and IpH-.nvAr.^ vyhn WPVP Avpp.(>i,prl fp disseminate 
 information on ^riVnlt-nral topics The subordinate grange 
 paid the bills and its members were supposed to reap the bene 
 fits. The effect of these efforts was noticeable. In some cases, 
 perhaps extreme, though mentioned quite frequently in the 
 literature of the time, this campaign of education, combined 
 with a freer social intercourse, developed among grangers a 
 higher respect for npp a.nntKpy s opinions and a more careful 
 attention to their own personal a-pp^a-rainC-P, hojh in dress.and 
 a,p.tion. x One pastor wrote of the remarkable change in the 
 "walk arid conversation of his flock", and attributed it to the 
 organization of a grange among them. Frequently there was 
 an increased demand for honfrp and oftentimes grange libraries 
 were established. A grange was organized in one community 
 where previously but one newspaper had been taken and as a 
 result the number of subscriptions soon increased to thirty. 1 
 Thus there is abundant evidence to show that the Grange 
 increased the desire for knowledge and aided in its dissemina 
 tion. But not only did the farmers read more ; they also did 
 more writing for the papers, either to ask questions of their 
 own or to reply to the questions of others. In this w T ay the 
 movement for farmers institutes was greatly advanced, per 
 haps originated. The ambition to write for the papers was .still 
 
 1 Special Report 2 p. 60. 
 
 [378] 
 
47 
 
 further stimulated b}^ some of the agricultural papers, which 
 offered prizes for the best essays written by school children 
 under a certain age, on some specified subject, usually related 
 to the Grange. 
 
 Fora few year^, whil p ^ ft "war" nprm. the railroad? and 
 
 as a.f, if.s hm -ht thp. pf|]y.af.irmQl rl 
 
 the order was arrested m-, ai. Wst., overshadowed. Rut as the 
 Grange frrew older a,nd the ,so-r a11prl "^plosion of wrath" iiad 
 
 ts force, the attention nf fhp mpmhprs hftp.arnp 
 
 and ITIOre t,Q fhft SOP^I cinrl Q rlnr>Qtir>r.Ql foQfnvQO cof 
 
 in its constitution. J^already pointed out, its business acti v- 
 ity has continued to the present, but occupies a much smaller 
 shareof its attention than formerly. It w should not be under 
 stood. however, that the Grange has entirely ceased to exert 
 political influence in the broad sense of the term ; but so far 
 as aggressive action along partisan lines is concerned, it may 
 fairly be said to be out of politics. 
 
 In the early seventies, the Grange, like other agricultural 
 societies, took much interest in county fairs. About the same 
 time picnics came into much favor. They were planned with 
 as much enthusiasm and carried out with as much energy as 
 Other granger undertakings, but in only two years, 1872 and 
 1873, did they assume much importance. Like other projects 
 of the Grange, they failed to satisfy its members, many of whom 
 were feverishly seeking impossible results and hence were des 
 tined to disappointment. 
 
 However, such agencies as picnics and county fairs fostered 
 the spirit of fraternity among the members of the order. T h i s 
 was shown in the winter of 1874-75 when the poor crops of the 
 preceding harvest had brought suffering to Kansas and other 
 states west of the Mississippi. The grangers of Kansas took^the 
 matter in h ap d an d psta.hl i sh pH q, s y stern of or^an i 7^d rpl i pf r 
 Members in other states gave their assistance in the work. Illi 
 nois was active in the work and accomplished much in relief 
 of suffering. It is worth while to note that assistance given by 
 grangers was not limited to members of the order but was ex_ 
 
 [379! 
 
48 
 
 tended to any who were in actual want. It is true that other 
 organizations and individuals contributed toward relieving the 
 same needs ; but the grangers deserve credit for initiating the 
 movement. 
 
 7. The Grange and Subsequent Organizations. 
 
 There is little difficulty in tracing the relation between the 
 different organizations mentioned in this paper. They existed 
 about the same time, were made necessary by the same condi 
 tions, and were striving for much the same ends. 1 There was 
 rriflffli rivalry among hjeiLU,amountipg. in the case of clubs ain d 
 granges, almost to open hostility,! There seems to be aeon - 
 
 f,he movement toward organization at 
 
 this time and the movements which have occurred among 
 far m ers since t h ak ti nm. There is difficulty in determining 
 howjnuch the later movements were affected by the ejirlier 
 ones, but a careful analysis brings out many points of similari ty . 
 In the me mEershi p of the grange it is easy to recognize two gen- 
 eraldasses, the conservative and the radical The conserva- 
 t.JKJfi element, relatively smaller in number, comprised many of 
 thejiiost progressive farmers of the country, , It might perhaps. 
 be said to represent fairly the best element among the farming 
 population, who after thoughtful consideration had come to 
 the conclusion that much might be gained through organiza 
 tion, and for that reason had joined the order. Tjie radical 
 wing was made up from the chronically dissatisfied element 
 among the farming classes^ Their ideas regarding reforms 
 were more or less hazy and they were ready to cast in their lot 
 with any new movement which created a stir. It was their 
 function to call attention to existing evils rather than to re 
 form them, for they were incapable of following one idea con- 
 
 1 It is interesting to note that as early as 1874 an organization known as Sover 
 eigns of Industry had been formed among mechanics and laborers, especially in the 
 New England states, upon a plan very similar to, and probably copied from, the Pa 
 trons of Husbandry. 
 
 8 See report of Secretary S. M. Smith at the State Farmers Association, 1873. 
 
49 
 
 sistently for any length of time. Thus after a few years of ac 
 tivity in the grange they became discontented. The ideal state 
 of their imagination was not immediately reached. They de 
 serted tiie grange! Utner organizations, such as the 
 Alliance and the Farmers Mutual Benefit 
 
 into prominence and absorbed the energies of the radicals^ But 
 just as before, the radical, discontented 
 
 Had there been the same need in the country, these 
 organizations might have made themselves felt as strongly as 
 did the Grange in its palmiest days. Without discussing the 
 actual accomplishments of these organizations it will be suffi 
 cient to note that their influence is now an unimportant factor. 
 They, too, failed to realize the ideals of many of their partisans, 
 and their membership decreased. The Populist movement also, 
 
 though tQO recent t(> ft^Tnif of rmV>iaPri rHgrmssimij fifif.Tflg to 
 
 bear a close resemblance to the Grange in many features es 
 pecially in its anti-monopolistic sentiments. 
 
 8. Estimate of The Grange. 
 
 Much has already been said regarding the differences in 
 the character and policy of the Grange at different periods of 
 its history. Irijjie seventies it had a mushroom growth, and 
 w r as characterized by a feverish activity in supporting princi- 
 ples somewhat vague, but in general seeking reform through 
 legislation,. This period was followed by a reaction and a_strik- 
 ing decrease in membership. Since 1880 there has been & re- 
 vival r and the Grange, w 7 ith a gradually increasing membership 
 ha,s frften able .to pnrsrm a, wpjTMftfmfid pnlipy, pTflpfr a sizing fVm 
 need of Education and the necessity for self -improvement. The 
 granger movement has been frequently misunderstood, and it 
 is difficult even yet to form a just estimate of it. It is true 
 that many actions of the Grange will not bear a close scrutiny. 
 Some of^ the first laws passed during their period of greatest 
 legislative inflnnnca. were unjust to other classes. But on the 
 h?ynf| they accomplished much good. The objectionable 
 
 [381] 
 
50 
 
 features of the laws were soon removed and the advantages 
 made permanent. Trip, Attention of the people was called to 
 railroad abuses and their ingenuity directed toward the dis^ov- 
 e of a remedy. TJie state railway commissions established 
 i n some of the states by the grangers paved the way for th e 
 Inter-State Coivnnercp, Commission. Aside from all this the 
 political influence of the farmer has iiTmroved in almost, every 
 particular since the organization of the (Iran gft. It is impossi- 
 b leto determine just how mp^h of fin s improvement is due j^o 
 the Grange, but it would be rnarnfestlv unfair t,o sa, v th a t improve 
 ment would have come wjtill^ 11 ^ +^A a.irl rrf the (Grange and that 
 the granger movement ha.,rl nr> rpa1 valnp Indeed, when we 
 recall its many lines of activity, its energy, its determination , 
 itsTpower of concentratioi^itsent.hnsiasiyi^ the ability of its lead 
 ers, and its widespread prga.-m yai.inn, there need be no hesita 
 tion in affirming that no sina.11 sharp, of thp political. sociaTand 
 industrial progresspf the farmer in Illinois may be traced to 
 
 [382] 
 
51 
 
 LIST OF REFERENCES 
 
 I. Primary Sources 
 
 List of subordinate granges in the state of Illinois after March 15, 1874. 
 
 Constitution and by-laws of the Sangamon county council. 
 
 Constitution of Illinois State Grange. 
 
 Constitution of the National Grange. 
 
 Proceedings of the Illinois Farmers convention, Bloomington, Illinois, January 
 15 and 16, 1873. 
 
 Proceedings of the annual meetings of the Illinois state Farmers Association 1873, 
 1874, 1875. 
 
 Journal of proceedings of the Illinois State Grange 1875, 1878, 1879, 1898, 1899. 
 
 Journal of proceedings of the National Grange 1897, 1898, 1899. 
 
 Transactions of the Illinois Department of Agriculture, 1872. (Reports for other 
 years and from other states bear on subject indirectly) 
 
 Reports of Illinois R. R. & W. Commissioners 1872-1877. 
 
 Report of committee on inter-state commerce, 49th Congress, 1st session serial 
 numbers 2356 and 2357. 
 
 Constitution of Illinois (1870) 
 
 Statutes of Illinois, 1873. 
 
 Public laws of Illinois 1871, 1872. 
 
 Revised statutes of Illinois 1874. 
 
 Revised statutes of Illinois 1 895. 
 
 67 111. Reports. 
 
 94 U. S. Reports. 
 
 Starr & Curtis Annotated Statutes of Illinois. 
 
 Bulletin No. 16, Miscellaneous series, Division of Statistics, U. S. Department of 
 Agriculture changes in the rate of charge for railway and other transportation services. 
 
 Special report 2, Miscellaneous series, U. S. Department of Agriculture Proceed 
 ings of a convention of agriculturalists held at the department of Agriculture, January 
 23-29, 1883. 
 
 Country Gentleman 1869-1875. 
 
 Michigan Farmer 1873. 
 
 Western Rural, 1869. 
 
 Prairie Farmer, 1869-1878. 
 
 II. Secondary Sources. 
 
 ADAMS, EDWARD F. 
 
 " The Granger Morality," Nation 19:234. 
 "The Modern Farmer." 
 
 [383] 
 
52 
 
 ADAMS, C. F. JR. 
 
 "Railroads ; Their Origin and Problems. 
 
 "The Granger Movement," No. Am. Rev., 120:394-424. 
 ALEXANDER, E. PORTER. 
 
 Raihva y Practice. 
 ALTGELD, JOHN P. 
 
 "Live Questions." 
 ATKINSON, EDWARD. 
 
 "Margin of Profits and Distribution of Products." 
 
 "The Railroad and the Farmer." 
 BAKER, 
 
 "Monopoly." 
 CLOUD, D. C. 
 
 "Monopolies and the People." 
 COOK, W. W. 
 
 "Corporation Problems." 
 DABNEY, W. D. 
 
 "The Public Regulation of Railways." 
 DIXON, F. H. 
 
 "State Railroad Control, with a History of Its Development in Iowa." 
 
 "Railroad Control in Nebraska," Pol. Sci. Quar., 13:017-047. 
 ELY, RICHARD T, 
 
 "The Labor Movement in America." 
 GROSVENOR, W. M. 
 
 "Monopolies" (Letter with additional comment. ) Nation, 18:393. 
 HADLEY, A. T. 
 
 "Railroad Transportation ; Ite History audits Laws." 
 HAMMOND, M. B. 
 
 "The Cotton Industry in the United States." 
 HOLE, JAMES. 
 
 "National Railways." 
 HUDSON, J. F. 
 
 "The Railroads and the Republic." 
 JEANS, J. S. 
 
 "Railroad Problems." 
 LARRABEE, WM. 
 
 "The Railroad Question." 
 LLOYD, HENRY D. 
 
 "Wealth Against Commonwealth." 
 MARTIN, E. W. 
 
 "History of the Granger Movement." 
 PERIAM, JONATHAN. 
 
 "The Ground Swell." 
 PIERSON, CHAS. W. 
 
 "Rise of the Granger Movement," Pop. Sci. Mo., 32:199. 
 
 "Outcome of the Granger Movement," Pop. Sci. Mo., 32:308. 
 
 [384] 
 
58 
 
 WELLS, D. A. 
 
 "How Will the United States Supreme Court Decide the Granger Railroad 
 
 Cases?" Nation, 19:382. 
 
 Nation 16:249, "Farmers Clubs and the Railroads." 
 829, "The Latest Reform Movement." 
 381, "The Causes of the Farmers Discontent." 
 17: 36, "The Latest Device for fixing Rates of Transportation." 
 68, "Another Aspect of the Farmers Movement." 
 140, "Agricultural Exposition of Corporate Law." 
 156, "The Next Descent Upon The Treasury." 
 237, "The Watered Stock Hallucination." 
 285, "The Railway Mystery." 
 18: 55, "The Farmers Future." 
 
 294, "The Cheap Transportation Report." 
 19: 36. "The Granger Method of Reform." 
 
 121, "The Wisconsin Method of Railroad Reform." 
 199, "The Right to Confiscate." 
 231, "Potter and His Law." 
 21:189, "The Last Railroad Grievance." 
 22: 57, "The Granger Collapse." 
 24:143, "The Granger Decisions." 
 27: 37, "The Granger Theory Applied to Grangers." 
 International Review, 3:50, "Retrospective Legislation and Grangerism." 
 
 [385] 
 
ntoersitj> of f lltnois 
 
 Vol. I MARCH 15, 1905 No. 9 
 
 The Illinois Constitutional Convention of 1862 
 
 By 
 O. M. DICKERSON, A. M. 
 
 PRICE 50 CENTS 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. The Calling of the Convention. 
 
 II. The Proceedings of the Convention and the 
 
 Defeat of the Constitution. 
 
 III. The Rejected Constitution. 
 
 IV. Discussions in the Convention Regarding the 
 
 Nature of its Authority. 
 
 V. Partisanship in the Convention. 
 
 VI. The Charge of Disloyalty. 
 
 VII. List of Authorities. 
 
T. 
 THE CALLING OF THE CONVENTION 
 
 The constitution of 1848 was defective in many particulars, 
 but the worst defects in its practical workings may be grouped 
 under these heads: 1st, it allowed private and special legisla 
 tion; 2nd, it fixed the salaries of state officers at too low an 
 amount; 3rd, the judicial system was inadequate. 
 
 The framers of the constitution of 1848 thought they had 
 provided against the worst evils of special legislation. When 
 the constitution was put into operation, however, it was found 
 that the restrictions really did not restrict. The evil continued 
 to grow, and even by 1860 had reached enormous proportions. 
 Bills were read by title only and often they did not contain ex 
 actly what their titles indicated. If one considers only the 
 bills that were passed, their number is so great that it is hardly 
 conceivable that members of the legislature really knew what 
 laws they were enacting. Some idea of the extent of the evil 
 is gained from a consideration of the amount of space required 
 to print the laws. In 1857 and in 1859 the public and private 
 laws were bound together, requiring each year a volume of 1450 
 pages. After 1859 the two classes of laws were bound sepa 
 rately and the figures tell the story. 
 
 Private laws Public laws 
 
 186! 750 pages 288 pages 
 
 1863 the legislature was prorogued by Governor Yates. . . 278 " 83 
 
 1865 1528 " 137 
 
 1867 2523 " 196 
 
 i869 3435 442 
 
 1873 under the new constitution - 160 
 
 Because of the demands upon the time of the legislature 
 for the consideration of these private bills, many of which were 
 of the most trivial character, laws of a public nature were de 
 layed, poorly considered, or never passed. 
 
 The salaries of the state officers were fixed so low that they 
 
 (387) 
 
were not at all adequate to meet the necessary expenses of a 
 man living in a city during the comparatively high prices of 
 the fifties. These salaries were: Governor, $1,500; Secretary 
 of State, $800; Treasurer, $800; Auditor, $1,000. These sums 
 appear ridiculously small when we take into consideration the 
 work to be done, the talent demanded, and the cost of conduct 
 ing a campaign. 
 
 The decade from 1850 to 1860 was one of unexampled de 
 velopment in the state. Population increased from 851,470 to 
 1,711,957, an increase of more than a hundred per cent. 1 This 
 enormous growbh in population, however, had not been evenly 
 distributed. The northern half of the state had grown more, 
 proportionately, than had the southern. Thus, the fifteen 
 northern counties had, in the same decade, increased in popu 
 lation from 170,938 to 408,264. The framers of the old consti 
 tution had formulated a system to meet the demands of indus 
 try and population as they exisbed in 1847. With increasing 
 population and rapid industrial development, new constitution 
 al provisions became a necessity. Mr. Elliott Anthony sums up 
 the situation as follows: "As a matter of fact, the state in 
 creased in population so fast, and the development of the vari- 
 ious complicated interests was so rapid, and there were so many 
 things that came to pass that nobody anticipated or thought of, 
 that the constitution became almost obsolete. The people had 
 outgrown it, and it was so defective in so many particulars that 
 a new constitutional convention became imperative." 5 
 
 On February 3, 1859, the legislature provided by joint reso- 
 tion that the voters at the regular election in 1860 should vote 
 for or against calling a constitutional convention. 3 The result 
 of the popular vote was decidedly in favor of calling the con 
 vention, the northern section of the state returning the largest 
 majorities. In accordance with this expression of opinion, bills 
 were introduced in both houses of the legislature. In the 
 
 1 U. S. Census for 1850 and 1860 
 
 2 Anthony, Constitutional History of Illinois, p. 106. 
 
 3 Journal of the House of Representatives, 1859, p. 386. 
 
 (388) 
 
House a bill providing for a convention to make a new consti 
 tution was introduced, January 10, 1861. l After some discus 
 sion, this bill was referred to the committee on judiciary, 
 which, on January 29, reported the bill back with the recom 
 mendation that it be not passed. 2 In the meantime the Senate 
 had passed a bill providing for a convention to "amend the 
 constitution". The House took up this Senate bill and passed 
 it on January 22 by a vote of 71 to O. 3 The act calling the con 
 vention was finally approved on January 31, 1861. 
 
 This act provided that delegates should be elected in the 
 fall of 1861 from the same districts and in the same manner as 
 members of the lower house of the legislature. An appropria 
 tion was made to meet the necessary expenses of the conven 
 tion and the rate of pay for the delegates was fixed. The bill 
 also specified the time and place for the meeting of the conven 
 tion and provided that the results of its labors should be sub 
 mitted to the people for their approval. 4 
 
 Before the delegates could be elected, however, the storm 
 of civil war burst upon the country, and party issues were for- 
 gotten. The southern half of the state was overwhelmingly 
 Democratic and intensely opposed to abolition. The opinion 
 of this Democratic majority appears to have been that slavery 
 was a legitimate institution in the South and as such entitled 
 to protection. Yet they were not willing that negroes should en 
 ter Illinois, and few probably favored any measure that would 
 introduce slavery into a free territory, unless the people of such 
 a territory were in favor of its introduction. Although they 
 would not support any measure looking toward the interference 
 with slavery where it already existed, and even looked with 
 favor upon slavery as an institution, yet the great majority 
 would not support the pro-slavery men in their attempts to de 
 stroy the Union. In 1861, they were disposed to support heart- 
 
 1 Journal of the House of Representatives, 1861, p. 38. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 144. 
 
 3 Ibid. p. 187. 
 
 4 Public laws passed by the 22nd General Assembly, p. 84. 
 
 (389) 
 
6 
 
 ily a war for the maintenance of the Union; although,had they 
 realized that the logical and inevitable result of such a war 
 would be the destruction of the institution of slavery, they 
 might not have supported the war policy. 
 
 Undoubtedly opposition to the war was developing during 
 the latter part of 1861 and the early part of 1862, though there 
 are but slight indications of it in the election held in Novem 
 ber, 1861, for the choice of delegates to the constitutional con 
 vention. It appears, however, that some Democrats consid 
 ered the convention a convenient means of reorganizing the 
 party on state issues and thus keeping it alive until the war 
 was over. No doubt the opinion expressed editorially by the 
 Urbana Weekly Democrat in its issue of August 24. 1861, was 
 held by other Democrats in the state. The opinion is as fol 
 lows: 
 
 "The Democrats of Champaign County should wake up to the 
 importance of selecting delegates to this convention, and should 
 proclaim in tones that cannot be misunderstood that they are in 
 earnest upon the matters absorbing state casualties at this particular 
 time. We have a right to such vigor and prudence in the action of 
 the Convention as should characterize the Democracy as independent 
 in the fall election. The whip and spur of extreme abolition sentiment 
 and the efforts made to give the war a partisan character should 
 teach us the advantages of sound legislation for the prosperity of 
 Illinois. Unless we revive our party on issues as far as regards 
 state and local elections and demand our rights in the state, it may 
 be expected that we will have to witness in silence the over 
 throw * * * of Democratic principles. ***** This 
 question is one of great magnitude, and the Democrats of the whole 
 state should not be caught napping ***** for the issues 
 are to them of great local importance. Discuss them now in your 
 towns and precints, that all may vote understandingly, and not be 
 led into pleasing eccentricities by the opposite party." 
 
 On August 31, this same paper commented editorially upon 
 needed amendments to the constitution, and appealed to the 
 Democrats to maintain their party on local and state issues. Not- 
 
 (300) 
 
withstanding the attitude of this paper the evidence as a whole 
 indicates that in the state generally, very little interest was 
 taken in the election. J. C. Allen, of Olney, says that in his 
 district there was practically no opposition and that the vote 
 was very light. Even as late as October 16, the Chicago Times 
 says: "The rebellion absorbs all attention and even now, when 
 we are only a few days from the election of delegates there is 
 literally no discussion of the great questions which will rise 
 before the Convention." On the day before the election the 
 State Journal printed the platform adopted by the Union Con 
 vention at Springfield and gave the names of the candidates, 
 Shelby M. Cullom and Peter Cartwright. It declared that the 
 rival candidates were nominated by a strictly partisan Demo 
 cratic convention, but did not particularly urge the election of 
 the Union delegates. The Republican papers of Chicago, Bloom- 
 ington and Champaign also allowed the election to pass with 
 but slight notice. In some Democratic districts, as at Spring 
 field, the party made a party fight and elected its delegates. In 
 other districts, as at Chicago, "Union" delegates were put up 
 and supported by both parties. Many of these so-called "Un 
 ion" delegates afterward turned out to be Democrats. In some 
 districts, however, delegates were elected definitely as Repub 
 licans. 
 
 The election was very quiet and the total vote was small. 
 In Champaign county, which was normally Republican, T. R. 
 Webber, the Democratic nominee, received a majority. Only 
 about half as many votes were polled as in 1860. The follow 
 ing quotation probably described accurately conditions and 
 sentiment throughout the state: "The annual election came 
 off Tuesday last; after years of most intense political excite 
 ment, it seems strange to see old party lines entirely blotted 
 out and the people casting about, making choice of the best 
 and most deserving without respect to former political organi 
 zation. This is as it should be and any person attempting to 
 foster and keep alive old party feuds, is doing more for the 
 
 (391) 
 
8 
 
 rebel influence than he is for this government under which he 
 lives." 1 
 
 Partly, perhaps, through intrigues on the part of the Dem 
 ocratic leaders, or through negligence on the part of the 
 Republicans, but most probably because the prominent lawyers 
 were Democrats and the great mass of voters were for the time 
 indifferent, the Democrats secured an overwhelming majority 
 of the delegates. According to the list of delegates published 
 in the Chicago Tribune 2 there were 45 Democrats, 20 Republic 
 ans and 10 Union Democrats. In the list were some of the 
 ablest lawyers of the state and the delegates as a body should 
 have inspired confidence. 
 
 Among the leaders of the Democrats, James W. Singleton 
 and Anthony Thornton had been members of the Constitution 
 al Convention of 1847. The latter, especially, was an able law 
 yer. He had come to this state from Kentucky and was a gradu 
 ate of Miami University. He had been a follower of Clay,but on 
 the death of that statesman became a Democrat. When the war 
 broke out he remained loyal to the Union and was one of the 
 most conservative members of the convention. The corre 
 spondent of the Chicago Journal says of him: He is conceded 
 to be one of the ablest members of the Convention. When he 
 rises to address the house, which is not often, he is listened to 
 with profound respect. Members know they will hear ideas in 
 stead of words, and his opinions are regarded with the greatest 
 deference." 3 
 
 W. J. Allen was conspicuous in Southern Illinois politics 
 and was a radical Democrat. As chairman of the committee 
 on the Bill of Rights he occupied a prominent place in the con 
 vention proceedings. Other radical leaders were H. K. S. 
 Omelveney and S. A. Buckmaster. Among the conservatives 
 should be mentioned Alexander Starne, Judge Purple of Peoria, 
 
 1 Urbana Democrat, Nov. 6, 1861. 
 
 2 Chicago Tribune, Jan. 7, 1862. 
 
 s Chicago Evening Journal, Jan. 20, 1862. 
 
 (392) 
 
9 
 
 and Melville W. Fuller of Chicago, a young man whose legal 
 ability was even then clearly recognized. 
 
 The correspondent of the Chicago Journal placed E. S. 
 Terry as the foremost of the Eepublicans, on account of his 
 .age, his good judgment, and the respect with which his opin 
 ions were considered. Joslyn was another prominent member. 
 A preacher, an abolitionist, and a radical Republican, he was a 
 ready speaker and prominent in debate. Elliott Anthony of 
 Chicago was in no sense a politician but was a lawyer of con 
 siderable prominence and a man of real ability. The best 
 known Republican member, however, was John Wentworth, of 
 Chicago, known as "Long John." He was of New England 
 stock and a graduate of Dartmouth College. He had been the 
 publisher of the Chicago Democrat for some years, had served 
 several terms in Congress, and as mayor of Chicago had distin 
 guished himself by his economical administration of municipal 
 finances. Though originally a Democrat, his anti-slavery sym 
 pathies had carried him into the Republican party. His posi 
 tion in the Convention was unique, for in his efforts to check 
 the enormous expenditures of the state government he acted 
 with the Democrats more often than with the Republicans. 
 Other prominent Republicans were James B. Underwood, 
 Wellington Weighley, and W. W. Orme. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION AND THE 
 DEFEAT OF THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 The convention met at Springfield on January 7, 1862. 
 From the first the Democrats showed their determination to 
 use their majority. They held a caucus on the evening of the 
 sixth and decided on a program for the next day. The officers 
 selected by this caucus were duly elected at the first session. 
 They were: William A. Hacker of Union county, President; 
 William M. Springer, of Logan county, Secretary; and John 
 
 (393) 
 
10 
 
 Merritt of Marion county, Assistant Secretary. All of these 
 men were from the southern part of the state, because that end 
 of the state had absolute control of the caucus and, hence, of 
 the convention. 
 
 One of the first questions that arose was the form of oath 
 to be administered to the members. The constitution provided 
 that all officers occupying positions of trust or profit under the 
 state government should take an oath to support the state con 
 stitution. Mr. Anthony was among the first to broach the sub 
 ject. His position and that of the majority may be seen from 
 the following extract from his speech during the debate on the 
 question: "The point I insist on is that the Convention itself 
 should determine the form of the oath. I agree that the oath 
 prescribed is a very proper one; but it is proper for the Con 
 vention to determine the matter for itself. It was unanimous 
 ly decided in the Constitutional Convention of Ohio, when the 
 subject was there broached, that there was a manifest incon 
 sistency, that delegates, elected to revise and amend the con 
 stitution, should take an oath to support the very constitution 
 they were called upon to take part in perhaps entirely revising 
 and remodeling." 1 The minority took the ground that there 
 was no inconsistency in members swearing to support the con 
 stitution of the state, since the convention was acting under 
 the provisions of that constitution and would continue to do so. 
 They pointed out that this act was prescribed by the instrument 
 which would continue to be the law of the land until the new 
 constitution should be ratified by the voters of the state. The 
 form of oath which the majority finally decided should be ad 
 ministered was: "You do swear to support the constitution of 
 the United States, and faithfully discharge the duties of your 
 office as delegate to this convention for the purpose of amend 
 ing and revising the constitution of the state of Illinois." 2 The 
 fact that the convention refused to take an oath to support the 
 
 1 Debates in the Constitutional Convention, Jan. 7, State Register, Jan. 8, 1862. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal, p. 3. 
 
 (394) 
 
11 
 
 state constitution was made the ground for continual criticism 
 by the Republican press, led by the State Journal and the Chi 
 cago Tribune. It was even insisted that the convention was 
 not legally organized because of this refusal to take the pre 
 scribed oath. 1 
 
 On the afternoon of the second day a resolution was passed 
 providing for the appointment of a committee to investigate 
 "and report to the Convention as to the obligatory force of the 
 law calling this Convention, and as to the power of the Con 
 vention to appoint a printer." 2 This resolution was introduced 
 to allow, if possible, the appointment of a Democratic printer 
 and also to determine the extent of the powers of the Conven 
 tion. The constitution of 1848 had provided that all public 
 printing should be let by contract to the lowest responsible 
 bidder. The legislature, in accordance with this act, had 
 passed a law defining the manner in which the printing or 
 dered by the General Assembly should be contracted for; and 
 the law calling the Convention had provided that the Secretary 
 of State should "cause such printing to be done as should be or 
 dered by the Convention." Thus there was no necessity for 
 any action by the convention, unless it wished to take the op 
 portunity to test its powers. The committee, consisting of An 
 thony Thornton, Julius Manning, B. S. Edwards, Wm. J. Allen, 
 and Elliott Anthony, reported on the following day. The ma 
 jority report took the ground that the law calling the Con 
 vention was no longer binding, that the convention was su 
 preme on all questions incident to the alteration and amend 
 ment of the constitution, and that it had full power to contract 
 for such printing as it might require. Mr. Anthony brought in 
 a minority report opposed to the sweeping powers thus as 
 sumed. He claimed that the legislature was empowered to 
 provide for the printing and in fact had already done so. 3 The 
 
 1 Editorial in the State Register, Feb. 28, 1862, quoting from the Chicago Tri 
 bune; also numerous editorials in the State Journal. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal, p. 9. 
 
 8 Report of proceedings in the State Journal, Jan. 10, 1862. 
 
 (395) 
 
12 
 
 majority report was adopted, however, by a vote of 49 to 21. 
 This early assumption by the Convention of far reaching powers 
 at once provoked hostile criticism on the part of the adminis 
 tration papers. They pointed out that if the Convention con 
 sidered itself no longer bound by the law calling it, it might 
 also refuse to observe that part of the law providing that its 
 work should be submitted to a vote of the people. This criti 
 cism, however, was in a measure silenced by the passage of 
 a resolution late on the same day that all changes in the consti 
 tution should be submitted to a vote of the people. 1 
 
 The work of the first three or four weeks after the Conven 
 tion was organized was done principally in committee meet 
 ings. During this time the general meetings were devoted to 
 the consideration of resolutions covering a very wide range of 
 subjects. Every state officer was called upon for extensive re 
 ports. Especially was there a marked tendency to investigate 
 the governor s office and the manner in which Governor Yates 
 had conducted the organization and equipment of the volun 
 teers and the expenditure of the war fund. He was called upon 
 for an account of the indebtedness of the state,for the names of 
 all contractors to be paid by the state,for copies of contracts,and 
 for all the correspondence relating to the transfer of the state 
 commissary department to the United States Quartermaster 
 General. 2 He was also called upon for various details regarding 
 the organization and equipment of the volunteers of the state. 3 
 Information was demanded regarding military arrests,* and 
 various other matters. On February 1 , a resolution was passed 
 "instructing" the governor and various other state officers to 
 suspend all further action upon the claims of the Illinois Cen 
 tral Railroad Company until the convention could investigate 
 its claims. 5 To this Governor Yates replied, on February 13, 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 28. 
 
 2 Resolution of Wentworth, Conv. Journal, Jan. 13, p. 59. 
 
 3 Resolution of Brooks, Jan. 20, Ibid. p. 121. 
 
 4 Resolution of Omelveney, Feb. 11, Ibid. p. 407. 
 6 Buckmaster s resolution, Feb. i, Ibid. p. 236. 
 
 (396) 
 
13 
 
 that he denied "any right of the Convention to instruct him in 
 the performance of his duty and could only regard the resolu 
 tion in the light of advice." 1 Connected with this extensive 
 investigation of the executive department was the direction 
 given to the committee on military to inquire into the way in 
 which the Illinois soldiers in the field had been supplied. 3 This 
 committee after making many inquiries reported 3 toward the 
 close of the Convention. Thus the relations between the Con 
 ventions and the governor became distinctly hostile. 
 
 In the heated condition of politics it was almost inevitable 
 that national issues should enter into the discussions. The 
 questions most discussed were the direct tax, the negro prob 
 lem, United States Treasury notes, and the proposed amend 
 ment to the federal constitution. On all but one of these ques 
 tions definite action was taken. 
 
 The negro problem was a serious one in the estimation of 
 the representatives from the southern part of the state, and 
 they stood for severely repressive constitutional provisions. 
 The delegates from several of the northern counties considered 
 all provisions in regard to negroes entirely unnecessary and 
 only calculated to arouse party feeling. After much bitter dis 
 cussion the question was settled by the insertion in the consti 
 tution of three distinct propositions, which were to be voted 
 upon separately. The first was to prevent all negroes and mu- 
 lattoes from immigrating to and settling in the state, the second 
 denied them the right of suffrage and the right to hold office, 
 and the third gave the general assembly power to pass all nec 
 essary laws to carry the other two propositions into effect.* 
 
 The question of ratifying the proposed thirteenth amend 
 ment to the Constitution, providing that Congress should never 
 be given power to abolish or interfere with slavery within any 
 
 1 Governor Yates Communication, Feb. 13; Ibid. p. 421. 
 
 2 Resolution of Brooks, Jan. 18, Ibid. p. 114. 
 
 3 Report of Committee on Military, Ibid. p. 833. 
 
 4 Article XVIII., Negroes and Mulattoes, Conv. Journal, p. 1,098. 
 
 (397) 
 
14 
 
 state, was disposed of in a way to arouse considerable criticism. 
 In submitting the proposed amendment to the states, Congress 
 had provided that it should be ratified by the different state 
 legislatures. In spite of this fact, President Hacker, on Febru 
 ary 8, brought in an ordinance ratifying the amendment. 1 
 This ordinance, in the face of strenuous opposition from the 
 more conservative members, who urged the impropriety of such 
 action while the war was still in progress and insisted that the 
 Convention was powerless to take any legal action in the mat 
 ter, was finally passed without amendment by a vote of thirty- 
 nine to twenty-three. 2 
 
 Ordinances were not popular at that time, but they were 
 resorted to in dealing with two other problems. Mr. Singleton, 
 on February 13, submitted an ordinance making it lawful for 
 all collectors of revenue within the state to accept treasury 
 notes in payment for all fines and assessments. 3 This ordi 
 nance, however, was rejected. The Convention tried to pro 
 vide for the settlement of the direct tax levied upon the state 
 bv Congress by passing an ordinance authorizing the governor 
 to set off the direct tax against the amount due the state from 
 the Federal Government on account of supplies furnished Illi 
 nois volunteers. 4 This ordinance was introduced by Mr. Ed 
 wards on March 19, and the Convention promptly passed it. 
 
 It is worthy of note that only resolutions were passed dur 
 ing the first four weeks of the Convention, but that during the 
 last six weeks of its existence the Convention sought to settle 
 questions by means of ordinances. Of these, two more must be 
 mentioned. After the news of the severe battle at Ft. Donel- 
 son, people were vying with each other in providing for the re 
 lief of the sick and wounded soldiers. On February 18, Mr. 
 Manning brought in his famous ordinance appropriating 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 358. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 451. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 444. 
 
 4 Ibid, p. 940, 
 
 (398) 
 
15 
 
 or THE 
 I UNIVERSITY } 
 
 cr 
 
 4i-^QRjiiL 
 
 $500,000 in ten per cent, bonds for the relief of the sick and 
 wounded soldiers 1 Of all the impracticable things proposed 
 by the convention, this was probably the most so. Re 
 lief for the soldiers was needed at once. It would take 
 months to prepare bonds and place them upon the market- 
 Then, too, the rate was absurd, being far above that at which 
 the state could readily borrow. The most serious practical dif 
 ficulty, however, was the grave doubt as to the authority of the 
 convention to authorize the issue of such bonds. All these 
 objections and others were urged against the passage of the or 
 dinance, but the majority would listen to neither reason nor 
 delay and adopted the measure by a vote of fifty to sixteen. 2 
 
 The last ordinance to occupy the attention of the Conven 
 tion was that of Wentworth, which was introduced March 18 
 and passed three days later. It provided that the city of Chi 
 cago should hold a special election on the third Tuesday in 
 April, 1862, at which the people should vote for or against the 
 proposition that the city elect its own officers. The ordin 
 ance then went on to repeal three specific acts of the 
 legislature. 3 This ordinance actually went into effect, 
 the proposed election was held, and the people voted in 
 favor of electing their own officers. On the defeat of 
 the constitution as whole, however, the city government con 
 tinued to exist as before, and the three legislative acts supposed 
 to be repealed continued to be enforced. 4 
 
 The portions of the constitution that received most atten 
 tion were the articles on banks and on the judiciary, the bill 
 of rights, the provision for suits against the state, and the sub 
 ject of apportionment. 
 
 The article on banks and currency was important because 
 its first and fifth sections were to go into immediate effect and 
 remain in force unless the constitution should be rejected by 
 
 Conv. Journal, p. 479. 
 
 Ibid., p. 430. 
 
 Ibid., p. 923. 
 
 Jameson, The Constitutional Convention, p. 397. 
 
16 
 
 the people. 1 The former provided that in future no banking 
 corporation nor association with powers of circulation should 
 be created within the state, and the latter prohibited the audi 
 tor from receiving any bonds as security for notes to be issued 
 thereon. The essential features of the fifth section had been 
 embodied in a resolution passed on the seventh of February, 2 
 and was supposed to have been in operation from that date. 
 
 There were two great objections to these two sections. In 
 the first place, the fifth section amounted to a virtual abroga 
 tion of existing bank charters. Many members, like Thornton, 8 
 took the ground that the bank charters were contracts,and that 
 in accordance with the decision in the Dartmouth College case 
 it was not within the power of the convention to abrogate 
 them. On the other hand. Fuller, Edwards,* and others gave 
 exhaustive arguments to show that the measures were not at 
 tacks upon vested interests and that bank charters are really 
 only forms of general legislation which may be changed by 
 subsequent legislative acts. The other objection was that 
 these sections should not go into immediate effect, that legally 
 they could not do so until submitted to a vote of the people. 
 Some members of the convention, as for example Wentworth 
 while taking the general ground that the convention had no 
 power to put the sections into immediate effect considered 
 them harmless. 5 If they were effective, so much the better; 
 if they were not observed,no harm would be done. 
 
 The third and fourth sections of the same article provided 
 that, "after the year 1866 no bank bill, check, draft, note, 
 written or printed instrument of any kind, character or de 
 nomination whatever, (intended to circulate as money) shall 
 be uttered or passed in this state"; 6 and that the legislature 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 937. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 356. 
 
 3 Debates of the Const. Conv., Feb. 5, State Register, Feb. 7. 
 * Ibid., Feb. 3. 
 
 6 Ibid., Feb. i3. 
 
 6 Conv. Journal, p. 1098, 
 
 (400) 
 
17 
 
 should pass laws at its first session to enforce the above provi 
 sions. The sixth section provided that no corporation with 
 either banking or deposit powers should ever be created in the 
 state. The whole article was recognized even by the support 
 ers of the majority as too radical to be practicable. Even some 
 of the Democratic papers recognized this fact. This article 
 would also have brought the state into direct conflict with* the 
 Federal Government on account of the new national banks 
 that were soon to be provided for by act of Congress. 
 
 The right of the convention to reapportion the state for 
 legislative purposes was not questioned, because a change in 
 the number of representatives made a new apportionment nec 
 essary; but the specific apportionment adopted was seriously 
 objected to, on the ground that it was a practical gerrymander. 
 There is evidence that it was intended to be so, but that phase 
 will be discussed later. 
 
 The national reapportionment of congressmen had given 
 Illinois one more congressman than there were congressional 
 districts in the state. This was at once seized upon as an ex 
 cuse for reapportioning the state. On January 21, a resolu 
 tion was passed instructing the committee on judiciary to in 
 quire into the power of the convention to redistrict the state 
 for members of Congress. 1 The majority of the committee re 
 ported favorably on January 22. 2 A minority, holding that the 
 convention had no such power, made its report two days later. 3 
 The question was ably discussed in the convention for some 
 time. On March 4, the committee on congressional apportion 
 ment was instructed by resolution to district the state at once 
 for members of Congress.* Mr. Fuller presented a very able 
 non-partisan argument showing the apparent necessity for such 
 a measure and the right of the convention to act upon it. 5 The 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 131. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 136. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 179. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 695. 
 
 6 Debates of the Const. Conv., Mar. 5, State Register, Mar. 6, 15 and 18, 
 
 (40i) 
 
18 
 
 apportionment was bitterly opposed on the ground that it was 
 manifestly partisan. The pressure was so great that the ma 
 jority finally decided to submit this as a separate measure and 
 so not endanger the whole constitution. 
 
 In the bill of rights the principal things discussed were the 
 abolition of indictment by grand juries for crimes not defined 
 as felonies and several clauses stating the relations between 
 the Federal and the state governments. The discussions went 
 far afield and led to the introduction of much matter that was 
 purely political in its nature and of no practical use in the 
 formation of the constitution. 
 
 In the discussion of the article on the judiciary, the prin 
 cipal points of difference were the increase of authority given 
 to the county courts, the division of the state into districts for 
 supreme court purposes, and the various places at which ses 
 sions of the supreme court should be held. The question of the 
 increase of expense under the proposed judicial system was 
 also discussed. Questions of a partisan nature did not mater 
 ially affect the debates on this article. The provision of the 
 constitution allowing suits against the state to be brought in 
 the circuit courts was somewhat novel. The Daily Pantagraph 
 of Bloomington asserted that this clause was introduced in the 
 interests of the McAllister claims. 1 The wording was certainly 
 adroit enough to admit that claim, and but few others t hat- 
 were then pending. Yet no such charges were made in the de 
 bates in the convention. At the same time it is not improba 
 ble that the parties interested in those claims were instru 
 mental in securing the insertion of that clause, since under the 
 leadership of Singleton, they made a determined effort to have 
 the claims allowed by the next legislature. 
 
 The most effective work of the convention was done dur 
 ing the last few weeks of its existence. The condemnation of 
 its assumption of extreme powers and of its scarcely veiled 
 attacks upon the state administration became so severe that 
 
 1 Daily Pantagraph, June 6, 1862. 
 
 (402) 
 
19 
 
 the members of the convention feared that any constitution 
 they might draw up would be rejected. The Republican press, 
 together with some of the Democratic papers loyal to the war 
 policy of the administration, began to array themselves defi 
 nitely against the constitution. Several members withdrew, 
 from the convention during its closing days. When the final 
 vote was taken on the adoption of the constitution only forty- 
 six were present, and of these four, all Republicans, voted 
 against it. 1 Only fifty-four members signed the engrossed copy 
 The three Republican members from Chicago, Wentworth, An 
 thony and Muhlke were the only Republicans who were willing 
 to affix their names to the constitution even by way of authen 
 tication. 2 
 
 On March 21, Mr. Burr, acting for the committee, reported 
 an address to the people 3 which discussed in detail the more 
 important features of the constitution. The desirability of 
 increased salaries was pointed out and the advantage of having 
 them left to the discretion of the legislature. The requirement 
 that bills should be read on three different days was presented 
 as a cure for the evils of special legislation. It was claimed 
 that many interests were cared for. The tax payer, it was said, 
 was protected by the limitation on the debt-making power of 
 municipalities and by the repeal of the two-mill tax; the labor 
 er, by the mechanic s lien; and the interests of the volunteers 
 by giving the soldiers in the field the right to vote. The article 
 on banks was held up as the only remedy for the evil of former 
 banking laws. In closing, the address sought to show that the 
 ordinance in regard to the direct tax would render unnecessary 
 an extra session of the legislature, defended the length of the 
 session, and appealed to the people to consider the constitution 
 carefully before voting upon it. A hundred thousand copies of 
 this address, together with the new constitution, were ordered 
 printed in pamphlet form and distributed to the members of 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 1114. Moses says 48 were present, 44 for, 4 against. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 1115. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 1038. 
 
 (403) 
 
20 
 
 the convention for the benefit of their constituents. The Con 
 vention adjourned on the morning of March 24, having been in 
 session seventy-five days. 
 
 Before leaving Springfield the members opposed to the con 
 stitution effected an organization and made preparations 
 for an active campaign against its adoption. The influ 
 ence of the entire state administration as well as that of the 
 Republican congressmen was thrown against the constitution. 
 The Republican press was already drawn up in opposition, even 
 before it was known what the constitution actually contained. 
 This is manifest from editorials that appeared in the leading 
 papers about the time of adjournment. Two days before the 
 Convention adjourned the Chicago Journal, after reciting its 
 early distrust of the politicians in the Convention, said: "The 
 partisans have framed for us a partisan constitution and does 
 any candid man suppose the people will submit to the attempt 
 ed outrage? We do not! We think we can say with safety 
 that they will, on the 17th day of June, go to the polls 
 and vote the whole thing down and thus teach the petty dema 
 gogues of Illinois a lesson that may serve them to a good pur 
 pose as long as they live. 
 
 "The provisions of the proposed constitution will be fully 
 ventilated hereafter. The people do not fully understand 
 them, but will be fully enlightened on every point before the 
 time for voting on them." 1 
 
 On the day after the convention adjourned the State 
 Journal said: "By the shameless gerrymander which they call 
 the legislative apportionment they have arranged a program 
 which forever cuts off all hope or prospect for the people in the 
 future. They have so fixed things that a contemptible minori 
 ty shall govern and control a numerical majority without 
 power of appeal or change. What other enormities, usurpa 
 tions, and outrages upon popular rights the proposed constitu 
 tion embodies remains to be seen. We have not yet had a chance 
 
 1 Chicago Journal, editorial, Mar. 22, 1862. 
 
 (404) 
 
21 
 
 to examine it through." 1 The Chicago Tribune took a similar 
 position. In none of these papers was there a fair discussion 
 of the constitution as a whole. 
 
 The principal lines of attack were that the proposed con 
 stitution greatly increased the cost of the state government, 
 that it carried with it objectionable negro clauses, that the pro 
 vision allowing the soldiers to vote did not really amount to 
 anything as the commission was to begin taking the vote be 
 fore the constitution was printed, that the legislative and con 
 gressional apportionments were gerrymanders of the worst type, 
 and that the adoption of the constitution would be heralded as 
 a great Democratic victory and would enable the Democrats to 
 control the state government for years to come. 2 On the other 
 hand, the Democratic journals vigorously defended the Consti 
 tution because it contained the Illinois Central Railroad clause, 
 protected labor interests, provided for a board of agriculture, 
 and established a fixed day for the payment of taxes and as 
 sessments. They also claimed that the new congressional appor 
 tionment was really in favor of the Republicans and that the 
 advantages arising from the limitation of the power of muni 
 cipal corporations to tax, and from the repeal of the two-mill 
 tax would be considerable. This is the same line of argument 
 taken by Burr in his address to the people of the state. 
 
 The election was fiercely contested by both sides. The Re 
 publican newspapers had begun the campaign while the Con 
 vention was still in session and the bitterness of their attacks 
 increased as the day of election drew near. The more conser 
 vative Democratic journals and many of the Union Democrats, 
 like Hartley and Thornton, did what they could to defeat the 
 instrument. The most potent argument appears to have been 
 that taxes would be greatly increased under the new constitu 
 tion. Out of fourteen exchanges, representing all the leading 
 journals of the northern half of the state and some from the 
 
 1 Illinois State Journal, editorial, Mar. 25, 1862. 
 
 2 From the Republican papers during May and June, 1862. 
 
 (405) 
 
22 
 
 southern part, published in the Chicago Journal, fully one-half 
 put that forward as the main argument. Some estimated the 
 increased annual expenditure as high as $213,000, enough to 
 frighten the country districts. The Republicans made it not 
 only a test of party fealty but a test of loyalty to the govern 
 ment as well; and whatever arguments they put forward, one 
 cannot but feel that the real reason for their opposition was 
 the fact that the majority in the Convention had attacked the 
 Yates administration and had drafted a partisan constitution. 
 The following satire from the Chicago Times was not far from 
 the truth. Two Republicans, A and B, meet on the street; A 
 represents the majority of Republicans. 
 
 "Mr. A. Good morning, Mr. B. I suppose you will be out 
 to vote against the Egyptian swindle? 
 
 Mr. B. Why, no. I am thinking of voting for it. I rather 
 like the article on banks. 
 
 Mr. A. Why, you don t mean to say you have read it? 
 Surely no loyal man would be guilty of reading such a secession 
 document! 
 
 No doubt many Republicans believed the constitution was 
 a kind of secession document and so did not think it quite loyal 
 even to read it, to say nothing of voting for it. The Chicago 
 Times, although conservative for many weeks, became radical, 
 too. as the day of election approached. It took the position 
 that no Democrat in good standing could oppose the constitu- 
 tiou. Both sides resorted to every political device at their 
 command and both appeared confident of victory. 
 
 The first reports indicated that the constitution had been 
 adopted and the Democratic papers rejoiced accordingly. The 
 following extract from the Chicago Times on the day following 
 the election gives a good idea of the bitterness of the contest. 
 "It was a political issue made so by the Republican leaders and 
 by every Republican newspaper in the state. The Democracy 
 accepted the issue, behold the result! It has been a 
 fiercely fought contest by the Republican leaders and 
 
 (406) 
 
23 
 
 newspaper organs, and the contest was commenced at the as 
 sembling of the constitutional convention in January. 
 
 "The majority of the Convention were denounced as a band 
 of secession conspirators, and the constitution has never been 
 alluded to by a Republican newspaper in any more gracious 
 terms than a secession ordinance , an Egyptian swindle , an 
 accursed thing and no known supporter of it has escaped the 
 epithets of secessionist and traitor , and the result of the 
 election, according to these Republican newspapers, was to de 
 cide whether Illinois is a loyal or a secession state. Other ele 
 ments entered in. The influence of the Federal Government 
 as far as congressmen could aid was thrown against the consti 
 tution, as well as banks, railroads and express companies." 
 The article went on to claim the election by 20,000. 
 
 That this article really does not misrepresent the attitude 
 of the Republicans is shown by the following editorial from the 
 organ of the State administration: "Illinois is saved from the 
 grasp of traitors. They had made provisions for the state ad 
 ministration so they could elect anti-war men in place of the 
 present faithful state officers. They were felicitating them 
 selves that they were about to open a fire in the rear of the 
 Union cause but the best laid schemes have come to naught. 
 Thank God! Illinois is saved from their grasp and the Nation 
 al Union rescued from its great impending danger. We breathe 
 freer!" 1 
 
 The early reports that the constitution had been adopted 
 were too sanguine. As the country districts sent in their re 
 turns the certainty that the instrument was defeated became 
 more and more apparent. According to the schedule, six dif 
 ferent propositions were to be voted on, viz: The constitution 
 as a whole, the three negro propositions, the article on banks 
 and currency, and the congressional apportionment. Of these, 
 the constitution as a whole, the bank proposition, and the ap- 
 
 1 State Journal, June 23, 1862. 
 
 (407) 
 
24 
 
 portionment were defeated. The negro propositions were car 
 ried. The totals are given below: 1 
 
 For the new constitution 125,052 
 
 Against the new constitution 141,103 
 
 For the Bank proposition 126,538 
 
 Against the Bank proposition 1 3.339 
 
 For negro and mulatto proposition, No. J 2 171,896 
 
 Against negro and mulatto proposition, No. 1 7L36 
 
 For negro and mulatto proposition, No. 2 ;1 211,920 
 
 Against negro and mulatto proposition, No. 2 35,^49 
 
 For negro and mulatto proposition, No. 3 4 198,938 
 
 Against negro and mulatto proposition. No. 3 44.4H 
 
 For the congressional apportionment 125,740 
 
 Against the congressional apportionment I3 2 97 
 
 The geographical distribution of the votes may be seen 
 from the maps at the end of this essay. A map showing the 
 vote of 1860 is also given to show how closely that against the 
 constitution coincided with that for Lincoln. 
 
 The commission to take the vote of fche soldiers in the field 
 was composed of S. A. Buckmaster, W. S. Grale and Mr. Curran 
 of Springfield. They commenced taking the vote soon after 
 the adjournment of the Convention, but never completed their 
 task. What votes they did take are not recorded and appar 
 ently were never officially reported. On this account, the atti 
 tude of the soldiers toward the constitution can only be 
 gleaned from soldier correspondents whose letters appeared 
 from time to time in the newspapers. The following figures 
 have been obtained from such communications: 
 
 For the Constitution. Against. 
 
 33rd Infantry 5 5 568 
 
 5th Cavalry 5 12 729 
 
 I3th Infantry 5 9 650 
 
 The "Normal Regiment" 6 693 
 
 62nd Infantry 7 21 212 
 
 1 From official register of votes in the Sec. of State s Office. 
 
 2 Excluding negroes and mulattoes from the state. 
 
 3 Denying negroes and mulattoes the right of suffrage. 
 
 4 Giving the legislature power to enforce the other two sections. 
 
 5 Chicago Tribune, June 12. 
 
 6 Daily Pantagraph, June 17. 
 
 7 Chicago Tribune, June 20. 
 
 (408) 
 
25 
 
 In addition to these figures we have the following scraps 
 of information on the subject. "At Paducah the commission 
 ers commenced taking the vote of the 6th cavalry, which was 
 raised in the southern part of the state. Having taken 300 
 votes they found all but two were against the constitution." 1 
 "The commissioners took the votes of the Illinois soldiers sta 
 tioned at Columbus and Hickman. Nearly 1,200 votes were 
 polled, of which over 900 were against the adoption of the 
 constitution. It is significant that most of those voting against 
 it are Democrats/ 2 "The 8th cavalry and the regiment known 
 as the Yates phalanx, now in the Potomac army, have voted 
 almost unanimously against the thing, and likewise all the 
 regiments stationed in Tennessee that have had an opportunity 
 offered." 3 "The 60th infantry, Colonel Toler s, which our 
 readers know to be a thoroughly Egyptian and so Democratic 
 regiment cast less than twenty-five votes against the constitu 
 tion. Good for the 60th."* "Wallace s division will send up a 
 majority of about 8,000 against the adoption of the constitu 
 tion vote informal." 5 "Stephen Gale, one of the commissioners, 
 writes to a gentleman in this city that out of 1,800 votes taken 
 in Kentucky, 1,500 were against and 300 for the adoption of the 
 constitution." 6 
 
 This testimony certainly indicates that the soldiers did not 
 favor the adoption of the constitution and as far as they had 
 a chance voted heavily against it. It is also interesting to note 
 that in the 33rd infantry, raised at Dixon, only six votes were 
 cast for the negro propositions to 650 votes against them. 7 At 
 the same time these propositions were carried or nearly carried 
 in the counties from which these volunteers came. This seems 
 
 1 Ottawa Republican, quoted in the Chicago Journal, June 4. 
 
 2 Sterling Gazette, quoted in the Chicago Journal, June 4. 
 
 3 Woodstock Sentinel, quoted in the Chicago Journal, June 4. 
 * Cairo Gazette, quoted in the Chicago Journal, June 4th. 
 
 5 Missouri Democrat, quoted in the State Journal, July 30. 
 
 6 Chicago Tribune, June Q. 
 
 7 Missouri Democrat, quoted in the Daily Pantagraph, June 11. 
 
 (409) 
 
26 
 
 to show that the sentiment in favor of abolition developed fast 
 er in the army than among the voters left at home. 
 
 There were many rumors as to what the commissioners 
 were going to do about the soldiers vote. Before it was known 
 that the constitution was defeated in the state, the Republican 
 press hinted that the adverse vote of the soldiers would be 
 thrown out as illegal. After the result in the state was known, 
 some of the Democratic papers urged those who had friends in 
 the army to use their influence to secure votes for the constitu 
 tion and thus secure its adoption in spite of the adverse vote 
 already cast against it. In answer to this appeal the Republi 
 can papers charged that the soldier vote was to be fraudulently 
 manipulated in the interest of the "Egyptian Democracy." 
 Probably none of these charges and rumors had much founda 
 tion, for the composition of the commission to take the vote 
 was a sufficient guarantee against corruption. 
 
 III. 
 
 THE REJECTED CONSTITUTION. 
 
 In his Constitutional History of Illinois, Mr. Anthony says 
 that the new constitution was a good one and would have been 
 an improvement over that of 1848. Since it was never tested, 
 it is impossible to say just how well it might have worked; but 
 in the light of present experience it has some very serious de 
 fects. Among these was the article on banks and currency. 
 This would have driven every banking institution in the state 
 out of business, and in its operation would have conflicted with 
 the National Banking Act. The experiences of the few years 
 preceding the calling of the Convention had not been of such a 
 nature as to arouse much enthusiasm for banks of any kind. 
 There had been so many failures and abuses, and wild-cat bank 
 ing under the old laws had been so notorious, that some posi 
 tive remedy was necessary; but the proper remedy did not lie 
 in the direction of the measure adopted. The fact that banks 
 
 (410) 
 
27 
 
 had been badly managed was no sufficient reason for abolishing 
 them entirely. When one considers the enormous expansion 
 of the credit system under our present banking laws, he cannot 
 but be convinced that the extreme prohibitions of this part of 
 the constitution would have seriously interfered with business. 
 
 The clause 1 in the article on the legislative department 
 practically allowing the state to be sued in any circuit court of 
 the state seems questionable. According to this section the 
 legislature was compelled to appropriate money to pay the 
 claims allowed by the courts. It is doubtful whether any state 
 can consistently allow itself to be sued. Most of the states re 
 fuse to be made the defendant in a suit at law, and it was some 
 thing of an innovation for the state of Illinois to take a differ 
 ent attitude. In order to prevent the encroachment of the ju 
 diciary upon the legislative department the courts should not 
 have the last word to say on claims against the state, but the 
 legislative department should be free to determine such claims 
 in its own w r ay. 
 
 The provision that bills should be read at large on three 
 separate days would have checked but would not have pre 
 vented private and special legislation. The provision that 
 only general laws should be passed on certain subjects would 
 have been adequate so far as it went. A far larger number of 
 subjects were reserved for general laws than was the case in 
 the constitution of 1848. The subject of private legistion had 
 been one of the most crying evils under the old constitution. 
 On this subject the constitution of 1862 stands about midway 
 between the ineffective regulation of 1848 and the almost com 
 plete prohibitions of the present constitution. 
 
 The only essentially new propositions in the bill of rights 
 were sections 11 and 31. The former provided for a summary . 
 trial in all criminal cases not amounting to felony, and the 
 latter stated the ideas of the convention regarding the nature 
 of the union between the states. The term of the state officers 
 
 1 Article IV, sec. 32. 
 
 (411) 
 
28 
 
 was reduced from four to two years and the existing officers 
 were to be turned out of office in the middle of the term for 
 which they had been elected. In this way a new election was 
 ordered at an inopportune time. Aside from the immediate 
 partisan advantage of such a measure there seems no really 
 good reason why the length of term should be reduced to two 
 years. The fact that local officers were to hold office for four 
 years made the measure appear extremely partisan. The pro 
 vision that salaries of state officers should be fixed by statute 
 and not by the Constitution was excellent, enabling the legis 
 lature to provide for changes in salaries to correspond with 
 changes in the cost of living. The apportionments were arbi 
 trary and partisan, but since they could be changed by subse 
 quent legislation the constitution as a whole should not be 
 condemned too harshly for this reason alone. Yet, it is by no 
 means certain that the apportionments would not have enabled 
 the minority to control the state government for some time to 
 come. 
 
 There were a number of innovations in the article on Ju 
 diciary, some of them good, others untried and doubtful. The 
 provision of a prosecuting officer for each county, instead of one 
 for each judicial circuit as formerly, we have found to work satis 
 factorily. The clauses giving to the county courts extensive orig 
 inal jurisdiction in criminal cases, the abolishing of indictments 
 by a grand jury in cases not punishable by death or imprisonment 
 in the penitentiary, and the reduction of the grand jury from 
 twenty-three to fifteen were some of the novel provisions. They 
 might have worked fairly well, but it cannot be said that the 
 people were ready to abandon the practice of indictment; for, 
 although the present constitution permits its abolition, it is 
 still retained as a part of our judicial machinery, nor has the 
 grand jury been reduced in size. On this question, our present 
 constitution stands about half way between the two ex 
 tremes of the constitutions of 1848 and of 1862. It is doubtful if 
 the giving of extensive judicial powers in criminal cases to the 
 
 412 
 
29 
 
 county court would have been as satisfactory, as the retention of 
 such jurisdiction in the hands of the circuit courts. At least, 
 the constitutions of 1848 and of 1870 agree in giving the county 
 courts probate business and such minor civil and criminal cases 
 as might be fixed by law; but entrust the majority of criminal 
 cases and important civil cases to the circuit courts. The pro 
 posed tax on civil cases is another novel feature of this section, 
 and one that would not have rendered justice any easier for 
 the litigant with but little money. The increase in the num 
 ber of Supreme Court districts was absolutely essential to meet 
 the demands of the state. 
 
 There were some excellent provisions in regard to revenue. 
 All taxes, both state and local, were to fall due at the same 
 time and were to be collected by the same person. This is the 
 only sensible way in which taxes levied by different corporate 
 bodies can be collected. It saves expense, and relieves the tax 
 payer of the annoyance of paying his taxes in small sums, to 
 various persons, and at inconvenient times. The limitation 
 placed on municipalities and local corporate bodies, forbidding 
 them to lend their credit to any company or private corpora 
 tion was a needed provision. It is far less detailed, however, 
 than the provisions of our present constitution on the same 
 subject. 
 
 The clauses in regard to negroes and mulattoes were radi 
 cal in their nature; yet, judging by the vote on these clauses, 
 they seem to have been acceptable to a majority of the people. 
 These provisions, however, would soon have been rendered in 
 operative by the new amendments to the Federal constitution. 
 
 The mechanic s lien provision and the clause regarding the 
 Illinois Central Railroad Company and its obligations to the 
 state, were most excellent measures and have been retained in 
 our present constitution. The provision that foreigners could 
 vote after a year s residence was probably only a bid for the 
 foreign vote in the state. The state should at least insist upon 
 its voters being citizens of the United States. The increase in 
 
 (413) 
 
30 
 
 the expenses of the state that would have resulted had the con 
 stitution been adopted would have been considerable, but, on 
 the whole, this increase was both necessary and desirable. 
 
 In order that the relation between the constitutions of 1848 
 and of 1862 and of 1870 may be seen, the essential provisions 
 of the three are shown in parallel columns as follows: 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1848. 
 
 Preamble 
 
 Legislature . . . 
 
 (a) Size: Senate 25, 
 House 75. 
 
 (b) Pay: $2 a day for 
 42 days, then $i a 
 day. 
 
 (c) Debt Limitation: 
 $50,000. 
 
 (d) Legislation: Laws 
 not required to be 
 general, bills might 
 be read by title only. 
 
 (e) Claims: Must be 
 proved before some 
 tribunal and allow 
 ed by the legisla 
 ture. 
 
 Executive 
 
 Governor: Term four 
 years, salary $1500. 
 
 Judicial 
 
 (a) Supreme Court. 
 
 1. Judges: Three, 
 term nine years. 
 
 2. Divisions: Three 
 grand. 
 
 3. Judicial districts: 
 Nine. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1862. 
 
 Same 
 
 Legislature 
 
 (a) Size: Senate 33, 
 House 102. 
 
 (b) Pay: $3 a day. 
 
 (c) Practically the 
 same. 
 
 (d) Legislation: A 1 1 
 bills to be read at 
 large on three dif 
 ferent days; gener 
 al laws required in 
 certain cases, such 
 as divorces, roads 
 and town plots, 
 practice in courts 
 of justice, changing 
 county seats. 
 
 (e) Claims: Suits may 
 be brought against 
 the state in any cir 
 cuit court. 
 
 Executive 
 
 Governor: Term t w o 
 years, salary fixed by 
 law. 
 
 Judicial 
 
 (a) Supreme Court. 
 
 1. Judges: Three, 
 term nine years. 
 
 2. Divisions: Three 
 grand. 
 
 3. Judicial districts: 
 Sixteen. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1870. 
 
 Same 
 
 Legislature 
 
 (a) Size: Senate 51, 
 House 153. 
 
 (b) Pay: $5 a day and 
 mileage of loc a 
 mile. 
 
 (c) Debt Limitation: 
 $250,000. 
 
 (d) Legislation: A 1 1 
 laws to be general. 
 
 (e) Claims: State never 
 to be made defend 
 ant in any suit at 
 law. 
 
 Executive ...... 
 
 Governor: Term four 
 years, salary to be 
 fixed by 1 ivv. 
 
 Judicial 
 
 (H) Supreme Court. 
 
 1. judges: Seven, 
 salary $4000, term 
 nine \ ears. 
 
 2. Divisions: Three 
 grand divisions, 
 seven election 
 districts; may be 
 changed by law. 
 
 3 
 
 (414) 
 
31 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1848. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1862. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1870. 
 
 Judicial ( Continued) 
 
 Judicial ( Continued) 
 
 Judicial ( Continued) 
 
 4. Places of meet 
 
 4. Places of meet 
 
 4. Places of meet 
 
 ing: Three, Mt. 
 
 ing: Chicago, Ot 
 
 ing: Same as in 
 
 Vernon, Spring 
 
 tawa, P e o r i a , 
 
 1847; legislature 
 
 field, Ottawa. 
 
 Springfield, Mt. 
 
 may change. 
 
 
 Vernon. 
 
 
 (b) County Court. 
 
 (b) County Court. 
 
 (b) County Court. 
 
 I. No county attor 
 
 i. A county attor 
 
 i. A county attor 
 
 ney. 
 
 ney. 
 
 ney. 
 
 2. Original jurisdic 
 
 2. Original jurisdic 
 
 2. Original jurisdic 
 
 tion: In civil 
 
 tion: In civil 
 
 tion: In probate 
 
 cases and crimi 
 
 cases and in all 
 
 cases and such 
 
 nal cases where 
 
 criminal cases 
 
 other cases as 
 
 punishment is by 
 fine only and does 
 
 not punishable by 
 death or impris 
 
 should be given 
 it by general law 
 
 not exceed $100. 
 
 onment in the 
 
 passed by the leg 
 
 
 penitentiary. 
 
 islature. 
 
 3. Indictment: In 
 
 3. Indictment: Not 
 
 3. Indictment: I n 
 
 criminal cases 
 
 necessary except 
 
 criminal cases 
 
 necessary. Grand 
 
 in cases of felony. 
 
 maybe abolished 
 
 jury of 23 men. 
 
 Grand jury but 
 
 by law. 
 
 
 15 men, 
 
 
 (c) Circuit Courts. 
 
 (c) Circuit Courts. 
 
 (c) Circuit Courts. 
 
 i. State s attorney 
 
 i. Sixteen circuits. 
 
 i. Legislature t o 
 
 for each circuit, 
 
 
 determine the cir 
 
 nine circuits. 
 
 
 cuits, each circuit 
 
 
 
 to contain 100,000 
 
 
 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Suffrage 
 
 Suffrage . . 
 
 Suffrage 
 
 i. Universal, white 
 
 i. Same, but foreigners 
 
 i. Universal manhood 
 
 manhood suffrage. 
 
 could vote after one 
 
 suffrage. 
 
 
 year s residence. 
 
 
 2 
 
 2. Soldiers allowed to 
 
 2 
 
 
 vote. 
 
 
 Banks 
 
 Banks . . .... 
 
 Banks . 
 
 I. All banking laws to 
 
 i. New banks absolute 
 
 i. Provided for the pas 
 
 be submitted to the 
 
 ly prohibited, old 
 
 sage of ,-\ general 
 
 people. 
 
 ones to have issues 
 
 banking law; must 
 
 
 taxed. 
 
 be submitted to the 
 
 
 
 people. 
 
 Amendments 
 
 Amendments .... 
 
 Amendments 
 
 i. By convention. 
 
 i. By convention. 
 
 i. By convention. 
 
 2. By vote-of two-thirds 
 
 2. By vote of two-thirds 
 
 2. Essentially the same 
 
 of the legislature 
 
 of the legislature 
 
 as that of 1847, ex 
 
 amendments could 
 
 amendments could 
 
 cept amendments to 
 
 be submitted, but 
 
 be submitted, but on 
 
 the same art cle 
 
 on only one article 
 
 only two articles at a 
 
 could not be submit 
 
 at a time. 
 
 time. 
 
 ted oftener than once 
 
 
 
 in four years. 
 
 Apportionments .... 
 
 Apportionments . . . 
 
 Apportionments . . . 
 
 i. Legislative. 
 
 i. Legislative. 
 
 
 
 2. Congressional. 
 
 
 (415) 
 
32 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1848. 
 (Continued) 
 
 Negroes and Mulattoes . 
 Prohibited from enter 
 ing the state if free 
 persons. 
 
 Revenue .... 
 
 1. Two mill tax, 
 
 2. Poll tax allowed. 
 
 Bill of Rights . . . . 
 
 Education 
 
 i. No specific provision. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1862. 
 
 ( Continued) 
 
 Negroes and Mulattoes . 
 Prohibited from enter 
 ing the state, denied 
 the right of suffrage, 
 legislature to enforce 
 provisions. 
 
 Revenue 
 
 1. No two mill tax. 
 
 2. Poll tax allowed. 
 
 3. Illinois Central nev 
 er to be freed from 
 its obligations to the 
 state. 
 
 Bill of Rights .... 
 Education ...... 
 
 1. General Assembly to 
 provide an efficient 
 system of free 
 schools. 
 
 2. State Superintend 
 ent. 
 
 3 
 
 CONSTITUTION, 1870. 
 
 (Continued] 
 Negroes and Mulattoes . 
 
 Revenue 
 
 1. No two mill tax. 
 
 2. No poll tax mention 
 ed. 
 
 3. Illinois Central Rail 
 road never to be re 
 leased. 
 
 Bill of Rights . . . , 
 
 Education 
 
 i. Same. 
 
 2. State and county 
 superintendents. 
 
 3. No local appropria 
 tion for private or 
 sectarian schools. 
 
 IV. 
 
 DISCUSSION IN THE CONVENTION REGARDING THE 
 NATURE OF ITS AUTHORITY. 
 
 There were three leading instances in the proceedings of 
 the convention in which it passed upon its own powers. The 
 first of these discussions was on its right to appoint a printer, 
 the second on its right to ratify the proposed amendment to 
 the constitution, and the third on its authority to reapportion 
 the state for members of Congress. The principle involved in 
 the first question was whether the convention was bound by 
 the constitution and the law under which it was called. In 
 discussing the resolution instructing the special committee to 
 report on this matter and specifically on the right of the Con 
 vention to appoint a printer, Mr. Fuller said: "As I understand 
 the law, the only object of the act is to provide a mode for 
 
 (416) 
 
33 
 
 ascertaining the will of the people with regard to the selection 
 of delegates, and when they are once chosen, and the machinery 
 of the Constitutional Convention put in motion, it cannot be ham 
 pered. Is it controlled by the Constitution? How is it possible 
 it can be after the Convention has met?" 1 The committee, 
 consisting of Messrs. Thornton, Manning, Edwards, W. J. 
 Allen, and Anthony took the following position, Anthony, how 
 ever, dissenting from the views of the majority: u It (the 
 Convention) is a virtual assemblage of the people of the state, 
 sovereign within its ow T n boundaries, as to all matters affecting 
 the happiness, prosperity and freedom of the citizens, and 
 supreme as to the exercise of all pow r ers necessary to the 
 establishment of free constitutional government, except as 
 limited by the Constitution of the United States. * * * * The fol 
 lowing conclusions are arrived at: That after due organization of 
 the Convention, the law calling it is no longer binding; and 
 that the Convention has supreme powers in regard to all mat 
 ters incident to the alteration and amendment of the Con 
 stitution ; and it has full power to contract for such printing as 
 it may require." 2 
 
 Mr. Anthony, in discussing this report, objected to the ex 
 treme pretensions and in the course of his remarks said: "I 
 should like to ask some gentleman this question: Has the 
 supreme power of this state passed out of the people to the 
 delegates of this Convention? and if so, and they had the will 
 to disorganize the present system of government now in ex 
 istence, and discharge the officers of the state, have they the 
 power?" 3 In reply to this, Mr. Richmond said: " I can only 
 answer for myself, that if the exigencies of the state required 
 it, this Convention could proceed to appoint a governor just 
 the same as they have in the state of Missouri." But he de 
 clared that all action should be submitted to the people. 
 
 1 Proceedings of Const. Conv., Jan. 7, in the State Register, Jan. 8. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal, p. 19. 
 
 Proceedings of the Const. Conv,, Jan. 9, in the State Register, Jan. 15. 
 4 Ibid. 
 
 (417) 
 
34 
 
 Other members speaking on the report expressed similar views. 
 The majority of the delegates supported the majority report of 
 the committee and so took the ground that the Convention 
 was supreme in its powers. They decided, however, by a later 
 resolution that its action should be submitted to the people. 
 Nevertheless, it was held by many members that submission, 
 \vhile the proper thing, was not necessary. Even Mr. Thornton 
 in discussing the bank proposition said: "The most liberal con 
 struction would impose no obligation upon the convention to 
 submit its action to the people." 1 
 
 In the discussion of the second point involving the scope of 
 its authority, the report of the Committee on Judiciary on the 
 power of the convention to redistrict the state for congress 
 men, held that the convention was a legislature and had 
 general legislative powers. The following passage will illus 
 trate the views of the committee: "A Convention legally as 
 sembled for the purpose and with the power to frame the 
 organic law of a state is a legislature, and not only so, but a 
 legislature within the meaning of this particular provision 
 (that the state legislatures should determine the manner of 
 choosing members of Congress) of the Constitution of the 
 United States. * * * * This Convention is a legislature authorized 
 to create laws which may abolish other legislatures; and whose 
 enactments, when sanctioned by the people, will be the 
 supreme law of the land. It has the power (whether it may be 
 thought expedient to exercise it or not) to change, amend, 
 annul, or establish the existing laws of the state; for instance, 
 in regard to practice and pleading, evidence, marriage and 
 divorce, or in regard to any other kindred subject. * * * * This 
 Convention being a legislature and being superior in power in 
 the act of making laws, to any ordinary legislature, may at least 
 do in changing or abrogating the acts of a former general 
 assembly what a subsequent general assembly might do." 2 
 
 1 Debates in the Conv. Feb. 3, in the State Register, Feb. 7. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal, p. 137. 
 
 (418) 
 
35 
 
 Mr. Weighley, from the same committee, brought in a 
 minority report in which he took a different view. In part it 
 was as follows: "This Convention is not called here to super 
 sede the legislature, or to enact and revise laws for the govern 
 ment of the people; but to propose (not make) amendments to 
 the organic law of the state. * * * * If this Convention is an em 
 bodiment of the people, and for that reason can perform all the 
 functions of the legislature proper, by the same process of 
 reasoning, it may perform the duties of the two other co 
 ordinate branches of the state government. It could depose 
 the governor and proceed at once to exercise the prerogatives 
 of that public functionary. It could remove the judges of the 
 supreme court now holding session in this capital and transfer 
 the business to this floor, to be decided by vote of the Conven 
 tion." 1 His report goes on to argue that the Constitution of 
 the United States forbids an apportionment by a convention 
 because it has delegated that power to the state legislature, 
 and that even a favorable vote of the people of the state cannot 
 legalize such an action. The convention, however, adopted 
 the views of the majority of the committee. 
 
 The question whether the convention possessed general 
 legislative power was also considered in discussing the resolu 
 tion putting certain sections of the article on banks into 
 immediate operation. Terry, Underwood and Stinson took 
 advanced ground against the power of the Convention to 
 declare an act in force at once. In reply, Mr. Burr said: Does 
 any gentleman in this hall say that this Convention is inferior 
 to the legislature, or to the executive or to the judicial depart 
 ments of the state? Sir, we have the power to change all these 
 organizations completely. The power of the convention is 
 three-fold. It is the epitome of all the powers existing in the 
 state of Illinois." After interruption he continued: "I was 
 going on to say that this Convention is an epitome of all the 
 powers which exist in the state of Illinois. It is superior to the 
 
 1 Ibid, p. 177. 
 
 (419) 
 
36 
 
 legislature and different from all the branches of the govern 
 ment in its sphere of action, and superior to everything * * * * 
 limited only by the constitution and laws of the United States." 1 
 Mr. Omelveny discussing the same question said: "I believe 
 this Convention has every judicial power, every legislative 
 power, that the people of the state possess. I believe, further 
 more, and I believe it ought to do it, that it has the power to 
 suspend the law with respect to this army board and suspend 
 their action at once." * 
 
 Congress had provided, when it submitted to the states the 
 proposed thirteenth amendment to the Constitution, which has 
 already been mentioned, that it should be ratified by the legis 
 latures of the various states. Before the convention could 
 ratify the amendment it was necessary that it should assume 
 to be a legislature. This was a step that even some of the 
 leading Democrats would not take. Mr. Edwards spoke at 
 length on the lack of power of the convention to ratify the 
 amendment. 3 Mr. Omelveny, however, took the same position 
 that he had taken on the bank resolution, contending that the 
 convention was a legislature in the full meaning of that term 
 as used by the Constitution of the United States and the bill 
 passed by Congress. Later, he said: " We have no power to 
 change the mode (of ratification) but I did say that either the 
 one mode or the other was proposed, and that this body had 
 the power if necessary, since it is both a convention and a 
 legislature." 4 In discussing the same question, Mr. Singleton 
 said: " This is the legislature. This body is what all writers on 
 law denominate the supreme law making power of the 
 state. * * * * What are we here for^ What powers are we 
 exercising? If we make laws are we not a legislative body? " 
 
 Mr. Underwood stated the position of those opposed to the 
 assumptions of the majority. He put forth his view r s in a very 
 
 1 Debates in Const. Conv. Feb. i in the State Register, Feb. 3. 
 
 2 Debates in the Const. Conv. Feb. i, in the State Register, Feb. 3. 
 * Debates in Const. Conv. Feb. 12, in the State Register, Feb. 22. 
 
 4 Debates in the Const. Conv. Feb. 12, in the State Register, Feb. 22. 
 
 (420) 
 
37 
 
 able argument in which he discussed the main propositions 
 as follows: First. The Convention has not the power to ratify 
 the amendment; because the Constitution gives Congress 
 power to prescribe the method of ratification and % Congress has 
 prescribed the legislature as the proper body; because the 
 delegates were not sent there for that purpose; and because all 
 of our acts should be submitted to the people before becoming 
 binding. Second. If the convention had the power it would 
 be inexpedient to use it at this time, because there is no real 
 danger that slavery in the states will ever be interfered with 
 by the general government; because the passage of this meas 
 ure would provoke the abolitionists to agitate again for an 
 amendment to prohibit slavery; and, finally, because it would 
 be a degrading concession on the part of the government. 1 The 
 majority of the delegates, however, by their votes supported 
 the extreme view of the prerogatives of the convention; and 
 the ratification by the convention is the only action of the 
 state on this amendment recorded by the Secretary of State. 
 The Convention attempted to exercise many powers over 
 and above the power to draft a Constitution. It assumed 
 power to investigate the conduct of the different divisions of 
 the executive department, especially as regards military af 
 fairs; and it should be noted that the investigations carried on 
 by the committee on military and the committee on finance 
 were conducted as legislative investigations and not for the 
 purpose of securing information necessary to the drafting of a 
 constitution. It attempted to instruct 2 state officers in the per 
 formance of their duties. In the case of the bank resolution 
 and specifically in the case of Wentworth s ordinance to allow 
 the people of the city of Chicago to assume control of their own 
 city government, it repealed or suspended acts of the state 
 legislature. In refusing to be governed by the provisions of 
 the law calling the convention it defied an act of the state 
 
 1 Debates in the Const. Conv. Feb. 12, in the State Register, Feb. 24. 
 
 - Resolution on Illinois Central Railroad claims and the bank resolution. 
 
 (42i) 
 
38 
 
 legislature. It reapportioned the state for members of Congress. 
 It ratified a proposed amendment to the Constitution. It pro 
 vided for the payment of a direct tax 1 by the Congress of the 
 United States. It attempted to issue bonds. 8 It proclaimed 
 the bank resolution and the three ordinances introduced by 
 Edwards, Manning and Wentworth, respectively, to be in im 
 mediate force. It appointed election commissioners for the 
 taking of a portion of the votes. It appropriated money in 
 several instances; viz., for the pay of a printer, for witnesses in 
 the special investigation of charges of disloyalty, for the relief 
 of the wounded soldiers at Ft. Donelson, for extra pay to state 
 officers for work done in getting out reports for use of the 
 members, and extra pay for officers of the convention. 
 
 This list of powers is a formidable one. and several of them 
 were not recognized by other departments of the state. The 
 governor curtly refused to recognize the instructions contained 
 in the resolution concerning claims of the Illinois Central Rail 
 road. 3 Manning s ordinance, with its appropriation of half a 
 million dollars, came to nothing. The auditor refused to rec 
 ognize the validity of the resolution granting the state officers 
 pay for extra work required by the convention, and this claim 
 was allowed only after the next legislature had made an appro 
 priation for that purpose.* The votes of the soldiers, as taken 
 by the special commission, were never recorded by the Secre 
 tary of State, probably on the ground that such votes were not 
 legally taken. We do not know that the commission ever re 
 ported the results of its labors. The pretended ratification of 
 the proposed amendment was not recognized as valid by the 
 men responsible for such action and the next legislature rati 
 fied it in the prescribed manner. The supreme court of the 
 state in the case of the City of Chicago vs. A. C. Coventry et al., 
 the case not being reported, decided that the ordinance repeal- 
 
 1 Edwards Ordinance, Conv. Journal, p. 940. 
 
 2 Manning s Ordinance, Conv. Journal, p. 472. 
 Conv. Journal, p. 421. 
 
 4 Jameson, The Const. Conv,, p. 402. 
 
 (422) 
 
39 
 
 ing certain acts for the government of Chicago and empower 
 ing the city to elect its own officers was not binding, that the 
 convention was not competent to repeal an act of the legisla 
 ture, 1 and that all action by the convention was swept away 
 by the defeat of the constitution. Thus the attempt of the 
 convention to exercise the power of a provisional government 
 came to naught. 
 
 The discussions have brought out two theories regarding 
 state constitutional conventions. One is that it is endowed 
 with all the powers of the people whom it represents and is 
 limited in its action only by the constitution of the United 
 States; the other is that the convention is only a collection of 
 delegates called to propose specific constitutional changes and 
 is limited in its action to the purpose for which it was called. 
 The majority in the convention of 1862 maintained and acted 
 upon the first theory, which was by no means a novel one. It 
 was asserted in the New York convention of 1821. "In 1829, it 
 again made its appearance in the Virginia convention. A 
 question arose as to the power of that convention to disregard 
 positive instructions of the legislature relative to the submis 
 sion of the fruits of its labor to the people. In the discussion 
 of this question, doctrines were propounded which afterward 
 ripened into the theory in question." 1 On this question John 
 Randolph said: "Sir, we have been called as counsel to the 
 people, as state physicians to propose remedies for the state s 
 diseases, not to pass any act which shall have in itself any 
 binding force. We are here as humble advisers and proposers 
 to the people." 3 
 
 The next instance of similar pretensions was in 1836 in the 
 letter of Mr. Dallas on the powers of the convention about to be 
 assembled in Pennsylvania. In this letter he said: "A conven 
 tion is the provided machinery of peaceful revolution. * * * * 
 
 Jameson, The Const. Conv., p. 397. 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 295. 
 
 3 Debates in the Va. Conv., 1829, p. 868. 
 
 (423) 
 
40 
 
 When ours shall have assembled, it will possess, within the 
 territory of Pennsylvania, every attribute of absolute sovereign 
 ty, except such as may have been yielded and are embodied in 
 the constitution of the United States. What may it not do? It 
 may reorganize our entire social existence; * * * * it may 
 restore the institution of slavery among us; * * * * it may with 
 draw the charters of our cities; * * * * it might permanently 
 suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and take from us * * * * 
 the trial by jury." 1 When the Pennsylvania Convention met 
 there was considerable discussion as to whether the law calling 
 it was binding and how wide were the powers which the Con 
 vention actually possessed. Some of the opinions expressed 
 indicated that the theory advanced by Dallas was growing. 
 Ten years later, in the Illinois Constitutional Convention of 
 1847, the two theories again clashed. General Singleton, who 
 was one of the "high rollers," or radicals, in the convention of 
 1862. tried to get a resolution adopted saying that the conven 
 tion was limited to the proposing of changes in the constitution, 
 but his resolution was tabled. 2 In the discussion of the question 
 Mr. Peters said: " He had and would continue to vote against 
 any and every proposition which would recognize any restric 
 tions of the powers of this convention." " We are," he con 
 tinued, "the sovereignty of the state. We are what the people 
 of thestate would be if they were congregated here in one mass 
 meeting. We are what Louis XIV said he was, We are the 
 State. We can trample the Constitution under our feet as 
 waste paper, and no one can call us to account save the 
 people." 3 
 
 " In 1849 this same theory made its appearance in the Ken 
 tucky convention, and four years later in Massachusetts under 
 the patronage of Messrs. Hallett and Butler." 4 In 1861 it ap 
 peared in the secession conventions. In the Alabama Con- 
 
 1 Letter of Hon. George M. Dallas in the Penrisylvanian, Sept. 5, 1836, in 
 Jameson, Const. Conv., p. 292. 
 
 2 Journal of the Convention of 1847, p. 13. 
 
 3 State Register, June 10, 1847. Jameson, the Constitutional Convention, p. 292. 
 
 4 Jameson, the Constitutional Convention, p. 296. 
 
 (424) 
 
41 
 
 vention of that year, Yancey said: " The people are here in the 
 persons of their deputies. Life, liberty and property are in our 
 hands. Look to the ordinance adopting the Constitution of 
 Alabama. It says We, the people of Alabama 7 , etc, etc. All 
 our acts are supreme without ratification because they are the 
 acts of the people acting in their sovereign capacity." l In the 
 meantime the theory had been extended. In Maryland, in 
 1837, the doctrine was put forward that a mere majority of the 
 adult males, without regard to legal forms, can at any time 
 call a convention to alter or abolish a constitution. A call for 
 a convention was issued by private individuals, who only 
 desisted upon the appearance of a proclamation of the governor 
 denouncing their action as treasonable. 2 " Five years later in 
 Rhode Island a convention, called by unofficial persons, and 
 claiming to represent the people of the state, because deputed 
 by a majority of all the male citizens twenty-one years of age, 
 resident in the state, though not by a majority of the legal 
 voters at a regular election, framed a constitution, and at 
 tempted by force of arms to maintain it as the legitimate con 
 stitution of the state." 
 
 Thus the members of the convention of 1862 could point 
 to many instances in which claims similar to their own had 
 been put forward. Some of the members had heard the 
 question debated in the [convention of 1847, and had matured 
 the theory in their own minds. The circumstances under 
 which it was asserted by the latter Convention were not, how 
 ever, favorable for a dispassionate and judicial discussion of the 
 essential principles involved. 
 
 V. 
 PARTISANSHIP IN THE CONVENTION. 
 
 There is little doubt that the leaders in the convention 
 had made up their minds to have a democratic program carried 
 
 1 History and Debates, Alabama Conv., 1861, p. 114. 
 -Jameson, Constitutional Convention, p. 297. 
 
 (425) 
 
42 
 
 out. On the very day the convention met, the St. Louis Ee- 
 publican, whose correspondent l was probably in a position to 
 know the actual condition of affairs, has the following state 
 ment: "It is expected -that the Convention will adopt some 
 measures not strictly related to the constitution. Much dis 
 satisfaction is manifested in some circles with the management 
 of army affairs here by the officials of the state. It is the opin 
 ion of many that the time has arrived when the state should 
 surrender entirely into the hands of the officers of the general 
 government the management of all matters relating to Illinois 
 troops, and especially that the expenses incurred in supporting 
 the state war machinery should no longer burden the treasury 
 of the state. ;] : * * The Convention is quite likely to adopt 
 an ordinance suspending, for the present, certain war measures 
 adopted by the special session and restraining the executive 
 officers of the state from further active army operations con 
 ducted at the expense of the state. It is believed that some 
 such measure or ordinance would give satisfaction to the people 
 of the state, relieve them from expenses which the government 
 offers to assume, and dissatisfy nobody but an army of officials 
 whose support is derived from offices which at first were un 
 doubtedly necessary, but have served their purpose and should 
 no longer be maintained." 2 
 
 An article in the Chicago Tribune on the same day indicates 
 a similar plan. "We mast not conceal from our readers that 
 there are rumors afloat; * * * * that it is said that the time 
 and occasion will be embraced as peculiarly favorable to the 
 reorganization of the Democratic party on the semi-disloyal 
 platform occupied by the Chicago Times and other kindred 
 prints; that with a high hand and in violation of all precedent, 
 a new state administration will be organized by the Convention 
 itself; that a very odious apportionment will be made; and to 
 render all sure, the constitution when completed, will be de- 
 
 1 The Pantagraph, on Jan. 8, says Springer was the correspondent for the St. 
 Louis Republican. 
 
 2 Quoted editorially in the State Register, Jan. 8. 
 
 (426) 
 
43 
 
 clared in force without submission to the people. We give no 
 credit to such rumors. * * * * We have faith that the good 
 feeling that was so conspicuous in the election of delegates will 
 be carried into the deliberations that are to ensue." 1 It is 
 evident that these reports were well founded, for the Demo 
 crats held caucuses on every question of importance, a course 
 that was certain to rouse partisan opposition, and from the 
 first session assumed a hostile attitude toward the state admin 
 istration. 
 
 This hostility towards the Yates administration took two 
 forms: an attempt to unearth fraud in the management of the 
 military department, and the attempt to displace the existing 
 state officers by reducing their terms to two years and ordering 
 an election for the next November. During the first few 
 weeks of the convention, resolution after resolution was 
 showered upon Governor Yates apparently in the form of mere 
 inquiries, but in reality calculated to git^e the impression that 
 there were gross frauds in the executive department. The 
 committee on military was instructed to carry on an investiga 
 tion as to whether Illinois soldiers were as well equipped as 
 volunteers from other states; and if they were not, the com 
 mittee should fix the responsibility for their poor equipment. 
 The information to be gained could not be and was not 
 intended to be of use in the formation of a constitution. The 
 committee on finance was ordered to investigate the war ex 
 penditures. The majority reported that the governor had 
 exceeded his authority in some expenditures, and that he 
 had retained control of the supply department after the 
 Quartermaster of the United States had signified his willingness 
 to take charge of it. 2 On more than one occasion members of 
 the convention in discussing resolutions of inquiry or demands 
 for information insinuated that there was crookedness in the 
 financial administration of the state. One of the most notable 
 
 1 Quoted editorially in the State Journal, Jan. 8. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal, pp. 674-688. 
 
 (427) 
 
44 
 
 cases of this was in the speech of Mr. Buckmaster discussing 
 the resolution instructing the governor and the army auditors 
 to suspend action in the case of the claims of the Illinois 
 Central Railroad. In this speech, he insinuated that the 
 governor had induced Army Auditor Woodworth to retain his 
 position so as to pass the claim of the Illinois Central which 
 the newly appointed auditor, Mr. Henderson, refused to pass. 1 
 It turned out on later investigation that there was absolutely 
 nothing in the charge. It was only one of the numerous in 
 stances in which extreme partisan feeling manifested itself. 
 The hostile attitude toward Governor Yates was so marked that 
 it needs no further illustration. 
 
 The partisan nature of the majority was also seen in the 
 way they deferred action upon or amended resolutions over 
 Union victories. Anthony s resolutions over the victory of Ft. 
 Henry furnish an illustration. They were referred to a com 
 mittee that reported them back the next day carefully shorn 
 of all their patriotic fervor. Such action was not popular, nor 
 was it looked upon as being quite loyal. The patriotic fervor 
 was so great that no attempt was made to modify Anthony s 
 Ft. Donelson resolutions. The majority then tried to ride with 
 the popular movement. 
 
 Manning s appropriation ordinance for the relief of the 
 soldiers appears to have been little else than an attempt to 
 make political capital out of the Ft. Donelson victory. To be 
 sure, Mr. Manning denied this and tried to get the resolution 
 through without debate, saying: "I can t fiddle while Rome is 
 burning" 2 ; but his motion for the previous quest-ion was lost. 
 In the debate both Wentworth and Lawrence referred to the 
 treasurer s statement that there was already lying in the vaults 
 of his office the sum of $800,000 in unsold bonds which could be 
 used if necessary. The facts in the case were clearly stated: 
 that the governor was on the ground, that he knew the condi- 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 420. 
 
 2 Debates in the Const. Conv., Feb. 18, in the State Register, Feb. 26. 
 
 (428) 
 
45 
 
 tions, that he had not asked for any assistance, that if neces 
 sary the bonds already printed could be sold, that it would re 
 quire considerable time to print and sign the new bonds, that 
 the Convention was without the power to authorize such bonds, 
 and that even if it had such power, the rate of ten per cent was 
 such as seriously to endanger the credit of the state. All these 
 objections were urged; nevertheless, the convention passed 
 the ordinance by a decisive majority. 
 
 Anthony in his Constitutional History of Illinois says re 
 garding this affair: There never was a more praiseworthy 
 object: but as the ordinance was introduced, as all who were 
 members of the Convention know, as a bluff, and to silence 
 hostile criticism of the action of those who were in the major 
 ity, it is needless to say it never amounted to anything." 
 Three days after the passage of the ordinance, the State Jour 
 nal in an editorial said: "The people will treat with contempt 
 and scorn the despicable meanness that would attempt to make 
 political capital out of the misfortunes of our brave soldiers." 1 
 The correspondent of the Chicago Tribune says in the issue of 
 February 30: "The appropriation of $500,000 for the wounded 
 soldiers is the subject of much comment. Members even who 
 voted for it look upon it as a ridiculous proceeding." The next 
 day the correspondent goes on to say that it was hurting the 
 credit of the state and that there had been many telegrams of 
 inquiry from financial houses concerning the strange action. 
 The State Journal editorially says: "However incorrect the 
 action of the Convention may appear to those at a distance, it 
 is notorious here that the so-called ordinance was intended for 
 no other object than merely as a voucher to the Democratic 
 majority in the Convention, whose previous opposition to the 
 war expenditures had raised a question as to their loyalty. It 
 is looked upon, not only by members, but by all who have 
 watched the movements of the Convention as a ridiculous pro 
 ceeding and damaging to the credit of the state, prompted not 
 
 1 State Journal, Feb. 21. 
 
 (429) 
 
46 
 
 by necessity but by a personal dread of popular vengeance." 1 A 
 few days later the same paper said: "We hear it stated that 
 one of the most prominent Democrats in the Convention can 
 didly admits that the famous ordinance was an innocent piece 
 of buncombe." 3 The above quotations show the consensus of 
 opinion among Eepublicans. The Democratic papers defended 
 the ordinance vigorously for a time, but later preferred to dis 
 cuss other things. 
 
 The legislative apportionments were admittedly in the in 
 terest of the Democrats. Mr. Hacker in discussing the appor 
 tionment for members of the lower house said: "So far as I 
 am concerned as an individual member of this Convention and 
 a Democrat in whom there is no guile, I do not feel disposed 
 to go for any proposition which will make, in any contingency, 
 the next general assembly doubtful." 3 Mr. Buckmaster in dis 
 cussing the senatorial apportionment explained why Clinton 
 county with a population of 10,000 was added to St. Clair and 
 Washington counties which already had more than the proper 
 population for a district. In part he said: "I am willing to 
 admit to the gentleman from St. Clair, fra.nkly, that I am act 
 ing as a Democrat in this thing; for in the first place, if we 
 make a Democratic representation it will be right; * * * Clin 
 ton county with a population of ten or eleven thousand, and 
 St. Clair with her large population, have three contiguous dis 
 tricts, and we gave it up to her because she is entitled to it> 
 and because of another thing equally important, it will make 
 the St. Clair district Democratic beyond the shadow of a 
 doubt."* This was a very frank confession of a deliberate ger 
 rymander of the state. In discussing the legislative apportion 
 ment he, Buckmaster, said that "he was elected as a square- 
 toed Democrat and that if the balance of the Democratic party 
 felt as he did it would be a party constitution." 5 
 
 1 State Register, Feb. 23. 
 
 2 Ibid, Feb. 26. 
 
 3 Debates in the Const. Conv.. in the State Register, Mar. 21. 
 
 4 Debates in the Const. Conv., Mar. 10. in State Register, Mar. 20. 
 5 Ibid. 
 
 (430) j 
 
47 
 
 The following from the Quincy Whig shows how partisan 
 the legislative apportionment was and how the Republican 
 press looked upon it. " The Egyptians at Springfield have in 
 corporated into their new constitution a grand legislative 
 apportionment scheme which is to give the dark-skinned 
 Democracy power for the next hundred years perhaps. By 
 way of showing how they mean to do it, notice that the follow 
 ing seven Republican counties with a population of about 
 164,000 are allowed seven members: 
 
 Henry 20,661 Ogle 22,887 
 
 Rock Island 21,005 Jo Davies 27,177 
 
 McHenry 22,088 Winnebago 24,492 
 
 Stephenson 25,113 
 
 " And then read this list of ten Egyptian counties with a 
 population of less than 131,000 which are to have ten members: 
 Williamson 12,205 Marion 13,733 
 
 White 12,403 Christian 10,493 
 
 Jefferson 12,965 Shelby 14,635 
 
 Washington 13,731 - Clark 14,987 
 
 Monroe 12,832 Schuyler 14,685 
 
 " However, there is little need of debate on the worth of 
 the constitution. Its illegality is in every respect so transpar 
 ent that no fair minded man can hesitate about voting the 
 thing down as soon as the chance is offered. It smells to 
 heaven with infamy and corruption." l The Chicago Tribune 
 estimates that the apportionment would havo given the Re 
 publicans who were in the majority in the state, 12 senators 
 out of 33 and 42 representatives out of 102. 
 
 It was claimed that the negro question was repeatedly 
 brought forward as a convenient method of arousing party 
 spirit and so arousing an element that would help carry the 
 constitution at the polls. In the very closing days of the 
 session one of these negro propositions was brought up and the 
 attempt made to force it through. Probably the negro 
 
 1 Quoted in Pantagraph, March 24. 
 
 (430 
 
48 
 
 question was pushed to the front so as to arouse the prejudices 
 of the southern part of the state, as that was the section which 
 controlled the Convention. Of the officers of the Convention, 
 not a single one came from north of Logan county. The im 
 portant committees were controlled by men from the southern 
 half of the state assisted by northern delegates who \vere in 
 sympathy with the extreme policy of the majority. It was no 
 accident, either, that this condition existed. It has already 
 been pointed out that the Democratic majority acted as a party 
 during the organization of the convention, and throughout the 
 entire session disposed of almost every important question that 
 arose during the proceedings by practically a party vote. In 
 their zeal, however, to make the constitution satisfactory from 
 the standpoint of the Democratic party and its ideas, the 
 leaders overreached themselves; and in the eyes of many Re 
 publicans the vote on the adoption of the constitution became 
 a test of loyalty. Even though the constitution had been ac 
 ceptable in itself, it is doubtful if the people would have 
 ratified it after the open hostility shown by the Convention to 
 the war policy of the state administration. 
 
 VI. 
 
 THE CHARGE OF DISLOYALTY 
 
 As soon as it was evident that the Convention was to be 
 controlled by the Democrats in the interests of their party, the 
 Republican papers began to make imputations as to the loyalty 
 of some of the members. The day after the Convention organ 
 ized the Chicago Tribune said: "It is probably the most ultra 
 Democratic body ever assembled in the state * * : ^ there is 
 nothing they may not do." About at the close of the first 
 week of the session the same paper contributed the following: 
 "The people of Illinois will do well to watch the operations of 
 a body known to comprise many actual sympathizers w T ith the 
 rebellion, rank secessionists at heart, who would be pleased to 
 carry with them all Egypt into the Southern Confederacy." 1 A 
 
 1 Quoted in an editorial in the State Register, Jan. 13. 
 
 (432) 
 
49 
 
 little later, the Alton Telegraph expressed itself thus:. "The 
 action of our state Constitutional Convention is most strange 
 and unaccountable, if we are to look upon them as a body of 
 loyal and patriotic men. It appears to be their constant aim 
 in every move they make to stir up the most bitter and unre 
 lenting party strife. * * * If the men who constitute the 
 majority of the Convention are sincere in their professions of 
 loyalty why do they not attend strictly to the duties for which 
 they were elected?" 1 
 
 These charges were taken up and reiterated by other Re 
 publican papers. No doubt the men who were thus voicing 
 their fears were honest in their intentions; for the assumption 
 of extreme power on the part of the Convention had raised the 
 spectre of a possible conflict of authority between it and Gov 
 ernor Yates. The Chicago Times, however, charged that there 
 was an ulterior motive back of these attacks. It said: "Not 
 a single article of the proposed constitution has been fully 
 adopted by the Convention * * * yet we find nearly the whole 
 of the Republican press of the state, led by the reckless and 
 mischievous morning sheer- of this city, banded in a violent 
 warfare against the constitution. The purpose is to pre-excite 
 the public mind against the work of the Convention; * * * 
 awaken the hostility of all class interests whose schemes may 
 be affected by the constitution, and induce them to organize 
 for the demolition of the constitution even before it shall be 
 made." 3 
 
 On February II, the Chicago Tribune contained the follow 
 ing editorial: "We conclude that behind all that the public 
 can see, deeper than anything that has yet been avowed, there 
 is a purpose on the part of the managers of the dominant party 
 in the Convention to embroil the state in a domestic quarrel, 
 possibly to push it to a conflict of arms, for purposes that are 
 not friendly to the Federal government, and which look to the 
 
 1 Quoted in an editorial of the State Journal, Feb. I. 
 
 2 Chicago Times, editorial, Feb. 9. 
 
 (433) 
 
50 
 
 aid and comfort of the infamous rebellion. There are men in 
 that Convention who would not hesitate to involve our people in 
 anarchy, who wait only the favorable moment to sieze the mili 
 tary power of the state, and to turn the arms of Illinois upon 
 the flag of our common country. There is one there known to 
 have engaged in a treasonable correspondence with a Kentucky 
 rebel, the object of which was a division of the state and a trans 
 fer of its southern extremity to the rebel confederacy." In the 
 same edition the special correspondent at Springfield, Joe 
 Forrest, stated that it was rumored that " a majority of the 
 members of the Convention were members of the Knights of 
 the Golden Circle." 
 
 This charge at once attracted the attention of the 
 members of the convention. Mr. Thornton, on February 12, 
 introduced a resolution providing for a special committee, 
 consisting of Messrs. Ross, Orme, Terry, and Burr to investigate 
 the charges and report to the convention. 1 The names of Mr. 
 Thornton and Mr. Pleasants were later added to the committee 
 by the Convention. In the discussion of the above resolution 
 Mr. Thornton said: "If one single member here is a member of 
 that order, I for one want to know it, and if so, I think * * * 
 such a one should be expelled from this body. I never had a 
 thought of disloyalty to the constitution of this glorious Union; 
 and I do not believe that there is such a sentiment in this 
 Convention." 2 Other members were just as firm in their as 
 sertions of loyalty. Mr. Wentworth said he did not believe 
 there were any disloyal sentiments in the Convention, but he 
 insisted that the reporter for the Tribune 3 was honest in his 
 belief when he made the statement, and that it was best to 
 have the matter investigated. * 
 
 This committee spent much time in investigation, called 
 witnesses from various parts of the state, traced down many 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, p. 410. 
 
 2 Debates in Const. Conv., Feb. 12, in the State Register. 
 
 3 Mr. Jos. R. C. Forrest. 
 
 4 Debates in the Const. Conv., Feb. 12, in the State Register, Feb. 13. 
 
 (434) 
 
51 
 
 rumors of disloyalty only to find that there was really nothing 
 in them. It was found that the charges in the Tribune were 
 really aimed at Mr. Wilson. The correspondent of the Tribune 
 stated in his testimony 1 "that a lady had asserted that one 
 member held a commission from Jefferson Davis for a position 
 in the rebel army; that it was rumored that within three of a 
 majority of the Convention were members of the Knights of 
 the Golden Circle; that one member made the declaration to a 
 friend, that the Convention was Slap-up/ which as interpreted 
 by Mr. Forrest was the watchword of the order; that the gov 
 ernor of the state had a letter proving a treasonable corres 
 pondence on the part of one member; that there was a list at 
 the United States marshal s office which embraced the names 
 of the secession members."* The lady referred to denied any 
 knowledge of the statement attributed to her. The governor 
 asserted his firm belief that the member of the Convention re 
 ferred to was a loyal and patriotic citizen and that he could 
 not consent to refer the matter to the committee. The United 
 States marshal for the southern district of Illinois said that he 
 had never communicated to any person any information as to 
 the disloyalty of any member of the Convention nor did he 
 know that any member of the Convention was disloyal to the 
 United States government. "The conclusion reached by your 
 committee is, that the various rumors as to members of the 
 Convention being Knights of the Golden Circle, or secessionists, 
 or implicated in any manner with any attempt to aid the re 
 bellion, or thwart the United States government to maintain 
 the Union and preserve the constitution, have no foundation. 
 So far as any evidence could be obtained, there was none to 
 taint the loyalty, or impeach the patriotism of any delegate. 
 There is no inclination to censure the reporter, though your 
 committee greatly deprecate any attempt to dignify vague 
 rumor into serious and grave charges." 3 
 
 1 Conv. Journal, pp. 941-944. 
 
 2 Conv. Journal; pp. 941-944. 
 3 Conv. Journal, p. 943. 
 
 (435) 
 
52 
 
 Loyalty, after all, is very often a matter of opinion. There 
 is no proof that any member of the convention was ever openly 
 disloyal. They all protested that they were loyal to the gen 
 eral government, but in the eyes of many loyal men their 
 action was in effect disloyal. From all the evidence to be 
 obtained, there is no doubt that some of the leaders were 
 opposed to the war, but they were not intentionally doing any 
 thing to hinder it. Although opposed to the war as it was 
 being conducted, they all claimed to be, and probably were, in 
 favor of suppressing the rebellion. They were in a mood to 
 criticise the war policy of the federal administration; yet they 
 scarcely did this distinctly, except in cases of arbitrary arrests 
 for disloyal utterances. They were too Democratic to favor 
 such a vast extension of arbitrary executive power as was 
 involved in a suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas 
 corpus and the erection of military courts. 
 
 The radical leaders did not consider loyalty to the national 
 government to include loyalty to Governor Yates and the state 
 military department. They were willing to go almost any 
 length to embarrass the officers of the state and they desired 
 the adoption of a state constitution that would enable them to 
 reorganize their party and control the machinery of the state 
 government. Their policy might have resulted in a less effici 
 ent support to the national government in some of the crises 
 of the war and so have endangered the success of the Union 
 arms. Nevertheless, we have no proof that such results were 
 deliberately aimed at by the leaders of the Convention. 
 
 (436) 
 
53 
 
 Vote of 1860 and the proposed senatorial apportionment. Shaded areas are the 
 counties giving Republican majorities. Unshaded areas are the counties giving 
 Democratic majorities. Heavy lines indicate senatorial district lines. Figures show 
 white population according to the Census of 1860. 
 
 Outside of Cook county this would have made nineteen out of the thirty-three 
 districts safely Democratic. 
 
 (437) 
 
54 
 
 Vote on the constitution as a whole. 
 
 Shaded areas are the counties giving majorities against the constitution. 
 
 Unshaded areas are the counties giving majorities for the constitution. 
 
 (438) 
 
55 
 
 Vote on the negro propositions. 
 
 Horizontal shading indicates majorities against proposition No. r; vertical shad 
 ing against proposition No. 2; and diagonal shading against proposition No. 3. 
 
 (439) 
 
56 
 
 Proposed congressional apportionment. 
 
 Heavy lines show district boundaries. Figures show white population according 
 to the census of 1860. 
 
 Outside of Cook county this would have made seven of the fourteen districts 
 safely Democratic. 
 
 (440) 
 
57 
 
 VII. 
 LIST OF AUTHOKITIES. 
 
 SOURCES: 
 
 Journal of the Constitutional Convention, Assembled at Springfield, June 17, 
 1847. Springfield, Illinois, 1847. 
 
 Journal of the Constitutional Convention, convened at Springfield, Jan. 7, 1862. 
 Chas. H. Lanphier, Printer, Springfield, Illinois, 1862. 
 
 Journal of the House of Representatives of the 22nd General Assembly, regular 
 session, convened Jan. 7, 1861. Barthache & Baker, Printers, Springfield 
 Illinois, 1861. 
 
 Journal of the House of Representatives of the 2ist General Assembly, con 
 vened Jan. 3, 1859. Barthache & Baker, Printers, Springfield, Illinois, 1859. 
 
 Journal of the Senate of the 2ist General Assembly, convened Jan. 3, 1859. 
 Springfield, Illinois, 1859. 
 
 Journal of the Senate of the 22nd General Assembly, convened Jan. 7, 1859, 
 Springfield, Illinois, 1859. 
 
 Proceedings and Debates of the Virginia State Convention of 1829-30. Rich 
 mond, Virginia, 1830. 
 
 Public Laws of the State of Illinois, passed by the 22nd, 23rd and 24th General 
 Assemblies. Springfield, Illinois, 1861-65. 
 
 Smith, William Russell. The History and Debates of the People of Alabama, 
 begun and held in the Citv of Montgomery, the seventh day of January, 
 1861. Montgomery, Alabama, 1861. 
 
 Chicago Daily Journal, 1861-1862. 
 
 Chicago Daily Times, 1861-1862. 
 
 Chicago Daily Tribune, 1861-1862. 
 
 Illinois State Register, daily, 1862, contains entire proceedings of the Consti 
 tutional Convention. Springfield, Illinois. 
 
 Illinois State Journal, daily, 1862 contains entire proceedings of the Consti 
 tutional Convention. Springfield, Illinois. 
 
 Champaign Weekly Gazette, 1861-2. Champaign, Illinois. 
 
 Urbana Weekly Democrat. Urbana, Illinois. 
 
 The Daily Pantagraph, 1861-2. Bloomington, Illinois. 
 
 New York Times, daily. New York. 
 SECONDARY SOURCES: 
 
 American Annual Cyclopedia and register of important events, volumes I and 
 
 2. D. Appleton & Company, New York. 
 ^Anthony, Elliott, Constitutional History of Illinois. Chicago, 1891. 
 
 Davidson, Alexander and Stuve, Bernard. Complete History of Illinois, from 
 1673 to 1884. Springfield, Illinois, 1884. 
 
 Eddy, T. M., The Patriotism of Illinois, a civil and military history of the state 
 during the Civil War. Clarke & Company, Chicago, 1865. 
 
 Encyclopedia of Biography of Illinois. Century Publishing Company, Chicago, 
 1892. 
 
 Jameson, John Alexander. The Constitutional Convention, its history, powers, 
 
 / 
 
 (440 
 
58 
 
 and modes of proceeding. Charles Scribner & Company, New York, 1867. 
 Lusk, D. W. Politics and Politicians, a succinct history of the politics of 
 
 Illinois from 1856 to 1884. Springfield, 1884. 
 Moses, John. Illinois, Historical and Statistical, comprising the essential facts 
 
 of its growth as a province, county, territory, and state. 2 volumes, 
 1316 p. Fergus Printing Company, Chicago, 1892. 
 United States Biographical Dictionary and Portrait Gallery of Eminent Men 
 
 Illinois Volume, American Biographical Publishing Co., Chicago, 1883. 
 
 442) 
 
Untoersttp of flltnote 
 
 Vol I MAY, 1905 No. 10 
 
 tutae0 
 
 The Progress of Labor Organization Among 
 
 Women, Together with Some Considerations 
 
 Concerning Their Place in Industry 
 
 By 
 
 BELVA MARY HERRQN, B. L 
 
 PRICE ONE DOLLAR 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. Introduction : Women in the earlier labor movements in the 
 
 United States. 
 II. Women in the principal labor organizations affiliated with the 
 
 American Federation of Labor : 
 
 1. Boot and Shoe Workers Union. 
 
 2. Typographical Union. 
 
 3. Brotherhood of Bookbinders. 
 
 4. United Garment Workers Union. 
 
 5. Ladies Garment Workers Union. 
 
 6. United Textile Workers Union. 
 
 7. Glove Workers Union. 
 
 8. Cigar Makers Union. 
 
 9. Potters Union. 
 
 10. Commercial Telegraphers Union. 
 
 11. Shirt, Waist and Laundry Workers Union. 
 
 12. Bakery and Confectionery Employees Union. 
 
 13. Building Employees Union. 
 
 14. Meat Cutters and Butchers Union. 
 
 15. Teachers Federation of Chicago. 
 
 16. Women s Union Label League. 
 
 17. Women s Trade Union League. 
 
 18. Women s Trade Unions in Great Britain. 
 
 19. General considerations. 
 
I. INTRODUCTION 
 
 WOMEN IN THE EARLIER LABOR MOVEMENT 
 
 That women have taken some part in the strikes and 
 agitation of the earlier days of the labor movement is not to 
 be doubted, but the probable results of a serious study of their 
 activities are so slight in comparison with the exertions re 
 quired that this investigation has been confined to the era of 
 Unionism beginning with the late eighties. The following bits 
 of information may be of interest, however, as suggestive of 
 general conditions in earlier times. 1 Between 1815 and 1830 
 the textile industry of the country was passing out of the 
 home into the factory and women and children who had been 
 the chief workers under the old household system followed the 
 trade into the mills. For the first few years the cotton man 
 ufacturers in New England made unusual efforts to establish 
 in their mills such good moral and physical surroundings that 
 respectable girls would be attracted thither from their country 
 homes; this was especially necessary because of the rumors of 
 disgraceful conditions in the English factories which had 
 reached this country and roused a feeling against the new 
 system of industry. The fairly comfortable ways of living 
 secured by the care of the employers, together with the pros 
 pect of earning money and the attraction of town as compared 
 with country life, were effective in bringing into the mills that 
 intelligent class of girls whose industry, attractive address, and 
 literary ambitions were the subject of so much admiring com 
 ment from both American and English visitors. That all of 
 the surplus energies of these thrifty Yankee maidens should 
 
 1 The sources of this information are the following bocks: First Report of the 
 Massachusetts Bureau of Labor, 1870; Wright, C. D. Industrial Evolution of the 
 United States, McNeill, G. E. Labor Movement; New Jersey Bureau of Labor, 
 Tenth Report, 1887; American Journal of Sociology 3: 133 etc. Also an interview 
 with Mr. McNeill. 
 
 (445) 
 
have been spent on literary clubs and papers, rather than in 
 efforts to better their industrial position is not strange, for they 
 were, on the whole, contented with their low wages, which left 
 a small margin every month to be hoarded for the 
 trousseau or for paying off the mortgage on the family farm; 
 moreover, they came from country homes untouched by the 
 labor agitation which was causing uneasiness in a few cities. 
 Unhappily the days of Lucy Larcom and the "Lowell Offering" 
 were only a transient phase of American factory life; the Irish 
 immigrants, present in small numbers from the first, became a 
 larger and larger factor in mill labor as the years went on, 
 pushing out the native American with his higher standard of 
 living and accomplishing by the later forties an almost com 
 plete substitution of Irish for native workers. Even during 
 this period there was considerable dissatisfaction with indust 
 rial conditions among wage earners and organizations were 
 formed for shortening hours and raising wages. From 1830 to 
 1835 the general unrest expressed itself in numerous strikes, 
 in which female employees often took part, but in the general 
 agitation in the interests of labor from 1825 to 1850 women 
 apparently had little share. Labor newspapers were estab 
 lished; conventions were held at which large questions affect 
 ing labor in a more or less general way were discussed, and 
 political organizations and alliances with existing parties were 
 formed. Most of these meetings and organizations were quite 
 beyond the sphere of women s interests, but that there was 
 some participation in the activities is shown by the presence 
 of Sarah Bagley as a delegate of the Female Labor Reform 
 Association of Lowell, at the First Industrial Congress in the 
 United States, in 1845. A number of women were active in 
 the ten hour movement in Massachusetts, which was begun in 
 the same year and resulted, after a long struggle, in the Act of 
 1874, limiting the working day of women and children in fac 
 tories to ten hours. Mr. George McNeill is responsible for the 
 statement that after 1845 the activity of the working women 
 themselves died out. 
 
 (446) 
 
The early organization of the boot and shoe workers, the 
 Knights of St. Crispin, had auxiliaries among the women, 
 known as the " Ladies of St. Crispin." The Knights of Labor, 
 in 1879, two years after their organization, at their third 
 General Assembly, discussed a resolution to admit women and 
 to form assemblies for them on the same conditions as men; 
 but the motion failed the two-thirds vote necessary for amend 
 ing the constitution. At the next session the General As 
 sembly passed the resolution and appointed a committee to 
 form a ritual for the government of women s assemblies, but 
 the report of this committee was not made the following year 
 and the Master Workman decided that they should be ad 
 mitted on an equality with men. This action was taken at the 
 same meeting at which it was decided to make public the name 
 and principles of the organization, that is, at a time when a 
 more rational and stable basis of the Union was agreed upon. 
 
 The liberal policy of the Knights was not at once followed 
 by other organizations; indeed, the attitude of both British and 
 American Unions toward the women in their trades had been 
 until recent years far from generous, but this conduct is easily 
 explained upon the premise of ordinary human nature on the 
 part of the Unionists, for women have often entered the field of 
 competition with men under circumstances that were particu 
 larly trying. In many trades they have been introduced at less 
 than a "living wage," after the men by strenuous efforts have 
 succeeded in establishing and maintaining standard rates and 
 when their employment had been simply a means of escape 
 from such a scale. Sometimes they have been employed to 
 break a strike and have so incurred the hatred felt for all 
 "scabs." Again, they have entered a trade together with new 
 machinery as a substitute for trained laborers and have become 
 the object of that same very natural, if not very reasonable, 
 dislike felt for the machines themselves. Thus as a weapon in 
 the hands of the employer and as a factor in the new and cheap 
 methods which the skilled workman despises and dreads, wom- 
 
 (447) 
 
6 
 
 en s work has roused considerable antagonism on the part of 
 wage earning men, whether in the Unions or not. Strengthen 
 ing these direct and personal motives has existed the general 
 disapproval of wives and daughters going outside the home to 
 work. This feeling is, however, disappearing as Trade Union 
 ists recognize the inevitableness of women s becoming a per 
 manent part of the present system of industry. Nearly all 
 Unions now pursue the policy of bringing the women of the 
 trade into the organization and thus making them a manage 
 able and measurable factor in negotiations with employers. 
 This change in attitude has taken place in both British and 
 American Unions, but that the conversion has not been com 
 plete is seen in the fact that some organizations still prohibit 
 their members from working in shops where women are em 
 ployed 1 . In 1899 the Boston Core Makers threatened to strike 
 on account of the employment of girls; and the constitution of 
 the Upholsterers forbids the members to work where girls are 
 employed otherwise than as seamstresses. These conditions 
 are exceptional and the great majority of American Unions 
 connected with trades in which w r omen are employed provide 
 for admitting them upon the same terms as men. In some 
 cases, to be sure, lower dues and benefits are the rule, as in the 
 organizations of the Bookbinders, the Potters, and the Clerks. 
 Within the "Nationals" or "Internationals" women are either 
 in separate or mixed locals; the ordinary arrangement is that 
 separate locals are formed for the main divisions of the trade, 
 and since women s work is to a good degree distinct from 
 men s, their Unions are practically women s organizations. 
 
 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, 17: 247, 323. 
 
 (448) 
 
II. WOMEN IN THE PRINCIPAL LABOK ORGANIZA 
 TIONS AFFILIATED WITH THE AMERICAN 
 FEDERATION OF LABOR 
 
 THE BOOT AND SHOE WORKERS UNION 
 
 The boot and shoe trade of the United States is an industry 
 of considerable significance, not only because it supplies a ne 
 cessity of civilized life to our 75,000,000 population, but also 
 because of the excellence of the product, which has been recog 
 nized the world over, and has created a large export trade. IH 
 1900 the total value of the product was $261,000,000, ^nd the 
 number of persons employed was 142,920. The gradual intro 
 duction of marvelously effective machines together with a 
 minute subdivision of labor has reduced the cost of the product 
 and revolutionized the character of the tasks involved. The 
 traditional shoe maker has been supplanted, not by a set of 
 unskilled laborers, but by a whole series of workers, ranging 
 in equipment of intelligence and dexterity from the heedless 
 lad of fourteen who fills the heeling machine with pegs to the 
 skilled cutter upon whose nicety of judgment will depend the 
 profit of a pair of shoes. These changes in processes have nat 
 urally brought into the trade a larger number of women and 
 children; for while many of the machines still require attend 
 ants who have strength and skill, the tendency of invention is 
 to simplify tasks. To a considerable extent women have taken 
 the place of men in operating the lighter machines, while chil 
 dren now perform the work that women were doing heretofore; 
 and, since a larger part of the work is done by these cheaper 
 classes of workers, a reduction of total wages paid has neces 
 sarily followed. These considerations partly explain the fact 
 
 Twelfth Census: Manufactures, 3: 760. 
 
 (449) 
 
8 
 
 that in the decade from 1890-1900 the number of wage earners 
 increased 6.9 per cent and the value of products 18.3 per cent, 
 while the total wages decreased 2.5 per cent, although the pur 
 chase of a larger part of the stock of soles must also be recognized 
 as accounting for some of this apparent decline. The proportion 
 of men in the trade fell from 68.4 per cent in 1890 to 63.8 per 
 cent in 1900; women rose from 29.8 to 33 per cent and children 
 from 1.8 per cent to 3.2 per cent. In Massachusetts the em 
 ployment of children between fourteen and sixteen has remained 
 practically stationary, owing to the better enforcement of laws 
 and to the feeling against child labor in that State. But while 
 women are slowly encroaching upon the men s field of work ? 
 there is little direct competition between the sexes at any given 
 time, and the most recent innovation noticed by a visitor to 
 the factories is the employment of Jewish and Armenian men 
 in the women s domain. 
 
 The delimitation of women s work in boot and shoe mak 
 ing is fairly clear and may be briefly described. The manage 
 ment of stock, consideration of models and cutting of leather 
 and lining are tasks of skilled men, who work in the quiet of a 
 room where there is little machinery; the numerous parts of 
 the upper, tied into methodically arranged bundles, pass to the 
 fitting room, where linings are glued to outers, edges are bev 
 eled, buttonholes or eyelets made and the parts are sewed 
 together to form a complete upper. In the ordinary shop this 
 work is done by women entirely. The processes vary in the skill 
 required from the simple pasting together of bits of cloth and 
 leather to the nice task of vamping, that is, sewing vamps to 
 uppers without guide lines. In the last division of the work is 
 comprised the making of the sole and heel which has been 
 blocked out in the cutting room and the fastening of the 
 uppers to the sole, or lasting. These tasks are carried on 
 through elaborate processes by means of complicated machines, 
 in the management of which strength and skill are required, 
 and hence they are unsuited to women s capacities. Women 
 
 (450) 
 
9 
 
 are not considered as possibilities in the cutting room; although 
 in the stress of some peculiar labor difficulties one or two were 
 tried in one of the Massachusetts factories last year; lacking 
 experience, they were naturally not successful. The impor 
 tance of the cutter s skill is easily realized when one remembers 
 that by a slight carelessness in laying his patterns, he may 
 waste more than his day s wages. 
 
 According to the report of those who had lived there for 
 years, social conditions in the shoe towns of Massachusetts are 
 healthy and encouraging. An intelligent Lynn woman, who 
 had been one of the factory girls and had continued to take a 
 great interest in their welfare, thinks that there is no place 
 where there are so few social discriminations made against the 
 factory operatives and where she may lead as interesting and 
 pleasant a life outside of factory hours. Other persons cited 
 instances of the girls passing from the work room to the desk 
 of the accountant or the schoolmistress by means of the train 
 ing of the night schools. In Brockton Union officials told of 
 the quite common practice among the operatives of buying 
 homes by installments; in order to do this the husband is often 
 aided by his wife, who goes into the factory and earns enough 
 to support the family while his wages are applied to the pur 
 chase of the house. In Chicago, wages are good but are men 
 aced by the competition of smaller towns; this fact led at the 
 close of a recent strike to the making of contracts without 
 the provision for insurance against strikes and the use of the 
 label. The Union people felt that they might lose by arbitra 
 tion in which rates in the competing towns were considered 
 and the employers were indifferent to the advertisement of the 
 label. Nine tenths of the Chicago women shoe workers are 
 said to be in the Union and among them are some experienced 
 and wise leaders. Statistics of the number of married women 
 in the trade were not obtainable. 
 
 The records of the earlier organizations of the boot and 
 shoe operatives are difficult to obtain and of little significance 
 in our study. Hence we pass them over and take up the Boot 
 
 (450 
 
10 
 
 and Shoe Workers Union, which was organized in 1889 and 
 practically reorganized, upon the Lasters becoming amalga 
 mated with it, in 1895. At this time there took place a stren 
 uous contest concerning the rival policies of low or high dues 
 and benefits; the low-dues policy won, and ten cents a week 
 with no benefits was determined upon as a financial basis of 
 the organization. In 1899, a new constitution was adopted 
 which provided for twenty five cents weekly dues, two thirds 
 of it to go to the general treasury, and prohibited the introduc 
 tion of lower dues. 1 A sick benefit of $5.00 a week after the 
 first week, a death benefit of $50.00, or $100.00 after two years 
 membership, and a strike benefit of $4.00 a week after the first 
 seven days, are provided for. 2 Since the introduction of the 
 policy of high dues and benefits the organization has had a 
 most encouraging growth; the membership, receipts and num 
 ber of locals have doubled during the year 1902 3 ; and during 
 the biennium, 1902-1904, the number of label factories has in 
 creased by 71 and the number of members by 15,982.* This de 
 velopment has occurred in the face of very trying difficulties 
 with local independent Unions that have refused to come into 
 the general organization and have done much to hinder its 
 progress. 
 
 In spite of the declaration in the preamble to the constitu 
 tion in favor of the final abolition of the wage system and of 
 the collective ownership by the people of the means of produc 
 tion, distribution, etc., the Boot and Shoe Workers Union is a 
 conservative body. The watchword of the president and of the 
 treasurer is "maintain our contracts" and the large expense in 
 curred in carrying into effect this policy is a proof of their sin 
 cerity. Not only in the emphasis laid upon sound finance, but 
 also in other phases of general policy there is manifested a nice 
 
 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, 17:52. 
 
 2 Constitution of Boot and Shoe Workers, 1902. 
 8 American Federationist, Jan., 1903. 
 
 4 Proceedings of Sixth Convention, 21. 
 
 (452) 
 
11 
 
 sense of proportion in estimating the importance of the various 
 elements of Trade Union activity; the necessity of attending 
 first to the poorest paid laborers, its insistence upon better sys 
 tem of work in factories so that laborers may not lose time and 
 temper in waiting for work, the avoidence of strikes for small 
 causes, all point to a high degree of business sagacity upon the 
 part of the Union officers. 
 
 According to the President s estimate, one fifth of the 
 members of the Boot and Shoe Workers Union are women. 
 A comparison of the history of the local Unions in which men 
 or women predominate would be of little significance owing to 
 the policy of the Union in granting the label. Contracts are 
 made with employers, according to which, in return for the use 
 of the union stamp and a pledge upon the part of the Union to 
 refrain from strikes, they employ only union laborers, and re 
 fer questions of wages, etc., to arbitration. 1 When this agree 
 ment goes into effect, of course all employes in the given fac 
 tory must become members of the Union. Now, even in the 
 factories where women s shoes are made the male operatives 
 far outnumber the women, and the women s opinion upon the 
 unionization of the factory needs to be considered only after 
 the conversion of the employer and the male workers, and is 
 not a matter of prime importance. In like manner the growth 
 of a local Union composed largely of women may not indicate 
 any activity upon the part of the women, but merely the fact 
 that the general Union has been able to convince the employer 
 that increased sales due to the label and freedom from strikes 
 are worth what is asked for them. 
 
 The welfare of women workers is well provided for in the 
 constitution of the Boot and Shoe Workers Union. One of the 
 objects of the organization is stated to be the establishment of 
 "uniform wages regardless of sex"; conditions of membership 
 are exactly the same for both; any male or female over sixteen 
 
 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, 17:109; Report of the Sixth Convention of 
 the Boot and Shoe Workers Union, 19. 
 
 (453) 
 
12 
 
 actively engaged in the craft is eligible, and fees and benefits 
 are identical. 1 That this policy is carried out honestly by the 
 Union we have no reason to doubt and there appears to be no 
 friction among the Union members because of sex. As has 
 been pointed out, there is little direct competition between the 
 men and women at any given time. While there is no provis 
 ion for separate locals for the women, in the large shoe towns, 
 where the trade is to a good degree unionized, they are practi 
 cally segregated by the practice of organizing a local for each 
 department. For instance, in Brockton there are ten or twelve 
 locals; of these the stitchers and vampers organization is over 
 whelmingly feminine; the stitchers number twenty five hun 
 dred. Lynn is not nearly so well organized and out of the five 
 locals only one, the stitchers, consists almost wholly of women. 
 These women belonged to a mixed local" one made up of 
 workmen doing quite different tasks until a year ago, when 
 they formed a separate body with two hundred and fifty mem 
 bers. Naturally in these women s Unions the members feel much 
 more free in discussing Union affairs than they are in the pres 
 ence of the men. They are likely to elect women officers, but 
 it is worthy of note that of the four paid agents of the Brockton 
 Stitchers only one is a woman. Whether the women of the 
 local had greater confidence in the financial ability of men or 
 whether there were no women competent for the places is not 
 clear; from this same local there were sent to the convention 
 of 1904 six men as representatives. 
 
 Of the interest of women in the affairs of the organization 
 it is difficult to judge; the women and girls whom the writer 
 met were in most cases leaders, and were firmly convinced of 
 the efficacy of the organization as an ameliorating influence in 
 their lives. But all complained of the indifference of the ma 
 jority of the women, accusing them of frivolity and of short 
 sightedness in not perceiving that their fair wages and other 
 benefits were the result of Union efforts, in return for which 
 they must make some sacrifice. Their attendance upon meet- 
 
 1 Constitution, 1902. Sections 44, 52, 53, 68, 69, etc. 
 
 (454) 
 
18 
 
 ings may be taken as an indication of the degree of the active 
 interest of the women in their locals. One Union of twenty 
 five hundred members reported fifty as the average attendance; 
 but the secretary said in a personal interview that the number 
 necessary for a quorum, thirteen, was not always present. 
 Fifty was given as the average for two locals of about one hun 
 dred and fifty each, and ten for one of two hundred. These 
 figures are for several of the great shoe towns of Massachusetts 
 and are probably typical. Attendance of men is proportion 
 ally much larger, but too much stress must not be laid upon 
 the contrast, for attendance involves for the women the sur 
 mounting of greater obstacles, such as home cares, unusual 
 fatigue, and fear of the perils of the night. 
 
 The interest shown in buying Union label goods is not 
 encouraging in Brockton, a completely unionized town. Union 
 officials declared that non-label shoes were sold in every store 
 in town and that a like condition existed with regard to other 
 goods. This indifference can not be charged to women more 
 than to men, except in so far as they dispose of the larger part 
 of the family income. 
 
 Another indication of women s interest in the Union is 
 their representation in the general convention and the part 
 they take in its deliberations; at the convention of 1904 there 
 were one hundred and ninety delegates, of whom sixteen were 
 women; this is a proportion of 8.4 per cent, while according to 
 the statement of the president about twenty per cent are 
 women. On the seven committees of nine persons each, seven 
 members were women, or eleven per cent of the whole. They 
 are represented on all of the committees except that on appeals 
 and grievances and that on the constitution, two of the most 
 important. There is one woman on the executive board of 
 eleven and there are one or two women organizers. One of the 
 first matters for consideration in this convention was the un 
 favorable report upon a proposed amendment to the constitu 
 tion, providing for reduced dues for women. 1 Upon this sub- 
 
 1 Proceedings of the Sixth Convention, p. 41. 
 
 (455) 
 
14 
 
 ject four of the women spoke vigorously in favor of retaining 
 the high dues. Upon other subjects two or three spoke several 
 times during the convention, usually upon some subject that 
 concerned women s interests, and always in favor of the con 
 servative line of action. 
 
 In the judgment of the President of the Boot and Shoe 
 Workers, whose opinion is important on account of his experi 
 ence in dealing with them, women members of the Unions pre 
 sent no special problems and are not particularly different in 
 disposition from the men; they are normal but somewhat dif 
 ferentiated units in the organization; they have little influence 
 as factors in molding the general policy of the Union, and are 
 not leaders in active general work; but they are sensible and 
 likely to be "on the right side." One interesting observation 
 made by this official was that it is harder to induce women to 
 compromise than men; they want the exact thing they have 
 asked for and nothing less; hence, in strikes they want to hold 
 out to the bitter end. They are hard to convince of an error 
 and likely to see only the details of a question but he added 
 "so are many of the men." 
 
 In so far as concerns women in the Boot and Shoe Work 
 ers Union, then, we would seem warranted in drawing the fol 
 lowing conclusions: 
 
 (1) Conditions are favorable for organizing them and 
 holding them in the organization because the policy of grant 
 ing the label to manufacturers who employ only Union labor, 
 together with the fact that men predominate in all shops, prac 
 tically forces the women in a given factory to join the Union. 
 
 (2) Wages in the trade are in most places comparatively 
 high. 1 
 
 (3) While women are slightly encroaching upon men s 
 
 1 In the stitching room one half of the women receive from $10.50 to $10.99 an d 
 over, three fourths from $8.$o to $8.99 and over, and one fourth above $12.50 to $12.99. 
 In Lynn Union vampers make $18.00 a week in busy season and $12.00 when very 
 dull; other stitchers get from $9.00 to $12.00. These figures indicate the possibility 
 of a high standard of living and a spirit of independence which makes organization 
 less difficult. Twelfth Census, Employees and Wages, 570. 
 
 (456) 
 
15 
 
 work, yet there is no great amount of direct competition and 
 no feeling that women are a menace to men s standard of wages; 
 this condition favors cordial relations between the sexes and 
 makes the women less suspicios of an organization in which 
 men predominate. 
 
 (4) The policy of equal and high dues and benefits, which 
 for a time was opposed by women, has finally roused a sense of 
 the power and importance of the Union. 
 
 (5) Women take an active part in management of some 
 locals, especially where there are female officers; but officials 
 complain of the indifference of the majority. 
 
 (6) They are not a directing force in the activities of 
 conventions but are intelligent and conservative when they do 
 express themselves. 
 
 THE TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION 
 
 Printing establishments are of two classes, quite distinct in 
 organization, machinery, hours of labor, and wages; they are 
 the newspaper and periodical, and the book and job offices. On 
 all counts but number of employees and wages the newspapers 
 and periodicals are about twice as important as the book and 
 job trade. But for the student of women s work the newspaper 
 office is of little interest, because of the overwhelming prepon 
 derance of men. There are a few women employed on news 
 papers in the large cities as machine operators or proof read 
 ers; in smaller towns they set up straight matter but are never 
 employed as a " make up " or in the " ad room." Women press 
 feeders are under the jurisdiction of the International Printing 
 Pressmen. 
 
 In 1900, there were, in the newspaper and periodical of 
 fices, 73,658 men, earning nearly $45,000,000; and 14,815 women, 
 earning $4,600,000, a ratio of something less than five to one in 
 favor of the men. During the decade 1890-1900 there was a 
 much greater increase among the women than among men, 
 
 (457) 
 
16 
 
 suggesting that competition had led to a search for cheaper 
 labor. 1 Comprehensive figures for the percentage of women in 
 book and job offices are entirely wanting, but according to 
 estimates of employers and wage earners the proportion of 
 women is between two-thirds and one-half of the total. Of the 
 9,045 workers upon the linotype machine, 520 were women. 
 A large proportion of these machines are in newspaper offices 
 and a partial explanation of the small number of female oper 
 ators in this class of work is found in the necessity for night 
 work on all morning papers. Besides, the rush and strain of 
 this business make it little suitable for female labor. In Bos 
 ton, on two or three evening papers, women are employed on 
 the linotype at the same wages as men, according to Union 
 scale, $22.26 for seven and one half hours per day or 42 hours 
 per week. 3 This in spite of the fact that the president of the 
 Typographical Union testified before the Industrial Commission 
 that women had not the mental and physical endurance to 
 maintain for any time the speed made by men. 
 
 In considering the division of labor between men and 
 women in the printing trade, the most significant fact is one 
 that does not appear in a description of the processes; it is the 
 custom, or unwritten law, that women enter the trade as regu 
 lar workers, receiving regular pay after six weeks tuition in 
 type-setting, while men serve an apprenticeship of four years; 
 this means of course that women learn merely setting up plain 
 matter, while men go through a curriculum made up of all the 
 processes of the trade. This places the two classes upon funda 
 mentally different bases. If the man fails to find work in one 
 department, he has the chance of turning to another; as oppor 
 tunity offers he can pass from the lower to higher grades of 
 work with increasing remuneration. Moreover, as an all round 
 workman, he is worth more to his employer, for he can be 
 
 twelfth Census, Manufactures, 3: 1044. 
 
 *Ibid. 1 1 06. 
 
 3 Report of the Industrial Commission, 17:260. 
 
 (458) 
 
17 
 
 turned from one kind of work to another as occasion demands. 
 Women s work is largely confined to setting up "straight mat 
 ter" and "distributing," or returning type to the proper boxes. 
 Both processes are light, but require some education and con 
 stant attention. Imposing, or dividing the galleys into pages, 
 is ordinarily done by men, because it involves considerable 
 heavy lifting. So, too, locking up the properly placed pages 
 into forms which simply means putting a sort of frame on the 
 collected sticks which are to constitute the page is done by 
 men, for the same reason. The hand or foot press upon which 
 the trial galley is printed involves heavy work and is managed 
 by men. In proof reading, however, no distinction is made be 
 tween men and women. The work must be done by practical 
 printers, for not only must the text be correct, but in book work 
 it must present no awkward spacings, no piling up in ugly 
 columns of recurring monosyllables, no improper indentations 
 of lines or numerous other errors that would mar the appear 
 ance of the page. Of course, expert proof reading is an art not 
 to be learned in a day, and hence the majority of readers are 
 printers of long experience; although in a very high class 
 printing establishment young college men are taking up proof 
 reading, having just learned the necessary type-setting. Sub 
 ordinate to the proof reader is the copy holder, who reads the 
 manuscript or copy; this work of course requires only ability to 
 read the text. The copy holder is nearly always a young girl 
 who looks to learning type-setting later. Feeding the press is 
 wearisome work, because it involves standing for a considerable 
 time, but otherwise it requires no great strength and little 
 skill; it is largely done by women. On the other hand, manag 
 ing the press, adjusting the machine, watching its movements, 
 etc., involves some knowledge of machinery, some dexterity and 
 judgment, and considerable strength. It is dirty work, too, 
 and necessitates climbing about the machines in a way that 
 would be impossible for a woman on account of her dress. 
 Hence, the pressmen have no competition from their sisters in 
 
 (459) 
 
18 
 
 the trade. Upon the linotype machine both men and women 
 are at work; the key board is managed in much the same way 
 as a typewriter and the same sort of skill is required. At the 
 bottom of the scale of workers young girls are found doing 
 simple unskilled tasks; the smarter-sones of these are given a 
 chance to learn the trade. The preparing of frontispieces, pam 
 phlets, advertisements, hand bills, etc., is more difficult than 
 setting up plain matter, for it requires some skill in making an 
 attractive page; so, too, is the making up of a page of news 
 paper or other periodical. Men usually do these things, although 
 women occasionally learn the art by watching men at their 
 tasks and asking to be allowed to help at some opportune 
 moment. 
 
 It will be seen from our account that the chief field of 
 competition between men and women in the printing trade is 
 in setting up straight matter. The women compare well with 
 the men in accuracy of work, but can not ordinarily do so much 
 as their male competitors in the same time. The Secretary of 
 the Typographical Union says that all employers are agreed 
 that women can not compete with men where the same wages 
 are paid. This statement was corroborated by several Boston 
 master printers, who declared that if they had to pay the same 
 time wages to women they would turn all the girls off, because 
 they could not earn the $17 and $18 per week which was the 
 Union rate. One large employer s wage schedule for women 
 piece workers showed earnings from $10 to $14 for type setters 
 upon full time. Since this was according to the Union piece 
 scale, it went to justify the statement as to the smaller amount 
 of work done by the women. A Union official states that in 
 non-union offices in Boston women are employed at from $8 to 
 $12 per week on a time scale. Women are employed upon the 
 linotype in small numbers on Boston afternoon papers, where 
 a Union time scale is paid, but there are few in other cities. 
 That they are employed at all shows that some women can earn 
 the scale and equal men in quantity, as well as quality, of work; 
 
 (460) 
 
19 
 
 that they are employed in very small numbers less than a 
 dozen is a matter for reflection. Is it because only a few 
 choice women can compete on equal terms with men, or must 
 the prejudice of the employer or of brother workmen be con 
 sidered? That the women employed are above the average in 
 ability is denied by the employers, as is also the existence of 
 prejudice on their own part. They said they did not care whether 
 women or men were in the offices, and attribute the scarcity of 
 women to the attitude of the Union, a matter which we will take 
 up when considering Union policy regarding women s work. 
 In one fine book establishment a number of women were found 
 at work upon the linotype machine and were said to be as effi 
 cient as the men and were paid the same wages. Women are 
 employed as proof readers, moreover, in Union book and news 
 paper offices, on the same time scale with men, but in non-union 
 offices they get less. In the oldest printing establishment in 
 the country, where the highest class work is done, the employer 
 explained the difference by the fact that the men were better 
 educated, some of them even being college graduates. In the 
 three kinds of work mentioned above women hold their own- in 
 the more difficult tasks, proof reading and linotype operating. 
 Many parts of the trade are not suited to women s strength, 
 but the more complicated kinds of type-setting, advertising, 
 bill heads, etc., seem to be a field where women might prove 
 efficient. Why she does not learn this more difficult work is a 
 question answered in different ways. She doesn t care to work 
 hard for a larger salary, declares a prominent Union official; 
 an employer, a leading member of the Typothetse, when asked 
 if a woman would be given a chance to learn the more difficult 
 and better paid processes, answers frankly, no; for the employer 
 does not wish to have his workmen hindered with helping along 
 girls who stay only a short time in his service. This gentle 
 man, a person apparently without any prejudice on this subject, 
 insisted upon the importance of the temporary character of 
 women s labor as an influence keeping them from rising to the 
 
 ( 4 6i) 
 
20 
 
 best classes of work. He admitted that a few women stayed on 
 ten or more years, but a large proportion of his men had been 
 with him for over that period. None of the women left for 
 work in other houses; most of them were getting married; some 
 went home to take care of parents or orphaned brothers and 
 sisters; but matrimony was regarded as the main cause of 
 women s position in the trade. Another large Boston employer 
 thought that women were no more transient than men, but 
 admitted that the majority of type-setters, both men and wom- 
 ,-5i, were not likely to remain long in one place. He explained 
 iris preference for girls by saying that they were more contented 
 and of much higher character than the men. 
 
 The place of women in the International Typographical 
 Union is of particular interest, for there is a greater degree of 
 competition between the sexes in the printing than in most 
 other trades. The constitution directs locals to organize all 
 women within their jurisdiction as soon as possible, and place 
 them upon the same basis with men as to wages, dues, and 
 benefits. In 1902 the general convention made provision for 
 the establishment of separate locals for women, but at the 
 present time no such Unions exist. The results of the policy of 
 an identical scale are difficult to decide. Employers say that 
 insistance upon a uniform time scale for men and women is 
 simply a means of putting women out of the trade, The head 
 of a large Boston printing house is responsible for the statement 
 that the printed reports of conferences between the representa 
 tives of the Typothetae, on the one hand, and of the Union, on 
 the other, contain the declaration of the Union officers that the 
 Union policy was to force women out of the trade by insisting 
 upon the same scale for them as for men compositors. Boston 
 is the one place where women s competition is a most serious 
 matter; they have been employed in the city and suburbs in 
 large numbers from an early date, and are organized to a very 
 small extent. The secretary of the Boston local estimated that 
 there were 500 to 600 women type-setters in Boston, Norwood, 
 
 (462) 
 
21 
 
 and Cambridge in the book and job trade, and 600 to 800 men; 
 of these women a small per cent is in the Union. The trade as 
 a whole is less well organized in Boston than in other large 
 cities, and the questions arise whether the small success of 
 organization and the extensive employment of women are 
 related as cause and effect and, if so, which condition is prior 
 to the other. Master printers say that women are employed 
 because the Union is not strong enough to enforce its uniform 
 scale. Unionists explain their comparative lack of strength in 
 this locality by the fact that women have- so long been em 
 ployed here, and that they are very difficult to organize. The 
 impartial observer finds several conditions that go toward 
 explaining their employment in such large numbers. In the 
 first place, the preponderance of the book trade, with its demand 
 for type-setters on "straight matter/ which is the work women 
 usually do, would make their employment a natural thing, if 
 men were scarce or unruly. Besides, the example of the early 
 employment of women in the textile factories, the spirit of 
 New England thrift and independence, and the general high 
 degree of intelligence and education among all classes must be 
 considered as reasons for the introduction of women into the 
 Boston printing offices. In New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago 
 their presence in the trade is of no significance. A New York 
 Union official considered women inferior in ability and explained 
 their presence even in small numbers by saying that it had be 
 come the custom to have a few women in some offices. In 
 Chicago, the nature of the trade is said to preclude the extensive 
 employment of women; since newspapers, trade journals, job 
 work, and an enormous amount of catalog printing constitute 
 the greater part of the business; most of this is rush work, is 
 made up of other than straight type-setting, and is paid by the 
 time scale, all of which make it unsuited to women. 
 
 Printing is one of the trades in which direct competition 
 between the sexes has led to some hard feeling. On the one 
 hand, the local officials complain that they can "do nothing 
 with the women", that they have failed after repeated efforts 
 
 (463) 
 
22 
 
 to enlist their sympathy and interest; and they seem disgusted 
 with the frivolity of the sex. On the other hand, capable and 
 intelligent Union women insist that the organization does not 
 want them, and favors men, wherever possible, by giving them 
 places and advancing them at the expense of women competi 
 tors. This action is possible because the foreman in all Union 
 offices has the right to discharge for incompetency and to select 
 the best workmen according to the Union scale, and can of 
 course discriminate against women employees, if the feeling in 
 the shop is with him. Instances were cited of foremen s refus 
 ing to consider the claims of women who were of unquestionable 
 ability; men would boast that when they got to be foremen they 
 would turn out all the women, but when it came to carrying 
 out this threat they were not always ready to deprive themselves 
 of some of their best workpeople. One instance of very flagrant 
 neglect on the part of Union officials to make the most of an 
 opportunity to explain Union principles to a large number of 
 women who were interested in the movement gave considerable 
 weight to other accusations. The exact condition would prob 
 ably be difficult for an outsider to determine, but from the 
 attitude of both men and women it seems probable that the men 
 have tried to bring women into the organization, and have 
 failed, and that they have given up the matter with rather bitter 
 feelings toward female competitors both inside and outside the 
 Union. Yet there is often good fellowship between the men 
 and women members of the local, and the man most discon 
 tented with the progress of the women spoke with great respect 
 of some who were capable and dignified. A much larger per 
 centage of the men in the craft than of the women are enrolled 
 in the Union, and all Union representatives agree that women 
 are much harder to organize than men. An explanation for 
 this lack of interest is given by the general secretary as follows: 
 "A large percentage of women who work, are merely doing so 
 until they find the man of their choice, and become the head 
 of a household. They do not expect to work at it for a life 
 time; consequently there is no use of their joining the Union. 
 
 (464) 
 
23 
 
 Again, proprietors, as above stated, claim that they can not pay 
 men and women the same wages for the reason that women 
 can not perform the same amount of work as do men. Women 
 therefore decline to join the Union, fearing displacement by 
 men in case they do so." The question at once arises: Why 
 does the Union insist on an identical scale? Would it not be a 
 measure of justice which women would recognize, to establish 
 a differential? 
 
 Once within the Union women seem, for some reasons, to 
 lack interest in its activities; in the small towns it sometimes 
 happens that they are of considerable influence, and act as offi 
 cers, but in the cities they hold no official positions, and do not 
 largely attend meetings. In the general organization they are 
 not represented among the officers and organizers, and are only 
 occasionally sent as delegates to conventions. When asked as 
 to their having any influence on the Union policy, the very 
 non-committal answer was given by a general official, that they 
 had their votes as did the men. This, with other evidence, jus 
 tifies one in inferring that they are not a factor in the policy or 
 politics of the organization. The failure of women Unionists 
 to attend local meetings is worth noting here, because it brings 
 up certain features of the mixed local that are of significance. 
 The policy of organizing according to the department of work 
 results, in many trades, in practically separating men from 
 women; the Typographical Union thinks it best to have all 
 printers in a city as members of a single local, and the provision 
 for separate locals for women has never been taken advantage 
 of; hence we have in the cities very large bodies which are 
 overwhelmingly masculine. If women came to meetings in the 
 same proportion as men, they would still form a small group in 
 a large roomful of men; they would have little influence; and 
 would find the atmosphere little to their taste, for it is likely to 
 be black with tobacco smoke. Like other politicians, the men 
 wrangle and draw out the discussions to unconscionable length, 
 and the women, taking little part in the discussion, naturally 
 become tired and depart in disgust. Another reason for non- 
 
24 
 
 attendance at meetings is the fact that these are often held on 
 Sunday afternoons, the only time which working women have 
 for visiting and recreation; for they can not go out as freely in 
 the evening as men. These considerations may seem trivial, 
 but, in reality, they are suggestive of fundamental difficulties 
 in mixed organizations. It is certain that women are most 
 unlikely to speak freely, and take an active and unembarrassed 
 part in gatherings where men are in the majority, and that 
 men do feel themselves abused and imposed upon, if obliged, 
 out of respect to women, to give up the privilege of smoking at 
 regular meetings. 
 
 The Women s Auxiliary of the Typographical Union is com 
 posed of the women belonging to the families of the Union 
 printers and is organized with "locals 7 and "international" cor 
 responding to those of the Union. The objects of the society 
 are the social enjoyment of its members and the furthering of 
 labor interests. The locals insist upon the use of label goods, 
 agitate for improvement in child labor laws, look after the sick 
 of the society, and increase the good fellowship among the fam 
 ilies of the locals by social gatherings. 
 
 3. THE INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF BOOKBINDERS 
 
 Like type setting, book binding is a trade which men acquire 
 thoroughly by means of a four years apprenticeship; while girls 
 learn one process in a few weeks, become full fledged workers, 
 and possibly remain at that task for a long time. In large 
 offices raw girls are taken in for folding, the simplest work, and 
 from these the foreman selects the most fit for the higher 
 grades; in offices in smaller towns a girl has a chance of learn 
 ing all the women s tasks, and a year or more is required for 
 completing them. With the exception of folding, the different 
 kinds of work are of about the same difficulty, and since a girl 
 earns more at the task at which she is proficient than at a new 
 one, she remains at that task by preference, unless intermittent 
 work shifts her from one to another kind of labor. The absence 
 of competition between the sexes in this trade gives an inter- 
 
 (466) 
 
25 
 
 esting opportunity of studying a division of labor based upon 
 the nature of the tasks themselves, rather than upon custom, 
 prejudice, or the policy of the Union. Men do the tasks which 
 require strength not necessarily in the process itself but in 
 auxiliary labor such as handling heavy piles of paper or books; 
 they also do most of the work upon the machines, for these 
 require both strength and some knowledge of machinery, such 
 as ability to discover and remedy minor difficulties; women and 
 girls in the trade have to do with the machines proper in only 
 two processes, folding and sewing, and w^ork usually with a 
 tool upon a simple task that requires often considerable dexter 
 ity and constant attention. 
 
 According to the opinion of Union officers and employers, 
 the girls in the trade are mostly of American birth, and of all 
 ages between fourteen and sixty, though most of them are 
 young. In one large shop of high standing it was said that 
 three fourths were in the shop five years before. The employ 
 ment of the women is threatened by several new machines that 
 are on the market, but have not been perfected; the folding 
 machine is not new, but is becoming more satisfactory all the 
 time; and with it a man and four girls do the work that eight 
 or ten girls did with the simpler machines or by hand. Gather 
 ing and pasting machines are not in general use because their 
 work is not quite true, but they too are in a way to be perfected 
 soon. Their use will mean the displacement of a number of 
 girls in every shop large enough to make the introduction of 
 the machines profitable. Girl folders in the neighborhood of 
 Boston get $4.40 a week; the most skilled workers make $12 to 
 $14. Occasionally a girl makes $18. The general secretary of 
 the Union writes that there is a stream of girls passing through 
 the trade, remaining a few years and then marrying or going 
 to something else, but that when a girl once becomes proficient 
 she is likely to remain in the trade some time. 
 
 Corresponding with the difference between the positions of 
 men and women in the industry, the requirements of the Union 
 for the two classes are different: men must have served their 
 
 (467) 
 
26 
 
 four years apprenticeship, while employment at any branch of 
 the trade makes women eligible. In like manner dues and ben 
 efits differ; men pay 25 cents, and women 17 cents to the inter 
 national; strike benefits per week are $5 to an unmarried 
 man, $7 to a married man, and $4 to a woman; funeral 
 benefits are $50 for all classes. Added to these are local 
 dues, bringing the total payment to 25 or 30 cents per month; 
 one society has a 75 cent tax, and gives a sick benefit, which few 
 locals provide for. Women are organized into mixed locals 
 and those composed wholly of women. Of twenty women s 
 locals reported, all but one had women secretaries. The third 
 vice president is a woman, and when asked what influence wo 
 men had upon the policy of the Union, the general secretary 
 replied that they had their proportion of delegates, but no re 
 port of their activity was given. Much stress is laid by a num 
 ber of local secretaries upon the importance of the label. In 
 bookbinding we have a trade in which general conditions are 
 favorable for the organization of women workers; their tasks 
 being complementary to those of men, no feeling of jealousy 
 between them exists, and the men have every motive to foster 
 the growth of the women s locals. Fair wages, comfortable 
 shops, and work that is not particularly disagreeable attract to 
 the better establishments girls of fair intelligence, a character 
 istic most advantageous to the growth of Unionism among any 
 set of people. The bindery girls are also of American birth 
 largely and hence are free from the hindrance of differences of 
 language and of race prejudice. It may be noted here that one 
 of the most influential women Unionists in the country belongs 
 to the bookbinder s craft. As explained in the consideration of 
 the Boot and Shoe Workers Union, the existence of a large 
 number of label shops makes it difficult to estimate the inter 
 est of the women by their numbers; but in this case there is a 
 larger proportion of women than in the shoe factories and they 
 thus have a greater influence in determining whether the shops 
 shall be unionized. Upon the whole their position is much like 
 that of the Boot and Shoe Workers, though wages are not as 
 
 (468) 
 
27 
 
 good; many of the locals seem to be in a healthy condition, and 
 no general cause of difficulty or discord exists; but with a few 
 exceptions women have little influence upon the general policy 
 of the organization, and they are found to give up their alle 
 giance more easily than men and to neglect meetings of their 
 locals. 
 
 4. THE UNITED GARMENT WORKERS 
 
 The United Garment Workers Union includes men and 
 women engaged in the manufacture of ready-made and special- 
 order clothing. Custom tailors have a separate organization, 
 as did also the special order workers until 1903. The trade in 
 cluded in 1900, 120,950 wage earners, of whom 69,862 or 57.8 per 
 cent were women. l The preeminence of New York as a centre 
 of the trade is due to the constant and enormous inflow of for 
 eigners who on account of their low standard of living and gen 
 eral helplessness constitute a very cheap instrument of produc 
 tion. Chicago, the second city in importance, for like reason 
 is the seat of a large industry; both places, of course, possess 
 the general commercial advantages of a metropolis. The pro 
 duct of the trade includes (1) men s and boy s pants, vests, and 
 coats, (2) overalls and other workingmen s garments, and (3) 
 special order clothing suits made to measure but without fit 
 ting and usually according to factory methods. The general 
 conditions of work and division of labor are different in the 
 production of these various classes of goods and shops are usu 
 ally specialized for the making of coats, pants and vests. 
 
 The organization of labor in the clothing manufacture is 
 varied; but the feature best known to the public is the system 
 of sub-contract practiced by many of the so-called manufactur 
 ers, who take the risk of profit or loss, buy the cloth, and sell 
 the finished garment. In the manufacturers own rooms these 
 garments are cut by skilled workmen and are then finished in 
 one of the following ways : they are given out to contractors, 
 who (a) finish them in their own shops, or (b) divide them up 
 
 1 Twelfth Census, Manufactures 3: 267. 
 
 (469) 
 
28 
 
 among sub-contractors, or (c) parcel them out to individuals. 
 Sometimes the manufacturer may have them finished upon his 
 own premises, by workmen hired directly by him. The owner of 
 the goods is call ed the manufacturer, although it is only in the last 
 mentioned case that he produces according to factory methods; 
 he is, however, the one person in the business who has capital, 
 for the contractor and sub-contractor are usually immigrants 
 of a few year s residence, possessing little means. They employ 
 still later arrivals from European countries to work long hours 
 at very low wages and in unsanitary surroundings. The dis 
 tressing details of their hopeless condition have been brought 
 to the attention of the public by various investigators and have 
 roused sympathy for the victims of this so-called "sweating 
 system". That the extreme poverty and helplessness of sweat 
 ed laborers were the result of the sub-contract method of pro 
 duction, and that sub-contract work was the essential element 
 of sweating, was generally believed until the British investiga 
 tion 1 proved that the evils of low wages and long hours were 
 also present where there was direct employment of laborers 
 and that they were always to be found wherever there are con 
 gregated large numbers of persons who are industrially help 
 less, whether from lack of training, physical strength, mental 
 alertness or familiarity with surroundings. In the great cloth 
 ing centers of New York and Chicago the "system" is made 
 possible by the congestion of an enormous foreign population, 
 little skilled in American methods of work and unacquainted 
 with the language and industrial conditions of the country. 
 That the trade is largely in the hands of the Jews is easily ex 
 plained by their race traits and economic situation. Owing to 
 the governmental or customary restrictions under which they 
 have lived for centuries in other lands, they are unfitted for 
 many of the more remunerative lines of employment. They 
 have great industry and endurance arid are ready to kill them 
 selves with hard work in order to raise their children to a high 
 er plane of living; and because of their over-developed commer- 
 
 1 Mrs. Willett, Women in the Clothing Trades, 33. 
 
 (470) 
 
29 
 
 cial sense they are attracted to any trade that gives them the 
 chance of rising easily to the place of employer and of thus 
 bargaining and making their income in the form of profit. The 
 contract system of the clothing trade presents this opportunity 
 and its miserable conditions do not deter men inured to hard 
 ships of all kinds. The large number of this race in the trade 
 have prevented a more extensive employment of women, in 
 the first place, because the constant inflow of Jewish immi 
 grants with their readiness to accept small wages and work 
 long hours destroys the usual advantage of female labor; and 
 in the second place because it is against Hebrew tradition for 
 women to continue other than home work after marriage. 
 With the German tailors the custom is quite different; in New 
 York there are many of this nation working with wife and child 
 ren and one or two outsiders as assistants, in what may be called 
 family shops. 1 Besides these two, there are various other na 
 tions represented in the industry; in the special order trade 
 which is centered in Chicago the majority of workers are Swedes, 
 and in both New York and Chicago large numbers of Italian 
 women finish off garments. Among the cutters there are Irish, 
 English, Germans, and Swedes. 
 
 The giving out of work to people living in very crowded 
 and filthy parts of the great cities signified of course a produc 
 tion under most unsanitary conditions and worst of all the 
 evils was the danger of contagion arising from making gar 
 ments in the living room of the tailor where filth and disease 
 were often present. These shops have now been partially done 
 away with as a result of restrictive legislation. Garments are 
 still finished by Italian women in their own living rooms, but 
 registration and an inadequate inspection have done something 
 to reduce the danger of contagious disease from this source. 
 Family shops and those employing a very small number of 
 helpers still form 23.2 per cent of the total number of shops, 
 the other extreme in size is represented by the 1.2 per cent of 
 factories with more than 250 wage earners; shops employing 
 
 * Mrs. Willett, Women in the Clothing Trade, 33. 
 
 (471) 
 
30 
 
 from 5 to 20 persons constitute 47.2 per cent of the whole, and 
 those employing from 21 to 50 are 19.9 per cent. 1 The most 
 peculiar organization of labor is found in the "task" coat shops 
 of the New York Jews; according to this plan the garment is 
 made by a "team" consisting of three men, an operator, a bas- 
 ter and a finisher; these are usually supplemented by a presser 
 and a girl for sewing on buttons, who work for two or three 
 teams. This division of labor is very effective, especially when 
 one swift workman probably the master of the shop sets the 
 pace. 
 
 The largest part of the product is made in what may be 
 called transition shops; they are of moderate size, with from 
 fifteen to fifty employes, and differ from the task shop in not 
 having the work divided up among teams and in paying wages 
 by tl^e week rather than by the task. They differ from the 
 factory in their smaller size and in the fact that the garments 
 are not owned by the master or cut on the premises. The fac 
 tory system is characterized by a minute division of labor 
 among a large number of employees, who are hired by the firm 
 that owns and cuts the garment. The economy of this organi 
 zation consists in the possibility of using a large amount of un 
 skilled, in connection with a small amount of skilled labor and 
 in the usual advantages of division of work. The breaking up 
 of processes is here carried to the extent that a hundred per 
 sons may be employed in making one coat. The factories are 
 likely to be in better condition than the smaller shops, for they 
 are more easily inspected, and regulations as to the legal work 
 ing day are more closely observed, because there is more time 
 work and laborers have no incentive to labor over hours. The 
 work is so minutely divided and hence requires so little skill 
 that any workman, or set of workmen, can be easily replaced 
 in a city with a large and helpless immigrant population. 
 This fact and the ever present alternative of giving work to 
 the "outsiders" tend to keep wages down and prevent the 
 growth of Unions among factory workers. 
 
 Twelfth Census Manufactures, 3: 267. 
 
 (472) 
 
31 
 
 The most skilled and important part of the trade, the cut 
 ting, is always in the hands of men, who also do a large part of 
 the pressing, which requires considerable strength. Women 
 perform such minor processes as felling, sewing on buttons, 
 tacking, making pads and pulling out bastings. They also 
 make buttonholes and do certain kind of basting. Both men 
 and women operate machines. In general, the Germans make 
 greater use of women s work than the Jews, who are largely 
 responsible for the restriction of women s w r ork in New York. 
 The employment of women is not materially influenced by the 
 different systems of production or by the use of mechanical 
 motive power. In the large overall factories with the excep 
 tion of the cutters practically all the employees are women. 
 Much of the finishing of men s garments is done at very low 
 rates by the Italian women home workers both in New York 
 and Chicago. In some factories a large number of girls are 
 taught button hole making free in order that from among 
 them some skilled workers may be chosen for the fine work on 
 men s coats. The superintendent of a large factory having 
 characterized women s work as routine and unskilled admitted 
 that here, as in other trades, sensitiveness of touch made them 
 superior in a few processes. 
 
 In 1902 the Garment Workers Union was composed of 179 
 local bodies, of which 83 were made up of men only and 96 of 
 women, or both men and women. l In the winter of 1903-04 
 the policy of organizing women separately was given up. As 
 regards financial benefits women are practically upon the same 
 basis as men. No women delegates were sent to the first two 
 conventions but since 1895 they have constituted an increasing 
 percentage of the whole. This indicates considerable interest 
 on the part of the women s Unions, for all delegates are sent at 
 the expense of the local body. In the mixed Unions there 
 is a slight tendency to send a disproportionally large number of 
 men. Until 1899 the women delegates served only in a general 
 way; since then they have usually had one out of the seven places 
 
 1 Mrs. Willett, Women in the Clothing Trade, Chapter on the Trade Union, 
 
 (473) 
 
32 
 
 on the Executive Board. At the present time two women are 
 members of the Board. 
 
 Women have had little influence in the determination of 
 the general policy of the Union; in the conventions they rare 
 ly take part in discussions of questions of broad interest or in 
 particular cases except where they are immediately concerned 
 As expert witnesses on special conditions they speak to the 
 point, and they perform valuable supplementary work and have 
 contributed to the orderly character of the meetings. The vi 
 tality of the women s locals has been carefully studied by Mrs. 
 Willett with the following conclusions: The very weak Unions 
 that lived less than two years were those whose formation had 
 been due to the label s being forced upon a small number of wo 
 men by the manufacturer or by tailors, anxious to extract con 
 cessions from an unwilling employer. But it is also found that a 
 good proportion of the successful Unions have been formed 
 under the influence of the label; so it would seem that the la 
 bel must be strengthened by other conditions, especially by the 
 presence of a strong body of Unionists in the community and 
 by some intelligence on the part of workers. The custom of 
 the Jewish women of giving up work after marriage has made 
 the efforts to organize them wholly ineffectual. Unlike most 
 of the Unions considered in the present study the social func 
 tions of the women s locals in the United Garment Workers 
 seem to be the most important force in maintaining interest in 
 the organization and are especially prominent in small towns. 
 The various "benefits" of most Unions appeal less to women 
 than to men, and when there is no strike excitement and no 
 immediate rise o,f wages in sight it is very hard to hold the wo 
 men together, and to make them attend meetings and pay their 
 dues. It is then that the social attraction is introduced to pre 
 vent the falling away of the indifferent. The importance of 
 this side of Union activities is forcibly expressed by Mrs. Wil- 
 lett as follows: "Unless through practical compulsion from 
 without I doubt whether any woman s Union has maintained 
 itself with a large membership for a considerable number of years 
 
 (474) 
 
33 
 
 without the aid of dances, card parties and social gatherings of 
 other kinds. The greater ease with which social bonds are de 
 veloped in the small towns and cities accounts largely for the 
 greater activity of the Unions located in small places." The 
 Union has done excellent service as a school in which knowl 
 edge of prevailing conditions of the trade is gained, and a clear 
 ness of judgment and a sense of responsibility and fair mind- 
 edness are developed. 
 
 5. THE LADIES GARMENT WORKERS UNION 
 
 Like the United Garment Workers, this Union undertakes 
 the very difficult task of organizing a body of wage earners 
 composed largely of unskilled foreigners, whose numbers are 
 increased every year by immigration. Its jurisdiction covers 
 the workers on women s garments, while the United Garment 
 Workers Union is made up of persons employed on men s 
 outer garments. New York is the center of the women s as 
 well as the men s clothing trade. Before 1880 the trade in 
 women s ready made clothing was confined almost entirely to 
 cloaks; in the eighties suits were added, and in the nineties 
 lingerie; shirt waists have become an item of importance in 
 the manufacture, but owing to changes in fashion this part of 
 the trade is again on the wane. In these shops, as in those for 
 men s clothing, usually only one kind of garment is made, and 
 the proportion of skilled and unskilled labor, wages and other 
 conditions vary considerably with the nature of the product. 
 The chief classes of garments are cloaks, suits, skirts, waists, 
 shirt-waists, wrappers and underwear. Cloaks require the 
 largest proportion of skilled labor and in cloak shops is found 
 the largest number of men, including some Jewish and Italian 
 finishers; they employ from eight to fifteen workers. 1 There 
 is a tendency for the small contractors to increase in number 
 because the insignificant amount of necessary capital can be 
 borrowed by giving a mortgage on finished goods and the con 
 tractor has an advantage over the large manufacturers in not 
 
 1 Twelfth Census, Manufactures 3: 29. 
 
 (475) 
 
34 
 
 paying expensive designers and cutters; he copies designs and 
 does his own cutting. In spite of the skill required on these 
 garments, which must show the precision in cut and finish 
 found on men s coats, together with variety in design and 
 elaborateness of detail, the work is being divided up so that 
 unskilled immigrants and especially women are increasingly 
 employed and at lower prices than have prevailed. They are 
 enabled to do the work that formerly required considerable 
 experience by a more minute division of labor and the use of 
 new additions to the sewing machine, which cost little and 
 render a simple movement or adjustment as effective as a dex 
 terous manipulation of the cloth by an experienced hand. 
 Wages in the cloak shops are usually paid by the piece, or oc 
 casionally by the hour, but the task system of the coat manu 
 facture has no place here. The skirt and waist constituting a 
 woman s suit are frequently made in different places. Skirts 
 are made in shops similar to those for cloaks. Electric or 
 steam power prevails in Boston, while many foot machines are 
 found in New York. The skirt trade is suffering severely from 
 the declining use of separate waists and skirts. 
 
 "Last year 1 men constituted 75 per cent of the employees 
 in the skirt shops; this spring they have fallen to 60 and by 
 fall it will be 50 per cent only": such was the estimate of an 
 intelligent Union organizer. There is a larger proportion of 
 women than in the cloak shops; here they baste, do some oper 
 ating, and finish. Most of the workers are Jewish, but there 
 are a good many American operators. The shirt waist indus 
 try has developed rapidly in the last few years, big shops grow 
 ing out of small ones on every hand, but it is believed that a 
 change in fashion is about to cause a rapid decline in the de 
 mand for these garments. Shops run from fifteen to one hun 
 dred or more employees. Men do the cutting of waists but the 
 remainder of the workers are usually women, who easily learn 
 the tasks; for the operating or sewing up of the waist is divided 
 up into a number of small parts. Work is more regular here 
 
 1 1903. 
 
 (476) 
 
35 
 
 than in some other branches of the trade, the girls finding 
 something to do during the greater part of the year. They 
 average about $5.00 per week but get as much as $9.00 or 
 $10.00 for a short time in the better shops. Improvement of 
 conditions is said to be hampered by the competition of the 
 Italians, and in many places wages are very low. 
 
 The wrapper trade differs from the others here mentioned; 
 the garments are made in larger shops and wages are perhaps 
 $1.00 per week less than for similar work in waist making. This 
 is explained by the fact that the quality of the work is not as 
 important as in other garments, so that cheap unskilled labor 
 is used and factories have been established in the coun 
 try towns where labor is cheaper than in the city. In Glouces 
 ter three or four hundred girls are employed in one shop, which 
 has its office and part of its cutting rooms in Boston. This is 
 possible because little careful supervision or attention to details 
 is required for the rough work on these garments, and the re 
 sult is that the possibility of the country factory serves as a 
 threat to keep down city wages. After the cutting the work 
 is done by Jewish or Italian girls. There are no Union wrap 
 per shops. Conditions in the white goods factories vary great 
 ly and the Union has done little with them thus far. The work 
 ers upon women s garments of all kinds suffer from most of the 
 ills that are found in the men s clothing industry, chief among 
 which is the presence of a large and constantly increasing immi 
 grant population, who easily acquire the skill necessary for most 
 of the processes of the trade. In the ladies clothing business 
 there is the additional evil of a demand peculiarly sensitive to 
 changes of fashion and to the prosperity of the times. A change 
 in the general character of the garment, as the decline in the use 
 of separate waists and skirts, is likely to mean a temporary 
 falling off in the demand for labor in the ready made trade, for 
 a new style of garment is likely to be made at first by custom 
 tailors or dressmakers or by the individual wearing them. Con 
 stant changes in cut and manner of trimming is another unfor 
 tunate circumstance for the worker, for they necessitate read- 
 
 (477) 
 
36 
 
 justments of wage scales which are likely to give the better in 
 formed employer an opportunity of reducing earnings by some 
 manipulation of rates. 
 
 After considering the conditions of the trade, it is not to be 
 wondered at that a labor organization in it has been attempted 
 only in the last few years and that its label as yet represents a 
 hope rather than an achievement. 1 At present it is estimated 
 that one-eighth of the workers are organized. In the spring of 
 1900 the cloakmakers of New York, who had had a Union for 
 a number of years, issued a call for a convention to those or 
 ganizations throughout the country representing the makers of 
 ladies garments. The convention met in June, and New York, 
 Baltimore and Philadelphia responded to the call ; officers were 
 elected and a label was adopted. In the first year there were 
 thirty-nine local strikes, thirty-three of which were won ; there 
 were twenty-six compromises effected without a strike and 
 wages of Union employees were increased twenty-five per cent. 
 During 1901- 02 there were 150 strikes of which 125 were won 
 and eighteen lost, wages were raised and conditions improved. 8 
 The year 1903- 04 was marked with incessant troubles with 
 employers, not only by strikes but by a phenominal number of 
 lockouts, which were inspired by a determined opposition to 
 the Union and occasioned by the employers advantage of a dull 
 market. Nearly all locals have suffered from efforts of the mas 
 ters to disrupt them. 3 A lengthy struggle between six hundred 
 corset workers in the West and their employers was notable 
 because of the support received from outsiders and of the low 
 wages and petty tyranny which it revealed. The Union had 
 gained a nine hour day, a fixed repair schedule and an increase 
 of ten per cent in wages, but after a year the firm reduced wages 
 to the old standard and demanded individual contracts. Many 
 of the girls have persisted in their refusal to go back under 
 these conditions and the firm claims to be able to do without 
 
 1 Philip Davis, Organizer, in the Federationist, Jan. 1904. 
 
 2 Federationist 9:610, 1902. 
 
 8 President s Report, I9O3- O4. 
 
 (478) 
 
37 
 
 them. It is evident that the Ladies 7 Garment Workers will 
 have to encounter a militant opposition from the manufactur 
 ers, who partake of the general reactionary feeling against 
 Trade Unions and find encouragement in the youth and weak 
 ness of this organization and in the condition of the labor mar 
 ket. 
 
 In the organization of this Union there are one or two 
 somewhat noticeable features ; the constitution provides that 
 in case a strike voted for by a local Union is disapproved by the 
 general Executive Board, the local has the right to appeal 
 through the Secretary- Treasurer to a vote of the general mem 
 bership. If their action is sanctioned by a two-thirds vote, 
 the Executive Board must sustain the strike. This is a demo 
 cratic arrangement and tends to reduce the power of the officers. 
 Another decentralizing provision of the constitution is that the 
 per capita tax to be paid into the general treasury shall, after 
 being voted by the convention, be referred to the locals and de 
 cided by a majority of votes cast ; all other questions of finance 
 are decided by the locals. The result of this policy is seen in 
 the complaint of the Secretary-Treasurer that many strikes are 
 lost because no financial aid can be given them and that the 
 funds are entirely inadequate for the needs of the organization. 1 
 At the convention in Boston in June, 1904, by advice of the 
 President, the constitution was amended so as to permit the 
 discussion of socialism. What will be the result of this radical 
 action upon the management of Union affairs cannot be fore 
 told. To an observer it seems to signify the despair of men 
 hopeless of ameliorating by Union methods the hard condition 
 of their trade. 
 
 As in most other Unions, so in the Ladies Garment Work 
 ers, women have the same rights as men ; but they have had in 
 fact little influence upon the policy of the organization. They 
 number about fifteen hundred, more than half of the work 
 ers in the trade, but only one-sixth of the members of the 
 Union. They officer their own locals and two women were sent 
 
 1 Report I903- o4. 
 
 479) 
 
88 
 
 as delegates to the convention of 1903 but they are not repre 
 sented on the general Executive Board or among the general 
 officials. In certain cases the women in the trade have shown 
 considerable endurance and independence, as the corset work 
 ers of Aurora and the wrapper makers of Boston, who upon 
 their own initiative formed a vigorous local in spite of consid 
 erable opposition from employers. In New York and other 
 great centers the girls in the trade are largely Jewish, but there 
 are some American born operators and Italian finishers. In 
 some instances the American girls are said to be less willing to 
 join the Union than the Jewish, owing to their dislike of being 
 recognized as wage workers, and the officers express great dis 
 couragement on the subject of rousing the interest of the wo 
 men. One intelligent organizer gives as the two great weak 
 nesses of the Union, the facts that so large a part of the work 
 ers consists of "an element most difficult to deal with, as wo 
 men admissably are", and that the label has a "clientage" of 
 women, who constitute "a class which is even more backward 
 in the keen perception of their duties as consumers than in their 
 rights as producers". Only a small proportion of women wage 
 earners are in the Unions and these are not always zealous in 
 their efforts to purchase Union made goods ; the families of 
 Union men likewise fail to express their preference for label 
 goods. 
 
 This Union more than any other looks to the women s la 
 bel organization for aid in educating women as consumers; it 
 has opposed the work of the Consumers League, because that 
 society does not consider fair wages as one of the conditions 
 upon which it grants its label ; an agreement has been made 
 between the two organizations, according to which the League 
 restricts its label to white goods, but its whole activity is con 
 sidered by the Union officers as a menace to their work. In 
 view of the nature of the product and the characteristics of the 
 consumers it seems doubtful whether a label policy can be made 
 effective by the workers on women s garments ; strictly enforced 
 laws regarding "sweat shop" methods of production and the 
 
 (480) 
 
39 
 
 immigration of foreigners seem to be the only means by which 
 a flourishing Union can be made possible. 
 
 6. THE UNITED TEXTILE WORKERS 
 
 The large number of women workers in the textile factories, 
 the early date of their employment, and the great success of 
 British Unions in this trade lead one to expect an interesting 
 Union movement among American cotton and woolen opera 
 tives, The facts, however, do not sustain the inference. Until very 
 recently the textile Unions have included only the few skilled 
 workmen, and the present comprehensive organization is very 
 new and weak. This late and unsatisfactory development is to 
 be explained by peculiar conditions in the trade. The manu 
 facture of woolen and cotton goods is uncertain in its profits 
 and its demand for labor because of its direct dependence upon 
 agriculture for raw materials. The woolen trade has the added 
 disadvantage of an inadequate domestic supply, combined with 
 the vagaries of an unstable tariff; moreover, it is especially 
 subject to the whims of fashion which may necessitate sudden 
 and expensive changes in machinery which will wipe out 
 profits and the chance for advanced wages. The cotton indus 
 try is fortunate in its nearness to the world s cotton fields, but 
 so uncertain are the weather and other conditions determining 
 the size of the crop, that the value of cotton has become the 
 subject of a most elaborate system of calculation, of much un 
 informed guessing, and of underhand manipulation. So keen 
 is competition and so close is calculation of cost, that an entire 
 year s profits may depend upon the foresight of a manufac 
 turer in buying at a favorable turn of the market, and the 
 cleverest management finds it hard to produce at a profit when 
 there is so great a shortage in the cotton crop and such high 
 prices as ruled during 1903. Both profits and wages suffer 
 from a season of high priced cotton, for competition is so se 
 vere that it is difficult to raise the price of the finished product 
 to correspond with the increased cost of raw material. More 
 permanent and disastrous for the welfare of New England cot- 
 
 (481) 
 
40 
 
 ton operatives than a season s high priced raw material, how 
 ever, is the competition of the Southern mills, which within 
 the last fifteen years has become a real menace to the cotton 
 manufacture of the North; for not only have the Southern 
 mills the advantage of nearness to the cotton fields, but they 
 also pay much lower wages owing to the low standard of liv 
 ing and the unorganized condition of the employees. Demands 
 for higher wages by the Northern operatives are likely to be 
 met by the stock reply that the low current prices of finished 
 product allow only a minimum return or none at all to capital; 
 and the fact that this is frequently true makes it a plausible 
 response for all times. Not only does the cotton trade suffer 
 from unstable prices of raw material and severe competition 
 but it is also peculiarly sensitive to the depressing effects of hard 
 times; for, while cotton cloth is a necessity of civilized life? 
 our extravagant American consumption may be considerably 
 reduced for a season or two without real inconvenience and 
 smaller incomes result in lessened expenditure for such things. 
 These hard conditions for the manufacturer have resulted in a 
 very low marginal demand for the textile operative which has 
 attracted to the industry only those wage earners, who from 
 lack of strength or training or knowledge of the language and 
 customs of the country, are for the time at least incapable of 
 making their way in more exacting and remunerative lines of 
 employment. Exceptions are found, of course, in the respon 
 sible and highly skilled workmen whose exceptional ability 
 must be paid for here as elsewhere. 
 
 Cloth making is one of the few great industries in which 
 both men and women have been engaged in something like- 
 equal proportions from very early times. At present there is a 
 decided increase in the proportion of men in the textiles as a 
 whole, and especially in the cotton trade. In the twenty years 
 from 1880 to 1900 the ratio of men increased from 34.4 to 44.8 
 per cent, and that of women decreased from 48.4 to 41.9 per 
 cent. The explanation of this change is to be found chiefly in 
 nature of the new machinery. In several of the textile proces- 
 
 (482) 
 
41 
 
 ses there is direct competition between men and women. In 
 the carding room, where little skill is required, both men and 
 women are found. Ring spinning is done by women and mule 
 spinning by the men. The mule spinning is more skilled work 
 and involves constant walking and handling of the machinery. 
 Work in the slashing room is done by men, because it is heavy, 
 is carried on in a steam saturated atmosphere, and requires the 
 handling of hot starch ; girls do spooling, or getting the thread 
 ready for the slasher. Weaving is done by both men and girls, 
 and it is here that the most direct competition takes place. 
 Loom fixers, who are skilled mechanics are men. In quality of 
 work, women equal men : but they usually tend a smaller num 
 ber of looms, although some unusually strong women can aver 
 age as much as the best workmen. The large number of work 
 men in the textile mills are paid by the piece and men s earn 
 ings ordinarily amount to more than women s. 1 
 
 Unions of certain classes of textile workers, like the Mule 
 Spinners and Loom Fixers, are not new, but these as a rule have 
 been composed of skilled workmen and have not touched wo 
 men workers. In 1891, a Union was formed which was meant 
 to include all workers in textile mills except the cotton mule 
 spinners, who already have a charter from the American Feder 
 ation of Labor. The policy of this new organization was unfor 
 tunate and it soon came in conflict with the Federation, whose 
 officers threatened to organize the textile workers into a new 
 Union if the existing society did not refrain from political agita 
 tion. As a result new officers, approved by the Federation, 
 were elected in 1897 ; and in 1899 measures were taken looking 
 to a new organization which would include the existing textile 
 Unions, formed of workers in various processes, such as the 
 carders, mule spinners and slashers. As late as the convention 
 of 1903 the silk workers declined to enter the Union and insist 
 ed upon having a separate charter from the Federation of La 
 bor. This was refused upon the policy of forming only one 
 national Union within a trade. In 1901, the organization was 
 
 1 T velfth Census, Employees and Wages, XXXIV. 
 
 (483) 
 
42 
 
 completed and embraced all textile workers except the mule 
 spinners, who had a strong society with prior rights of recogni 
 tion by the Federation of Labor. 
 
 The proportion of women in the Union seems to be about 
 the same as in the trade. The president estimates that forty 
 to fifty per cent of the 14,000 members are women, yet it is said 
 to be difficult to get women interested. One very evident ex 
 planation of this indifference is the presence of large numbers 
 of very young girls who are roused only by the prospect of a 
 picnic or a dance. The age of the majority of female workers 
 is said to be between fourteen and twenty-four. The girls in 
 the Union are usually there through the influence of father 
 and mother. Organizers have amusing experiences when, 
 after attracting young women to a Union meeting by means of 
 a dancing program, they attempt to inculcate Union doctrines 
 and find their young auditors bored with the speeches sitting 
 with eyes turned longingly to the waiting musicians. The 
 national executive council of twelve includes one woman but 
 there is no other female officer. Of the sixty-nine delegates at 
 the convention in 1903 five were women; on the ten commit 
 tees, of three persons each, were two women. The local or 
 ganization are usually mixed bodies. It is said by those in au 
 thority that women do not come to meetings regularly, nor in 
 as large proportion as the men do, but any question of interest 
 will bring them out. They are more faithful in time of strikes, 
 aid in collecting money and in other ways, but ordinarily can 
 not be said to take an active part in Union affairs; although 
 here, as elsewhere, representatives testify that there are some 
 excellent women Unionists. The predominance of young girls 
 and the expectation of marriage are given as reasons for lack 
 of interest. 
 
 7. THE GLOVE WORKERS UNION 
 
 The glove trade and its workers are of economic interest 
 on several accounts ; it is a trade that, from the character of 
 the work involved, is peculiarly suited to old countries, and is 
 transplanted to our Machine governed land only in a modified 
 
 (484) 
 
43- 
 
 form, and with a different organization of labor ; it is localized 
 in a peculiar and picturesque way in small towns, and a large 
 part of the work is done by women in their homes. The indus 
 try originated before the middle of the century and has grown 
 steadily, but at an accelerated rate, in the last decade, when 
 the establishments increased from 324 to 394, the capital from 
 $5,977,000 to $9,127,000, the value of the product from 10,000,- 
 000 to $17,000,000, and the workers from 8,187 to 14,436. A no 
 ticeable fact about this growth is that the ratio of capital to 
 product has remained about the same, while in almost all other 
 industries the percentage of capital has increased at the ex 
 pense of labor. Thus it appears that the workmen have little 
 to fear from the encroachment of machinery. Yet this does 
 not mean that no improvements in mechanism are made, for on 
 glove-sewing machines, the main element of fixed capital, there 
 have been forty-six patents issued in the United States. The 
 growth of the industry has been almost entirely in men s gloves, 
 which often equal foreign makes in quality. Of sixteen million 
 dollars worth of product twelve and four-tenths millions were 
 men s gloves, two and four-tenths millions women s, and the 
 rest childrens . 2 This specialization is explained by the diffi 
 culty of obtaining fine skins, by the nature of the labor, and by 
 the character of European competition. The European glove 
 makers have inherited the dexterity of manipulation and the 
 patience necessary for the delicate work of making women s 
 gloves. 
 
 The localization of the industry in Fulton County, New 
 York, is not due to any peculiarly advantageous economic con 
 ditions, but rather to a lack of hindrances, the start which the 
 industry got, and its peculiarly gregarious character. This 
 county, with the two glove towns, Grloversville and Johnstown, 
 contains over half the 14,180 wage earners in the trade and 
 sixty per cent of the capital. 3 The factories are controlled by 
 
 1 Twelfth Census, Manufactures, 3:784, 786,792. 
 
 2 Ibid, 787. 
 Ibid., 3: 790-2. 
 
 (485) 
 
44 
 
 local men who have risen from the ranks, and, since these are 
 towns of less than 20,000, the relation between employer and 
 employee might be expected to be rather close. Outside of 
 this locality, Chicago, with 15,000 employees, is the largest 
 glove making city; San Francisco and New York have between 
 400 and 500 each. In these cities only coarse working gloves 
 are made. 1 
 
 In the process of making gloves, men s work is quite clear 
 ly distinguished from women s; male laborers prepare the skins 
 and cut the gloves, and in case of heavy work do the stitching; 
 the other operations are mostly done by women. According to 
 a recent estimate two-thirds of the employees are female. 
 
 Prices for making vary from twenty cents per dozen for 
 the cheapest gloves to one dollar for full out-seam work. Earn 
 ings vary greatly; a general average would be about $10. per 
 month, although many work women make 75 cents a day. 1 
 Only the high priced work is made in factories, where not so many 
 female operatives are employed as ten years ago. A farmer s 
 daughter usually learns the trade on her mother s machine, in 
 an apprenticesphip of a week or two and then buys one at $35 
 for herself. The secretary of the Union estimates that at the 
 present there are 70 per cent of the women glove makers work 
 ing in the factories. They represent a great variety of nation 
 alities American, English, German, Italian, Swedish, French, 
 Hebrew. A large number of women continue to work in the 
 shop after marriage, "prompted presumably by their ambition". 
 
 The conditions which favor the growth of Trade Unionism 
 in glove making are (1) the localization of so large a part of 
 the trade within so small an area, and in small towns where the 
 spread of a general sentiment would be very rapid ; (2) the 
 presence of highly skilled workmen, who are much more likely 
 to organize than the unskilled; (3) the fact that women work 
 after marriage ; (4) the absence of any powerful capitalistic com 
 bination to dictate conditions of work. On the other hand, the 
 
 1 Twelfth Census, Manufactures, 3: 785. 
 
 ., 785. 
 
 (486) 
 
45 
 
 fact that a large part of the women are home workers would 
 make it difficult to get them together, and the atmosphere of a 
 rural community is not as likely to foster discontent and desire 
 for amelioration of conditions as that of the city. The fact is 
 that un^il recently the women sewers were poorly organized, 
 though the cutters had a Union which had been recognized by the 
 employers for the last seven years, during which time they met 
 with the masters annually and determined upon a schedule of 
 prices and conditions of work. In December, 1902, a Union pro 
 posing to include all parts of the trade was founded. The pre 
 amble of the Constitution states one of the objects to be the 
 establishment of uniform wages for the same class of work re 
 gardless of sex, but since there is little competition between 
 girls and men this has no practical significance. The Union 
 has started with rather inadequate provisions for aggressive 
 work, the International dues being 10 cents a month from every 
 member, with authority in the Executive Board to make an 
 assessment of 10 cents per week ; there are no benefits, but sup 
 port is assured to all members in every difficulty which may 
 arise between them and the employers, This rather sweeping 
 promise is limited by the provision that "all contemplated 
 strikes must have the consent of the General President, and 
 and general Executive Board." A Union label is established, 
 with the usual arrangements for contracts between employers 
 and the Union, which provide for the "closed shop" and insure 
 against strikes and lockouts. Ordinarily the different branches 
 of the craft are organized separately. At present, of the thirty- 
 nine locals, there are eight mixed and five exclusively female ; 
 three of these five are located in Gloversville. They are thus 
 constituted not according to any provision for women s locals 
 but upon the basis of separate societies for different parts of 
 the craft. In a very strong Chicago women s local, a 
 capable young girl who is president emphasized the advan 
 tages of the separate local with officers from among the mem 
 bers, saying that the girls speak much more freely and take a 
 greater interest in the meetings when there are no men present. 
 
 (487) 
 
46 
 
 In this local the girls were active and enthusiastic arid the con 
 ditions of its success are interesting and suggestive. The Union 
 was formed about two years ago, when the cutters in a large 
 factory went out on a strike and were joined by the girls who 
 objected to the charge for power which had been introduced in 
 imitation of a custom obtaining in Gloversville, N. Y., where 
 it was justified in a way by the fact that the women brought 
 their own machines into the factory. Within a few days the Chica 
 go strike was ended by the employers withdrawing the charges to 
 which the girls objected, giving the men an increase in wages, 
 recognizing the Union, and making a contract with it for eight 
 een months. At the end of this time a new contract provided 
 another increase for the cutters and Saturday half holiday dur 
 ing the summer. 
 
 It is estimated by the general secretary that two fifths of 
 the trade is organized, and that of the 2,000 members, 1800 or 
 ninety per cent are women. As female workers constitute but 
 67.3 per cent of the total employees in the trade, it appears 
 that they are more fully organized than the men. As might 
 be expected, only a few of the home workers are in the organi 
 zation. Two members of the executive board are women the 
 second and third vice presidents and women delegates are sent 
 to conventions. The secretary says that women have not been 
 found harder to organize than men and that the purely female 
 locals have been very successful. 
 
 8. THE CIGAR MAKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION 
 
 New machinery has greatly affected the methods used in 
 cigar making by the big factories ; but because the industry is 
 widely diffused in large numbers of small establishments, its 
 introduction is much less general than in the manufacture of 
 cigarettes, practically all of which are made in large factories!; 
 the serious opposition of the Union to the new methods has also 
 retarded their rapid increase. By the use of new machinery 
 untrained girls have been enabled to accomplish the work that 
 skilled men formerly did by hand ; at $2.50 per thousand they 
 
 ( 4 88) 
 
R A 7?v*V 
 OFTHF \ 
 
 UNIVERSITY ) 
 
 OF / 
 
 47 ^iurn^ 
 
 make $7 a week whereas men formerly got $8 to $10 
 per thousand. On most processes men and women compete di 
 rectly. Men excel both in quality and quantity of product but 
 there are exceptional women whom only the best men can 
 equal. Often husband and wife both work in a factory ; the 
 man will make perhaps $20 a week, in a well organized city 
 like Boston ; the wife $15. In New York a good ordinary 
 woman may make $12 or a very clever one $16. A strong 
 woman in St. Louis makes $20 or $25 a week. In the non 
 union shops young girls make $6 or $7. In England wo- 
 en have not learned the skilled hand-work to any extent. 1 In 
 some cases they are not given the chance to do so, in others 
 they do not want to learn both methods. It is considered that 
 women s maximum is about equal to men s minimum. Not all 
 this difference is explained by the Union scale which, is 25 per 
 cent, less for women than for men ; many of the women do not 
 maintain the speed with which they begin, many expect to mar 
 ry and do not consider their work seriously ; while after mar 
 riage, if they return to work, they have an eye on the home and 
 come late and go early. Again, the women converse at their 
 work while the men are silent. Even at piece rates it is cheap 
 er to have two people rather than three make a thousand cigars, 
 and so women are advantageous to the employer only at lower 
 wages. It has not been found that women in the United States 
 are less likely to learn hand work because it is harder, but be 
 cause it is less popular. The "Trust" employs girls on mold 
 work almost exclusively, except at Tampa where men make 
 hand cigars. 
 
 The Cigar Makers Union is one of the oldest, richest and 
 most conservative of American labor organizations, and, al 
 though it has had to contend with sweat competition it has 
 had a fairly steady growth. 
 
 The membership of the Union is about 44,000, of whom 
 women constitute about ten per cent. It is roughly estimated 
 
 1 Oakeshott, G. Women in the Cigar Trade, Econ. Jour. 10: 562. 
 
 (489) 
 
48 
 
 that about one-fourth of those in the trades are organized. 
 Their employment has been opposed, by the Union, because 
 young girls would be placed at the new machines at very low 
 wages to do the work formerly done by skilled men. This ser 
 ious situation has been somewhat ameliorated by bringing 
 women into the Union, but even now wherever women are 
 largely employed wages are low. This is especially true in 
 New York City, where the trade has never been thoroughly 
 organized and rates are fifty per cent, lower than in Boston. 
 In the tobacco region of New Jersey and Pennsylvania large 
 numbers of women are employed, and not more than ten per 
 cent, are organized. When the Union is strong the require 
 ment of a three years apprenticeship is enforced in the case of 
 women as well as men. In New York there is a large Bohemian 
 local to which many women belong. A large percentage of 
 these women are married. Contrary to their custom Jewish 
 women also remain in the trade and in the Union after mar 
 riage. The officers say that the women do this in order to re 
 tain the rights to the benefits of the organization. As a rule 
 the women are not easily reached by the Union, although there 
 are some who are better unionists than the men. They belong 
 to the same locals with the men, are far outnumbered, and do 
 not come to meetings regularly, but send their books by some 
 man friend. They have no influence in shaping the policy of 
 the larger locals or of the general body. In contrast with 
 these facts, given by leading officials of the Union, is the con 
 dition of a large strippers local in Boston, which is not under 
 the jurisdiction of the Cigar Makers but is recognized by the 
 Federation of Labor. It has a membership of over seven hun 
 dred girls, practically all those in the local trade; it is officered 
 and managed entirely by women, many of whom are of Jewish 
 parentage. The organization of the Union was occasioned by 
 dissatisfaction felt in one or two factories over the way in 
 which the tobacco was weighed out to the girls. It was 
 thought that the weighers were dishonest in not giving full 
 record for the weight actually stripped; and in order to right 
 
 (490) 
 
49 
 
 this grievance the girls struck, organized a Union and demand 
 ed an arrangement by which each girl could see that proper 
 weight was accredited to her. This reasonable demand was 
 acceded to and, contrary to the usual experience, the organiza 
 tion did not die as soon as the immediate grievance was re 
 moved, but enlarged its membership, to include all eligible 
 women and established death and sick benefits. Meetings are 
 held twice a month and outsiders are sometimes asked to talk 
 to the girls. There is an average attendance of about one hun 
 dred a good percentage. The success of this organization is 
 hard to understand in view of the character of the work, which 
 is so simple that it can be learned in two weeks. The favor 
 able conditions are the following: The city of Boston is par 
 ticularly well organized with wages fifty per cent higher than 
 in New York; many of the girls in the business come from 
 families in which the father and brothers are Union cigar 
 makers; the girls have the advice and sympathy of the Cigar 
 Makers and modeled their constitution upon that of the larger 
 organization; they are American born and if the leaders are 
 typical of the rank and file they are intelligent and energetic; 
 the fact that they have their own local gives them the oppor 
 tunity to develop qualities of leadership and frees them from 
 the constraint of a masculine majority. 
 
 9. THE POTTER S UNION 
 
 The work of women in the pottery trade is not the same as 
 that of men; according to the secretary of the Union they do 
 decorating, finishing-off , and wareroom work. Three years ago 
 it was estimated that there were 6,000 in the business. 1 As in 
 other kinds of work, the men are skilled workmen, while the 
 women are not. In 1901 it was estimated the national Broth 
 erhood of Operative Potters included seventy per cent, of the 
 trade, that five per cent, were in other organizations, and that 
 twenty-five per cent, were not organized. The membership at 
 present is about 8,000; perhaps ten per cent, of these are 
 
 of the Industrial Commission, 14: 646. 
 
 (490 
 
50 
 
 women, while twenty-five per cent of the total employees in 
 the trade are of this sex. 1 Women have been admitted to the 
 Union only within the last three years, and this, according to 
 the general secretary, explains the fact that they do noh attend 
 meetings or take an interest in Union affairs. They are organ 
 ized into separate locals, which they officer themselves when 
 they are sufficiently numerous. They are also sent as delegates 
 to conventions and are eligible to official positions but have 
 not been elected to such. The presence of women in the or 
 ganization is too recent to admit of generalizations concerning 
 their work. It is a trade in which their work is supplement 
 ary. They have responded fairly well without being influenced 
 by necessities of the label shop, which does not exist in the 
 trade, 
 
 10. THE COMMERCIAL TELEGRAPHERS UNION OF AMERICA 
 
 This Union was formed in July, 1903, and presents no pe 
 culiar features of organization. Women constitute twenty per 
 cent, of the workers of the trade and hold the easier and less 
 well paid positions, such as working at city and other light 
 lines. They are not considered as efficient as men. They are 
 organized in the same locals with men and are reported as com 
 ing to meetings less regularly and ordinarily taking less inter 
 est in the Union than the men do. They hold local offices and 
 nave been sent as delegates to conventions. There seems to 
 be no question of women s underbidding male telegraphers. 
 
 11. THE SHIRT, WAIST, AND LAUNDRY WORKERS INTERNATIONAL 
 
 UNION 
 
 Laundry work is likely to involve irregular or long hours 
 and disagreeable, if not unsanitary, conditions. The rush of 
 the last days of the week often necessitates working into the 
 night, making a day of twelve or fourteen hours ; the heat of 
 the ironing room, the steam and slop of the wash room, and 
 the germs from soiled clothing, all menace the health of labor- 
 
 1 Report of the Industrial Commission, 17: 183. 
 
 (492) 
 
51 
 
 ers in the trade. 1 These evils can only be overcome by great 
 care upon the part of the managers, and give sufficient occa 
 sion, regardless of the question of wages, for the organization 
 of employees, and for the enactment of laws regulating the 
 trade. In Great Britain, in 1895, laundries were brought under 
 the provisions of the factory acts, hours were limited, and to 
 the ordinary regulations regarding sanitation and accidents, 
 were added provisions for minimizing heat in the ironing rooms, 
 and other similar requirements. Some American States have 
 laws regulating the trade, but few are at all adequate in scope 
 or well enforced. Trade unionism likewise has failed to 
 effect any but the most limited results in this field. It is es 
 timated that eighty-five per cent of the employees in laundries 
 are women. Their work is fairly distinct from that of men, 
 but in some tasks they compete. Men are engineers, and do 
 machine washing and wringing, and most of the hand work on 
 shirt fronts. Other machine ironing on shirts is done by girls, 
 as is mangle work, which may be learned in a couple of hours. 
 Girls who have some skill tend the collar machine ; there are 
 ordinarily about one third as many girls on hand ironing as 
 men. In shirt factories girls do all the work but cutting. On 
 the whole, men s tasks are heavier, and in some cases, more 
 skilled than those of the women. 
 
 The jurisdiction of the Union includes workers in shirt fac 
 tories as well as laundries. In 1901 the Union claimed a mem 
 bership of 7,000 ; at its best it constituted 20 per cent, of the 
 total workers in the trade, but in the spring of 1904 it had fal 
 len to seven per cent. 2 If the preponderance of women in the 
 trade hinders the progress of the Union, it is not proved by any 
 testimony obtained. In large places women have their sepa 
 rate locals, officered by their own members. An exception to 
 this rule is that female hand ironers belong to a local with men 
 of the same class. In smaller places locals are mixed. The 
 fourth vice president of the general organization is a woman; 
 
 1 Journals of the Union, March, May, 1904, etc. 
 
 2 President s Page, Official Journal, May, 1001. 
 
 (493) 
 
52 
 
 female delegates are sent to conventions; and there are a few 
 women organizers. 
 
 12. THE BAKERY AND CONFECTIONERY WORKERS 
 
 This Union includes journeymen working at the following 
 branches of the trade : bread and cake, pie, cracker or pretzel 
 baking, confectionery and pastry cooking, candy and ice cream 
 making ; also salesmen of bakery goods, bakery wagon drivers, 
 packers and helpers in candy factories. The line between men s 
 and women s work is not distinctly drawn ; but, in general, 
 men do the skilled and heavier tasks and receive higher wages. 
 There are a few female bakers, but women s work is chiefly 
 candy dipping, cracker packing, and other light tasks. Condi 
 tions in these trades have been in many places most objection 
 able ; long hours for seven days or nights a week, in under 
 ground rooms, are the rule in many localities. Legislation has 
 remedied some of these evils, but the Union seeks a more com 
 plete reform. In candy making young girls work for low wag 
 es under unsanitary conditions, and often acquire serious skin 
 diseases from handling the goods. The Union has about 22,000 
 members, 2 000 of whom are women. They are organized both 
 separately and in mixed locals. Dues and benefits for women 
 are one-half those for men. No national offices are held by 
 women, but at the last convention the candy dippers and crack 
 er packers were represented by two delegates each. Officers 
 say that women are more easily organized than men, but that 
 they do not "stick", that they fall away after a short time owing 
 to lack of interest. 
 
 13. THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF BUILDING EMPLOYEES 
 
 The organization generally known as the Janitors Union 
 has been formed so recently that little can be said of its activ 
 ities. It is interesting to note that among its purposes, as 
 stated in the preamble of the constitution, are that of encour 
 aging a higher standard of skill among its members, and that 
 of raising wages. The emphasis laid upon the subject of skill 
 
 (494) 
 
53 
 
 is unusual. The association is composed of janitors, cleaners, 
 inside watchmen, and elevator boys. The duties of janitors in 
 office buildings, apartment houses, and schools differ consider 
 ably, so that in the larger towns they are organized separately. 
 Engineers in such buildings have their own organization. 
 
 Women and men do the same kinds of work, but men have 
 more responsible positions. In Chicago, as a part of the gen 
 eral Union movement, a local of office building janitresses was 
 formed in order to limit hours of work and increase wages. 
 The occupants of offices do not leave their rooms till six or 
 seven in the evening, and the cleaners must then take posses 
 sion and finish their work by twelve; one woman cleans a large 
 number of rooms and hence must rush in order to finish her 
 task. For this work eighteen cents an hour is paid, but with 
 fifteen cents deducted for car fare and a cup of coffee to rouse 
 lagging energy, there is left not more than 90 cents net for the 
 six hours. Married women or widows do this work because it 
 allows them the day at home in which to look after their fami 
 lies, although many of them have day work also. 
 
 The rate of eighteen cents was only gained after the Union 
 was formed. Janitresses in Milwaukee formerly got seventy- 
 five cents for working from half-past five to half-past nine in 
 the morning and from half-past five to ten in the evening. 
 The Union enforced one set of hours from five to ten p. m. 
 and got an increase of two cents an hour. The Chicago Union 
 was formed before the national association came into existence, 
 and has done good work in interesting women in the move 
 ment. There is a membership of 500 out of a possible 2,000. 
 One of the great difficulties is that of getting at the foreign 
 speaking women. Many of the office cleaners are Swedes, and 
 a Swedish organizer speaks to them in their own tongue, but 
 Bohemians and other nationalities are more difficult to attract. 
 
 (495) 
 
54 
 
 14. THE AMALGAMATED MEAT CUTTERS, AND BUTCHER WORK 
 MEN S UNION 
 
 Women workers in the packing houses may be divided into 
 three groups: those whose tasks are performed by women only; 
 those who compete with men directly in work considered 
 equally suitable for the one or the other sex; those who, with 
 in the last year or two, are making their way into fields re 
 garded as men s domain. 
 
 The processes carried on by the first class of workers in 
 clude such tasks as painting and labeling packed cases of meat 
 products, sewing up hams in canvas bags, filling fancy boxes 
 with chipped beef and jars with pickles and olives. All of this 
 work is light, and is carried on in clean, quiet rooms by young 
 American born women. In the canning department both men 
 and women work, tending the machines that make the cases, 
 and filling these receptacles by hand or machine. The rooms 
 are hot and noisy, owing to the presence of machinery, and the 
 labor is heavy and disagreeable. The workers are practically 
 all foreigners. Quite recently Lithuanian and Polish women 
 have been employed in the sausage department, and here small 
 numbers are found trimming meat under necessarily disagree 
 able conditions, in a room full of men. Their competition is 
 resented by the male workers as a means used by the employ 
 ers to reduce wages. 
 
 Upon the suggestion of the officers of the American Fed 
 eration of Laboi 1 , the representatives of a few local organiza 
 tions of butchers, in the fall of 1896, formed the Meat Cutters 
 and Butchers Union, and in the following January obtained a 
 charter from the federal body. 1 For the next few years the 
 Union s progress was slow, owing to general indifference and 
 timidity, arid to several specific hindrances. At the convention 
 of 1898 there were twenty-four locals represented, and in 1904 
 there were nearly three hundred. Four of these Unions are 
 composed of women largely the American girls w r ho do the 
 
 journal of Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen, May, 1904. 
 
 (496) 
 
55 
 
 lighter work in the packing houses. The first local was formed 
 in Chicago in 1902, under the influence of the head worker of 
 the social settlement of the stock yards neighborhood, and was 
 carried along by the wave of Union enthusiasm until its num 
 bers reached a figure between five and six hundred. Among 
 these converts were many young girls who had little compre 
 hension of what they w r ere doing, and who, as the excitement 
 died away and a counter-current of feeling arose, became indif 
 ferent or timid, and were unwilling to keep up their payments 
 of fifty cents per month, or more. Their withdrawal reduced 
 the membership to less than two hundred, and the present 
 average attendance at meetings is thirty or forty. At the last 
 convention of the general organization the representatives of 
 the women s locals won the respect of the male delegates by 
 their dignified bearing, and by the spirit and firmness with 
 which they opposed the plan to prohibit women from working 
 in the sausage rooms. None of the female meat trimmers 
 were connected with the organization, but the Union girls felt 
 the responsibility of representing the interests of their sex and 
 of insisting upon living up to the Union principle of equality 
 of treatment for all members. The feeling of the girls carried 
 the convention, but the sausage butchers are still much dis 
 turbed at the presence of women in their field of labor, where 
 the work has been so subdivided that a stoat peasant woman 
 is practically as satisfactory as an experienced man. Whether 
 female laborers .will continue in this department of work re 
 mains to be seen; the repulsive nature of the materials han 
 dled will certainly keep out American women, unless there 
 occurs a marked degradation of the American standard of living 
 and decency; but repeated reinforcements of foreigners may 
 allow a considerable increase of peasant women who can with 
 difficulty be brought into the Union. The unskilled character 
 of the work, and the constant stream of immigrants flowing 
 into the great western cities make the case of the girl workers 
 in the Meat Cutters Union a discouraging one, but those who 
 have been associated with them during the short life of their 
 
 (497) 
 
56 
 
 locals have faith that their good sense and unselfishness, and 
 the training gained in concerted action, will prove the basis of 
 a successful organization, able with the help of the male work 
 ers to meet the demand of their employers with firmness and 
 strength. 
 
 15. THE TEACHERS FEDERATION OF CHICAGO 
 
 The connection of this association of professional women 
 with the American Federation of Labor, an organization made 
 up of hand workers, whose occupations are entirely different in 
 nature and surrounding circumstances, is an anomaly that re 
 quires explanation. The teachers justify their action in seek 
 ing this affiliation not by any strained analogies, but by in 
 sisting upon the desirability of bringing the schools into direct 
 contact w r ith the people who patronize them and of preventing 
 the adoption of "monarchical measures" of school policy by co 
 operating with this body of democratic voters. It is feared that 
 the present undemocratic organization of politics and industry 
 is passing into the school system and the teachers association, 
 deprecating such tendencies, uses all its energies in opposing 
 legislation or official regulations which will result in centraliz 
 ing authority and responsibility. In 1899 the school commis 
 sion reported in favor of a system giving autocratic authority 
 to the school commissioner ; on protest of the teachers the rec 
 ommendation was voted down. The Federation is now push 
 ing a proposed amendment to the school law for Chicago which 
 provides for a mere certain system of promotions, limits the 
 number of pupils for one teacher, gives the teachers a voice in 
 deciding upon the incompetency of fellow teachers, and plans 
 local and central teachers councils for discussing school mat 
 ters. These same measures look to the prevention of favorit 
 ism, increasing salaries, improving conditions of work, and giv 
 ing the teachers an influence in the management of the schools. 
 The best known work of this association is the famous suit oc 
 casioned by a cut of salaries at the beginning of the calender 
 and fiscal year, which the teachers claimed was illegal because 
 
 (498) 
 
57 
 
 they had been hired at a given salary for the school year. The 
 suit brought up the question of the cause of the cut, which the 
 Board claimed, was lack of funds. Upon investigation by the 
 teachers attorneys five great corporations were found to be de 
 linquent as tax payers and the court compelled the taxing 
 authorities to collect $2,000,000 for the year 1900. A tempora 
 ry injunction stopped collection after $600,000 had been ob 
 tained and the Board disposed of this money in other ways than 
 upon deficient salaries. The court decided that the salaries 
 should be paid, but appeal will be made to the higher courts. 
 Altogether, the activity of this association is notable. 
 
 16. THE WOMEN S UNION LABEL LEAGUE 
 
 That trade unionists do not live up to their policy of pur 
 chasing, where possible, only label goods, is a statement often 
 made both by outsiders and by Union officials themselves, and 
 that this is true in one city at least has been proved by an un 
 prejudiced investigator. 1 Especially are the women of wage 
 workers families accused of unfaithfulness in this regard. 
 Since the outlay of a large part of the income of American 
 families of all classes is determined by the wife and mother, 
 this dereliction on her part is of considerable significance to 
 those Unions which lay stress upon the demand for their label 
 and ask special recognition of their cause from their brethren 
 of other organizations. The demand has been none too suc 
 cessful, and now the interest of the women has been appealed 
 to directly by a women s organization for the special purpose 
 of emphasizing the importance of the label. The association 
 is known as the Women s International Union Label League. 
 It was formed in 1899 and its object, according to the general 
 secretary, is "to promote the welfare of the wage earner; to 
 discountenance the sweat shop methods of production by aid 
 ing and encouraging Union made goods; to gain a universal 
 eight hour day; to abolish child labor; to secure equal pay for 
 
 1 Jas. Boyle, in a study made in Milwaukee, under the direction of the Depart 
 ment of Economics of the University of Wisconsin. 
 
 (499) 
 
58 
 
 equal work regardless of sex; to aid the Sunday and early clos 
 ing movement; to sustain fair employers and to aid in the 
 study of social economics." 
 
 The activities of the society are in fact limited as a rule to 
 the encouragement of the use of label goods. While sympa 
 thizers outside of the class of wage workers are eligible, the 
 actual membership is largely made up of wives and daughters 
 of Unionists and of women and men belonging to Unions. The 
 organization of the society is modeled upon that of the ordina 
 ry Union, with provision for local, State, and International 
 bodies. Dues are ten cents a month plus forty cents a year for 
 the international treasurer, besides a death assessment of five 
 cents, which is the basis of a benefit of $50. The society has a 
 membership of 3,000, is recognized by the American Federation 
 of Labor, is encouraged by all the Unions pursuing the label 
 policy, and is apparently doing good educational work in rous 
 ing an interest in the general condition of labor and in teach 
 ing the sacrifice of personal taste for principle. The possible 
 development of the League, like that of the label policy to 
 which it is subsidiary, is not likely to be of great significance 
 or permanence, for the number of consumption goods to which 
 the label can be effectively applied is too limited. For the 
 manufacturers of all goods not meant for immediate consump 
 tion, for producers of expensive commodities of all kinds, the 
 label has no value as an advertising medium, and for most 
 large producers it is of little significance. Within a limited 
 field, however, it does influence consumption and secures bet 
 ter conditions for the wage worker. Hence all Union sympa 
 thizers may well lend their aid to the Label League. 
 
 17. WOMEN S TRADE UNION LEAGUE 
 
 More recent even than the label society, and somewhat 
 similar in purpose both to that organization and to the Consum 
 ers League, is the Woman s Trade Union League, which pro 
 poses to make effective the sympathy and interest of women out 
 side of the wage earning class by organizing them with women 
 
 OG) 
 
59 
 
 Unionists for work supplementary to that of the Unions. The 
 organization was formed during the convention of the Federa 
 tion of Labor in Boston, in 1903, as a result of the efforts of an 
 enthusiastic sympathizer and a capable Union woman. The 
 idea is copied from that of the British association of the same 
 name. It is believed that a goodly number of women who are 
 interested in the welfare of women wage earners would be glad 
 to assist in bringing before them the advantages of organiza 
 tion and in arousing the sympathy and cooperation of all class 
 es for Trade Unionism. The fullest cooperation with the 
 American Federation of Labor and with existing Unions is de 
 sired, for the League in no way proposes to take the place of 
 any of these organizations. A secretary for the State, the unit 
 of organization, will be expected to go out into all districts 
 where trade conditions are known to be bad, to talk with the 
 women employees, tell them of the advantages of combined ac 
 tion, and organize them or prepare the way for the organizer 
 of the given trade. Speakers capable of presenting the cause 
 of Unionism in a convincing way are to be sent to women s 
 clubs to do something toward counteracting the middle class 
 prejudices against the labor movement. Investigation of dele 
 terious conditions of work and low wages has been already be 
 gun, the efforts of the Illinois Branch having resulted in some 
 reforms in both respects. The organization begins its work at 
 a time when, perhaps, it is most needed, but when it will be 
 difficult to effect large results on account of the present hostile 
 attitude of the public to Trade Unions and the beginning of a 
 period of lower profits for employers. 
 
 18. WOMEN S UNIONS IN GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 It is perhaps worth while to close this study by sketching 
 briefly the history of women s organizations in Great Britain, 
 not only because industrial organization in the two countries 
 is very similar, but also because there are in the older country 
 several conditions that are favorable to a successful labor 
 movement among female wage earners. Of these the most 
 
 (SOI) 
 
60 
 
 important are that, since the establishment of the factory sys 
 tem, women have been employed in industry in great numbers; 
 that Trade Unionism among men has here its greatest power 
 and most elaborate organization, and that there exists a liberal 
 public opinion regarding women s sphere of action. These 
 favorable influences have been without result, as will be seen 
 from a brief sketch of the movement. The earliest activity 
 among women workers as a class occurred in 1827, after the 
 repeal of the Combination Laws, and at a time when the cotton 
 spinners were making pretentious efforts to form a national 
 organization. Women s branches were formed and had a brief 
 existence. 1 In 1833-34, a great mania for Trade Unions swept 
 over the British working people; organizations sprang up in 
 the most unskilled and insignificant trades, and the " Grand 
 National Trades Union" promised to create a solidarity of 
 interest and activity among the wage earners of the United 
 Kingdom. It did actually enroll incredibly long lists of labor 
 ers of all sorts. 2 Women s Unions seem to have formed a part 
 of this sporadic growth, for brief references in Union records 
 tell of the short-lived activity of the "Grand Lodge of Operat 
 ive Bonnet Makers", "Female Gardeners", and "Female Tai- 
 loresses", and others. But the whole growth was premature 
 and unsubstantial and died down in a night; and while the 
 healthy roots of the more vigorous men s organizations re 
 tained their life, the women s Unions left no trace but a few 
 high-sounding names. For the next forty years the middle 
 third of the century there appears to have been a total apathy 
 among women workers in regard to bettering their condition 
 by means of organization. Their welfare, however, was looked 
 after by that combination of public-spirited men of all classes 
 who, against great opposition^ succeeded during this period in 
 laying down the main outlines of the factory code. The policy 
 of the labor leaders in these years is of especial interest, be 
 cause of the peculiar false interpretation since put upon it 
 
 1 Women s Trade Union League Tract: Women as Trade Unionists. 
 
 2 Webb, S. and B. History of Trade Unionism, 121. 
 
 (502) 
 
61 
 
 Up to 1833 the advocates of short hours for factory operatives 
 as a class had covered their far-reaching design with the plea 
 of care for the welfare of the child workers; and when it was 
 found that the reduction of hours for children had been so 
 arranged as not to interfere with long hours for adults, they 
 frankly admitted their real purpose and demanded restriction 
 of motive power. This action was too radical for popular ap 
 proval and the labor leaders then took up the advocacy of 
 shorter hours for women as another possible method of lim 
 iting the working day for all, and fought their battle " behind 
 the women s petticoats" from 1841 to 1847. 1 Again, in the 
 seventies, a similar struggle was made for shorter hours 
 for women, and the Unionists were accused of being 
 desirous of limiting women s working hours in order to 
 hamper their competition and thus supplant them. This ac 
 cusation was a perverse interpretation of the action of the 
 Unionists, whose motive, though selfish, was quite different 
 from that attributed to them. The unexpected opposition that 
 they met from the women workers and their friends brings us 
 to the consideration of the first permanent organization of fe 
 male wage workers. Ephemeral Trade Unions had appeared in 
 this long period but had all collapsed after a brief existence. 
 In 1872, there was established the first durable Union for wo 
 men alone ; and in 1874 Mrs. Patterson, an educated and capa 
 ble working woman, having seen in New York the successful 
 working of a Union of female umbrella makers, undertook the 
 organization of various classes of London girls. She formed 
 associations of book-binders, upholsterers, laundresses, and oth 
 ers. At the same time, with the help of a number of women of 
 leisure and public spirit, she founded the Women s Protective 
 and Provident League, a society whose aim was to aid poorly 
 paid female wage earners to better their industrial condition, 
 especially by means of organization. Mrs. Patterson and her 
 associates were capable and sincere, but they held such radical 
 opinions as to the efficacy of the electoral ballot for women 
 
 1 Hutchins, B. L., and Harrison, G. A History of Factory Legislation, 65. 
 
 (503) 
 
62 
 
 that they were led to misinterpret the action of the Unionists 
 in the short hours movement. They opposed all legislation 
 concerning hours and conditions of work for women with a 
 vigor that was most disconcerting to those statesmen who con 
 sidered themselves the special guardians of the interests of the 
 wage workers. 1 This middle class view, that women should 
 possess the freedom to determine their own conditions of work 
 directly by contract, since they had no voice in making laws to 
 improve them, involved of course, the bad logic of using the 
 word freedom to indicate two very different conditions, that of 
 the comfortable middle class house-wife or the woman of inde 
 pendent means, and also that of the resourceless, untrained 
 factory operative competing for the chance to earn her daily 
 bread in an overcrowded market. Fortunately, this conflict 
 between the leaders of the women s organizations and the men s 
 Unions has ceased, and the society for promoting women s 
 Unions, under the unequivocal name of the Women s Trade 
 Union League, now works in harmony and even in co-operation 
 with the men s Unions. 
 
 The growth of the women s associations formed in the sev 
 enties was slow, and most of them led a precarious existence, 
 viewed with suspicion or indifference by those whom they were 
 meant to aid and scorned by the vigorous organizations of the 
 men. Only gradually have male Unionists come to realize 
 that women are a permanent factor in the labor question and 
 that they must be taken account of in the program of labor or 
 ganizations. The revival of Unionism in 1889 and 1890 in 
 cluded a liberalizing of the Unions in many directions, and 
 among other reforms was a change in their attitude toward wo 
 men s organizations. Although at first admitted only grudging 
 ly and ungraciously to the Trade Union Congress 2 a federal as 
 sembly corresponding roughly to our Federation of Labor Con 
 ventions the women s representatives now enjoy a hearty 
 welcome, if not an influential position, in this body. At each 
 
 1 Hutchins, B. L. and Harrison, G. History of Factory Legislation, 189, 193. 
 
 2 Webb, S. and B., History of Trade Unionism, 406408. 
 
 (504) 
 
63 
 
 of these meetings for the last few years there has been held a 
 conference of delegates from the trades in which women work, 
 and also public rallies for the purpose of interesting the women 
 of the locality in the subject of organization. Yet it must be 
 acknowledged that the small number of representatives of wo 
 men s Unions are unable to bring forward and force upon the 
 attention of the convention important questions affecting wo 
 men s interests. 1 
 
 There are two types of Unions to which British women 
 may belong, those composed of women exclusively and those 
 including both sexes. The second class is by far the most im 
 portant; in 1897 only twenty-five out of a hundred and thirty- 
 nine Unions with women members were composed exclusively 
 of women, and of these twenty-five the greater part were of re 
 cent growth. 2 In 1896 the women in the mixed locals consti 
 tuted 93.6 per cent, of the total and at the same time it was es 
 timated that only eleven per cent, of the 1,004,144 women in 
 factories and workshops were in Unions. 3 The organizations 
 composed entirely of women are confined largely to London, 
 and have often been formed under stress of indignation over 
 some particular grievance. 4 The enthusiasm following the suc 
 cess of the Dockers strike in 1889 led to energetic efforts to 
 organize the miserably paid tailoresses, watch makers, and 
 others in the East End and elsewhere." But the apathy, ignor 
 ance, timidity and extreme poverty were too fundamental to 
 be overcome by any amount of energy upon the part of the or 
 ganizers, and the exclusively women s associations are today a 
 quite unimportant part of British Unionism. Yet the real 
 gains of the few existing organizations must be taken into ac 
 count; some have obtained increases in wages and other advan 
 tages and all do something to educate the more thoughtful and 
 
 1 Women s Trade Union Review, Oct., 1901, Jan., igo4; etc. 
 
 2 British Board of Trade, Labour Correspondent, Report on Trade Unions, 1897, 
 XXI. 
 
 3 As above, Report for 1896, XVIII, XV. 
 
 4 Hobson, J. A., Problem of Poverty, 161. 
 
 5 Women s Trade Union Journal, Aug., 1889, and Oct., 1889. 
 
 (505) 
 
64 
 
 serve as a nucleus round which the very ignorant can rally in 
 time of need. 1 These rather puny societies of women monopo 
 lize the attention of the charitable outsiders who wish to aid in 
 the movement, but it is among the textile workers that the 
 largest number of women Unionists are found. 2 The cotton 
 weavers of Lancashire constitute the largest part of these 
 workers, 3 being about 80,000 out of 120,000 female Unionists. 
 The extraordinary contrast between the numbers of Union 
 ists in Lancashire and in other parts of the country is to be ex 
 plained by the following facts: women have been organized with 
 men since 1858; the management of these Unions has been par 
 ticularly wise; women customarily continue in the factories 
 after marriage, and hence feel the necessity of improving the 
 conditions of their life work. The broad-mindedness of the 
 men in thus early recognizing the importance of including 
 their sister workers is less astonishing when one remembers 
 that the larger part of workers in the cotton mills are women, 
 and that the welfare of these women was brought into public 
 notice by the earliest factory acts. The Scotch and Yorkshire 
 textile Unions have never attained any strength, probably be 
 cause of the facts that the leadership has not been so able and 
 that the women do not continue work after marriage, as in 
 Lancashire. Men s organizations in other trades are making 
 vigorous efforts to gather in the women under their jurisdic 
 tion. The Boot and Shoe Workers have given up their own 
 social evenings and substituted teas to which women are in 
 vited in order to interest them in the Union; 4 they also show 
 their good will by electing with great show of cordiality tw^o 
 women delegates to their trades councils. The women book- 
 folders are about to be made a branch of the printers Union. 
 The necessity of incorporating or affiliating the women s or 
 ganizations with the men s Unions in the same trade is recog- 
 
 1 Women s Trade Uunion League Tract, Women as Trade Unionists, 5-7. 
 
 2 British Board. of Trade, Labour Correspondent, Report on Trade Unions, 1900, 
 XXII, gives them nine-tenths of the membership in 1900 and 1901. 
 
 3 Tract as above. 
 
 4 Women s Trade Union Review, Jan., 1904, 3, 21, 19. 
 
 (506) 
 
65 
 
 nized by all those interested in the welfare of women wage 
 workers. Indeed, it is declared by those most competent to 
 judge that unless the men give them assistance, the organiza.- 
 tion of female laborers is doomed. 1 
 
 A peculiar feature of the history of women s Unions in 
 Great Britain has been the persistent efforts of women of the 
 leisure classes to aid the movement. The women s Trade 
 Union League employs organizers who agitate by means of 
 noon hour and evening talks, personal visits, investigations, 
 etc. ; and teas and other social functions are employed to rouse 
 or maintain interest in the subject of organization. Free legal 
 advice, bringing to the attention of factory inspectors infringe 
 ments of the law and working for new legislation are other fea 
 tures in the League s program. Altogether, these efforts seem 
 sane and helpful, and if little has been accomplished it is due 
 to the fundamental difficulties of the situation. 
 
 19. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 1. Character of the organizations in which women are 
 found in largest numbers. 
 
 Two of the Unions considered are among the oldest and 
 strongest in the United States (Typographical and Cigar Work 
 ers Unions). The majority of the organizations are compara 
 tively conservative and are becoming more so; in spite of gen 
 eral declarations of strongly socialistic principles, the policy is 
 to avoid entanglement in practical politics; strikes are depre 
 cated in public print, in discussions at conventions and in priv 
 ate conversation, and the tendency is to make it harder all the 
 time for a local to obtain strike benefits from the general or 
 ganization without having first tried all other means of adjust 
 ment of difficulties. All Unions are realizing the advantages 
 of higher dues and larger benefits. 
 
 2. Women s status according to the constitutions. 
 Women are admitted to membership upon the same condi 
 tions as men and are given the samepower of voting. They are 
 
 1 Women s Trade Union Review, Jan, 1904, 3, 21, 19. 
 
 (507) 
 
66 
 
 eligible to all offices. In the stronger and more progressive 
 Unions there are the same fees, dues, and benefits; in other 
 trades where women s wages are very low, both dues and 
 benefits are smaller for women. 
 
 3. Organization of locals. 
 
 Most Unions organize their locals according to the depart 
 ment of work; this usually results in associations that are pre 
 dominantly male or female (as in the Boot and Shoe Work 
 ers); in trades where there is direct competition, mixed locals 
 are the rule (as in the Typographical Union). So far as is 
 known, little emphasis has been laid upon the general advan 
 tages of organizing women separately, as is the practice in 
 Great Britain. 
 
 4. Women s activities in the Unions. 
 
 In women s locals they usually act as their own officers, 
 except where they are quite inexperienced or where the local 
 is very large and requires the services of paid officials (as in 
 some shoe towns in New England). If there are any capable 
 women to act as officers of the local, they are more likely to be 
 successful in keeping up the interest than are the men in the 
 same positions. Women are elected as delegates to conven 
 tions but in smaller proportions than their numbers justify. 
 
 In conventions they serve on committees. Several trades 
 have women organizers. They have little or no inflence in de 
 termining the general policy of the Union. 
 
 5. General estimate of women s effectiveness as Unionists. 
 
 They are not as well organized as men a smaller percent 
 age is in the Union than is in the trade. Nearly all officials tes 
 tify that it is harder to organize women than men; a number 
 say that, when they once do understand Union principles and 
 become interested in the movement, they are excellent workers; 
 there is a unanimous opinion that there are always some capa 
 ble workwomen and active Unionists whose good sense and en 
 thusiasm are of great advantage to the organization. A few offi 
 cials say they are easy to organize but hard to hold up to pay- 
 
 (508) 
 
67 
 
 ing their dues and attending meetings. All testimony goes to 
 prove that they do not attend meetings and take as lively an 
 interest in local affairs as men do. In time of strike the wo 
 men s qualities show to best advantage; they are ready to sacri 
 fice their own immediate interest and to hold out to the bitter 
 end. On the other hand, their insistence on the exact claims 
 made by them often tries the patience of the general officer 
 who manages their case. They are as ready to strike as men 
 and are sometimes misled by a local favorite into unwise meas 
 ures of this kind. In the excitement of a strike they resort to 
 violence even as their brother workmen do. 
 
 6. Conditions under which women s organizations flourish. 
 
 Women s locals are likely to be prosperous in a locality 
 where all trades are well organized and where the men work 
 ers have a strong Union and women s work is supplementary 
 rather than competitive with men s; in trades where a com 
 paratively high standard of intelligence is found; where wo 
 men are American born (though of foreign parents). In five 
 of the most important Unions studied the label policy is of 
 great importance (Boot and Shoe Workers, Cigar Makers, 
 Bookbinders, Garment Workers, Ladies Garment Workers). 
 In two of these the predominance of men is such that women 
 may be brought into the Union and forced to keep up their 
 dues without their having any interest in the organization. In 
 these locals, while a majority of the women care little for the 
 Union there are always some capable, thoughtful members 
 who are active in Union affairs. 
 
 In trades where men are not largely in the majority the 
 label policy probably brings into existence some women s locals 
 that would not be formed under another system, for it is to the 
 direct advantage of the men to rouse the interest of the women 
 in the Union; and the employer, if convinced that it is to his 
 advantage to unionize his shop, will also use his influence or 
 compulsion to bring women into the organization. In small 
 shops in the clothing trade, where most of the employees were 
 
 (59) 
 
68 
 
 women who were indifferent to the Union, the locals forced 
 upon them by tailors or masters proved short lived; but where 
 there have been some capable independent women in the asso 
 ciation thus formed, the seed of Unionism has fallen on good 
 ground and successful locals grow up. In the Unions men 
 tioned all officials emphasized the importance of the label. 
 
 7. Conditions unfavorable to women s effectiveness in 
 Trade Unions. 
 
 Temporary conditions: In the "sweated" trades the hope 
 lessness, low degree of vitality and of intelligence resulting 
 from miserable wages and bad sanitary conditions are an ef 
 fectual bar to women s activity in the movement. In certain 
 trades the fear that the uniform scale demanded by the Union 
 for men s and women s work will result in the displacement of 
 women keeps them out of the organization. Women s inter 
 ests have not been as carefully looked after by the Unions as 
 those of men and less effort has been given to organizing them. 
 In some industries women s presence in large numbers is re 
 cent; this explains in part the indifference of the men and the 
 failure of the women to realize their own importance in the 
 trade. Mixed locals composed largely of men are not a good 
 tield of work for women; they are too timid to express them 
 selves in meetings which they often find disagreeable on ac 
 count of tobacco smoke and tiresome from the long drawn out 
 discussions in which they have no part. 
 
 Permanent difficulties: The fact that in a number of 
 trades men are required to pass an apprenticeship of several 
 years gives them a more vital interest in the trade than wo 
 men, who learn a single process and may never become identi 
 fied with one trade, bat pass from one to another industry do 
 ing unskilled tasks in each. In many trades the majority of 
 women are young girls who could not be expected to consider 
 their industrial situation as a very serious matter. Women 
 have more home interests than men and find there both duties 
 and diversions, which men must seek outside and which they 
 
69 
 
 find in their Union. Women have less vitality than men and 
 attendance upon meetings and other activities carried on after 
 the day s work is done means a greater effort for them than do 
 like exertions for men. The fact that a large number of wo 
 men wage earners are not dependent upon their own efforts 
 for a livelihood makes them less anxious to struggle for a liv 
 ing wage. Many women hesitate to join a Union because they 
 do not wish to be identified with the laboring classes. Of more 
 importance than all other considerations is the fact that most 
 women look upon factory work as a temporary employment 
 filling up the time between school and marriage; this naturally 
 results in an unwillingness to sacrifice any present for a future 
 good, as is often necessary in the Union, or to give time and 
 energy to build up an organization with which they will be 
 identified but a few years. That some women do not marry 
 and that others go back to the factory after marriage does not 
 at all prove that they had not expected to give up work for 
 home duties; many unforeseen events may prevent a woman s 
 following the ordinary vocations of the home and many a wo 
 man who considers the factory unattractive in her youth, in 
 later years finds the standard of living afforded by her hus 
 band s wages quite inadequate to satisfy her ambitions and the 
 dull household routine less endurable than that of the shop. 
 
70 
 
 NOTE. This investigation has been confined, as indicated 
 above, to the dozen important unions connected with the Am 
 erican Federation of Labor which have women members, not 
 only because these include a very large part of the organized 
 female wage earners, but also because they present the essen 
 tial facts in the problem of organizing women; moreover, the 
 difficulties to be overcome in obtaining information from small 
 independent organizations are very great on account of a lack 
 of complete lists of those outside the "Federation" and of the 
 suspicion or indifference of local officers with whom the in 
 vestigator can not come into personal relation. The officers of 
 the large organizations are accustomed to receiving the in 
 quiries of students, and have in the present case answered all 
 letters promptly and satisfactorily, and but for their courtesy 
 and generosity this study could not have been made. 
 
 The sketch of the Women Garment Workers is based up 
 on the following sources of information: Mrs. Mabel Hurd Wil- 
 lett s, Women in the Clothing Trade, Columbia University 
 Studies, vol. 16, No. 3, 1903; Twelfth Census,Manufactures,3 and 
 Employees and Wages; Report of the Committee on Sweated 
 Trades (House of Representatives, 52nd Congress, second ses 
 sion); Hull House Maps and Papers, personal interviews with 
 Union officials and recent numbers of the Bulletin of the Cloth 
 ing Trade. 
 
TITLES OF ARTICLES AND BOOKS PUBLISHED BY THE CORPS OF 
 
 INSTRUCTION, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, BETWEEN 
 
 MAY i, 1904, AND MAY i, 1905. 
 
 (The number in parentheses after each title indicates the approximate number of 
 
 words in the article.) 
 BACON, C. S. 
 
 " The Operative Treatment of Eclampsia." Jour. Amer. Medical Assn., 
 
 Chicago, May 21, 1904, (2500) 
 " Heart Disease as an Obstetric Complication." Jour. Amer. Medical 
 
 Assn., 43:10, Chicago. (3800) 
 
 " " Vaginal Cesarean Section as a Substitute for Induction of Labor in 
 
 Cases of Threatened Eclampsia orof Bright s Disease." Amer. Jour, 
 of Obstetrics, 50:488, N. Y., Oct., 1904. (2600) 
 " " The Duty of the Medical Profession in Relation to Criminal Abortion." 
 
 Illinois State Medical Jour., Chicago, Jan., 1905. (4600) 
 " Non-Operative Treatment of Eclampsia." Amer. Jour, of Obstetrics, 
 
 v. 51, No. 4, N. Y., April, 1905. 
 BAKER, I. O. 
 
 " Joint Fillers for Brick Pavements." Proceedings, Illinois Clay Workers, 
 
 Jan. 28, 1905, Champaign, 111. (2600) 
 "Hard Roads in Central Illinois." Breeders Gazette, Chicago, April 
 
 27, 1905. (1200) 
 BALDWIN, E. C. 
 
 " La Bruyere s Influence upon Addison." Pub. of The Modern Lan 
 guage Assn. of America, 19:4, Dec., 1904. (5000) 
 " The Meeting of the Central Division of the Modern Language Assn. of 
 
 America. The Nation, 80:2063, N. Y, Jan. 12, 1905. (1540) 
 BALLINGER, J. R. 
 
 " Diagnosis of Influenza." Medical Recorder, v.27, No. 3, Chicago, March 
 
 15, 1905. (1000) 
 BEVIER, ISABEL 
 
 "One Phase of the New Education." Report of Illinois Farmers Insti 
 tute, 1904. 
 
 " The House. Its Plan, Decoration, and Care." Pp. 150. American 
 School of Household Economics, Chicago. 
 
 BURKHOLDER, J. F. 
 
 " Anatomy of the Brain of the Sheep." Pp. 174. G. P. Engiehard & Co., 
 
 Sept. 1904, Chicago. 
 BURRILL, T. J. 
 
 " Micro-Organism of Soil and Human Welfare." Presidential Address of 
 
 The Amer. Microscopical Soc., 1904, Science, N. Y., New. Ser., v. 26, 
 
 No. 509, pp. 426-434, Sept. 30, 1904. 
 
 Ornamental Views." Proceedings of the 111. Horticultural Soc., 1904. 
 BYFORD, HENRY T. 
 
 " Treatment of Gonorrhea; a Clinical Study." Amer. Medicine, Vol. 8, 
 
 No. 5, pp. 202-203, July 3. r 94- (2coo) 
 " Comparison of the Abdominal and Vaginal Routes, for the Removal of 
 
 Uterine Fibroids." Chicago Medical Recorder, March, 1905. (1600) 
 " Points in the Technic of Aseptic Operating." Jour. Amer. Med. Assn., 
 
 March u, 1905. (4000) 
 
72 
 
 CARMAN, A. P. 
 
 " A War Machine." Physical Review, 19:171-73, Aug., 1904, N. Y. 
 CARPENTER, F. W. 
 
 " The Reactions of the Pomace Fly (Drosophila Ampelophila Loew) to 
 Light, Gravity, and Mechanical Stimulation." Amer. Naturalist, 39:- 
 459, March 1905, Boston. (5000) 
 
 ClGRAND, B. J. 
 
 " History of American Emblems." Pp. 445. Cameron Amborg & Co., 
 Chicago, 1904. 
 
 "Life of Alexander Hamilton." Pp.224. H. G. Campbell Pub Co., 
 
 Milwaukee, 1904. 
 
 " " Origin and Meaning of the Seal of Chicago." Pp. 200. Chicago City 
 
 Council, Chicago, 1005. 
 
 " The Lower Third of the Face. 1 Pp. 167. Blakely Printing Co., Chi 
 cago, 1905. 
 " "The Fall of Yorktown," Pp. 310. Historic Pub. Co., Chicago, 1904. 
 
 " Meaning of Great Seal of the United States." Encyc. Americana Vol. 
 
 16, Americana Co., N. Y., 1904. (6000) 
 
 " " Triumphs of Centralized Effort." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 5, May, 
 
 Chicago, 1904. (2700) 
 
 " Diet, Dentures, and Disposition." Dental Digest, V. 19. No. 190, Chi 
 cago. (3500) 
 
 " The Philosophy of Mastication." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 4, Chi 
 cago, 1904. (2400) 
 
 " Gold for Inlay Work," Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 5, Chicago, May, 
 1904. (2000) 
 
 " Methods of Teaching the Anatomical Arrangements of Teeth." Items 
 of Interest, V. 26. No. 9, N. Y, Aug., 1904. (3800) 
 
 " Swaging Methods in Inlays." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 6, Chica 
 go, June, 1904. (1300) 
 
 " The Improved Gold Inlay." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 7, Chicago, 
 July, 1904. (2000) 
 
 "Prosthetic Ideals." Amer, Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 8, Chicago, Aug., 
 1904. (2400). 
 
 Compound Cavities; Their Inlays." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. 9, 
 
 Chicago, Sept., 1904. (2600) 
 " " Successes Evolved from Failures." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 3, No. io> 
 
 Chicago, Oct. 1904. (3600) 
 
 " "The Oral Cavity as an Index of Disposition." Amer. Dental Jour. 3, 
 
 No. 11, Chicago. 
 
 " Palatal Disturbances and Their Prosthetic Correction." Amer. Dental 
 
 Jour., V. 3, No. 12, Chicago, Dec., 1904. (2900) 
 " " Metallic Film Records of Dental Conditions." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 
 
 4, No. T ( Chicago, Jan., 1905. (2200) 
 
 " "The Ideal Porcelain Crown." Amer. Dental Jour., V. 4, No. 2, Chicago, 
 
 Feb., 1902. (2900) 
 
 (5 4) 
 
78 
 
 ClGRAND, B. J. 
 
 "The Intra-Dental Band in Bridge Dentures." A mer. Dental Jour., V. 
 4, Chicago, No. 3., March, 1905. (3100) 
 
 " Removable Bridge Dentures," Amer. Dental Jour.. V. 4, No. 4, Chi 
 cago, April, 1905. (2300) 
 
 " Professional Services Compared." Dental Review, V. 19, No. 4, Chi 
 cago, 1905. (3800) 
 
 " Higher Fees Will Mean Advance." Pacific Coast Dental Gazette, V. 
 13, No. 3, March, 1905. (3700) 
 
 " Dental History, Its Value in the College Curriculum." Item? of Inter 
 est, V. 26, No, 8, N. Y, Aug., 1904. (600) 
 
 " Masticatory Changes Induced by Food." Illinois State Dental Society, 
 40th Annual Report, Chicago, May 10, 1904. 
 
 " Higher Educational Requirements." Tenth Annual Report Dental 
 Pedagogic Society, Buffalo, June, 1904. 
 
 " The Libraries of the Future." American Library Journal, Chicago, 
 March, 1905. (300) 
 
 " Diets and Dentures." Dental Digest, V. 10, No. 6, Chicago, June, 1904. 
 
 (3400) 
 CLARK, T. A. 
 
 ." Some Boys Who Worked Their Way Through College." Chicago Sun 
 day Tribune, Chicago, Aug. 28, 1904. 
 
 " Eugene Field, A Biography." C. M. Parker, Taylorville, 111., Apr., 1905 
 COLVIN, S. S. 
 
 "The Problem of Psychological Determinism." Jour, of Philosophy, 
 Psychology and Scientific Methods, Lancaster, Pa., Oct. 27, 1904. (3000) 
 
 Is Subjective Idealism a Necessary Point of View for Psychology ?" 
 Jour, of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Method, Lancaster, 
 Pa., Apr. 27, 1905. (3500) 
 COOK, G. W. 
 
 " A Few Important Features in Teaching Pathology to Dental Students." 
 Transactions of the Institute of Dental Pedagogy, Louisville, Ky. 
 1905. (2400) 
 
 " Some Pathological Phases of Alveolar Abscesses." Dental Review, V. 
 19, No. 4, Apr., 1905. (2200) 
 
 " The Effect of Chemical Agents on Bacteria with Relation to the Saliva." 
 Transactions of the International Dental Congress, St. Louis, Mo., 
 Aug., 1904. (2700) 
 
 " Dental Therapeutics." Amer. Dental Jour., Chicago, 1904-05. (1500) 
 DEHN, W. M.- 
 
 " Primary Arsines." Amer. Chem. Jour., Baltimore, Feb., 1905. (13000) 
 " " Eine Methode zur schnellen Chlorbistiminung im Harn." Zeitschrift 
 
 fiir Physiologische Chemie, V. 44, No. i. Strassburg. (1200) 
 DEXTER, E. G. 
 
 "The Best College; What Is It?" Education, 24:10, Boston, June, 1904. 
 (4000) 
 
 (515) 
 
74 
 
 DEXTER, E. G. 
 
 " Appendicitis and the Race." Science, N. S. 20:496, N. Y, July i, 1904. 
 
 (1000) 
 
 " Effects of the Sun Upon the Black Race." Scientific Amer., 91 :8, N. Y., 
 
 Aug. 20, 1904. (icoo) 
 " "The Psychology of Advertising," Printer s Ink, 48:3, N. Y., Aug. 24, 
 
 1904. (3000) 
 " Weather Influences." Pp. XXX-f I;86 Macmillan, N. Y. and London, 
 
 Aug., 1904. 
 
 " " A History of Education in the United States." Pp. XX-f -1657. Macmil 
 
 lan, N. Y. and London, Sept., 1904. 
 
 " The Present Status and Personnel of the Secondary Teaching Force in 
 the United States. Year Book, Nat. Soc. for the Scientific Study of 
 Education, Chicago, Jan., 1904. (7000) 
 " Educational Progress. Social Progress." Baker and Taylor, N. Y., 
 
 1903. (6000) 
 " " Age and Eminence." Pop. Sci. Mo., 66:6, N, Y., Apr., 1905. (3000) 
 
 DlETRICH,WlLLTAM 
 
 " Market Classes and Grades of Swine." Pp. 46. U. of I. Agric. Exp. 
 
 Staiion, Bull. No. 97. 
 " "The Swine Industry from the Market Standpoint." Pp.- 8. U. of 1. 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station, Circular No. 83. 
 EARLE, F. B. 
 
 " Semeiology and Diagnosis of Diseases of Children." (Translated from 
 the Russian, with additions.) Pp. 472. Cleveland Press, Chicago, 1004. 
 EMMETT, A. D., AND GRINDLEY, H, S. 
 
 On the Presence of Cotton-seed Oil in Lards from Hogs Fed upon Cot 
 ton-seed Meal." Jour. Amer. Chem. Soc., 27:3, Easton, Pa., March, 
 
 1905. (2100) 
 ENO, A. L. 
 
 " Scott s Quentin Durward" Edited with Introduction and Notes. 
 
 Pp. 28+529. Macmillan, N. Y., 1905. 
 FISCHKIN, E. A. 
 
 " Instrumental Treatment of Chronic Urethritis." Chicago Med. Record 
 er. Chicago, Dec. 1894. (1200) 
 FISK, G. M. 
 
 " Commerce and Industry." Review of State Legislation, 1903. N. Y. 
 
 State Lib. Bull. No. 87, Legislation 22, Albany, 1904. 
 " " Discussion on British Preferential Tariff." Proceedings of the Amer. 
 
 Econ. Assn., Dec., 1904, N. Y. 
 FORBES, S. A. 
 
 " Executive Report of the Illinois State Entomologist, including a re 
 port of operations under the horticultural inspection law." Pp. 35. 
 State Entomologist, Urbana, Illinois, 1905. 
 
 " " Teaching of the Scientific Method." Proceedings and Addresses of 
 
 the N. E. A., Winona, Minn., 1904, (7553) 
 
75 
 
 FORBES, S. A. 
 
 "The Kind of Economic Entomology which the Farmer Ought to Know." 
 
 Report Illinois Farmers Institutes, Springfield, 111., 1904. (5182) 
 " " The More Important Insect Injuries to Indian Corn." Pp. 68. 111. 
 
 Agric. Exp. Station, Bull. No. 95,Urbana, 111., Nov. 1904 
 " " Economic and Industrial Aspects of Secondary School Biology, School. 
 
 Science, and Mathematics." 5:3. Chicago, March, 1905. (4474) 
 ERASER, W. J.- 
 
 " Clean Milk." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular, No. 78, July, 1904. 
 
 (800) 
 " " Some Problems for Breeders and their Associations." Holstein Fries- 
 
 ian Assn., July, 1904. ($000) 
 
 " Crops for the Silo. Cost of Filling and Effect of Silage on the Flavor 
 
 of Milk." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station, Bull. No. 101, April, 1905. (8000) 
 FULLER, WILLIAM 
 
 The Treatment of Fractures at the Angle of the Lower Jaw." Amer. 
 
 Jour, of Surgery and Gynecology, May, 1904. 
 GARNER, J. W. 
 
 " Signed Articles in the Encyclopedia Americana." Americana Co., 1904- 
 
 1905, as follows: 
 
 " " Constitutional Law." (2000) 
 
 " " Neutrality." (1700) 
 
 " Petition of Right." (300) 
 " " Political Science. 3 (3700) 
 
 " " Protectorate." (360) 
 
 " Reconstruction" (in U. S. History). (5400) 
 " " Right of Petition." (650) 
 
 "Territories." (1309) 
 " Treaties." (1240) 
 " " Treaties," Indian. (1000) 
 
 " " Veto." (1000) 
 
 " " The Northern Securities Case." Annals of the Amer. Acad. of Pol. 
 
 and Soc. Sci., 20:!, July, 1904. (9000). Reprint, Gunton s Mag., Aug. 
 1904. 
 " Four Years of Anti-Trust Activity." N. Amer. Review, 179:3, Sept., 
 
 1904. (6000) 
 
 " The Merchant Marine Investigation." N. Amer. Review, 180:3, March, 
 
 1905. (6500) 
 
 " " Federal Activity in Relation to the Public Health." Yale Review, May, 
 
 1 90S. (9000) 
 " " Record of Political Events." Pol. Sci. Quar., 19:2, June, 1904. 
 
 (18000). Ibid., 19:4, Dec., 1904. (17000) 
 " La Vie Politique et Parlementaire dans Les Etats Unis." Revue Poli- 
 
 tique et Parlementaire, 41:123, Sept., 1904. (5200). Ibid., 43:129, March, 
 
 1905. (5000) 
 
 (517) 
 
76 
 
 GREENE, E. B. 
 
 "The Government of Illinois; Its History and Administration." Pp. n- 
 
 296. Macmillan, N. Y., 1904. 
 GREENE, E. B., AND ALVORD. C. W. 
 
 " Syllabus of Modern European History." Pp. 32. Students Coopera 
 tive Assn., Champaign, 111., 1905. 
 GRINDLEY, H. S. 
 
 "The Nitrogenous Constituents of Flesh." Jour. Amer. Chem. Soc., 26: 
 
 1086, Easton, Pa., Sept., 1904. (5500) See Emmett, A. D. 
 HALL, L. D.- 
 
 " Toughness in Beef." Wallace s Farmer, 30:10, Ues Moines, la., March, 
 
 1905. 
 HARSHA, W. M. 
 
 " The Prevention of Appendicitis." Address before the Mississippi Val 
 ley Medical Association at Cincinnati, Oct. 11-13, I 94- Lancet- 
 Clinic, 1905. 
 
 HOLLISTER, H. A. 
 
 "Supply of Teachers for Secondary Schools." School and Home Educ., 
 
 24:4, Bloomington, 111., Dec., 1904. (2000) 
 HOLMES, BAYARD 
 
 " Appendicitis and Other Diseases About the Appendix." Pp. 356. Ap- 
 
 pleton, N. Y. 
 
 " Surgery of the Head." Pp. 569. Appleton, N. Y. 
 HOPPER, H. A. 
 
 " Improvement of Dairy Herds." U. of I. Agric. Exp. Station Circular* 
 
 No. 76, May, ioo4. 
 HUME, A. N. 
 
 " The Testing of Corn for Seed." 111. Exp. Station, Bull. No. 96, p. 401- 
 
 416, Nov., 1904. 
 " " Treatment of Oats for Smut." 111. Exp. Station Circular, No. 89, p. 1-3, 
 
 Mnrch, 1905. 
 KINLEY, DAVID 
 
 " Money: A Study of the Theory of the Medium of Exchange." Pp. i8-f 
 
 415. Macmillan, N. Y. and London, 1904. 
 " "The Relation of the Credit System to the Value of Money." Pp. 12. 
 
 Publications of the Amer. Econ. Assn., 3d Ser., 5:6. 
 LLOYD, J. W. 
 
 "The Selection of Fruits for Exhibition." The 111. Agriculturist, Urbana, 
 
 111., 9:4, Dec., ioo4.(i7oo) 
 METTLER, H. L. 
 
 " A Treatise on Diseases of the Nervous System." Pp. 989. Cleveland 
 
 Press, Chicago, 1904. 
 " " Hysteria." Clinical Review, Part I, V. 20, No. I, April, 1904; Part 2, 
 
 V. 20, No. 2, May, 1904, Chicago. 
 
 "The Mental Diseases of Childhood." New York Med. Jour., Part i. 
 April 23, 1904; Part 2, April 30, 1904, N. Y. 
 
77 
 
 METTLER, H. L. 
 
 " " Acute Ascending Paralysis and Landry s Paralysis." Jour. Amer, Med. 
 
 Assn., Chicago, May 14, 1904. 
 " " Syphilis as a Cause of the Neuroses." Chic. Med. Recorder, V. 25, No. 
 
 6, Chicago, May 15, 1904. 
 
 " " Cerebral Syphilis." Ciinical Review, V. 20, No. 3, Chicago, June, 1904. 
 
 " Multiple Neuritis." Clinical Review, Part I, V. 20, No. 4, July, 1904; 
 
 Part 2, V. 20, No. 5, Aug., 1904, Chicago. 
 " The Differential Diagnosis between Hysteria and Neurasthenia, and 
 
 Treatment." Medical Standard, Chicago, July, 1904. 
 
 " " Polyneuritis with Report of a Case." Medicine, Detroit, July, 1004. 
 
 " " Hemicrania." Clinical Review, V. 20, No. 6, Chicago, Sept., 1904. 
 
 " The Occupation Neuroses." Clinical Review, V. 21, No. i, Chicago, 
 
 Oct., 1904. 
 
 " Caries of the Vertebrae." Clinical Review, V. 2l, No. 2. Nov., 1904. 
 " Infantile Hemiplegia." Clinical Review, V. 21, No. 3, Chicago,Dec., 1904 
 " Neurological Pitfalls." N. Y. Med. Jour., N. Y., Dec., 24, 1904. 
 " Dementia Paralytica." Clinical Review, V. 21, No. 4, Chicago, Jan., 
 
 1905. 
 " " Acute Anteriac Poliomyelitis." Clinical Review, V. 21, No. 5, Feb., 1905 
 
 " Cerebral Abcess." Clinical Review, V. 22, No. I, Chicago, April, 1905 
 " " Case of Disseminated Cerebrospinal Sclerosis with a Suggestive Fam 
 
 ily History." Chicago Med. Recorder, V. 22, No. 4, Chicago, April 15, 
 1005. 
 " The Traumatic Neuroses in and out cf Court." N. Y. Med. Jour., N. Y., 
 
 April 15, 3905. 
 
 " " Tumors of the Brain." Clinical Review, V. 22, No. 2, Chicago, May, 1905. 
 
 MOORE, L. E. 
 
 " The Cole Four-Cylinder Balanced Compound Locomotive." Railroad 
 Gazette, V. 37, No. 25, Dec. 2, 1904 (500); V, 38, No. 3, Jan. 20, 1905, 
 N. Y. (350) 
 
 MUMFORD, H. W. AND HALL, L. D. 
 
 " Present Methods of Beef Production." Part I, U. of I.Agric. Exp. Sta 
 tion, Circular No. 79, July, 1904. (3500) Part 2, Ibid., Circular No. 88, 
 Mar., 1905. (2500) Part 3, Ibid., Circular No. 91, Apr., 1905. (2500) 
 MUMFORD, H. W. 
 
 "Study of Animal Husbandry." School News, Taylorville, 111., Sept., 
 
 1904. (2600) 
 
 "Swine Feeding." Ibid., Oct., 1904. (2600) 
 "Horse Feeding." Ibid., Nov., 1904. (2600) 
 
 " " Present Methods of Beef Production." Ibid., Dec., 1004. (2600) 
 
 " " Packing House By-Products." Idid., Jan., 1905. (2600) 
 
 "Amos Cruickshank, Short-Horn Breeder." Ibid., Feb., 1905. (2600) 
 " Feed Lot Observations." Ibid., March, 1905. (2600) 
 " Mutton and Wool." Ibid., April, 1905. (2600) 
 " " Converting Corn into Beef." Ibid. t May, 1905. U6oo) 
 
 (5IQ) 
 
78 
 
 OCHSNER, A. J. 
 
 " Clinical Surgery." Ed. 2, pp. 747. Cleveland Press, Chicago, 1904. 
 
 " Aseptical Surgical Technique." Transactions Amer. Surgical Assn., 1904. 
 
 " Review of the Histories of One Thousand Consecutive Cases of Appen 
 dicitis Operated on at the Augustana Hospital During the Thirty- 
 three Months from July i, 1901, and April i, 1904." Read before the 
 Tri-State Med. Soc. (Alabama, Georgia, and Tennessee), at its Annual 
 Meeting in Chattanooga, Oct. 14, 1904. 
 
 OSCHNER, A. J, 
 
 "Hospital Construction in American Cities and Towns." Clinical Re 
 view, Chicago, Nov., 1904. 
 
 " " The Construction of Hospitals for the Treatment of Contagious Dis 
 
 eases." Ibid., Dec., 1904. 
 
 " " Hospitals for Smaller Cities and Towns." Ibid., Jan., 1905. 
 
 " " Hospital Management." Ibid n March, 1905. 
 
 PARR, S. W. 
 
 " The Coals of Illinois; Their Composition and Analysis." Pp. 40. The 
 
 University of Illinois Studies, Vol. i, No. 7, July, 1904. 
 " " Some Calorific Tests with Standard Materials." Technograph, 1905. 
 
 AND MCCLURE, C. H. 
 
 " The Photometric Determination of Sulphur in Coal." Jour, of the 
 
 American Chemical Society, Sept., 1904. 
 PATTON, J. M. 
 
 "Medical Clinic." Chemical Review, V. 21, No. i, Chicago, Oct., 1904. 
 
 (2500) 
 
 " "Tricuspid Obstruction." Ibid., V. 7, No. 6, March, 1905, (3000); Reprint. 
 
 111. Med. Jour., V. 7, No. 4, April, 1905. 
 
 PETERS, A. W. 
 
 " Phosphorescena in Ctenophores." Jour, of Experimental Zool., 2:1, 
 
 Baltimore, April, 1905. (5000) 
 " " Abstract of the Sequence of Organisms in a Protozoan Culture and Its 
 
 Irreversibility." Science, V. 21, N. Y. (220) 
 QUINE, W. E. 
 
 Limits of the Power of the Physician Contrasted with that of the Sur 
 geon. 111. Med. Jour., May, 1904. 
 RIETZ, H. L. 
 
 "On Groups in which Certain Commutative Operations are Conjugate." 
 
 Transactions of the Amer. Math. Soc., V. 5, N. Y., Oct., 1904. (3600) 
 SMITH, FRANK 
 
 "An Unusual Flight of Sparrow-Hawks in Michigan in 1904." Bull, of 
 
 the Mich. Ornithological Club, V. 5, Detroit, Dec., 1904. (550) 
 "The Chief Aims in Zoology Work in High Schools." School Sci. and 
 
 Math., Chicago, May, 1905, (2800) 
 STEBBINS, JOEL 
 
 "The Leonids of 1904." Popular Astronomy, 13:1, Northfield, Minn., 
 Jan., 1905. (700) 
 
 (520) 
 
79 
 
 STEBBINS, JOEL 
 
 " "Personal Scale." Publications Astron. Soc. of the Pacific, 17:101, San 
 
 Francisco, April, 1905. (700) 
 TALBOT, A. N. 
 
 " Tests of Reinforced Concrete Beams." Proceedings Amer. Soc. for 
 Testing Materials, V. 4, 1904. (9000) Reprint, Engineering News, Aug. 
 n, 1904, and Engineering Record, Aug. 13, 1904, 
 
 " Flexure of Reinforced Concrete Beams." Jour. West. Soc. of Engi 
 neers, Aug., 1904. (12000) 
 " " Tests of Reinforced Concrete Beams." U. of I. Eng g Exp. Station, 
 
 Bull. No. i, Sept. I, 1904. [25000) 
 
 " The Extension of Engineering Investigational Work by Engineering 
 Schools." Proceedings of the Soc. for the Promotion of Eng g Ed uc. 
 .12,1904. 
 " Paving Brick, Testing and Inspection." Clay Worker, Feb., 1905; 
 
 Municipal Engineering, March, 1905. (3000) 
 WOOD, C. A., AND WOODRUFF, T. A. 
 
 " The Commoner Diseases of the Eye." Ed. 2. pp. 409. Englehard & 
 Co., Chicago, 1904. 
 
 " AND BULLER, FRANK 
 
 Poisoning by Wood Alcohol and Other Methylated Preparations." Jour. 
 
 Amer. Med. Assn., July, 2-30, 1904. 
 " Poisoning by Wood or Methyl Alcohol, and Its Preparations, as a Cause 
 
 of Death and Blindness." A supplementary report. Jour. Amer. 
 
 Med. Assn., V. 81, No. i, Jan. 7, 1905. 
 
 [END OF VOLUME ONE.] 
 
 (521) 
 
INDEX TO VOLUME ONE 
 
 (The references are to numbers at foot of page) 
 
 Adams, C. F, jr., (quoted), 350-1 
 
 Ag-assiz, Louis, Interview with Lincoln, 33-4. 
 
 Algebra, in Illinois hig-h schools, 83-6. 
 
 Arithmetic, in Illinois hig-h schools, 88. 
 
 Astronomy, in Illinois high schools, 107, 111. 
 
 Bagley, Sarah, 446. 
 
 Bakery and confectionery workers union, wom 
 en in, 494. 
 
 Bastwick, Susannah, petition to Parliament- 
 1640-41, 141, 147. 
 
 Beef, dig-estion of, 185-202; air dried, Jessen s ex- 
 periment,187-9; raw and boiled, effect of for 
 malin on, 193; R. H. Chittenden and G. W. 
 Cummins experiment, 189-90. 
 
 Biography, criticised by Lincoln, 7. 
 
 Biology, in Illinois high schools, 110. 
 
 Bixby, Lincoln s letter to Mrs., (quoted) 35 6. 
 
 Bloomington (111.), Lincoln s lost speech, criti 
 cised, 45-6. 
 
 Bonser, F. G,, Statistical Study of Illinois High 
 Schools, 79-129. 
 
 Bookbinders International Brotherhood, wom 
 en in, 466-9. 
 
 Bookkeeping, in Illinois high schools, 84, 88-9, 
 126. 
 
 Boot and shoe workers union, women in, 449-57. 
 
 Botany, in Illinois bigh schools, 109. 
 
 Browning, Robert, Lincoln s fondness for, 14-5. 
 
 Building employees Union, women in, 494-5. 
 
 Burns, Robert, Lincoln s reading from, 10-12. 
 
 Canals, in Illinois in 1834-5, 216. 
 
 Champaign,( 111.,) Lincoln s visit to in 1854, 11-12. 
 
 Charles I. King of England Grand Remon 
 strance front Parliament to, 139-81. 
 
 Chemistry, in Illinois high schools, 108. 
 
 Chicago and Galena Union railroad, 217. 
 
 Chicago Grange, 338. 
 
 Chicago Teachers Federation, 498-9. 
 
 Cigar Makers International Union, women in, 
 488-91. 
 
 Civil War, and the Grange movement, 335-6; 
 effect on commerce of New York, 64-5. 
 
 Civics, in Illinois high schools, 98-9, 126. 
 
 Clay, Henry, Lincoln on, 44. 
 
 Coal, bituminous analyzed, 295-7; calorific 
 values of, 314-18; carbon of, 302-9 ;comparison 
 of different kinds, 299-300; hydrogen of, 300-2; 
 lignitic or brown, analyzed, 297-300; pro 
 ducts of decomposition of, 291-2 semi-bitu 
 minous analyzed, 292-5; sulphur of, 309-14; 
 photometric table for, 313; volatile combust 
 ible of, 300-2; water of composition of, 300-2. 
 
 Coals (The) of Illinois, their composition and 
 analysis, S. W. Parr, 289-328. 
 
 Coles, Edward, governor of Illinois, 215. 
 
 Commerce, of New York, Morgan. R. P., 59-76; 
 history of, in Illinois high schools, 116-7. 
 
 Commercial geography and law, in Illinois 
 high schools, 115. 
 
 Consumers League, 480. 
 
 Cooking, influence of on digestion of meats, 
 198-202. 
 
 Corn, produced in Illinois in 1871-73, 343-4; pro 
 ducing area, change in, 66-7, 70. 
 
 Cunningham, J. O , (quoted) 30, 41,45. 
 
 Cummins, G. W., and Chittenden, R. H., 
 (quoted), 189-90. 
 
 Dickerson, O. M., Illinois Constitutional Con 
 vention of 1862, 385-442. 
 
 Differential rates, disadvantage to New York, 
 71-2. 
 
 Digby, Lord, (quoted) 142-3. 
 
 Digestibility, defined, 187; of meats, 189-90; of, 
 raw and cooked blue fish, 190. 
 
 Digestion, checked by formalin, 193-4; effect of 
 lowering temperature on, 191-3; of beef by, 
 hydrochloric acid without pepsin, 195; of- 
 meats, artificial method, 185-202; rapidity of, 
 198-202. 
 
 Dodge, D. K., Abraham Lincoln: The Evolu 
 tion of His Literary Style, 1-58. 
 
 Douglas, S. A., and Illinois Central railroad, 
 221-2; quoted by Lincoln, 46. 
 
 Drawing, in Illinois high schools, 115 6 
 
 Economics, in Illinois high schools, 103. 
 
 Education, principles of, in Illinois high 
 schools, 117. 
 
 Elocution, in Illinois high schools, 116. 
 
 Emancipation proclamation, 50. 
 
 England. Se 5 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 English composition and literature, in Illinois 
 high schools, 93-5. 
 
 Erie canal, 61. 
 
 Everett, Edward, appreciation of Lincoln s Get 
 tysburg address, 52; Lincoln s opinion of,10. 
 
 Faculty, publications of, see UNIVERSITY. 
 
 Farmers Alliance, 381. 
 
 Farmers Club, in Illinois legislature, 1871, 353. 
 
 Farmers Mutual benefit association, 381, 
 
 "Farmers Ring" in Illinois legislature, 352-3. 
 
 Fiennes, John, 163; on remonstrance on state of 
 church, 164-6; (quoted) 1656. 
 
 Finch, Lord John, 148. 
 
 Fish, digestibility of raw and cooked blue, 190. 
 
 [523] 
 
Foods, digestibility of, defined, 187. 
 
 Formalin, experiments with, in digestion, 193-8. 
 
 French language, in Illinois high schools, 96. 
 
 Geometry, in Illinois high schools, 86-9. 
 
 German language, in Illinois high schools, 95-6. 
 
 Gettysburg address, Lincoln s, 50-3. 
 
 Glove Makers Union, women in, 484-8, 
 
 Gordon, J. H., Illinois railway legislation and 
 commission control since 1870, 227-290. 
 
 Grammar, in Illinois high schools, 90. 
 
 Grand remonstrance to Charles I., King of Eng 
 land, Schoolcraft, H. L., 139-81. 
 
 Grange, bibliography, 383-5; bulletins of, 339- 
 l 40, 378; causes of decline of, 340; conflicts 
 I with the railroads, 347-69; degrees nd ritu 
 al of, 337; discontent with, 341-2, 346; estab 
 lish me nt of, 337-9; estimate of, 381-2; frater 
 nal, social and educational features of, 377-80; 
 history of, 335-42; in politics, 364-9; salaries 
 of officers of, 341-2. See also GRANGER 
 MOVEMENT IN ILLINOIS. 
 
 "Granger Laws." See GRANGE. 
 
 Granger Movement in Illinois, Paine, A. E., 
 335-85. 
 
 Great Britain, Army plot (1641), 151-2; flight of 
 leaders, 153. HOUSE OF COMMONS: bill to 
 prevent dissolution of Parliament, 153; com 
 mittee of, 124, 143, 163-4; remonstrance 146, 
 159; London petition referred to, 149; mem 
 bers of, 143; powers of, 145; committee to 
 investigate condition of Catbolics, 144-6; 
 control of army, 140; Episcopal church ser 
 vice, 139-40, 170-1; Irish affairs, 1640, 143-4; 
 London petition against Episcopacy, 149, 
 165; rebellion in Ireland, 178-9. PARLIAMENT, 
 1640: bill for annual meetings, 148, 165; for 
 triennial meetings, 148, 150. The Long: 
 King s speech at opening, 140; disbanding 
 of Scotch and English armies, 155-6, 160; 
 measures against a Citholic plot, 174; poll 
 tax voted, 157-8, 176-7; remonstrance pre 
 sented to the House of Commons (analysis), 
 175-6; Sunday session, 160. WOMEN S UNIONS 
 IN, 501-7. 
 
 Great Lakes, ship canal to Atlantic Ocean, 63, 
 75. 
 
 Greek, in Illinois high schools, 97. 
 
 Grindley, H. S., and Mojonnier, T., Artificial 
 Method of determing the ease and rapidity 
 of digestion of meats, 183-202. 
 
 Hammond, M. B., Railway legislation in Illi 
 nois before 1870, 213-26. 
 
 Herron, Belva Mary, Progress of labor organ 
 ization among women, together with some 
 considerations concerning their place in 
 industry, 443-512. 
 
 History, in Illinois high schools, 97-9, 100-3, 115, 
 125. 
 
 Holmes, O. W., Lincoln s reading of, 13, 15. 
 
 Illinois, canals built, 1834-35, 216; coals of, see 
 
 COALS; constitutions of 1848 and 1870 on 
 railways, 223, 232, 268,352; constitutional con 
 vention of 1879, 229, 231-2; general assembly 
 27; internal improvements, 1837-49; 217-9, 
 221-2; Central railway, 1851-1902, 217, 221-3. 
 243, 261-3, 269-71. 
 
 Illinois Constitutional Convention of 1862, 
 Dickerson, O. M., 385-442; bibliography, 441- 
 2; calling of, 387-93; compared with those of 
 1848 and 1870, 414-6; democratic leaders in, 
 392-3; proceedings of , 393-410; proposed con 
 gressional apportionment in, 440; proposed 
 senatorial apportionment in, 437; rejected 
 constitution discussed, 410-6; republican 
 leaders in, 393; votes cast on constitution 
 and map. 408438;, votes 011 negro question, 
 439. 
 
 Illinois Railwaj^ and Warehouse Commission, 
 213-5, 237 8, 251-2, 256-8, 261, 279-87, 240-2, 254, 
 356, 362-3; compared with New England 
 commissions, 253-5. 
 
 Illinois Railway Legislation and Commission 
 Control since 1870, Gordon, J. H., 227-89. 
 
 Illinois railways, and act of 1849, 220; attitude 
 of towards laws of 1871, 239-40; Central rail 
 road, 217, 221-3,243, 261-3, 269-71; charter re 
 stricted, 217; charters refused to railways 
 with terminals outside the state, 1848-54, 220; 
 Chicago and Galena Union railway, 217; 
 gross earnings of, 237, 239; business done 
 and cost of operation, 237, 239, 241, 258-60; 
 rates charged, 237, 239, 241,258-60; conflict 
 with the grange, 213-4, 231, 248, 347-69; from 
 1870-1904, 272-8; early charters, 217, 219-20; 
 electric, 277-8; Illinois vs. Illinois Central 
 railway company, 269-71; Lake front law, 
 1870, 230, 269-71; mileage at various dates, 
 219,221,227,242,^72, 277; Northern Cross 
 railroad, 1838, 218-9; pooling, 266-7; ^ight to 
 submerged land of Lake Michigan, 230, 
 269-71; and farmers, 336 347-57; state owner 
 ship, 213-4, 217-9; commission, 213, 215. 237-8, 
 251-3, 256-8 261, 279-87; tax-grabbing law of 
 1870, 230, 267-71; test cases, 214, 243-4, 262, 
 354. 
 
 Immortality, Lincoln s favorite poem, 13-4. 
 
 Interstate commerce commission, 256-7, 236-7, 
 382. 
 
 Ireland, discussed in House of Commons, 1640, 
 143-4. 
 
 lessen, Ernest, on digestibility of meats. 187-8. 
 
 Knights of Labor, 447, 
 
 Kelley, O. H., founder of the Grange, 330-9. 
 
 Label League, women in, 499-500. 
 
 Labor Organization Among Women, 443-512. 
 
 Ladies, of St. Crispin, 447; Garment Workers, 
 Union, women in, 475-81. 
 
 Languages, in Illinois high schools, 91, 95, 124. 
 
 Latin, in Illinois high schools, 95. 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, charges against, 147-8, 150. 
 
 [524] 
 
Leslie, J. M., author of The Phantom, a favorite 
 poem of Lincoln s, 12-3. 
 
 Lignitic or brown coal. See COAL . 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, appreciation of humorous 
 writers, 16-7; autobiography (quoted), 4-5; 
 Cooper Institute speech, 46; early poems^ 
 37-9; education of, 4-6; evolution of his liter 
 ary style, Dodg-e,D.K., 1-58; first and second 
 inaugurals of, 47-8, 53: interest in words, 
 31-4; knowledg-e of Shakspere, 19-25; lectures 
 criticised, 39-40; letters criticised, 35-6; list 
 of quotations used in his speeches 55-6; mes 
 sages to Congress, 27, 48-9; lost speech 
 (Blooming-ton, 111.), 45-6; quotations from 
 the Bible by, 9; observation of nature, 29-30; 
 orig-in of his stories, 34-5; Peoria(Ill. ) speech, 
 44-5; reading- of fiction, 6-8; his study of 
 Euclid and Latin, 5, 33; style of proclam- 
 mations, 49-50; debates with S. A. Doug-las, 
 44-5; temperance address, 43-4. 
 
 Liverpool and Manchester railroad, 62. 
 
 Long- Parliament. See GREAT BRITAIN, Parlia 
 ment, Long-. 
 
 Long-fellow, H. W., Lincoln s reading- of, 9, 15-6. 
 
 Lost speech, Lincoln s Blooming-ton ( 111.), 9, 45-6. 
 
 Lowell, J. R., Lincoln s quotation of, 15. 
 
 McNeill, Geo., (quoted), 446. 
 
 Manual training-, in Illinois high schools, 116-7. 
 
 Mathematics, in Illinois hig-h schools, 82-9, 123. 
 
 Meat, Cutters and Butcher Workers Union, 
 women in, 496-8; digestibility of, 185-202; 
 Chittenden and Cummins experiments, 
 189-90. 
 
 Mississippi Valley, effect of a ship canal be 
 tween Great Lakes and Atlantic, 62-6, 74-5. 
 
 Mojonnier,Timothy and Grindley, H. S., Arti 
 ficial method for determining- the ease and 
 rapidity of digestion of meats, 185-202. 
 
 Morgan, R. P., Decline of the commerce of the 
 port of New York, 61-76. 
 
 Mule Spinners Union, 483. 
 
 Music, in Illinois high schools, 117. 
 
 Mythology, in Illinois high schools, 117. 
 
 Naseb3 r letters, 16. 
 
 New York, commerce at port of, 61 -76; Interstate 
 Commerce Commission, 1900 report on, 69; 
 decline of, 61-76; differential rates and, 71-2; 
 effect of the Civil War on, 64-5; Erie Canal 
 and, 68; railroads and, 62-3, 75-7; terminal 
 charge and, 70-1; effect of ship canal con 
 necting Great Lakes with Atlantic Ocean 
 on, 63-75. 
 
 Niagara Falls, Lincoln s description of, 30-1. 
 
 Paine, A. E., Granger Movement in Illinois, 
 335-85. 
 
 Palmer, J. M., (quote 1 ), 233-4. 
 
 Parr, S W., Coals of Illinois; their composition 
 and analysis. 289-328. 
 
 Parliament. See GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 Patrons of husbandry. See GRANGE. 
 
 Pepsin, in artificial digestion, 186-201. 
 
 Physical culture, in Illinois high schools, 117. 
 
 Physics, in Illinois high schools, 104, 107-8. 
 
 Physiography, ii Illinois high schools, 111. 
 
 Physiology, in Illinois high schools, 110. 
 
 Political Science, in Illinois high schools, 98, 
 126. 
 
 Potter s Union, women in, 491-2. 
 
 Prairie Farmer, (quoted), 364-5, 366,368-9, 376. 
 
 Printing trade, women in, 458ff. 
 
 Proteids, digestibility of, 188-9. 
 
 Psychology, in Illinois high schools, 112. 
 
 Pym, John, 157, 158, 163-4, 169. 
 
 Rail and lake transportation compared, 64. 66, 
 69. 
 
 Railroads, effect on commerce of U. S., 62-3, 
 75-6; in Illinois, See ILLINOIS RAILWAYS. 
 
 Railway legislation in Illinois before 1870, 
 Hammond, M. B., 213-26. 
 
 Reynolds, John, 216. 
 
 Rhetoric, in Illinois high schools 91,93-4. 
 
 St. Louis, relation to New York Commerce, 65. 
 
 Schoolcraft, H. L., Genesis of the Grand Re 
 monstrance from Parliament to King 
 Charles I., 139-81. 
 
 Sciences, in Illinois high schools, 103-12, 126-7. 
 
 Scotland, address of Charles I in, 172, 
 
 Seward, W. H., and Lincoln s first inaugural 
 address, 47-8. 
 
 Shirt, waist and laundry workers union, wom 
 en in, 492-4. 
 
 Smith, S. M., (quoted), 345. 
 
 Spanish, in Illinois high schools, 97. 
 
 Spelling, in Illinois high schools, 116. 
 
 St; Crispin, Ladies of, 447. 
 
 Statistical study of Illinois high schools, Bon- 
 ser, F. G., 79-135. 
 
 Stenography, in Illinois high schools, 118 
 
 Straff ord, Thomas, Earl of, arrest of, 144, 150-1, 
 153. 
 
 Sweating system of women garment workers, 
 470ff. 
 
 Swedish, in Illinois high schools, 97. 
 
 Teachers, in Illinois high schools, 118-9; Feder 
 ation of Chicago, 498-9. 
 
 Telegraphers Union, women in, 492. 
 
 Trigonometry, in Illinois high schools, 87. 
 
 Typographical Union, women in, 457, 446; wom 
 en s auxiliary in, 466. 
 
 Typewriting, in Illinois high schools, 118. 
 
 University of Illinois, high schools accredited 
 to, 79; publications of faculty of, 130-5, 203-8, 
 329-32,513-21. 
 
 United Garment workers union, women in, 469, 
 475. 
 
 United textile workers union, women in, 481. 
 
 Vane, Sir Henry jr., 164, 166-7. 
 
 Ward, Montgomery & Co., 374. 
 
 Wages of women, 458, 462, 467, 476, 477, 486, 489. 
 
 [525] 
 
Webster, Daniel, influence on Lincoln s speech 
 es, 10, 43, 48, 52-3. 
 
 Wheat and corn in Illinois, 1871-3, 343-4. 
 
 Wheat producing- area, change in, 66-7, 70. 
 
 Willett, Mrs. M. H., (quoted), 32, 470,471, 474. 
 
 Women, in labor organizations, 443-512; in early 
 labor movement, 445-8; in boot and shoe 
 workers union, 449-56; condition of in boot 
 and shoe workers union, 456-7; in typo 
 graphical union, 457, 466; in printing trade, 
 458ff.; auxiliary of typographical union, 466; 
 in international book binders brotherhood, 
 466-9; wages of, 458, 462,467, 476, 477, 486, 489; 
 in united garment workers union, 469, 475; 
 
 in united textile workers union, 481; in 
 glove workers union, 484-8; in cigar mak 
 ers union, 488-91; in potters union, 491-2: 
 in telegraphers union, 492: in shirt, waist 
 and laundry workers union, 492-4; in ba 
 kery and confectionery workers union, 494; 
 in union of building employees, 494-5; in 
 meat cutters and butcher workers union, 
 496-8; in Union label league, 499-500; in 
 trade union league, 500-01; unions in Great 
 Britain, 501-7: in protective and provident 
 league, 503; in labor organizations, gen 
 eral conditions affecting, 507-11. 
 Zoology, in Illinois high schools, 109. 
 
 [526] 
 
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