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WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF TYPUS ORBIS TERRARUM
From Oitelius loSo. ami Hakliivt. 1589

BRITISH COLUMBIA

FROM THE

EARLIEST TIMES TO THE

PRESENT

By E. O. S. SCHOLEFIELD

PROVINCIAL LIBRARIAN AND ARCHIVIST

ILLUSTRATED

VOLUME I

THE S. J. CLARKE PUBLISHING COMPANY

VANCOUVER WINNIPEG MONTREAL CHICAGO

CONTENTS

PAGE
LIST OP AUTHORITIES XV

CHAPTER I

PREHISTORIC NORTHWEST AMERICA 1

CHAPTER II

APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES H>

' CHAPTER III

SPANISH EXPLORATIONS -V-i

CHAPTER IV

RUSSIAN EXPLORATIONS 49

C-H AFTER V

CAPTAIN JAMES COOK 7.'!

('IT APT EH VI

TDK M AKITIM ): l-l KTU ADKHS Ill

f'TTAPTKR VTT

THE NOOTKA SOtTND CONTROVERSY 1 ii")

en M'TKi: x'lTi

CAI'TAi'n GEORGE VANCOUVER 157

TTTAPTER IX

SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE ^99

r]]\VTEU X

SIMON ERASER 23;">

847337

CHAPTER XI

NEW CALEDONIA 283

CHAPTER XII
THE Hudson's bay company 327

CHAPTER XIII

THE OREGON QUESTION 427

CHAPTER XIV

THE POUNDING OF VICTORIA 457

CHAPTER XV

THE COLONY OP VANCOUVER ISLAND 497

CHAPTER XVI

REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT 529

CHAPTER XVII

VANCOUVER ISLAND IN TRANSFORMATION 557

CHAPTER XVIII

THE NATIVE RACES OP BRITISH COLUMBIA 573

CHAPTER XIX

MEDICAL 593

CHAPTER XX

THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM OP BRITISH COLUMBIA 623

CHAPTER XXI

BANKS AND BANKING 643

APPENDIX

CONTAINING PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 653

INDEX
683

ILLUSTRATIONS

Western Hemisphere of Typus Orbis Terrarum Frontispiece

Giovanni Martines, After 1560. Chart One of Atlas 7 1

Prom the Globe of F. Sohoner. 1520 3

Manuscript Map of 1530 and Map of P. de Furlani, 1560 7

Map of Euysch in edition of Ptolemaeus, 1508, and Frobisher map, 1578 8

Maps by Judaeis, 1593; Herrera, 1600; Sanson, 1691, and Bcbaim, 1492. 9

Eastern Asia after Bering, 1728 10

Maps by Bellin and Buache, 1748, 1750. 1775 11

Maps by Jefferys, 1758 and 1764 12

Russian Maps, 1 75S and 1775 13

General Map of Discoveries of Admiral De Fonte 15

French Map of North America, circa, 1775 17

Title Page of Purchas, His Pilgrimea 23

Early Map of Vancouver Island and Entrance to the Strait of Juan De Fuca 33

Vista De Lo Interior De La Gala De Los Amigos en La Entrada De Nutka 41

First Spanish Chart of Strait of Juan De Fuca, 1790 44

Map of North America, circa, 1625 49

Map of Western North America, circa, 1775 73

H. M. S. Resolution 76

Autograph Letter by Captain Cook 78

General Map of the Discoveries of Admiral De Fonte and Other Navigators by De I'Isle,

1752 80

A Man and Woman of Nootka Sound 84

Mount St. Elias and the New Eddystone 94

Birthplace of Captain Cook ; Death of Captain Cook 105

Alexander Dalrymplc 116

Maps, Port Etches and Rose 's Harbour 118

Track of the Snow Experiment 119

Mearcs ' Long Boat Entering the Strait of Juan De Fuca 121

Maps of N. W. Coast of America, by Capts. Robert Funter and Janips Hanna 122

Sketch of RaftCove in Queen Charlotte Sound, by Robert Funter 125

Callieum and Maquilla 128

Discovery on the ■Rocks in Queen Charlotte's Sound; Launch of the A^or<^ West America. . 131

Signatures of early Captain-Traders 133

View of Spanish Fort, Nootka Sound, from Contemporary Drawing, 1793 135

Spanish Insult to British Flag, 1789 144

Captain George Vancouver, K. N 157

Captain Gray in the Straits of Juan De Fuca ; at the Falkland Islands; In Winter Quarters

at Clayoquot ; at Whampoa 160

The Ships Columbia, Washington, Hancock 16:^

Falls at Indian River Post, Burrard Inlet Iti4

Alexandro Malaspina 166

Spanish Ship Atrevida on Northwest Coast 167

E. Haswell, C. Bulfinch, Jos. Banxell 169

Galiano Island ^ ' 1

The Country of New Albion 1'8

Friendly Cove and Salmon Cove l&O

Macuina and Tetaeu 182

Maps, Milbank 's Sound and Friendly Cove 1S4

A View of the Habitations in Nootka Sound 190

Letter by George Vancouver 192

Celebration in Honour of the Coming of Age of the Daughter of the Famous Nootka Chief,

Maquinna, about 1792 I'*'

Petersham Churchyard, Surrey, England 19'*

Captain George Vancouver's Tomb and Memorial Tablet 19'

Simon Frascr of the NorthWest Company 235

Port Grahame, Hudson 's Bay Co. Pctst on Finlay Kiver 283

Fort McLeod, founded 1805 -^^

Hudson 's Bay Co. 's Post, near Fraser Lake, founded 1 806 287

John Tod ^^^

Duiivegan, Hudson 's Bay Post, Peace River; Episcopal Church Mission at Lesser Slave Lake 493

The Home of Dr. W. F. Tolmie *^*^

Fort Victoria *5'

Wharf Street, 1867, and Fort Street '*''^

472
The Prison, Victoria '

Cheslakees' Village in Johnstone's Straits and Village of the Friendly Indians -19.?

Richard Blanshard, Arthur E. Kennedy, Sir Anthony Musgrave, Sir James Douglas 510

53"
First School on Vancouver Island

First Legislative Council of Vancouver Island, 1856

547
Originally Supreme Court, Later First Museum

View of Victoria in 1860 '^

Bird 's-Eye View of Victoria in 1S78

564
Early Views. Government Street, Victoria

Old Views of Victoria

Old A'iew of James Bridge, Victoria "*

xii

Type8 of British Columbia Indians 57.'i

Indian Fish Caches 580

The Inside of a House iu Nootka Sound 582

Missions and Their Congregations 584

Kincolith Church and School; Nishka Chiefs and Leaders 587

Section of Kincolith ; The New Mode of Travel, Archdeacon CoUison 's Launch, The Dawn,

arrived in Harbour '. 589

Progress in Education G23

Angela College, Victoria; Administration Bifilding, Virtoria 620

University Site Commissioners, 1910 634

Vancouver 643

Vancouver, City, Council Meeting After the Fire of June 13, 1886, and J. W. Home's Real

Estate Office 645

Hastings Street and Granville Street, Vancouver 646

North Vancouver from Ferry Wharf and Vancouver Harbour and Shipping 647

Twin Falls, Yoho Valley; Siwash Eoek, English Bay, Vancouver 649

*:i

LIST OF AUTHORITIES

Adam (G. Mercer). From Savagery to Civ-
ilisation. Toronto, 1885.
Outline history of Canadian Literature, 1887.
Adams (E. D.). Influence of Grenville on

Pitt's Foreign Policy, 1787-1798. (Nootka)

Wash., 1904.
Adams (Joseph). Ten thousand miles through

Canada. Lend., 1912.
Aflalo (F. G.) Sunset playgrounds, fishing

days in Canada. Lond., 1909.
Aflalo {F. G.) Ed. Wilderness and the Jungle.

Lond., 1912.
Alaska. Canada's dismemberment. Niagara-

on-the-Lake, 1904.
Alaskan boundary tribunal proceedings. Wash.

Govt., 1904. (U. S. Congress 58. 2 Sen.

Doc, 162).
Allen (A. J.). Ten years in Oregon. Ithaca,

N. Y., 1848.
Allen (Alexander). Cariboo and the mines of

B. C. Ms.
Alston (E. Graham). Handbook on B. C. and

Vancouver Island. Lond., 1870.
Amery (L. S.). Union and Strength. Lond.,

1912.
Amoretti (Charles). Voyage de la mer At-

lantique a I'ocean Pacifique par le Capi-

taine Laurent Ferrer Maldonado, I'an

1588. Plaisance, Magno, 1812.
Amos (Andrew). Report of trials relative tn

the destruction of Selkirk's settlement on

Red river. Lend., 1820.
Amundsen (Roald). "North-west Passage,"

voyage of the "Gjoa," 1903-07. 2 vols.

I.ond., 1908.
Anderson (Alexander Caulfield). Dominion

at the West. Victoria, 1872.
British Columbia, an appendix to the B. C.

Directory, 1882-3. Victoria, 1883.
Handbook and map to the gold region of

Eraser's and Thompson's Rivers. San

Fran., 1858.
Indian tribes of British North America.

(Historical Mag., March, 1863, 73-81).

North Western America. (Canadian Nat-

turalist, 1876, N. S. v. 8, 135-156).
North-west Coast History. Ms.

Anderson (James). Letter to Sir George
Simpson. (Lond. Geog. Socy. Jour., XXVI).
Sawney's letters and Cariboo rhymes.
Toronto, 1895.

Anderson (John J.). Did Louisiana extend to
the Pacific? N. Y., 1882.

Annals of British legislation. Lond., 1856, etc.

Applegate (Jesse). Views of Oregon history.
Ms.

Archives parlementaires de 1787 a i860,
Recueil complet des debats legislatifs et
politiques des chambres fran^aises. Pre-
miere serie. Tome XV.
Assemblee Nationale Constituante du 21
Avril 1790 au 30 Mai. 1790. (Nootka)
Paris, 1883.

Argonaut. Statement of all the facts relative
to Nootka Sound. Lond., 1790.
A continuation of statement. Lond., 1790.

Armstrong (A. W.). Oregon. Chicago, 1857.

Arrowsmith (John). Map of B. C. and Van-
couver Island. Lond., 1859.

Atahualpa (Voyage of the ship). Extracts
from a journal . voyage from

Boston to the N. W. Coast. (Collections
of the Mass. Hist. Socy., 1804).

Aube (Th.). Vancouver et la Colombie An-
glaise. Paris, 1877.

Aubertin (J. J.). Fight with Distances, the
States, Canada, B. C, etc. 1888.

Auckland (Wm., Lord). Journal and corres-
pondence of. (Nootka Sound). Lond.,
1861.

Back (Capt. Sir George). Arctic land expedi-
tion, 1833, 1834, and 1835. I Vol. Lond.,
1836.
Discovery of the North-west passage. By
commander R. M'Clure, of H. M. S. In-
vestigator. (Jour, of Royal Geog. Socy.,
1854)-

XVI

AUTHORITIES

Bacqueville de la Potherie. Histoire de
I'Amerique septentrionale. Paris, 1772.

Baedeker (Karl). Dominion of Canada.
Leipzig, 1907.

Bagley (C. B. ). In the beginning. Seattle,
1905.

Balch (Thomas Willing). The Alaska-Can-
adian frontier. Phil., 1902.

Balfour (Henry). Haida Portrait Mask.
(Man., \'ol. 7).

Ballantyne (Robert M.). Hudson's Bay. Edin.,
1S48.
Handbook to the new gold fields, Fraser
and Thompson Rivers. Edin., 1858.

Ballou (William T.). Adventures. Ms.

Bancroft (George). Memorial on the Canal
de Haro, N. p. N. D.

Bancroft (Hubert Hovpe). History of Alaska,
1730-1885. San Fran., i886.
History of British Columbia, 1792-1887. San

Fran., 1887.
History of California.
History of Nevada.
History of the Northwest Coast. 2 v. San

Fran., 1884.
History of Oregon, 2 v. San Fran., 1886.
History of Washington, Idaho, and Mon-
tana.
Native races of the Pacific States of North

.America. 5 v. N. Y., 1874-75.
Popular Tribunals.

Bancroft's hand-book of mining. San Fran.,
1861.

Barbeau (C. M.). The bearing of the heraldry
of the Indians of the north-west coast of
America upon their social organisation.
(Man., vol. XII, pp. 83-90).

Barneby (W. H.). Life and labour in the Far
Far West. 1884.
New Far West and the Did Far East. 1889.

Barrington (Daines). Miscellanies [account
of early Spanish voyages to the N. W.
coast]. Lond., 1781.-

Barrow (Sir John). Voyages for the purpose
of discovering a north-east, north-west, or
polar passage. Lond., 1818.
A letter to the Geographical Society con-
cerning a north-west passage. (Jour, of
the Royal Creog. Socy. Lond., 1836,
PP- 34-37)

Barrows (William). Oregon, the struggle for
possession. Bost., 1884.

Bate (Mark). History of the Bastion. Nan-
aimo, N. D.

Baumgarten (Hermann). Geschichte Spa-
nien's zur Zeit dcr franzoesi?chen Revolu-
tion. (Nootka) Berlin, 1861.

Bayley (C. A.). Vancouver Island early life.

Ms.
Baylies (Francis). Exploration of the north-
west coast. (Report 35 H. of R. 19th Cong.

1st Sess., Jan. 16, 1826) Wash., 1826.
Northwest Coast of America. (Report 213,

May 15, 1826).
Bayly (William). Astronomical observations

in ships Resolution and Discovery, 1776-

80. Lond., 1782.
Bealby (J. T.). Fruit ranching in British

Columbia. Toronto, 1909.
Beaman (Charles C. ). Our new north-west.

(Harper's Mag., July, 1867.)
Beaufort (Capt. Francis). A letter to the

Royal Geographical Society concerning a

north-west passage. (Jour, of the Royal

Geog. Socy. Lond., 1836.)
Becher (Capt. Alexander B. ). Navigation of

the Pacific ocean. Lond., i860.
Beckwith (Miss M. W. ). Dance forms of the

Moqui and Kwakiutl Indians. (Proc. 15th

Inter. Congress of Americanists, Quebec,

1906, vol. 2.)
Beechey (F. W. ). Voyage to the Pacific in

1825, 26, 27, 28. 2 V. Lond., 1831.
Begbie (Matthew B.). Journey into the In-
terior of British Columbia. (Lond. Geog.

Socy. Jour., XXXI.) 1861.
Begg (Alexander). History of British Co-
lumbia. Toronto, 1894.
History of the North-West. 3 v. Toronto,

1894-5.
Review of the Alaskan boundary question.

(Victoria, B. C, N. D.).
Behring Sea. Papers relating to. Wash., 1887.
Fur-seal, sea-otter and salmon fisheries regu-
lations. Wash., 1896.
Belcher (Sir Edward). Voyage round the

world in 1836-42. Lond., 1843.
Benyowsky (Count). Memoirs and travels.

Lond., 1904.
Bering Sea arbitration (reprint of letters to

the Times). Lond., 1893.
Bering Sea commission. Report of. Lond.,

1892.
Bezanson (A. M.). The Peace River Trail.

Edmonton [1907].
Bingley (Rev. William). Travels in North

.■\merica from modern writers. Lond.,

1821.
Biographical Dictionaries. Dictionnaire his-

lorique des hommes illustrcs du Canada,

par Bibaud, 1857.
Le Pantheon canadien par M. Bibaud, 1858.
Canada: An Encyclopasdia, by J. C. Hopkins,

1898.

AUTHORITIES

xvu

Biographies caiiadieiines, |/.<r I'Alibe Cas-

grain, 1873.
Chambers's biographical dictionary, 1902.
Cyclopaedia of American Biography.
Biographies et portraits, par L. O. David,

1876.
Canadian portrait gallery, by J. C. Dent.
Dictionary of English history, ed. by Low

and Pulling.
Dictionary of national biography.
Bibliotheca canadensis, by H. J. Morgan,

1867.
Canadian men and women of the time, by

II. J. Morgan.
Sketches of celebrated Canadians, by H. J.

Morgan, 1862.
Dictionnaire historique des Canadiens de

I'ouest, par .■\. G. Morice, 1908.
Biographical dictionary of well-known

British Columbians. Kerr and Begg.
Cyclopa;dia of Canadian biog., by G. M.

Rose, 1886.
Men of the Day. Ed. by Louis H. Tache.
Les Canadiens de I'ouest, par J. Tasse, 1882.
Portraits of British Americans, by \V. Not-

man, with letterpress by F. Taylor, 1865.
Who's Who. London.
Who's Who in Western Canada.
Biographical dictionary of British Columbia.
By J. B. Kerr, 1890.
Bishop (Avard Langley). Hudson Bay route.

(Yale Review, April, 1912.)
Bishop (Capt. Charles). Journal of a voyage
to the N. W. Coast of America, in the ship
"Ruby." 1794-6 (Original Mss. ).
Black (C. E. D.). The Marquess of Dufferin

and Ava. Lond., 1903.
Blaikie (W. G.). Summer suns in the far

west. Lond., 1890.
Blake (Theodore A.). Geological features of
the Northwest Coast. (American Jour, of
Science and Arts. 2nd Ser., 1868.)
(Jeological features of the Northwestern
Coast, from straits of Juan de Fuca to
parallel of 60°. (Coast Survey, 1867.
Wash., 1869.)
Blake (William P.). Notes on the Stickeen

River. Wash., 1868.
Blanchet (Rev. F. N.). The Catliolir church
in Oregon and the nurtlnvest. Ferrulale,
Wash., 19 10.
Blanshard (Riiliard). Vancouver Island.
Despatches, 26th Dec, 1849, to 3olh Aug.,
1851. New Westminster, N. D.
Beam (H. J.) and Brown (A. G.). British
Columbia ; its history, people, commerce,
industries, and resources. Lond., 1912.

Boas (Franz). Ethnological problems in Can-
ada. (Proc. of the 15th Inter. Congress
of .Americanists. Quebec, 1906, vol. I.)
The KwakiutI of Vancouver Island. (Mem.
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anthrop., vol. I,
p. 2, 1909.)
The origin of Totemism. (Jour. .Amer.

Folk-Lore, vol. 23.)
Eine Sonnensage der Tsimschian. (Zeit-

schrift fiir Ethnologie. Bd. 40.)
Social organization of the KwakiutI Indians.
Wash., 1897.
Boas Anniversary Volume. Anthropological
papers written in honour of Franz Boas,
professor of anthropology in Columbia
University. N. Y., 1906.
Boddy (Rev. Alexander A.). By ocean, prairie
and peak, journeys to B. C, etc. Lond.,
1896.
Bolduc (J. B. Z.). Mission de la Colombie.
Lettre et journal. Quebec [184?].
Letter to Mr. Cayenne, 15 Feb., 1844. In De
Smet's Oregon Missions, 51.
Bompas (William C, Bishop). Diocese of

Mackenzie river. Lond., 1888.
Bonar (J.). The golden coins of B. C. (Jour-
nal of Canadian Bankers) Jan., 1910.
Bourinot (Sir J. G.). Canada (1896).

Intellectual development of the Canadian
people, 1881.
Bowles (Samuel). Across the continent.
Springfield, 1866.
(Jur new West. Hartford, etc., 1869.
Brabant (Rev. A. J.). Vancouver Island and

its Missions, 1874-1900. N. D. N. p.
Breysig (Kurt). Die Amerikaner des
Nordwestens und des Nordens. (Die
CJeschichte der Menschheit, Erster Band.
Die \'6lker Ewiger Urzeit I.) Berlin,
1907.
Bridges (F. D.). A lady's travels round the

world. Lond., 1S83.
British and American joint commission on Hud-
son's Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural
Company's claims, testimnny on pan of the
U. S. Wash., 1867.
British Colonist in North America, a guide for

emigrants, 1890.
British Columbia. Bill to provide for the gov-
ernment of New Caledonia, 1X58.
British Columbia and Vancouver's Island. A
complete hand-book, etc. Lond., 1858.
A hand-book concerning the gold fields,
(c. i860).
British Columbia. The new gold fields of
B. C. and Vancouver's Island. Lond.,
1862.

XVlll

AUTHORITIES

Guide for B. C. By a successful digger,
etc. [Lond., 1862].

Papers relative to the affairs of B. C. pre-
sented to both Houses of Parliament, 1858-
1864.

Papers relative to the proposed union of
B. C. and Vancouver Island, 31st May,
1866.

Debates on the subject of confederation,
March, 1870.

Agric. and Horticultural Socy. reports. Vic-
toria, 1873, etc.

Guide to the province of. Victoria, 1877.

Railway question, opinions of the English
press. Victoria, 1877.

Information for intending settlers. (Dept.
of Agriculture, Ottawa, 1884).

As a field for emigration and investment
[By A. Beaulands]. Victoria, B. C, 1891.

Guide map of the province, with geo-
graphical description. Victoria, B. C,
[1891].

Its present resources and future possibilities.
Victoria (Govt.) 1893.

The Pacific province, resources, climate, etc.
(C. P. Ry. Co.) 1893.

The commercial. B. C. supplement, ill.
Winnipeg, 1893.

Reports of provincial archivist. Victoria,
B. C.

Horticultural Society and Fruit Growers'
Association of B. C. annual reports. Van-
couver.

Memorial in connection with the Oraineca
road petition. N. p., N. D.

Public documents, acts, ordinances and proc-
lamations, consolidated statutes, correspond-
ence on the custom stations between Vic-
toria and Kootenay, expenditure, Indian
land question, jour, of legis. assembly, jour,
of leg. council, lands and works, list of
voters, mmes reports, overland coach road,
papers relating to affairs, public schools,
registrar of births, etc., sessional papers,
statutes.

Bills of the legislative assembly.

Supreme court rules.

Votes and proceedings.

Dept. of education. Manual of school law
and regulations in B. C. Victoria, J893
to date.

Dept. of mines. The days of old and days of
gold in B. C. Victoria, 1912.

Milling and Mining Company, prospectus.
Victoria, 1878.

Mining Stock Board Constitution. Victoria,
1878.

British Columbia Archives.

Colony of British Columbia, 1858-1871 (in-
cluding Vancouver Island after 1866).
Governor.
Proclamations and ordinances, 1858-1864.

I vol.
Circular despatches from Downing Street,

1852-1868. 3 vols.
Despatches from the secretary of state for

the colonies, 1866-1871. 5 vols.
Despatches from the secretary of state,
Ottawa, 1870-1871. I vol.
Legislative Council.

Minutes, 1859-1871. i vol.
Journal, 1864-1871. 2 vols.
Messages from governor, 1864-1871. 2
vols.
Secretar}-.

Letters, 1860-1872. 2 vols.
Collector of Customs.

Letters, 1859-1870. 1 vol.
Naval Officers.

Letters, 1859-1871. 1 vol.
Lands and works.

Cash-books, correspondence, indexes, etc.,
1858-1873. 9 vols.
Departmental letters.

Governor, 1859-1870. i vol.
Secretary, 1861-1872. 2 vols.
Miscellaneous, 1858-1873. 10 vols.
Indexes, etc.
Province of British Columbia, 1871 —
Lieutenant-governor.

Despatches to the secretary of state, Ot-
tawa, 1871-1874. 4 vols.
Despatches from the secretary of state,
Ottawa, 1871-1892. 18 vols.
Executive Council.

Memoranda of proceedings, Nov., 1871,

Apr., 1872.
Minutes relating to trouble on Skeena
River. 1888.
.Miscellaneous letters, 1874-1894. 7 vols.
•Miscellaneous letters, local, 1871-1881. 2

vols.
Miscellaneous letters, foreign, 1871-1881. 2

vols.
Colony of Vancouver Island, 1849-1866.
Governor.

Despatches to the secretary of state for the

colonies, 1849-1864. 5 vols.
Despatches from the secretary of state for
the colonies, 1852-1857, 1862-1866. 7
vols.
Miscellaneous, letter-books, 1850-1866. 7
vols.

AUTHORITIES

XIX

Miscellaneous general letter-books, 1864-
1866. 2 vols.

Private official letter-book, 1859-1864. i
vol.

Letters to Hudson's Bay Co., 1850-1855.

Correspondence with naval officers (Gov.
Douglas). I vol.

Proclamations, 1853-1858. i vol.

Messages, replies to addresses, 1856-1863.
Legislative Council.

Minutes, 1851-1861 (contain references to
San Juan Island, Indian wars in Wash-
ington, etc.), 1864-1866. 3 vols.

Journals, 1863-1866. i vol.
House of Assembly.

Minutes, 1856-1858, 1860-1866. 3 vols.

Journals, 1861-1863. i ^'ol-

Bills, amendments, etc., 1861-1865. ' vol.

Committee on supply, minutes, 1860-1866.
I vol.

Select committees, reports, 1858-1865. i
vol.

Acts, proclamations, etc., 1860-1863. i vol.

Messages, returns to addresses, etc., 1856-
1860, 1864-1866. 2 vols.

Correspondence, 1856-1864. 2 vols.
Treasurer.

Letter-book, 1859-1864. i vol.
Lighthouse Board.

i;,spondence, 1863-1869. i vol.
Historical .Manuscripts.

Journal of the Hope, Capt. Joseph Ingra-
ham, Boston, to the northwest coast of
America, 1790-1792. (Transcript orig-
inal is in the library of congress, divi-
sion of manuscripts).
Nootka Sound Controversy.

Transcripts (many from the British Pub-
lic Record Office), 1790-1793.

Correspondence of Don Juan de la Bodega
y Quadra, Robert Gray, Joseph Ingra-
ham, Lieut. John Meares, Capt. George
Vancouver, Don Juan de Viana, Robert
Duffin, Evan Nepean, Grenville, etc.,
petitions, memoranda of information re-
specting American vessels.
Journal of John Stuart. Dec. 20, 1805 — Feb.

28, 1806.
Papers of Simon Fraser.

Journals, Apr. 12 — July 18, 1806 (original
manuscript), May 30 — June 10, 1808;
letters from the Rocky mountains, ."Vug.
I, 1806 — Feb. 10, 1807 (copied from the
Academy of Pacific Coast History) ;
three letters to James McDougal, 1806-
1807; letter to John Stuart, Feb. 1, 1807.

Journals and correspondence of John Mc-
Leod, Sr., 1812-1844.

Journal kept by Dixey Wildes on board
the Paragon, Jan., 1819 — May i, 18201
McNeil's V'oyages.

Journal of a voyage from Oahu toward
Nantucket in the Golden Farmer, 1827-
1828; journal of a voyage from Bahia
to the coast of Africa on board the ship
Burton of Boston, 1828-1830.

Letters to Edward Ermatinger from Archi-
bald McDonald and John Work, 1828-
1856.
Hudson's Bay Company.

Account of sales of goods shipped on the
Llama at San Francisco, 1834.

"Skin Book" of the steamer Beaver and
the brig Llama, 1836-1839.

Letter-book of W. H. McNeil, Nesqually,
Sitka and Stikeen, 1841-1845.

Letter-book of W. H. McNeil, Fort Simp-
son, 1851-1855.

Letter-book of H. Moffat, Fort Rupert,
Fort Simpson, and Kamloops, 1857-1867.
Papers of James Douglas.

Diary of a journey to Norway House, 1835.

Journal, Apr. 22, 1840-Jan. 23, 1841.

Establishment of servants, Columbia dis-
trict, Oct., 1839.

Continuation of a voyage to Sitka, 1841-

1843-

Letters, July 13, 1840-Mar. 16, 1867.

Journal of Thompson's River Post (Kam-
loops), Aug. 3, 1841 to Dec. 14, 1843,
kept by John Tod.

Reports upon Oregon territory and north-
west America, made by George Simpson
to Sir John Pelly, governor of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, Nov. 25, 1841, Mar.
10, 1842.

Cowlitz, memorandum book, 1841-1843,
and log-book, 1843-1844.
Puget Sound Agricultural Company.

Transcripts of papers relating to the af-
fairs of the company; prospectus; list of
shareholders; memorandum relating to
the Cowlitz farm, by A. C. Anderson
(1841, 3 pages) ; judgement of supreme
court of Washington territory in the
case of Puget Sound Agric. Co. vs. Pierce
county (Jan. 17, 1862) ; papers relating
to Nesqually and Cowlitz claims; ac-
count of Frank Clarke with the com-
pany (1865) ; origin of the Puget Sound
.Agric. Co., by A. C. Anderson (1865);
agreement between the company and the
U. S. (June 20, 1867).

AUTHORITIES

See the published evidence, arguments,
memorials, documents, etc., presented to
the British and American joint commis-
sion for the settlement of the claims of
Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound Agri-
cultural Companies, printed in 14 parts
(Montreal parts 2-7, i+, 1868); (Wash-
ington, parts I, 8-13, 1865-1868).
Papers and letters relating to the Oregon

territory and boundary, 18+2-1845.
Papers relating to the expedition of Lieu-
tenants Henry I. Warre and M. Vava-
sour to the Oregon territory, 1844-1846.
Correspondence of William Fraser Tolmie
with John McLoughlin, James Douglas,
Peter Skene Ogden and others, 1844-
186+.
Establishment of Fort Yukon.

Letter of 84 pages from Alexander H.
Murray of the Hudson's Bay Company
to Murdo McPherson at Fort Simpson ;
contains account of his journey from
Peel's river to the Yukon, June 11-25,
1847, record of temperatures at Fort
Yukon, July, 1847 — May, 1848, and pen
and ink sketches of Fort McPherson, Fort
Yukon (with plan), Indians, etc.
Blanshard Despatches.

Despatches from Richard Blanshard, gov-
ernor of the colony of Vancouver
Island to the secretary of state for the
colonies, Dec. 26, 1849 — Aug. 30, 185 1,
and despatches to Blanshard from the
secretary of state, 1849-1850.
Indian war of 1855-1856 in Washington
and Oregon, by Col. Granville O. Hal-
ler, U. S. A.
Diary of Augustus Pemberton, Jan. 15,

1856— Aug. 3, 185S.
Reminiscences of boundary survey by Rob-
ert Temple, 1858-1862.
Vancouver Island Exploring Expedition Rec-
ord of Exploration of Vancouver Island
by expedition under Robert Brown,
June 7-20, 1864.
History of Northwest Coast, by Alexander
C. Anderson.
Transcript of manuscript in academy of
Pacific Coast History, 132 pp.
Pioneer reminiscences of Robert Holloway,
Charles Holtz, John Mclvor, A. W. Rog-
ers, and James Yates.
British North American provinces, correspond-
ence respecting the proposed union. Fur-
ther papers. Lond., 1867, folio.
British North-West American Emigrants Set-
tlement Association. N. p., N. D.

Brock (R. W.). See geological survey, Can-
ada.
Brooks (Charles Wolcott). Early migrations,
Japanese wrecks adrift in the north Pacific
ocean. (Calif. Acad, of Sciences) 1876.
Broughton (William Robert). Voyage to the
north Pacific ocean in 1795 to 1798. Lond.,
1804.
Brown (John). Northwest passage and plans
for search of Sir J. Franklin. Lond., 1858.
Brown (R. C. Lundin). British Columbia —
An essay. New Westminster, 1863.
British Columbia, the Indians and settlers
at Lillooet. Lond., 1870.
Brown (Robert). Coal fields of N. Pacific
coast. Edinburgh, 1869.
Formation of fjords, canons, etc. (Royal

Geog. Socy. Jour., 1869.)
Vancouver Island exploration. Victoria,

1864.
Synopsis of birds of Vancouver Island.

(The Ibis, 1868, vol. 4.)
Queen Charlotte Islands. (Jour. Royal
Geog. Socy., pp. 381-392.)
Browne (J. Ross). Lower California. See
Taylor; report upon the mineral resources
west of the Rocky mountains. Wash., 1868.
Browne (Peter A.). Lecture on Oregon ter-
ritory. Phil., 1843.
Bryce (Rev. George). Remarkable history of
Hudson's Bay Co. Lomi., ~*ooo.-
Mackenzie, Selkirk, Simpson. Toronto, 1906.
Buache (Philip). Papers relating to voyages
and discoveries in the North Pacific Ocean
down to 1753. (Original Mss.)
Buckingham (Wm.) and Ross (G. W.). Alex.

Mackenzie, his life. Tor., 1892.
Bulfinch (Thomas). Oregon and El Dorado.

Boston, 1866.
[Burges (Sir James Bland)]. Narrative of
the negotiations between England and
Spain in the year 1790. (Nootka) Lond.

[1791]-

Burnett (Peter H.). Recollections and opin-
ions of an old pioneer. N. Y., 1880.

Burney (James). History of north-eastern voy-
ages and navigations of the Russians.
Lond., 1819.
Voyages and discoveries in the South Sea.
5 V. Lond., 1803-1S17.

Burpee (L. J.). Search for the Western Sea.
Lond., 1908.
Chapter on the literature of the fur trade.
(Bibliog. Socy. of Amer. vol. 5.)

Burry (B. Pullen). From Halifax to Van-
couver. Toronto, 1912.

AUTHORITIES

XXI

Bury (Viscount). Balance sheet of the Wash-
ington treaty, Lond., 1873.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria de). Historia de los
tres Siglos de Mexico, Durante el Go-
bierno Espaiiol. Supplement by Andres
Cavo. (vol. 3, Nootka.) Mexico, 1836.

Butler (Sir W. F.). Great lone land. Lond.,
1873.
Wild north land. Lond., 1874.
Far out: rovings retold. 1880.

Caine (W. S.). Trip round the world in
1887-88. Lond., 1888.

Caldwell (Robert). The gold era of Victoria.
Lond., 1855.

California Academy of Sciences, proceedings
of the. San Fran., 1858, etc.

Calvo: Recueil complet des traits de I'Amer-
ique Latine. (Nootka) Paris, 1862.

Cambridge Modern History. Lond., 1904
(vol. 8. Account of Nootka affair).

Cameron (Agnes Deans). The New North.
N. Y., 1910.

Cameron (Malcolm). Lecture on British Co-
lumbia. Quebec, 1865.

Campbell (Archibald). Reports on boundary
survey to summit of Rockies. Wash., 1878.
Voyage round the world from 1806 to 1812.
F.din., 1816.

Campbell (John). Origin of the Ilaidahs.
K''S. Koval Socv., Canada, Ser. 2,
1897-98.)

Campbell (Robert). Discovery and explora-
tion of the Youcon. Winnipeg, 1885.

Campos (D. Rafael Torres). F.spafia en Cali-
fornia y en el Nordoeste de America.
Madrid, 1892.

Canada Public Documents.
Addresses of governor, agriculture, canal en-
largement; census, coal trade, customs; de-
bates of the House of Commons; estimates;
extradition of prisoners; geological survey,
Selwyn A. R. C. reports of progress, etc.;
immigration anil colonization; inland rev-
enues; insurance; interior; Lake Superior
and Red river settlement; lights; marine
and fisheries; message relative to the
terms of union; meteorological magnetic;
militia; navigable streams; northwest
mounted police; postmaster general; pub-
lic accounts; public works; secretary of
stale; statistics; trade and navigation.
Archives reports.
Geographic Board of Canada.
Forestry branch bulletins.
Census reports.

Canada. Dept. of marine and fisheries, port

directory of Canadian ports and harbours.

Ottawa (Govt.), 1909.

Sessional papers No. 125, address 2tst Feb.,

1878. (.'Alaska boundary.)

Canadian annual review of public affairs 1901

to dale. Toronto, 1902 to date.
Canadian Pacific Railway, Sandford Fleming,
engineer in chief. Correspondence relat-
ing to N. p. N. D.
Maps and charts.

Papers connected with the awarding of sec-
lion fifteen. Ottawa, 1877.
Reports, 1872, etc. Ottawa, 1872, etc.
Quarterly review, (Jan., 1887, pp. 119-143.)
Canadian Parliamentary Companion, 1874-

1887-1897. Montreal, 1874, etc.
Cantillo (Alej. de). Tratados de Paz y Com-

ercio. (Nootka) Madrid, 1843.
Cariboo, the gold fields of British Columbia.

Lond., 1862.
Cariboo Quartz Mining Company, memoranda.
Victoria, 1878.

Carmichael ( ) Dean. Montreal to N'ictoria.

[Montreal, 1888.]
Carnarvon (Earl of). Speeclies on Canadian

affairs. Lond., 1902.
Carpenter (Edmund J.l. Tlie .American ad-
vance. Lond., 1903.
Carpenter (Phillip P.). Mollusca of the West

Coast of N. America. Lond., 1857.
Carrel (Frank). Canada's West and Farther

West. Quebec, 191 1.
Cartography of the Pacific coast. 3 v. Ms.

folio.
Cartwrlght (George). Journal of a residence
on the coast of Labrador. 3 v. Newark,
1792.
Carver (Jonathan). Fravels through North
America in 1766, 1767, and 1768. Dublin,

•779-

Cass (Hon. Lewis). Speech on the bill to
protect rights in Oregon. Wash., 1846.

Catlin (George). North .American Indians.
2 V. Lnnil., 1841.

Cawstnn (George) and Keane (A. U.). Early
chartered companies. Lond., 1896.

Chamberlain (.Mcxander F. ). Noun composi-
tion in the Kciotenav language. (Anthro-
pos, vol. 5.)
Kutenai basketry. (American .Anthropolog-
ist, N. S., vol. XL)
l.cft-handedness among North .'\nier. In-
dians. (.Ainer. .Anihrop., N. S., vol. X.)
Kutenai and Shoshousan. (Amer. Anthro-
pologist, N. S., vol. XI.)

XXI 1

AUTHORITIES

Some Kutenai linguistic material. (Amer-
ican Anthropologist, N. S., vol. XI.)
Ueber Personennaraen der Kitonaqua-In-
dianer von Britisch-Kolumbien. (Zeit-
schrift fiir Ethnologie. Bd. 41.)
Peuple priraitif : les Kitonaqua de la Colombia
Britannique. (Bull, et Mem. de la Soc.
d'Anthrop. de Paris, Ve. Ser., Tome 10.)
Note sur I'influence exercee sur les Indiens
Kitonaqua par les missionnaires Catholi-
ques. (Revue des Etudes Ethnographiques
et sociologiques, vol. 2.)
Der "Kartensinn" der Kitonoqua-Indianer.

(Globus, Bd. 95.)
How the American Indian named the white
man. (Red Man, v. 5.)
Champness (W.). To Cariboo and back.

("Leisure Hour" 1862).
Chittenden (H. M.). The American fur trade.

3 vols. N. Y., 1902.
Chittenden (Newton H.). Travels in British
Columbia and Alaska. Victoria, 1882.
Official report of the exploration of the
Queen Charlotte Islands. Victoria, B. C,
1884.
Churchill (J. D.) and J. Cooper. British
Columbia and Vancouver Island. Lond.,
1866.
Clarke (Robert Carlton). How British and
American subjects unite in a common gov-
ernment for Oregon Territory. (Oregon
Hist. Socy., June, 1912).
Clarke (S. A.). Pioneer Days of Oregon His-
tory. 2 vols. Cleveland, 1905.
Claudet (F. G.). Gold. New Westminster,

1871.
Cleveland (Richard J.). Voyage from China
to the Northwest. (North Amer. Rev.,
Oct., 1827).
In the forecastle.
Clowes (William L.). Royal navy, a history
from the earliest times. (Vol. 4, Nootka
armament). Lond., 1899.
Coats (Robert H.) and R. E. Gosnell. Sir

James Douglas [life]. Tor., 1908.
Coats (W.). Geography of Hudson's Bay,

1727-51. Lond., 1852.
Cocking (Matthew). An adventurer from
Hudson Bay. (Trans. Royal Socy. Can-
ada, 1908).
Cogswell (O. H.). History of British Colum-
bia. Victoria, B. C, 1893.
Coleman (A. P.). Canadian Rockies. New

and old trails. Tor., 191 1.
Colnett (James). Voyage to the South At-
lantic and the Pacific. Lond., 1798.

Colonization of Vancouver's Island. Lond.,

1849.
Colquhoun (Archibald R.). Mastery of the

Pacific. N. v., 1902.
Columbia Mission, Occasional Paper. Lond.,
1861.
Pastoral address, n. p., 1864.
Reports 1864, etc. Lond., 1864, etc.
Colvocoresses (George M.). Four years in a
government exploring expedition. N. Y.,
1852.
Comments on the Convention with Spain.

Lond., 1790.
Compton (P. N.). Forts and fort life. Ms.
Congressional papers:

H. of R. 19th cong., ist sess., ex. doc. no. 65.
Boundary on the Pacific ocean.
Correspondence with the British govt. Jan.

31, 1826. Vol. 4. Wash., 1826.
H. of R. 36th cong. doc. no. 77. Island of San
Juan. Letter from the secretary of state
[Lewis Cass], April 26, i860. Wash.,
i860.
Cook (James) and James King. Voyage to
the Pacific ocean, 1776-1780. 3 v. Lond.,
1784.
Cooper (James). Maritime matters. Ms.
Cooper Gold and Silver Mining Company.

Memorandum. Victoria, 1878.
Copping (Harold). Canadian pictures. Lond.,

1912.
Corbally (Louis). Menace to Canadian unity.

(National Rev., June, 1908).
Corney (Peter). Voyages in the Northern

Pacific, 1813 to 1818. Honolulu, 1896.
Cornwallis (Kinahan). The New EI Dorado.

Lond., 1858.
Cotsworth (M. B.). British Columbia's su-
preme advantages. Victoria, B. C.
(Govt.) 1909.
Coues (Elliott). New light on the history of
the greater North-West. See Alexander
Henry the younger.
Courteney (H. C). British Columbia mines.

Ms.
Cowley (H.). Trade and government in the

North-West. (Canadian Mag., 191a)
Cox (Ross). .Adventures on the Columbia

river. Lond., 1831.
Coxe (William). Russian discoveries between
Asia and .America. Lond., 1780.
A comparative view of the Russian dis-
coveries. Lond., 1787.
Craven (Mrs. E. C). Ranch life in British

Columbia. (Empire Rev., 1907.)
Crean (Frank J. P.) New Northwest Explora-
tion, 1908-1909. Ottawa, 1910.

AUTHORITIES

XXIU

Crease (Sir Henry P. P.). Proceedings in the
case of the Queen vs. the McLeans and
Hare. Victoria, i88o.

Cridge (E.). Characteristics of James Doug-
las. Ms.

Croasdaile (Henry E.). Scenes on Pacific
shores. Lond., 1873.

Crosby (H. R.) The San Juan difficulty.
(Overland, 11, 201.)

Crosby (Rev. Thomas). Wesleyan Methodist
mission at Fort Simpson. (Rocky Moun-
tain Presbyterian, Jan., 1878.)
The An-ko-me-nums or Flathead tribes.
Tor., 1907.

Cumberland (Stuart). Queen's highway from
ocean to ocean. 1887.

Cushing (Caleb). The treaty of Washington.
N. Y., 1873.

Dallas (A. (i.). San Juan, Alaska, and the

North-West Boundary. Lond., 1873.
Dalrymple. Spanish pretensions fairly dis-
cussed. Lond., 1790.

Spanish memorial of 4th June considered.
Lond., 1790.

Plan for promoting the fur trade. [Lond.]
1789-
Davidson (George). (The) Alaska boundary.
'»in Fran., 1903.

, ^ . ,^.and results, voyages of discovery,
1539 to 1603. (U. S. coast report and
geod. survey, appendix 7, 1887.)

Tracks of Bering and Chirikof, 17+1. [San
Fran.] 1901.
Davis (Horace). Japanese vessels driven upon
the north-west coast. (Amer. Antiquarian
Socy., April, 1872.)

The Oregon trail. (Proceedings Mass.
Hist. Socy., Oct., Nov., 1909.)
Dawson (Rev. Aeneas McDowell). Northwest

Territories and B. C. Ottawa, 1881.
Dawson (George M.). Tertiary lignite forma-
tion in the vicinity of the 49th parallel
(Brit. North Amer. Boundary Comm.).
Mont., 1874.

Geology in the vicinity of the 49lh parallel
(Brit. North Amer. Boundary Comm).
Mont., 1875.

Note on the locust invasion of 1874. (Can-
adian Naturalist, 1876.)

Economic minerals and mines of B. C. (Ap-
pendix B.) (Report on Surveys, C. P. R.)
Ottawa, 1877.

Some recent changes in level of the coast of
B. C. (Canadian Naturalist, 1877.)

Mesozoic volcanic rocks of B. C. (Geo-
logical Mag., Lond., 1877.)

Agriculture and stock-raising in B. C. (Ap-
pendix S). (Report of Surveys, C. P. R.)
Ottawa, 1877.

Surface geology of the Pacific coast. (Can-
adian Naturalist, Feb., 1878.)

Superficial geology of B. C. (Geological
Socy., Lond., 1878.)

New species of loftusia from B. C. (Quar-
terly Jour, of the Geol. Society, Lond., Feb.,

1 8790

Notes on the glaciation of B. C. (Canadian
Naturalist, March, 1879.)

Memo, on Queen Charlotte Islands (Appen-
dix no. 9). (Report C. P. R.) Ottawa,
1880.

Climate and agricultural value, etc., northern
portion of B. C. and Peace River country
(Appendix 7). (Report C. P. R.) Ot-
tawa, 1880.

Distribution of trees of B. C. (Canadian
Nat., Aug., 1880.)

Superficial geology of B. C. and adjacent
regions. (Quarterly Jour. Geol. Socy.,
Lond., May, 1881.)

Geology of the Peace River region. (Can-
adian Nat., April, 1881.)

Sketch of the Geology of B. C. (CJeol. Mag.,
April and May, 1881.)

The triassic of the Rocky Mountains and B.
C. (Royal Socy. Canada, vol. I, 1883.)
Dawson ((ieorge M.) and Tolmie (W. F.).
Vocabularies of the Indian tribes of B. C.
Montreal, 1884.
Dawson (G. M.). Coals and lignites of the
Canadian Northwest. Montreal, 1884.

Jade in B. C. and its employment by the
natives. (Canadian Rec. of Sci., April,
1887.)

The Kwakiool people of Vancouver Island.
(Royal Socy. of Canada, vol. 4, 1887.)

Glaciation of British Columbia. (Geol.
Mag. (Lend.), Aug., i888.)

Glaciation of high points in southern interior
of B. C. (Geol. Mag. (Lond.), Aug.,
1889.)

Cretaceous rocks of the northwestern por-
tion of Canada. (Amer. Jour, of Sci.,
Aug., 1889.)

The Cretaceous of the B. C. region. (Amer.
Jour, of Sci., March, 1890.)

Physiographical geology of the Rocky Moun-
tain region. (Royal Socy. of Canada., vol.
8, 1890.)

Geological structure of the Selkirk range.
(Bull. Geol. Socy. Amer., Feb., 1891.)

XXIV

AUTHORITIES

The Shuswap people of B. C. (Royal Socy.

Canada, vol. 9.)
Mineral wealth of B. C. (Royal Colonial

Inst., 1893.)
Coasts and islands of Bering Sea. (Bull.

Geol. Socy. Amer., Feb., 1894.)
See also geological survey, Canada.
Deans (James). Vancouver Island. Ms.
Dease (Peter W.) and Simpson (Thomas^.
See London and Westminster Review, 1838,
and Jour, of Royal Geog. Socy. Lend.,
1838.
DeCosmos (Amor). Speech on DeHorsey's re-
port, Feb. 18, 1878. Ottawa, 1878.
Speech on Esquimalt graving dock and Cana-
dian Pacific R. R., Feb. 21, 187S. Ottawa,
1878.
British Columbia governments. Ms.
Compiler. Island railway debates and cor-
respondence. Ottawa, circa 1882.
DeCourcy (Bolton W.). Straits of Juan de
Fuca, Puget Sound and government im-
provements on the Pacific coast. (.'\mer.
Socy. of Civil Engineers Trans., v. 25,
Oct., 1891.)
DeGroot (Henry). British Columbia; its con-
dition and prospects, etc. San Fran., 1859.
De Jonge (J. C). Geschiedenis van het
Nederlandsche Zeewezen (Nootka). Har-
lem, 1862.
Delano (Amasa). Narrative of voyages. Bos-
ton, 1817.
DeMofras (Duflot). Exploration du territorie
de rOregon. 2 vols, and atlas. Paris,
1844.
Desdevises du Dezert. L'Espagne de I'ancien

regime. (Nootka.) Paris, 1897.
DeSmet (Pierre Jean). Letters and sketches;
a year's residence among the Indian tribes
of the Rocky mountains. Phil., 1843.
Oregon missions and travels over the Rocky

mountains in 1845-46. N. Y., 1847.
\\'estern missions and missionaries, a series

of letters. N. Y. [C1859.]
New Indian sketches. N. Y. 1895 fci885.]
Life, letters and travels. 4 vols. N. Y.,

1905.
New Indian -ketches, N. Y., circa 1885.
DeWindt (Harry). Through the gold fields

of .'Maska to Bering Straits. N. V., 1898.
Dictionary of Cliinnok jargon, or Indian trade
language of the North Pacific coast. Vic-
toria, 1899.
Directories, British Columbia and X'ictoria,
i860, 1863, 1868, 1869, 1884, etc.

Dixon (George). Voyage round the world;
particularly to the north-west coast, 1785
to 1788. Lond., 1789.
Remarks on the voyages of John Meares in

a letter to that gentleman. Lond., 1790.
Further remarks, to which is added a letter
from Captain Duncan containing a refuta-
tion of several assertions of Mr. Meares,
etc. Lend., 1791.

Dobbs (Arthur). Account of the countries
adjoining Hudson's Bay. Lond., 1744.
Remarks upon Capt. Middleton's defence.

Lond., 1744.
Letter from a Russian sea-officer . . . relative
to new discoveries northward and east-
ward from Kamschatka. Lond., 1754.

Dodge (Richard Irving). The plains of the
Great West, N. Y., 1877.

Domenech (Emmanuel H. D.). Seven years'
residence in the great deserts of North
America. 2 v. Lond., 1S60.

Donkin (John G.). Trooper and redskin in
the far north-west. Lond., 1889.

Doughty (A. G.) and L. J. Burpee, ed. .An
index and dictionary of Canadian history.
Toronto, 191 1.

Douglas (James). Report of a canoe expedi-
tion along the east coast of Vancouver

Island.

(Jour, of Royal Geog. Socy.. ^

Lend., 1854.) "^ -

Douglas (Sir James). Addresses and yf,;(y_ /

rials upon the occasion of tu>>'fit; ,.

Victoria, 1864.
Official correspondence. In Cornwallis' New

El Dorado.
Diary of gold discovery on Fraser river. In

Douglas" private papers. Ms.
Journal, 1840-1. Ms.

Private papers, ist and 2nd ser. 2 v. Ms.
Voyages to the north-west coast. In journal.
Douglas (William). A summary historical

and political of the British settlements in

North America. Lond., 1755.
Voyage of the Iphigenia. In Meares' voy.

Lond., 1790.
Downie (W.). Explorations in Jarvis Inlet

and Desolation Sound, British Columbia.

(Lond. Geog. Socy. Jour., 1861, XXXI.)
Report on Granite creek. (B. C. Gazette,

1885.)
Hunting for gold. San Fran., 1893.
Drake (Sir Francis). Lives and voyages of

Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier. Kilin.,

1831.
The wdrld encompas-ed. Lond. Hakluyt

Socy., 1804.

AUTHORITIES

.\xv

Drake (Samuel Adams). Making of the great
west, 1512-1883. X. v., 1887.

Dufferin and Ava (Marchioness of). My
Canadian Journal, 1872-78. N. V., 1891.

Dugas (O.). Histoire de I'Ouest C'anadieri de
1822 a 1869. Epoque des troubles. Mont-
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Legendes du Nord-Ouest. Montreal, N. D.

Dunn (John). Oregon territory and British
North- American fur trade. Lond., 1844.

Durham (Earl of). Report on the affairs of
British North America. Toronto, 1839.

Duro (Cesdreo Fernandez). Armada Espaiiola
desde la union de las Reinos de Castillo y
de Aragon. Madrid, 1902. (Vol. 8, ac-
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Durrett (Reuben T. ). Traditions of the ear-
liest visits of foreigners to North America.
(Filson Club Publications No. 23.) Louis-
ville, 1908.

Duthie (Rev. D. Wallace) Ed. .\ liishop in
the rough. Lond., 1909.

Dye (Mrs. Eva Emery). McLoughlin and old
Oregon. Chicago, 1900.

Dyer (E. J.). The gold fields of Canada and
how to reach them. 1898.

Eakins (W. George). l^he bibliographv of
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•i >vi.-uo''J'' ^''J 1^"' lil'rary journal, Oct.,
1908.)

Edwards (Sir H.). Two months' totir in
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Elisa (Francisco). Voyage 1791, extracts froin,
in papers relating to treaty of Washing-
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Elliott (Charles). A trip to Canada and the
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Elliott (T. C). Peter Skene Ogden, fur
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The earliest travellers on the Oregon trail.
Portland, 1912.

Ellis (Henry). Voyage for the discovery of a
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Ellis (W.). Voyage by Capts. Cook and
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west passage. 2 vols. Lond., 1783.

Emmerson (Johti). British Columbia and Van-
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Emmons (George T.). The Kitselas of British
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The potlatch of the North Pacific coast.

(Amer. Museum Jour., vol. 4.)
Tahltan Indians. (Univ. of Penn. Mus.
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Encyclopaedia Americana. Vol. IX. ('anadian

literature, by J. M. Oxley.
Encyclopaedia Britannica. nth ed. Vol. IV.

British Columbia.
F.nock (C. Reginald). The Great Pacific

Coast. Lond., 1909.
Errors in the negotiation with Spain. I.oiul.,

1790.
[Etches (John Cadniaii)]. Authentic statement
of all the facts relative to Nootka Sound.
Lond., 1790.
Evans (Elwood). Re-annexation of British
Columbia to the U. S. Olympia, 1870.
Fraser river excitement. .\Is.
History of Oregon. Ms.
Evans (Taliesin). British Columbia. (Over-
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Ewart (John S. ). The Canadian Hag. (Can-
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The kingdom of Canada. Toronto, 1908.
The kingdom papers. Vol. I. Ottawa, 1912.

Falconer (Thomas). On tire discovery of the

Mississippi. Lond., 1844.
Oregon question; British claims to Oregon

territory. Lond., 1845.
Farnham (Thomas J.). Great western prai-
ries, and Oregon territory. N. V., 1843.
History of Oregon territory. N. \'., 1844.
Fawcett (Edgar). Some reininiscciices of old

Victoria. Toronto, 1912.
Fedix (M.). I.'Oregon et les Cotes de I'Ocean

Pacifi<|ue du nord. Paris, 1846.
Ferry (J. M.) and (i. J. Wright. Map and

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1862.
Fery (Jules). Gold searches. Ms.
Fewkes (J. Walker) and others.

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•4.)
Firtch ((Jeorge W. ) . Iramping from British

Columbia to the Arctic ocean. (Sunday

Ledger, San Fran., 1875.)
Finck (Henry I'.). The Pacific coast scenic

Icnir. I.oiul., 1891.
Findlav, (.Alexander G.l. Direclorv for navi-

gation of the Paci(ii\^^.f)nd., 1851.
Finlaysnn (Roderick). \'ancouver Island and

North-West Coast. N».
Fii/gerald (James Edward). Hudson's Bay

(^)., with reference to Vancouver's Island.

Lond., 1S49.

San Fran.,

.American
N. S. vol.

XXVI

AUTHORITIES

Vancouver's Island. The new colony. (Re-
printed from the "Colonial Magazine" for
Aug., 1848.) Lond., 1848.
Fleming (Sandford). Lecture on a railway to
the Pacific. Port Hope, 1858.

On the construction of a railway from Can-
ada to the Pacific. (In Hind (H. Y.),
Overland Route to B. C.) Toronto, 1862.

A great territorial road to British Columbia.
Quebec, 1863.

Memorial of the people of Red river to the
British and Canadian governments. Ot-
tawa, 1863.

Report on the intercolonial railway. Quebec,
1865.

Surveys and operations on the C. P. R. up to
Jan., 1877. Ottawa, 1877.

Canadian Pacific railway. Report on loca-
tion and harbours in the Pacific. Ottawa,
1878.

A cable across the Pacific (pamphlet).
Lond., 1882.

England and Canada; a summer tour be-
tween Old and New Westminster. 1884.

Expeditions to the Pacific. (Royal Socy.,
Canada.) Vol. 7, 1889.

The Pacific cable statement for the colonial
conference. Ottawa, 1894.

The mission to Australia. Papers relating to
the Pacific cable. (Canadian Blue Book,
1894.)

Canadian Pacific railway. Reply to Gover-
nor Morris route of railway west of Kee-
watin.
Footner (Hulbert). New rivers of the north.

N. Y., 1912.
Forbes (Charles). Vancouver Island; its re-
sources, etc. Victoria, 1862.

Physical geography of Vancouver Island..
(Jour. Royal Geog. Socy., Lond., 1864.)
Ford (Worthington C). United States and

Spain in 1790 (Nootka). Brooklyn, 1890.
Forster (Johann Reinhold). History of the
voyages and discoveries made in the north.
Lond., 1786.
Fortescue Mss., Volume I: Historical manu-
scripts commission 13th report. Appendix,
Pt. III. Report on the manuscripts pre-
served at Dropmore, Vol. I (Nootka
Sound). Lond, 1892.

Vol. II, 14th Report, 1895.
Foster (J. VV.). The Mississippi valley. Chi-
cago, 1869.
Fountain (Paul). The Great North-West.
Lond., 1904.

Foy (Dr. W.). Fiihrer durch das Rautens-

trauch-Joest-Museum (Museum fiir Vol-

kerkunde) der Stadt Coin. Coin, 1908.
Franchere (Gabriel). Voyage to the northwest

coast of America in 1811, 1812, 1813 and

1 8 14. N. Y., 1854.
Franklin (Sir John). Journey to the shores of

the Polar Sea, 1819, 20, 21 and 22. Lond.,

1823.
Eraser (Simon). First journal from April 12

to July 18, 1806. Ms.
Letters, 1806-07. Ms.
Second journal from May 30 to June 10,

1808. Ms.
Frazer (J. G.). Totemism and exogamy. 4

vols. Lond., 1910.
Fremont (John Charles). Life of Fremont and

narrative of explorations. N. Y., 1856.
Friederici (Georg). Die Schiflahrt der In-

dianer. Stuttgart, 1907.
Froude (James A.). English seamen in the

sixteenth century. Lond., 1895.
Fur trade. On the fur trade and fur-bearing

animals. In Silliman (B.) American Jour.

of Science and Arts, vol. 25. New Haven,

1834.

Gallatin (Albert). The Oregon question. N.

Y., 1846.
Garneau (Francis Xavier). Histor\ of Can-
ada from the time of its discovery till the
union year (1840-41). Trans, by A. Bell.
3 vols. Montreal, i86o.
Gass (Patrick). Journal of voyages and

travels, 1804 to 1806. Pittsburgh, 1807.
Geological survey. Anthropological work.

1910-11.
Geological Survey, Canada Reports and Sum-
mary Reports.
Allan (John A.). Ice river district. (Sum-
mary Report, 1910.)
Bancroft (J. Austen). Powell river to King-
come Inlet. (Summary Report, 1907.)
Barlow (A. E.). Nepheline rocks of Ice
river, B. C. (Reprinted from the Ot-
tawa Naturalist, Vol. XVI, No. 3, June,
1902.)
Bauerman (H.). Geology of the country
near the 49th parallel, west of the Rocky
mountains, 1859-60. (Pt. B., No. 167,
1882-3-4.)
Bowman (A.). Geology of the mining dis-
trict of Cariboo. (No. 263, 1888.)
Boyd (W. H.). Topographical work at
Phcenix. (Summary Report, 1908.)

AUTHORITIES

XXVI 1

Brock (R. \V.). West Kooteiiay district.
(Summary Reports, 1898-99-1900.)

Boundary creek district. (Summary Re-
ports, 1901-02.)

Preliminary report on Rossland district.
(No. 939, 1904.)

Operations in the Rossland mining dis-
trict. (Summary Report, 1906.)

Lardeau mining district. (Summary Re-
ports, 1903, 1904, 1907.)

Portland Canal, Queen Charlotte Islands,
Kootenay Columbia divide, Atlin dis-
trict trail creek. (Summary Report,
1909.)
Camsell (Charles). Report on the Similka-
meen district. (No. 986.)

Camp Hedley, Osoyoos mining division.
(Summary Report, 1907.)

Osoyoos and Similkameen mining division.
(Summary Report, 1908.)

Tulameen district. (Summary Report,
1909.)

Parts of the Similkameen and Tulameen
districts. (Summary Report, 1910.)

The geology and ore deposits of Hedley

mining district, British Columbia.

(Memoir No. 2.) Ottawa, 1910.

Chalmers (R. ). Surface geology of the great

plains and B. C. (Summary Report,

»no6. )

gi
- ., •.ir>T^f'''s H.). Explorations on tlie

southeastern portion of Vancouver

Island. (Summary Report, 1908.)
Southern Vancouver Island. (Svunm.

Report, 1909.)
Victoria and Saanich quadrangles.

(Summ. Report, 1910.)
Dall (W. H.) and Bartsch (Paul). Shells

collected by John Macoun at Barkley

Sound, Vancouver Island, B. C.

(Memoir No. 14, 1911.)
Daly (R. A.). Geology of the international

boundary. (Summary Reports, 1901,

02, 03, 04.)
Dawson (G. M.). Explorations in British

Columbia. (No. 108, 1875-76.)
Explorations in British Columbia, chiefly

in the basins of the Blackwater, Salmon

and Nechaco rivers, and on the Francois

lake. (No. 114, 1876-77.)
Report of a reconnaissance of Leech river

and vicinity. (No. 114, 1876-77.)
Mines and minerals of economic value of

B. C. (No. 115, 1876-77.)

Preliminary report on the physical and
geological features of the southern por-
tion of the interior of B. C. (No. 125,
1877-78.)

Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands,
with appendices. (No. i'32, 1878-79.)

Exploration from Port Simpson to Ed-
monton on the Saskatchewan embracing
a portion of the northern part of B. C.
and Peace river country. (No. 147, 1879-
80.)

Climate and agricultural value of part of
the northern portion of B. C. and of the
Peace river country. (Reprinted from
the C. P. R. Report for 1880.)

Preliminary report on the physical and
geological features of that portion of the
Rocky mountains between latitudes 49°
and 51° 30'. (No. 212, 1885.)

Geological examination of the northern
part of Vancouver Island. (No. 235,
1886.)

Exploration in the Yukon and adjacent
northern portions of B. C. ( No. 260,
1888.)

The mineral wealth of British Columbia.
(No. 271, 1888.)

Report on a portion of the west Kootenay
district. (No. 294, 1888-89.)

The area of the Kamloops map sheet.
(No. 573, 1894.)

Geological record of the Rocky mountain

region. (Reprinted from the Bulletin

of the Geol. Society of Amer. Vol. XII,

Feb. 25, 1901.)

Dowling (D. B.). Coal-fields of eastern

British Columbia. (No. 1035, 1909.)
Ells (R. Vl'.). Nicola coal basin. (Sum-
mary Report, 1904.)

Quilchena coal basin. (Summary Report,
1904.)

Graham Island coal-fields. (No. 940,

1904)

Oaham (R. P. U.). CJeology of the coast
from Kingcome inlet to Dean channel,
including the adjacent islands. (Sum-
mary Report, 1908.)

Gwillim (J. C). Report on the Atlin min-
ing district. (No. 743, 1899.)

Handlirsch (Anton). On Tertiary insects
of British Columbia. (Memoir No. 12,
1911.)

Harrington (Bernard J.). Coals of the west
coast. (1872-73.)

Haycock (E.). Geology of the west coast of
Vancouver Island. (Summary Report,
1902.)

XWlll

AUTHORITIES

Johnston (R. A. A.). Copper claims of
Aspen grove and Aberdeen camp.
(Summary Report, 1904.)
Keele (Joseph)- A reconnaissance across
the Mackenzie mountains on the Pelly,
Ross and Gravel rivers. (Summary Re-
port, 1909.)
Leach (W. W.). Report on the I'elkwa
valley. (No. 988.)
Crowsnest coal-field. (Summary Report,

1901.)
Bulkley valley and vicinity. (Summary

Reports, 1907, 1908.)
Skeena river district. (Summ. Report,
1909 and 1910.)
Le Roy (O. E. ). On a portion of the main
coast of B. C, Nanaimo and New West-
minster districts. (No. 996.)
Phoenix camp and Slocan district. (Sum-
mary Report, 1908.)
Slocan district. (Summ. Report, 1909 and
1910.)
Lindeman (Einar). Iron ore deposits of
Vancouver and Texada Islands, British
Columbia. (1910. )
.VIcConnell (R. G.). Geological structure
of a portion of the Rocky mountains.
(No. 236, i886.)
Exploration of the Finlay and Omineca

rivers. (No. 574, 1894.)
West Kootenay district. (Summary Re-
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Northern portion of Texada Island. (Sum-
mary Report, 1908.)
Texada Island and Newesby Island.
(Summ. Report, 1909.)
McConnell (R. G.) and Dawson ( G. M.).
Explorations in the Yukon and northern
portions of B. C. in 1887. (No. 629.)
McEvoy (J.). Geology and natural re-
sources of the Vellowhead Pass route
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portions of Alberta and B. C. (No.

703, 1898-)
East Kootenay district. (Summary Report,

1899-)

Maclaren (F. H.). Topograpliical work on
Texada Island. (Summary Report,
1908.)

Macoun (John). Geological and topog-
raphical notes.
Report on botanical features of the coun-
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87; no.)

Malloch (G. S.). Upper Eraser river be-
tween Fort George and Tete J a u n e
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Penhallow (D. P.). Report on the tertiary

fossil plants. (No. 1013.)
Poole (H. S.). Nanaimo-Comox coal-field.

(Summary Report, 1905.)
Richardson (James). Report on the coal-
fields of the east coast of Vancouver
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Coal-fields of Vancouver and Queen Char-
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Geological explorations in British Colum-
bia. (No. 95, 1873-4.)

Report on the Coal-fields of Nanaimo,
Comox, Cowichan, Burrard Inlet and
Sooke, British Columbia, (No. 116,
1876-7.)

Explorations in British Columbia. (No.
loi, 1874-75.)
Schofield (Stuart J.). Reconnaissance in
East Kootenay. (Summ. Report, 1909
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Scudder (Samuel Hubbard). The insects
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rhe same. (Report, 1875-76.)

Additions. [Toronto, 1877.]

Same. (No. n8, 1876-77.)

Insects from the tertiary beds of the Nicola
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Selwyn (A. R. C). Preliminary explora-
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Explorations in British Columbia. (No.
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Tyrrell (J. B.). Yukon district and adjacent
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David Thompson, a great geographer.
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\\'ebster (A.). CJeology of the west coast
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1902.)
Whiteaves (Joseph Frederick). Inverte-
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an historical introduction by W. H. Dall
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Cretaceous fossils collected by J. Richard-
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Wright (Fred. Eugene). I'nuk river mining
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Gibbs (George). A dictionary of the Chinook

jargon. Smithsonian Institution, Wash.,

1863.

AUTHORITIES

XXI. X

Report on Indian affairs. Mar. 4, 1854. In
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Gibbs (George), \V. F. Tolmie and G. Men-
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Gilbert (James Henry). Trade and currency
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Goddard (Pliny Earle). The Indian problem
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Gomez de Arteche (D. Jose). Reinado de

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<joou o» !^'i. Uritish Columbia. Ms.
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Goodyear (W. A.). Coal mines of the western
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Gordon (Rev. Daniel M.). Mountain and
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Gordon (E. A.). "Clear Round" seeds of story
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Gordon (Granville). Nootka, a tale of Van-
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Closnell ( R. Edward). British Columbia.
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Year book of B. C, 1897.
Year book of B. C, 1904.

Gowen (Rev. Hubert H.). Cluirch work in
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Ciower (Earl). Despatches, June, 1790 to
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Gray (W. H.). History of Oregon, 1792-1849.
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CJreat Britain. Admiralty. The Vancouver
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[Great Britain Parliament.] Papers relating to
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Correspondence relative to the question of
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Correspondence relative to the question of

Oregon territory. Lond., 1846.
Papers relative to the exploration by Cap-
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Northwest American water boundary. Lond.,

1873.
Correspondence respecting the northwestern
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Lond., 1875.
Correspondence respecting the Alaska bound-
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Great Britain Parliament and United States
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C/reenlinw (Robert). Official papers relative
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Memoir historical and political on the north-
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Ms.

XXX

AUTHORITIES

Gunn and Tuttle. Manitoba from earliest
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Hakluyt Society. Geography of Hudson's Bay.
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Halcombe (Rev. J. J.). Ed. Emigrant and
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Haldane (J. \V. C). 3,800 miles across Can-
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Hale (Horatio). Notes by the editor of the
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Ethnology of B. C. ; fifth report of the British
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Halkett (John). Statement respecting the Earl
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its destruction in 1815 and i8i6; and the
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Hall (E. Hepple). Lands of Plenty. 1879.

Haller (Granville O.). San Juan and seces-
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Hallock (Charles). The Primaeval North
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Hamilton. Works. Edited by H. C. Lodge.
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Hamilton (W. R.). No mistake; or, a vindica-
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Hancock (Samuel). Thirteen years' residence
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Hansard (T. C). Parliamentary debates from
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Hargrave (J. J.). Red river. Montreal, 1871.

Harmon (Daniel Williams). Voyages and
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Harnett (Legh). Two lectures on British Co-
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Harriman Alaska e.xpedition. 13 v.

Harrington (M. R.). Northwest coast collec-
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Harris (John). Navigatium atque itineran-

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Harris (J. C). British Columbia problems.

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Harris (Martha Douglas), trans. History and

folklore of the Cowichan Indians. Victoria,

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Harrison (Carter H.). A race with the sun.

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Harvey (Arthur), Compiler. Statistical ac-
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Harvey (Mrs. Daniel). Life of John Mc-

Loughlin. Ms.
Hassall (Arthur). The French people.

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Haydon (A. L.). The riders of the plains;

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Haj-wood (William H.). Speech on the Ore-
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Hazlitt (William Carew). British Columbia

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Great gold fields of Cariboo. Lond., 1862.
Hearne (Samuel). Journal from Prince of

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Hector (James). Physical features of the cen-
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Hector. Mining in the Upper Columbia River

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Henry (Alexander). Travels and adventures

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Henry (Alexander) t/ie younger. Manuscript

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Heriot (George). Travels through the Can-

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Hermann (Binger). The Louisiana purchase

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Wash., 1898.
Herring (Frances E.). Among the people of

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In the pathless west with soldiers, pioneers,

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Hetherington (Lynn). Canada's first social

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Hewitt (J. N. B.). The Indian's history. (Red

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Heylin (Peter). Cosmographic, the fourth book,

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Hibben (T. N.), comp. Guide to the province

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Hickman (W. Albert). The Canadian west.

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Higgins (D. W.). The mystic spring, tales

of western life. Tor., 1904.
The passing of a race. Toronto, 1905.
Hill-Tout (Charles). Notes on the ethnology

of the Okanaken. Lond., 1911.
Studies of the Salish. Lond., 1902.

AUTHORITIES

XXXl

Hind (Henry Vmile). North-west territory.

Toronto, 1859.
Assiniboine and Saskatchewan exploring ex-
pedition. Toronto, 1859.
Canadian Red river expedition, etc. 2 v.

Lond., i860.
Papers relative to the exploration of the

country, reports of progress. 2 v. Lond.,

1859-
Overland route 10 British Columbia. Toronto,

1862.
Hines, Gustavus. Life on the plains of the

Pacific. Buffalo, 1851.
Hinsdale (B. A.). The Old North-West. N.

Y., 1888.
Hitchcock (Ripley). The Louisiana purchase.

Boston, 1903.
Hittell (John S.). The commerce and indus-
tries of the Pacific coast. San Fran., 1882.
Hodge (Frederick Webb). Handbook of Amer-
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Bull. 30.) Wash., 1907.
Hodges (L. K.), ed. Mining in the Pacific

Northwest. Seattle, 1897.
Hodgins (Thomas). The .Alaska-Canada

boundary dispute. Toronto, 1903.
British and .'\merican diplomacy affecting

Canada. Toronto, 1900.
Hogan (James Francis). Sister dominions;

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Holman (Frederick V.). Dr. John McLough-
.^.l.. Cleveland, 1907.

history of the Oregon provisional

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1912.)
Discovery of Fraser river. (Quarterly of

the Oregon Hist. Socy., June, 1909, vol.

X, No. 2')
Hooper (W. H.). Ten months among the

tents of the Tuski. Lond., 1853.
Horetzky (Charles). Canada on the Pacific.

Montreal, 1874.
Hornaday (William T.). Camp-fires in the

Canadian rockies. Lond., 1906.
Howard (Hon. Jacob M.). San Juan Island

speech delivered in executive session of

the senate, .April 16, 1869.
Howay (F. W.) Judge. Tlie search for the

Fraser by sea and land. (Art, Hist, and

Scientific Assoc.) Vancouvar, 1908.
The work of the royal engineers in British

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Early navigation of the straits of Fuca.

(Quarterly of the Oregon Hist. Socy.,

Mar., 1911.)
Hudson's Bay Co. A short statement of the

countries and trade of North .'\mcrica

'i.l>-i'\nry.

claimed by the Hudson's Bay Co. Lond.,

1749-

Committee appointed to enquire into . . . the

countries adjoining Hudson's Bay. . . .

Papers presented to the committee. Lond.,

1754-
Report from committee, with appendix.

Lond., 17+9, 2 vols.
Copy of the existing charter or grant by

the Crown to the Hudson's Bay Co. 1842.
Extent and value of possessory rights.

(Montreal, 1849.)
Plans referred to in the report from the

select committee. Lond., 1857.
Report from select committee. Lond., 1857.
Return to an address, 16 March, 1857, N. P.,

N. D.
Papers relative to charter and Iicen>e to

trade. Lond., 1859.
Transactions between England and France

relating to Hudson's Bay, 1687.
In report on Canadian archives for 1883.
See also

Bacqueville lie la Potherie.

Ballantyne (R. M.).

Bancroft (H. H.).

Begg (A.).

Bryce (G.)

Burpee (L. J.).

Campbell (R.).

Coats (W.).

Coats and Gosnell.

Cocking (M.).

Cox (Ross).

Dobbs (A.).

Dugas (G.).

Ellis (H.).

Fitzgerald.

Franchere (Gabriel).

Gunn and Tuttlc.

Hargrave (J. J.).

Hearne (S.).

Jcrcmic.

Kane (P.).

Laut (A. C).

McLean (J.).

McLeod (M.).

Martin (R. M.).

Morice (A. G.).

Murray (A. H.).

Oldmixon (J.).

Reed (C. B.).

Robson (J.).

Ross (A.).

Simpson (Sir G.).

Willson (Beckles).

XXXM

AUTHORITIES

Hudson Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural
Companies, British and American joint
commission. 4 v. Montreal, etc., 1868.
Evidence for the United States. Washing-
ton, 1867.
Memorials presented to the commissioners,

April 17, 1865. Washington, 1S65.
Supplement and appendix to arguments
in behalf of the U. S. N. p., N. D.

Huish (Robert). Voyages and travels of Cap-
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Humboldt (Alex. von). Essai politique sur le
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Hunter (Martin). Canadian \vllds. Colum-
bus, Ohio [1907].

Immigration. Report of royal commission on
Chinese immigration. Ottawa, 1885.

immigration of .Asiatics into British Colum-
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Iraray (James F. ). Sailing directions for the
west coast of N. ."America. Lond., 1868.
North Pacific Pilot; part I. Lond., 1885.

Indians, information upon the. (Proceedings
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Irving (Washington). Adventures of Cap-
tain Bonneville. 3 v. Lond., 1837.
Astoria.

Isbister (Alexander K.). A proposal for a
new penal settlement. Lond., 1850.

Isherwood (B. F.). Experiments on coals of
the Pacific coast. (42nd Congress, 2nd
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J. (M. E.). Day spring in the far west;
sketches of mission work, 1875.

Jackson (Rev. Sheldon). Home mission
sketches from B. C. (Rocky Mountain
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1878.)
Alaska, N. Y. N. D.

Jarves (James J.). History of the Hawaiian
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Jefferson: Writings. Edited by P. L. Ford.
N. Y., 1892-99. (Vol. 5, Nootka affair.)
Works. Congressional edition. Washing-
ton, 1853-1855- (Vol. IX.)

Jefferys (Thomas). The great probability of
a north-west passage. Lond., 1768.

Jeremie (M.). Gnuverneur du Fort Bourbon.
Relation du Detroit et de la Bale Hudson
(in Charlevoix's Voyages au nord. v. 5.

Also in Bernard's recueil de voiages au
nord. Amsterdam, 1724).

Jessup. North Pacific expedition. N. Y., 1898-
1908. (.Memoirs of ."Vmer. Mus. of Nat-
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Jewitt (John R.). A journal kept at Nootka
Sound. Boston, 1807.

Jewitt (John Rodgers). .Adventures of Jewitt,
during a captivity of nearly three years
among the savages of Nootka Sound. Edin.,
1824.

Johnson (E. Pauline). Legends of \'ancou-
ver. Vancouver.

Johnson (R. B. ). \ery far west indeed. Lond.,
1872.

Johnstone (C. L.). Winter and summer ex-
cursions in Canada.

Joly ( H. G. ) . Report on forestry and forests
of Canada. (In Canadian .Agricultural
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Jones (N. W.). Chinese voyages to the north-
west coast of America and the interpreta-
tion of 200 Indian names. (Indian Bul-
letin, No. 2 for 1868.) N. v., 1869.

Journal of the journey of His Excellency the
Governor-General of Canada from t)t-
tawa to B. C. Lond., 1877.

Judson (Katharine Berry). Myths and legends
of the Pacific northwest. Chicago, 1910.

Kane (Paul). Travel on the northwest coa?t.

(Canadian Jour., Tor., 1855.)
Wanderings of an artist. Lond., 1859.
Karr (H. W. Seton-). Ten years' wild sports

in foreign lands. 1889.
Bear hunting in the White Mountains. Lond.,

1891.
Keane (A. H.). The world's peoples. Lend.,

1908.
Kelley (Hall J.). A geographical sketch of

Oregon. Boston, 1830.
Events in the colonization of Oregon. Host.,

1852.
Kennedy (W. R.). Sporting adventures in

the Pacific. Lond., 1876.
Kingston (W. H. G.). Snow-shoes and canoes.

Lond., etc., 1877.
Kip (Lawrence). Army life on the Pacific.

Redfield, 1859.
Kipling (Rudyard). Letters to the family.

Toronto, 1908.
Kippis (A.). Voyages by Captain Cook, with

his life. Lond., 1878.
Kirchoff (Theodor). Reisebilder und Skizzen.

2 vols. N. Y., 1875-6.

AUTHORITIES

XXXIU

Kirby (Rev. W. W.). Hymns and prayers of

the Slave Indians of Mackenzie river. N.

v., 1862.
Kissell (Mary Lois). A Kutenai berry-basket.

(Aiiier. Aiithrop., N. S. vol. XI.)
Kittlitz (F. H. von). Twenty-four views of
• the coasts of the Pacific. Lond., 1861.
Knight's Scrap Books. A collection of 40 vols.
Kohl (J. G.). Popular history of discovery of

America. Lond., 1865.
Kotzebue (Otto von). Voyage into the South

Sea, 1815 to 1818. 3 V. Lond., 1821.
Voyage round the world in 1823, 24, 25 and

26. 2 V. Lond., 1830. ^

Krusenstern (A. J. von). Voyage round the

world, 1803 to 1806. Lond., 1813.

Lambert (T. W.). Fishing in British Co-
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Langevin (H. L.). Report on British Co-
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Langley (Henry G.). Trade of the Pacific.

San Fran., 1870.
Langley (Ilcr-'y G.), coinp. Pacific coast

business directorj-, 1867.
Langsdorff (Georg Heinrich). Voyages in
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Lond., 1813.
Lansdowne (Marquis of). Canadian North-

g7est and B. C. Ottavca, 1886.
i,4s.;.(r(ri.,se (J. F. [Comte de]). Voyage round
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1798.
Larned (J. N.), ed. Literature of American

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Larocque (F. A.). Journal from the Assini-
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Latham (Robert Gordon). Ethnography of
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Languages of the Oregon territory. (Edin.

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Ethnology of British colonies. Lond., 1851.
Laut (Agnes C). Freebooters of the wilder-
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Vikings of the Pacific, adventures of the

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Lees (J. A.) and Clutterbuck (W. J.). B. C,

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Legoff (Father). Note sur la langue des

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of Americanists, Quebec, 1906.) Vol. 2.

Leighton (Mrs. Caroline C). Life at Puget

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Lennard (C. E. Barrett). Travels in British

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Lenox (Edward Henry). Overland to Ore-
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Lewis (Herbert George). Reminiscences in

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Lewis (Meriwether) and Clark (William).
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Lindsey (G. G. S.). William Lyon Mackenzie.

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Lomenie (Louis de). Les Mirabeau Nnuvelles
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1886.
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At home in the wilderness. Lond., 1867.
Lome (Marijuis of). Memoirs of Canada and
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Canadian sketches.

XXXIV

AUTHORITIES

Lucas (Sir C. P.). History of Canada. 1763-
1812. Oxford, 1909.

Ludewig (Ernst Hermann). Literature of
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Lyman (W. D.). The Columbia river, its his-
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Lynch (John Arthur). Railroads from the V.
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Lytton (Edward BuUver-). Speeches. Lond.,
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MacBeth (Roderick George). Making of the
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Our task in Canada. Toronto, 1912.
The Selkirk settlers in real life. Toronto.
McCain (Charles W.). History of the S. S.

"Beaver." Vancouver, B. C, 1894.
McClellan (R. Guy). Golden State: a history
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NTcClure (A. K.). Three thousand miles

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.McClure (Sir Robert John Le .\Iesurier). The
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The discovery of the North-West Passage bv
H. M. S. "Investigator," 1850-54. Lond.,
1856.
McCord (Fred A.). Hand-book of Canadian

dates. .Montreal, 1888.
McDonald (Archibald). Canoe voyage from
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1872.
Macdonald (Duncan George Forbes). B. C.
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Lecture on B. C. and Vancouver's Island.
Lond., 1863.
McDonald (J. L.). Hidden Treasures or Fish-
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McDonald (W. John). Narrative in British

Columbia sketches. Ms.
McDougall (John). Forest, lake and prairie
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On western trails in the early seventies.
Toronto, 191 1.
McFarlane (James). The coal regions of

America. N. Y., 1873.
Mac Fie (Matthew). Vancouver Island and

British Columbia. Lond., 1865.
McGaffey (E.). Victoria, the aristocrat.
(Canadian Mag., 1909.)

.McGillivray (Simon). Occurrencies in the
Indian countries of North America, since
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McGrath (P. T.). Defence of Canada's ocean
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Macgregor (John). Commercial statistics. 5'
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Machell (Percy). "What is my country?"
Impressions of Canada and the new north-
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McKay (James William). Recollections of
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.Mackenzie (Sir Alexander). Voyages from
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Mackenzie (E.). Historical, and descriptive
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McKinlay (.Archibald). Narrative of a chief
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.McKonochie (A.). Statistics and commerce of
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1818.

.McLean (John). Twenty-five years' service in
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1849-

.Maclean (John). Native tribes vi the Domin-
ion. Toronto, 1900.

McLeod (.Malcolm). Oregon indemnity claims
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Peace river. Ottawa, 1872.
See also McDonald (Archibald). Canoe
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-Mcl.oughlin (John). Private papers, 1825-56.
Ms.

Maclure (Margaret C. ). History and folk-
lore of the Cowichan Indians. Victoria,
B. C, 1 901.

.McMullen (John .\L). History of Canada
from its first discovery. 2 vols. Brock-
ville, 1891.

Mac.Murchy (A.). Handbook of Canadian
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Macnab (F. ). British Columbia for settlers.
1898.

.McNaughton (.Margaret). Overland to Cari-
boo, an eventful journey to the gold fields
in 1862. Toronto, 1896.

Macoun (John). Manitoba and the great
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See also geological survey, Canada.

Macphail ( Andrew >. British diplomacy and
Canada. (University Mag., April, 1909.)

.\Iagee (James). Discovery of a group of
islands in the North Pacific Ocean.
(Massachusetts Historical Socy.1 1795.

AUTHORITIES

XXXV

Maguire (T. Miller). The Gates of Our Em-
pire. I. British Columbia. Lend., 1910.

Mair (Charles). Through the .Mackenzie
basin, .'\thabasca and Peace river treaty
expedition of 1899. Toronto, 1908.

Malaspina ( D. Alejandro). La vuelta al
mundo por las corbetas Descubierta y Al-
trevida. Madrid, 1885.

Maldonado (Lorenzo Ferrer). See ."^moret-
ti (Charles).

Mallett (Justinian). Railway development in
Canada. (United Empire, Dec, 1912.)

Malk-Brun (V. A.). Precis de la Geographic
Universelle. 6 vols. Bruxelles, 1839.

Manning (William Ray). Nootka Sound Con-
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Marchand (Etienne). X'oyage round the
world, 1790-92. 2 vols. Lond., 1801.

Markham (Sir Clements). Life of Sir Leopold
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Marsh (E. L.). Where the Buffalo roamed.
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Martens (Geo. Fred. de). Recueil de Traites
d'.Alliance, de Paix des Puissances et Etats
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Martin (Archer). Hudson's Bay Company's
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Porcupine-Chilkat districts. Report under
the Porcupine district commission act, 1900.
'gi'ctoria, B. C, 190J.

• ivcporis of mining cases to ist Oct., 1902,
mining statutes from 1853 to 1902. To-
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Mining and water cases of B. C, with
statutes. Toronto.

Martin (Horace T.). Castorologia ; history
and traditions of the Canadian beaver.
Lond., 1892.

Martin (R. Montgomery). History of the
British colonies. 5 vols. Lond., 1835.
Hudson's Bay territories and Vancouver's
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Masson (Loui<r Francois Rodigue). Les bour-
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Matthew (J. H.). Tlie north-west boundary.
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Mathias (Franklin). Fraser and Thompson
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Matthieu (F. X.). Refugee, trapper, and set-
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Maurelle (Francisco Antonio). Voyage in
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Barrington (D.) Miscellanies, Lond.,
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Mayne (Richard Charles). Four years in
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Journey in British Columbia. (Lond. Geog.

Socy. Jour., XXXI) i86i.
Sketch of the country between Jervis inlet
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Geog. Socy. Jour. .X.XXI) 1861.
Route in exploring a road from Albernie
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Meany (Edmond S.). History of the state of
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Vancouver's discovery of Puget Sound. N.
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Meares (John). Voyages in 1788 and 1789
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1790.
An answer to Mr. George Dixon, etc. Lond.,

1791.
.Memorial to the Rt. Hon. W. Wyndham
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Meek (Fielding Bradford). Geology of the
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Cretaceous fossils collected by the north-
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Meeker (Ezra). Pioneer reminiscences of
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Mercier (Anne). Father Pat. Lond., 1911.

Metin (Albert). La Colombie Britannique
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Metlakahtla and North Pacific mission. Lond.,
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Mexico a Travcs de los Siglos. Historia CJen-
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Middlcton (Christopher). A vindication of
the conduct of Middleton in a voyage on
boar<l H. M. S. "Furnace." In answer to
objections of Arthur Dobbs. Lond., 1743.
A reply to the remarks of Arthur Dobbs on
Capt. Middleton's vindication of his con-
duct on board H. M. Ship the Furnace.
Lond., 1744.

XXXVl

AUTHORITIES

Mikron (Beta). British Columbia and Van-
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Miles (\V. A.). Correspondence on the French

Revolution (Nootka). Lond., 1890.
Milton (Viscount). San Juan water boundary

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Milton (\V. W. F., Viscount) and \V. B.
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Lond., 1865.
Minto (John). Early days of Oregon. Ms.
Mirabeau. Memoires Biographiques Lit-
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Correspondance entre le Comte de Mira-
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"Missionary Leaves" and Native Church Ad-
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Missionary Life in the nineteenth century, pic-
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Moberly (Walter). Journey to gold mines.
In Victoria Gazette. Feb. 17, 1859.
Rocks and rivers of British Columbia. Lond.,

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History of the Cariboo wagon road. (Art,
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The early history of the Canadian Pacific
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Moffat (Hamilton). Tour across Vancouver
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Moresby (Admiral John). Old Vancouver.

(Cornhill Mag., April, 1907.)
Morgan (Henry James). Canadian men and
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Celebrated Canadians. Quebec, 1862.
Morgan (Lewis H.). American beaver and

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Morice (A. G.). History of the north in-
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La femme chez les Denes. (Proc. of the
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See also Biographical Dictionaries.
Morin (Victor). Our printed treasures. (Can-
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Morris (.Alexander). Hudson Bay and Pacific

territories. Montreal, 1859.
Morris (.Anne Cary). Diary and letters of

Governor Morris. (Nootka) N. V., 1888.
Mountain (George J.I. Songs of the wilder-
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Muir (Michel). Recollections. In British

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Mulhall (Marion McM.). Explorers in the

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Miiller (Gerhard Friedrich). Voyages from

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Muriel (D. Andres). HIstoria de Carlos IV.

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Murphy (John Mortimer). Rambles in North-
western America. Lond., 1879.
Murray (A. H.). Journal of the Yukon, 1847-

48. Ottawa, 1910.
Murray (Hugh). Historical and descriptive

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Myers (Captain John). Life, voyages and

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Navarrete (.Martin Fernandez de). Viage en

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Neandross (Sigurd). Work on the ceremonial

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Nevada (Cal.) Gazette. Journal.
Nevins (J. B.). Two voyages to Hudson's

Bay. Lond., 1847.
New West (The). From the Great Lakes to
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Newberry (J. S.). Origin of prairies. (Amer.

Sci. Assoc. Trans., 1866.)
Newcombe (Dr. C. F.). The Haida Indians.
(Proc. of the 15th Inter. Cong, of Amer-
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Niblack (Albert P.). Coast Indians of South-
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Nicolay (Charles Grenfell). Proposal to es-
tablish a missionary college on the north-
west coast [Vancouver Island]. Lond.,
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The Oregon territory, outlines of its history.
Lond., 1846.
Niles' Register. Baltimore, etc., 1811-49. 76

vols.
Nind (Philip Henry). Diggings on Antler
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Noel (Norman). Blanket-stiff. Lond., 1912.
Nootka Sound. .Annual register for 1790, for
1791. Lond., 1793.
Colleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la

Historia de Espana. Madrid, 1849.
Gazette de Leide, on Nouvelles Extraordin-
aires de Divers Endroits. Annee, 1790.

AUTHORITIES

XXXVll

Narrative of the negotiations occasioned by
the dispute between England and Spain in
the year 1790.
Authentic statement of all the facts relative
to Nootka Sound ; its discovery, etc.
Lond., 1790.
Official papers relative to the dispute between
the Courts of Great Britain and Spain on
the subjects of the ships captured in Noot-
ka Sound. Lond., N. D.
North American fur industry. (Chambers'

Jour., Sept. 3, 1910.)
Northwest American water boundary arbitra-
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Northwest American boundary question

[Anon. J. (Eraser's Mag., Vol. 27, 18+3.)
Northwest boinidaiy. See Congressional

Papers. Senate, 40th Cong., 2nd sess., ex.
doc. No. 29. United States: State Dept.
Northwest boundary: discussion of the water
boundary question; geographical memoir
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military occupation of San Juan Island
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Begg (A.).

Carver (J.).

Coues (E.).

Uugas (G.).

Harmon (D. W.). 1

Henry (A.).

Larocque (F. A.).

Mackenzie (A.).

Martin (H. T.).

Masson (L. F. R.).

Pond (Peter).

Robinson (H. M.).

Ross (A.).

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Tache (J. C).

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XXXVlll

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AUTHORITIES

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Provencher (Joseph Norbert). Monseigneur
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Prud'homme (L. A.) La Bale d'Hudson.
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Rawlings (Thomas). Confederation of the
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Remy (Jules) and Julius Brenchley. A jour-
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Richardson (Sir John). A letter to Capt. F.
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AUTHORITIES

Robson (Joseph). Six years' residence in Hud-
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Rogers (Sir John). Sport in Vancouver and

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Ross (Alexander). First settlers on the Ore-
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Fur traders of the far west. 2 vols. Lond.,

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Red river settlement. Lond., 1856.
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Second voyage in search of a northwest

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Memoir of Admiral Adam John de Krusen-
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Rouhaud (Hippolyte). Histoire du commerce
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"Victoria, B. C,, 1895.
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AUTHORITIES

xli

Scrutator. The impracticability of a north-
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Seeman (Berthold). The \'oyage of H. .M. S.
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Segur (le Comte de). Politiques des Tous les
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Selkirk Settlement. "Mercator." The commu-
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Indian cojntries of North America since the
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Settlement upon the Red river in North
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Smith (Harlan I.). An American Oberammer-
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Archeology of Lytton, British Columbia.
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Archeology of the Thompson river region.
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.Archaeology of the Yakima valley.
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xlii

AUTHORITIES

Archaeological remains on the coast of
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Cairns of B. C. and Washington. (Proc.
Amer. Assoc, for the Adv. of Sci., Vol. 49,
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Canoes of the North Pacific Coast Indians.

(Amer. Mus. Jour.,. N. Y., Vol. X.)
Distribution of chipped artifacts and interior
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Vol. XI, 1909.)
Indian tribes of the northwest coast. (Amer.

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Natural history museums of British Colum-
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Nov. 4, 1898.
Shell heaps of the lower Fraser river, British
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Some Indians of British Columbia. (South-
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Stone hammers or pestles of the northwest
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The Thompson Indians. (Southern Work-
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Totem poles of the North Pacific coast.
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Smith (Minnie). Is it just; a tale of British

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Smith (Sidney). Settler's new home; or the

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Snelling (William Joseph). Polar regions of
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Sniffen (M. K.). Canada and her Indians.
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Snowden (Clinton A.). History of Washing-
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Somerset (H. S.). The land of the Muskeg.

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Sparks (Jared). Life of Gouverneur Morris,
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Memoirs of the life and travels of John
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Spice (R. P.). The wanderings of the hermit
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[Sproat (Gilbert Malcolm)]. British Colum-
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Scenes and studies of savage life. Lond.,

1868.
Canada and the Empire. Lond., 1873.

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Stanton (R. B. ). Great land-slides on the C.
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Speeches on Oregon question. 1846.
Relations between U. S. and North-west
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Stefanson (V.). On the Mackenzie river.
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Stern (Alfred). Das Leben Mirabeaus.
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Stewart (Elihu). Down the Mackenzie and up
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Stokes (Ralph S. G.). Mines and minerals of
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Strahorn (Carrie Adell). Fifteen thousand
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Strang (Herbert) Ed. The romance of Can-
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Strange (Maj.-Gen. T. Bland). Gunner
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Strecker (Carl Christoph von). In der Prarie
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Stuart (Granville). Montana as it is. N. Y.,
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Sturgis (William). The Oregon question.
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Stutfield (H. E. M.) and Collie (J. W.).
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Summary observations and facts collected from
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Sutro (A.). Review of Fraser river, etc. (San
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AUTHORITIES

Xllll

Swan (James G.). Northwest coast; or, three
years' residence in Washington territorv.
N. v., .857-
Haidah Indians of Queen Charlotte Island.
Wash. Smithsonian Ins. (267) 1874.

Swan (James M.). Colonizations. Ms.

Symons (Lieut. Thomas W.). Report on the
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xlvi

AUTHORITIES

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477-)

Zeitschrift der Oesterreichischen Gesellschaft
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New Westminster, British Columbia. Vol.
9, 1874. Climate of Vancouver Island.

Zetes. An address on affairs between Spain
and Great Britain. Lond., 1790.

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CHAPTER I

PREHISTORIC NORTHWEST AMERICA

The Colony of Vancouver Island, constituted in 1849, was the
first British Colony to be formally established in the northwestern
region of North America. It was not until 1858 that British Colum-
bia became a geographical expression. In that year the Crown
Colony of British Columbia was called into being by act of the Im-
perial Parliament, although its northern boundary as it exists today
was not so defined until 1863. The new colony in the North Pacific
was formed out of the territory hitherto loosely called New Cale-
donia, which term was applied generally, both before and after the
Oregon Treaty of 1846, to the country lying to the north of the forty-
ninth parallel. The district of New Caledonia, however, was not
really so extensive as the preamble of the Act of 1858 might lead one
to imagine, for it can scarcely be claimed that it extended far bevond
the limits assigned by the Reverend A. G. Morice, who defines the
territory as that vast tract of land "lying between the Coast Range
and the Rocky Mountains, from 51° 30' to 57° of latitude north."
The central interior was named New Caledonia by Simon Fraser, of
the North-West Company of Montreal, who built Fort St. James at
the outlet of Stuart Lake in 1806.

Capt. George Vancouver in his famous survey of the western
seaboard of North America named the coasts he visited in the years
1792 and 1793 New Georgia, New Hanover and New Cornwall,
but these titles scarcely survived the explorer. At the same time
Vancouver gave the name of "Quadra and Vancouver" to the large
island which guards the continental shore between parallels forty-
eight and fifty. Two centuries before Capt. James Cook sailed on
his third and last voyage to the Pacific Ocean, Sir Francis Drake, of
the Golden Hynde, had given the name New Albion to the region
of Northern California, a title which had a vogue in many successive
generations of cartographers. The Spaniard, on the other hand, did

Vol I— 1

2 BRITISH COLUMBIA

not divide the country into districts, he being content to designate the
whole western seaboard of North America as "The Californias."

Although the country now known as British Columbia was not
so named until 1858, nor its boundaries finally fixed until 1863, the
history of the land reaches back into a far earlier period of dis-
covery and exploration, when at least three great European powers
were rivals in that virgin field, and farther back again into the pre-
historic period when the aboriginal tribes held undisputed sway in
and over the whole of it. Great Britain, Spain, and Russia all ex-
hibited a keen interest in the distant and unknown region of North-
western America concerning which conjecture was rife. Each of
these nations, in fact, sought to establish sovereign jurisdiction in
that quarter. Later the situation was complicated by the efforts of
the young American nation to extend its territory westward to the
Pacific Ocean.

The political boundaries of the territories of Northwestern
America are the result of a process of elimination and evolution,
or of progressive geographical discoveries, in the course of which
Spain and Russia relinquished their claims, leaving the field to Great
Britain and the United States of America. The rival claims of Great
Britain and the United States gave rise to a long and bitter contro-
versy which was not laid at rest until the Treaty of 1846 settled the
Oregon boundary question. It is because the early history of the
territory now known as the Province of British Columbia is fraught
with international jealousies, as well as because it is concerned with
the brilliant efforts of the navigator and the explorer, that it offers
a peculiarly inviting field to the student and to the historian. The
exploration of the northwest coast of North America culminated in
a series of noble efiforts no less worthy of admiration than the essays
of European navigators on the eastern shores of the continent. The
search for a broad and safe channel leading to the Orient, the dream
of generations of navigators, melted into thin air with the charting
of this coast.

The history of geographical discoverv throughout the world is
one of absorbing interest, for the making of it is sealed with the in-
domitable heroism of the explorer, who laboured in the face of
untold difficulties to establish an accepted theory, or to prove its
incorrectness. The slow and painful processes by which the true con-
figuration of the earth has been established present all the features of

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 3

a long drawn out drama, in the course of which many strange and
fascinating and cruel and repellent scenes are enacted. The curtain
was rung up in the dim dawn of civilization when the primitive pro-
genitors of the nations of today began their migrations towards the
setting sun, for these early tribal movements seem to have taken
their course from the diurnal journey of that heavenly body from
east to west. The curtain will not drop upon the last act of this age-
long drama, the dramatis personae for which have been drawn from
all countries and peoples, until the last exploring expeditions to
the northern and to the southern poles shall have set forth the extent
and physical characteristics of the frozen wastes of the Arctic and
Antarctic regions.

The configuration of the earth was always a lively subject of dis-
cussion amongst geographers and men of science, from the days of
the classic theorists and Arabian mathematicians down to the
Columbian age, whether that discussion were concerned with the
shape of the planet or with the outline of some particular region of
it. Thus the geographers of old fought among themselves as to
whether the earth was spheroid or plane, and thus later generations
waged a wordy conflict as to the configuration of the eastern part of
Asia, and over the position of its islands of Zipangu or Japan, first
reported to the modern world by Marco Polo. Then Columbus re-
ported his epochal discovery of the Islands of the Indies, and an-
other great discussion ensued as to the extent of the archipelago
which was reputed to shield the shores of India, China and Japan
from the prying eye of the European fortune-hunter.

The longing of the West for the East was expressed in the terms
of that vigorous debate concerning a safe and navigable water way
to India, which it was hoped that Columbus had at last discovered.
Such is the strength of men's hopes that years after the general trend
of the eastern seaboard of the North, Central and South America
had been established, there were still some geographers who clung
to the old theory of the archipelago and the open channel to the
jewelled East. An eminent German geographer and cartographer,
named Schoner, in the year 1520, published a map of Northern
America, depicting that continent as a group of islands threaded
by wide channels leading to the South Sea. Perhaps there is in all
the historv of the discovery of the New World no more pathetic
exemplification of the old belief in the existence of a septentrional

4 BRITISH COLUMBIA

water way to India than this chart of Schoner, which appeared
after Waldseemiiller's famous map of North and South America.
It was on Waldseemiiller's map that the name "America" appeared
for the first time, that appellation being bestowed upon the southern
continent in honour of Amerigo Vespucci, whose achievements
otherwise might have been lost in oblivion, with those of many an-
other "forgotten worthy."

After Balboa sighted the Pacific Ocean from the Isthmus of
Darien, or Panama as it is now called, in 15 13, the search for a chan-
nel through the continent leading thereto was pursued with renewed
zeal. Northward and southward along the eastern coasts of the
northern and southern continents the explorers of the great mari-
time powers of Europe groped their way, ever hoping to find the
reputed channel, but their dreams were never realized. The coast
stretched interminably northward and southward. At last Magel-
lan found his strait at the far southern extremity of the south-
ern continent and he, first of Europeans, set sail upon the ocean he
named "Pacific." To the northward Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher,
Baffin and Hudson were no more successful, the entrance of the chan-
nel, if such existed, being sealed by Arctic mist and ice. Then it
was, after years of futile eflFort, which none the less is a glorious chap-
ter in the annals of seamanship, the quest of the Orient resolved it-
self into a search for the Strait of Anian, or, as it came to be called by
a later generation of navigators, the Northwest Passage.

Naturally, the dreams of the navigators and the conjectures of
the geographers with regard to the mythical passage leading to
Japan and India had a marked efTect upon the earliest cartography
of Eastern America. Not otherwise is it with the western portion of
the continent, which from age to age assumed all imaginable shapes
and deformities as this or that geographer gave expression to his pet
theory as to the configuration of the "backside" of x\merica, as Sir
Humphrey Gilbert called it. It is a matter of fact and history that
the earliest extant European records of this region are not written
accounts but crude cartographical representations which exhibit in
rich abundance the eccentric notions of their several ages. Having
delineated the eastern coastline of the continent with some degree
of accuracy, and having failed to find the long-sought channel, the
navigator turned his attention to the western seaboard until at last
it was determined to search for the Pacific outlet of the Northwest

BRITISH COLUMBIA 5

Passage, and so it may be said with truth that the search for this
fabled communication led to the lifting of the veil from the vast do-
main which stretches from California to the Arctic Ocean between
the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean.

"Now," writes the learned Dr. J. G. Kohl already quoted, "the
huge bulk of the American block began to show something of its
true proportions. At least, this was the case on its eastern side,
which lay towards Europe, and with which the first European navi-
gators soon became tolerably well acquainted, whilst the western
side still remained untouched and hidden in darkness. On the maps
of this period, America looks like one of those gigantic statues of
gods or kings which we see carved in high relief in the rock-temples
of Hindustan and Egypt. Their front parts, turned towards us, are
tolerably well drawn and sculptured, but their backs still adhere
to, and form a portion of, the shapeless mountainside. After Magel-
lan had pierced through his strait into the open water to the west,
when Pizarro had worked his laborious way down the coast of Peru,
and when Cortez in the latter part of his career, in search of some-
thing like Japan or China, had navigated to the northwest and ex-
plored the shores of California, then, likewise, this western side was
cut loose from the mass of the unknown, and began to assume at
least the principal features of its true configuration."

Investigations of old maps and charts displayed in chronologi-
cal order disclose the very earliest impressions of geographers
respecting the physical features and ethnography of Northwest
America. These maps also reveal the tedious progress which
marked maritime discoveries in that quarter. No student of history
will, therefore, think that undue emphasis has been laid upon this
point. It is not possible, nor is it desirable, to set forth here the
whole history of cartography as it relates to the North Pacific, but
a general outline of the story is indispensable.

North America became known in detached pieces. And these
detached pieces were believed to be separate islands or peninsulas
of Northern Asia, which was prolonged towards the east much
more than the southern part of that continent. The generality of
the maps, which were made and published soon after Columbus, show
the ocean between Eastern Asia and Western Europe filled with
large and small islands. Some of them are the old islands men-
tioned by Marco Polo, while others are the new ones discovered by

6 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Columbus and his companions, of which the most important were
"Isabella" (Cuba), "Spagnuola" (Haiti), "Terra de Cuba" (North
America), and "Sanctae Crucis" (South America). South Amer-
ica is always by far the most extensive of them all.

Dr. J. G. Kohl, in his valuable monograph entitled "Asia and
America," or "A Historical Disposition Concerning the Ideas
Which Former Geographers Had About the Geographical Re-
lation of the Old and New World," admirably sets forth the
difficulties of the early explorers in charting the results of
their work and the fanciful conceptions they had of the geography
of the country. This source will be freely drawn upon in the fol-
lowing pages.

Towards the time when the great exploring activity of the Portu-
guese and Spaniards developed itself, it was pretty generally ad-
mitted by the well-instructed cosmographers that the world was
a globe of not very great dimensions, and that therefore "Asia must
bear around this globe and must with its eastern end approach again
somewhere to the western coast of Europe and Africa." The ques-
tion was how far Asia stretched eastward and how long the distance
was between it and Europe across the unknown waters. Marco Polo,
the most celebrated traveller of the fourteenth century, was the great
authority and oracle on this point. He had been to China and had
actually visited the coasts of the Eastern Ocean. Marco Polo in-
formed the world that in the ocean which laved the eastern coast of
Asia was situated a large rich island, called "Zipangu" (the
modern Japan) and besides whole archipelagos of smaller islands.
Likewise on the side of Europe the navigators and discoverers of the
Canary Islands and the Azores had created a belief that there were
still more islands towards the west, amongst which were "Holy
Brandan" and another larger island called "Antilia." But of all
these islands said to be situated between Eastern Asia and Western
Europe none was considered to be more worth exploring than that
of "Zipangu," described by Marco Polo as the residence of an em-
peror and as being rich in gold, silver and other precious products.
. Cortes and his companions in arms entered Mexico with ideas
more or less similar to those with which Columbus and his con-
temporaries had entered the archipelago of the Antilles — that is to
say with the expectation of finding Asiatic kingdoms and nations.
When Cortes set out upon his discoveries on the Pacific he hoped

BRITISH COLUMBIA 7

to reach Japan, which he thought to be near. When his successors
arrived on the shores of Upper California, sometimes called Qui-
vira, they reported upon their return that they had seen richly laden
Chinese vessels. Whether these statements were founded on fact,
or whether the wish was the father of the thought it is now too late
to ascertain. Be that as it may, many geographers after Cortes ac-
cordingly painted North America, of which so far only the eastern
coast was known, as connected with Northern Asia. They repre-
sented on their maps Mexico and other American places as Asiatic
cities, adorned with mosques and minarets. They placed the sources
of the Rio Colorado in Northern Asia, and they laid down the Chi-
nese province of "Magni" as bordering on Mexico. When they
heard of the wild bison, they thought these to be the herds of the
nomadic tribes of Asia, and put down on their maps of this western
region — sometimes called Cibola, after the famous mythical city of
that name — inscriptions like the following: "Here the people live
like the Tartars and raise large droves of cattle." In the British
Museum they still preserve a Spanish map of the year 1560 on which
the portrait of a true Chinese is posted in the center of the Missis-
sippi valley and near him is an elephant grazing. The maps of
the middle of the sixteenth century which adopted this view of a
connection between Asia and America are numerous. This connec-
tion is found broadly marked on the French maps as well as on those
of Italian, German and English cosmographers. Thus a manu-
script chart of the year 1530, or thereabouts, that is to say soon after
Cortes' conquest of Mexico, depicts the Chinese province Magni
as bordering on that country. This old manuscript serves to illus-
trate in a certain manner the ideas and expectations which Cortes
had when he set out from the western coast of Mexico upon the dis-
covery and conquest of California.

Again the well-known Italian geographer, Paulo de Furlani,
prepared a chart in i q6o, on which the Pacific stretches northward
only as far as the fortieth parallel. In common with other maps
of the age this one connects North America and Asia on a very broad
basis. "Cimpaga," or fapan, is placed at a distance of about twenty
degrees of longitude from California. "Quisai," the famous
Chinese port, Thibet and other Asiatic places are still very near.
The Colorado river of the Californian Gulf, the entrance of which
had been discovered by the Spaniards some twenty years before, has

8 BRITISH COLUMBIA

its source and headwaters in the interior of Asia and flows round
the whole North Pacific. Such views were very common in the
period after Cortes, still they were not generally adopted. There
were always many navigators and mapmakers who still believed in
the existence of open water or a strait between Asia and America.
A report was current, which was indeed more or less credited, that
Cortereal, a Portuguese sailor, had already in the year 1500 entered
a strait in about sixty degrees north latitude and that he had called
this strait after one of his brothers "the Strait of Anian." Accord-
ing to this tradition there was open water to the north of America
and to the west again a narrow channel between the two continents
which was likewise called the Strait of Anian. Eventually this
name, which figures so prominently in the early history of the North
Pacific, was almost exclusively applied to the western strait. The
old Strait of Anian came to be called the Northwest Passage. The
belief in the existence of the Strait of Anian became more or less
general after the middle of the sixteenth century. Seemingly the
first maps on which the mythical waterway is actually laid down are
those of the Italian Zalteri of 1566 and of the German Ortelius of
1570- John Barrow states in his "Chronological History of Voy-
ages in the Arctic Regions" that "the name of Anian was given to the
strait supposed to have been discovered by Caspar Cortereal, in
honour of two brothers who accompanied him; but there are no
grounds for such a supposition. ... In the earliest maps Ania
is marked as the name of the western-most part of America. Ania
in the Japanese language is said to signify brother; hence, probably,
the mistake."

Turning again to the specific work of the early cartographers,
attention may be called to the very famous map of the German
Ruysch published in 1508 in the Roman edition of Ptolemaeus, the
principal features of which are as follows: South America (Terra
Sancte Crucis or Mundus Novus) appears as a detached country of
which the southern and western coasts are not represented at all.
An extensive archipelago lies to the north of South America, while
Northwest America does not appear at all. The expanse of ocean
between Asia and America is still verv narrow, in the south about
fifty degrees of longitude and in the north not quite twenty. As
usual Asia stretches a long arm toward the northeast. Martin
Frobisher embodied his views in a chart on which he showed in

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what manner the strait discovered and named by him might be com-
bined with the Strait of Anian, so giving safe conduct to China.
This sketch was published in the work entitled "A True Discourse
of the Late Voyages of Discovery for the Finding of a Passage to
Cathay," which appeared in 1578. On the maps of Peter Apian,
of Ortelius, of Sebastian Munster, of Martinez, of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, similar views were adopted though they sometimes vary with
respect to latitude and dimensions given to the strait. Cornelius
a Judaeis also contributed his conjectures touching the geographical
puzzle of the age. The map of this worthy is a quite remarkable
representation of the western seaboard of North America. On the
headlands appear the names bestowed by the earliest Spanish navi-
gators — Corrientes, Mendocino and Blanco. The northwestern
peninsula is called Anian Regnum, while in the northeast a high
rock is marked with the legend "Polus Magnetis." A Spanish gal-
leon sails in mid-ocean and a fabulous monster disports itself in
a great bay to the north of Cape Corrientes. This map is truly a
wonderful conception, but it is no more remarkable than many other
charts which appeared in later times.

In 1600 the Spanish historian Herrera shows a stunted north-
west coast to the northward of which is a great sea which separates
the Asian and American continents and stretches indefinitely
towards the pole. The Moluccas, the Philippines and Japan are
clearly marked. California appears as a peninsula, whereas ninety
years later in a map after Sanson, the geographer of the King of
France, that country becomes an island with a broad channel on the
north leading to the "Mer Glaciale," which extends far into the con-
tinent. Thus it will be seen how from age to age the tide of conjec-
ture ebbed and flowed. First of all there is the globe of Martin
Behaim, made in 1492, which shows the eastern coast of Asia pro-
tected by a vast cluster of islands, notable among which stand Java
and Japan (Cipangu). Behind this mythical constellation of islands
is the coast of Asia bearing the names India, Cathai and Thebet.
There is no sign of the North American continent, except it be the
island called Brandon, midway between the outermost islands and
the Cape Verde group. This map was succeeded by a notable series
of grotesque delineations until at last the great British navigators
of the eighteenth century set forth the true character of the coast.

At first the European nations confined their attention to the more
southern parts of the Pacific so that the northern expanse of this

10 BRITISH COLUMBIA

broad ocean for a long time was completely neglected. The Dutch
did not advance beyond Japan which they had already reached in
1643. The Spaniards did not proceed beyond California, known to
them for two and a half centuries, while the English, who under
Drake had been on the northwest coast in 1578, did not make their
appearance again until the last quarter of the eighteenth century.
"Everybody," says Kohl, "seems to shun those stormy, cold, useless
regions, and the world remained in total ignorance about this part
of the globe until a new nation appeared on the coast of Northeastern
Asia, which gave the sign for an earnest exploring activity in these
regions, and which at last conducted this long agitated geographical
question to a satisfactory solution.'' The Russians had passed the
dividing mountain ridge between Asia and Europe at the end of the
sixteenth century and had worked their way through the whole of
Siberia towards the east and the northern sea. Already in the year
1648 Deschnev, one of those enterprising Cossak adventurers, with a
few companions had circumnavigated the whole northeast end of
Asia, from the mouth of the Lena through Bering Strait to the north-
ern coast of Kamchatka. But Deschnev did not realize the extent and
importance of his discoveries. His reports remained for more than
one hundred years hidden in the archives of Siberia and his voyage
therefore achieved nothing for geography. It was left to Vitus
Bering, a Dane in the service of Russia, to execute the first official
and scientific exploration of Northeastern Asia. He penetrated the
strait named after him without however seeing the coast of America,
and brought home the first map of those regions which was founded
upon an actual astronomical survey. This voyage was undertaken
in the years 1728 and 1729. Bering's map shows Kamchatka for the
first time in something like its true position. During his sojourn
at the port of St. Peter and St. Paul, Bering received information
concerning land to the eastward, and in 1741 he embarked upon
his memorable enterprise to the northwestern extremity of the North
American continent, making a landfall on the coast of Alaska. He
was cast away upon his return vovage upon Bering Island of the
Komandorskii group where he perished miserably with many of his
crew, as related by the German naturalist, Steller, the historian of
the expedition.

Europe heard only through vague rumours that the Russians had
made discoveries to the east of Siberia and Kamchatka. Some be-

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 11

lieved that they might have been in America. Others thought that
the land seen by them might be a new country lying between Asia
and America. How very vague and uncertain the opinions of
European geographers were with respect to these Russian discov-
eries may best be shown bv the inspection of certain maps which
were published soon after Bering's ill-fated expedition. For in-
stance Bellin's chart of 1748 exhibits in a quite remarkable manner
the ignorance of European geographers with regard to the achieve-
ments of Bering. Of all the Russian discoveries scarcely anything
is given. The northwest corner of the map bears the legend : "The
Russians have come as far as this in the year 1743 (1741), but they
have been shipwrecked on the shoals and drowned."

Northwestern America is indicated by a dotted line running
from north to south as far as the Bay of Aguilar in California, with
the inscription running along it: "Probably America goes as far as
this." At the northern end of California is added the observation
that "Here the sea begins to be very boisterous." As Kohl justly re-
marks, a more laconic report on the Russian discoveries could not
have been made.

To this period also belongs the map of the French geographer
Philippe Buache, made as he said after the memoirs of the astrono-
mer De L'Isle, who accompanied the expedition of Bering across
Siberia. Apart from the fact that Buache attempted to give the
result of the Russian voyages in Bering Sea, his map is remarkable
because it gives expression to the fabulous discoveries of the so-called
Spanish Admiral dc Fonte, who, so it was claimed, had penetrated
the whole extent of the continent by means of a chain of rivers and
lakes, which extended from the Pacific to the North Atlantic. He
laid down all the great lakes and rivers which de Fonte was reported
to have seen, as well as the "Sea of the West" which was entered by
the strait claimed to have been discovered by the Greek Apostolos
Valerianos, or juan De Fuca, in 1592. Of Bering's discoveries little
is shown except the island where the explorer died. Buache made
the whole of Northwestern America a broken countrv of "curiouslv
formed peninsulas and unfinished coast pieces." Strange as it mav
seem the chart of Buache and De LTsle was considered authoritative
and it was copied in manv countries and bv different geographers,
who sometimes added to it a little of their own. Thus the English

12 BRITISH COLUMBIA

geographer, Thomas Jefiferys, combined in his maps of 1758 and
1764 the real discoveries of the Russians with the supposed explora-
tions of the Chinese and Japanese, in addition to which he did not
forget to show the routes of de Fonte and another mythical hero
named Barnardo, who was also credited with having discovered the
Strait of Anian. Nor is Juan De Fuca forgotten, witness the in-
scription: "West Sea disc, by Fuca." In other charts the vaunted ex-
ploits of the impostor Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado are seriously
recorded.

At last in the year 1758 the Russian Academy of Sciences pub-
lished an authentic and complete chart of the discoveries made by
Bering and his companion Chirikoff. The coasts seen by those navi-
gators are joined by dotted lines, which show the outlines of the
seaboard as the members of the academy, particularly Miiller, the his-
torian of Siberia, thought them to be. Though the name America
does not appear on this map, still it is evident that the Russian
Academy thought the new country to be a part of that continent.
It was supposed even that the islands of the Aleutian group formed
a long peninsula, which error was only corrected by later discover-
ies. This map of the Russian Academy was now of course adopted
and copied by all the geographers of Europe. It still left open a
large field for speculation. Besides the old traditions concerning the
discovery of a channel through, or to the northward of, the Ameri-
can continent, to which some map makers still adhere, other re-
ports of certain discoveries made by the Chinese and Japanese
gained credit in this age. It is interesting if nothing more to re-
call at this time, when the question of Oriental immigration is at-
tracting such widespread attention, the fact that in 1761 the learned
French sinologist, Deguignes, set forth in an ably written paper
in the "Memoires de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres''
(Vol. XXVIII) that he had found in the works of early Chinese
historians a statement that, in the fifth century of our era, certain
travellers of their race had discovered a country which they called
Fusang, which from the direction and distance as described by them
appeared to be Western America, and in all probability Mexico.
The original document, says Charles G. Leland in his book entitled
"Fusang or the Discovery of America by Chinese Buddhist Priests
in the Fifth Century," on which the Chinese historians based their
account of Fusang was the report of a Buddhist monk or missionary

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 13

named Hoei-shin in the year 499 A. D., who returned from a long
journey to the East. This report was regularly entered in the year
book or annals of the Chinese Empire, whence it passed, not only
to the pages of historians, but also to those of poets and writers of
romances, by whom it was so confused with absurd inventions and
marvellous tales, that discredit has been thrown upon the entire
narrative.

"The evidence offered," continues the author just mentioned, "in
favour of the discovery of America by the Chinese Buddhists of the
fifth century is very limited, but it has every characteristic of a seri-
ous state document, and of authentic history.. It is distinctly re-
corded among the annals of the Empire. At the time these journeys
were undertaken, thousands of monks, inspired by the most fanat-
ical zeal, were extending their doctrines in every direction; and this
they did with such success, that though Buddhism has now been,
steadily declining for many centuries, it still numbers more fol-
lowers that Christianity, or any other religion on the face of the
earth, for they are literally counted by hundreds of millions. And
as their doctrines urged propagandism, it would be almost a matter
of wonder if some of the missionaries of the faith had not found their
way over an already familiar route."

These records open a fascinating field for speculation, and while
they may not establish the right of the Chinese to claim the discovery
of America for their race, yet the chain of general and presumptive
evidence as to the discovery of this continent by the Norse-
men in the eleventh century is scarcely stronger than the evidence
contained in the old year books of the Celestial Empire touching
the voyage of Hoei-shin. The claim of the Norsemen is based upon
the sagas and folk-lore of their race while that of the Chinese is sup-
ported by contemporary state papers, or rather records, if Professor
C. F. Neumann is correct. Perhaps one day it will be established
beyond doubt that the honour of discovering the New World
after all belongs to the ancient Chinese nation and not to Spain. But
so far the enquiry has scarcely travelled beyond the limits of de-
lightful surmise. It is indeed interesting, if not startling, t(^ realize
that perhaps Ameriga may not have been found by Europeans from
the east but by Asiatics from the west.

It need only be added in this connection that there are authentic
records of the wrecking of Chinese and Japanese junks on this coast

14 BRITISH COLUMBIA

as late as the nineteenth century. Little more than fifty years ago a
Chinese vessel was driven ashore near Cape Flattery, her unfortu-
nate sailors being captured and held as slaves by the Indians of Neah
Bay. James Douglas, then in charge of Fort Victoria, sent a force
to demand the release of the prisoners, who were ultimately re-
turned to their native land.

In days of old the alchemist at first carefully hugged his secret
and for long years the world at large knew little or nothing of the
results of his labours. With like jealousy governments guarded the
information gained from their officers engaged in the exploration of
the New World. Neither alchemist nor governments wished others
to profit by their discoveries. Thus it came to pass that often and for
many years the narratives of explorers were locked away in the ar-
chives of kings and councillors until the ink which preserved them
faded with age. By reason of this secretiveness many invaluable
manuscripts have been lost, or are even now only just coming to light,
too late to establish territorial claims, or to be of value to any except
the antiquarian.

No government guarded more carefully the records of its dis-
coveries than did the government of Spain, and no government
gained less by so doing. This point is of peculiar interest to the
historian of British Columbia, because, for a time at least, if not
forever, the whole history of this land might have been changed, if
a dififerent policy had been adopted. It is scarcely to be doubted that
had Spain advertised her discoveries on the northwest coast, if only
in the day of her waning power, it wx)uld have had no unimportant
bearing on the controversies of later years touching the Nootka Af-
fair and the Louisiana Purchase, even though the Spanish discover-
ies, before the day that Capt. James Cook landed on these shores,
were, relatively speaking, of small value and extent.

The same ideals that impelled Christopher Columbus, in the face
of ridicule and opposition, to sail on his adventurous quest in search
of a direct route by water to India, inspired other navigators to
search for a northwest passage through the continent of North Amer-
ica, even when it had been ascertained that the passage mu'^t be, if
it existed at all, so far to the northward as to render it practically
useless. The legacy bequeathed by the earliest explorers of America
to those of later times was a persistent belief in the existence of the
Strait of Anian, or a Northwest Passage. That faith acted indeed

BRITISH COLUMBIA 15

as the lodestar of the navigators of three centuries, and the search
for that mythical waterway inspired deeds of heroism and led to
sacrifices and sufferings, nobly borne, that are scarcely equalled in
all the annals of the sea. Years rolled on, mariner after mariner was
lost, or returned to add some small stock of knowledge to that al-
ready acquired, but the result was that the belief gained ground that
no such strait or passage existed. Opinions, however, are apt to
cling to life long after practical men have lost in them alh active
interest. So it came to pass from time to time that there remained
some men of standing in the scientific i\'orld who laboured to show
from old records, or reputed discoveries, that the strait was there
after all. A notable instance of such obstinacy was the effort of
Buache to prove that the Portuguese, Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado,
navigated the passage in the year 1588. M. Buache formulated his
theory in a lecture given before the Academy of Sciences of Paris,
ISov. 13, 1790, for which resurrection of an old story he became
renowned in Europe. Twenty-two years later M. Amoretti pub-
lished the narrative of Maldonado in a small quarto, which was
printed in France in 181 2 and in Italy the following year. Yet so
perverse in its prejudices is human nature that, after Samuel
Hearne's narrative of his journey to the mouth of the Coppermine
River and the results of Captain Cook's third and last voyage to the
Pacific had been given to the world, credence was nevertheless
placed in a story so palpably false, in as far as the chief points of the
relation were concerned.

No history of this period would be complete without a reference
to the Bull of Pope Alexander VI which gave rise in after years to
heated disputes, not only between Spain and Portugal, the im-
mediate beneficiaries, but also between those countries and Eng-
land and Holland. By that memorable ordinance, which was
promulgated in 1493, the undiscovered world, from a point in
Africa easterly to the Indies, was divided between the Kings of
Spain and Portugal. The imaginary line, which demarked the
spheres of activity of the two monarchs, ran from the North to the
South Pole, a hundred leagues west of the Azores. The Pope's pro-
fessed object was to prevent disputes "between Christian Princes"
as to the domination over such territories and islands as might be
discovered by their respective subjects.

16 BRITISH COLUMBIA

The English seafarer from his island home, looked out upon
the broad ocean, and, in the natural course of events, became the
eager competitor of the Spaniard and the Portuguese. England
did not acknowledge the right of the Pope to divide the undiscov-
ered world between the two Catholic countries. Queen Elizabeth's
characteristic reply to the Spanish ambassador, who had complained
of the inroads of her subjects, sufficiently indicates the spirit of the
English of all ages in that regard. The Virgin Queen remarked
with asperity that the "Spaniards had drawn these inconveniences
upon themselves by their severe and unjust dealings in their Ameri-
can commerce; for she did not understand why either her subjects,
or those of any other European prince, should be- debarred from
traffic in the Indies; that, as she did not acknowledge the Spaniards
to have any title, by donation of the Bishop of Rome, so she knew
no right they had to any places other than those of which they were
in actual possession; for that their having touched only here and
there upon a coast, and given names to a few rivers or capes, were
such insignificant things, as could in no ways entitle them to a pro-
priety farther than in the parts where they actually settled, and con-
tinued to inhabit."

And so the English buccaneers sailed the high seas, levying
tribute upon all and sundry with rare audacity, under the protec-
tion of, if not openly sanctioned by, the English government. Of
these famous worthies, whose exploits have been so eloquently re-
corded by the historian Froude, there was none greater than Sir
Francis Drake, the first of Englishmen, as indeed he was the first
of Europeans, to visit the northwest coast, of which he took pos-
session for Queen Elizabeth, at the same time naming it New
Albion.

The period of scientific discovery as far as this seaboard is con-
cerned began in the year 1774 with the arrival of the Spanish
corvette Santiago, in command of Juan Perez. It but remains to
be observed that in the last quarter of the eighteenth century the lines
of exploration converged upon a land heretofore unexplored and
unknown; for the first time reliable information concerning it be-
came available, which supplanted the mythical and legendary
accounts, till then the current coin of the geographers and cartog-
raphers who had given it their attention. Now the historian is
concerned with the expeditions of the Spaniards from their estab-

FRENCH MAP OF XOKTII AMF.KRA, CIKCA, 1T75

BRITISH COLUMBIA 17

lishments on the Mexican Pacific seaboard, of the Russians from
their posts on the Kamchatkan Peninsula, of the British discoverers
who used the Sandwich Islands as a base for their operations on the
northwest coast, of the French explorers who followed the course
of the British, of the American traders who, like the British, used
the Sandwich Islands as a supply depot, of the overland expeditions
of the Canadian fur traders, and with the westward movement of
the people of the United States of America.

In summing up it may be said that the earliest history of the
territory now known to the world as the Province of British Colum-
bia is intimately associated with the apocryphal voyages of glib-
tongued impostors and the vague conjectures of the geographer.
To this early period belong the doubtful relations of Maldonado
(1588), Juan de Fuca (1592), de Fonte (1640) and others, and all
those charts and maps in which were embodied the loose impressions
which led at last to the actual exploration of this vast extent of coast-
line. It will be seen then that by studying the first charts of the
Pacific coast, the historian will be richly rewarded, for thereby
would be revealed to him the many difficulties and uncertainties
under which the explorer and map maker laboured. He will learn
that tardily and gradually the time comes when knowledge ousts
conjecture and rumour from their place of honour and the coastline
assumes its true shape, until after a lapse of more than two hundred
and fifty years, Capt. George Vancouver's great chart of 1798 gives
the first accurate representation of what is now the western seaboard
of Canada.

Vol. r —2

CHAPTER II
APOCRYPHAL VOYAGES

It is the inveterate tendency of the human mind to presume that
the great inventions which have enriched human life issue full grown
from the brain of the inventors, like Minerva from the head of the
Father of the Gods. As a matter of fact and of history this has never
been the case. Months and years of unsuccessful experiments have
always preceded the birth of an idea, and genius, which has been de-
fined as a transcendant capacity for taking pains brings forth its prod-
ucts only after

"long days of labour and nights devoid of ease."

And as it has been with great inventions, the offspring of Sci-
ence, so has it been with the origin of the great discoveries on land
and sea. The Earth feels many a blow before she yields up the
riches concealed in her bowels, and the lonely keel of the navigator
has ploughed many a barren sea before finding the passage or the
harbourage, which has been the quest of the world of his time, and
it has always remained a problem to the historian of an after-age to
declare with precision how far premature claims to discoveries of
unknown waters and countries have been founded on conscious or
unconscious imposture.

The story of the discovery of the Northwest Passage has formed
no exception to this apparently universal rule — that the era of his-
torical fact has always been preceded by a mythical age. But there
were other and political causes which made the exploration of the
northwest coast of America so long in coming. The Spaniard, who
dominated the southern seas for centuries, was continually haunted
by the fear of his Dutch and English rivals. Obstacles therefore,
of which there are authentic records, were placed in the way of for-
eign adventurers.

20 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Lack of space renders it impossible to deal with all the accounts
of the voyages through the Strait of Anian which were feigned in
the prehistoric age. Three stories, however, stand out with such
prominence that they cannot be overlooked by a faithful chronicler,
specially since they have obtained a certain amount of credence
among men of sobriety and common sense. On the other hand it
must be conceded at once, that the fact that the accounts of these
voyages were without exception published many years after the dates
at which the voyages themselves were declared to have been under-
taken, begets an element of suspicion as to the genuineness of the
narratives.

Foremost among these stands the story of Lorenzo Ferrer de Mal-
donado, a narrative at one time regarded as authentic by men whose
knowledge and attainments would, it might be supposed, have pre-
vented their being carried away by the impostures of an inventive
quack. A manuscript is preserved to this day, written by Maldonado,
verbosely entitled, "A Relation of the discovery of the Strait of
Anian, made by me. Captain Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, in
1588, in which is described the course of the navigation, the situa-
tion of the place, and the manner of fortifying it." Briefly, it re-
cites that the writer — a Portuguese — crossed the North Atlantic to
Davis Strait, and moving on, entered the Northwest Passage, or, as
he called it, the Strait of Anian. With wind abeam he sailed to the
North East, to the North-North-East, and again to the North, and
at last reached Tartary, or Cathaia, not far from the coast, where,
it was surmised, must be the metropolis of Tartary. Sailing on for
fifteen days he reached the open sea. "This we knew to be the South
Sea," — so runs the chronicle,- — "where are situated Japan, China,
the Moluccas, India, New Guinea and the land discovered by Cap-
tain Quirus, with all the coast of New Spain and Peru." A fairly
full description of the Strait is given and the coast of Asia described,
while probability is lent to the tale by a description of the harbour at
the entrance of the Strait, where a large vessel of eight hundred tons
burden was encountered.

The cargo of this vessel, it is solemnly recorded, consisted of
"Brocades, silks, porcelain, feathers, precious stones and gold." The
crew were said to be Hanseatics from Archangel, so that, in order
to understand each other, the voyagers were obliged to converse in
Latin. Possibly this account of the meeting with the strange mer-
chantman is the origin of de Fonte's story of his encounter with the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 21

Boston ship at the South Sea entrance to the mythical passage. The
paper concludes with plans for the occupation and defence of the
Strait. It is significant that nothing is said as to the circumstances
which induced the navigator to return to Europe by the passage
which he claimed to have discovered, instead of proceeding to the
Philippine Islands or to a Mexican port.

The record of the so-called discoveries of Bartholomew de Fontc
is beset with discrepancies somewhat analogous to the tale of Mal-
donado. De Fonte's narrative, setting forth those discoveries, was
not published until April, 1708, although the voyage itself was said
to have taken place in 1640. In a letter to a monthly publication,
entitled "Memoirs for the Curious," are contained remarkable state-
ments respecting the adventure. Astonishing as the story is, it was
yet believed by many sailors of that credulous age, although there
was no information with regard to de Fonte that could be called in
any sense authentic. All that is now known is that an officer of that
name was employed in the Pacific by the Spaniards, all else is out-
side the region of fact.

According, however, to the story as printed, de Fonte sailed on
the 3rd of April, 1640, from Lima, in the ship San Spiritus, ac-
companied by Don Diego Pennelossa, in the San Lucia, Pedro de
Barnardo in the Rosario, and Philip de Ronquillo in the King
Philip (i). Arriving at the entrance of an archipelago which he
named San Lazarus, he sailed in an easterly direction into a large
inlet, which by means of a chain of rivers and lakes opened into the
Sea of Ronquillo, that in turn communicated directly with the North
Sea, or Atlantic Ocean, between Baffin and Hudson Bays. It is of
course quite natural that de Fonte's narrative should at first have ex-
cited the curiosity of seamen and geographers. But it soon came
to be looked upon as a hoax, rather than as an authentic record.
However, there are always men, not only among mariners but also
among men of science, ready to give credence to any strange story
of discovery, and an echo of Maldonado and de Fonte's fabrication
is found in the instructions given to navigators of a later age, that
great care should be taken in examining that portion of the North-
west Coast where these navigators had placed the openings leading
to their waterways.

The two stories of Maldonado and of de Fonte have of course
long since been exploded. That the events recorded took place at

22 BRITISH COLUMBIA

all is a clear impossibility. That the tales were believed, however,
proves how little was Icnown of the northwestern part of North Amer-
ica, even as late as the last quarter of the eighteenth century. It is
strange that Thomas Jetferys, geographer to the King, should have
prepared a monograph in which it is gravely taken for granted that
the account of these voyages was accurate in all its details as re-
ported. Jeft'erys' work, was published in 1768 and with it appeared
his "General map of the discoveries of de Fonte,'' which shows the
chain of rivers and lakes stretching across the continent in an easterly
direction from the Pacific to the North Atlantic. But it was not
the first time in history that men of learning have been hypnotized
by impostors.

There is the celebrated defence of Maldonado by the French
scientist, Buache, the publication of which created a stir among the
learned societies of Europe. Buache laboured to prove that Mal-
donado was not an impostor but a much maligned explorer, whose
discoveries would yet redound to his credit. All this, because some
historian or litterateur in groping amongst musty archives, had un-
earthed a copy of Maldonado's manuscript. In Spain it had been
long known that he was a man of no character. Yet, in spite of
expostulations, the spirited defence of Buache was in some quarters
received with deference. Just at that time the unfortunate Malas-
pina was being despatched by the Spanish Government upon a sci-
entific expedition to the North Pacific, and so great was the influence
of the French geographer that he was particularly instructed to search
for the supposed Strait of Maldonado. His examination, of course,
revealed the fact that there was no strait such as that which had been
described so minutely.

In William Goldson's "Observations on the Passage between the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans," which appeared in 1793 the historian
finds yet another learned defence of Maldonado and de Fonte, and
a most extravagant map purporting to show their discoveries. That
Jefferys, Buache, Amoretti, Goldson, and other learned men, should
have been so easily misled, is indeed an ironical comment on the
adage that "knowledge comes, but wisdom lingers." It would be
almost impossible to believe that they had been so beguiled if their
own maps and writings did not prove it.

A third voyage must now be considered, which, while not to be
placed in the same class as the fictions already mentioned, yet may

THE TITI.K PA(5E OF PURCHAS. HIS PH^CRniES
Ficiiii tlif C'o|iy ill till' Li'jfislativc Liliiary, \'ic-toria

BRITISH COLUMBIA 23

at least be maintained to be apocryphal. The account of Juan de
Fuca's voyage by Michael Lok created a stir in the world of ad-
venture. Indeed, from the time of its publication by Samuel Pur-
chas in "His Pilgrimes" in the year 1625, until the present time, there
have not been wanting those who have stoutly averred their belief
in the authenticity of the narrative. The voyage was said to have
taken place in the year 1592, exactly one hundred years after Colum-
bus had discovered the West Indies.

The arguments for and against the veracity of de Fuca's account
may be briefly summarized thus : As in all the apocryphal voy-
ages, the first fact to be noted is that nothing was known or said of
de Fuca until many years after the reputed date of the voyage. The
story rests entirely upon the test-imony of Michael Lok, who was a
reputable merchant trading in the Levant. It is worthy of notice
in this connection that Purchas does not say where or how he got
Lok's narrative. Perhaps he found it among the papers of Hak-
luyt, whose literary executor he was. Lok's statement that he had
sent an account of the voyage to Hakluyt lends colour to this theory.
In that event, it is only fair to add, the stories may have been re-
ported some time before Purchas "His Pilgrimes" appeared in
1625.

Lok's Memoir, if such it may be called, is entitled "A Note made
by me Michael Lok the elder, touching the Strait of Sea, com-
monly called Fretum Anian, in the South Sea, through the North-
west passage of Meta incognita."

He begins: — "When I was at Venice, in April, 1596, happily
arriued there an old man, about threescore yeares of age, called com-
monly Juan de Fuca, but named properly Apostolos Valcrianos, of
Nation a Greeke, borne in the Hand Cefalonia, of Profession a Mari-
ner, and an ancient Pilot of Shippes. This man being come lately out
of Spaine, arriued first at Ligorno, and went thence to Florence in
Italic, where he found one John Dowglas, an Englishman, a famous
Mariner, ready comming for Venice, to be Pilot of a Venetian Ship,
named Ragasona, for England, in whose company they came both
together to Venice. And John Dowglas being well acquainted with
me before, he gaue mc knowledge of this Greeke Pilot, and brought
him to my speech: and in long talke and conference between vs, in
presence of John Dowglas: this Greeke Pilot declared in the Italian
and Spanish languages, thus much in effect as followeth.

24 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"First he said, that he had bin in the West Indies of Spaine by
the space of fortie yeeres, and had sailed to and from many places
thereof, as Mariner and Pilot, in the seruice of the Spaniards.

"Also he said, that he was in the Spanish Shippe, which in re-
turning from the Hands, Philippinas and China, toward Noua
Spania, was robbed and taken at the Cape California, by Captaine
Candish Englishman, whereby he lost sixtie thousand Duckets, of
his owne goods.

"Also he said, that he was Pilot of three small Ships which the
Vizeroy of Mexico sent from Mexico, armed with one hundred men,
Souldiers, vnder a Captain, Spaniards, to discouer the Straits of
Anian, along the coast of the South-Sea, and to fortifie in that Strait,
to resist the passage and proceedings of the English Nation, which
were feared to passe through those Straits into the South Sea. And
that by reason of a mutinie which happened among the Souldiers,
for the Sodomie of their Captaine, that voyage was overthrowne,
and the Ships returned backe from California coast to Nova Spania,
without any efifect of things done in that Voyage. And that after
their returne, the Captaine was at Mexico punished by justice.

"Also he said, that shortly after the said Voyage was so ill ended,
the said Viceroy of Mexico sent him out againe Anno 1592, with
a small Carauela and a Pinnace, armed with Mariners onely, to
follow the said Voyage, for discovery of the same Straits of Anian,
and the passage thereof, into the Sea which they call the North Sea,
which is our North-west Sea. And that he followed his course in
that Voyage West and North-west in the South Sea, all alongst the
coast of Nova Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called
North America (all which Voyage hee signified to me in a great
Map, and a Sea-card of mine owne, which I laied before him) vntill
hee came to the Latitude of fortie seuen degrees, and that there find-
ing that the Land trended North and North-east, with a broad inlet
of Sea, between 47. and 48. degrees of Latitude: hee entred there-
into, sayling therein more than twentie dayes, and found that Land
trending still sometime North-west and North-east, and North, and
also East and South-eastward, and very much broader Sea then was
at the said entrance, and that hee passed by diuers Hands in that say-
ling. And that at the entrance of this said Strait, there is on the
North-west coast thereof, a great Hedland or Hand, with an exceed-
ing high Pinacle, or spired Rocke, like a piller thereupon.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 25

"Also he said, that he went on Land in diuers places, and that he
saw some people on Land, clad in Beasts skins: and that the Land is
very fruitful, and rich of gold, Siluer, Pearle, and other things, like
Nova Spania.

"And also he said, that he being entred thus farre into the said
Strait, and being come into the North Sea already, and finding the
Sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about thirtie or fortie leagues
wide in the mouth of the Straits, where hee entred; hee thought he
had now well discharged his office, and done the thing which he
was sent to doe: and that hee not being armed to resist the force of
the Saluage people that might happen, hee therefore set sayle and
returned homewards againe towards Nova Spania, where hee ar-
riued at Acapulco, Anno 1592, hoping to be rewarded greatly of
the Viceroy, for this seruice done in this said Voyage.

"Also he said, that after his coming to Mexico, hee was greatly
welcommed by the Viceroy, and had great promises of great re-
ward, but that having sued there two yeares time, and obtaining noth-
ing to his content, the Viceroy told him, that he should be rewarded
in Spaine of the King himself very greatly, and willed him there-
fore to goe into Spaine, which Voyage hee did performe.

"Also he said, that when he was come into Spaine, he was greatly
welcomed there at the Kings Court, in wordes after the Spanish
manner, but after long time of suite there also, hee could not get
any reward there neither to his content. And that therefore at the
length he stole away out of Spaine, and came into Italie, to goe home
againe and liue among his owne Kindred and Countrimen, he being
very old.

"Also he said, that hee thought the cause of his ill reward had of
the Spaniards, to bee for that they did vnderstand very well, that the
English Nation had now giuen ouer all their voyages for discouerie
of the North-west passage, wherefore they need not feare them any
more to come that way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed
not his seruice therein any more.

"Also he said, that in regard of this ill reward had of the Span-
iards, and vnderstanding of the noble minde of the Queenc of
England, and of her warres maintayned so valiantly against the Span-
iards, and hoping that her Maiestie would doe him justice for his
goods lost by Captainc Candish, he would bee content to goe into
England, and serue her Maiestie in that voyage for the discouerie

26 BRITISH COLUMBIA

perfectly of the North-west passage into the South Sea, and woula
put his life into her Maiesties hands to performe the same, if shct
would furnish him with onely one ship of fortie tunnes burden and
a Pinnasse, and that he would performe it in thirtie dayes time, from
one end to the other of the Streights. And he willed me to write
into England.

"And vpon this conference had twise with the said Greeke Pilot,
I did write thereof accordingly into England vnto the right honour-
able the old Lord Treasurer Cecill, and to Sir Walter Raleigh and
to Master Richard Hakluyt that famous Cosmographer, certifying
them hereof by my Letters. And in the behalfe of the said Greeke
Pilot, I prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds of money, to
bring him into England with my selfe, for that my owne purse would
not stretch so wide at that time. And I had answere here f by LetT
ters of friends, that this action was very well liked, and greatly de-
sired in England to bee effected ; but the money was not readie, and
therefore this action dyed at that time, though the said Greeke Pilot
perchance liueth still this day at home in his owne Countrie in Cefa-
lonia, towards the which place he went from me within a fortnight
after this conference had at Venice.

"And in the meantime, while I followed my owne businesse in
Venice, being in Law suit against the Companie of Merchants of
Turkie, and Sir John Spencer their Gouernour in London, to re-
couer my pension due for my office of being their ConsuU at Aleppo
in Turkie, which they held from me wrongfully. And when I was
(as I thought) in a readinesse to returne home into England, for
that it pleased the Lords of her Maiesties honourable Priuie Coun-
sell in England, to looke unto this Cause of my Law suit for my
reliefe; I thought that I should be able of my owne purse to take
with me into England the said Greeke Pilot. And therefore I wrote
unto him from Venice a letter, dated in July, 1596, which is copied
here-under."

Michael Lok's various eliforts to communicate with Juan de Fuca
were of no avail, as is shown by the last paragraph of his narrative,
which reads:

"And yet lastly, when I my selfe was at Zante, in the moneth of
June 1602. minding to passe from thence for England by Sea, for
that I had then recovered a little money from the Companie of Turkie,
by an order of the Lords of the Privic Counsel! of England, I wrote

BRITISH COLUMBIA 27

another Letter to this Greeke Pilot to Cefalonia, and required hin^
to come to me to Zante, and goe with mee into England, but I had
none answere thereof from him, for that as I heard afterward at
Zante, he was then dead, or very likely to die of great sicknesse."

Here ends the story of Juan de Fuca, as related by Michael Lok.
It will at once occur to the critic as being suspicious tliat Lok should
have kept this information to himself for so many years, particu-
larly when the efforts of all the seafaring nations had been directed
towards the discovery of [he Northwest Passage. If a discovery of
such importance had been made in 1592, and knowledge of it had
been gained in 1596, it may well be asked why it was that Michael
Lok did not give his account to the world until 1625. Of the facts
related it is worthy of notice that an opening does exist on the north-
west coast near the latitude assigned to it by de Fuca, and that ofif the
Cape Flattery of Captain Cook there is a pinnacle or spiral rock;
also that that opening does lead to an archipelago and to sheets of
water which stretch southward, eastward and northward; and the
writers who have taken up the cudgels on behalf of de Fuca point to
these and other correlated statements as conclusive evidence that the
voyage belongs to the region of fact, rather than to the realm of
fancy. It is impossible, they claim, that any man should have so
accurately described a region without some personal knowledge of it.

On the other hand, it may be pointed out that de Fuca's narra-
tive does not dififer greatly from the accounts of other mariners of
that age. The fact should not be overlooked that dc Fuca accord-
mg to his own statement was hoping to obtain command of an expe-
dition to explore the coast of northwestern America, and it was to
his advantage to colour his story with extravagant descriptions of
the lands he claimed to have discovered. It should also be borne
in mind that the belief in the existence of the Strait of Anian was
then general throughout the world.

Strangely enough, however, in the very quarter where one should
expect to find confirmation of de Fuca's explorations, one finds in-
stead absolute disbclici' in his pretensions. In all the great mass of
material gathered in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, not one
word is to be found with regard to de Fuca, and the same remark
applies to the archives of Mexico. Seeing that the Greek claimed'
that he had been sent by the Viceroy of that country upon an im-
portant mission, and that upon his return he had reported to that

28 BRITISH COLUMBIA

official the results of his voyage, there should be at least some docu-
ment relating thereto in the Spanish Archives. But the records of
New Spain are silent upon the subject. Navarette, the Spanish his-
torian, to whom was confided the task of preparing the official ver-
sion of Spanish explorations on the Northwest coast, claims in his
account of the voyage of the Sutil and Mexicana that there is no
information in the Spanish Archives respecting the "ancient pilot
of ships." This is an important point, because de Fuca averred that
he had spent some time at the court of Spain seeking a dispensation
from the King to pursue his explorations to the north of California.
Therefore, de Fuca's story rests wholly and solely upon the narra-
tive of the Englishman, Michael Lok. Lok claims that he laid the
matter before Burleigh, Queen Elizabeth's great minister, Sir Walter
Raleigh and Richard Hakluyt "that famous Cosmographer," but
without result. And yet the English records are as dumb with regard
to that transaction as are those of Spain and Mexico. Moreover, as de
Fuca himself remarks, Spain had long given up the search for the
Strait of Anian, because she regarded such a discovery as being
inimical to her own interests. She dreaded it for the simple reason
that it would encourage the operations of the European buccaneers
in the Pacific, which she had long looked upon as her own peculiar
preserve. So secure had Spain been in the possession of that great
ocean (always excepting the forays of Drake, Cavendish and the
Dutch free-booters), that she left her ships, which plied that ocean,
almost unprotected. The galleons sailing from the Philippines to
Panama were not armed to resist attack, and that explains why they
fell so easy a prey to the buccaneers of other nations.

It would certainly seem a priori unlikelv that in view of these
facts Spain should have fitted out an expedition for the examination
of that very passage the discovery of which she so much feared.

It has been seen that de Fuca claimed that he was upon the Saula
Anna when that vessel was captured by Cavendish oflf Cape San Lucas
in 1588 and that he lost sixty thousand ducats on that occasion. Now,
in Cavendish's own account of that incident, which was published
by Hakluyt in 1589, no such person is mentioned. In terse Eliza-
bethan English Cavendish relates: "wee came into a Bay called Mas-
saclan, where we had fruite and fish, but were in great danger of our
enemies: We trauersed from thence unto the Southermost cape of
California, where beating up and downe we discouered a Port called

BRITISH COLUMBIA 29

by the Spaniards Agua Segura, and found good store of fresh water:
we lay ofif & on ofif this cape untill the fourth of Nouember, on
which day in the morning wee espied the goodly shippe comming
from the Philippinas called Saint Anna the great, being of seuen
hundreth tunnes: we chased her untill noone, so fetching her up,
we gave them fight to the losse of twelve or fourteene of their men,
and the spoyle and hurt of many more of them, whereupon at last
they yeelded unto us: in this conflict we lost onely two of our men.
So on the sixt of the sayde Nouember we went into the Port of Agua
Segura, where wee ankered and put nine score prisoners on land:
and ransacking the great shippe, wee laded our owne two shippes
with fourtie tunnes of the chiefest marchandise, and burnt all the
rest as well shippe as goods, to the quantitie of sixe hundred tunnes
of rich marchandise, because we were not able to bring it away:
This was one of the richest vessels that euer sayled on the Seas, and
was able to haue made many hundreds wealthie, if we had had meanes
to haue brought it home."

Later authorities, amongst whom may be mentioned the late Pro-
fessor George Davidson, for many years employed on the Pacific sea-
board in the service of the Coast and Geodetic Survey of the United
States, and a geographer of international repute, does not hesitate
to affirm that Michael Lok's account of de Fuca was a mere tissue of
untruths. Without going quite as far as that, it may at least be said
that it is in a high degree probable that Juan de Fuca's account of
his discoveries should be placed in the list of apocryphal voyages.
It is unlikely that further evidence will throw fresh light on that
much disputed point. There will always be some who are content
to abide by the Lok document, while others will as firmly maintain
that it yields far from satisfactory evidence that the Greek pilot
was the first European to visit the Strait that bears his name.

This brief notice of Juan de Fuca's reputed voyage may well be
concluded with the clear-cut statement of the learned Dr. J. G.
Kohl, who in his "History of Discovery and Exploration on the
Coasts of the United States" remarks that Navarettc asserts "that
no navigator of the name of Juan de Fuca or Apostolos Valerianos
was ever at any time known in Spain or mentioned by contemporary
Spanish writers; nor is there extant any record of the visit of such
a person to the King of Spain or to the Vice Roy of Mexico. In
none of the papers relating to the expeditions of Vizcaino, written

30 BRITISH COLUMBIA

only a few years after 1592 (the time of de Fuca's supposed voyage),
can be found any allusion to him; nor is any document bearing on
his history in the archives of Sevillia or New Spain. It seems prob-
able that Juan de Fuca never made a voyage in the service of the
Vice Roy of Spain nor discovered a strait in the latitude indicated,
and it may be considered as a mere accident that in the beginning
of the 17th Century a strait in that region was described in a man-
ner coinciding so nearly with the reality as was ascertained at a
much later date."

One other name is worthy of notice in this connection. The cel-
ebrated Friar Andres de Urdaneta, the discoverer of the trade routes
of the Pacific from east to west, had the honour of discovering the
mythical passage thrust upon him. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in "A
Discourse to Prove a Passage by the North-West to Cathaia and the
East Indies," states that "one Salvatierra, a gentleman of Victoria,
in Spain, that came by chance out of the West Indies into Ireland
in 1568," there assured him that Urdaneta had come from Mar del
Stir (the Pacific) into Germany through the northern passage."
Sir Humphrey adds that Urdaneta had shown Salvatierra "a sea-
card, made by his own experience and travel in that voyage, wherein
was plainly set down and described the north-west passage." Ap-
parently, however, this was an amplification on the part of Salva-
tierra to induce Sir Humphrev to employ him in the exploration of
the strait, the discovery of which he had naively attributed to Ur-
daneta. It is scarcely necessary to add that although there are many
original papers by the Friar in the archives of the Council of the
Indies there is nothing of the nature of Salvatierra's assertion. The
nearest approach to anything of the sort is the Friar's report that
some Frenchman had sailed through the strait from the Atlantic to
the Pacific and thence to China.

As to the extravagant story of Martin Chake (or Chaque), a
Portuguese, who is alleged to have sailed in 1555 from the Atlantic
to a point on the Pacific coast north of California, in latitude 59°.
and as to the pretensions of the Spaniard, Juan Fernandez de Ladril-
iero, who professed that he had certain knowledge of a passage
north of New Spain, critical enquiry seems superfluous. These leg-
ends carry their own condemnation on their face: they are indeed of
more interest to the psychologist than to the historian.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 31

Travellers' tales have proverbially borne an unenviable re-
pute, and the cynic might well speculate whether after all truth is
not an acquired rather than an instinctive quality in human nature
— a quality grudgingly conceded to the necessity of conforming with
the opinions of society at large, and that when a man is freed from
the shackles of convention, and disappears from the horizon of his
fellows, the desire to excite wonder dominates over the desire to
recount fact, and almost instinctively imagination, as if shocked by
the nakedness of truth, proceeds to clothe and adorn her in all the
fashions which taste and fancy may prescribe. And mankind, de-
fined by Carlyle as "mostly fools," prone to credulity, and to whom
onini' iynotiim pro rnagnifico, greedily swallow any new and fancy
viands which may be set before them to devour. It is only when
an age of criticism is evolved from an age of superstition that fiction
becomes indigestible, and fact is found to be the only useful food
for the community at large.

EAKI.V MAP OF VAXCOLVER ISLAM) AXU KXTRAXCK To THK STRAIT OF

JIAX DE FUCA

CHAPTER III

SPANISH EXPLORATIONS

It has been shown that the first printed information concerning
Northwestern America consisted of the imaginative efforts of the
cartographers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; and it has
also been remarked that the first printed descriptions concerning that
region were the narratives of men who apparently wished to test the
crcdulityof theage; now the student must follow the navigators whose
ships were the first actually to plough the North Pacific, and from
whom were obtained the first authentic accounts of the seaboard of
that immense territory which stretches from California to the Arctic
Ocean, between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean.

At first there was little disposition displayed on the part of
European governments to colonize America. Navigators were too in-
tent upon finding a short route to India and China and so imbued were
they with the theories advanced by the leading geographers of the
day, who wrongly computed the circumference of the earth, that in
the beginning the continents of North and South America were looked
upon as nothing more than a barrier in the path of the explorer,
whose sole ambition had been to reach the Orient. The search for
a strait or open sea which might afford direct access to Japan and
the East led men to brave cold and hunger in desolate Arctic re-
gions, to suffer untold hardships, unknown dangers, sickness, and
death. At last Balboa in 15 13 sighted the Pacific Ocean from the
Isthmus of Darien and gave a new impulse to the quest, which from
that time was carried on with unabating zeal. Then Magellan, a
gifted Pcjrtuguese, in the service of Spain, discovered the strait whicii
bears his name. He reached the great ocean which separates Amer-
ica from Asia and was the first European to sail into tiic I'acific
from the East.

Vol 1 — 3

34 BRITISH COLUMBIA

A new direction was given American affairs at this juncture.
Cortes, in the years 15 19 and 1520, conquered Mexico and with an
iron hand ruled its unfortunate peoples and wrested from them untold
treasures which reached the cofifers of the Spanish king, and a new
era dawned for Spain.

From the subjugation of Mexico sprang many things, not the
least of which was the exploration of the western coast of North
America. Cortes pushed his conquest to the Pacific seaboard and
with great energy prepared to explore the unknown regions of the
North. The knowledge gained by Cortes and the discovery of the
Philippine Islands by Magellan in 1520 kindled afresh the ambition
of Spain to be supreme in the South Sea, and Philip II, in 1523, being
informed of the efforts of the English to find a passage through or
above the continent, ordered Cortes to search for the Pacific outlet
of the Strait of Anian.

In pursuance of instructions given him by the King of Spain,
Cortes ordered the construction of two caravels and two brigantines.
The material for these, however, which had been transported six
hundred miles, was destroyed by fire at Tehuantepec. But Cortes
solaced himself with the reflection that the vessels would be ready
to sail in 1525. In one of his despatches of that time we find the
following memorable words:

"I attach such importance to these ships that I could not express
it; for I consider it very certain that with them, if it please God, I
shall be the means of your Imperial Majesty becoming in these
regions Lord of more kingdoms and dominions than there is any
knowledge of in our nation up to the present time. * * * For
I believe that when I do this your Highness will have nothing more
to do in order to become monarch of the world."

Cortes' troubles, however, did not end here. The brigantines
were burned just as they were ready to sail from Zacatula. To re-
place these craft, orders were given for the construction of three or
four vessels at Tehuantepec (1527-28). While the vessels were in
course of construction, the conqueror of Mexico, being obliged to
visit Spain to counteract by the weight of his personal influence the
cfifects of the envy and persecution which his successes had brought
upon him, placed Pedro Nunez Maldonado in command of the new
arsenal and shipyards. In the month of July^ 1528, that officer
sailed from the mouth of the River Zacatula towards the Northwest.
He returned in course of six months, bringing with him, as usual.

BRITISH COLUMBIA :ir>

imaginative accounts of the extent, richness, and fertility of the lands
he had seen. This expedition marked the beginning of Spanish
effort in the new field.

Cortes returned from Spain in 1530 and injected a new spirit into
the affairs of the Pacific. At his own expense he brought with him
"many noble adventurers', artizans, workmen and sailors, to the num-
ber of more than four hundred, for employment in expeditions he
had planned." His vessels were refitted, and the St. Miguel and
St. Marcos, under command of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, sailed
from Tehuantepec on June 30, 1532, having in view the exploration
of the islands of the Pacific off the coast of New Spain. According
to his own accounts Mendoza reached the twenty-seventh degree of
latitude. Here the crew mutinied and the St. Miguel was ordered
to return with the papers of the expedition and the disaffected sail-
ors, while the commander continued the voyage. The returning
vessel, under the command of Juan de Mazuela, endeavoured to
reach Acapulco, but she went ashore, and all on board, with the
e.xception of three, were put to death by the natives of the country,
after which the vessel was seized and plundered by Nuno de Guzman.
As to the ship in which Mendoza continued his voyage, an account
was received that she had been throw^n on the coast far to the north
and that all her crew had perished.

After the lapse of a year Cortes learned of the loss of the vessels,
commanded by Hurtado de Mendoza, and he then despatched two
ships from I'ehuantepcc in search of the missing expedition. These
ships left the port on the 3()th oi September, 1533, but were soon after
separated. Hernando Grijalva discovered a group of islands situated
about fifty leagues from the coast, which he named Islands of St.
Thomas. He remained until the following spring and returned to
Acapulco, without adding much to geographical knowledge. Diego
Becerra, commander of the other ship, was less fortunate, being mur-
dered by the pilot, Fortuiio Ximenes. Other labours of Cortes in the
discovery and exploration of the Pacific side of North America will
be mentioned in brief.

On the 3d of May, ly^'i' '"i^' entered the bay near the shore of
Xalisco, where Becerra had been murdered, and in honour of the
day the name of Santa Cruz was bestowed upon the place, of which
possession was solemnly taken for the Spanish sovereign. It was the

36 BRITISH COLUMBIA

southeast part of the great peninsula which projects from the Amer-
ican continent on the Pacific side in nearly the same direction and
between nearly the same parallels of latitude as that of Florida on
the Atlantic side. It soon afterward received the name of California.
The bay called Santa Cruz by Cortes, says Greenhow, was prob-
ably the same later known as Port La Paz.

Returning to Mexico in the beginning of 1537, by reason of his
having been removed as commandant of the country which he had
added to the dominions of Spain, he thereupon recalled from Santa
Cruz his lieutenant, Francisco de Ulloa, with the forces which had
been left there, and in 1539 the last expedition made by water by
Cortes was begun. It was commanded by Francisco de Ulloa, who
sailed from Acapulco on the 8th of July, 1539, with three vessels,
and took his course for California. One of the vessels was drivert
ashore near Culiacan. With the others Ulloa proceeded to the
Bay of Santa Cruz, and in a few days departed to survey the coast
towards the northeast. He examined both shores of the great gulf
which separates California from the mainland on the east and as-
certained the fact of the junction of the two territories near the
thirty-second degree of latitude. Then rounding Cape San Lucas
the expedition followed the oceanic coast of the Californian penin-
sula, at length reaching, under the twenty-eighth parallel, an island
which Ulloa named the Isle of Cedars. Thence, on the 5th of April,
the Santa Agiieda set sail for Santiago, where she was seized by the
officers of Don Antonio de Mendoza, who had succeeded Cortes as
Viceroy. Of the fate of Ulloa there are contradictory accounts.
Cortes in the meantime having come into conflict with the Viceroy
and others in regard to continuing his explorations in a certain
direction, returned in disgust to Spain, where he passed the remain-
ing seven years of his life in vain efforts to recover his authority
in Mexico or to obtain indemnification for his losses.

Other explorations were made overland by expeditionary parties
sent out from Mexico. Friar Marcos tells of having discovered in
Northwest Mexico beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, exten-
sive territories richly cultivated and abounding in gold, silver, and
precious stones. In these countries were many towns and seven cities,
one of which the friar called Cibola, containing twenty thousand large
stone houses, some four storeys in height, adorned with jewels. Like
the narratives of the discovery of channels through the northern conti-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 37

nent, which a little later obtained credence amongst geographers,
the stories emanating from the fertile imaginations of the Friar Mar-
cos and his contemporaries as to Quivira, Cibola and Totonteac were
equally fictitious. However, such relations but reflected the glamour
and romance which surround the early history of the territories
lying to the northwest of Mexico.

Fernando de Alarcon, sailing from the port of Santiago on the
9th of May, 1540, reached the extremity of the Gulf of California
in August following. There he discovered a great river which he
named Rio de Nuestra Senora de Buena Guia (or River of Our
Lady of Safe Conduct), probably the same now called Colorado.

Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, a Portuguese of high reputation as a
navigator, sailed from Navidad, a small port in Xalisco, in June,
1542. By the middle of August he had advanced beyond the limits
of the supposed discoveries of Ulloa. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos
soon followed Cabrillo with another expedition, his objective being
India, there to form establishments. Bartolome Ferrolo and Vas-
quez de Coronado also contributed their part in these early explo-
rations as did Sebastian Vizcaino, a distinguished Spanish officer.

From the time of the death of Vizcaino, which occurred in 1608,
until the last quarter of the eighteenth century, Spain, although it
controlled the sea routes to the northwest, had made no effort to add
to her discoveries in that direction. At last, however, Spain was
induced to play a more active part in the North Pacific. Before
1778 British sailors had confined their operations to the South Pacific,
but the Spaniards had been in constant dread of their appearance
in the northern part of that ocean, more particularly because there had
recently been a recrudescence of the stories of a navigable communi-
cation between the Pacific and the North Atlantic. Then the acquisi-
tion of Canada by Great Britain in 1763 rendered the discovery of the
Northwest Passage of importance to that power, while Spain had at
this time additional reasons for viewing with dissatisfaction any
attempts of her rival to advance westward across the continent.
Moreover, the Court of Madrid was perturbed by the reported ac-
tivities of the Russians on the northernmost coasts of the Pacific. The
fact that knowledge of the Russian explorations was vague and con-
tradictory in nowise tended to lessen the apprehension of the Span-
ish cabinet. Russia had not made known the extent of her discoveries
in the Northwest, conceiving it more politic to remain silent. Yet

38 BRITISH COLUMBIA

enough had leaked out to make the Spanish Government fear for
the safety of its Californian provinces. In this relation it should
be borne in mind that the boundaries of the Californias at that time
did not coincide with those of the California of today. 7he Cali-
fornias of Spain it was claimed extended indefinitely northward, far
beyond the point reached by the earliest navigators.

In view of these events and in order to give life to her claim
to the sole sovereignty of the American islands and coast washed
by the North Pacific, Spain in 1765 adopted a policy of expansion.
The viceroy of Mexico, deCroix, and the visitador, Galvez, were
instructed to enquire into the condition of that country and to put into
effect measures of reforms. It was also intended by the Spanish
Government that the vacant coasts and islands to tlie northward of
California should be annexed and occupied.

At this time the sovereigns of France and Spain followed the
example of Portugal in Europe and expelled the Jesuits from Mex-
ico and the Peninsula of California. California was immediately
proclaimed a province of Mexico and it was duly provided with a
governmental establishment under Caspar de Portala, who set out
upon his famous expedition from La Paz to the newly created prov-
ince in 1769. The missions in Lower California were handed over to
the austere Dominicans who in turn were followed by the zealous
Franciscan Fathers.

However important and interesting as the relations of Spain
in California are to the student of British Columbian history, the
newly awakened interest of Spain in the territories of northern lati-
tudes is still more important and still more interesting. Spain had
been slow to move, but once having embarked upon a policy of
expansion it was not long before that policy bore fruit. As a pre-
cursor to the fitting out of exploratory expeditions for the North, a
department of the Mexican Government was created about the year
1774, for the special purpose of promoting and fostering the work,
under the title of the Marine Department of San Bias, so-called be-
cause the port of that name on the Mexican seaboard was selected
as the base of operations. At this port arsenals, shipyards and ware-
houses were erected and thence the ships for the North were
despatched.

The first Spanish keel to ply the North Pacific was the little
corvette Santiago, which sailed from San Bias on the 25th of Jan-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 39

uary, 1774, in command of Don Juan Perez, who was ordered by
the Viceroy, to examine the coast as far north as the sixty-fifth degree
of latitude. The pilot, or navigating officer, of the Santiago, was
Estevan Martinez, who afterwards achieved a unique distinction
in the service of his country. Perez was accompanied bv the Francis-
can Fathers, Crespi and Pena, to whom the world is indebted for
accounts of the expedition. The two friars embarked at Monterey at
the order of their superior, the celebrated Junipero Serra, then the
Father Superior of the Franciscan mission at Monterey.

After several abortive efforts, the Santiago proceeded on her
voyage, slowly making her way northward under heavy weather.
Fogs, calms, and head winds delayed the progress of the vessel and
it was not until the i8th of July that land was sighted, the distinctive
features of which were an insulated clifif or peak, with a flat top, cov-
ered with snow. From the observations taken on board, this coast
was sighted between latitudes fifty-three and fifty-four degrees, the
first land seen by the Spaniards ofi the northwest coast being
the western seaboard of the Queen Charlotte Islands. But no
landing was made by the Spaniards. On the following day
the coast was seen clearly seven or eight leagues away and an
observation was taken by Perez, which marked the latitude,
according to his calculations, as fifty-three degrees, fifty-eight min-
utes, north. In the afternoon the vessel advanced to within three
leagues of the coast, but owing to the lateness of the hour it was
decided not to land. On the following day, the 20th of July, a canoe
approached the vessel and as it drew near the ship the occupants
could be distinctly observed. The natives were singing one of their
pagan songs and scattering feathers on the water as if to propitiate
the strangers, so thought the Spaniards. At first they did not ven-
ture to come alongside of the vessel but at sight of handkerchiefs,
beads, and biscuits offered by the Spanish sailors, their cupidity over-
came their fear and they came close enough to the stern of the ship
to take all that was thrown to them, but they would not go on hoard,
although invited to do so. The graceful canoes wliich tlic Indians
managed with such dexterity were apparently hewn out of a single
tree trunk. These natives were of the Haida nation, perhaps the
most warlike and advanced of all the tribes inhabiting the coast
region. In their large canoes they swept down the coast, ruthlessly
putting to death men, women, and children, sparing only those of

40 BRITISH COLUMBIA

whom they wished to make slaves, and to this day their exploits are
preserved in the traditions of the weaker tribes they harassed so
terribly. In later years they were bold enough to threaten the infant
colony and the Hudson's Bay posts at the southern extremity of
Vancouver Island.

The insulated cliff first sighted by Perez, he named Santa Mar-
garita, "because it was seen yesterday, which was the day of that
glorious saint." So it is recorded by Father Crespi.

Father Pena in his diary s^ys that that name was also bestowed
upon a group of three small islands not far from the coast. Some
forty or fifty miles north of this point was sighted a promontory
covered with trees, which was named Santa Maria Magdalena. Be-
yond this cape the coast was fianked by high land covered with tim-
ber and trending east and west as far as it could be seen. An island
near by was christened Santa Cristina and the snow-capped moun-
tains of the interior were called San Cristobel.

In seeking land in a latitude so tar below that mentioned in his
instructions, Perez was influenced by the fact that his water barrels
needed replenishing. After a counsel of his officers it was decided
to land at the first convenient spot, before proceeding to the sixty-
fifth parallel, the point set as the northern limit of the voyage. Hence
it was that the expedition made land near the tifty-fourth parallel,
discovering the Queen Charlotte Islands. Neither Perez nor any
of those on board the Santiago were aware of the fact that the land
seen was not part of the continental shore.

Leaving Cape Santa Margarita, the Santiago sailed southward,
but the weather was either so boisterous or so foggy that Perez only
got occasional glimpses of the coast. Continuing her course, on the
evening of Monday, the i8th of August, the Santiago sighted land
about the forty-ninth parallel, according to an observation taken on
board. With a light wind the vessel gradually drew near the strange
coast and at 6 o'clock, being about a league from it, she came
to anchor in twenty-five fathoms of water. From the deck of the
vessel, the heavily wooded land could easily be seen.

It seemed that after nearly three centuries of intermittent effort
the Spaniard was at last to set his seal upon the northwest coast, but
the same powers and obdurate fate seemed ever to stand between
the Spaniard and the attainment of his desire. The morning of
Tuesday, the 19th, dawned calm and still, but all other quarters of

H
D

BRITISH COLUMBIA 41

the compass were hidden by a dense fog which hung over land and
water. Then occurred one of those sudden changes in the weather
to which all coasts are at times subjected. The storm came up so
quickly that there was not even time to hoist the long boat, which
had been launched early in the morning, ready for the landing party.
The captain immediately ordered the anchor to be weighed and the
sails set, but the ship drifted shoreward so swiftly that it was found
necessary to cut the cable and with great difficulty she doubled a
reef to the southwest which ran far out into the sea. Having weath-
ered the point, the vessel was hove to in order that the long boat
might be taken on board. While this was being done, however, a
heavy wind struck the boat and it was nearly lost, together with the
sailors who were in it. After this fortunate escape sails were again
loosed and the course set for the southeast, the wind and sea still
increasing in violence. Thus the first Spanish vessel to reach the far
Northwest ran from the only anchorage it had been possible to make
in the whole course of the expedition.

The landfall of Perez, named by him San Lorenzo, has been the
subject of much discussion, but it is not difficult to fix upon the
anchorage of the Santiago. The American historian, Robert Green-
how is painfully in error when he asserts so positively that the Spanish
commander discovered the sound, named a few years later "King
George's." or "Nootka" Sound, by James Cook. The fact that
the writer had access to Perez and Pena's journal, although appar-
ently not to that of Crespi, which certainly is quite clear upon this
point, only makes his blunt assertion more remarkable. Father
Crespi, however, mentions San Lorenzo as lying between two points,
of which the southeast was called San Estevan, in honour of the navi-
gating officer, and that to the northwest, Santa Clara. If the San-
tiago had anchored in Nootka Sound she would have found a harbour
safe in all weathers and there would have been no necessity to cut
the cable in order to make an offing, no matter from what direction
the wind might blow. There is little doubt then that the open
roadstead where the vessel anchored a league from the shore
is the bight or bay, of which the southern extremity is marked by
the Point Estevan of the admiralty charts of today. Nothing in the
journals mentioned can possibly be construed as evidence that Nootka
Sound was ever seen, much less entered. It is certain then that Perez
did not enter the historic channel named Nootka, by Cook, in spite

42 BRITISH COLUMBIA

of Navarette's statement to the contrary, and Greenhow's even more
explicit asseveration. If further evidence upon this point is desired it
may be found in Robert Haswell's manuscript journal of the Colum-
bia-Re diviv a and sloop JJ'ashington, in which it is set forth that
"Nootka Sound was discovered by Captain Cook March the 30,
1778, on his passag to the Northern hemisphere of this Ocean. But
from the natives we lern their was a ship anchored at the enterence
of the Sound forty months before Captain Cooks arrival. From the
description they must have been Spaniards but the natives say their
boats ueir not out duering their tarey." The italics mark the signifi-
cant passage.

Making no further effort to explore the northern coast line, Perez
turned his vessel southward and sailed for Monterey, reaching that
point on Saturday, the 27th of August; and thus ended the first voy-
age of the Spaniards to the mysterious northern region. Beyond a
cursory examination of one or two points and ascertaining the gen-
eral trend of the coast line, little was accomplished by this expedi-
tion. Yet it is important historically from the fact that it marked
the first effort of the Spaniards to learn something of a region of
which for many years it had been in their power to acquire full
knowledge; and although no mention of the Strait of Juan de Fuca
is to be found in any of the journals, nor was it reported therein that
an opening in the coast corresponding to that of the Greek pilot
had been seen, Estevan Martinez at a crucial moment in the Nootka
controversv conveniently remembered that he had noticed a large
opening near the forty-eighth parallel, a fact which he strangely
enough omitted to report at the time.

The voyage of Perez, although abortive, whetted the appetite
of the Spaniards for northern exploration. Two expeditions fol-
lowed in the wake of the Santiago, of which a brief account is here
given. The Viceroy of Mexico, encouraged by the reports brought by
Juan Perez, immediately ordered another expedition to be fitted
out. The Santiago was again commissioned and placed in com-
mand of Naval Lieutenant Don Bruno Heceta, with whom Juan
Perez sailed as quartermaster. Tiie Santiago's consort was the little
schooner Felicidad — renamed the Sonora — under Lieutenant Juan
Francisco de Bodega y Quadra, whose name came to be inseparably
associated with the most important incident of early Northwest his-
torv. A great deal might be said concerning the character of Bodega

BRITISH COLUMBIA 43

y Quadra, but perhaps his own introduction to the journal of this
expedition gives a better idea of the man than anything else that has
been written of him. "Immediately," he writes, "on the arrival at the
Department of San Bias of the six officers appointed by His Excel-
lency the X'iceroy, Friar D. Antonio Maria Bucareli, who were to
command the frigate, packet, and schooner, I thought that on account
of my senioritv some position was due me, and being desirous of seeing
myself included in the expedition upon which the frigate and
schooner were going, their orders being to advance as far as possible
towards the N. Pole from California, and to survey the coast; re-
flecting likewise that the greater the risk the more it should be sought
for when the results tend to the sovereign's service, and that it is a
quality of honour to desire to request from His Majesty a post where
dangers must be despised for the sole object of seeking the means
by which His royal ideas may be maintained or duly carried out; I
could not restrain my ardour upon these reflections, and prayed that
I might embark as second Captain in the schooner, a vessel in which
I at once conjectured that even the lightest undertaking would be
noteworthy, both on account of its small size, scanty crew, evident lack
of necessaries, accumulation of risks, entire want of suitable qualities
for such routes and lastly a vessel which only the ardour of a resolute
mind would select on such an occasion of risk to life."

The vessels sailed from San Bias on the i6th of xMarch, 1775, and
proceeded slowly up the coast, in the teeth of contrary winds. It
was the 19th of June before Heceta left Port Trinidad, off the Cal-
ifornian coast. Three weeks later, on July nth, the Northwest
coast was sighted in latitude given as forty-eight degrees and twenty-
six minutes, from which point the Spaniards searched southward in
vain for the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca. The Spaniards
anchored near Point Grenville, in latitude forty-seven degrees and
twenty minutes. Here on that point, on the 14th of July, of the year
1775, so far as it is kncnvn, Europeans first set foot on the Northwest
Coast. Bruno Heceta, the Padre, Pierre, the surgeon, Davalos, and
Cristoval Revilla, the second pilot, landed with a few sailors and,
after erecting a cross, with due ceremony took possession of the coun-
try in the name of the Sovereign King of Spain.

While the officers of the Santiago were thus engaged, the crew
of the Sonora were in sore straits. A few men in the only boat
had been sent ashore in (]uest of water. Scarcely had tiicy landed,

BRITISH COLUMBIA

however, when the Indians to the number of three hundred rushed
out of the woods and overwhelmed the small Spanish force. The
tragedy was observed from the deck of the Sonora, but nothing could
be done to aid the landing party, as the schooner could not get within
range of the shore. Not a man escaped the murderous savages and
Bodega y Quadra found his crew reduced to five men and one boy
in health and four sailors too ill to perform their duties. The In-
dians, after the massacre on the shore, attacked the vessel from their
canoes, but were repulsed with the loss of six men. Maurelle. the
pilot, relates that there were only three on board able to handle a mus-
ket — the captain, his servant, and himself. Fortunately, the Santiago
then arrived upon the scene of action and rescued her consort from an
awkward position. In commemoration of the event the point was
called Punta de Martires — Martyrs' Point; and the island a little
to the northward, for the same reason therefore, was named Isia
de Dolores — Island of Sorrows. The same island twelve years later
was called Destruction Island by Captain Berkley of the Imperial
Eagle, because some of his crew were massacred on the mainland
opposite.

After this disaster the question of continuing the voyage was
argued in council. Perez, Quadra, and Maurelle were all in favour
of sailing northward, but Heceta was anxious to return to Monterey.
The voyage was continued, but shortly after the vessels had got under
way they were separated by a storm and Heceta seized the oppor-
tunity to sail for California, while Quadra nobly persevered in his
determination to carrv out at all hazards the instructions of the
Viceroy to reach the sixty-fifth degree of latitude.

Heceta, after parting companv with the Srinora, made land on
the west coast of Vancouver Island near the fiftieth parallel and
thence sailed southward, passing by the roadstead San Lorenzo.
On his wav southward, in a latitude reckoned as forty-six degrees
and seventeen minutes, he noticed an opening in the coast, from
which issued a strong current. He thought that he had discovered
the mouth of some great river, or perhaps the strait reported to have
been found by Juan de Fuca in 1592. In his journal it is recorded
that he bestowed upon the bight then discovered the name of En-
senada de Asuncion, and the points north and south of it he called
Cape San Roque and Cape Frondoso, respectively. In charts of
the locality subsequently published in Mexico the opening is called

BRITISH COLUMBIA 45

Ensenada de Heceta and Rio de San Roque. The journal of the
explorer is more or less explicit and his description leaves little room
for doubt that he had sighted the mouth of the lordly river called
by Jonathan Carver "Oregan," subsequently known to the world as
the Columbia, so named by Captain Gray after his vessel, Columbia-
Rediviva, seventeen years later. Heceta arrived at Monterey on
the 30th of August with two-thirds of his men disabled by scurvy.

In the meantime Quadra and Maurelle in their little vessel the
Srjiiora — she was but twenty-seven feet in length, manned by a pilot,
a boatswain, a mate, ten seamen, a cabin boy and a servant — made a
desperate attempt to reach the sixty-fifth parallel, an effort as heroic
as it was foolhardy in such an unseaworthy and ill-equipped craft.
They sailed northwest without sighting land until the beautiful snow-
capped mountain of San Jacinto (St. Hyacinth) appeared above the
horizon, and somewhat further on, the ports Remedios and Guade-
lupe were visited and so named. The San Jacinto of the Spaniard is
unquestionably the Mount Edgecomb of Captain Cook, while Port
Remedios is not unlikely the Bay of Islands of the English navigator,
and Port Guadelupe the Norfolk Sound of today.

While in the neighbourhood of the fiftieth parallel Bodega y
Quadra determined to sail for San Bias, comforting himself with the
reflection that although he had not succeeded in carrying out his
instructions, yet he had reached a latitude beyond that effected by
any other navigator.

On the way homeward the Archipelago San Lazarus of that
famous romancer. Admiral La Fonte, and the imaginary strait lead-
ing therefrom far into the continent, were sought for in vain, but the
Sonora discovered Bucarcli Sound, a name that has remained on
the map from that day to this. It is situated on the west side of the
largest island of the Prince of Wales Archipelago, so named by Van-
couver. Here again the Spaniards landed and took possession of
the country with due formality. From Port Bucareli, Quadra sailed
southward across Dixon's entrance, to which he gave the name of
Entrada de Perez, and sighted Cape Santa Margarita (Cape North).
Thence the schooner sailed down the coast and, on the 20th of No-
vember, 1771;, reached San Bias, after an absence of eight months.
The expedition, however, cannot be said to have been entirely suc-
cessful, although in some respects it was important. Heceta, the
commander, certainly did not distinguish himself. Quadra and Mau-

46 BRITISH COLUMBIA

relle, on the other hand, as certainly proved themselves navigators
of more than ordinary determination and courage. Though their
vessel was miserably equipped and one-half of their crew laid low
with that terrible distemper, the scurvy, they made a brave attempt
to carry out their instructions. Their achievement indeed was a
brilliant example of Spanish seamanship.

The third expedition of this period of renewed activity on
the part of the Spaniards left San Bias under the command of
Ignacio Arteaga, who sailed in the Princesa accompanied by Bodega
y Quadra, with the faithful Maurelle as second officer, in the Fa-
vorita. Arteaga sailed on the 17th of February, 1779, and after a
vovage of four months made Port Bucareli, where he remained
several weeks surveying the bay, trading with the natives and refit-
ting his vessels. Leaving this harbour, Arteaga and Quadra made
the highest point yet reached by the Spaniards, sighting the mag-
nificent mountain of St. Elias, so named by Bering in 1741.

While searching for a passage which might lead into the Arctic
Sea they entered a large bay containing many islands, which they
called Isla de la Magdalena. Port Santiago was also discovered and
named. At this point, as their provisions were failing and the men
suffering from the prevailing malady, it was decided to return to
Mexico. Accordingly a course was set for the south, and on the
15th of October, the expedition entered the Golden Gate of San
Francisco, and on the 21st of November it arrived at San Bias, with
little, if anything, to its credit. In short, the voyage was barren of
results, yet strange to relate the officers engaged in it were all pro-
moted as if they had rendered excellent service.

So far, the Spanish voyages to the Northwest had done little more
than barely discover the coast which is now the Pacific seaboard of
Canada. That deeply indented and island-fringed shore was still,
even as it has been from time immemorial, a land of mystery, asso-
ciated in the minds of geographers and navigators with the vaunted
exploits of travellers otherwise unknown to fame. Even the romantic
literature of that time reflects the curiosity of the age with regard to
the strange land which Verendrye had failed to penetrate from the
east, even as Bodega y Quadra had failed to explore it from the
west. Here Dean Swift placed his fabled land of Brobdingnag, and
long before Lemuel Gulliver related the story of his strange adven-
tures, Pantagruel, Rabelais' eccentric hero, had found his way to

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California — at least it has been surmised that the French abbe had
that country in mind when he recounted Pantagruel's travels. In
fact, the world was curiously concerned about it all, the more espe-
cially so, perhaps, because the reports of the Spanish explorations
that escaped from, or were given to the world by, the secretive Span-
ish ministry were too vague to do more than give rein to conjecture.

Three hundred years had elapsed since the Spaniard found his
way across Mexico to the shores of Balboa's great South Sea, chris-
tened "The Pacific" by Magellan, the Portuguese, but in all that
time the Northwest coast had not been charted or surveyed. Such
was the position of afifairs in 1779 when war broke out between Great
Britain and Spain, and for the time being the latter country was
forced to abandon her enterprise in the North Pacific. When Spain
was again prepared to pursue an active policy she found that Cap-
tain James Cook, and the fur traders who followed him, had done
much to make known the true configuration of the Northwest coast,
although the gaps were not closed, or the continental shore line fully
examined, until Captain George Vancouver's survey of 1792 to 1794.

MAP or NORTH AMKRICA. CIRCA. 1625

CHAPTER IV

RUSSIAN EXPLORATIONS

After the voyage of Vizcaino in 1603 no determined effort was
made by Spain to chart the northern way. Indeed, in a few years so
utterly forgotten were the explorations of the time of Cortes and
Mendoza that the Gulf of California was supposed to extend far
northward, where it connected again with the ocean. California, in
fact, was looked upon not as part of the continent, but as a large island
of unknown length and breadth. It is not unlikely that this erroneous
idea originated with the Dutch free-booters, who in the beginning
of the seventeenth century formed a piratical settlement on the coast
of Lower California. They reported, that a vessel had once sailed
northward through the Sea of Cortes into the Pacific, thus establish-
ing the fact that California was an island. The story was believed,
and Samuel Purchas, in the third volume of "His Pilgrimes," printed
a map of North America, representing California as an island, and
the Sea of Cortes, the Gulf of California, as a broad channel of enor-
mous length. The views of Purchas were received with favour and
generally adopted, and the Spaniards, forgetting the maps then lying
in their own archives, apparently shared in the belief, and about the
year 1670 the name ''California" was on some charts changed to "Las
Islas Carolinas," intimating that it was nothing more nor less than a
large cluster of islands.

The unsuccessful attempts made in this period by the Spaniards
with regard to discovery and development are symbolical of the state
of decrepitude into which the one-time mighty Spanish monarchy
had fallen. This decadence naturally affected Mexico, even as it did
the other colonial possessions of the Empire. Commonplace and pre-
tentious explorers, quixotically styled "admirals," were employed in
the maritime service of Spain. Small wonder is it, then, that their
accomplishments were insignificant in comparison with the daring

lot I_4

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work of such great captains and intrepid explorers as UUoa, Cabrillo
and Vizcaino.

The Reverend Father Venegas avers that one reason why these
expeditions to the northward did not succeed was that no care was
taken of former reports, surveys, maps or plans. "They were not
carefully preserved and made known by print," he observes.

California, thus practically abandoned by the Spanish Govern-
ment, however, still held the attention of the Jesuits, then powerful
and active in both divisions of the western hemisphere. They had
established missions on the eastern side of the Gulf of California and
throughout the Pacific Provinces of Mexico. Versatile and daring,
these men furnished not only missionaries to convert and teach the
heathen, but also journalists, cosmographers and historians to nearly
all of the Spanish expeditions from earliest times down to the year
1767. For the history of the Jesuits in California one must turn to the
"Noticia de la California," by the Jesuit Miguel Venegas, which
was published in Madrid in i7i;7. Of the subsequent history of the
Jesuits from ijc^i to 1767, when they were expelled from the country,
much has been written, but that story is beyond the scope of this work.

While the Jesuits, by their settlements in and explorations of the
Peninsula of California, were laying the foundation for further
progress towards the Northwest, the Russians from the opposite direc-
tion were advancing towards the same region. Indeed, it was Mus-
covite enterprise that moved the Spanish Government to make a final
effort to establish its sovereignty at least as far northward as. the fifty-
fourth parallel of latitude. In the great work of Arctic exploration
which was essentially the occupation of the navigators of the last two
centuries, it was first Russia and later England that took the lead.
Until comparatively recent times it was to these two nations that the
historian and the geographer were principally indebted for a knowl-
edge of Arctic regions. Peter Lauridsen, the biographer of Vitus
Bering, remarks that, "The English expeditions were undertaken with
better support and under circumstances better designed to attract
public attention. They have, moreover, been excellently described
and are consequently well known. But in the greatness of the tasks
undertaken, in the perseverance of their leaders, in difficulties, dangers
and tragic fates, the Russian explorations stand worthily at their side.
The geographic positions of the Russians, their dispersion through-
out the coldest regions of the earth, their frugal habits, remarkable

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power of foresight, and their adventurous spirit, make them especially
fitted for Arctic explorations. Hence during the first half of the
eighteenth century they accomplished for Asia what the English not
until a hundred years later succeeded in doing for the other side of
the earth — namely, the charting of the Polar coasts."

It was the Russians who introduced the system of sledging into
the service of Arctic expeditions, and in passing it may be observed
that it is only through the systematic development of such means that
modern explorers have been able to achieve their most signal triumphs
in desolate northern latitudes. The history of Russian exertions in
that bleak field is adorned with a series of proud names, but perhaps
the greatest of them all is that of Vitus Bering, the Dane. It redounds
to the honour of Denmark, as Peter Lauridsen, a member of the
Council of the Royal Danish Geographical Society, observes, "that
the most brilliant chapter in the history of Russian explorations is due
to the initiative and indefatigable energy of Vitus Bering." In the
service of the half-civilized, if not wholly barbaric Peter the Great,
he doubled the northeastern peninsula of Asia, and on his return to
Russia prepared a plan for explorations which were to reach from
the Arctic Sea to Japan.

It was peculiarly fitting that the equipment of Bering's first
expedition to the northeast should be one of the last administrative
acts of Peter the Great. From his death bed he set in motion forces
which in the years that followed were to conquer a new world for
human knowledge. It was not until his rugged but mighty spirit was
about to depart this world that that work was begun. The death of
the great Czar witnessed the birth of a force which was destined to be
memorably effective for half a century; and the results then achieved
still excite admiration.

It is pertinent to inquire what led Peter to undertake this work.
That question is answered by Lauridsen, who avers that he was
incited to such a Herculean task "by a desire for booty, bv a keen,
somewhat barbaric, curiosity, and by a just desire to know the natural
boundaries of his dominion. He was no doubt less intlucnccd by
the flattery of the French Academy and other institutions than is
generally supposed." Whatever may have been the motives which
prompted his activities, his great enterprise certainly brought Russia
into the front rank of those nations engaged in geographical explora-
tion. Just before his death he planned no less than three great enter-

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prises — the establishment of a mart at the mouth of the River Kur
for the Oriental trade, the creation of maritime trade with India, and
a scientific expedition to settle once and for all the boundary between
Asia and America.

With the first two projects, which, however, did not survive the
Czar, this work is not concerned; but Bering tenaciously held to his
plan and in the end gave up his life in the accomplishment of his task.

Peter the Great was not a monarch to heed obstacles or to weigh
the possibilities of the success of any of his enterprises. His plans,
therefore, were always on a grand scale, if the means for carrying
them out were often entirely inadequate. His imperious and laconic
instructions left no room for doubt as to their intent, nor as to the
results of his orders. It is said that on one occasion he addressed
his commander-in-chief in Astrakhan, as follows: ''When fifteen
' boats arrive from Kazan, you will sail them to Baku and sack the
town." His instructions to his Danish officer were just as terse and
characteristic. It seems that they were written in December, 1724, five
weeks before his death, and they are substantially as follows: ''I. —
At Kamchatka or somewhere else, two decked boats ought to be built.
II. — With these you are to sail northward along the coast, and as the
end of the coast is not known, this land is undoubtedly America.
III. — For this reason you are to inquire where the American coast
begins and go to some European colony, and when European ships
are seen you are to ask what the coast is called, note it down, make
a landing, obtain reliable information, and then, after having charted
the coast, return." After the navigators of the nations of Westera
Europe had for two centuries wearied themselves with the search for
a northern passage and made strenuous efforts to navigate the Strait
of Anian, Russia sought to solve the problem, perhaps in a more
practical manner, by first of all looking for the outlet of the strait
and starting out on a voyage round the northern part of the Old
World. Yet, perhaps some adventurous Russian sailor, unknown and
unhonoured, had already solved this problem, because it would seem
that the "Typus Orbis Terrarum" of Ortelius, printed in 1585, and
the even earlier map of Johann Martinez of 1562 or 1565, clearly
show the extensive passage long since named in honour of the intrepid
explorer, a brief account of whose exploits are now to be related. Or
perhaps rumours of the proximity of another continental shore near
the northeastern corner of Asia mav have drifted across Siberia. From

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such a source the early geographers may have obtained an approxi-
mately correct idea of the relative positions of the two great continents.

Bering's first expedition was to settle the great question of that
age — Were Asia and America connected, or were they separate? —
Were there northwest and northeast passages?

If the above mentioned ukase is indicative of anything at all, it
would seem to show that the Czar's inquisitive mind was dwelling on
the possibility of establishing a line of communication to the Spanish
colonies in central America.

A writer of repute has observed that "In the history of discoveries
the spirit of human enterprise has sought its way through an incalcu-
lable number of mirages. These have aroused the imagination,
caused agitations, debates and discussion, but usually have veiled an
earlier period's knowledge of the question. There are many re-dis-
covered countries on our globe."

So it may be in this case. The northwestern part of America
almost wholly disappeared from the cartography of the seventeenth
century. Finally the geographic explorations of the eighteenth cen-
tury, provoked by political events, a zeal for knowledge and the greed
of European nations, led to the settlement of long mooted questions.
Russia, towards the end of the seventeenth century, conquered the
desolate tracts of Siberia and even penetrated the country of the war-
like Chukchees. Deschneff's palisaded fort on the Anadyr River
maintained Russian authority in extreme northeast Kamchatka in
the early years of the eighteenth century, and thence came to Russia
the first vague rumours concerning the Pacific side of the continent of
America. It was the genius of the Czar Peter that welded these
groping efforts into something like order. Ivan Kosyrefski, the son
of a Polish officer in Russian captivity, was ordered to explore the
peninsula to its southern extremity, and some of the Kurile Islands.
In 1 719 he despatched Yevrinoff and Lushin to ascertain whether
Asia and America were connected, but secretly he instructed them
to search the Kurile Islands instead for precious minerals. These and
various other expeditions collected a vast mass of information touch-
ing the geography of eastern Asia, the sea of Okhotsk, Kamchatka, and
the Kuriles. Shipwrecked Japanese had also given valuable informa-
tion respecting their countrv.

The two expeditions of Vitus Bering arc possibly unique in the
history of far northern explorations. Lauridsen, upon whose book

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the following narrative is largely based, says that the real starting
point was far beyond the farthest verge of civilization, where as yet
only the daring hunter and yassak-collector had preceded him. At
that time Kamchatka was as wild and unknown a region as the North
and South Poles are today. One hundred and thirty degrees of the
earth's most inhospitable tracts — mountains, steppes, impenetrable
forests, morasses and fields of trackless snow, lay between St. Peters-
burg and the Kamchatkan Peninsula, whither Bering was to lead,
not a small expedition, such as Sir Alexander Mackenzie led across
the American continent, but an enormous provision train which was
also burdened with material for ship-building. On that memorable
journey, which seems to have almost entirely escaped the notice of
succeeding generations, flat-bottomed river boats or scows had to be
built bv the score, rough roadways constructed through morasses, or
cut through forests. Or again it would be necessary to resort to
horses, or sledges drawn by dogs. Through the dreary and desolate
wastes of the Yakuts and Tunguses lay the course of this wonderful
expedition. As a matter of fact, Bering's undertaking loses nothing
in comparison with the explorations of Franklin, Mackenzie, Nansen,
Peary, Amundsen, Scott, Shackleton, and many others who have
traversed the Arctic regions. In some respects perhaps their expedi-
tions, with the lightest of equipments, are not to be compared with
Bering's effort.

In February and January, 1725, the expedition left St. Petersburg.
The officers were the two Danes, Vitus Bering, Commander-in-Chief,
Martin Spangberg, Lieutenant and second in Command, Lieutenant
Alexei Chirikoff and Second Lieutenant Peter Chaplin; the cartog-
raphers, Lushin and Patiloff, Dr. Niemann and the Reverend
Ilarion. and the mates, Richard Engel and George Morison. The
sufferings and hardships endured on that hazardous journey were
indeed terrific, but finally, on March 11, 1728, Bering reached his
destination at the lower Kamchatkan Ostrog (or stockaded post),
where he found a church and forty huts scattered along the banks of
the river. Here lived a handful of Cossacks who, in that distant and
barbarous land maintained the sovereignty of the Czar of all the
Russias. The deprivations and isolation of that barren region had
had their effect upon the men and they were scarcely more civilized
than the natives whom thev ruled and knouted.

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Here, w ith ii') other resources than those he had brought with him
or was able to Hnd in the country, Bering built the Gabriel, a vessel
staunch enough to withstand the buffetings of heavy gales. It is
related that the timber for this vessel was hauled to the shipyards by
dogs; that the tar was manufactured by the sailors; while the rig-
gings, cable and anchors had been dragged two thousand miles
through the Siberian wilderness. As for the sailor's provisions —
"Fish oil was his butter and dried fish his beef and pork." ; salt he was
obliged to get from the sea, and he distilled spirits from sweet straw.
With this meagre supply and with his crude vessel Bering started
upon a voyage of discovery along an unknown coast and upon an
unknown sea. "It is certain," says Dr. Campbell, "that no person
better fitted for this undertaking could have been found ; no difficulty,
no danger, daunted him. With untiring industry and almost incred-
ible patience he overcame those defects which to any one else would
have seemed insurmountable."

On July 9, 1728, the Gabriel drifted down the river and the 13th
of that month the sails were hoisted and the prow of the little vessel
pointed towards the north.

Bering's course was generally along the coast and usually within
sight of land. He proceeded to a point near 67" 18' north latitude,
and 193 7' east of Greenwich, thus establishing the fact that the
continents of Asia and America were separated by a sea, the limits
of which, however, he failed to determine. On account of cloudy
weather he did not even catch a glimpse of the American continent.
According to Du Halde, "This was Captain Bering's most northerly
point. He thought that he had accomplished his task and obeyed
orders, especially as he could no longer see the coast extending toward
the north in the same way." Fearing that if he should go farther he
might not be able to return to Kamchatka before the end of the sum-
mer, he determined to return to his base. On the 31st of August,
after a severe buffeting by a gale in which the mainsail and foresail
were rent and the anchor lost, the intrepid explorer reached the
mouth of the Kamchatka on September 22, 1728. From the knowl-
edge he had gained of his own expedition and from that he had
gleaned from DeschnefT's earlier expedition, and from accounts he
had gathered from the natives of the country, Bering was convinced
that he had sailed around the northeastern corner of Asia, and that
his voyage had demonstrated that the two great continents were not

56 BRITISH COLUMBIA

connected. From St. Petersburg it was announced that "Bering has
ascertained that there really does exist a northeast passage and that
from the Lena River it is possible, provided one is not prevented by
polar ice, to sail to Kamchatka and thence to Japan, China and the
East Indies." It may be taken for granted that it was this convic-
tion that led him to undertake his next great enterprise, the navigat-
ing and charting of the Northeast Passage from the Obi River to
Japan.

It is unfortunate that the explorer was prevented from discovering
the adjacent American continent. At the narrowest part of it, Ber-
ing's Strait is scarcely forty miles wide, and under favourable clima-
tic conditions it is possible to see simultaneously the coast lines of both
continents. Captain James Cook was more fortunate than the great
Dane, for as he approached the strait the rays of the sun dispersed
the mists and fogs and at one glance both continents were seen, so
Lauridsen affirms. With Bering, as his journal explains, during the
whole time that he was in the strait the horizon was hidden by dark
clouds.

In 1729 Bering once more started out upon a voyage of explora-
tion, and although he actually reached the vicinity of the island upon
which later he ended his days, the locality was obscured from his
sight by heavy fogs. The remainder of the summer the navigator
employed in more accurately charting the peninsula and the northern
Kurile Islands. He also explored the channel between them and the
new and easier route to Kamchatka. In 1730 Bering returned to
Russia.

Now if his work had amounted to no more than his accomplish-
ments of the years 1728 and 1729, Bering would still have been entitled
to the just admiration of succeeding generations of navigators.
"From the perusal of his ship's journal," says one who could speak
with authority, "one becomes convinced that our famous Bering was
an extraordinarily able and skilful officer; and if we consider his de-
fective instruments, his great hardships and the obstacles that had to
be overcome, his observations and the great accuracy of his journal de-
serve the highest praise. He was a man who did Russia honour."
His knowledge of and extensive travels in northeastern Asia, his
scientific qualifications, his ability to make careful and accurate ob-
servations, and his acquaintance with the works of earlier and con-
temporary explorers, put him in a position to form a more correct

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idea of that part of the earth than any other living man. No man,
however, is a prophet in his own country, and Bering was obliged
to submit to the indignity of having his work questioned and even con-
tradicted by the authorities of St. Petersburg. In Ivan Kirilovich
Kiriloff, indeed, he found a friend in need, but other members of the
Academy of Sciences refused to weigh his evidence, sound as it was.

As important and as memorable as Vitus Bering's first expedition
was in the annals of discovery, it was neither so important nor so
memorable as that second expedition which resulted in the discovery
of the far northwestern region of America, afterward named Alaska.
Upon his return to Russia, imbued with a desire to explore further
the regions he had recently visited, and to sail the unknown sea to
the eastward, he began to make plans for future operations. Two
months had barely elapsed after his return before he presented two
plans to the Russian Admiralty. In the first he submitted a series
of suggestions for the better administration of Eastern Siberia, while
in the second he outlined his Great Northern Expedition, perhaps
one of the greatest geographical enterprises the world has ever known.
This document clearly demonstrates the fact that the plan originated
with Bering — a fact which is important because it has since been
stated that the idea was not his own. He proposed to explore and
chart the western coast of America and to establish commercial rela-
tions with that country, and also to visit Japan for the same purpose,
as well as to chart by land and sea the Arctic coast of Siberia. It was
his object to fill the vacant spaces on his chart of the region between
the known west and the known east, since doubts had been thrown
upon his first achievement. He knew that proof of the separation
of the two continents would be forthcoming if the American coast
were charted.

The political situation favoured Bering's plans. Anna Ivanovna,
who succeeded Catharine, had ascended the throne in 1730, and at
her court foreigners and the reform party of Peter the Great again
became inHuential. The Empress was ambitious and desired to shine
in Europe as the ruler of a great empire — "Europe was to be awed
by Russian greatness and Russia by European wisdom." Anna
deemed that one of the surest ways to attain the desired end was
through the equipment of scientific expeditions. She had at her dis-
posal an Academy of Science, a fleet, and the resources of a mighty
empire. It was therefore the desire of the Court to make the enter-

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prise as large and sensational as possible. Bering's proposals, it is
true, served as a basis for the plans of the Empress, but after the lapse
of two years these simple proposals, through the intervention of the •
Senate, the Academy, and the Admiralty, assumed such vast pro-
portions that it may well be conceived that the originator had diffi-
culty in recognizing them. In April, 1732, the Empress charged the
Senate to take the necessary steps to ensure the execution of the
scheme.

At this time the Senate was presided over by Ivan Kiriloft", who
had been one of the most enthusiastic admirers of Peter the Great.
He acted with despatch. On May 2nd, the Senate promulgated two
ukases, in which were declared the objects of the expedition, and
the necessary means to that end indicated. It was at this point
in the preparations that the governing bodies burdened the chief of
the expedition with tasks very far removed from his original plans.
He was directed to not only explore the islands of the North Pacific
and to reach the Spanish possessions in America, but to also pro-
vide for the development of Siberia. It is peculiar that an explorer
charged with a certain and definite mission — that of reaching and
charting northwest America — should be directed to supply Okhotsk
with inhabitants, to introduce cattle on the Pacific Coast, to found
schools and to establish a dock-yard and iron works in that out-of-
rhe-way corner of the world. But even this was only the beginning
of a still larger program. In its passage through the Admiraltv
and the Academy, his commission assumed startling dimensions. The
Admiralty on the one hand desired the charting of Asia from Arch-
angel to Japan; while the Academy could not be satisfied with any-
thing less than a scientific exploration of all northern Asia. Thus
decree after decree followed in rapid succession. Late in December.
1732, the Senate issued a ukase, the sixteen paragraphs of which out-
lined more or less minutely the explorations to be undertaken bv the
expedition.

To sum up — Bering, now a Commodore in the Russian Navy,
with Chirikoflf as his Lieutenant, was placed in command of a triple
expedition, which was to cover northwestern America, Japan and
the Arctic regions. Even such an expedition as this, it would appear,
exceeded all reasonable demands, and not for several generations
later did Cook, La Perouse, and Vancouver succeed in accomplish-
ing what the Russian Senate expected Bering to do in a few short
years.

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The Admiralty desired accurate charts; and the Academy a sci-
entific exploration of Siberia and Kamchatka. Not only "an account
of these regions based on astronomical determinations and geodetic
surveys, on minute descriptions and artistically executed landscape
pictures, on barometric, thcrmometric and aerometric observations,
as well as investigations in all the branches of natural history," was
demanded but also "a detailed preparation of the ethnography, col-
onization and history of the country together with a multitude of
special investigations in widely different directions." The Senate
had thrust the whole organization and the conduct of this business
upon the shoulders of one man. Bering was made chief of all the
enterprises east of the Ural Mountains. He was to furnish ships,
provisions and transportation. It is small wonder therefore that an
expedition planned upon such loose principles, and to serve such
diversified interests resulted in almost complete failure.

Bearing in mind what Siberia was at that time and the stupen-
dous obstacles it offered to the transportation of such an expedition as
this, it seems almost ridiculous in these later days to read that the
academical branch of the undertaking, in charge of the astronomer
La Croyere, the physicist Gmelin (the elder) and the historian
Miiller, was luxuriously equipped. "Two landscape painters, one
surgeon, one interpreter, one instrument maker, five surveyors, six
scientific assistants and fourteen bodyguards," made up the retinue of
the men of science. The expedition began to move from St. Peters-
burg in detachments in the early months of 1731. It consisted in
all of five hundrcii and seventy men, in whicli total, iiowever, the
thirty or forty academists and tiicir attendants are not included.
More than half of the officers, many of the non-commissioned officers,
and all of the physicians were foreigners, — a fact which throws an
interesting sidelight on the social condition of the Russia of that
period. The Senate, by promise of large increase of salary and of
promotion, it the expedition proved successful, sought to inspire the
officers with zeal. But the rank and file were to be forced to do
their duty "by threat of cruel punishments and a continued stay in
Siberia." It has been asserted that Bering's expedition was looked
upon in St. Petersburg as a mild sort of banishment.

In time Bering reached the Kamchatkan Peninsula where he
founded the seaport of Petropavlovsk at the mouth of Kamchatka
River in 1740, seven years after his departure from St. Petersburg.

60 BRITISH COLUMBIA

The two little vessels, St. Peter and St. Paul, which had been built
at Okhotsk, sailed in September, 1740, for Petropavlovsk, where they
were frugally outfitted for a summer's cruise. Neither their stores
nor rigging were complete or even adequate, but this did not deter
the brave Dane from embarking upon his hazardous undertaking.
Nor was this all. The incessant toil and heavy hardships, the neces-
sary accompaniment of such a vast enterprise, had already under-
mined the commander's health. When Bering sailed from
Kamchatka he was physically a wreck. The St. Peter was commanded
by Vitus Bering and the St. Paul by Alexei Chirikofif. With Ber-
ing sailed the naturalist Georg Wilhelm Steller, whose history of
the expedition may be counted among the most interesting of geo-
graphic memoirs. The French geographer, Joseph Nicholas Delisle
de la Croyere, accompanied Chirikofif.

On the 4th of June, 1741, the vessels started on their memorable
voyage, but on the 20th were separated in a storm and fog and after
ineffectual attempts on the part of the St. Peter to get in touch with
the St. Paul, the search was abandoned and the St. Peter continued
the voyage, taking a course between north and east toward the western
continent. Bering now and from this time on was confined to his
cabin, suffering from incipient scurvy which crushed his powers of
resistance. At noon on the i6th day of July, 1741, land was seen to
the northward, and on the 20th the St. Peter cast anchor ofif an island,
which Bering named St. Elias. The country is described by Steller
as being high, rugged and covered with snow, and the coast indented
and girt with inhospitable rocks; behind, in splendour, a snow-capped
mountain peak towered so far into the clouds that it could be seen
at a distance of seventy miles. The mountain thus described may
have been the great volcanic cone of St. Elias, some eighteen thou-
sand feet in height. The vessel remained here a few days and then
proceeded in a northwesterly direction for the purpose of examining
the continental shore and the adjacent islands. Steller, ambitious
to give a detailed account of the fauna and flora of the locality,
was greatly perturbed by this decision and in his diary gives full
vent to his ill-humour. Bering's object was to chart the coast, while
Steller wished to pursue his scientific investigations, hence the dif-
ference of opinion.

It is not easy to determine exactly the landfall of Bering. The
explorer's own journal gives the latitude as 59° 40' and the longi-

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tudc as 48' i;o' east of Avatcha, but these calculations contain an
error of some eight degrees. Cook himself was uncertain on this
point and cautiously writes that Miiller's report of the voyage is
''so very much abridged, and the chart so extremely inaccurate, that
it is hardlv possible, either by the one or by the other, or comparing
both together, to find out any one place which that navigator either
saw or touched at. Were I to form a judgment of Bering's pro-
ceedings on this coast, I should suppose, that he fell in with the
continent near Mount Fairweather. But I am by no means certain,
that the bay to which I have given his name, is the place where he
anchored. Nor do I know, that what I called Mount St. Elias, is
the same conspicuous mountain to which he gave that name. And
as to his Cape St. Elias, I am entirely at a loss to pronounce where
it lies." For a full discussion of this point one must turn to Pro-
fessor Davidson's able monograph entitled ''Tracks and Landfalls
of Bering and Chirikoff."

For several weeks the St. Peter lay ofif and on the coast, and while
in the region of the Kadiak Island, Bering named a high project-
ing cape St. Hermogenes, in honour of the patron saint of the day
on which it was sighted. During the succeeding weeks the St. Peter
was butfeted by wind and wave on the turbulent waters of the Aleu-
tian Archipelago. On August 30th, the St. Peter anchored off the
Shumagin group of barren and rocky islands near the coast of
Alaska. Bering was so ill that he could not stand, and one-third of
the crew was stricken with scurvy. To refresh the sick they were
carried ashore, where they lay huddled together, sad and sorrowful.
Confusion, uncertainty and despair marked these dark days. The
officers quarrelled and bandied hot words, and the unfortunate stay
on the Shumagin Islands was marked with death and disaster.

Leaving the Shumagin Islands, the St. Peter sailed southward to
pick up her course fon Kamchatka. At times the officers expressed
a wish to return to America, to seek a harbour of refuge for the
winter, but Bering would not sanction the project. Finally, on
November 4th, land was sighted in the supposed latitude of 53° 30'.
This brought joy and hope to all on board of the St. Peter. It was
presumed the vessel was off the coast of Kamchatka, but instead of
this, the land in view was but an island off the coast of that penin-
sula since named the Commander, or Bering Islands.

62 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Certain of the officers resolved to make a landing, greatly against
the wishes of their commander. He was helpless, however, as he
was practically at death's door with scurvy. The St. Peter had mi-
raculously drifted into a safe harbour ofif Bering Island of the Com-
mander group of islands. On landing, the place was found to be
teeming with animal life never before disturbed by predatory human
beings. The sea-lion and fur-seal were found in great numbers,
while the ponderous sea-cow fed upon the rich algae of the seashore.
Steller relates that the animals of the coast were entirely new and
strange even to him, and showed no fear whatever. The sea-otters,
they first supposed to be bears or gluttons. Arctic fo.xes flocked
about them in such numbers that they could strike down three or
four score of them in a couple of hours. The most valuable fur-bear-
ing animals stared at them curiously, and along the coast Steller saw
with wonderment "whole herds of sea-cows, grazing on the luxuri-
ant algae of the strand." Not onlv he had never seen this animal
before, but even his Kamchatkan cossack did not know it.

Steller wisely began to make preparations for the winter and in
the sand bank near the stream he and such of his companions as could
stand the work dug a pit and roofed it over with driftwood and cloth-
ing. The frozen bodies of the foxes they had killed were piled
against the sides to prevent the arctic wind finding its way
through the cracks and crevices. The sick were gradually taken
ashore and placed under canvas on the beach. Some died as they
were carried on deck, and others ip the boats as they were being taken
on shore. On every side lay the sick and the dying. "Some com-
plained of cold, others of hunger and thirst, and the majority of
them were so afflicted with scurvy that their gums, like a dark brown
sponge, grew over and entirely covered their teeth. The dead be-
came the prey of the foxes, of which countless numbers gathered
about the encampment ready to devour the dead or attack the dy-
ing." So it is pathetically recorded by Steller.

By December the whole crew was lodged in roofed pits. The
provisions were divided among the messes, so that every man daily
received a pound of flour and some groats until the supply was ex-
hausted. Naturally the chase was depended upon for sustenance
almost exclusiyely. In this way the men succeeded in struggling
through the rigorous winter, but in spite of all Steller's precautions,
death made sad havoc amongst them. In the council held on board

BRITISH COLUMBIA 6:?

the >S'/. Peter when land was sighted, the spirit of the great but un-
happy commander had flared up and for the hour some of his old
force and vigour returned to him, but it was only the last effort of
a dying man. He had exerted all his remaining powers to prevent the
landing from the St. Peter and that exertion had knelled his doom.

Before leaving Okhotsk, Bering had contracted a malignant ague
which had undermined his constitution and in this last expedition
scurvy had claimed him as a victim. He was sixty years old and
heavily built. He was worn out with suffering and anxiety; he
was broken in health and in spirit; yet he would no doubt have recov-
ered if he had obtained proper nourishment and warmth. In a sand
pit on Bering Island there could be no hope for him. Blubber was
the only medicine at hand and for this he had an unconquerable
loathing. Nor were the frightful sufferings of his men, his disap-
pointment at the fate of the great northern expedition, calculated
to relieve his mind or to restore health to his body. From hunger,
cold and grief he slowly pined away. An old record has preserved
an account of his death. He was, as it were, buried alive. The
sand from the sides of the pit where he la\' kept continually rolling
d(jwn over his feet. At first it was removed, but towards the end
he asked that it might remain where it had fallen, as it furnished
him with a little of the warmth he so sorely needed. Soon half of
his body was under the sand, which in life had served him as a cover-
let, and in death became his winding sheet. He died on the Hth of
December (old style), 1741, two hours before the bleak day dawned.
So passed the great Dane and so ended the long drawn-out tragedy
of the great northern expedition.

With Bering died that dynamic force which had driven forward
persistently and relentlessly two great geographic expeditions.
Through long, weary years he struggled in Siberia "to combine and
execute plans and purposes, which only under the greatest difficul-
ties could be combined and executed.'' With an indomitable will
and persistent activity he endeavoured to "bridge the chasm be-
tween means and measures, between ability to do and will to do -
a condition typical of the Russian society at that time." That he
surmounted the difficulties presented by a distant and unsympa-
thetic government, the voice of the traducer, a severe climate, ill-
chosen associates and an inexperienced force of men, speaks
volumes for his pertinacity and courage. Vvom St. Petersburg across

64 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Siberian wastes; from Kamchatka through an unknown sea to the
inhospitable coast of Alaska; from Alaska to the mist-enshrouded
Commander Islands, where the closing scene of this great tragedy
was enacted, which ended, like the tragedies of old, in the death
of the hero — surely in that day this was no mean performance, no
small accomplishment.

Through stress of weather and fog it will be remembered the St.
Paul, under command of Alexei Chirikofif, was separated from the
St. Peter, the two vessels failing again to come together. Chirikofif,
with the advice of his officers, having decided to continue the easterly
course, found himself on the 26th of June in latitude 48° and it
chanced that on the 30th day of the same month Bering was only
t\vent\^ miles south of that position. As early as the nth of July
Chirikofif noticed driftwood, seals and gulls. He was then some
two hundred and forty miles from land. Three or four days later
in the night he sighted the moderately high land of the west coast
of the Archipelago Alexandria, near the latitude 55° 21', and on
the following morning the conspicuous promonotory afterwards
named Cape Addington. Continuing on his way, the navigator ob-
served a group of small, rocky islands on his port bow. This group
was named the Hazy Islands by Captain Dixon in 1787. The St.
Paul ran N. W. W. parallel to the coast under the steep, woody
ridge north of the Cape Ommaney of Captain Vancouver, the Cape
"TschirikolY of La Perouse." On the 17th it was estimated that the
vessel was in latitude 57° in the region of Sitka Sound, which is a
great indentation about one hundred and fifty square miles in this
bold coast. In this neighbourhood a terrible disaster befell Chiri-
kofif and his people. On the 17th of July, being in need of fresh
water, the explorer despatched a boat manned by ten of his best sea-
men to the shore. Neither this boat, nor the one sent in search of it,
which was the only boat remaining, ever returned or were they heard
of again, and in all probability the men in charge of them fell vic-
tims to the savages that inhabited the place. Chirikofif was on an
unknown and dangerous coast. He had no other boat and his num-
bers were greatly reduced by this calamity. At this juncture a coun-
cil of officers decided that further attempts at geographical discovery
were impracticable and that therefore the only thing to do was to
return to Kamchatka.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 65

There has been no little discussion as to the position of the large
bay where the terrible disaster overtook Chirikoff. As a matter of
geographic interest it may be stated that the general consensus of
geographers and historians who have considered the matter is that the
disaster occurred in Sitka Sound. It is well known that the natives
of this region were powerful, overbearing and aggressive. At a later
period they nearly succeeded in driving the Russians from their lands
and they retained their warlike reputation even up to the time of the
occupation of the country by the United States. It is therefore likely
that they were prompt to resent any imprudence or ill treatment by a
body of strangers. Professor George Davidson, whose personal
knowledge of that whole coast line was extensive and whose researches
add weight to his deductions, points out that there is a bare possi-
bility that the disaster may have occurred in the neighbourhood of
latitude 57 ' 15', where is situated the comparatively small, but open
bay named Guadalupe by the Spaniard Heceta, in 1775. But an
examination of the explorers who have coasted these shores seems
strongly to point to Sitka Sound as the great bay of Chirikoff.

After spending four months in that sea, Chirikoff, who had been
a victim of the dreaded scurvy, returned to the harbour of Petro-
pavlovsk. Thus ended the voyage, which was disastrous to the men
engaged in it, important as it was geographically. Chirikoff recov-
ered from his illness and searched the neighbouring seas in the hopes
of meeting with Bering, but without success.

The operations of the Russians in Kamchatka and the voyages
of Bering resulted in the important discovery of the hitherto un-
known fur-bearing animal — the sea-otter. It was the costly pelt of
this beautiful creature which offered the chief inducements for
further expeditions and explorations in the sea which separates
northeastern Asia and northwestern America. On the island where
Bering died his crew killed many of these animals, the skins of
which were later sold to Chinese merchants for large sums of money.

The Russian government, possibly tired of the worry and expense
involved in the prosecution of trans-Siberian and American adven-
tures, did not follow up the explorations of Bering, but enterprising
individuals were always found to fit out expeditions for the hunting
of the sea-otter. In the course of their traffickings they explored
the Aleutian Islands, returning' with rude sketches and maps. A
brief sketch of these expeditions will suffice.

BRITISH COLUMBIA

Altasoff and his band of Russians, Tartars and Cossacks arrived
at Kamchatka toward the end of the seventeenth century and found
the sea-otter, which abounded on the coast up to the middle of the
eighteenth century, when the adventurers almost extirpated it, in
that country. One by one the numerous islands and groups of
islands in that quarter of the globe were found by these rude ex-
plorers, who braved storm, shipwreck and death in their crazy ves-
sels, the planks of which in many instances were held together only
by thongs of rawhide. Thus different groups of the Aleutian chain
were discovered before Glottoff, of infamous memory, reached the
Kadiak Islands in 1763. In 1764 to 1768 Synd, a lieutenant of the
Russian navy, explored Bering Strait. In fact, innumerable trad-
ers and adventurers, inflamed with the desire to make fortunes in
the fur trade, voyaged into Bering Sea and among the Aleutian
Islands, and before 1778, when Captain Cook visited that region, the
Russians were firmly established there. The traders, Dr. Dall re-
marks, were men of no education and were governed only by their
base passions and love of gain. Nevertheless their voyages added
much to the knowledge of the islands between Kamchatka and
America.

During these years many Russian companies or associations were
formed in eastern Siberia and their officers and men searched the
whole Aleutian chain for the haunts of the sea-otter. At one time
there were as many as twenty-five or thirty of these companies en-
gaged in the enterprise, and so devastating were their operations that
the number of animals dwindled from tens of thousands to tens of
hundreds in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. As the sea-
otter became scarcer, the fur traders turned their attention to the
great herds of the fur-seal, which had long been noted but not con-
sidered of great value commercially. While the pelt of the fur-seal
was not nearly so valuable as that of the sea-otter, yet it soon came
to be looked upon as an excellent substitute for the latter. In time
the traders turned their attention to Bering Sea, and in 1786, after
more than eighteen years of unremitting search, the seal rookeries
were discovered by a rugged Muscovite ship's mate, Pribylofif by
name. He at once took possession of the islands in the name of Rus-
sia, and upon them his name was subsequentlv bestowed. Prior to
this, however, in 1781. Gregory Shelikofif and other Siberian mer-
chants who had been engaged in the fur trade returned to Asia and

BRITISH COLUMBIA 67

formed an association, and two years later fitted out three vessels
which traversed the Pacific to the Peninsula of Alaska. The fol-
lowing year Shelikofif erected a factory on Kadiak, from which place
he despatched expeditions to explore the neighbouring continent and
to establish trading posts. In 1790 he organized at Irkutsk the Shel-
ikoft Company, which, through the patronage of Empress Cathar-
ine II, secured a partial monopoly of the American fur trade.
Alexander Baranoff, of Sitka fame, was placed in the management of
the factories at Kadiak and Cook's Inlet. But the operations of in-
dependent traders were so disastrous to the Irkutsk Company, which,
moreover, had sufifered by the death of Shelikofif, that the most pow-
erful of the rivals were persuaded to unite their interests with the
older association under the name of the "Shelikofif United Trading
Company." Further inroads into the company's field by new com-
petitors induced the company to seek a grant of the fur trade in Amer-
ica and the Aleutian Islands from the Court at St. Petersburg, which
was finally granted by the Emperor Paul on June 8, 1799, and under
imperial ukase the "Russian-American Company" was organized.
This grant gave to the company the control of all the coasts of Amer-
ica on the Pacific north of latitude 55°. The ukase created a power-
ful organization similar in its essential features to that established
in North America under the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company,
and in India by the East India Company. By its terms the Russian-
American Company practically became the agent of the Czar within
the region named. The head office of the Company, originally at
Irkutsk, was soon transferred to St. Petersburg, where most of the
grand ducal families became shareholders in the enterprise, thus
insuring a continuance of the favour and aid of the crown. In the
territory itself, men and things were under the direction of the auto-
cratic government of Baranofif, who at first resided at Kadiak.
Other posts and districts were managed by inferior agents, account-
able only to the chief director. As for the regulations. Professor
Dall observes that they were just and humane but the enforcement
of them was entrusted to men with whom justice and humanity were
always subservient to interest and expediency. The morale of the
company's servants has been summed up by Krusenstern in the trench-
ant sentences: "None but vagabonds and adventurers ever entered
the company's service as promishleniks"; — "It was their invariable
destiny to pass a life of wretchedness in America"; and "few had the

68 BRITISH COLUMBIA

good fortune ever to touch Russian soil again." In the days, how-
ever, when New Archangel, or Sitka, was the seat of government,
many men of refinement and intelligence, with a high sense of honour
and justice, were stationed in that little bit of old Russia transplanted
into the new world.

Shortly after the promulgation of the ukase of 1799, Baranofif
established Fort Archangel Gabriel, Sitka Sound, to which place
he was accompanied by a large concourse of Aleutians. British and
American adventurers, however, had already found their way to the
Northwest coast, of which the first reliable information was given
to the world by Captain Cook, and the Russians were often obliged
to purchase their entire outfits in order to forestall competition. The
Thlinkets, a warlike tribe, resented the intrusion of the Russians and
fought desperately for their independence. In May, 1802, they at-
tacked Fort Archangel Gabriel and drove out the garrison, killing
all the officers and thirty men. In Yakutat Bay the Thlinkets made
a determined attack upon the establishment there, but were repulsed;
but in the attack upon Urbanofif and his fleet of ninety canoes in
Kake Strait, the natives were victorious. In spite of the natives,
however, Baranofif laid the foundation of the new fort at Sitka, which
he called Fort Archangel Michael, and the settlement about it was
christened New Archangel.

In these and the following years various scientific expeditions
Were fitted out by the Government of Russia, notable among them
being the expedition of Krusenstern and Lisianski, who in 1804, 1805
and 1806 examined many of the unknown fiords and islands on the
coast. Langsdorff also visited the Aleutian Islands at this time.
These explorers were followed by Golofnin in 1807 and again in
1810. Lieutenant Otto von Kotzebue visited Bering Strait in 1815.
In after years Lutke, Wrangell, Etolin, Lazarefif and many explor-
ers of lesser fame charted the coast and islands and plied the north-
ern waters in all directions. They discovered islands, observed
volcanoes and described the fauna and flora of the region so thor-
oughly that long before Alaska was ceded to the United States in
1867, Bering Sea, the wonderful chain of the Aleutian Islands, and
the Northwest coast of America, and even the shores of the Arctic
regions to the northeast of Bering Strait, were almost as familiar to
the Russians as European seas and shores.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 69

It must not be imagined, however, that the activities of the Rus-
sians were confined to Alaska. On the contrary it was the ambition
of Baranofif, the great governor of the Russian-American Company,
to plant the Russian flag not only on the Californian coast but also on
the Sandwich Islands. In 1812 the governor was successful in carry-
ing his point with regard to California, and under his protection
Kushofif founded a Russian colony on Bodega Bay. This was done
with the concurrence of the Spanish Government, although against
the wishes of the Franciscan missionaries. The colony was called the
Ross Settlement and the men stationed there were chiefly employed
in agricultural pursuits and in drying the meat of wild cattle,
which ranged in that neighbourhood. The post was finally aban-
doned in 1841 because the Russian-American Company had entered
into an agreement with the Hudson's Bay Company, under the terms
of which the latter were to furnish the Russians annually with large
quantities of fresh provisions and other necessaries. In 1839 the Brit-
ish Company agreed to furnish its Russian rival with 560,000 pounds
of wheat, 19,920 pounds of flour, 16,160 pounds of peas, 16,160
pounds of barley, 36,880 pounds of bacon, 19,920 pounds of beef
and 3,680 pounds of ham at certain fixed prices. All of these were
the products of the Hudson's Bay Company's establishment at Fort
Vancouver on the Columbia River, which under the administration
of the famous Dr. McLaughlin, had become an important agricul-
tural centre, even in those early days.

For a period of sixty-eight years — from 1799 to 1867 — the Rus-
sian-American Company ruled Alaska, but in summing up the results
of its policies and activities little can be said in its favour in the
light of the ethics and standards of today, though in some respects the ■
present generation has little right to criticise the earlier generations
of the so-called darker ages. Possibly the Russian atrocities in
Alaska were no worse than those perpetrated in later years by the
Belgians in the Congo or by the Turks in Armenia. An efifort was
made by Russian missionaries of the Greek church to convert the
Aleutians and the warlike Thlinkets and other barbarous tribes, and
they succeeded in ameliorating the condition of the natives. They
established schools, churches and hospitals and worked faithfully
and untiringly for a people whose minds were perhaps not able to
grasp the great truths of Christianity. But the primitive inhabitants
of Northwest America, ignorant, superstitious and cunning, yet child-

70 BRITISH COLUMBIA

like in many ways, could not survive the contact with that brutal
force which the fur wealth of the isolated islands and territories had
attracted thither.

In 1866 William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United
States, proposed the purchase of Alaska from the Russians and nego-
tiations with that end in view were opened with St. Petersburg.
Professor Dall records, although he cannot vouch for the truth of
the story, that these negotiations had their origin in the efforts of a
company of United States citizens to purchase Alaska in order to
carry on there a trade in fish, fur and timber, and that Seward, who
had been asked to assist them, finding Russia willing to sell, secured
the territory, not for the private company but for the nation. Be
this as it may, on the 30th of March, 1867, the treaty of sale was agreed
upon; on May 28th it was ratified by the Uni^d States and pro-
claimed by the President on June 20th. On the 6th of September,
1867, Gen. Jefferson C. Davis, U. S. A., was appointed commander
of the military district of Alaska. Russian America was formally
surrendered by the Russian colonial authorities to Gen. Lovell H.
Rousseau, U. S. A., who had been appointed by the President to
receive the territory, on October 18, 1867.

Thus ended the chapter of Russian activities in America. The
history of that occupation is too often sordid and depressing, yet,
with all its shortcomings and failures, it was in many respects a bril-
liant and heroic achievement. The outstanding features of the story
are the voyages of Bering and Chirikoff ; the adventures of the early
Russian fur traders ; the founding of the Russian-American Company
in 1799; the scientific expeditions of Krusenstern and Lisianski, Com-
modore Billings, Kotzebue and others to northwestern America and
Bering Sea; the emperor's ukase of 1821, claiming all territories
north of the fifty-first parallel and the discussions which it aroused;
the convention of 1824 between the United States and Russia; the
convention of 1825 berween Great Britain and Russia; the disputes
between the Hudson's Bay and Russian-American Companies and
their settlement; the operations of the British and French fleets in
the north Pacific during the time of the Crimean war; and the ces-
sion of the territory to the United States in the year 1867.

However, by far the most important result of that occupation
was the bequest of the famous Alaskan boundan*^ dispute to the states-
men of Great Britain and the United States of a later day and gen-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 7i

eration. For long years the eastern boundary of the Territory of
Alaska was the subject of diplomatic discussion between the two
countries — a discussion which was not laid at rest until the Alaska
Boundary Tribunal handed down its award in 1903.

Vv / >\ \\ \^ VV X-^^-^^v^N •

L-\\ V

^^v

/^^^r

. \

1 . "-5.%; ■ >v>>-.^^i<:^"i

•>^^■v'^^

V .

«;;£:•.■

MAP OF WKSTERX XORTH AMERICA, CIRCA. 1775

CHAPTER V

CAPTAIN JAMES COOK

In 1780 all that was known of the northwest coast was contained
in the meagre reports of the expeditions of the Spaniards, Perez,
Martinez, Heceta, Bodega y Quadra and Maurelle. Gradually,
however, the lines of exploration converged towards that untravelled
land that had hitherto defied all efforts to fathom its mystery. As
a matter of fact the western slope of the North American continent
— from the ramparts of the Rocky Mountains, to the islands that
guard the continental coastline — was among the last of the Ameri-
can territories to be conquered by the explorer. Here and there a
corner of the veil had been lifted by Russian and Spaniard, but it
was not dreamed that behind it lay immeasurable potential wealth
in vast forests, rolling plateaux, fertile valleys, and unfathomed mines
of gold and silver. Glimpses of it had been caught, but as through
a glass darkly. And that was all.

Now, a new force was to be directed to the far northwest coast;
and novel and discordant elements were to enter into the discussions
concerning it. Unknown though it then was, with limits still unde-
fined, the Pacific slope was destined within a few vcars to come
within the purview of European diplomacy, and to be a conspicu-
• ous feature in the zone of international politics.

The desire for knowledge of new lands and seas, which had found
expression during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in the ardu-
ous and successful exertions of mariners and travellers, gradually
subsided and had lain for a time dormant; but it was revived in
Great Britain in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, when
the English navigators of that age emulated the achievements of
earlier generations. Of the names associated with this revival of
maritime enterprise, that of Captain James Cook stands first and
foremost.

74 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Upon the conclusion of his second great Australian expedition,
he was entrusted with another mission of equal, if not greater, im-
portance. The Northwest Passage had again become the subject of
animated discussion amongst geographers and men of science. It
was agreed by the Admiralty that a scientific and exploring expe-
dition, under the auspices of the British Crown, should be despatched
to the northwest coast of America for the purpose of establishing
the truth or falsity of the accounts regarding the existence of a nav-
igable waterway connecting the two great oceans.

The first British scientific expedition, the aim of which was to dis-
cover the western approach of the supposed northern passage be-
tween the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, was conceived, planned and
sent on its way in 1776 by the Earl of Sandwich, then the First Lord
of the Admiralty. The operations proposed to be pursued were so
new, so extensive and so various that the skill and experience of
Captain Cook, who but a short time previous had returned to Eng-
land from his second voyage of circumnavigating the globe, seemed
the one man of all others best fitted to conduct them. In addition
to other rewards for his inestimable service to his country, and the
world at large, he had been appointed to the command of Green-
wich Hospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned; but
he cheerfully relinquished this honourable station at home to engage
in the conduct of an expedition that would expose him to the toils
and perils of a third circumnavigation by a track hitherto unat-
tempted. Heretofore, in the search for the Northwest Passage,
British navigators, with the solitary exception of Sir Francis Drake,
had confined their attention to the northeastern shores of the con-
tinent, but on this occasion the usual plan was to be reversed. The
great task now before Captain Cook was to reach the high northern
latitudes between Asia and America, and, instead of making a pas-
sage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the
former was to be tried. Cook was therefore ordered to proceed into
the Pacific ocean, through the chain of islands discovered by him in
the southern tropic, and to hold such a course northward to the
principal scene of his operations.

The plan of the voyage can best be given from the secret instruc-
tions which were issued bv the Admiralty: It was directed that he
should attempt to find out a northern passage by sea from the Pacific
to the Atlantic Ocean ; that he should proceed with two sloops directly

BRITISH COLUMBIA 75

to the Cape of Good Hope, unless it was found necessary to stop at
Madeira, Cape de Verde, or the Canary Islands; then to leave the
Cape of Good Hope and proceed southward in search of some islands
purported to have been seen by the French about the meridian of
Mauritius. In case islands were found, Cook was to examine them
thoroughly for a good harbour. It was planned he should stop at
Otaheite, or Society Islands, touching at New Zealand on the way.
At Otaheite he was to leave Omai, a chief of that island, who had
been taken by Cook to England on a former voyage. Cook was
strictly enjoined not "to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions
on the Western continent of z^merica, unless driven thither by some
unavoidable accident; in which case you are to stay no longer there
than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give
any umbrage or ofTense to any of the inhabitants or subjects of His
Catholic Majesty. And if, in your farther progress to the Northward,
as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European Prince
or State upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you
are not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offense, but,
on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship."

The navigator was further instructed to reach latitude 65°, or
further, if not obstructed by lands or ice, where he was to search for
and explore rivers or inlets that might communicate with Hudson
Bay or Baffin Bay. If there should be a certainty or even a prob-
ability of a water passage into one or both of these bays, he was to
use his utmost endeavours to pass through with one or both of the
sloops. In case he was satisfied there were no such passages. Cook
was to repair to the port of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamchatka, or
any other eligible port, there to pass the winter, and in tlic spring
of the ensuing year to proceed thence northward in the endeavour
to find a northeast passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic
or the North Sea, and having thoroughly explored such passage,
make his way back to England.

There is no doubt that the Government of the time earnestly
desired the success of the voyage and exhibited its interest therein
by amending the Act of Parliament of 1745, which offered a reward
of twenty thousand pounds for the discovery of a Northwest Passage.
That act had applied only to the ships of private owners, and it was
stipulated therein that the reward was to be paid only to such ships
as should discover a passage opening into Hudson Bay. A new law

76 BRITISH COLUMBIA

was passed extending the operation of the former act to ships of the
Royal Nav}^, and providing that the passage by sea between the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans might be sought for in any direction or
paralled above the 52nd degree of north latitude. It was also en-
acted that any ship approaching within one degree of the North
Pole should be entitled to a reward of five thousand pounds. It is
safe to conclude, therefore, that Captain Cook's new enterprise was
considered of more than ordinary importance.

Cook's own words may be quoted in proof of the interest shown
by those high in authority. Under the date of Saturday, 8th of June,
1776, the following entry appears in his journal: "The Earl of
Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty
paid us the last mark of the extraordinary attention they had all
along paid to this equipment, by coming on board to see that every-
thing was compleated to their desire and to the satisfaction of all
who were to embark in the voyage. They and several other noble-
men and gentlemen honoured me with their Company at dinner
and were saluted with 17 guns and 3 cheers at their coming on board
and also on going ashore."

On the 9th day of February, 1776, H. M. S. Resolution was com-
missioned for the voyage. On the following day Cook went on board,
hoisted his pennant and began to enroll his men. At the same time
the Discovery, a small vessel of three hundred tons, was purchased
and placed in command of Captain Clerke, w^ho had been Second
Lieutenant of the Resolution on Cook's second voyage. Four months
were consumed in fitting out the vessels for their long voyage, and
it was not until June that they sailed for Plymouth, the Resolution
anchoring at the Nore to wait for Captain Cook, who was then in
London in consultation with the Admiralty. The Resolution sailed
from the Nore at noon on the 25th of June and three days later
dropped anchor in Plvmouth Sound, whither the Discovery had
preceded her. On the 8th of July the secret instructions already
mentioned were received and on the 12th at eight in the evening the
vessels weighed anchor and stood out of the Sound. Lieutenant
James King, F. R. S., accompanied Cook in the Resolution, and it
was this officer who continued the narrative of the expedition from
the time of Cook's death to its conclusion. He also prepared a brief
sketch of the famous navigator's life and career and tragic death,
which is referred to later on in this chapter.

PHOTOliHAl'H OF MoDKL OF H. M. 8. ■ • KESOU'TIOX ' ' NOW IX WHITBY .Ml'SKrM

From a Pencil Drawlnn liy .T' hii W'rtittcr. II. A.

H. M. S. "KIWOLUTION," IN NOOTKA SorND. CAl'TAIN .lAMKS COOK,

COMMAND KR

BRITISH COLUMBIA 77

It is worthy of notice in passing that while the Resolution and
Discovery were off Plymouth the Diamond, Ambuscade and Uni-
corn of the Royal Navy, with a fleet of transports consisting of sixty-
two sail, bound to America with the last divi'sion of the Hessian troops
and some cavalry, were forced into the Sound by adverse winds. Of
this coincidence Cook remarks: "It could not but occur to us as a
singular and affecting circumstance that at the very instance of our
departure upon a voyage, the object of which was to benefit Europe
by making fresh discoveries in North America, there should be the
unhappy necessity of employing others of His Majesty's ships and
of conveying numerous bodies of land forces to secure the obedience
of those of that continent which had been discovered and settled
by our country men in the last century."

In spite of the fact that so much time and trouble had been spent
in preparing the vessels for sea, it was found that the seams of the
Resolution had been so badly calked that they opened in the equa-
torial heat, and quantities of water entered the vessel. In fact, "there
was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; the officers in the
gun room were all driven out of their cabin by the water that came
in through the sides." The spare sails were seriously damaged,
and some quite ruined before they could be dried. Otherwise the
voyage to the Cape of Good Hope was generally without incident.
The equator was crossed on September ist in longitude 27° 38' W.,
and Cape of Good Hope was sighted October 17th. The anchor
was let go in Table Bay the day after. On November loth the
Discovery joined the Resolution at that port. The principal occu-
pation of the crews at Cape Town consisted of exercising on shore
the live cargo carried by the vessels. Two bulls, two heifers, two
horses, two mares and two rams, not to mention ewes, goats, rabbits
and poultry, were purchased at the Cape, to stock islands where
some of them "might prove useful to posterity." It is recorded
that when the Resolution left Table Bay she resembled Noah's
Ark.

On the 30th of November, 1776, the vessels again weighed anchor.
After visiting Kerguelen Land, Van Diemen's Land, New Zea-
land and the Friendly or Society Islands, Cook discovered early in
the following year a group of large islands which he named the
Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich, who had
displayed so great an interest in tlic expedition.

78 BRITISH COLUMBIA

In the course of this voyage, Cook acquired a mass of valuable
information respecting the extensive archipelagoes of the mid-Pacific
Ocean, all of which is duly set down in the official journal of the
expedition. It would be interesting, as well as instructive, to spread
upon these pages Cook's luminous description of that island world,
but the story is scarcely germane to the subject under discussion. It
will suffice that the explorer, with the aid of Anderson, the surgeon,
and Webber, the artist, vividly portrays the appearance, manners,
customs and social institutions of the primitive inhabitants of these
islands.

After a monotonous voyage of a little over a month, in the course
of which the vessels did not lose sight of each other, the coast of
Oregon was sighted at a distance of ten or twelve leagues. Cook
had instructed his navigating officer to reach the coast about the
45th parallel and an observation at noon of March 7th (1778)
revealed the fact that the ship's position was 44° 33' north latitude,
236° 30' east longitude. The land appeared to be of a moderate
height, diversified with hill and valley and almost evcrjrwhere
covered with trees, but no distinguishing promontories or capes
marked its shores, with the exception of one flat-topped hill, upon
which Cook bestowed the name Cape Foulweather. From that point
the Resolution and the Discovery sailed slowly up the coast, the ves-
sels experiencing the unsettled climatic conditions common to that
region in that season of the year. In this respect the British expedi-
tion was not more fortunate than the Spanish vessels under Perez
and Heceta. In the circumstances it was not possible always to sail
close to land; nevertheless, the land was rarely out of sight and it
»vas generally seen quite clearly. The coast appeared almost straight,
without any opening or inlet. The northern and southern extremes
of the land formed distinct points named respectively Cape Perpetua
and Cape Gregory, the former being in latitude 44° 6' and the latter
in 43° 30'. It is worth observing, Cook remarks, that almost in this
very latitude geographers had placed the Cape supposed to have
been discovered or seen by Martin d'Aguilar in January, 1603, and
the large opening or strait the discovery of which was also ascribed
to that navigator; but careful search in nowise tended to verify the
statements ascribed to him.

A severe gale, from the northwest, accompanied by flurries of
snow, at this time forced Cook to clear the coast. He was driven

■y

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A I

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AUTOGRAPH LETTER BY CAPTAIN JAMES COOK TO CAPTAIN CLERKE, UPON THE
DEPARTURE OF THE EXl'EniTION FROM THE SANDWICH ISLu\NDS,

.lANL'AUY, 1T78

BRITISH COLUMBIA 79

back upon his course as far southward as the forty-second parallel.
Then boisterous weather and calms succeeded each other for several
days; so it was not until March 22nd that land was again seen
at a distance of nine leagues, in latitude 47" 5'. A small round
hill to the northward had the appearance of an island and "between
this islr.nd or rock and the northern extreme of the land ther,
appeared to be a small opening, which flattered us with the hopes
of finding an harbour." But these hopes were not realized, for as
the vessels drew nearer it appeared that the wished-for opening was
closed by low land. "On this account," observes Cook, "I called
the point of land to the north of it Cape Flattery," and so one of the
landmarks of the northwest coast received its name. From that day
to this the name Cape Flattery has appeared on the charts to com-
memorate the disappointment of the famous circumnavigator. Cook
describes the land to the southward as of moderate height, covered
with forests, and pleasant and fertile in appearance. According to
an observation taken on board the Resolution, the Cape lay in lat-
itude 48" 15' north. Its true position, however, is latitude 48" 22'/'
north and longitude 124 44' west.' It is worthy of notice that
Cook's observations vary little from those taken with the greatest care
in more recent years by officers of the Royal Navy and the Coast
and Geodetic Survey of the United States; on the other hand, the
positions assigned to the various capes, bays and inlets of this region
by the Spaniards are, as a general rule, far from correct.

While in the neighbourhood Cook searched for the strait said to
have been discovered in 1592 by the Greek pilot, Apostolos Valer-
ianos, or Juan de Fuca, but his efforts were no more successful than
those of the Spaniards three years before, and for the same reason,
— on both occasions the opening was sought between the forty-seventh
and forty-eighth parallels, the position given by Michael Lok, Dclisle
and Buache. It is evident that Cook was not favourably impressed
with the narratives of geographers respecting the discovery of the
Strait of Anian. More than once he speaks strongly upon the
subject. His remarks touching Martin d'Aguilar have been noted.
Later he as contemptuously dismissed the relation of De Fonte. Now,
. in a few terse sentences, he disposed of the oft repeated account of
the Greek pilot's voyage: "It is in this very latitude where we now
were," Cook writes, "that geographers have placed the pretended

' Brilivli Columbia Pilot, 3d ed., 1905, p. 24.

80 BRITISH COLUMBIA

strait of Juan de Fuca. But we saw nothing like it; nor is there the
least probability that ever any such thing existed." - Yet, within a
few miles lay the entrance to a strait leading to a labyrinth of sounds,
inlets, gulfs and bays, studded with rock-girt, wooded islands of en-
chanting loveliness, — one of the most beautiful inland seas of the
world. It was peculiarly unfortunate that at this time the Resolution
and Discovery were obliged to find an oiling in the teeth of a gale
that threatened to drive them ashore. Otherwise Cook might have
discovered, or rediscovered, the strait found by Captain Barkley of
the Loudoun, or Imperial Eagle, in 1787, and named by him in
honour of the mythical hero Juan de Fuca.

But that was not to be. Cook passed the opening at sea in storm
and sleet. He did not make another landfall until Sunday, March
29th, when the rugged snow-covered hills of Vancouver Island hove
in sight. The valleys and the coast were covered with tall straight
trees "that formed a beautiful prospect, as of one vast forest." In
the southeast the land formed a low point, ofif which a line of foam
marked the position of sunken rocks and on that account it was
named Point Breakers. Observations determined that Point Break-
ers was in latitude 49° 15' and Woody Point in latitude 50°. Woody
Point is now known as Cape Cook and Breakers Point as Point
Estevan. The extensive bight between these points was called Hope
Bay because it was hoped that in it a good harbour would be found
nor in this was the explorer disappointed. In the evening the Reso-
lution entered an arm of the sea and anchored, so close to shore that
it could be reached with a hawser. The wind failed the Discovery
however, and she lay for the night ofif the entrance to the inlet. Thus,
on March 29, 1778, the storm-beaten vessels found a safe haven,
where it was hoped "all their wants would be plentifully supplied."

On the following morning a search was made for a safe anchorage
which was soon found. Not far from where the ships lay Cook dis-
covered "a convenient, snug cove well suited to our purpose." Lieu-
tenant King, who had been despatched with three armed boats early
in the morning to reconnoitre the inlet, returned at mid-day with the
report that he had found an excellent harbour lying on the north-
west side of the land. But to save time, it was decided to make the
headquarters of the expedition in the small bay discovered by the
commander. On Tuesday the thirty-first the ships were hauled into

' Cook, Voyages, p. 263.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 81

Resolution Cove, where they were moored, head and stern, the
hawsers being fastened to the trees on shore.

No sooner had the ships anchored in Hope Bay than it was dis-
covered that the land was inhabited. Three canoes approached and
one of the natives made a long harangue, in the course of which he
cast white feathers upon the water, while some of his companions
threw handfuls of red dust or powder. The orator was clad in fur
and held in each hand a rattle which he used vigorously. After
repeated exhortations, of which not a word was understood, the
natives lay at a little distance from the ship and conversed with each
other without exhibiting the least surprise. Now and again the
harangue would be repeated, but what pleased the strangers more
than this guttural oratory was an air sung "with a degree of soft-
ness and melody which we could not have expected; the word
'haela' being oft repeated as the burden of the song." Many canoes
soon gathered about the ships. At one time no less than thirty-two
were observed, each carrying from three to eight persons, men and
women. One of the little vessels attracted particular attention on
account of its emblazonment of a bird's eye and bill of an enormous
size. In it sat a chief of some consequence, who was no less remark-
able than his little vessel. His head-dress was of feathers and he was
painted in an extraordinary manner: "He held in his hand a carved
bird of wood, as large as a pigeon, with which he rattled as the
person first mentioned had done; and was no less vociferous with
his harangue, which was attended with some expressive gestures."

The natives behaved very peaceably and gave no sign of hostility,
but they could by no means be induced to go on board. Apart from
this evidence of timidity, however, they gave no sign of fear and
traded with great readiness, taking whatever was oflfered in exchange
for their belongings. They were more anxious for iron than for
any other commodity, appearing to be perfectly acquainted with the
use of that metal.

With reference to Cook's discovery of Nootka Sound it may be
worth while to recall that the legendary lore of the Indians of that
place is not silent upon the point. There is today a tradition among
the Nootkan Indians which runs somewhat as follows: One day
two chiefs, Tsaxawasip (one of Chief Maquinna's names) and
Nanaimis of the Muchalats, saw in the offing the tops of three sticks
rising up, which bye and bye grew bigger and rose out of the water.

Vol. I— (1

82 BRITISH COLUMBIA

At first they thought it must be an island appearing, but as the object
grew larger they saw that it was some kind of water craft. The ship
was going quickly and making great waves. Then it was thought
that it must be the work of Haietlik, or the lightning-snake, making
it move so quickly, and that the snake was working under water;
but others thought it must be the work of Quaots (the supreme deity
of the Nootkans) and therefore a supernatural manifestation. As
the vessel came nearer all the men and wortien grew very much
afraid. Some of them thought that it was magic, and some thought
that it was a salmon that had been changed by magic. But the two
chiefs of the Muchalats thought that it must be the work of Quaots.
A courageous man named Towik, a warrior who had killed at least
ten men, said that it would be well to conceal all the people and to
segregate the women for at least ten months. He also recommended
that all their property should at once be put out of sight. A woman
doctor named Hahatsaik, who had power over all kinds of salmon,
appeared with a whalebone rattle in each hand; she put on her red
cedar bark cap and apron and sang, saying that it must be a salmon
turned into a boat. The natives now launched a canoe with three
strong young men as a crew and the woman magician, Hahatsaik,
sat in the middle. This canoe went out to see the ship, which was
sailing straight for the harbour on Bligh Island, and then followed
behind. Hahatsaik hailed the ship and called out "Hello you, you
spring salmon, hello you dog salmon, hello coho salmon."

Then another canoe came with another doctor, named Wiwai,
who hailed Captain Cook in the same manner. Wiwai then went
back to the village, and Nanaimis, taking two fine beaver skins out
of his storage chest, put ofif to the ship in his canoe with ten strong
men. Captain Cook hailed the canoe and asked the name of the
chief, who replied, "Mv name is Nanaimis; what is VDur iian"ve?'"
Captain Cook then went into his cabin and came out with blankets
under his arm and asked Nanaimis to come into his ship. But
Nanaimis declined, saying — "No, I would rather stay in my canoe."
Whereupon Cook asked him to shake hands and ofifered him two
black blankets as a free gift. Then Nanaimis saw that Cook was
not an enchanted salmon, but only a man. The chief opened a box-
on which he was sitting and took out the two beaver skins and pre-
sented them to Captain Cook, who accepted them with pleasure.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 83

Tsaxawasip, or Maquinna, also put ofif to the ship. "I am
Maquinna," said the chief to Captain Cook. "My village is a little
way off there, near the entrance to the inlet. It is a safe and fine
harbour. I want you to come and stay with me next year. You
will be well treated." He then presented a fine sea-otter skin to Cap-
tain Cook, who had by that time put on a fine gold-braided hat which
he offered to Maquinna in return for his gift. Then the natives gave
a wolf dance on the beach for the entertainment of the strangers."

Such is the tradition of the Nootkan people. It is not an easy
matter to decide as to how much of the story may be worthy of
credence; but it is at least likely that so important an event as the
sudden appearance of two large vessels off Nootka would find a
place in the annals of the native tribes of that locality.

Captain Cook's description of the natives, their character and
habits, is minute and interesting. Long as it is, that description
deserves a place in a narrative dealing with the earliest beginnings
of the history of the Northwest Coast, and it will therefore be quoted
in full. It follows:

"The persons of the natives are, in general, under the common
stature; but not slender in proportion, being commonly pretty full
or plump, though not muscular. Neither doth the soft fleshiness
seem ever to swell into corpulence; and many of the older people
are rather spare, or lean. The visage of most of them is round and
full; and sometimes, also, broad, with high prominent cheeks; and,
above these, the face is frequently much depressed, or seems fallen
in quite across between the temples; the nose also flattening at its
base, with pretty wide nostrils, and a rounded point. The forehead
rather low; the eyes small, black, and rather languishing than spark-
ling; the mouth round, with large round thickish lips; the teeth tol-
erably equal and well set, but not remarkably white. They have
either no beards at all, which was most commonly the case, or a small
thin one upon the point of the chin; which does not arise from any
natural defect of hair on that part, but from plucking it out more or
less; for some of them, and particularly the old men, have not only
considerable beards all over the chin, but whiskers, or mustachios;
both on the upper lip and running from thence toward the lower jaw
obliquely downward. Their eye-brows are also scanty and always

' Chief George of Nootka Sound is the avithnrity for this lepend.

84 BRITISH COLUMBIA

narrow; but the hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse
and strong; and, without a single exception, black, straight, and lank,
or hanging down over the shoulders. The neck is short; the arms
and body have no particular mark of beauty or elegance m their
formation, but are rather clumsy; and the limbs, in all, are very
small in proportion to the other parts, and crooked, or ill made, with
large feet badly shaped, and projecting ankles. This last defect
seems, in a great measure, to arise from their sitting too much on their
hams or knees, both in their canoes and houses.

"Their colour we could never positively determine, as their bodies
were incrusted with paint and dirt; though, in particular cases, when
these were well rubbed oft, the whiteness of the skin appeared almost
to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast
which distinguishes those of our Southern nations. Their children,
whose skins had never been stained with paint, also equalled ours
in whiteness. During their youth, some of them have no disagree-
able look, if compared to the generality of the people; but this seems
to be entirely owing to the particular animation attending that period
of life; for, after attaining a certain age, there is hardly any dis-
tinction. Upon the whole, a very remarkable sameness seems to I
characterize the countenances of the whole nation; a dull phlegmatic
want of expression, with very little variation, being strongly marked
in all of them.

"The women are nearly of the same size, colour, and form, with
the men, from whom it is not easy to distinguish them, as they pos-
sess no natural delicacies sufficient to render their persons agreeable;
and hardly any one was seen, even amongst those who were in the
prime of life, who had the least pretensions to be called handsome.

"Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented
on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and, at the lower edge,
bv fringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm and is tied over
the right shoulder by a string before, and one behind, near its middle ;
by which means both arms are left free; and it hangs evenly, cover-
ing the left side, but leaving the right open, except from the loose
part of the edges falling upon it, unless when the mantle is fastened
bv a girdle (of coarse matting or woolen) round the waist, which
is often done. Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a
small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part.
In shape this resembles a round dish cover, being quite close, except
in the middle, where there is a hole just large enough to admit the

O
H

-r.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 85

head; and then, resting upon the shoulders, it covers the arms to the
elbows, and the body as far as the waist. Their head is covered with
a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a fiower-pot, made of
fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or
pointed knob, or bunch of leathern tassels; and there is a string that
passes under the chin, to prevent its blowing off.

"Besides the above dress, which is common to both sexes, the
men frequently throw over their other garments the skin of a bear,
wolf, or sea-otter, with the hair outward, and tie it, as a cloak, near
the upper part, wearing it sometimes before, and sometimes behind.
In rainy weather, they throw a coarse mat about their shoulders.
They have also woolen garments, which, however, are little in use.
The hair is commonly worn hanging down loose; but some, when
they have no cap, tie it in a bunch on the crown of the head.

"Their dress, upon the whole, is convenient, and would by no
means be inelegant were it kept clean. But as they rub their bodies
constantly over with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry sub-
stance, mixed with oil, their garments, by this means, contract a
rancid offensive smell and a greasv nastiness. So that they make
a very wretched, dirty appearance; and, what is still worse, their
heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, so depraved
is their taste for cleanliness, we used to see them pick off, with great
composure, and eat. v

"Though their bodies are always covered with red paint, their
faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour,
by way of ornament. The last of these gives them a ghastly, dis-
gusting aspect. They also strew the brown martial mica upon the
paint, which makes it glitter. The ears of many of them arc per-
forated in the lobe, where they make a pretty large hole; and two
others higher up on the outer edge. In these holes they hang bits
of bone; (]uills fi.xed upon a leathern thong; small shells; bunches of
woolen tassels, or pieces of thin copper, which our beads could never
supplant. The septum of the nose, in many, is also perforated,
through which they draw a piece of soft cord; and others wear, at
the same place, small thin pieces of iron, brass, or copper, shaped
almost like a horseshoe, the narrow opening of which receives the
septum, so as that the two points may gently pinch it; and the orna-
«Tient thus hangs over the upper lip. The rings of our brass buttons,
which they eagerly purchased, were appropriated to this use. About
their wrists they wear bracelets or bunches of white bugle beads,

86 BRITISH COLUMBIA

made of a conic shelly substance; bunches of thongs, with tassels; or
a broad black shining horny substance, of one piece. And about
their ankles they also frequently wear many folds of leathern thongs,
or the sinews of animals twisted to a considerable thickness.

"Thus far of their ordinary dress and ornaments ; but they have
some that seem to be used only on extraordinary occasions; either
when they exhibit themselves as strangers, in visits of ceremony, or
when they go to war. Amongst the first may be considered the skins_
of animals, such as wolves or bears, tied on in the usual manner, but
ornamented at the edges with broad borders of fur, or of the woolen
stullf manufactured by them, ingeniously wrought with various fig-
ures. These are worn either separately, or over their other common
garments. On such occasions, the most common head-dress is a quan-
tity of withe, or half-beaten bark, wrapped about the head; which,
at the same time, has various large feathers, particularly those of
eagles, stuck in it, or is entirely covered, or, we may say, powdered
with small white feathers. The face, at the same time, is variously
painted, having its upper and lower parts of different colours, the
strokes appearing like fresh gashes; or it is besmeared with a kind
of tallow, mixed with paint, which is afterward formed into a great
variety of regular figures, and appears like carved work. Sometimes,
again, the hair is separated into small parcels, which are tied at inter-
vals of about two inches, to the end, with thread; and others tie it
together, behind, after our manner, and stick branches of the cupres-
sus thyoides in it. Thus dressed, they have a truly savage and incon-
gruous appearance; but this is much heightened when they assume,
what may be called, their monstrous decorations. These consist of
an endless variety of carved wooden masks or vizors, applied on the
face or to the upper part of the head or forehead. Some of these
resemble human faces, furnished with hair, beards, and eye-brows;
others, the heads of birds, particularly of eagles and quebrantahues-
sos; and many, the heads of land and ^a-animals, such as wolves,
deer, porpoises, and others. But, in general, these representations
much exceed the natural size; and they are painted and often strewed
with pieces of foliaceous mica, which makes them glitter, and serv^es
to augment their enormous deformity. They even exceed this some-
times, and fix on the same part of the head large pieces of carved
work, resembling the prow of a canoe, painted in the same manner,
and projecting to a considerable distance. So fond are they of these

BRITISH COLUMBIA 87

disguises, that I have seen one of them put his head into a tin kettle
he had got from us, for want of another sort of mask. Whether they
use these extravagant masquerade ornaments on any particular re-
ligious occasion or diversion; or whether they be put on to intimidate
their enemies when they go to battle, by their monstrous appearance;
or as decoys when they go to hunt animals, is uncertain. But it may
be concluded, that, if travellers or voyagers, in an ignorant and
credulous age, when many unnatural or marvellous things were
supposed to exist, had seen a number of people decorated in this
manner, without being able to approach so near as to be undeceived,
they would readily have believed, and, in their relations, would have
attempted to make others believe, that there existed a race of beings
partaking of the nature of man and beast; more especially, when,
besides the heads of animals on the human shoulders, they might have
seen the whole bodies of their men-monsters covered with quadru-
peds' skins."'

Captain Cook continues:

"The only dress amongst'the people of Nootka, observed by us,
that seems peculiarly adapted to war, is a thick leathern mantle
doubled, which, irom its size, appears to be the skin of an elk, or
buffalo tanned. This they fasten on, in the common manner; and it
is so contrived, that it may reach up, and cover the breast quite to the
throat, falling, at the same time, almost to the heels. It is, sometimes,
ingeniously painted in different compartments; and it is not only suf-
ficiently strong to resist arrows; but, as they informed us by signs,
even spears cannot pierce it; so that it may be considered as their coat
of mail, or most complete defensive armour. Upon the same occa-
sion, thev sometimes wear a kind of leathern cloak, covered with rows
of dried hoofs of deer, disposed horizontally, appended by leathern
thongs, covered with quills; which, when they move, make a loud
rattling noise, almost equal to that of many small bells. It seems
doubtful, however, whether this part of their garb be intended to
strike terror in war, or only is to be considered as belonging to their
eccentric ornaments on ceremonious occasions. For we saw one of
their musical entertainments, conducted bv a man dressed in this sort
of cloak, with his mask on, and shaking his rattle.

"Though these people cannot be viewed without a kind of horror,
when equipped in such extravagant dresses, yet, when divested of
them, and beheld in their common habit and actions, they have not

88 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the least appearance of ferocity in their countenances; and seem,
on the contrary, as observed already, to be of a quiet, phlegmatic,
and inactive disposition; destitute, in some measure, of that degree
of animation and vivacity that would render them agreeable as social
beings. If they are not reserved, they are far from being loquacious ;
but their gravity is, perhaps, rather a consequence of the disposition
just mentioned, than of any conviction of its propriety, or the effect
of any particular mode of education. For, even in the greatest
paroxysms of their rage, they seem unable to express it sufficiently,
either with warmth of language or significancy of gestures."

In speaking of the powers of oratory. Cook observes:

"Their orations, which are made either when engaged in any
altercation or dispute, or to explain their sentiments publicly on
other occasions, seem little more than short sentences, or rather single
words, forcibly repeated and constantly in one tone and degree of
strength, accompanied only with a single gesture, which they use
at every sentence, jerking their whole body a little forward, by bend-
ing the knees, their arms hanging down by their sides at the same
time."

Captain Cook's account of the manners and customs of the Noot-
kans is important ethnologically, and so interesting historically, that,
in spite of the length of the foregoing excerpt, it may well be con-
cluded in the navigator's own words:

"Though there be but too much reason, from their bringing
to sale human skulls and bones, to infer that they treat their enemies
with a degree of brutal cruelty, this circumstance rather marks a
general agreement of character with that of almost every tribe of
uncivilized man, in every age, and in every part of the globe, than
that they are to be reproached with any charge of peculiar
inhumanity. We had no reason to judge unfavourably of their dis-
position in this respect. They seem to be a docile, courteous, good-
natured people; but notwithstanding the predominant phlegm, of
their tempers, quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury;
and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it. I never
found that these fits of passion went farther than the parties imme-
diately concerned; the spectators not troubling themselves about the
quarrel, whether it was with any of us, or amongst their own body;
and preserving as much indifference as if they had not known any-
thing about it. I have often seen one of them rave and scold, without

BRITISH COLUMBIA 89

any of his countrymen paying the least attention to his agitation; and
when none of us could trace the cause, or the object of his displeasure.
In such cases they never discover the least symptom of timidity, but
seem determined, at all events, to punish the insult. For, even with
respect to us, they never appeared to be under the least apprehension
of our superiority; but when any difference happened, were just as
ready to avenge the wrong as amongst themselves.

"Their other passions, especially their curiosity, appear in some
measure to lie dormant. For few expressed any desire to see or exam-
ine things wholly unknown to them; and which, to those truly pos-
sessed of that passion, would have appeared astonishing. They were
always contented to procure the articles they knew they wanted, re-
garding everything else with great indifference; nor did our per-
sons, apparel, and manners, so different from their own, or even the
extraordinary size and construction of our ships, seem to excite ad-
miration, or even engage attention.

"One cause of this may be their indolence, which seems consider-
able. But, on the other hand, they are certainly not wholly unsus-
ceptible of the tender passions; if we may judge from their being
so fond of music, which is mostly of the grave or serious, but truly
pathetic sort. They keep the exactest concert in their songs, which
are often sung by great numbers together, as those already mentioned,
with which they used to entertain us in their canoes. These are
generally slow and solemn; but the music is not of that confined
sort found amongst many rude nations; for the variations are very
numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully
soothing. Besides their full concerts, sonnets of the same grave cast
were frec^uently sung by single performers, who keep time by strik-
ing the hand against the thigh. However, the music was sometimes
varied, from its predominant solemnity of air; and there were in-
stances of stanzas being sung in a more gay and lively strain, and
even with a degree of humour.

"The only instruments of music (if such they may be called)
which I saw amongst them, were a rattle; and a small whistle, about
an inch long, incapable of any variation, from having but one hole.
They use the rattle when they sing; but upon what occasions they
use the whistle I know not, unless it be when they dress themselves
like particular animals, and endeavour to imitate their howl or cry.
I once saw one of them dressed in a wolf's skin, with the head over

90 BRITISH COLUMBIA

his own, and imitating that animal by making a squeaking noise with
one of these whistles, which he had in his mouth. The rattles are,
for the most part, made in the shape of a bird, with a few pebbles
in the belly, and the tail is the handle. They have others, however,
that bear rather more resemblance to a child's rattle.

"In trafficking with us, some of them would betray a knavish
disposition, and carry oft our goods without making any return.
But, in general, it was otherwise; and we had abundant reason to
commend the fairness of their conduct. However, their eagerness
to possess iron and brass, and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great
that few of them could resist the temptation to steal it, whenever an
opportunity offered. The inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, as
appears from a variey of instances in the course of this voyage, rather
than be idle, would steal anything that they could lay their hands
upon, without ever considering, whether it could be of use to them
or no. The novelty of the object, with them, was a sufficient motive
for their endeavouring, by any indirect means, to get possession of it;
which marked that, in such cases, they were rather actuated by a
childish curiosity than by a dishonest disposition, regardless of the
modes of supplying real wants. The inhabitants of Nootka, who
invaded our property, cannot have such apology made for them.
They were thieves in the strictest sense of the word; for they pilfered
nothing from us, but what they knew could be converted to the pur-
poses of private utility, and had a real value according to their esti-
mation of things. And it was lucky for us that nothing was thought
valuable by them, but the single articles of our metals. Linen, and
such like things, were perfectiv secure from their depredations; and
we could safely leave them hanging out ashore all night, without
watching. The same principle which prompted our Nootka friends
to pilfer from us, it was natural to suppose, would produce a similar
conduct in their intercourse with each other. And, accordingly, we
had abundant reason to believe, that stealing is much practiced
amongst them; and that it chiefly gives rise to their quarrels; of
which we saw more than one instance."

The vessels were no sooner snugly moored in Resolution Cove
than the place assumed an air of unwonted activity. No time was
lost in making the necessary repairs to the ships, which were the
immediate object of the visit.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 91

An observatory was erected upon an elevated rock on one side
of the cove, close to the Resolution; an officer and a party of men
were sent to cut wood and to clear a place on the beach to facilitate
watering; others were employed in brewing spruce beer and in set-
ting up a blacksmith forge.

The news of the arrival of strangers soon spread abroad and
brought a great concourse of curious natives from all parts of the
Sound. At times more than a hundred canoes clustered about the
ships. To introduce themselves, as it were, or to announce their ar-
rival, the crews would dexterously propel their canoes three times
round the ships, while a chief, or person of consequence, stood up
and spoke in a loud voice. The Indians brought with them furs
and various implements of native manufacture — cloth of bark, or
woolen stufif, bags filled with red ochre, beads and even ornaments
of brass and iron. But the most extraordinary of all the articles that
they exhibited were "human skulls and hands not yet quite stripped
of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they
had eaten; and indeed some of them had evident marks that they
had been upon the fire." From the display of these grim relics
Cook had reason to suspect that the natives were addicted to canni-
balism, although no instance of that horrid practice was observed
while the vessels were anchored in the Sound. It is now known that
the cannibalism of the West Coast tribes was purely ceremonial.
The practice was not general as in the South Sea Islands. The
natives were anxious to trade and readily accepted in exchange for
their various articles looking-glasses, buttons, gewgaws and trinkets,
knives, chisels, iron, tin, and nails, or metal of any kind. Glass beads
and linen neither excited their cupidity nor their vanity. Both were
rejected. These Indians were trained thieves and dexterously re-
moved brass buttons from coats, brass fittings and even nails from
woodwork, in fact, every particle of metal that they could lay their
hands on.

Cook stayed in Nootka Sound for four weeks. Nearly all of the
time was spent in preparing new masts and spars to take the place of
the ones which had rotted on the long voyage from England — the
first recorded instance of the use of the timber of Vancouver Island
by Europeans. The officers, therefore, had little time to explore the
fiords and arms of the inlet. Cook, however, examined the west side
of the Sound, and visited a deserted village, hard by a grove of

92 BRITISH COLUMBIA

immense pine trees, where he observed large fishing weirs composed
of wicker work. Crossing over to the east side he ascertained, as
he had already surmised, that the land off which his ships lay
was a small island.

While the ship's company were engaged in their several occupa-
tions, Webber, the artist, employed his time in drawing the scenery
and savages of this new and strange country. The anthropologist
and the historian owe him a debt of gratitude for his faithful sketches
of implements, ceremonial trappings, and other objects in common
use among the natives. Many of Webber's sketches are to be found
in the large folio of views which accompanies the official edition of
Cook's Third Voyage. In the meantime, Anderson, the young
surgeon of the expedition, was not idle. He prepared an e.xtended
account of the manners and customs of the aborigines. Anderson's
notes will always be of- interest to the anthropologist and the his-
torian, if for no other reason than that they contain the first scientific
observations upon a primitive social organization and a rude culture
which had existed here from time immemorial. The pagan tribes
of Nootka occupy a place in the history of British Columbia analo-
gous to that of Caesar's Britons in the annals of England.

On his arrival in the inlet. Captain Cook had named it "King
George's Sound," but later he changed the name to ''Nootka," be-
cause he considered that to be the title by which the place was known
to the natives. It was evidently bestowed under a misapprehension
because there is nothing to show that the natives ever called the place
by that name. Two or three theories have been advanced to account
for Cook's mistake, but perhaps the most reasonable explanation is
that of the Reverend A. J. Brabant, for many years a resident of
Hesquiat. "The word 'Nootka,' " he says, "is the frequentation of
'nootk-sitl,' to go around; make a circuit. 'Nootka-a' would be a
form of the imperative (accent on the last 'a' being slight), go
around. 'Nootka-minish' we have been around. 'Nootka-aktl-nish'
we are about to go around. Some form of the word 'nootka' may be
applied to the making of a circuit of the globe, or of an island small
or large, &c., only the affix varies according to time, person or place." ^
It has been conjectured that Cook, after his reconnaissance of the
Sound may have asked an Indian what the place was called in the
native tongue. The Indian probably misunderstood him, but re-

* Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, p. 359; See also Swan, Haidah Indians, pp. 13-14.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 93

membering that the white men had sailed round the small island, may
possibly have used in reply some form of the derivative "nootk," thus
leaving the impression in Cook's mind that such was the native name
of the place." The explanation is not altogether satisfactory, but be
that as it may, from that day to this the inlet has been known as
Nootka Sound.

Cook, of course, was not aware of the insular character of the
Nootkan region. He took it for granted that he was on the continen-
tal coast of North America. As a matter of fact Vancouver Island
did not assume its true shape on the map until later than 1792, in
which year Captain Vancouver sailed through the Strait of Juan de
Fuca, the Gulf of Georgia and Johnston's Straits into Queen Char-
lotte Sound, thus establishing the fact that the whole of this region
is detached from the mainland.

In spite of the fact that the natives possessed, comparatively
speaking, a large amount of iron, which they had no means of pro-
curing for themselves, the explorer concluded, after careful observa-
tion that the Sound had never been visited before. It was evident
that iron was too common, and the use of it too well known, for the
natives to have received their first knowledge of it in the last few
years. It was supposed therefore that the metal things had passed
from tribe to tribe from Hudson's Bay to the shores of the Pacific;
or that they had originally started upon their long journey in Mexico
and reached their destination after passing through the hands of
successive native traders. However, it is just as likely, if not more
probable, that the metal had been obtained in the first place from
Russian traders, who had long ago established posts on the Kam-
chatkan Peninsula. It is not a far cry from Nootka Sound to the
Aleutian Islands.

In the light of Father Crespi's Journal, Cook's claim to priority
of discovery would seem to be irrefutable. In after years, much
was made of the fact that the two silver spoons stolen from Juan
Perez's vessel, the Srniti(ujo. were purchased from the Indians by
one of Cook's officers. This, it was asserted by the Spaniards, and
later by American writers, proved conclusivelv that Perez had vis-
ited the place in 1774. But Cook expressly relates that the spoons
were obtained, not from inhabitants of the Sound, but from natives

■' Walbraii, Britisli Coliiml)ia Coast Names, p. 360.

94 BRITISH COLUMBIA

who had journeyed some distance to visit the ships. In 1789, Estevan
Jose Martinez himself, in accordance with his instructions, used
Cook's chart apparently because the map of Perez failed to show
Nootka Sound. Of course, this fact can scarcely be adduced as
evidence, because a navigator would naturallv avail himself of the
experience of other explorers.

Everything at last being in readiness, on the morning of Sunday,
the 26th of April, 1778, the Resolution and Discovery sailed from
Nootka Sound and proceeded on their voyage, passing the locality
"where geographers have placed the pretended Strait of Admiral
de Fonte." Advancing to the north. Cook found the coast from Cape
Edgecumbe trending north and northeasterly for six or seven leagues,
and there forming a large bay, in the entrance of which were some is-
lands, for which reason he named it the Bay of Islands. In this
bay the Spaniards in 1775 evidently found their port, which they
called De los Remedies, in the latitude of 57° 20'. Continuing on
this course, a very high-peaked mountain was discovered, which
was named Mount Fair Weather.

By May 5th, Cook had reached the latitude of 58' 53', where the
summit of an elevated mountain appeared above the horizon, of which
Cook says, "We supposed it to be Bering's Mount St. Elias, and it
stands bv that name in our chart." By the loth of tliat month, he
passed a point of land which he named Cape Suckling, on the north
side of which is a bay that appeared to be of some extent. Several
small islands were discovered in the bay, one of which was named
Rave's Island as a mark of esteem for the Rev. Dr. Kaye, chap-
lain to His Majesty, George III. Comptroller's Bay was sighted
on May iith and on the 12th a point of land, which Cook named
Cape Hinchingbroke. Hauling close under the latter, the vessels
anchored before a small cove a little within the cape and about a
quarter of a mile from the shore.

From the above mentioned point Cook sent out expeditionary
parties in small boats to examine arms of the sea, but he soon dis-
covered that the time was wasted in searching for a passage in a
quarter that promised so little success. The expedition was now
about five hundred and twentv leagues to the westward of any part of
Baffin's and Hudson's Bays, and the explorer concluded that if there
were any passage, it should be to the north of latitude 72°.

Cook left Point Hinchingbroke early in the morning of Monday,
May 18th, on a northern course, discovering and naming islands on

lev I'.AV AM) MOUNT ST. KLIAS

Till-: XKW KIHtVSTOM';, IN I'.IIKM 'S CANAl,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 95

the way; he finally anchored at 8 o'clock in the evening of the 19th
in the channel between Montagu and Green Islands, about two miles
from the latter. The inlet which he had left on the 19th was named
Prince William Sound, and Cook considered it remarkable concern-
ing the inhabitants thereof, that having articles in their possession,
presumably supplied them by Europeans, "they should, in return,
never have given to the more inland Indians any of their sea-otter
skins; which would certainly have been seen, sometime or other,
about Hudson's Bay. But, as far as 1 know that is not the case;
and the only method of accounting for this, must be by taking in
consideration the very great distance, which, though it might not
prevent European goods coming so far, as being so uncommon,
might prevent the skins, which are a common article, from passing
through more than two or three different tribes, who might use them
for their own clothing; and send others, which they esteemed less
valuable, as being of their own animals. Eastward, till they reach
the traders from Europe."

From Prince William Sound, Cook steered to the southwest,
and in latitude 59" 10' he discovered a lofty promontory, which he
named Cape Elizabeth, and Cape Douglas was found in latitude
58 56'. But tlic capes, bays, and islands discovered and named
by Cook are too numerous to have a place in a work of this
scope. It is suthcient to know that he continued his voyage
southward until he reached and anchored his vessels in Karakakooa
Bay, Sandwich Islands, in January, 1779, where, in untoward and
sad circumstances, the great navigator lost his life. The details of
this fatality are given at length by Lieutenant James King, who at
the same time pays a high tribute to the character and services of
Captain Cook, whose loss was universally deplored. After giving
an account of the preparations made for the repairing of the Reso-
lution's foremast, the heel of which was found ''exceedingly rot-
ten," Lieutenant King continues:

"As these repairs were likely to take up several days, Mr. Bayly
and myself, got tlie astronomical apparatus on shore and pitched our
tents on the Monti; having with us a guard of a corporal and six ma-
rines. We renewed our friendiv correspondence with the priests,
who, for the greater security of tlie workmen and their tools, tabooed
the place where the mast lay, sticking their wands round it as before.
The sailmakers were also sent on shore to repair the damages which

96 BRITISH COLUMBIA

had taken place in their department during the late gales. They
were lodged in a house adjoining the Morai, that was lent us by the
priests. Such were our arrangements on shore. I shall now proceed
to the account of those other transactions with the natives, which
led, by degrees, to the fatal catastrophe of the 14th.

"Upon coming to anchor, we were surprized to find our recep-
tion very different from what it had been on our first arrival; no
shouts, no bustle, no confusion; but a solitary bay, with only here
and there a canoe stealing close along shore. The impulse of curi-
osity, which had before operated to so great a degree, might now
indeed be supposed to have ceased; but the hospitable treatment we
had invariably met with, and the friendly footing on which we parted,
gave us some reason to expect, that they would again have flocked
about us with great joy, on our return.

"We were forming various conjectures upon the occasion of this
extraordinary appearance, when our anxiety was at length relieved
by the return of a boat, which had been sent on shore, and brought
us word that Terreeoboo was absent, and had left the bay under the
taboo. Though this account appeared very satisfactory to most of us;
yet others were of the opinion, or rather, perhaps, have been led,
by subsequent events, to imagine, that there was something, at this
time, very suspicious in the behaviour of the natives; and that the
interdiction of all intercourse with us, on pretence of the King's
absence, was only to give him time to consult with his Chiefs, in what
manner it might be proper to treat us. Whether these suspicions
were well founded, or the account given by the natives was the truth,
we were never able to ascertain. For though it is not improbable,
that our sudden return, for which they could see no apparent cause,
and the necessity of which wc afterward found it very difficult to
make them comprehend, might occasion some alarm; yet the un-
suspicious conduct of Terreeoboo, who, on his supposed arrival, the
next morning, came immediately to visit Captain Cook, and the con-
sequent return of the natives to their former friendly intercourse
with us, are strong proofs that they neither meant, nor apprehended,
any change of conduct.

"In support of this opinion, I may add the account of another
accident, precisely of the same kind, which happened to us on our
first visit, the day before the arrival of the King. A native had
sold a hog on board the Resolution, and taken the price agreed on.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 97

when Pareea, passing by, advised the man not to part with the hog,
without an advanced price. For this, he was sharply spoken to, and
pushed away; and the taboo being soon after laid on the bay, we
had at first no doubt but that it was in consequence of the ofifence
given to the Chief. Both these accidents serve to show, how very
difficult it is to draw any certain conclusion from the actions of
people, with whose customs, as well as language, we are so imper-
fectly acquainted; at the same time, some idea may be formed from
them of the difliculties, at the first view, perhaps, not very apparent,
which those have to encounter who, in all their transactions with these
strangers, have to steer their course amidst so much uncertainty,
where a trifling error may be attended with even the most fatal con-
sequences. However true or false our conjectures may be, things
went on in their usual quiet course till the afternoon of the 13th.

"Toward evening of that day, the officer who commanded the
watering-party of the Discovery, came to inform me that several
Chiefs had assembled at the well near the beach, driving away the
natives, whom he had hired to assist the sailors in rolling down the
casks to the shore. He told me, at the same time, that he thought
their behaviour extremely suspicious, and that they meant to give
him some farther disturbance. At his request, therefore, I sent a
marine along with him, but sufl'ered him to take only his side arms.
In a short time the officer returned, and on his acquainting me that
the islanders had armed themselves with stones, and were grown
very tumultuous, I went myself to the spot, attended by a marine,
with his musket. Seeing us approach, they threw away their stones,
and, on my speaking to some of the Chiefs, the mob were driven away,
and those who chose it, were sufifered to assist in filling the casks.
Having left things quiet Iicrc, I went to meet Captain Cook, whom
I saw coming on shore, in the pinnace. 1 related to him what had
just passed; and he ordered me, in case of their beginning to throw
stones, or behave insolently, immediately to fire a ball at the of-
fenders. I accordingly gave orders to the corporal to have the pieces
of the sentinels loaded with ball, instead of small shot.

"Soon after our return to the tents, we were alarmed by a con-
tinued fire of musket? from the Discovery, which we observed to be
directed at a canoe that we saw paddling toward the shore, in great
haste, pursued by one of our small boats. We immediately concluded
that the firing was in consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook

98 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ordered me to follow him with a marine armed, and to endeavour
to seize the people, as they came on shore. Accordingly, we ran
toward the place where we supposed the canoe would land, but were
too late; the people having quitted it, and made their escape into the
country before our arrival.

"We were at this time ignorant, that the goods had been already
restored; and as we thought it probable, from the circumstances we
had at first observed, that they might be of importance, were un-
willing to relinquish our hopes of recovering them. Having there-
fore inquired of the natives, which wav the people had fled, we
followed them, till it was near dark, when judging ourselves to be
about three miles from the tents, and suspecting, that the natives, who
frequentlv encouraged us in the pursuit, were amusing us with false
information, we thought it in vain to continue our search any longer.
and returned to the beach.

"During our absence, a difference, of a more serious and un-
pleasant nature had happened. The officer, who had been sent in
the small boat, and was returning on board, with the goods which
had been restored, observing Captain Cook and me engaged in the
pursuit of the offenders, thought it his duty to seize the canoe, which
was left drawn up on the shore. Unfortunately, this canoe belonged
to Pareea, who arriving at the same moment, from on board the
Discovery, claimed his property, with many protestations of his in-
nocence. The officer refusing to give it up, and being joined by the
crew of the pinnace, which was waiting for Captain Cook, a scufHe
ensued, in which Pareea was knocked down by a violent blow on
the head with an oar. The natives, who were collected about the
spot, and had hitherto been peaceable spectators, immediately at-
tacked our people with such a shower of stones, as forced them to
retreat, with great precipitation, and swim off to a rock, at some dis-
tance from the shore. The pinnace was immediately ransacked by
the islanders; and, but for the timely interposition of Pareea, who
seemed to have recovered from the blow, and forgot it at the same
instant, would soon have been entirely demolished. Having driven
away the crowd, he made signs to our people that they might come
and take possession of the pinnace, and that he would endeavour to
get back the things which had been taken out of it. After their de-
parture, he followed them in his canoe, with a midshipman's cap,
and some other trifling articles of the plunder, and, with much ap-

BRITISH COLUxVIBIA 99

parent concern at what had happened, asked if the Orono would kill
him, and whether he would permit him to come on board the next
day? On being assured that he should be well received, he joined
noses (as their custom is) with the officers, in token of friendship,
and paddled over to the village of Kowrowa.

"When Captain Cook was informed of what had passed, he ex-
pressed much uneasiness at it, and as we were returning on board,
'I am afraid,' said he, 'that these people will oblige me to use some
violent measures; for,' he added, 'they must not be left to imagine,
that they have gained an advantage over us.' However, as it was too
late to take any steps this evening he contented himself with giving
orders, that every man and woman on board should be immediately
turned out of the ship. As soon as this order was executed, I returned
on shore; and our former confidence in the natives being now much
abated by the events of the day, I posted a double guard on the
Moral, with orders to call me, if they saw any men lurking about
the beach. At about 1 1 o'clock, five islanders were observed creep-
ing round the bottom of the Moral; thev seemed very cautious in
approaching us, and, at last, finding themselves discovered, retired
out of sight. About midnight, one of them venturing up close to the
observatory, the sentinel fired over him; on which the man fled, and
we passed the remainder of the night without farther disturbance.

"Next morning, at daylight, I went on board the Resolution for
the time-keeper, and, in my way, was hailed by the Discovery, and
informed, that their cutter had been stolen, during the night, from
the buov where it was moored.

"When I arrived on board I found the marines arming and Cap-
tain Cook loading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst 1 was relating
to him wliat had happened to us in the night, he interrupted me,
with some eagerness, and acquainted me with the loss of the Dis-
covery's cutter, and with the preparations he was making for its
recovery. It had been his usual practice, whenever anything of
consequence was lost, at any of the islands in this ocean, to get the
King, or some of the principal Erees, on board, and to keep them
as hostages till i^was restored. This method, which had been always
attended with success, he meant to pursue on the present occasion;
and, at the same time, had given orders to stop all the canoes that
should attempt to leave the bay, with an intention of seizing and
destroying them, if he could not recover the cutter by peaceable

100 BRITISH COLUMBIA

means. Accordingly, the boats of both ships, well manned and
armed, were stationed across the bay; and, before I left the ship,
some great guns had been fired at two large canoes, that were attempt-
ing to make their escape.

"It was between 7 and 8 o'clock when we quitted the ship together ;
Captain Cook in the pinnace, having Mr. Phillips, and nine marines
with him; and myself in the small boat. The last orders I received
from him were, to quiet the minds of the natives, on our side of the
bay, by assuring them, they would not be hurt; to keep my people
together, and to be on my guard. We then parted ; the Captain went
toward Kowrowa, where the King resided; and I proceeded to the
beach. My first care, on going ashore, was to give strict orders to
the marines to remain within the tent, to load their pieces with ball,
and not to quit their arms. Afterward I took a walk to the huts of
old Kaoo, and the priests, and explained to them, as well as I could,
the object of the hostile preparations, which had exceedingly alarmed
them. I found, that they had already heard of the cutter's being
stolen, and I assured them, that though Captain Cook was resolved
to recover it, and to punish the authors of the theft, yet that they, and
the people of the village on our side, need not be under the smallest
apprehension of suffering any evil from us. I desired the priests
to explain this to the people, and to tell them not to be alarmed, but
to continue peaceable and quiet. Kaoo asked me, with great earnest-
ness, if Terreeoboo was to be hurt? I assured him he was not; and
both he and the rest of his brethren seemed much satisfied with this
assurance.

"In the meantime. Captain Cook, having called ofif the launch,
which was stationed at the north point of the bay, and taken it along
with him, proceeded to Kowrowa, and landed with the Lieutenant
and pine marines. He immediately marched into the village, where
he was received with the usual marks of respect; the people pros-
trating themselves before him, and bringing their accustomed offer-
ings of small hogs. Finding that there was no suspicion of his design,
his next step was to inquire for Terreeoboo, and the two boys, his
sons, who had been his constant guests on board the Resolution. In
a short time, the boys returned along with the natives, who had been
sent in search of them, and immediately led Captain Cook to the
house where the King had slept. They found the old man just awoke
from sleep; and, after a short conversation about the loss of the cutter,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 101

from which Captain Cook was convinced that he was in no wise privy
to it, he invited him to return in the boat, and spend the day on board
the Resolution. To this proposal the King readily consented, and
immediately got up to accompany him.

"Things were in this prosperous train, the two boys being already
in the pinnace, and the rest of the party having advanced near the
water-side, when an elderly woman, called Kanee-kabareea, the
mother of the boys, and one of the King's favourite wives, came after
him, and with many tears, and entreaties, besought him not to go on
board. At the same time, two chiefs, who came along with her, laid
hold of him, and insisting that he should go no farther, forced him
to sit down. The natives, who were collecting in prodigious num-
bers along the shore, and had probably been alarmed by the firing
of the great guns, and the appearances of hostility in the bay, began
to throng round Captain Cook and their King. In this situation,
the Lieutenant of marines, observing that his men were huddled
close together in the crowd, and thus incapable of using their arms,
if any occasion should require it, proposed to the Captain, to draw
them up along the rocks, close to the water's edge; and the crowd
readily making way for them to pass, they were drawn up in a line
at the distance of about thirty yards from the place where the King
was sitting.

"All this time, the old King remained on the ground, with the
strongest marks of terror and dejection in his countenance; Captain
Cook, not willing to abandon the object for which he had come on
shore, continuing to urge him, in the most pressing manner, to pro-
ceed ; whilst, on the other hand, whenever the King appeared inclined
to follow him, the chiefs, who stood round him, interposed, at first
with prayers and entreaties, but afterward, having recourse to force
and violence, insisted on his staying where he was. Captain Cook
therefore finding that the alarm had spread too generally, and that
it was in vain to think any longer of getting him off, without blood-
shed, at last gave up the point; observing to Mr. Phillips, that it
would be impossible to compel him to go on board without the risk
of killing a gieat number of the inhabitants.

"Though the enterprise, which had carried Captain Cook on
shore had now failed, and was abandoned, yet his person did not
appear to have been in the least danger, till an accident happened,
which gave a fatal turn to the afTair. The boats, which had been

102 BRITISH COLUMBIA

stationed across the bay, having fired at some canoes, that were at-
tempting to get out, unfortunately had killed a Chief of the first
rank. The news of his death arrived at the village where Captain
Cook was, just as he had left the King, and was walking slowly
toward the shore. The ferment it occasioned was very conspicuous;
the women and children were immediately sent off; and the men put
on their war-mats and armed themselves with spears and stones.
One of the natives, having in his hands a stone, and a long iron spike
(which they call a pabooa) came up to the Captain, flourishing his
weapon, by way of defiance, and threatening to throw the stone. The
Captain desired him to desist; but the man, persisting in his inso-
lence, he was at length provoked to fire a load of small shot. The
man having his mat on, which the shot were not able to penetrate,
this had no other effect than to irritate and encourage them. Sev-
eral stones were thrown at the marines; and one of the Erees at-
tempted to stab Mr. Phillips with his pabooa; but failed in the
attempt, and received from him a blow with the butt end of his
musket. Captain Cook now fired his second barrel, loaded with ball,
and killed one of the foremost of the natives. A general attack
with stones immediately followed, which was answered by a dis-
charge of musketry from the marines and the people in the boats.
The islanders, contrary to the expectations of every one, stood the fire
with great firmness; and before the marines had time to reload, they
broke in upon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed
was a scene of the utmost horror and confusion.

"P'our of the marines were cut off amongst the rocks in their
retreat, and fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three more were
dangerously wounded; and the Lieutenant, who had received a stab
between the shoulders with a pnhooa. having fortunately reserved
his fire, shot the man who had wounded him just as he was going to
repeat his blow. Our unfortunate Commander, the last time he was
seen distinctly, was standing at the water's edge, and calling out to the
boats to cease firing, and to pull in. If it be true, as some of those
w!io were present have imagined, that the marines and boat-men
had fired without his orders, and that he was desirous of preventing
any further bloodshed, it is not improbable that his humanity, on
this occasion, proved fatal to him. For it was remarked, that whilst
he faced the natives, none of them had offered him any violence, but
that having turned about to give his orders to the boats, he was

BRITISH COLUMBIA 103

stabbed in the back and fell with his face into the water. On seeing
him fall, the islanders set up a great shout, and his body was imme-
diately dragged on shore and surrounded by the enemy, who, snatch-
ing the dagger out of each other's hands, showed a savage eagerness
to have a share in his destruction.

''Thus fell our great and excellent Commander! After a life of
so much distinguished and successful enterprise, his death, as far as
regards himself, cannot be reckoned premature; since he lived to
finish the great work for which he seems to have been designed; and
was rather removed from the enjoyment than cut off from the acqui-
sition, of glory. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented, by
those who had so long found their general security in his skill and
conduct, and every consolation, under their hardships, in his tender-
ness and humanity, it is neither necessary nor possible for me to
describe; much less shall I attempt to paint the horror with which
we were struck, and the universal dejection and dismay, which fol-
lowed so dreadful and unexpected a calamity." '

Lieutenant King concludes his eulogy with a brief summary of
Captain Cook's achievements in the cause of science, observing:

"Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from the
labours of a single man, than geography has done from those of
Captain Cook. In his first voyage to the South Seas, he discovered
the Society Islands; determined the insularity of New Zealand;
discovered the straits which separate the two islands, and are called
after his name; and made a complete survey of both. He afterward
explored the Eastern coast of New Holland, hitherto unknown; an
extent of twenty-seven degrees of latitude, or upward of two thousand
miles.

"In his second expedition, he resolved the great problem of a
Southern continent; having traversed that hemisphere between the
latitudes of 40° and 70 ', in such a manner, as not to leave a possibility
of its existence, unless near the pole, and out of tlie reach of naviga-
tion. During this voyage, he discovered New Caledonia, the largest
island in the Southern Pacific, except New Zealand; the island of
Georgia; and an unknown coast, which he named Sandwich Land,
the thulc of the Southern hemisphere; and having twice visited the
tropical seas, he settled the situations of the old, and made several new
discoveries.

104 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"But the voyage we are now relating, is distinguished, above all the
rest, by the extent and importance of its discoveries. Besides several
smaller islands in the Southern Pacific, he discovered, to the North of
the equinoctial line, the group called the Sandwich Islands; which,
from their situation and productions, bid fairer for becoming an
object of consequence, in the system of European navigation, than any
other discovery in the South Sea. He afterward explored what had
hitherto remained unknown of the western coast of America, from
the latitude of 43° to 70° North, containing an extent of three thou-
sand, five hundred miles; ascertained the proximity of the two great
continents of Asia and America; passed the straits between them, and
surveyed the coast, on each side, to such a height of Northern latitude
as to demonstrate the impracticability of a passage, in that hemis-
phere, from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, either by an eastern
or a western course. In short, if we except the sea of Amur, and the
Japanese Archipelago, which still remain imperfectly known to
Europeans, he has completed the hydrography of the habitable
globe."

The .lamentable death of Captain Cook has been described by
Lieutenant King. In his narrative of the expedition after that calam-
ity, King goes on to state that after much parleying and difficulty with
the natives, some of the bones of his commander were recovered,
wrapped up in a cloth. Other parts were brought to the Resolution,
done up in a quantity of fine white cloth, covered with white feathers.
The body had been dismembered by the natives, and the flesh from
each part cut ofif and burned. As trophies of their barbarous act,
the principal chiefs each had received one of the bones, and to re-
cover them. Captain Clerke was compelled to make a display of
force. In fact, several of the natives were killed and many of their
houses burned to the ground before he gained his end. All that re-
mained of Cook, the intrepid and famous navigator, was placed in a
casket and committed to the deep, with military honours.

On the evening of February 22, 1779, the expedition, under com-
mand of Captain Clerke, left the harbour of "Kowrowa," where Cook
was killed, and after having reached the latitude of 69° 34' north,
where solid fields of ice were encountered, Clerke "took a last farewell
of a northeast passage to Old England." Then the expedition was
headed south, and finally, on the 4th day of October, 1780, the ships
arrived at the Nore after an absence from England of four years, two

BIRTHPLACE OP CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
Maitoii, near Middlesborough, Yorkshire, England

THE DEATH OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
From an engraving in the Royal United Service Museum

BRITISH COLUMBIA 105

months and twenty days. The main object, it is scarcely necessary
to relate, had not been accomplished; but the heroic navigators and
explorers took every advantage of their opportunities, and, through
their invaluable services, added greatly to the renown, prestige and
possessions of Great Britain. The commanders of the Resolution
and Discovery, however, never returned. The life of Cook was sud-
denly cut short at the Sandwich Islands, and that of his successor.
Captain Clerke, who had commanded the Discovery, was ended by
that dread disease, consumption, on the 22d of August, 1779, while
in the latitude of 53° 7' north.

The great navigator was of humble origin. He was born at Mar-
ton in the North Riding of York, the 27th of October, 1728. At the
age of eighteen he joined the merchant service, but later entered the
Royal Navy as a volunteer in the capacity of an able seaman. His
diligence, sobriety and strict attention to his duties soon brought him
to the notice of his commanding officers, and by degrees he was pro-
moted through different ranks until 1757 he secured a master's war-
rant. While in the linc-of-battle H. M. S. Pembrc-ke on the North
American station, he carefully surveyed the St. Lawrence before
the famous battle of the Plains of Abraham. Later he surveyed parts
of the coasts of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland to the satisfaction
of his Captain and the Governor of that Colony, both of whom con-
ceived a high opinion of his abilities. A year or two later, in 1768,
Cook was given command of the expedition to the Pacific to ob-
serve the transit of Venus. At the same time he received his Lieu-
tenant's commission. The voyage was successful, and upon his re-
turn to England in 1771 he was gazetted a commander. In the fol-
lowing year he sailed from England in the Resolution, accompa-
nied by the Adventure, upon his great Australasian enterprise. This
voyage attracted such favourable attention that he was promoted to
post captain, the King himself placing the commission in the ex-
plorer's hands. Then followed the voyage, of which a brief descrip-
tion has been given. Perhaps not the least of the benefits he con-
ferred upon humanity was his discovery of a method to preserve
health at sea. Before his voyages, that terrible bane of seamen, the
scurvy, demanded its toll of lives from each vessel that embarked
upon a protracted voyage. Cook, by the exercise of a humane fore-
sight, robbed the disease of its terrors. "

"See Dictionary of Natural Biography; Walbran, British Columliia Coast Names.

106 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Of the men who sailed with Cook upon his second and third voy-
ages, several afterwards became more or less closely identified with
the affairs of the northwest coast. Vancouver, Roberts, Colnett and
Hergest, were midshipmen; Portlock a master's mate, and Dixon an
armorer. John Ledyard, of whom more later, also sailed with Cook.

Perhaps it may not be out of place to insert at the end of this
chapter the last letter written by Captain Cook to the Admiralty.
The letter bears the inscription: "Resolution at the Island of Una-
laschka on the Coast of America in the Latitude of 53' 55' North,
Longitude 192 30' East from Greenwich, the 20th of October

1778."

It reads:

"Sir, Having accidentally met with some Russians who have
promised to put this in a way of being sent to Petersburg, and I
neither have nor intent to visit Kamtschatka as yet, I take this op-
portunity to give their Lordships a short account of my proceedings
from leaving the Cape of Good Hope to this time.

"After leaving the Cape, I, pursuant to their Lordships Instruc-
tions, visited the Islands lately seen by the French, situated between
the Latitude of 48° 41' and 50" South and in the Longitude of 69^2
Et. These Islands abound with good Harbours and fresh water,
but produceth neither Tree nor Shrub and but very little of any
other kind of vegetation. After spending five days on the Coast
thereof, I quitted it on the 30th of December, just touched at Van
Diemen's Land, arrived at Queen Charlotte's Sound in New Zea-
land the 13th February 1777. Left it again on the 2c;th and pushed
for Otaheite, but as we had not been long at sea before we met with
an Easterly wind which continued so long that the season was too
far spent to proceed to the North that year, and at length the want
of water and food for the Cattle I had on board obliged me to bear
away for the Friendly Islands, so that it was August before I ar-
rived at Otaheite. I found that the Spaniards from Callao had been
twice at this Island from the time of mv leaving it in 1774. The
first time they came they left behind them designedly, four Span-
iards who remained upon the Island about two months, but were all
gone some time before mv arrival. Thcv had also brought to and
left on the Island, Goats, Hogs, and Dogs, one Bull, and a Ram, but
never a female of either of these species, so that those I carried and
put on shore there were highly acceptable. They consisted of a Bull

BRITISH COLUMBIA 107

and three Cows, a Ram and five ewes, besides Poultry of four sorts,
and a Horse and a Mare with Omai's. At the Friendly Isles I left
a Bull and a Cow, a Horse and Mare, and some sheep. In which
I flatter myself that the laudable intentions of the King and their
Lordships have been answered.

"I left Omai at Huaheine, quitted the Society Isles the 9th of
December, proceeded to the North and in the Latitude of 22° N.,
Longitude 200 East, fell in with a Groupe of Islands inhabited by
the same Nation as Otaheite and abounding with Hogs and Roots.
After a short stay at these Islands, continued our Route for the Coast
of America, which we made on the 7th of last March, and on the
29th, after enduring several storms, got into a Port in the Latitude
of 49' J North. At this place, besides taking in Wood and Water,
t\\t Resolution was supplied with a new Mizen-Mast, Fore-Topmast,
and her Fore-Mast got out and repaired.

■'I put to Sea again the 26th April, and was no sooner out of
Port, than we were attacked by a violent Storm which was the oc-
casion of so much of the Coast being passe'd unseen. In this Gale
the Resolution sprang a Leak which obliged me to put into a Port
in the Latitude of 61 , Longitude 213° East. In a few days I was
again at Sea, and soon found we were on a Coast where every step
was to be considered, where no information could be had from Maps
either Modern or Ancient; confiding too much in the former we
were frequently misled to our no small hindrance.

■'On an extensive Coast altogether unknown, it may be thought
needless to say that we met with many obstructions before we got
through the Narrow Strait that divides Asia from America, where
the Coast of the latter takes a N. E. direction. I followed it flattered
with the hopes of having at last overcome all difficulties, when on
the 17th of August in the Latitude 70 45', Longitude 198° East, we
were stopped by an impenetrable body of Ice and Iiad so far ad-
vanced bctw^een it and the land before we discovered it that little
was wanting to force us on shore.

"Finding I could no longer proceed along the Coast I tryed
what could be done further out, but the same obstacle everywhere
presented itself, quite over to the Coast of Asia which we made on
the 29th of the same month in tiic Latitude of 68 5:;', Longitude
180'. >^ East. As frost and snow, the forerunners of Winter began

108 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to set in, it was thought too late in the Season to make a further At-
tempt for a Passage this Year in any direction, I therefore steered
to the S. E. along the Coast of Asia, passed the Strait above men-
tioned and then stood over for the American Coast to clear up some
doubts and to search, but in vain, for a Harbour to compleat our
wood and water. Wood is a very scarce article in all these North-
ern parts; except in one place there is none upon the Sea Coast but
what is thrown ashore by the Sea, some of which we got on board
and then proceeded to this place where we had been before to take
in Water. From here 1 intend to proceed to the Sandwich Islands,
that is those discovered in 22° North Latitude, after refreshing there,
return to the North by the way of Kamtschatka, and the ensuing
summer make another and final attempt to find a Northern Pas-
sage, but I must confess I have little hopes of succeeding; Ice, though
an obstacle not easily surmounted is perhaps not the only one in the
way. The Coasts of the two Continents is fiat for some distance otif
and even in the middle between the two the depth of Water is in-
considerable; this, and some other circumstances all tending to prove,
that there is more land in the Frozen Sea than as yet we know of,
where the Ice has its source and that the polar part is far from being
an open Sea.

"There is another discouraging circumstance attending the Navi-
gating these Northern parts, and that is the want of Harbours where
a ship can occasionally retire to secure herself from the Ice or re-
pair any damage she may have sustained. For a more particular
description of the American Coast, I beg leave to refer to the enclosed
Chart which is hastily copied from an original of the same scale.

"The reason of my not going to the Harbour of St. Peter and St.
Paul in Kamtschatka to spend the winter is the great dislike I have
to lay inactive for six or eight months while so large a part of the
Southern Pacific Ocean remains unexplored and the State and Con-
dition of the Ships will allow me to be moving. Sickness has been
little felt in the ships and Scurvy not at all. I have however had the
misfortune to lose Mr. Anderson, my Surgeon, who died of a linger-
ing consumption two months ago, and one man some time before of
the Dropsy, and Captain Clerke had one drowned by accident, which
are all we have lost since we left the Cape of Good Hope.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 109

"Stores and Provisions we have enough for twelve months, and
longer, without a supply of both it will hardly be possible for us to
remain in these Seas, but whatever time we do remain shall be spent
in the improvement of Geography and Navigation by
"Sir, your most obedient
and most humble Servant
"James Cook."

CHAPTER VI
THE MARITIME FURTRADERS

The latter half of the eighteenth century, like that of the sixteenth,
exhibited great enterprise in the discovery of new lands, and com-
mercial activity in the extension of trade to the distant and then lit-
tle known parts of the world. But unlike the earlier period, when
the eyes of the great merchant adventurers of England were turned
almost entirely to the eastern shores of North America, and the dis-
covery of a passage by the North West through the Frozen Sea to the
supposed Eldorado of the great Southern Ocean, attention had
become centred upon the more recently discovered islands of the
South Pacific and the valuable fur trade carried on between China
'' and the storm and mist bound coasts of North West America. The
merchants of almost every important seaport in the kingdom, in
friendly rivalry to the numerous government expeditions, vied with
each other in fitting out ships under the command of skilled seamen,
of whom there was no lack. Trade was the primary object, of course,
but all or nearly all of these private expeditions were fortified with
instructions that no opportunity was to be lost of making fresh dis-
coveries of new islands or continents, which might bring honour and
wealth to themselves and add lustre to the vast and rapidly extending
Empire.

It must not be thought, however, that British merchants were the
only ones to seek honour and fortune in the new field. On the con-
trary, from the very beginning they met with vigorous competition
from the adventurers of other nations, the enterprising traders of the
United States of America, who carried the flag of their nation into
all seas, being notably active in their opposition. Tt is just such com-
mercial and exploring expeditions as these that are now to come
under review. They accomplished a great deal, and added not a
little to the complicated international disputes of a later day respect-
Ill

112 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ing the territorial jurisdictions, of the several countries concerned in
the division of North West America.

The student of history will be familiar with the manner in which
one era is succeeded by another. A movement, fraught with far-
reaching consequences, and bringing in its train a whole assortment
of political and economic changes, may at first attract but little atten-
tion. Then by degrees it grows and gathers momentum until a new
power is born that with irresistible force sweeps aside old ideas and
pre-conceived notions. Again a sudden acquisition of knowledge
from one source or another may cause a revolutionary change of atti-
tude towards a theory or a country. Even so it was with the vast and
hitherto unknown region of North West America. Captain Cook
had set out to solve the great geographical problem of the age, but,
strange to say, it was not so much his contribution to the solution of
that problem as his discovery of a country rich in fur that invited
public attention to his third and last voyage. It is an ironical com-
ment upon the ambition of man that it often happens that chance dis-
coveries — the by-product of scientific investigation — exercise a more
potent influence in the affairs of the world than the results of years
of laborious research.

In the course of their protracted visit to Nootka Sound and
Alaska, the officers and men of the Resolution and Discovery fre-
quently bartered with the natives for the furs in which these coasts
then abounded, giving in exchange therefor pieces of metal and
trinkets of small value. The men had no idea at all of the worth of
the skins and used them as bed clothes, or for other odd purposes.
Sometimes they even patched their jackets and breeches or kilts with
the costly fur of the sea-otter. Naturally enough, after such hard
usage, many of the skins were in poor condition when the ships
reached Macao on their homeward voyage. Nevertheless, the Chi-
nese merchants of that port, to the great astonishment of the sailors,
eagerly bargained for the remnants. One of the seamen sold his
stock for no less than eight hundred dollars (Chinese) ; and a few
prime skins which had been carefully preserved were sold for one
hundred and twentv dollars apiece. "The whole amount of the
value," says Lieutenant King, "in specie and goods, that was got for
the furs, in both ships, I am confident, did not fall far short of two
thousand pounds sterling; and it was generally supposed, that at
least two-thirds of the quantity we have originally got from the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 113

Americans, were spoiled and worn out, or iiad been given away, and
otherwise disposed of, in Kamtschatka." Lieutenant King concludes
his remarks with the significant observation that "the advantages that
might be derived from a voyage to that part of the American coast,
undertaken with commercial views, appear to me of a degree of im-
portance sufficient to call for the attention of the Public."

In spite of their long and arduous voyage, the crews of the
Ri'solution and Discovery wished to return at once to Cook's Inlet
to purchase more skins. In fact Lieutenant King goes so far as to
say that "The rage with which our seamen were possessed to return
to Cook's River . . . was not far short of mutiny." The com-
mander himself was scarcely less excited than his men over the dis-
covery of the high esteem in which the beautiful fur of the sea-otter
was held by the wealthy merchants of Canton. He devotes two or
three pages of his journal to a plan for establishing a fur-trade in
the North Pacific, between the American coast and China, by means
of the East-India Company, which still enjoyed its monopoly.

Before Captain Cook's expedition returned to England war had
been declared between Great Britain and France and Spain. It was
not considered, therefore, an opportune time for the publication of
the results of the voyage. In 1783, however, the war was brought
to an end by the treaty of Versailles and the monumental work on
the great circumnavigator's scientific investigations appeared in the
following year. It is not too much to say, perhaps, that with the
appearance of these quarto volumes and their accompanying folio
of charts and sketches, a new era dawned for the territories border-
ing on the North Pacific. It is true that an account of the voyage by
the assistant surgeon, W. Ellis, had been printed in England in 1782,
and a shorter one by John Ledyard in the United States in 1783, but
neither of these books can be compared to the official edition, which
is one of the great classics of the literature of British seamanship.
The work was translated into many languages and reprinted in all
of the leading countries of Europe.

Although the officers and men of the Resolution and Discovery
were, by order of the Admiralty, enjoined to secrecy with regard
to their discoveries on the Northwest Coast, and their diaries were
taken from them as a further precaution in that direction, yet it seems
that they did not keep the news to themselves. It would be too much
to expect, perhaps, that the men should refrain from recounting their

114 BRITISH COLUMBIA

adventures, in which the eagerness of the Chinese merchants to pur-
chase the fur of the sea-otter played so important a part. They
would have been more than human, if not even a whisper had escaped
theiji upon such a fascinating subject. At any rate it is likely that
before the famous volumes entitled "Voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
undertaken by command of His Majesty, for making Discoveries in
the Northern Hemisphere,"' were given to the world, the exploitation
of the northwest coast had already become a topic of discussion
amongst adventurers. It was not, however, until the official account
of Cook's third and last voyage appeared in 1784 that the new field
for commercial enterprise attracted world-wide attention. Then
private enterprise conceived and carried into efifect the commercial
voyages which in the course of a few years gave a new direction to
the ififairs of the North Pacific. The operations of the furtraders
not only added largely to the world's store of geographical knowl-
edge by bringing an unknown region into prominence, but thev also
gave bone and sinew to the various contentions of Great Britain,
Russia, Spain and the United States in the boundary disputes of a
later period.

It may be as well at this point to define the region in which the
furtraders carried on their operations and levied their tribute. The
field extended from the coast of California in the south to the Alaskan
posts of the Russians in the north, along a continuous coast line two
thousand miles or more in length, of which the historian of British
Columbia is more particularly concerned with that part which
stretches from the mouth of the Columbia River to the Portland
Canal. The southern part of this particular section of the seaboard
is singularly devoid of headlands, harbours, and inlets, while the
northern part of it is marked with peculiar and distinctive geographi-
cal features. From the mouth of the Columbia River to the entrance
to the Straits of Juan de Fuca the coast extends in an almost unbroken
line; but from that point to Cross Strait in Alaska the coast is deeply
indented by a continuous succession of spacious inlets communicating
with narrow fiords which run far into the continent.

There is another remarkable feature of the coast between the
forty-eighth and fifty-ninth parallels of north latitude. The con-
tinental shore is effectually masked by groups of large and small
islands which are threaded by a network of intricate channels and
passages. These innumerable islands and inlets became the favourite

BRITISH COLUMBIA 115

hunting ground of the furtrader, who poked the prow of his little
vessel into every bay and harbour in his search for Indian villages
from which might be obtained the furs he so greatly coveted. Thus
the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Barkley Sound, Clayoquot Sound, Nootka
Sound, Kyuquot Sound, Quatsino Sound, Queen Charlotte's Sound,
Fitzhugh Sound, Millbank Sound, Chatham Sound, and Dixon
Entrance soon became well-known. The long fiords and intricate
channels to which the larger passages gave access, were also explored
to some extent.

In fine, the Northwest Coast suddenly became the scene of a keen
commercial rivalry, in the course of which the competitors suffered
many hardships and braved many dangers, all for the sake of the rich
fur of the sea-otter, so highlv prized by the mandarins of China.
Adventurers of many nations foregathered here to pit their wits
against the native Indian and against each other. Nor was the trade
conducted without loss of life and property, it is true that tiie
natives were generally more or less amenable, nevertheless, many
tragic incidents occurred before the sea-otter was extirpated in
that (]uarter. The natives seized several vessels and in the literature
of the Coast one mav read the gruesome details of these incidents.
Tlie piratical attempts of the Indians, which it must be confessed
were in some instances provoked by the callous behaviour of tiic fur-
traders themselves, were followed bv reprisals in w hich manv natives
were killed.

.As the adventurer sailed up and down the coast he found harbours
and anchorages, of which he drew rough charts for his own guidance,
or fgr the information of his employers. His sketches, however, u ere
not always calculated to throw light on the situation, for if the truth
were told, the rival traders generally desired to keep to themselves
the exact position of villages noted for their yield of skins, in tiie
keen compctiti(jn of those exciting days, the furtrader even went
out of his way to mislead his competitors, a fact which is noted in
John Meares' Voyage. "S'et in spite of the petty rivalries of indi-
viduals and the haphazard method of precedurc, the furtrading
period was productive of a large assortment of local charts, which
are interesting today because they reveal the movements of the mer-
chant adventurers and their intimate knowledge of certain parts of
the coast. The careful survey of Captain Vancouver, however, soon
superseded the sporadic efiforts of the individual and the maps of the

116 BRITISH COLUMBIA

furtrader have long since been forgotten. But the charts gathered
together and published from time to time by Alexander Dalrymple,
hydrographer to the Admiralty, prove conclusively that the trader
bore his part in the work of exploration. Captain Vancouver him-
self on more than one occasion acknowledged his indebtedness to the
early adventurers.

While treating of the scene of the furtraders' feuds and activities,
it should be mentioned that of the large islands which form so
conspicuous a feature of the Northwest Coast, with the exception of
Vancouver Island, none attracted so much attention as the Queen
Charlotte Islands, so named at this time. The peculiarly prominent
position of that important group naturally led to its early discovery
and the immediate exploitation of its fur resources. Moresby, Gra-
ham, and Kunghit Islands proved a fruitful source of wealth, as is
attested by the log of more than one vessel. The capes, bays, and
inlets of the Queen Charlotte Islands bear mute testimony to the work
of the furtrader, for many of them were named by him or in his
honour. Likewise, the nomenclature of the continental coast and its
fringe of islands recalls the stirring events of those early days. In-
deed, the names bestowed by the furtrader upon the headlands, bays,
and islands of the Northwest Coast serve to commemorate an extra-
ordinarily active and intensely interesting era in the annals of that
region. As a matter of fact, some scattered names, a few pamphlets
and charts, and a smaller number of bulky volumes of exploration,
are the only monuments to the prowess of the adventurer. Unre-
garded and forgotten as it now is, that prowess is memorable because
it illustrates the indomitable spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, and be-
cause it shows in a peculiarly instructive manner what the British
Empire owes to private enterprise.

Owing to the great distance between European ports and the
Northwest Coast, the earliest expedition started from China, and it is
a fact of some interest that that country was brought into touch with
North America by means of the furtrade. China afforded the most
lucrative market for the furs obtained on the American coast and
Chinese sailors and artisans were employed on some of the vessels.
Several expeditions sailed from Canton and Macao. Before long,
however, the shipping houses of the leading British ports, notably
London and Bristol, and some of the merchants of the Atlantic sea-
ports of the United States, particularly those of the Port of Boston,

oMAJ^ry\^f)A^

Eneravcd by llldley, from an original dniwlng by John liicuvn.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 117

determined to exploit the new Held. In the last quarter of the eight-
eenth century many ships sailed from Great Britain and from the
New England States for the North Pacific.

The first expedition to the region under discussion sailed from
China under Captain James Hanna, who commanded a small brig
of sixty tons, carrying a crew of thirty men. The brig left the Typa
in April, 1785, and reached Nootka in August of the same year. Cap-
tain George Dixon is the authority for the statement that soon after
the arrival of the brig at Nootka the natives attempted to board her
in open day. In the fray that followed many of the natives were
killed. Apparently this lesson was not lost upon the Nootkans, 'for
they afterwards traded quietly and peaceably. It is said that Captain
Hanna procured a valuable cargo of furs, though his profits are not
known. He left Nootka towards the end of September and reached
Macao in December. The furs were sold at Canton in March, 1786,
for a little more than $20,000. So it may be reckoned that the first
trading voyage was successful. The accounts of the venture are so
meagre that it is difficult to say exactly what places were visited by
Captain Hanna. Apparently he did most of his trading at or in the
vicinity of Nootka.

While Captain Hanna's voyage of 1785 is the first of which there
is any authentic record, it was not the first to be proposed. Captain
Dixon of the Queen Charlotte relates that as early as the year 1781^ —
Cook's expedition returned in 1780 — one William Bolts fitted out the
Cobenzell, an armed ship of seven hundred tons, for the Northwest
Coast of America. According to the arrangements made, she was to
have sailed from Trieste, accompanied by a tender of forty-five tons.
The vessel was fitted out for both trade and discovery. Men of high
scientific attainments were engaged for the expedition and the courts
of Europe were approached with a view of securing a safe pass-port
for these vessels and a good reception at foreign ports. Unfortu-
nately, the venture was "overturned by a set of interested men, then
in power at Vienna." Portlock and Dixon's veiled allusions to this
expedition contain all the published information on the subject.

In May, 1786, Captain Hanna again sailed from Macao, this time
in the Sea Otter, of one hundred and twenty tons. He reached Nootka
Sound in August, nnlv to find that he had been preceded by Captain
Lowric and Captain Guise, in command of the Captain Cook of three
hundred tons and the snow Experiment of one hundred tons, fitted

118 ' BRITISH COLUMBIA

out in Bombay. These vessels reached Nootka towards the end of
June, 1786, proceeding thence to Prince William Sound. After a
short stay there Lowrie and Guise sailed for Macao. Hanna's sec-
ond venture was not by any means so profitable as his hrst, for upon
this occasion he procured but one hundred whole sea-otter skins and
three hundred odd pieces. The furs were sold at Macao on the 8th
of February, 1787, for eight thousand dollars, a poor return upon the
time and money invested in the enterprise.

Lowrie and Guise were more successful, obtaining six hundred
and four skins and odd pieces of fur, which fetched $24,000 in China,
or an average of forty dollars each. Apparently nearly all of the
skins were obtained at Nootka. John M'Key, the surgeon of the
e.xpedition, was left at that port for the purpose of recruiting his
health and ''to learn the language and to ingratiate himself with the
natives so that if any other vessels should touch there he might pre-
vent them from purchasing any furs." M'Key, as far as is known,
was the first European to live among the Indians of the Northwest
Coast for any length of time. Hanna found him here and offered
him a passage in the Sen Otter, which he refused, on the score that he
had begun to relish dried fish and whale oil, and was so satisfied with
the life that he was perfectly contented to stay until the following
vear. M'Key soon had cause to regret his decision, however, for no
sooner had Captain Hanna left the Sound than the natives stripped
him of his clothes and forced him to adopt "their mode of dress and
filthiness of manners." From the accounts of the episode which have
survived, it appears that he was an apt pupil. Mr. Etches, of whom
more will be heard presently, told Captain Dixon that M'Key "was
equally slovenly and dirty with the filthiest of them all." In the
course of his sojourn at Nootka this eccentric man is said to have
mastered the native language and gained an intimate knowledge of
the temper and disposition of the natives, which presently served him
in good stead. It is worth remembering that M'Key penetrated the
country behind Nootka Sound, and that from the reports of the
natives and the knowledge he had gathered on his several excursions
he came to the conclusion that no part of the Nootka Sound coun-
try "was the continent of America, but a chain of detached islands."
Apparentlv, the Indians were aware of the insular character of their
countrv, a fact which was not established by Europeans until the
year 1792, when Captain Vancouver circumnavigated the large island

BRITISH COLUMBIA 119

which he named Quadra and Vancouver to commemorate his con-
ference with Senor Bodega y Quadra at No(Jtka Sound. It is only
fair to add that it is recorded in Dixon's voyage that Etches averred
that no great dependence could be placed on M'Key's story, as he
was "a very ignorant young fellow," but in the light of later events
there seems no reason to distrust M'Key on this point. At any rate,
his story is interesting, because no doubt it helped to inspire John
Meares' "butter pat map," the history of which will be recorded
presently.

Another expedition -of this early period w-as that of Captain
Peters in the Lark, a snow of two hundred and twenty tons and a
crew of forty men. The expedition sailed from Macao in July, 1786,
with orders to make the Northwest Coast by way of Kamchatka.
Captain Peters' voyage ended disastrously, for the vessel w^as lost on
Copper Island, only two of the crew being saved.

Of the earliest expeditions, that commanded by Captain Bark-
ley of the British trading ship Imperial Eagle is deserving of more
than passing notice. Captain Walbran, in his valuable work "Brit-
ish Columbia Coast Names," gives a brief but interesting account
of this expedition. The Imperial Eagle, formerly the East India-
man Loudoun, a fine vessel of four hundred tons, ship-rigged and
mounting twenty guns, sailed under Austrian colours to obviate the
necessity of procuring a license from the East India Company, which,
under the provisions of its charter that corporation had the right to
demand from British merchants. Captain Barkley, who was only
twenty-five years of age, had invested three thousand pounds in the
venture. The ship sailed from the Thames in August, 1786, for Ost-
end, where she hoisted the Austrian colours. Here Captain Barkley
met and married Miss Frances Hornby Trevor, then seventeen years
of age. Mrs. Barkley, who accompanied her husband, was the first
white woman to visit the Northwest Coast. Her lively and enter-
taining diary, which has been preserved to this day, is an important
source of historical information. Captain Barkley arrived at Nootka
Sound in June, 1787, where a large number of sea-otter skins were
soon obtained, largely through the aforesaid M'Key's assistance.

On leaving Nootka Captain Barkley entered and named Bark-
ley Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island. Frances and
Hornby Peaks were so called after his wife, Cape Beale after the
purser of the Imperial Eagle, and the young commander also named

120 BRITISH COLUMBIA

many other places in this great inlet. Of these names, "Cape Beale"
and "Barkley Sound" are the only ones to be found on modern maps.

Continuing his voyage in a southeasterly direction Captain Bark-
ley made an important discovery, aptly described by Mrs. Barkley
as "A large opening extending to the eastward, the entrance of which
appeared to be about four leagues vvide and remained about that
width as far as the eye could see, with a clear easterly horizon, which
my husband immediately recognized as the Strait of Juan de Fuca,
and to which we gave the name of the original discoverer, my hus-
band placing it on his chart."

Shortly after the discovery of the entrance to the Strait of Juan
de Fuca a tragic accident befell a boat's crew of the Imperial Eagle,
all of whom were killed by the natives near the spot named Martyr's
Point by the Spaniards to commemorate a similar occurrence of an
earlier day. The island near by was named Destruction Island —
the Isla de Dolores of Bodega y Quadra. Thence the Imperial Eagle
proceeded to China, where her cargo of eight hundred furs was sold
for thirty thousand dollars.

In 1792 Captain Barkley, again accompanied by his wife, returned
to the coast in the Brig Halcyon. But this time he did not proceed
farther south than Norfolk Sound, now called Sitka. Captain Wal-
bran records, upon the authority of Mrs. Barkley's journal, that sub-
sequently the Halcyon was stolen by a man in whose charge she had
been placed; but, strange to say, Captain Barkley found and recov-
ered his vessel in Boston several years later.

It was at this time that the notorious John Meares made his first
appearance on the coast. He had been in the Royal Navy, attain-
ing the rank of lieutenant in 1778. Upon the conclusion in 1783 of
the war between Great Britain and Spain and France, he retired from
the service to take command of a merchant ship on a voyage to India.
While at Calcutta Meares conceived the project of forming a com-
pany to engage in the furtrade on the American coast. In com-
mon with many adventurers of that age, he was spurred to activity
by the glittering prophesies, concerning the future of this commerce,
which obtained currency immediately after the publication of Cook's
Voyage. Having purchased the Nootka of two hundred tons and
the Sea Otter of one hundred tons, preparations were forthwith made
to carry the design into execution. Meares himself took command
of the Nootka, and William Tipping, who had also been a lieutenant

•/3

BRITISH COLUMBIA 121

•in the Royal Navy, commanded the Sea Otter. The Nootka sailed
on the second of March, and after an unusually tedious voyage arrived
at a Russian settlement in Unalaska, of which an interesting descrip-
tion is given in Meares' journal. Sailing thence on the 20th of
August, the Nootka anchored in Captain Cook's Snug Corner Cove
in Prince William Sound, where the Sea Otter was to meet her con-
sort. Tipping had made this inlet earlier in the season, and he left
the port before Meares' arrival. The Sea Otter was never heard of
again, and it is all too evident that she was lost at sea with all hands.
As the winter had already set in and it being considered inadvisable
to run for the Sandwich Islands, Meares determined to spend "an
inhospitable winter" in Prince William Sound. Accordingly the
Nootka was moved to a good harbour some fifteen miles distant from
Snug Corner Cove, where every preparation was made for the winter.
In the meantime the natives made their appearance, but they had few
skins, so after all nothing was gained by wintering in the North.

Meares gives a vivid description of the situation of the vessels at
this time. "While" he says, "we were thus locked in, as it were, from
the chearful light of day, and the vivifying warmth of solar rays, —
no other comforts presented themselves to compensate in any degree,
for the scene of desolation which encircled us. — While the tremendous
mountains forbade almost a sight of the sky, and cast their nocturnal
shadows over us in the midst of day, the land was impenetrable from
the depth of snow, so that we were excluded from all hopes of any
recreation, support or comfort, during the winter, but what could
be found in the ship and ourselves." But this was only the begin-
ning of the troubles of the unfortunate men cooped up in the Nootka.

The vessel was no longer capable of resisting the intense cold,
and frost stood an inch thick below the deck. Then, as if this were
not enough, an acute form of scurvv attacked the crew, and before
long no less than twenty-three men, including the surgeon, were con-
fined to their beds. The disorder became so virulent that before the
weather changed there was scarcelv a healthv man on board. Then
the surgeon died and the survivors were deprived of medical aid.
Meares gives a pathetic account of the expedition at this time.
'Everv advantage," he writes in his journal, "the sick could receive
from the most tender and vigilant attention, they receiveii from my-
self, the first officer and a seaman, who were yet in a state to do tliom
that service. But still we continued to see and lament a gradual

122 BRITISH COLUMBIA

diminution of our crew from this terrible disorder. Too often did I
find myself called to assist in performing the dreadful office of drag-
ging the dead bodies across the ice, to a shallow sepulcher which our
own hands had hewn out for them on the shore. The sledge on which
we fetched the wood was their hearse and the chasms in the ice their
grave."

So the winter wore away to the accompaniment of death and dis-
aster. At last spring returned and with it came relief in the Queen
Charlotte from London, under the command of Captain George
Dixon, who had been informed of Meares' predicament by the natives.
Meares says that Captain Dixon was welcomed "as a guardian angel,
with tears of joy." The Queen Charlotte was joined presently by
her consort the Kiny George, under Captain Portlock.

Captain Portlock and Captain Dixon did all that they could to
assist the unfortunate crew of the Nootka, the former allowing two
of his men to ship on board the Nootka to help her emaciated crew
in navigating the vessel.

Strange as it may seem, this meeting, fortunate as it was for the
Nootka, gave rise to a heated controversy between Meares and Dixon,
which found expression in a series of pamphlets and letters which
were later published in England. Among other things, Dixon said
that the scurvy had been aggravated by drunkenness, an assertion
which Meares contradicted with some heat. Mutual recriminations
followed thick and fast, in the course of which Dixon compared
Meares' map of the coast to "an old wife's butter pat." It appears
that in return for the assistance rendered him, Meares was expected
to return at once to China, leaving the coast to Portlock and Dixon.
But Meares carried on a profitable trade on his voyage southward.

The Nootka set sail from the Sound on the 21st of June to the
"infinite joy of her crew," of whom no less than twenty-three had died
from exposure and scurvy in the course of the winter. After spend-
ing a month in the Sandwich Islands, Meares sailed for China, arriv-
ing at Macao on the 20th of October, 1787.

The enterprise was disastrous in many respects, but the failure
did not dampen Meares' ardour, for in the following year he organ-
ized another expedition, having Nootka for its objective point.

Meares' first voyage, with all its hardships and privations, is
typical of the furtrading expeditions, although few of them were
so unfortunate as that which sailed in the Nootka.

BRITISH COLUMBIA m

The iie\t voyage to deserve attention is that of Captains Portlock.
and Dixon in the King George and Queen Charlotte, the same vessels
that found Meares in such a perilous situation in Prince William
Sound. That expedition was among the first to sail from lingland
for the new field, all of the ships previously mentioned, with the
exception of the Imperial Eagle, having sailed from China or India.
The enterprise was conceived in a broad and liberal spirit, for mone-
tary profit was not the sole aim of the promoters, who hoped to add
to the world's store of scientific knowledge, both in discovery and
the gathering of information respecting the fauna and flora of the
Northwest Coast of North America.

The novelty of the enterprise attracted the attention of Sir Joseph
Banks, Lord Mulgrave and other prominent men. The Secretary of
the Treasury named the larger vessel, a ship of three hundred and
twenty tons, the King George, and the smaller one, a snow of two
hundred tons, the Queen Charlotte. Richard Cadman Etches seems
to have been the moving spirit in the enterprise. He and other trad-
ers entered into a partnership, under the title of the King George's
Sound Company, the object of which was to promote trade in fur
between the west coast of America and China. A license was
obtained from the South Sea Company, which corporation still levied
tribute upon British merchants under the provisions of its monopo-
listic charter. A similar license was also procured from the P2ast
India Company. It will be recalled that George Dixon had sailed
with Captain Cook as armourer of the Discovery, while Portlock had
also served under that famous officer as master's mate.

The vessels sailed from London on the 29th of August anil from
the Downs on the 2d of September, ijHc;. They doubled the
Cape of Good Hope and arrived at Cook's River in July of the fol-
lowing year. After wintering at the Sandwich Islands in accordance
with the general practice of the early traders, Portlock and Di.xon
again sailed for the Northwest Coast, where they found the \ootka,
as related. After trading in the vicinity of Prince 'William Sound,
the vessels separated in order to cover as much territory as possible.
Dixon left the Hazy Islands towards the end of June and two or three
days later crossed the entrance to the large opening afterwards named
in his honour bv Sir Joseph Banks. Leaving North Island, the
Queen Charlotte hugged the west coast of the Queen Charlotte
group. Of the names which appear on Dixon's maps, North Island,

124 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Cloak Bay, Hippa Island, and Cape St. James still survive. Round-
ing the southern extremity of the group on the 25th day of July, 1787,
Dixon continued his voyage northward along the eastern shore, until
he sighted the high mountains which had been seen when crossing
the Sound that separates the Queen Charlotte Islands from the Prince
of Wales archipelago. ''This circumstance," writes the author of
Dixon's voyage, "clearly proved, the land we had been coasting along
for near a month, to be a group of islands," which were accordingly
named The Queen Charlotte's Isles after Dixon's ship the Queen
Charlotte.

From the pages of Dixon's journal, published in the form of a
series of letters, one may gather an idea of the manner in which the
furtrade was conducted. Thus it is recorded in the journal, under
the date of July 2, 1787, while the Queen Charlotte was off Cloak
Bay, that:

"A scene now commenced, which absolutely beggars all descrip-
tion, and with which we were so overjoyed, that we could scarcely
believe the evidence of our senses. There were ten canoes about the
ship, which contained as nearly as I could estimate, 120 people;
many of them brought most beautiful beaver cloaks; others excellent
skins, and, in short, none came empty handed, and the rapidity with
which they fold them was a circumstance additionally pleasing; they
fairly quarelled with each other about which should sell his cloak
first, and some actually threw their furs on board, if nobody was at
hand to receive them; but we took particular care to let none go
from the vessel unpaid. Toes were almost the only article we bar-
tered with on this occasion and indeed they were taken so very
eagerly, that there was not the least occasion to ofifer anything else.
In less than half an hour we purchased near 300 sea otter skins, of
an excellent quality; a circumstance which greatly raised our spirits,
and the more, as both the number of fine furs, and the avidity of the
natives in parting with them were convincing proofs, that no traffic
whatever had recently been carried on near this place, and conse-
quently we might expect a continuation of this plentiful commerce.
That you may form some idea of the cloaks we purchased here, T
shall just observe that they generally contain three good sea otter
skins, one of which is cut in two pieces, afterwards they are neatly
sewed together, so as to form a square and are loosely tied about the
shoulders with small leather strings fastened on each side."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 125

Continuing the voyage Dixon noticed and named Hippa Island,
off which he shortened sail in order to allow the natives to come
up with the vessel. Hippa Island is described as having "a very
singular appearance, and on examining it nearer, we plainly per-
ceived that they (the natives) lived on a small island and well
fortified after the manner of a hippah, on which account we distin-
guished this place by the name of Hippah Island." The fortifica-
tion was evidently well placed, for, says the journal, the access
to it from the beach is steep and difficult of access, while the other
sides were barricaded with pines, brushwood and fences of rails and
boards, which rendered the stronghold almost impregnable.

The journal devotes many pages to a description of the manners
and customs of the Indians met with in this quarter, but these ob-
servations are of more interest to the ethnologist than to the historian.
It may be said in passing, however, that of the peculiar customs of
these people none excited as much curiosity as the labrette, or lip
ornament, of the women of the Queen Charlotte Islands, which is
frequently mentioned in the journals of the traders. Captain Dixon
was anxious to purchase one of these extraordinary ornaments, but
the old woman to whom it belonged refused to part with it. Article
after article was offered, only to be rejected. At last however, one
of the sailors happened to show "the old lady," a few bright buttons,
which caught her fancy, and in the end, she willingly parted with
her cherished possession, which measured three and seven-eighths
inches long by two and five-eighths inches. It was inlaid with a
small pearly shell and decorated with a rim of copper.

In conversation with an old chief, the author of the journal gath-
ered that the natives were addicted to cannibalism, though he is care-
ful to add that he did not understand the chief clearly enough to
assert "positively" that the warriors slain in battle were eaten by the
victors — "yet there is every reason to fear that this horrid custom
is practiced on this part of the coast." As a matter of fact it is highly
unlikely that cannibalism was practiced by any of the natives of the
Northwest Coast. It is true that it is asserted in more than one diary
that the custom prevailed, but the idea seems to have arisen from a
wrong conception of certain ceremonial rites.

Each tribe of the Queen Charlotte Islands was governed by its
respective chief, but the family occupied an important place in the
social organization of these primitive peoples. Here as elsewhere

126 BRITISH COLUMBIA

on the coast the chief usually traded for the whole tribe, but it does
not appear that he had the right to dispose of articles without the
consent of the owners. Sometimes the women did the bargaining.
The journal concludes an interesting account of the natives with the
following passage:

"In addition to what I have occasionally said, respecting the sav-
age temper and brutal disposition of the people of these Islands, I
cannot help remarking, that there is a kind of ferocity even in their
manner of singing. It must be allowed, that their songs, are per-
formed with regularity, and in good time, but they are entirely des-
titute of that pleasing modulation and harmony of cadence, which
we had invariably been accustomed to hear in the songs at other parts
of the coast."

The voyage was commercially successful, no less than one thou-
sand, eight hundred and twenty-one sea-otter skins being obtained
at the Queen Charlotte Islands. It was not always an easy matter to
please the natives, because, "so great a number of traders required
a variety of trade, and we were frequently obliged to produce every
article before we could please our numerous friends." That the
traders were more than pleased with the result of their operations
in this particular quarter is proved by an entry in the journal which
runs: "Thus in one fortunate month has our success been much
greater than that probably of both vessels during the rest of the voy-
age — So uncertain is the fur trade on this inhospitable coast.''

Leaving the Queen Charlotte Islands, the Queen Charlotte sailed
for Nootka Sound, and on August 8th she spoke the Prince of
JVales, Captain Colnett. and the Princess Royal, Captain Duncan,
these vessels having sailed from England in September, 1786. Mr.
John Etches (brother of Richard Cadman Etches), who was on
board the Prince of IFales. informed Dixon that they had spent a
month in Nootka but had done very little business, as Captain Bark-
ley in the Imperial Eagle had arrived there before them. This in-
telligence caused Di.xon to change his plans and he accordingly
sailed for China by way of the Sandwich Islands. Dixon arrived in
England in September, 1788, and in the following year published the
account of his voyage written by his supercargo, William Beresford.

Meanwhile Captain Portlock having cruised along the North-
west Coast, sailed for China. Portlock and Dixon were very suc-
cessful, having been fortunate enough to acquire between them no

BRITISH COLUMBIA 127

less than two thousand, five hundred and fifty-two skins, which
realised $54,857 in China.

The published accounts of this expedition give much valuable
information respecting the furtrade as it was conducted in the early
days, and the charts of the commanders contributed not a little to
geographical knowledge. Portlock also published a narrative which
was dedicated to King George 111. Of the two works, ' Captain
Dixon's is the more valuable, chiefly because of its interesting
description of the Queen Charlotte Islands.

It would be impossible to give an extended account of all the
voyages to the Northwest Coast which by this time had become a
favourite haunt of many adventurers, but no history of the furtrad-
ing era could be complete did it not contain some reference to the
second voyage of John Aleares, who achieved a unique distinction in
the annals of Northwestern America. Undaunted by his first expe-
rience, this worthy had no sooner returned to China than he set about
the organization of that expedition which was destined to alter not
only the whole trend of political events at that period but also the
future of international politics. In January, 1788, JMeares purchased
and fitted out two vessels, named respectively, the Felice and the
Iphif/eniti, the former of two hundred and thirty tons, the latter of
two hundred tons burden. Meares commanded the Felice, while
the command of the Iphiijenia was given to Captain Douglas, who
had already visited the coast of America. The crews consisted of
Europeans and Chinese, the latter being shipped as an experiment.
Meares' remarks upon the characteristics of the Chinese, although
written so long ago, are not without practical interest even in their
latter day application. "They have," he says, "been generally
esteemed an hardy and industrious, as well as an ingenious race of
people; they live on fish and rice, and, requiring but low wages, it
is a matter also of economical consideration to employ them; and
during the whole of the voyage there was every reason to be satisfied
with their services. If hereafter trading posts should be established
on the American coast a colony of this kind would be a very im-
portant acquisition." Meares continues: "A much greater num-
ber of Chinese solicited to enter this service than could be received;
and so far did the spirit of enterprise influence them, that those they
were under the necessity of refusing gave the most unequivocal marks
of mortification and disappointment. From the many who offered

128 BRITISH COLUMBIA

themselves, fifty were selected as fully sufficient for the purposes of
the voyage; they were, as has been already observed, chiefly handi-
craftmen of various kinds, with a small proportion of sailors who
had been used to the junks which navigated every part of the Chinese
Seas."

The object of the expedition was to establish a factory or base at
Nootka Sound, where a small vessel was to be built for the coasting
trade.

On the evening of January izd, 1788, the Felice sailed from
the Typa. After visiting the Sandwich Islands a course was
laid for the Northwest Coast of America and on the 13th day of
May after a stormy voyage, the Felice "happily anchored in Friendly
Cove, in King George's Sound, abreast of the village of Nootka, in
four fathoms of water, and within a hundred yards of the shore; after
a passage of three months and twenty-three days from China." A
large concourse of natives welcomed the vessels and in a short time
the ship was surrounded with a great number of canoes, filled with
men, women, and children. Comekcla, a native of Nootka. who had
been carried to China by an earlier expedition, was restored to his
friends, "dressed in a scarlet regimental coat decorated with brass
buttons, and with a hat set off with a flaunting cocade, decent linens
and other appendages of European dress, which was far more than
sufficient to excite the extreme admiration of his countrymen." The
occasion was celebrated with a magnificent feast of whale blubber and
oil, and the evening was passed in great rejoicing. A day or two later
Maquilla and Callicum, two of the noted chiefs of the Sound, visited
Meares. They were accompanied bv a fleet of war canoes which
moved in procession round the ship, while the crews sang "a pleas-
ing though sonorous melody." It will be recalled that the natives of
this place accorded a similar welcome to Captain Cook in the year
1778. Each canoe contained eighteen men clad in robes of the most
beautiful skins^f the sea-otter, whicTi covered them from their necks
to their ankles, a sight which must have further excited the cupidity
and warmed the hearts of the furtraders.

Without loss of time Meares proceeded to establish a base for his
future trading operations. A present of copper, iron and other arti-
cles secured the good-will of Maquilla, who, "most readily consented
to grant us a spot of ground in his territory, whereon a house might
be built for the accommodation of the people we intended to leave

CALUCUM AM) MA(>U I I.I, A
Cliiefs (if X(i(itk:i Sc.iiinl

BRITISH COLUMBIA 129

there." Maquilla also promised to protect the men who were to
remain at Nootka. In return for his assistance and protection, Ma-
quilla was given a pair of pistols and Callicum was also rewarded
with suitable presents. This was the genesis of the famous Nootka
afifair of the following year.

On the ground granted by Maquilla, a house was built, which is
thus described by Meares: "On the ground-floor there was ample
room for the coopers, sail-makers, and other artisans to work in bad
weather; a large room was also set apart for the stores and provisions
and the armourer's shop was attached to one end of the building and
communicated with it. The upper story was divided into an eating
room and chambers for the party. On the whole, our house, though
it was not built to satisfy a lover of architectural beauty, was admir-
ably well calculated for the purpose for which it was destined, and
appeared to be a structure of uncommon magnificence to the natives
of King George's Sound."

Meares adds: "A strong breastwork was thrown up round the
house, enclosing a considerable area of ground, which, with a cannon
placed so as to command the Cove and the village of Nootka, formed
■ a secure fortification. Within a short distance of the breastwork was
laid the keel of a vessel of Forty or fifty tons. In short every prepara-
tion was made for an extended occupation of the place."

The men were all now busily engaged in building the house and
the vessel, and in trading with the natives; but this is not the place for
a full and particular account of Meares' enterprise at Nootka. Ref-
erence should be made however, to the fact, that before proceeding
on his voyage Maquilla was again requested to protect the shore party
in the absence of the ship. "As a bribe to secure his attachment," says
Meares, "he was promised, that when we finally left the coast he
should enter into full possession of the house and all the goods and
chattels thereunto belonging." It will be remembered that this state-
ment was used later by the Americans in the Oregon Boundary dis-
pute, to prove that Meares' occupation of Nootka Sound was nothing
more than a temporary expedient. It appears nevertheless that that
officer fully intended to establish a post there, as will be shown later.

The Felice then sailed for Clayoquot, where two weeks were spent
m trading with the Indians. She then passed down the coast to the
Strait of Juan de Fuca which Meares named without reference to the
journals and chart of Captain Barkley, thus implying that the dis-

Tol I— ft

130 BRITISH COLUMBIA

covery was his own. In view of the fact that Meares had obtained
from John Henry Cox, of Canton, Barkley's chart of the coast as well
as information from Hanna, Lowrie, and Guise, his conduct on this
occasion is at least open to question.

Dr. C. F. Newcombe, in his monograph entitled "The first
circum-navigation of Vancouver Island," gives Mrs. Barkley's ex-
planation as to how it was that her husband's papers came into the
possession of Meares. It is as follows : "Captain Meares got posses-
sion of my journal and plans from the persons in China to whom he
was bound under a penalty of £5,000 to give them up for a certain
time, for, as these persons stated, mercantile objects, they not wishing
the knowledge of the coast to be published. Captain Meares, how-
ever, published and claimed the merit of my husband's discoveries
therein contained."

Continuing the voyage the Felice sailed down the coast in search
of the large river said to have been discovered by the Spaniards under
the forty-sixth parallel. Meares found the bay into which the Colum-
bia river debouches, but in attempting to make a landing shallow
water and the breakers on the bar forced him to relinquish the
attempt. His cursory examination of this bay led Meares to remark:
"We can now with safety assert, that there is no such River as that
of Saint Roc as laid down in the charts." To commemorate his fail-
ure to discover the Great River of the West, the explorer named
the bay Deception Bay and the promontory to the northward thereof,
Cape Disappointment.

Upon returning northward, the Felice anchored in Barkley
Sound on July nth (1788), Meares having determined to explore
the Strait of Juan de Fuca. The mate, Duffin, was accordingly
despatched in the longboat, with instructions to explore the strait
discovered by Barkley in the previous year. According to Meares,
Duffin sailed nearly thirty leagues up the strait, which at that dis-
tance from the sea was, he alleges, about fifteen leagues broad, with a
clear horizon to the east for fifteen leagues more. "Such an
extraordinary circumstance," Meares goes on to say, "filled us with
strange conjectures as to the extremity of this strait, which w^ con-
cluded, at all events, could not be at any great distance from Hudson's
Bay." In this statement Meares' fertile imagination found full play,
for from Duffin's own journal it is sufficiently evident that he did not
reach a point more than ten or twelve leagues from Tatoosh Island

THE DISLO\ERV OX THE ROCKS IX yUEEX CHARLOTTE'S SOLXD

THE E.U M II (II- THE XnKIll \\ Ks T A.MEKKA AT MiOTKA S(U Nl)

BRITISH COLUMBIA 131

or Neah Bay. There is little doubt that Meares did not scruple to
grossly exaggerate the importance of this discovery in order to make
good his claim against the Spaniards for the seizure of his vessels in
1789, under arguments which appear in a later chapter. It should
be borne in mind that he did not publish his work on the North West
Coast of America until 1790, a year or more after the seizure of the
ships by the Spanish officer, Estevan Martinez.

Making Nootka on July 26th, Meares found that good progress
had been made in the construction of the vessel and in a few weeks
every preparation was completed for launching the first ship ever
built by Europeans on the Northwest Coast. It should be mentioned
that Captain Douglas in the Iphigenia reached the Sound towards
the end of August, and with the arrival of this reinforcement the
different operations were pursued with redoubled vigour. Another
arrival, not so welcome perhaps, was that of Captain Gray in the
American sloop Washington, which dropped anchor in Friendly
Cove on the 17th of September. The Washington, with her consort,
the Columbia, had sailed from Boston in 1787 to engage in the fur-
trade on the Northwest Coast. "The master of the Washington,"^
Meares relates, "was very much surprised at seeing a vessel on the
stocks, as well as on finding any one here before him; for they had
Iittl6 or no notion of any commercial expeditions whatever to this
part of America. He appeared, however, to be very sanguine in the
superior advantages which his countrymen from New England might
reap from this track of trade; and was big with many mighty pro-
jects in which we understood he was protected by the American Con-
gress. With these circumstances, however, as we had no immediate
concern, we did not even intrude an opinion, but treated Mr. Gray
and his ship's company with politeness and attention." Three days
later, on the 20th of September, the North West America was
launched. This event is so picturesque an incident in the annals of
the coast that it may well be described in Meares' own words: "On
the 20th, at noon, an event, to which we had so long looked with
anxious expectation, and had been the fruit of so much care and
labour, was ripe for accomplishment. The vessel was then waiting
to quit the stocks; and to give all due honour to such an important
scene, we adopted, as far as was in our power, the ceremony of other
dock-yards. As soon as the tide was at its proper height the English
ensign was displayed on shore at the house, and on board the new

132 BRITISH COLUMBIA

vessel, which, at the proper moment, was named the North West
America, as being the first bottom ever built and launched in this
part of the globe.

"It was a moment of much expectation. The circumstances of our
situation made us look to it with more than common hope. Maquilla,
Callicum, and a large body of their people, who had received infor-
mation of the launch, were come to behold it. The Chinese carpenters
did not very well conceive the last operation of a business in which
they themselves had been so much and so materially concerned. Nor
shall we forget to mention the chief of the Sandwich Islands, whose
every power was absorbed in the business that approached, and who
had determined to be on board the vessel when she glided into the
water. The presence of the Americans ought also to be considered,
when we are describing the attendant ceremonies of this important
crisis; which, from the labour that produced it,— the scene that fol-
lowed it, — the spectators that beheld it, and the commercial advan-
tages, as well as civilizing ideas, connected with it, will attach some
little consequence to its proceeding, in the mind of the philosopher,
as well as in the view of the politican.

"But our suspense was not of long duration;— on the firing of a
gun the vessel started from the ways like a shot. — Indeed she went off
with so much velocity, that she had nearly made her way out of the
harbour; for the fact was, that not being very much accustomed to
this business, we had forgotten to place an anchor and cable on
board, to bring her up, which is the usual practice on these occa-
sions; the boats, however, soon towed her to her intended station, and.
in a short time the North West America was' anchored close to the
Iphigenia and the Felice."

On the 24th September, 1788, Meares sailed for China leaving
Captain Douglas in charge of the establishment at Nootka. Soon
after the departure of the Felice, Douglas, in the Iphigenia, accom-
panied by the North West America sailed for the Sandwich Islands to
speed the winter. The Washington, under Gray, remained at Nootka,
where she was presently joined by Captain Kendrick in the
Columbia.

And, so the eventful year 1788 drew to a close. All was peace and
tranquillity, but it was the calm before the storm. Little did the chief
actors in those strange scenes irnagine that their operations were

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 133

destined to change the complexion of subsequent events, to divert the
course of history into another and more wholesome channel in the
interests of the race and to be productive of a civilization then un-
dreamed of.

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CHAPTER VII
THE NOOTKA SOUND CONTROVERSY

In 1789 it was thought that Russian, Spanish, and British subjects
intended to occupy Nootka Sound and erect trading posts there. Of
these intentions, that which had the least substance in it, if indeed it
had any at all, — the Russian — was the prime cause of the trouble
which arose at Nootka in that year. Martinez and Haro, after their
investigation of the Russian settlement in Alaska in 1788, had
reported to the Viceroy of Mexico that Cusmich had informed them
that he only awaited the arrival of four frigates from Siberia to form
an establishment at Nootka. From the exaggerated statements made
by this person on other matters, as, for instance, the number of existing
Russian settlements and their inhabitants, and from the absence of any
independent or corroborative evidence, it is, perhaps, justifiable to
conclude that this was mere fiction. Much excited about this threat-
ened trespass upon alleged Spanish territory, Martinez urged upon
Florez, the Viceroy, the desirability, nay the necessity of immediately
forestalling this move by planting a Spanish settlement at that place.'
Though forbidden to incur such expense without special royal order,
the urgency of the occasion forced action upon Florez, who imme-
diately gave the necessary instructions.

On February 17, 1789, Martinez, in command of the Princcssa
and the San Carlos, with Haro as second in authority, sailed from
San Bias. He carried minute detailed orders to govern his conduct
in the event of his meeting British, Russian, or American vessels. If
the former, Martinez was to treat them kindly and endeavour to
convince them of Spain's prior right of occupancy, referring them
particularly to Captain Cook's instructions not to touch at any port
in the Spanish dominions on the west coast of America unless forced
by unavoidable accident and, in that case, not to remain longer than

'Martinez to Florez, December 5, 1788; MSS. Arch. Gen. de Indies Seville, 90-3-18.

135

i:56 BRITISH COLUMBIA

absolutely necessary, and reminding them that according to his own
statement Captain Cook had purchased two silver spoons from the
Indians at Nootka, which, being of Spanish workmanship, demon-
strated the priority of Spanish discovery.- If Russian vessels were
encountered, the intimate friendship then existing between Spain
and Russia was to be put forward, the necessity of Spanish ports on
the Mediterranean to the latter nation, then engaged in war with
Turkey and Sweden was to be dwelt upon, and finally it was to be
intimated that in any difficulty Spain would have the powerful sup-
port of her French ally. If American vessels appeared at Nootka they
were to be given to understand that Spain was extending her settle-
ments along the coast to Prince Williams Sound. And to all of them
Martinez was instructed to point out the active steps now being taken
by sending land expeditions of troops, colonists, and missionaries. If,
in the face of these special and general arguments, an attempt to form
a settlement was persisted in, he was to repel force by force.

Besides the regular crews these vessels carried a notary, Canizares,
two chaplains, Don Jose Lopez de Nava and Don Jose Maria Diaz,
and four Franciscan friars. Severe Patero, Lorenzo Lacies, Jose Espi.
and Francisco Sanchez. A packet boat, the Aranzazu, would follow
in March with supplies and reinforcements. Later it was intended to
send out a land expedition including troops, colonists, and live stock.-''

Reaching Nootka on May 5th, Martinez found there the Iphige-
nia under Captain Douglas and the American ship, Columbia, in
command of Captain Kendrick. The North West America and the
JVashington were both absent on cruises in northern waters. Indeed,
as the latter vessel was leaving the sound she fell in with the Princessa.
Haswell reports the interview as follows: "He was no sooner
informed who we were than he said if there was anything in his ship
we stood in need of he would supply us. He informed the officers
that went on board that his ship was fitted out in company with two
others from Cadiz to make discoveries on this coast. That he had
put in on the coast of New Spain and lost most of his European
seamen. The deficiency he was obliged to supply with the natural-
ized natives of California. That he had been in the northward and
we noticed he had a northern skin canoe lashed on his quarter. He

- Cook's Voyage, ed. 1785, Introduction, p. xxxii.

3 Florez to Valdez, December 23, 1788; MSS. Arch. Gen. de Indies, 90-3-18.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 137

said he had been in Bering's Straits, that he had found much snow,
that he had parted with his consort a few days ago in a gale of wind,
and he expected them to join him at Nootka Sound. He was very in-
quisitive what ships were lying in the sound. When he was informed
Captain Douglas lay there he said it would make him a good prize.
The ship's name is the Princesm, belonging to His Most Catholic
Majesty, commanded by Don Stephen Joseph Martinez. This gen-
tleman endeavored to do everything to serve us. He made Captain
Gray presents of brandy, wine, hams, sugar, and, in short, everything
he thought would be acceptable. When we parted from him we
saluted him with seven guns and the compliment was returned." *

This quotation serves also to show that duplicity on this western
coast was not confined to Meares. We are unaware of the motives
which induced Martinez to malce such statements as are set out above,
nor does Haswell in any place throw light upon this strange story.

A great deal of discussion has arisen upon the question whether
when Martinez arrived the house which Meares had built in the
preceding summer was still in existence. Meares' memorial seems
to imply that it was, though there is no positive statement to that
effect. The American captains. Gray and Ingraham, in their letter
written three years later, and with unmistakable Spanish bias, say
that no sign or vestige of it then existed, and that Captain Douglas,
before proceeding to the Sandwich Islands in the fall of 1788, had
pulled it down, taking the boards on board of the Iphigenia and
giving the roof to Captain Kendrick.'"* However the house was
disposed of, it may be accepted as a fact that in May, 1789, it had
ceased to exist, and that there was therefore upon the ground no
evidence of any intention on Meares' part to effect a permanent
settlement.

Though unquestionably British in reality, Captain Douglas saw
fit to make the Iphigenia appear to the Spaniards as a Portuguese
bottom. This was in accordance with Meares' own conduct: while
the illustrations in Meares' Voyage flaunt the British flag, the evi-
dence is that in his operations on this coast he endeavoured to make
his vessels appear I^)^tuguese." Thus Duncan, who met the Felice in

* Haswell'e Log, May, 1789.

^ Letter, August 3, 1792, in Greenhow, App. C.

° Dixon's Further Remarks nn Meares. Letter from Duncan therein.

138 BRITISH COLUMBIA

August, 1788, ofif Nootka, states that she was under Portuguese
colours, and claimed to have come from Lisbon, and Haswell also
says that when the PVashington arrived in September, 1788, both the
Felice and the Iphigenia were flying the Portuguese flag.^

Martinez enquired why the Iphigenia was in the sound, and
Douglas claimed that he had put in in distress and was expecting
supplies to arrive in a vessel from China. For a few days all went
well, but in inspecting the Portuguese instructions, Martinez took,
exception to a clause whereby the captain of the Iphigenia was
instructed, if interfered with by English, Russian, or Spanish vessels
to defend the ship and if superior to the attacking vessel to bring her
to Macao as a pirate. The misunderstanding, which probably arose
from an error in interpretation, led to the seizure of the Iphigenia,
the hauling down of the Portuguese flag and the raising of the Span-
ish. Part of the officers and crew were inprisoned on the Princessa
and the remainder on the San Carlos, which had arrived in the mean-
time.^ After an interval of twelve days the Iphigenia was restored
to Captain Douglas, but under circumstances the truth of which it
seems impossible to ascertain, as the accounts given by Douglas and
Meares on the one hand and by Martinez and the American captains
on the other are so divergent as to be impossible of reconciliation. It
is clear, however, that the Iphigenia was supplied with stores, the
quantity and quality of which are subjects of dispute. For these
Douglas gave (willingly or by force) bills upon Cavalho, the pre-
tended Portuguese owner. Martinez, who made almost every day a
statement of the occurrences before the notary Canizares, gives therein
as his reason for releasing the vessel that he had not sufficient men
available to sail her to San Bias, hence he concluded to release her
upon receiving a bond binding the owner to pay the fair value of
ship and cargo if the Viceroy should declare her lawful prize.

On May 31st, after a farewell dinner on the Princessa, at which
all the officers in the sound were present, the Iphigenia, with a part-
ing salute from the Spaniards, sailed ostensibly for Macao, but at
midnight changed her course to the northward, Douglas having, as
he says, "no idea of running for Macao with only between sixty and
seventy sea-otter skins which I had on board." * On this cruise he

' Haswell's Log, September i6, 1788.

* Manning's Nootka Sound, pp. 320, 321.

* Appendix No. 12 to Meares' Memorial.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 139

obtained about seven hundred sea-otter skins. It would thus appear
that the vessel was not such a wreck as Douglas and Meares represent,
nor had she been looted to the extent stated by Meares in his memo-
rial; she must also have had provisions and trading goods to a far
greater quantity than Meares states, else such a trip had been in vain.
Meares' almost proverbial mendacity no doubt accounts for these
inconsistencies. His interest when his memorial was prepared was
to stir with indignation the popular mind ever prone to hatred of the
Spaniards and to represent their conduct as not only unwarranted
but as grossly inhuman.

The North West America returned on June 8th, ignorant of the
events which had transpired during her six weeks' absence. Mar-
tinez at once seized her on learning tliat she was owned by Cavalho.
Being a smaller vessel and requiring only a small crew, he hoisted
the Spanish flag upon her, re-named her the Gertrndis, after his wife,
put aboard her a Spanish crew under David Coolidge of the IVash-
ington, and sent her southward on a trading voyage, using, Meares
claims, with some likelihood of truth, her supplies for that purpose.
But this statement cannot be accepted at its face value, as the vessel
had returned in order to obtain a supply of trading goods from the
vessels which were daily expected, but had not yet arrived, from
China.

During this time the foundation of a settlement was being laid.
A fort mounting ten guns was built on Hog Island and occupied
by a garrison. A workshop, a bakery, and a sort of barracks or
lodging house were erected. On June 24th formal possession was
taken of the port of Nootka with all the pomp and ceremony the
Spaniard loves so well. The formal document is a very high-sound-
ing instrument, of which the following is a translation : '"

In the Name of the Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
One True God in three Distinct Persons, who is the creative prin-
ciple and creator of all things, without whom nothing good can be
instituted, achieved, or preserved — and Whereas the principle of
everything good must be in God — and therefore it behooves us to
begin it in God — for the glory and honour of his most holy name.

Therefore know all men to whom these presents and the present
Chart of Possession shall come that: Today being Wednesday, the

'MSS. Arch. Gen. de Indies Seville, 90-3-18.

140 BRITISH COLUMBIA

24th day of June, 1789, on the arrival of the frigate named Nuestra
Senora del Rosario (alias La Princessa) together with the packet-
boat, San Carlos el Filipino, both belonging to His Most Mighty.
Illustrious, and Catholic Majesty Carlos the Third, King of Castille.
of Leon, of Aragon, of all the Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarra, of
Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Majorca, of Sevilla,
of Sardinia, of Corsica, of Cordova, of Murcia Jaen, of the Algarves,
of Algeciras, of Gibraltar, of the Canary Islands, of the Eastern
Indies and Western Islands, and of the first land (foreshore?) in the
Oceanic Sea, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Bologna, of Brabant
and Milan, Count of Aspurg, Flanders, Tyrol, and Barcelona, Lord
of Biscay and Nolina, the said frigate and packet-boat by command
of His Excellency Don Manuel Antonio Florez Maldonado Mar-
tinez de Angul y Bodguin, Knight of the Order of Calatrava, Com-
mander of Nolino and Laguna Rota, Lieutenant General of the Royal
Armada, Viceroy and Captain General of New Spain, President of
the Royal Audiencia, and Sub-Delegate General of Corres in the
said Kingdom, having sailed from the Port of San Bias on the South-
ern Sea, in the Government of the Viceroy aforesaid, on the 17th day
of February in the same year, for the purpose of discovery along the
coast from Monterrey northwards, this expedition being under the
command-in-chief of Don Estevan Jose Martinez, Ensign of Marine,
in the Royal Armada; and said expedition being anchored in the port
of Santa Cruz, one of the numerous harbours contained in the Bay of
San Lorenzo de Nuca, with the aforesaid frigate of his command,
and the said packet-boat of his following; said commander-in-chief
having disembarked with the officers of both ships, with the troops,
and a number of the sailors, together with the Father Chaplains Don
Jose Lopez de Nava and Don Jose Maria Diaz and the four Mis-
sionaries of the Order of San Francis of the Apostolic College of San
Fernando de Mexico, Brother Severo Patero (President), Brother
Lorenzo Lacies, Brother Jose Espi, and Brother Francisco Sanchez
— the said commander drew out a cross, which he worshipped de-
voutly on his knees, together with all those who accompanied him:
Then the chaplains and friars sang "Te Deum Laudamus" — and the
canticle having been concluded, the commander said in a loud voice:
"In the name of His Majesty the King Don Carlos the III, Our
Sovereign whom may God keep many years, with an increase of our
Dominions and Kingdoms, for the service of God, and for the good

BRITISH COLUMBIA ui

and prosperity of his vassals, and for the interests of the mighty lords
the Kings, his heirs and successors, in the future, as his commander of
these ships, and by virtue of the orders and instructions which were
given to me in his Royal Name, by the aforesaid His Excellency the
Viceroy of New Spain, I take, and I have taken, I seize, and I have
seized, possession of this soil, where 1 have at present disembarked
which had been formerly discovered by us, in the year 1774 — and
once more, on the present day- — for all time to come, in the said Royal
Name, and in the name of the Royal Crown of Castille and Leon,
as aforesaid — as if it was my own thing, which it is, and shall be and
which really belongs to the King aforesaid, by reason of the donation
and the bull 'Expedio Notu Proprio' of our Most Holy Father
Alexander VI, Pontiff of Rome, by which he donated to the Most
High and Catholic Monarchs Ferdinand V and Isabel his spouse,
Kings of Castille and Leon, of illustrious memory, and to their suc-
cessors and heirs — one-half the world — by deed made at Rome on the
4th of May in the year 1493 — by virtue of which these present lands
belong to the said Royal Crown of Castille and Leon, and as such I
take, and I have taken, possession of these lands aforesaid, and the
adjoining districts, seas, rivers, ports, bays, gulfs, archipelagoes, and
this Port of Santa Cruz, in the island named by Martinez — among the
many which are enclosed in the Bay of San Lorenzo de Nuca — which
bay is situated in latitude north 49° 33' and longitude 20° 18' — west of
the meridian of San Bias where I am at present anchored with the
said frigate and packet-boat of my command, and I place them, and
they shall be placed under the dominion and power of the said Royal
Crown of Castille and Leon, as aforesaid, and as if it was my own
property, which it is." And as a sign of such possession he drew his
sword which had hung by his side, and with it he counted the trees,
the branches, and the lands; he disturbed the stones on the beach and
in the helds without encountering any opposition, asking those pres-
ent to be witnesses of these facts, and to me, Rafael de Canizares, who
am the Notary appointed to this expedition by the Commander-in-
Chief, he ordered mc to relate the facts in due form, as a public
testimony thereof. Then taking a large cross on his shoulders, and
the crews of both ships having been formed in marching column.
armed with guns and other weapons, the procession marched out. the
chaplains and friars chanting the Litany of "Rogation" — the whole
troop responding — and the procession having halted, the commander

142 BRITISH COLUMBIA

planted the cross in the ground, and made a heap of stones at the foot
thereof — as a sign and in memory of the taking of possession in the
name of His Majesty Carlos III King of all Spain (whom God
keep) — of all these lands and neighbouring districts discovered, con-
tinuous, and contiguous — and gave the name of Santa Cruz to this
port, as has been said. And when the cross was planted, they wor-
shipped it once more, and all prayed, asking in supplication from
our Lord Jesus Christ, that He should accept their offering,
because everything had been done for the glory and honour of His
Holy Name, and in order to exalt and enrich our holy catholic faith
— and to introduce the word of the Holy Gospel among these savage
nations, which until the present time had been kept in ignorance of
the true knowledge and doctrine — which will guard them and deliver
them from the snares and perils of the Demon, and from the blindness
in which they have lived — for the salvation of their souls — after
which the chaplains and friars began chanting the hymn, "Vexilla
Regis." Following this a solemn high mass was celebrated on an altar
which the commander had caused to be erected, by the Rev. Chaplain
of our frigate, Don Jose Lopez de Nava, assisted by the chaplain of
the packet-boat, Don Jose Maria Diaz, and the four friars aforesaid —
this being the first mass which was said in this land, in honour of our
Lord God Almighty — and for the extirpation of the Devil and of all
idolatry. The sermon was given by the Very Rev. Father President
Severe Patero, Apostolic Missionary of the order of San Francis and
of the Royal College of San Ferdinand of Propaganda of the Faith
of the City of Mexico. This function being concluded the aforesaid
commander, as a further sign and testimony of the taking of posses-
sion, caused a tree to be cut, which he had made into a cross, into
which he engraved the Holy Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, with
four capital letters I. N. R. I. — and wrote at the foot of the cross:
Carolus tertius. Rex Hispaniorum.

In witness whereof these presents were signed by the commander
and witnessed by the captain of the packet-boat Sfin Carlos. Don
Gonzales Lopez de Haro; the first pilot of the Armada, Don Jose
Tovar, the chaplains aforesaid, Don Jose Lopez de Nava. Don
Jose Maria Diaz, and the four friars of the College of San Ferdinand.
And I, the notars' appointed by the said commander, authenticate
these presents as a true testimony of what took place — as it has been
related herewith.

BRITISH COLUMBIA !«

Signed: Estevan Jose Martinez; Gonzales Lopez de Haro; Jose
Tovar y Tamariz ; Br. Jose Alexandre Lopez de Nava ; Fray Lorenzo
Lacies; Fray Jose Espi; Fray Francisco Miguel Sanchez.

Before me, RAFAEL Canizares.

This is a copy: Mexico, August 27, 1789.

Antonio Bouillaz.

The Princess Royal, which, as already shown, had passed into the
control of Meares and his associates, reached Nootka on June 15th in
command of Captain Hudson. Before entering the port, two
launches, in which were Martinez, Kendrick, and Funter of the
North West America, approached the vessel. Hudson enquired if
they were armed. The reply was reassuring; they were, but only
with a bottle of brandy. The visitors remained aboard all night and
the next morning the Princess Royal was towed into harbour. A few
days later Martinez sent an official note to enquire the reason of her
being there, in what he was pleased to call a recognized Spanish port.
Hudson replied that he wished to refit after his long voyage from
Macao and that as soon as he had obtained wood and water he trusted
to be permitted to depart in peace. Martinez not only did so, but
granted him a circular letter to all Spanish vessels to allow him to
pass on his way unmolested."

Just as the Princess Royal passed out and sailed away on July
2nd, the fourth vessel, the Argonaut, arrived. Martinez, learning that
a vessel was in the offing, and thinking the anxiously expected
Aranzazu had at last appeared, went with the American officers to
meet her in two launches. On going on board he presented a letter
from Hudson which put Captain Colnett at his ease, and the Spanish
launches towed the Argonaut into harbour. Captain Funter, who
formed one of the party, informed Colnett of the occurrences and
advised him to remain outside, but relying on the Spaniard's lionor
he allowed his vessel to be taken in and anchored between the Spanish
ships. '^ The Argonaut had on board the material for a sloop, the
necessaries for building and equipping a trading post and some twen-
tv-nine Chinese artisans as the nucleus of n future colonv which was

" Manning's Nootka Sound, pp. 328, 329.

•- Colnett's Voyage, pp. 96-99; Gray and Ingraham Letter, in Oreenhow, App. C. ; Arch.
Gen. de Indies Seville, 90-3-18.

144 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to surround his future trading post — Fort Pitt. Part of the scheme
was to import from the Sandwich Islands wives for these persons.
Meares in his Voyage says that these Chinese numbered sev^enty, but
in the Spanish archives the list of them is preserved, showing only
twenty-nine and giving their names as Jinfo, Allon (Ah Long) , Arton
(Ah Tong) etc., etc.

The next day Colnett prepared to depart as soon as certain sup-
plies which the Spaniards had agreed to furnish were received.
Martinez's conduct now became vacillating — sometimes he said the
vessel might go and then again he changed his mind. In the end he
asked for Colnett's papers, which the latter accordingly took on board
the Princessa. Now a dispute arose, a trifling misunderstanding,
apparently caused by both parties standing upon their dignity, and
possibly inflamed by erroneous interpretation. Each commander
seems to have lost his temper and after mutual recriminations, Mar-
tinez ordered Colnett under arrest and his vessel under seizure. In
his official report he claims that this action was necessary as otherwise
Colnett would have built a trading post elsewhere, from which it
would have been impossible to eject him except by force.

The Spaniards at once took possession of the Argonaut; the Brit-
ish flag was hauled down and the Spanish flag hoisted. Such of her
stores and supplies as the Spaniards required they took; though there
appears to have been an undertaking that these would be accounted
for if the vessel were not condemned by the Viceroy. Of the fifty-
eight persons brought by the Argonaut, some of the English were to
be sent on her to San Bias, and the remainder, later, on the Aranzazu.

On July 13th, as the Argonaut with her captives and her prize
crew was ready to sail for San Bias, the Princess Royal returned to
Nootka. After leaving the sound on July 2nd she had encountered a
storm which drove her far to the southward and making her way
back again, Hudson concluded, when opposite Nootka, to run in and
ascertain if the Argonaut had arrived. Leaving the vessel in the
offing he put off in the launch. When he boarded the Princessa he
found himself a prisoner. On his refusal to order the Princess Royal
to enter the trap at Nootka the Spaniards prepared to capture her
by force, and. seeing resistance useless, he ordered his lieutenant to
surrender the vessel, which was accordingly done. The Spaniards
took possession and she was towed into the sound.

- 73

'±. n
= >

- H

5 y;

c >

BRITISH COLUMBIA 145

Martinez immediately sent the Argonaut and the Princess Royal
to Mexico as prizes. His reason for seizing the latter, which he had
less than a fortnight previously allowed to depart the port, was very
weak. He says he feared that she would carry to Macao the news of
the seizure of the others. But this is flimsily transparent, as he sent a
large number of the captured sailors back, to China in the American
vessel Columbia which left the sound about the end of July.

Colnett complained bitterly of his treatment' on the voyage to
Mexico; he was locked in his room each night at 8 o'clock and the
door-was not opened till morning; when he desired a drink of water
during the night his request was refused and he was compelled to
endure his thirst until the morning. His men also were closely con-
fined and kept in irons on the voyage.''' The Argonaut reached San
Bias on August 15th and on the 27th the Princess Royal arrived with
twelve English and two Portuguese prisoners. After their arrival
they received more humane treatment, though still in confinement.
On December 6th, Martinez returned to San Bias, having spent the
interval in exploration of the coast and in learning more about its
inhabitants.

With the troubles of Colnett in Mexico we have no concern. The
Argonaut remained in Mexican waters, employed in the service of the
Government, but the Princess Royal, now known by the Spanish name
Princcssa Real, sailed northward with the expedition from Mexico
in 1790 under Elisa. in May, 1790, Revilla Gigedo, who had suc-
ceeded Florez, ordered the Argonaut to be returned to the possession
of Colnett and that the Princess Roxal be also re-delivered to him.
The prisoners in Mexico were released. The remainder of the
captured seamen had reached Macao long prior to this time. This
action says tlie official Spanish document was "the result of pure
generosity." Revilla Gigedo's order at first directed that Colnett
was not again to enter any place on the Spanish-American coasts,
either for the purpose of settlement or of trade with the natives, but
later at Colnett's earnest solicitation this embargo was withdrawn and
he was given permission to touch at places not under the control
of Spain.

Towards the beginning of winter, 1790, Colnett sailed from
Mexico in the Argonaut.^* When he arrived at Nootka the Princess

" Colnett's Voyage, pp. 98, 99.
'* Colnett's Voyage, p. loi.
Vol I— 10

146 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Royal was not there, but he ultimately obtained possession of her at
the Sandwich Islands. The North West America or Gertrudis, as the
Spaniards had re-named her, after being used by them in trading and
exploring passed over to the possession of the English about the same
time. The details of the movements of these vessels will be dealt
with in the consideration of the Spanish settlement at Nootka in
1790 and of the various exploring expeditions of 1789, 1790, 179 1,
and 1792.

It is necessary to turn now to the diplomatic action which these
incidents brought forth. In the language of Professor Manning
whose monograph on the Nootka Sound Controversy is a classic:
"The whole episode to this point seems to have been a series of
blunders and would not merit careful consideration had not the
consequences been so serious for the home Governments." '^

No news of the stirring events of June reached England until
January 4, 1790, when Anthony Merry, the British Charge d'affaires
at Madrid, sent to the Foreign office a confused account based on the
rumors then current in the Spanish capital. The gist of it was that a
small Spanish man-of-war had captured in the port of Nootka an
English ship which had come for the purpose of making a settlement
and that the captured vessel had been manned with Spanish seamen
and sent as a prize to Mexico." The very vagueness of the informa-
tion allowed the Ministers, who, like the populace, were ever prone
to hatred of the Spaniard, to fill in the details from imagination.
Manifestly the incident lost nothing by drawing from this source.
Nevertheless, no step was taken. The first official information from
Spain was the following letter from the Marquis del Campo, dated
February 10, 1790:

"My Lord: Continuing the frequent expeditions which the
King, my master, has ordered to be made to the northern coasts of
California, the Viceroy of Mexico sent two ships, under the orders
of Don Estevan Jose Martinez, ensign of the navy, to make a perma-
nent settlement in the port of San Lorenzo, situated about the fiftieth
degree of latitude, and named bv foreigners 'Nootka' or 'Nioka,' of
which possession had formerly been taken. He arrived there the
24th of last June. In giving his account to the Viceroy, M. Mar-

15 Xootka Sound Controversy, p. 361.

•' Narrarive of Negotiations between England and Spain, p. i.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 147

tinez said that he found there an American frigate and sloop, which
had sailed from Boston to make a tour of the world. He also found
a packet-boat and another vessel belonging to a Portuguese estab-
lished at Macao, whence they had sailed with a passport from the
Governor of that port. He announced also that on the 2d of July
there arrived another packet-boat from Macao. This was English
and came to take possession of Nootka in the name of the British
King. She carried a sloop in pieces on board.

"This simple recital will have convinced your excellency of the
necessity in which the Court of Madrid finds itself of asking His
Britannic Majesty to punish such undertakings in a manner to restrain
his subjects from continuing them on these lands which have been
occupied and frequented by the Spaniards for so many years. I say
this to your excellency as an established fact, and as a further argu-
ment against those who attribute to Captain Cook the discovery of
the said port of San Lorenzo. I add that the same Martinez in
charge of the last expedition was there under commission in August
of 1774. This was almost four years before the appearance of Cook.
This same Martinez left in the hands of the Indians two silver spoons,
some shells, and some other articles which Cook found. The Indians
still keep them, and these facts, with the testimony of the Indians,
served M. Martinez to convince the English captain.

"The English prisoners have been liberated through the consid-
eration which the King has for His Britannic Majesty, and which he
has carefully enjoined upon his viceroys to govern their actions in
unforeseen events. His Majesty flatters himself that the Court of
St. James will certainly not fail to give the strictest orders to prevent
such attempts in the future, and, in general, everything that could
trouble the good harmony happily existing between the two crowns.
Spain on her side engages to do the same with respect to her subjects.

"I have the honour to be, etc.,

"The Marquis del Campo.'"

"His Excellency M. the DuKE OF Leeds."

The inaccuracies herein arc plainly apparent and need not be
dwelt upon. The naive suggestion that Great Britain should punish
her subjects for trading and making settlements on the Northwest

" Manning's Nootka Sound Controversy, pp. 367, 368.

148 BRITISH COLUMBIA

coast of America drew from the Marquis of Leeds a reply that, "as
yet no precise information has been received relative to the events
mentioned in your excellency's letter, but while awaiting such 1 have
His Majesty's orders to inform your excellency that the act of violence
spoken of in your letter as having been committed by M. Martinez
in seizing a British vessel under the circumstances reported makes it
necessary henceforth to suspend all discussions of the pretensions set
forth in that letter until a just and adequate satisfacion shall have
been made for a proceeding so injurious to Great Britain. In the
first place it is indispensable that the vessel in question shall be
restored. To determine the details of the ultimate satisfaction which
may be found necessary more ample information must be awaited
concerning all the circumstances of the affair." '®

This brusque reply came as a shock to the Spanish diplomats.
It is interesting to note that at this very time Colonel Ferdinand
Miranda, the South American agitator, was in England and in close
touch with Pitt, before whom he had just laid his grand scheme for
the new empire in South America, embracing all that continent except
Brazil and Guiana. In the event of war the opportunity would be
afforded to shear Spain of her possessions in the new world, their
unprotected condition offering a fine mark for combination with the
revolutionist element which is indigenous to those latitudes.

Floridablanca, the Prime Minister of Spain, regarded the answer
as an indication that Pitt was using the incident merely as an excuse
to pick a quarrel. His subsequent conduct lends colour to the view
that Pitt had at the inception determined to humble the power of
Spain which under Carlos III and Carlos IV was regaining the
important position she had occupied under Philip II. "Satisfaction
previous to discussion" was his demand — a demand peculiarly dis-
tasteful to the high-strung Spaniard. The advisers of the Spanish
monarch hurriedly took stock of their martial equipment.'® They
found forty-five ships of the line and thirty-two frigates ready for
immediate commission, and in addition twenty-four of the former
class and seven of the latter could be made available in a short time.
Feverish preparations for war were commenced in Spain, though
every effort was made to preserve a peaceable external appearance.

1' Arch. Hist. Nacional Madrid, See Estado, H2gi.
"Id.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 149

Late in March Spain sent a reply ignoring the demand for satis-
faction as a condition precedent to the discussion of the question and
stating that being convinced that nothing but ignorance of Spain's
incontestable right to the exclusive sovereignty, navigation, and com-
merce of the territory, coasts, and seas in question could have induced
British subjects to resort thereto, the Viceroy had liberated the vessel
and her crew, and that having instructed him to avoid even the least
act which might give offense the incident was regarded as closed.
The note expressed the hope that the British King would order his
subjects- to respect Spanish rights and that it would not be necessary
to enter into discussions regarding the indubitable rights of his
Crown.^"

Up to this point the controversy had proceeded on the assumption
that only one ship had been captured. The Spanish authorities had
reports showing the actual occurrences at Nootka, but either through
carelessness or for some other reason neglected to make them known.
In April, Meares arrived on the scene — Deus ex machina. Till this
moment the British had only the information from the Spanish For-
eign Office and the confused account that Merry had sent. Meares
soon placed before the King his celebrated Memorial — a document
more useful to stir the public mind to war with Spain than as a state-
ment of facts. Exaggerated, contradictory, intentionally false, it
exists to this day a complete proof of his mendacity. And behind it
the motive, mean and sordid, to fill the pockets of himself and his
co-adventurers with a large money payment wrested from Spain in
the heat of blood. The plain truth has already been stated; it makes
a strong case against the Spaniard. In any other time the exaggera-
tions, the unwarranted inferences, the imputations of dishonesty, of
duplicity, of insolence, and of deliberate cruelty with which it
abounds would have carried their own condemnation. But the
Ministry were excited ; the war spirit was rampant.

The Memorial is dated April 30, 1790. On that very evening
the Cabinet resolved to demand "an immediate and adequate satis-
faction for the outrages committed by Monsieur de Martinez; and
that it would be proper in order to support that demand and be
prepared for such events as mav arise that Your Majesty should give
orders for fitting out a squadron of ships of the line." '^'^

-" Arch. Hist. Narion.i! Madrid; Narrative o^ Negotiations between Kn^land and Spain, p. 20.
-' Manning's Nootka Sound, p. 376.

150 ■ BRITISH COLUMBIA

Until the beginning of May the greatest secrecy prevailed. No
inkling of the trouble had escaped". The country consequently re-
ceived a rude shock when on the morning of May 5th it was learned
that a press of seamen had occurred the preceding night and that the
nation was on the verge of war with Spain. The next day the King
sent a message to Parliament that two British vessels and two others
whose nationality had not been fully ascertained had been captured
at Nootka by an officer commanding two Spanish ships of war, their
cargoes seized and their officers and crews sent as prisoners to a
Spanish port. The correspondence which had occurred was sum-
marized and Parliament informed that no satisfaction had been
olTered; that moreover "a direct claim is asserted by the Court of
Spain to the exclusive rights of sovereignty, navigation, and com-
merce in the territories, coasts, and seas in that part of the world." **
After stating that the Minister at Madrid was to renew the demand
for satisfaction, His Majesty went on to say that learning that Spain
was preparing for war he had taken similar steps and then appealed
to the Commons for the necessary supply.

Parliament unanimously supported the address in reply; and on
June loth £1,000,000 was voted "to enable His Majesty to act as the
exigency of affairs might require." '^ Preparations for war went
vigorously forward. The introduction to Vancouver's Voyage tells
of "the uncommon celerity and unparalleled dispatch which attended
the equipment of the noblest fleet that Great Britain ever saw." **
This is known as "The Spanish Armament, 1790." The populace
were greatly excited. War with Spain appealed strongly to the
nation. Old scores and very recent ones would now be settled. The
literature of the day is filled with pamphlets in which the high
handed acts of Spain at Nootka and at the Falkland Islands t\venty
years before are set forth with many additions calculated to inflame
the public mind. A rare print showing the seizure of Captain
Colnett is reproduced herewith. Its absolute historical inaccuracy is
an index to the public knowledge of events at Nootka.

The Triple Alliance was then in existence, and in accordance
with its terms Great Britain called upon Holland and Prussia for
assistance. The Dutch generously responded with ten sail of the

** Manning's Nootka Sound, p. 381.

'' Parliamentan- Histon', xxviii, p. 784.

2* Vancouver's Voyage, Vol. i, p. 48; ed., 1801.

BRITISH COLUMBIA m

line. Prussia engaged to fulfil her obligations under the treaty if
war should occur. The various colonies were notified of the strained
relations with Spain and ordered to be prepared for defence. Four
regiments of foot and two ships of war were ordered to the West
Indies.^'*

At the same time Spain was looking for support. The Family
Compact of 1761 bound the Bourbon sovereigns to an alliance offen-
sive and defensive and naturally Spain's chief reliance was therefore
upon France. In response to the overtures of Spain, Louis XVI or-
dered an armament of fourteen ships of the line. The States General,
then under the control of the Tiers etat, when informed of this action
entered into a lengthy theoretical discussion upon the question
whether the right to make war and peace was in the King or in the
people. In the end the King's action was approved as a precautionary
measure but Floridablanca was informed by Montmorin, the French
Minister of Foreign Affairs, that, while Spain could rely upon the
King, the Assembly was a doubtful factor and in view of this condi-
tion he suggested that peace should be maintained.^" On June i6th
Spain made formal application to France for the assistance guaran-
teed by the Family Compact, but Montmorin replied that the As-
sembly having declared that the right to make peace and war was
in the people, the King, Louis XVI, must submit the demand to that
body. It was plain to Spain that no aid could be obtained in that
quarter and a change took place in her diplomatic tone.

A lengthy circular letter had, on June 4th, been sent by Spain
to the different Courts of Europe recounting the origin of the dis-
pute and the negotiations with Great Britain. The right of Spain
to the sovereignty, navigation, and exclusive commerce of the conti-
nent and islands of the South Sea was explained to be limited and to
refer only to the continent, islands, and seas discovered by Spain and
secured by treaties and uniformly acquiesced in by the nations of the
world.-' The desire to maintain peace was expressed and it was sug-
gested that the menacing tone of the British Government indicated
that the subject was being used merely as a pretext to break with
Spain.

-•'> Manning's Noofka Sound, pp. 386, 387.

-" Montmorin to Flciridahlanra, .^rch. Hist. National Madrid, See Estado 4038.

-" Creenhnw Hist., -App. D.

152 BRITISH COLUMBIA

While warlike preparations were proceeding and both countries
were seeking support for the expected struggle the diplomats con-
tinued their exertions. The British sent Alleyne Fitzherbert as Am-
bassador to Madrid, as it was found unsatisfactory to carry on the
negotiations in London. It would serve no useful purpose to deal
closely with the correspondence that ensued. For a time each nation
stood its ground, for in this contest they represented two antagonistic
conceptions. It was far indeed from being merely a fight for the
"cat-skins of Nootka" as the anonymous author of the Letters on the
Errors of the British Minister in the negotiation with the Court of
Spain calls it.^* The Spaniard clung to the antiquated notion that
because his subjects had been the first of Europeans to see the Pacific
Ocean all lands washed by its waters were the possessions of Spain.
This natural title, to his mind unassailable, became indefeasible by
the gift of Pope Alexander VI, whose Bull of May, 1493, had con-
firmed to Spain all lands discovered or thereafter to be discovered by
the Spaniards in the Western Ocean. The Briton, since the days
of the Tudors, had acted upon the principle that mere discovery is
only an inchoate title and that lands not controlled by anv civilized
nation become the territorial possession of the people first occupying
and developing them.-" As for the Papal Bull, the reply of Queen
Elizabeth, two hundred years before, crystallized the sentiments of
the nation: "That she could not persuade herself that they possessed
any just title by the Bishop of Rome's donation, in whom she
acknowledged no prerogative in such cases, so as to lay any tie upon
princes who owed him no obedience.'"'

Matters gradually assumed a less belligerent tone. How far the
peace terminating the war between Sweden and Russia, leaving
the latter power free to prosecute her attacks on Britain's old ally,
Turkey, and how far the existing internal difficulties in The Nether-
lands may have aided in this pacific movement it is not necessary
to enquire. Britain now submitted a memorial in which, after de-
claring that a peaceful settlement was desired, it was stated that
no negotiation to that end could be undertaken until the vessels were
restored, Meares indemnified, and satisfaction given for the insult
to the British flag.^'

-5 Op. cit., p. 31.

-8 Manning's Nootka Sound, pp. 377, 378.

30 Speech of Senator Colquitt, February 17, 1846, p. 7.

81 Fitzherbert to Floridabl.inca, June 13, 1790; Annual Register, xxxii, p. 298.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 153

From June 13th, wlicn this document was submitted, until July
24th, the diplomats discussed the questions. Fitzherbert's instruc-
tions said that in the opinion of the Foreign Office the satisfaction
when given would necessarily imply that Spain was "not in posses-
sion of an actual, known, and acknowledged Sovereignty and Do-
minion at Nootka" which could justify her action, and that therefore
no discussion upon this point could take place after the satisfaction;
then in lengthy and verbose phrase the Foreign Office went on to say
that neither could any discussion take place before the satisfaction
which could convince Britain of Spain's sovereignty at Nootka/'"
Thus it appears that Pitt, acting in this somewhat unreasonable man-
ner, was determined that the abandonment of the Spanish claim of
sovereignty must be the price of peace. With these instructions was
enclosed a draft of declaration and counter-declaration almost iden-
tical with those which passed between Fitzherbert and Floridablanca
on July 24th. By the declaration, as signed, Spain acknowledged
her willingness to give satisfaction for the injury complained of —
the capture of Meares's vessels — to make full restitution and to in-
demnify the interested parties for the losses sustained thereby. I'hus
it appears that the "satisfaction" about which so much had been said,
which had been so strenuously claimed on the one side and refused
on the other, was simply an apology. This declaration was accepted
by counter-declaration on the same day and the dark war clouds
began to break.

During all this time the "Spanish Armament" lay at Spithcad.
ready to stand out into the Atlantic upon the shortest notice; Admiral
Cornish with eight ships of the line had already set sail and, favoured
by an easterly wind, was clear of the Channel. The Dutch fleet of
ten sail of the line under Admiral Kinsbergen was also at sea ready
to cooperate. A detachment of the Guards to the number of two
thousand men were under orders to march to Portsmouth and every
preparation had been made to facilitate their prompt embarkation.''^
When it was learned that Admiral Cornish had sailed, the Spanish
fleet at Cadiz was ordered to sea, and for a time these two fleets were
hovering near Cape Finisterre dangerously near each other. Two
Spanish ships of war carrying one thousand soldiers were sent to Porto

'-July 5, 1790, Leeds to Fitzlierhert, British Museum MSS., 34432, pp. 32-36.
*' Events 1780 to 1790, p. 174.

154 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Rico, where it was apprehended an early attack would be made. By
July 20th, Spain had thirty-four ships of the line and sixteen smaller
craft at sea.

Early in September Fitzherbert presented to Floridablanca the
first projet of a treaty.^* And again the arguments and counter-argu-
ments, the proposals and counter-proposals, the disputes over words
and phrases, continued for more than a month. The action of the
NationalAssembly of France in reply to the demand for aid in sug-
gesting a re-casting of the Family Compact, showed to the world
that while Britain could rely on her allies, Spain stood alone. The
people of England began to complain of the inordinate length of the
negotiations and the consequent period of uncertainty. The firmness
with which Britain had entered upon the matter foreshadowed
immediate satisfaction or war; but, now, nearly eight months had
elapsed, immense expense had been incurred, yet nothing tangible
had been obtained. These two forces caused the Ministry to be in-
sistent that the treaty which had been altered and resubmitted on
October 15th should be arranged within ten days.^^ The Junta, whose
advice was taken, were of opinion that the fortunes of war should
be tried, declaring that its terms were so drastic that nothing further
could be demanded at the end of an unsuccessful war. Florida-
blanca, however, continued the discussion and succeeded in obtain-
ing small concessions here and there. The treaty with these changes
was presented to Floridablanca on October 23rd. When that day's
conference closed, the Spanish Minister declared that he was still
in doubt whether the reply he should give the next morning would
be for peace or for war. King Carlos IV, however, was satisfied
and, on October 28, 1790, was signed the Nootka Sound Convention.
So important is this document in our history, and so much has it been
misunderstood that it is presented in full in the appendix to this work.

Like most compromises this treaty was strongly approved and
strongly condemned in England and in Spain. In the former coun-
try the opposition led by Fox declared that it had cut down the
national rights, claiming that theretofore Britain had had the right
to settle in any part of America not fortified against her bv previous
occupancy, but now that right was limited; so too the navigation.

^* Narrative, p. i68.
''Narrative, pp. 257-285.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 155

fishery, and commerce of the Pacific, before without restriction, were
subject to the limitations of the treaty. The fact that Spain had
always denied any such rights was not in their opinion material.
Hence her partial waiver was no adequate return for the restrictions
now placed on British subjects. In Spain the treaty was distasteful
to the national pride and was regarded as a breaking away from time-
honoured views. The enemies of Floridablanca would not be satis-
fied with his explanations, nor with his suggestion that it was only
a temporary expedient owing to the inadvisability of resorting to the
arbitrament of the sword in the present unhappy condition of Spain.
So insistent were they that in February, 1792, Floridablanca was dis-
missed from ofBce after fifteen years of faithful service. His fall was
attributed to the Nootka Sound Convention.

To the world at large this treaty was the first external evidence
of the ebb of the tide — the beginning of the collapse of the Spanish
colonial system. It was the first express renunciation of Spain's
ancient claim to exclusive sovereignty, navigation, commerce, and
fisheries on the Pacific Coast of America.

The treaty itself does not deal with sovereignty at all. Beyond
the engagement to restore the buildings and land and to indemnify
Meares for his losses, it deals only with navigation, fishery, and com-
merce in the Pacific and the forming of settlements on its shores.
The satisfaction given by Spain in July, 1790, is the abandonment of
her claim to sovereignty in this latitude, for it was an admission that
Martinez was in the wrong in seizing the vessels, which he would
not have been, had the territory been subject to Spain. But neither
the treaty nor the declaration ever transferred or attempted to trans-
fer the abandoned Spanish sovereignty. In the result the settlement
of the Nootka difficulty left this Northwest coast (at least so far as
related to the undefined territory beyond the line which international
law would allow Spain to claim as hers under the doctrine of pro-
pinquity) a land without sovereignty in any European state, a sort
of no-man's-land to which title could be acquired by entering into
possessif)n and exercising dominion over it. This position is im-
portant to be borne in mind because of its connection with the Oregon
Dispute nearly sixty years later.

The provision for the restoration of the land and buildings at
Nootka falls properly into the consideration of the work of Capt.

156 BRITISH COLUMBIA

George Vancouver on this coast and will be dealt with in a subse-
quent chapter.

The compensation which Spain had agreed to make was referred
to commissioners to adjust, and after the usual delays a convention
was signed by Don Manuel de las Heras on behalf of Spain, and
Mr. Ralph Woodford on behalf of Great Britain, at London on
February 12, 1793, whereby Spain agreed to pay to the interested
parties "two hundred and ten thousand hard dollars in specie" in full
of all damages. Meares in his Memorial had with his usual exag-
geration claimed $153,433 as actual losses and $500,000 as probable
losses.^'' To reach these figures he had, for instance, valued all sea-
otter skins at $100 apiece, though as Dixon in his Remarks pointed
out the average price of all such skins obtained on this coast since
the time of Captain Hanna (1785) was but $29 1/6;'" Meares
further estimated that the Iphigenia, North West America, and Prin-
cess Royal would have collected a thousand skins each and the Argo-
naut two thousand skins, even though in the preceding year the
combined result of the work of the Felice and the Iphigenia had
been but seven hundred and fifty skins, which had been sold at an
average, as he (Meares) claimed, of $50 each.-^'* In this connection
it must not be overlooked that the Iphigenia had only been under
seizure for about a fortnight and Meares had in hand her returns;
this, however, did not prevent him from claiming them over again.
It may therefore be safely concluded that the amount paid by Spain
was a verv liberal allowance and far exceeded any actual losses.

'* Meares' Memorial, .^pp. 14.

^'Dixon's Remarks on Meares' Voyage, pp. 11, 12.

^* Answer to Dixon, pp. 22, 23.

CAPTAIN GEORGE VANCOUVER, R. N.

CHAPTER VIII

CAPTAIN GEORGE VANCOUVER

Some months before news of the capture of the British vessels at
Nootka Sound had reached England, the Government had determined
to continue the survey of the Northwest coast, so well begun by Cap-
tain Cook. Henry Roberts, who had served under that great navi-
gator, was offered and accepted command of the expedition. George
Vancouver, who also had sailed with Cook as midshipman, was com-
missioned to accompany Roberts as second in command. However,
just as preparations were nearing completion, word reached the Gov-
ernment of the Nootka trouble. It appeared, at first, that neither
Great Britain nor Spain would submit to the demands of the other.
Both countries actively prepared for war and, for the time being, the
second British expedition to the Northwest coast was abandoned, in
order that the officers and men might be drafted into the vessels then
being commissioned for active service. Spain, as related in the pre-
ceding chapter, was in no position to engage in hostilities and before
the autumn of 1790 the Nootka Convention had been arranged and
peaceful relations restored.

The Nootka dispute was no sooner settled than the British Gov-
ernment again turned its attention to western American affairs. Van-
couver was given command of the postponed expedition, Roberts
being engaged elsewhere. The Discovery, a new sloop of three hun-
dred and forty tons, originally designed for the service, was recom-
missioned. She was to be accompanied by the armed tender Chatham,
of one hundred and thirty-five tons, in command of Lieutenant
William Robert Broughton. Great care was exercised in preparing
the vessels for their long voyage. As in the case of Cook's ships, the
stores supplied were of the best that the arsenals could produce.

In accordance with the terms of the Nootka Convention, Van-
couver was clothed with authority to' receive from the Spanish officer

157

158 BRITISH COLUMBIA

he was to meet at Nootka, the lands and houses that Meares claimed
had been wrested from him in May, 1789. He was also to explore
the Northwest coast of America, between the parallels of 30 degrees
and 60 degrees, north latitude. In his examination Vancouver was to
take particular pains to keep in view:

" ist. The acquiring accurate information with respect to the nature
and extent of any water communication, which may tend in any con-
siderable degree, to facilitate an intercourse, for the purposes of com-
merce, between the North-West coast, and the countries upon the
opposite side of the continent, which are inhabited or occupied by His
Majesty's subjects."

"andly. The ascertaining, vvith as much precision as possible, the
number, extent, and situation of any settlements which have been made
within the limits above mentioned, by any European nation, and the
time when such settlement was first made." ^

With respect to the first, it was deemed of great importance that
it should be definitely settled whether any of the inlets or fiords
recently discovered, or that might be discovered, communicated with
the Atlantic; or if there were any large rivers communicating with
the lakes discovered by the French and British furtraders in the heart
of the continent. Men still clung to the false theories respecting that
ignis fatuus, the Strait of Anian, which for so many years had exer-
cised the minds of geographers and led them to believe all manner of
strange stories of that mysterious northern way. Cook's voyage,
although it had done much to rob these false theories of their vogue,
at least among British men of science, had not by any means killed
belief in the Strait of Anian. Meares had endeavoured to revive inter-
est in the ancient relations, and his positive assertions for a time influ-
enced the opinion of some geographers; and just at this time Buache,
the French geographer, astonished Europe bv proving, to his own
satisfaction at least, that the strait of the charlatan Maldonado was
not a figment of tlic imagination but a reality. So Vancouver was
instructed to lay at rest once and forever all such crude theories
respecting navigable rivers and straits that by long and sinuous pas-
sages connected the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. British geographers
of that generation were not impressed with Maldonado or de Fonte;
nor did they believe in the existence of their chains of lakes and rivers.

'Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, p. X\'III.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 159

The romance of the Elizabethan era could not flourish in the materi-
alistic Georgian period. Already the golden age of discovery had
passed, and no longer were the extravagant tales of the quack explorer
received with credulous regard. In fact, the material view of the
Georgian period had suppressed the romantic and placed on high the
politico-economic. In that age Samuel Purchas and his accounts
of the "silver bowels"' and "golden entrails" of America, and such
picturesque descriptions deceived no one.

In view of the fact that the officer placed in command of the expe-
dition failed to find the two principal rivers of western America, the
Columbia and the Eraser, it is interesting to recall that he was speci-
fically instructed not only to ascertain the general line of the sea coast,
"but also the direction and extent of all such considerable inlets,
whether made by arms of the sea, or by the mouths of large rivers, as
may be likely to lead to or facilitate"" a communication with the
Atlantic.

To all vessels belonging to His Catholic Majesty, Vancouver was
to extend every assistance in his power and to avoid giving any ofifence
to the subjects of the Spanish King. It was particularly recommended
that the British officer upon meeting with Spanish men of war, should
enter into a free and unreserved communication of all charts and
discaveries made by him, upon the condition that the Spanish officers
should reciprocate the courtesy.

Additional instructions were forwarded by the Admiralty with
Lieutenant Hergest, commanding the trans-port Daedalus. These
were confined more particularly to the procedure to be followed at
Nootka Sound in the surrender of the "buildings," and "districts," or
"parcels of land," recently seized by the Spaniards and to the move-
ments of the transport. With the additional instructions a letter was
transmitted from Count Floridablanca, dated the 12th of May, 1791,
and addressed to the Governor or Commander of the "Port at St.
Lawrence," instructing that officer to immediately surrender the lands
at Nootka Sound and Port Cox, claimed by the British.

Yet another note of instruction was despatched to Vancouver, but
this was merely the usual formal order that he should repair to Lon-
don immediately on his return, to lay before the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty a full account of his voyage, and to take care, before

- Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, p. XIX.

160 BRITISH COLUMBIA

leaving the sloop "to demand from the officers, and petty officers, the
log books, journals, drawings, etc., they may have kept, and to seal
them up for our inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew
not to divulge where they had been until they shall have permission to
do so." ■'

The Chatham and Discovery sailed from Falmouth the ist of
April, 1791, and after a long passage, in the course of which New Hol-
land, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand were visited, the ves-
sels arrived at the Sandwich Islands in January, 1792. Departing
thence in March, Vancouver sighted the coast of New Albion on the
17th of April, in latitude 39^27'. "The shore appeared straight and
unbroken, of a moderate height, with mountainous land behind, cov-
ered with stately forest trees; except in some spots, which had the
appearance of having been cleared by manual labour ; and e.xhibited a
verdant, agreeable aspect." *

Vancouver directed his course along the coast to the northward,
keeping within sight of land and determining the position of its vari-
ous capes and bays. Off Cape Orford the vessels were visited by
the natives in canoes and the explorer observes that "a pleasing and
courteous deportment distinguished these people." Under the 46th
parallel, the Cape Disappointment of Meares was sighted, but, as
Meares had done before him, Vancouver failed to observe the great
fluvial artery, the estuary of which was discovered a few months later
by Captain Gray of the American ship Columbia. So much has been
said and written of Vancouver's failure to discover the opening, found
shortly afterwards by the American captain, that exceptional interest
is added to the British explorer's observations with regard to the land
sighted on Friday, the 29th of April. "Noon brought us up," so runs
the journal, "with a very conspicuous point of land composed of a
cluster of hummocks, moderately high, and projecting into the sea
from the low land before mentioned. These hummocks are barren,
and steep near the sea, but their tops thinly covered with wood. On the
south side of this promontorv was the appearance of an inlet, or small
river, the land behind not indicating it to be of any great extent; nor
did it seem accessible for vessels of our burthen, as the breakers
extended from the above point 2 or 3 miles into the ocean, until they

^Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, p. XXVIII.
* Id., p. 196.

Aiii'i ;iri ni,| Drawing by Davidson

IN THE STRAITS OF JUAN DE FUCA
Captain Gray obliged to fire upon the natives
who disregarded liis orders to keep off

After one of DavKlson's old KrawlnKs

AT THE FALKLAND ISLANDS

Ca])tain Gray with chart in liand, eonversing

with one of liis odici'rs

Afler yii liltl Itriiwlng by Davidsun

IN WINTER QUARTERS AT CLAYOQUOT
Captain Gray giving orders to Mr. Yendell con-
cerning tlie buiUIing of the sloop
"Adventure"

AftiT an old Drawing by PavUlson

AT WHAMPOA

Captinii Gray, facing the slii|is, converses with
a Irieiid upon the discovery of Oregon

BRITISH COLUMBIA 161

joined those on the beach nearly four leagues further south. On refer-
ence to Mr. Meares's description of the coast south of this promontory,
I was at first inclined to believe it to be Cape Shoalvvater, but on ascer-
taining its latitude, I presumed it to be that which he calls Cape
Disappointment; and the opening to the south of it. Deception Bay." "
So Vancouver missed the mouth of the Columbia River.

Passing Point Grenville and Barkley's Destruction Island, Van-
couver reached the latitude in which geographers of more than a cen-
tury and a half had placed the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Dalrymple,
the cartographer, in his rare pamphlet entitled "Plan for Promoting
the Fur Trade," published in 1789, states that "it is alledged that the
Spaniards have recently found an entrance in the latitude of 47^45'
north, which in 27 days course brought them to the vicinity of Hud-
son's Bay; this latitude exactly corresponds to the ancient relation of
John de Fuce, the Greek, pilot in 1592." Here, by a coincidence as
strange as it was fortunate, Vancouver fell in with the Columbia, com-
manded by Captain Robert Gray. Having read Meares' account of
the voyage of the sloop JVashington behind Nootka, he was naturally
anxious to hear more of the discoveries made on that occasion. Puget
and Menzies were sent on board to acquire "such information as might
be serviceable in our future operations." On the return of the boat
Vancouver learned that Gray had commanded the sloop Washington
in 1789 at the time she was supposed to have made a singular voyage
behind Nootka. "It was not a little remarkable," observed Vancou-
ver, "that, on our approach to the entrance of this inland sea, we
should fall in with the identical person, who, it had been stated, had
sailed through it. His relation, however, differed very materially
from that published in England. It is not possible to conceive anyone
to be more astonished than was Captain Gray, on his being made
acquainted, that his authority had been quoted, and the track pointed
out that he had been said to have made in the sloop Washington. In
contradiction to which, he assured the oflicers, that he had penetrated
only 50 miles into the Straits in question, in an E. S. E. direction ; that
he found the passage 5 leagues wide; and that he understood from the
natives that the opening extended a considerable distance to the north-
ward; that this was all the information he had acquired respecting
this inland sea, and that he returned into the ocean by the same way he

'Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, pp. 209-10.

Vol I— I I

162 BRITISH COLUMBIA

had entered at." Gray also gave his visitors information as to his
operations on the coast in the winter, relating, among other things,
that the Clayoquot chief, Wicaninish, planned to capture his ship by
bribing a Sandwich islander on board to wet the priming of his fire-
arms, thus to enable the Indians who had assembled for that purpose
to overpower the crew. The plot was happily discovered in time to
prevent its execution. The ships then parted, the Discovery and Chat-
liani to the northward, while the Co/unihia followed them, although
Gray had stated that it was his intention to proceed southward on a
trading cruise.''

At noon on Sunday, April 29th, the Discovery and Chatliani, the
latter in the lead, sailed into the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Vancouver
in passing gave the name of Classet to the Cape Flattery of Cook.
The vessels passed between Tatooche Island and a large rock, which in
honour of Duncan, who had first sketched the entrance of the strait,
was named Rock Duncan. Then Vancouver commenced his careful
and laborious survey of the great inland sea, studded with islands, that
is such a remarkable feature of the coast. Vancouver hugged the con-
tinental shore and, proceeding from point to point, at last reached the
maze of islands and inlets, to which he gave the name of Puget Sound,
in honour of Peter Puget, his second lieutenant. Although the
e.xplorer anchored under New Dungeness not far from the Port
Angeles of the present day, it is not recorded either in the narrative of
the expedition, nor in any other authentic work, that he visited that
beautiful park-like country at the southern extremity of Vancouver
Island, which fifty years later excited the admiration of Captain
McNeill, of the steamer Beaver, and James Douglas, chief factor of
the Hudson's Bay Company.

Strictly following the letter of his instructions. Vancouver sur-
veyed, with elaborate care, each bay and harbour, each inlet and
sound. The nomenclature of the shores of that mediterranean sea
bears ample testimony of his minute examination. With the excep-
tion of the names bestowed by the Spaniards in their surveys of the
years 1791 and 1792, there is scarcely a large island, bay or sound, or
a prominent cape that does not bear the name given it by the British
explorer. Vancouver at once and forever disposed of the mystery of
the Strait of Anian. Before his investigations Maldonado and De

* Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, pp. 214-15.

Prom an old Drawing by Haswell

THE SHIP "OOLUMBIA" AND THE BRIO

"HANCOCK" IN HANCOCK'S RIVER,

QUEEN CHARLOTTE'S ISLANDS

From an old Drawiiiy by Hiuwull

THE SHIP

"COLUMBIA" AND THE SLOOP
"WASHINGTON"

MEDAL STRUCK TO COMMEMORATE THE DI'^PARTURE
OF THE "COLUMBIA" AND THE "WASHINGTON"

THE SHIP '■COLUMBIA" SlKI'HISKn
THE NATIVES OF CHICKLESET

Krom an old Drawlnn hy Davidson

THE "a)LUMBIA" IN A SQUALL

BRITISH COLUMBIA I6;i

Fonte, Juan Ladrillero, and Martin Chakc, and all the pretentions of
those who had averred their belief in the exploits of these impostors,
dissolved into thin air, leaving not a wrack behind. But more than
that, Vancouver not onlv laid at rest these stories, but he was the first
to establish the insular character of the land occupied by the Spaniards
in 1789. Before his day, the Indians had reported to Spaniard and
furtrader that behind Nootka lay channels of the sea, and indeed it
had been opined that the shores visited by adventurers in their search
for the pelt of the sea-otter were not part of the continent, but merely
a chain of islands that fringed the coast. Vancouver, however, was
the first explorer to establish this fact.

In the evening of April 30th, the Ch(ith(U)i 2ind Disc ox'ery anchored
ofT New Dungeness. Perhaps it was a happy omen that May-Day
dawned bright and beautiful. But whether or no, there were any on
board superstitious enough to give heed to signs, the fact remains that
from that day until the beginning of August, when the vessels sailed
into Queen Charlotte's Sound, no serious mishap befell the expedition.
Proceeding from New Dungeness, Vancouver sailed through Admir-
alty Inlet to Puget Sound, thence past Whidby Island, the beautiful
San Juan or Haro Archipelago, and, still hugging the continental
shore, by Bellingham Bay and Lummi Island into the southern end of
the Gulf of Georgia; thence on to Semiahmoo and Boundary Bays,
Points Roberts and Grey, to the entrance of Burrard Inlet. Point
Grey was so named "in compliment to my friend Captain George
Grey of the Navy," and Point Roberts "after mv esteemed friend and
predecessor in the Discovery." '

Here again Vancouver failed to find a large river. Between these
points the Eraser embouches into the Gulf of Georgia, but although
in crossing from one point to the other, the strong current of the river,
and its vast sand-banks forced the small boat, in which the explorer
was making his examination, far into the Gulf and although it was
noticed that the intermediate space was occupied bv low land, appar-
ently a swampy flat that extended several miles back from the shore,
the river of which this swampy flat was the delta was not discovered.
Moreover, it was observed that the water "nearly half over the Gulph,
and accompanied bv a rapid tide was nearly colourless, whicli gave us
some reason to suppose that the northern branch of the Sound might

" A'ancouver's Voyage, Quarto e<l., vol. i, pp. 299-300.

164 BRITISH COLUMBIA

possibly be discovered to terminate in a river of considerable extent."
Between Points Grey and Atkinson, Vancouver found the narrow
entrance of a long canal, which he examined with care, little thinking
that on the shore of this inlet was to arise a great city, destined to be
the western metropolis of the greatest Dominion of the British Empire.
That inlet was named Burrard's Canal after Sir Harry Burrard.

Following the v^'estern shore of the Gulf he had named in honour
of the reigning sovereign, George III., Vancouver discovered and
explored the inlet named after Sir John Jervis. Returning to Point
Grey, where it was the intention to land and breakfast, Vancouver
fell in with tw'o little Spanish vessels, the Sutil and Mexicana, com-
manded respectively by Don Dionisio Galiano and Don Cayetano
Valdez. These vessels proved to be a detachment from the expedi-
tion of the accomplished but unfortunate Malaspina, then in the serv-
ice of Spain. Galiano and Valdez had entered the strait five days
after the British expedition, and since that time had been engaged in
examining the coasts partly surveyed by Spanish officers in previous
years.

Vancouver, who up to that time, had not known that the waters he
had explored had been visited by the Spaniards, was not altogether
pleased to find this the case. 'T cannot avoid acknowledging," he
says in his journal, "that, on this occasion, I experienced no small
degree of mortification in finding that the external shores of the Gulph
had been visited, and already examined a few miles beyond where my
researches during the excursion, had extended." *

Here on that summer morning of one hundred and twenty years
ago, chance caused the two exploring expeditions to meet. In a man-
ner it may be described as an historic occasion, for the one signified
the rise of a new power, and the other marked the close of Spanish
effort on the Northwest coast. The well equipped British vessels
were in marked contrast to the little galleys of Spain. The meeting
was observed by an interchange of courtesies between the British and
Spanish officers.

Almost the first news imparted to Vancouver was that Bodega y
Quadra, the commandant of San Bias in California, was awaiting the
arrival of the British Commissioner at Nootka, in order to restore the
disputed territory to the Crown of Great Britain, in accordance with

* Vancouver, Voyages, London, 1798, vol. i, p. 312.

FALLS AT INDL^N RIVER TOSI'
Head of North Arm, Burrard Inlot

BRITISH COLUMBIA 165

terms of the Nootka Convention. Vancouver speaks in high terms of
the behaviour of the Spanish officers : "Their conduct was replete with
that politeness and friendship which characterizes the Spanish nation;
every kind of useful information they cheerfully communicated, and
obligingly expressed much desire, that circumstances might so concur
as to admit of our respective labours being carried on together; for
which purpose, or, if from our long absence and fatigue in an open
boat, I would wish to remain with my party as their guest, they would
immediately despatch a boat with such directions as I might deem
necessary for the conduct of the ships, or, in the event of a favourable
breeze springing up, they would weigh and sail directly to their sta-
tion; but, being intent on losing no time, I declined their obliging
offers, and having partaken with them a very hearty breakfast, bade
them farewell,, not less pleased with their hospitality and attention,
than astonished at the vessels in which they were employed to execute
a service of such a nature. They were each of about forty-five tons
burthen, mounted two brass guns, and were navigated by twenty-four
men, bearing one lieutenant, without a single inferior officer. Their
apartments just allowed room for sleeping places on each side, with a
table in the intermediate space, at which four persons with some
difficulty, could sit, and were in all other respects, the most ill cal-
culated and unfit vessels that could possibly be imagined for such an
expedition; notwithstanding this, it was pleasant to observe, in point
of living, they possessed many more comforts than could reasonably
have been expected." "

The Sntil and Mexicann were fitted out at Acapulco as an adjunct
of Malaspina's expedition in the Dcscuhierta and Atrevida, but these
vessels had sailed before the schooners reached that port. The voyage
was undertaken for the purpose of continuing the examination of the
Straits of Fuca, commenced by Manuel Quimper, under Don Fran-
cisco Eliza, who had been ordered in 1790 to survey that inlet. It is
stated in the official narrative of the expedition that Estevan Martinez,
in sailing down the coast in the Santiago in the year 1774 had sighted
a broad entrance a little to the north of the 48th parallel. In
the logof the Santiago, however, no mention is made of that discovery.
The Sntil carried Dionisio Galiano, who commanded the expedition,
Secundino Salamanca and seventeen men; and the Mcxirana, Caye-

• Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, pp. 313-14.

166 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tano V'aldez, Juan Vernachi, Josef Cordero, draughtsman, and the
same complement of men as the Sutil. In view of Vancouver's remarks
upon the size and equipment, it is interesting to note that the dimen-
sions of each ship were as follows: Keel — 46 feet, 10 inches; Length
over all — 50 feet, 3 inches; Beam — 13 feet, 10 inches; Aft-hold — 6
feet, 2 inches; Forehold — 5 feet, 8 inches. The armament consisted
of one three-pounder, four falcons, eighteen muskets, twenty-four
pistols, and eighteen sabres.

The Sutil and Mexicana sailed from the Mexican port on March
8th, and, after a stormy voyage, in which the latter was dismasted,
reached Nootka on May 12th, finding there Francisco Eliza, with the
frigate Concepcion, the Santa Gertrudis, Alonso de Torres com-
mander, and the brigantine Activa. Bodega y Quadra had arrived
but a few days before to carry out the convention concluded between
the Spanish Court and that of England in 1790. Galiano's journal
throws an interesting light upon the Spanish occupation of Nootka, ,
and especially upon the relations that existed between his country-
men and the natives. "While we were in this port," he writes on one
occasion, ''we saw with particular gratification the close friendship
which reigned between the Spaniards and the Indians. Maquinna,
influenced by the presents and good treatment of Commander Quadra,
had come to live very near the ships. He ate from the Commander's
table daily, and, though not at it, was very near, and used his knife
and fork like the most polished European, allowing himself to be
waited on by the servants, and amusing everybody by his merry
humour. He drank wine with pleasure, and left to others, so as not
to muddle his brain, the care of limiting his quantum of that liquor,
which he called "Water of Spain." He was usually accompanied by
his brother, Quatlazape, for whom he showed great affection. Some
of his relatives and vassals also generally dined in the cabin, and for
these latter a dish of beans or haricots, food they most preferred, was
set daily. Maquinna was endowed with clear and alert talent, and
very well knew his rights of sovereignty. He complained of the treat-
ment of the foreign vessels which traded on the Coast, on account of
certain vexations which he said his people had received. He denied
that he had ceded the port of Nootka to the English lieutenant,
Meares, and only acknowledged that he had allowed him to settle

ttfd'r^ ^yX»/^"W

n,
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BRITISH COLUMBIA 167

there, repeating continually the cession he made to the king of Spain
of that port and the stores pertaining to it with all their products." '"

The French frigate, La Flavia, of about five hundred tons, arrived
at Nootka while the Sutil and Mexicana lay at anchor there. The
Flavia flew the new national flag which was then seen for the first
time on this coast. The object was to trade for furs and to seek infor-
mation respecting the unfortunate La Perouse.

The journal also relates that early in June, natives arrived to ask
Bodega y Quadra to assist them against a vessel which had attacked
a village in Esperanza Inlet, killing seven, wounding others, and
despoiling the rest of their otter skins. The Indians brought with
them a wounded man to be treated by the Spanish doctor. As far as
is known, this vessel was the Columbia, commanded by Captain Gray.
The natives related that the Americans, being unable to agree upon
the rate of exchange for furs, had used force to compel them to sur-
render their peltries.

Having taken on board Luis Galvez, the surgeon of the Aranziizu,
the Sutil and Mexicana sailed for the Straits of Fuca and a few days
later came to anchor at the port of Nunez Gaona, now known as Neah
Bay, to which place the Spaniards had determined to transfer the
settlemeot at Nootka, in anticipation of the surrender of that port to
the British. Salvador Fidalgo, commanding the Princessa, was then
making preparations for the transfer, clearing a site for an orchard
and making yards for the cows, sheep, pigs and goats, brought from
San Bias. Nunez Gaona, however, was abandoned shortly after-
wards. It seems strange that an effort should have been made to estab-
lish a colony at this place, for it was but ill-adapted for settlement.
Although Quimpcr and Francisco Eliza had examined the straits
and the inland sea, as far as the Gulf of Georgia, called by the Span-
ish, "(iran Canal dc Nuestra Sonora del Rosario" (Grand Canal of
Our Lady of the Rosary), they had not completed their survey.

The work of continuing the exploration of these inland waters had
been entrusted toGaliano and he now proceeded to carry out his
instructions. He liid not, like Vancouver, follow the continental
shore, but touched at the Port of Cordova, where now stands the city
of Victoria. "The port of Cordova is beautiful," runs an entry in the

'" Voyage of Sulil ami Miwii anci: Barwick's Translation in arcliivos of British ("olnnihia,
pp. 17-18.

168 BRITISH COLUMBIA

journal of June 9th, "and affords good shelter for sailors; but the
water is shallow, as we saw, and Tetacus informed us : the land is very
irregular, of slight elevation, and, as the neighbourhood shows, the
surface of soil on the rock is of little depth. Nevertheless it is fertile,
covered with trees and plants, and these growths are almost the same
as those of Nootka, but wild roses are most abundant. Also rather
more birds are seen and more of the same kind of seagulls, ducks, king-
fishers, and other birds. It was in this port that the schooner Satur-
nina had to fire at the canoes of the inhabitants to protect the launch
of the Packet San Carlos, which came in her company, and which
launch they obstinately wanted to seize." "

Galiano then made his way through the San Juan or Haro xA.rchi-
pelago, noticing on June 12th, flames to the southeast of Mount
Carmel (Mount Baker), which phenomenon was interpreted as indi-
cating the presence of an active volcano in that neighbourhood. In
crossing the Gulf of Georgia, two small boats were sighted, which it
was thought belonged to the two English ships, known to be exploring
the inland sea. The Spanish vessels at this time were making for the
Sound of Floridablanca (the Spanish name for the estuar\^ of the
Fraser River), in order to search for the river, which was supposed,
from the report of the natives, to empty into that bay, but the current
prevented them reaching the head of the channel, so they anchored
under Punta Langara (Point Grey) and here the British and Span-
ish expeditions met as already narrated.

Naturally the explorers exchanged notes. Upon Vancouver point-
ing out the only spot he had left unexamined, at the head of Burrard
Inlet, Galiano and Valdez were much surprised that a large river,
which they had been told emptied into the waters of the Gulf of
Georgia, had not been seen. The mouth of the river is shown on the
Spanish chart between the Points Langara and Cepeda, the Spanish
names of Points Grey and Roberts of Vancouver. This river had been
named Rio Blanca, in honour of Count Floridablanca. It seems
almost beyond belief that Vancouver's small boats, for he had left
his ships at anchor in order to examine more carefully the bay and
inlets of the coast, should have failed to find the mouth of the Fraser
River. Yet such was the case.

The Discovery and Chatham and the Sutil and Mexicana then

11 Voyage of Sulil and Mexicana: Barwick's Translation, etc., pp. 42-43.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 169

proceeded together in accordance with an arrangement made between
Vancouver and Galiano. In the neighbourhood of Desolation Sound,
a great school of whales was seen, which led Vancouver to observe
that — "this circumstance, in some measure, favoured the assertion in
Mr. Meares's publication, that a passage to the ocean would be found
by persevering in our present course; though this was again rendered
very doubtful, as we had understood, from our Spanish friends, that,
notwithstanding the Spaniards had lived upon terms of great intimacy
with Mr. Gray and other American traders at Nootka, they had no
knowledge of any person having ever performed such a voyage, but
from the history of it published in England; and so far were these
gentlemen from being better acquainted with the discoveries of De
Fuce or De Fonte than ourselves, that, from us, they expected much
information as to the truth of such reports." Vancouver then re-
marked that Valdez, who spoke the Indian language fluently, said
that the natives had told him that the inlet ''did communicate with
the ocean to the northward, where they had seen ships." Valdez,
however, it was observed, did not place much reliance in these reports.
In view of the extraordinary story concocted by Meares with regard
to Kendrick's reputed circumnavigation of Vancouver Island, the
remarks of the Spanish navigator are exceedingly interesting.

The British and Spanish vessels continued in company for several
days and their officers were jointly engaged in a minute examination
of the continental shore. Each indentation was examined with care
in small boats commanded by Vancouver, Broughton, Mudge, Puget,
Baker, Whidby, and Johnstone, and the wealth of information
acquired was faithfully embodied in the great chart of Vancouver,
which must stand as a monument to that officer's zeal and ability.
The late Captain Walbran well crystallized the unanimous judg-
ment of scholars in stating that Vancouver carried on this survey
"with a zeal beyond all praise." On the i3tii of July, however, the
two expeditions parted companv off the entrance to Desolation Sound.
Galiano and Valdez "begging leave to decline accompanying us
further, as the powers they possessed in their miserable vessels were
unequal to a co-operation with us, and being apprehensive their
attendance would retard our progress."

Vancouver and Galiano at this point again compared notes and
presented each other with copies of the charts they had made and

170 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"after an exchange of good wishes, we bade each other farewell,
having experienced much satisfaction, and mutually received every
kindness and attention our peculiar situation could afford our little
society."

Galiano and V^aldez exhibited praiseworthy zeal in following out
their instructions and, in spite of their inadequate equipment, they
succeeded in accomplishing a great deal. In common with other
Spanish explorers the reputations of these men have suffered from
the fact that the splendidly equipped British expeditions overshadowed
their really laudable efforts in the later days of Spanish activity in
these waters. Spain never did justice to her navigators, whose labours
were not given to the world until sometime after the reports of the
British explorers were made public. The Spanish literature on the
subject of the Northwest coast is meagre in the extreme, whereas
English literature of travel and geography has been enriched by nu-
merous monumental works on British enterprise in the North Pacific.
It is a relief therefore to find that the notable achievements of the
two Spanish commanders, Galiano and Valdez, have not been entirely
overlooked by their Government.

The work of the expedition can best be portrayed by quoting from
the original journal, which has been specially translated for the
Archives Department of British Columbia. For instance under the
dates June 15th to i8th, 1792, the following entries appear:

1792, June I qth. — "In the morning Vernachi went in the launch to
seek a good anchorage to N. W., of the one w'e were in, thinking to
find it within the Sounds of Porlier, from which we thought we were
not very distant: our position was midway between the two points
which lie to the S. E. of these sounds.

"The wind began to freshen from the N. E., and our position
was growing serious if it should blow violently from that quarter.
At half-past eight in the morning the launch, which had started at
half-past four, was not yet in sight and its delay began to give us some
anxiety; but we saw it soon after, and it arrived alongside without
having found a desirable anchorage in the two leagues distance it
had travelled.

"As the weather would not allow the Schooners to cross to the N.
coast, it was resolved to proceed in them in search of the desired
anchorage. Wc set sail at 9 in the morning hoping to find it in the

BRITISH COLUMBIA m

Sound of Porlier; we reached the sound at mid-day, and entered
easily, without stopping to send the launch to reconnoitre it, for
although the wind which was blowing fresh from E. N. E., left us
directly we got under shelter of the point at the entrance, the waters
bore us inward, whither they were running swiftly.

"Having got inside we saw an Archipelago of numbers of small,
low islands, and perceived that the Channel was divided into two
main branches, one running S. E., and the other W. ; it was at once
resolved to take the former, so as to continue to have the assistance
of the wind to get out if necessary. But when we had lost the shelter
of the coast, the Mexicana experienced such a squall of wind, in
the direction of the Channel, so strong that it put her in danger
of capsizing. We saw at once how risky it was to entangle ourselves
among these islands, the channels of which were unknown to us, and
were of no interest to examine. The wind, being compressed to
pass through the narrow space in the opening of the mountains, blew
with great force: the currents were rapid and had to take various
directions according as the multitude of islands demanded; and as
no shore whatever was visible, it seemed probable that there were
no convenient anchorages. As we could not go far inland, which
would keep us a long time in this place, to the detriment of the
important survevs in the direction of the mainland, it seemed prudent
to get out without delay.

''But to get out of these Channels was not so easy as we expected.
The current had acquired such force that we could not overcome
it with the oars, and the wind was slack and gentle. So in order to
get into the main Channel wc had to spend two hours in constant
labour and danger. Ihe Mcxirmui managed it by passing to
windward of the small island that lies at the entrance, and very near
the end of its reef, in four fathoms, the stones being visible at the
bottom; but the Suiil, which was getting more and more involved
at the entrance, preferred to bear away so as to pass through
the narrow Channel formed bv the islet and the Coast, and did so
successfully.

"There were in these Channels several deserted villages, and one
with inhabitants on the W. side of the sound; from the latter five
canoes came out with two old men and nineteen youths, all very
robust and good looking; they came up to the Schooners, gave us

172 BRITISH COLUMBIA

mulberries and shell fish, and took, in exchange buttons and beads;
and thinking that we wanted fresh water they went to their villages
and brought us some vessels full of it.

"Free from the danger we had been in, we followed the Coast with
the object of finding a good anchorage; we sailed straight to the Point
of Gaviola, and not finding it there, we went on to the mouths of
Wintuysen, aided by a fresh v\'ind from the E., which cleared the
sky. We reached the E. point of the said mouths and passed between
them and the Islet: on doubling the said Point we saw two canoes
which followed close to the shore observing the movements of the
Schooners, and on coming athwart them they approached very
cautiously. To gain their confidence and friendship we gave those
who came in the canoes the best proofs of our intentions by throwing
them some strings of beads into their canoes; but we could not get
them to come near. We continued to proceed along the Coast with
the same object, until at last we discovered an anchorage at a mile
ofif the point, and as it seemed suitable we steered to it. We called
this roadstead "Cala del Descanso," from our need of rest and our
appreciation of the discovery on that occasion. We then reckoned
five days since our entrance into the Strait and in them not only
had we rectified but likewise added to the surveys of the previous
years; which served as recompense for our fatigues and labours, no
less than the hope of continuing the remaining tasks with equal result.
For this object we tried to fit ourselves by replenishing the wood and
water, and taking further measures which our position required with
all possible despatch.

"When we had finished mooring the Schooners we landed on the
shore at the end of the creek, and tried to penetrate into the wood
in search of fresh water; but we had not gone far when we perceived
some natives of the country who made signs to us not to go further,
and others who were running apparently to inform their wives. We
gratified them by withdrawing, and made them understand why we
had come; then two of them took us to two verv poor springs which
were on the Coast, E. of the Port, about two cables beyond the
anchorage of the Schooners, and in one of these springs there were
three holes covered with semi-circular stones; this confirmed us in
the idea we already had of the scarcity of fresh water on those Coasts.
With this knowledge we returned to the beach and found six Indians

BRITISH COLUMBIA 173

who were giving sardines to our sailors: we gave them in return
beads and other tokens of friendship, but without being able to inspire
them with entire confidence.

"On this day thirty-nine canoes with two or three Indians apiece
came together round the Schooners. We did not find any remark-
able difference between their physiognomy and that of the other
natives who had visited us in the Strait; but on the other hand we
could not help noticing the fact that many of them squinted, and they
wore their whiskers covered with short hair, the beards with pear-
shaped ornaments, and their eyebrows rather thick. Their clothes
were reduced in general to blankets of coarse and well woven wool,
fastened by two pins on the shoulder, but only long enough to reach
to the knees. An occasional one wore a deerskin, particular attention
being called to that which covered the man who appeared to be the
Tais, who wore besides a second woollen blanket on top, a hat in the
form of a truncated cone, five brass bracelets on the right wrist, and
a hoop of copper round his neck, very similar to the one we had
seen on an Indian in lat. 60° the year before. Some wore hats and
many were painted with red ochre; they came smiling, appeared
gentle, and if not stupid at least dull of understanding. The idiom is
entirely different from that of Nootka, and they make even greater
gutteral noises and aspirates, so that it appeared to us more difficult
to learn.

"They offered us in exchange great quantities of sardines, sun-
dried and smoked, and arms, namely: arrows, some having well
shaped points of flint or mussel shell, others of bone and serrated;
clubs of whalebone, and medium-sized bows of fairly strong and
flexible wood. They also offered new blankets which we afterwards
concluded were of dog's hair, partly because when the woven hair
was compared with that of those animals there was no apparent
difference, and partly from the great number of dogs they keep in
those villages, most of them being shorn. These animals are of
moderate size, resembling those of English breed, with very thick
coats, and usually white: among other things they differ from those
of Europe in their manner of barking, which is simply a miserable
howl.

"It was very easy for us to see that in spite of the pleasure we
endeavoured to show, and the continual proofs of friendship which

174 BRITISH COLUMBIA

we gave these Indians, \vc could not obtain their confidence. They
were always hesitating and suspicious; the slightest movement upset
them, and this frequently interrupted our communication.

"They prized beads and Monterey shells, the pearl of which
they use for ornaments, and they value pieces of rough iron more
than that manufactured into knives or razors, perhaps because they
use them for points for arrows, harpoons and other things.

"Very noteworthy is the difference in character which we per-
ceived in the natives in such a short distance as that which lies
between the mouths of Porlier and those of Wintuysen. The former
are trusting and aflfable; the latter suspicious and disagreeable. But
is not the same difference sometimes seen between neighbouring
settlements, and more civilized nations? And if in towns living
under the same laws the circumstances of education are sufficient
for this to happen, whv is it strange that the same thing should occur
among these Tribes, who are apparently independent, and have no
constant intercourse, as we have observed by noting that the canoes
do not go beyond a certain distance away from the villages? Navi-
gators must keep these reflections in mind and never trust the savages
of the Coasts, even if thev have found those of other neighbouring
villages humane and amiable.

"We gave ourselves up to rest for the night, dividing our crew
into four watches, and setting sentinels accordingly, so that by their
vigilance the others might rest quietly. The night was peaceful and
there was no disturbance in the anchorage throughout it.

June i6th. — "We spent part of the following day in arranging and
making fair copies of our rough notes of observations, points of refer-
ence and calculations, and information of all kinds, which, as jottings
made in the midst of the duties and active work of the ships, required
to be expanded in good form and order before other new ideas con-
fused those already acquired. We likewise continued to replenish
the water, of which we found that at that season thirty barrels daily
could be got in the place we were in.

"The Savages did not overcome their distrust however much we
endeavoured to make them understand our peaceable views: no
entreaties or attentions sufficed to induce the Chief to come on board
the Sutil, and all the Canoes kept close together and were along-
side the Schooner in great trepidation. Nevertheless they went on

BRITISH COLUMBIA 175

making exchanges without difficulty and supplying us with fish until
the afternoon, when upon the boat putting ofif from the Sutil to go
to land, all those who were near became alarmed and went ofi with-
out daring to approach the Schooner during the rest of the day. Later
on two Canoes appeared in the anchorage, and arrested our attention
by the evil appearance of the four Indians who came in them, for
they were all squint-eyed and of very disagreeable countenances.
They showed us their weapons, and gave us to understand that they
did not lack courage: we responded with signs of friendship and
kindness, and they withdrew, more arrogant about their own bravery
than satisfied as to our intentions.

"On no other part of the coast had we seen such an ingenious
method of fishing as among these Indians. They took in each Canoe
a very well made harpoon of mussel shell, mounted on a fairly long
rod with a hook at the other end. They also took a piece of wood in
the shape of a cone with some thin and flexible strips of bark fastened
in the periphery of its base like feathers, the whole being very like
a shuttlecock. They fixed this in the hook by its base that held the
feathers, and on seeing a fish at a great distance below the water
they put it in very gentlv, point downwards, and close to the head
of the fish. I'hey then pulled away the hook and the shuttlecock
went up to the surface with a rapidity which did not allow the fish
to see what it was. Deceived in this manner it followed the object
up to the surface of the water, and then the Indian, who had already
turned the rod and presented the harpoon, threw it at the fish, usually
with such accuracy that he seldom failed to hit it.

June 17th. — "On the 15th and i6th the rain had been almost con-
tinual, but the 17th was a delicious Spring day. Under a clear sky a
pleasant country then presented itself to our view : the varied and bril-
liant green of some of the trees and meadows, and the grand roar of the
waters dashing upon the rocks in various creeks, charmed our senses
and afiforded us a condition the more agreeable as we were the nearer
to the past dangers and fatigues. Desiring to utilize it for the benefit
of the crews and the advancement of our surveys, Salamanca went
out with five men armed and supplied with beads and other trifling
things, to go towards the site of the villages of the Indians to see if
they had dismantled them, as might be inferred from the passing
of the armed canoes.

176 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"Salamanca found the country he went to visit was covered with
brushwood and very straight pine trees; he saw the remains of the
village which the Indians had abandoned; and he returned to the
ship.

"On the 1 8th we repaired the boat and continued the work of
taking in water, and in the afternoon we went in the launch to visit
the interior of the mouths of Wintuysen, and examine the ends of the
creeks we had seen the day previous. The second mouth, reckoning
from our anchorage, is more sheltered than that of El Descanso, but
not so clear and good for anchorage. We afterwards went along a
Channel which turns to the E. S. E., and from its direction should
fall into the Archipelago we saw on the previous point to eastward
of the Port."

It should be mentioned that the "Wintuysen" of the foregoing
extract was the name bestowed in 179 1 by the Spanish navigator,
Eliza, upon the inlet, the arms of which are known today as
Northumberland Channel, Nanaimo Harbour and Departure Bay.
The "Cala del Descanso" (Small Bay of Rest) of Galiano and Valdez
is the little haven of Gabriola Island, opposite Nanaimo, to which
the original name, Descanso, was restored in 1904 by Captain John H.
Parry, of H. M. surveying vessel, Ef/eria, as related by Captain
John T. Walbran in his well-known and exhaustive work on the
Coast Names of British Columbia.

In due course the British explorer reached the broad channel
that separates the north eastern end of Vancouver Island from the
mainland. After emerging from the long, narrow passage, named
after Lieutenant James Johnstone, Vancouver, as heretofore, adopted
the plan of despatching boats in all directions to examine the inden-
tations of the continental coast. The cluster of large islands to the
north westward of the entrance to Knight's Canal was named
Broughton's Archipelago, in recognition of the services of the Com-
mander of the Chatham. The ships then anchored under Point
Gordon, at the entrance of Fife's passage, while the small boats were
employed in charting the various fiords, islands and rocks.

It should be explained that Johnstone and Swaine had' been
despatched on July the 4th to examine the narrow passage leading
to Queen Charlotte Sound. The flying expedition passed through
Johnstone's Strait and made at midnight, in a torrent of rain, a small

BRITISH COLUMBIA 177

island under the lee of which they were partly sheltered from the
inclemency of the weather. Here the party were storm-bound until
.the morning of the loth, the dawn of which brought a change of
weather, which enabled them to reach "an island conspicuously
situated, from whence their expectations were gratified by a clear
though distant view of the expansive ocean." This observation
determined once for ail the insular character of the Nootka region.
As the boat had only been provisioned for seven days, Johnstone
was compelled to lose no time in returning to the ships, which were
reached safely early on the morning of the 12th.

It was not until Johnstone and Swaine returned with the news
of a channel to the northward, communicating with the ocean, that
Galiano suggested that the British ships should proceed without the
Sutil and Mexicana. Thus, several days before the vessels of either
expedition reached the ocean to the northward, it had been clearly
established by the English officers that the Strait of Juan de Fuca
and Queen Charlotte's Sound were connected by a series of gulfs,
sounds and straits.

On August 5th, Vancouver reached the ocean and steering a
northward course passed Cape Caution and entered Fitzhugh Sound,
where at four in the afternoon the Discovery suddenly grounded on
a shoal of sunken rocks. Fortunately the sea was calm; had it been
otherwise "nothing short of immediate and inevitable destruction
would have resulted from the untoward accident." The boat
remained in this "melancholy situation" until two in the morning of
the 7th, when with the rising tide, Vancouver had the "indescribable
satisfaction of feeling her again afloat without having received the
least apparent injury." On the evening of the seventh, the Chatham
met with a like misfortune, and for a time she was in a precarious
position. A thick fog coming in from the ocean hid the Chatham
from the Discovery, causing much anxiety to Vancouver; however
about nine on the following morning, the fog lifted and showed the
Chatham approaching under sail, apparently uninjured. The
Discovery weighed anchor and joined the tender and the two vessels
sailed southward in company. It was then that Vancouver confirmed
the name of Queen Charlotte's Sound given to the opening by Wedg-
borough of the Experiment in August, 1786. The American captains
Gray and Kendrick had called it Pintard's Sound. The Sound where

178 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the vessels had grounded was recognized as that named Fitzhugh's
Sound by Captain James Hanna, of the Sea Otter, on his second
voyage.

Vancouver made Friendly Cove on the afternoon of Tuesday, .
August 28th, having been piloted to the anchorage by a Spanish
officer. Riding at anchor in the cove was the Spanish brig Actira,
flying the broad pennant of Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra, Commandant of Port San Lorenzo de Nutka, as the inlet
was called by the Spaniards. Beside the Activa lay the store ship
Daedalus and a small merchantman, the Three Brothers, of London,
commanded by one Alder, late of the Royal Navy. As the Com-
mandant resided on shore. Lieutenant Puget was despatched to
acquaint him of the arrival of the British expedition and to state
that the Spanish flag would be saluted by the British vessels if the
Spaniards would return the compliment with an equal number of
guns. On receiving a polite message in reply. Vancouver saluted
the Spanish flag while the guns from the fort echoed the martial
salutation. Vancouver, accompanied by some of his officers then
called upon Bodega y Quadra, who received the party with the
greatest cordiality.

The meeting was historic inasmuch as never before had ships
of the royal navies of Great Britain and Spain exchanged courtesies
on the Northwest coast. Moreover, the two commanders, Vancouver
and Bodega y Quadra, had been authorized by their respective
Governments to give effect to the terms of the Nootka Convention,
of which treaty it may be truly said that it marked a turning point
in the history of Northwestern America. That agreement had
brought the two greatest colonizing powers of the world face to face
in the Pacific, and, as the loyal Iriarte sorrowfully observed, this
meant much to Spain.

Of the two men who conducted the historic negotiations at
Nootka in September, 1792, the Spaniard lost nothing in comparison.
The memory of the British officer, George Vancouver, is revered
by his countrymen, and nearly all that can be known of his character
and career is known. He was a brave and painstaking commander —
neither so brilliant nor so successful as the immortal Cook who had
trained him — vet an accomplished navigator, an excellent disciplin-
arian, kindhearted, courageous and resourceful; a man to whom

5" ^

BRITISH COLUMBIA 179

duty always came first; just such a man, in fact, as the British Navy
has ever given to the service of the Empire. Of the Spaniard, all
too little is known, but that which is known redounds to his credit.
Brave, courteous, honourable, noble in appearance and charming
in manner, Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra was the
personification of Spanish grace and sagacity. If the management
of Spanish affairs in tlic Pacific had always been in such able hands
there might have been no Nootka Affair and today no Canadian
seaboard in the west. In the long story of Spanish dalliance and
futile effort in the North Pacific, the name of Bodega y Quadra is
conspicuously associated with the only real attempt ever made by
Spain to vindicate her policy and to establish her sovereignty
in that quarter. As Commandant of San BJas and as Governor of
Nootka he had exerted all his influence in behalf of the northern
enterprise and had sought to fortifv his country's position; but he
came too late.

Bodega y Quadra was at this time about forty-eight years of age.
Of his lineage it is known that he came of a noble house. He was
the son of Don Thomas de la Bodega, and his wife, Francisca
Mollinado, a native of Lima (where her son was born about the
year 1744), but of pure Cjalician descent. It appears that "Quadra"
had been added to his father's name at the request of a relative, Don
Antonio de la Quadra, who resided in Peru at the time that Thomas
de la Bodega emigrated to that country.'- The noble-hearted Span-
iard died in March, 1794, either at San Bias, or at his country
house at Tepic, a small town about si.xty miles from the coast.

Such were the two men who met at Nootka in the summer of
1792, the one to hand over and the other to receive the property
claimed by the British Government. I'he story of that meeting has
almost been forgotten, but in the annals of the Northwest coast it
holds an important place — for its human interest as well, because
it marked the end of Spanish sovereignty ami heralded the dawn
of a new era.

The day following the arrival of the Discovery and C.luithdiu
was observed by an interchange of hospitality. In the morning
Bodega y Quadra with several of his officers breakfasted with Van-
couver. Thev were received with due formalitv and saluted on

' Meanv, Vancouver anil Piifzct Sound.

180 BRITISH COLUMBIA

their arrival and departure — "the day was afterwards spent in cere-
monious ofifers of courtesy, with much harmony and festivity." The
same evening Vancouver, with as many of his officers as could be
spared, were entertained at dinner by the Spanish Commandant,
and were "gratified with a repast we had lately been little accustomed
to, or had the most distant idea of meeting with at this place. A
dinner of five courses, consisting of a superfluity of the best pro-
visions, was served with great elegance; a royal salute was fired on
drinking health to the sovereigns of England and Spain, and a salute
of seventeen guns to the success of the service in which the Discovery
and Chatham were engaged." '■' The notorious chief Maquinna sat
at the table.

It is amply testified not only by Vancouver, but as well by the
American traders who had visited the port of Nootka during the
Spanish regime, that Bodega y Quadra was ever profuse in his
hospitality. One of the furtraders records that the dinner service
was of solid silver and that the viands were always of the best. The
pour parleys were auspicious and all seemed well-pleased, although
the occasion must have been a sad one for Bodega y Quadra, who,
no doubt, could not help observing the elation of the British officers.

There was one person, however, who looked with sullen eye
upon the festivities that marked the meeting. Maquinna, the Nootkan
Chief, did not disguise his regret that his friends the Spaniards were
about to leave the place. His first meeting with the British was
unfortunate and did not tend to promote a regard for the new masters
of the port. Maquinna had visited the Discovery early on the morn-
ing after the arrival of Vancouver, but the sentinels and officers of
the watch, not knowing his rank, had turned him away. He bitterly
resented this indignity and angrily complained to Bodega y Quadra
of the afifront that had been offered him. The Spaniard "very
obligingly found means to soothe him," and after presents of blue
cloth, copper and other articles, he appeared to be satisfied. Van-
couver relates, however, that "no sooner had he drank a few glasses
of wine, than he renewed the subject, regretted the Spaniards were
about to quit the place, and asserted that we should presently give
it up to some other nation; by which means himself and his people
would be constantly disturbed and harassed by new masters. Seiior

'^Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, p, 385.

KKIKXDLV (0\"K. XUOTKA .SOUND

SALMON' COVK. OliSKKNAIdi: V IXLKl

BRITISH COLUMBIA 181

Quadra took much pains to explain that it was our ignorance of his
person which had occasioned the mistake, and that himself and
subjects would be as kindly treated by the English, as they had been
by the Spaniards. He seemed at length convinced by Senor Quadra's
arguments, and became reconciled by his assurance that his fears
were groundless." Vancouver added that "I could not help observing
with a mixture of surprise and pleasure, how much the Spaniards
had succeeded in gaining the good opinion and confidence of these
people; together with the very orderly behaviour, so conspicuously
evident in their conduct towards the Spaniards on all occasions." ^*

After this ceremonious interchange of courtesies, the business of
the hour, that of settling what lands were to be surrendered, engaged
the attention of the British and Spanish Commanders. Before Van-
couver's arrival. Bodega y Quadra had sedulously collected evidence
bearing upon the dispute between Martinez and Colnett, Hudson,
Duncan, and Funter, the men commanding the ships of the com-
pany of which Meares was the moving spirit. He had obtained a
joint letter from Gray and Ingraham, of the Columbia and JVashing-
ton, dealing at some length with the events of 1789.^^

The statement of the American captains is all in favour of the
Spanish contention, and much has been made of it by American
historians in after years. In view of this fact, Robert Duffin's letter
to Vancouver, written on September 26, 1792, at Nootka, is of
peculiar interest. It reads as follows:

To Cap" George Vancouver, Commander of His Majesty's Ships
Discovery, and Chatham, now Laying in Friendly Cove; Nootka or
King George's Sound.

Sir:—

Whereas dififerent reports have been propagated, relative to>
what right Mr. Meares had for taking Possession of the Land in
Friendly Cove Nootka Sound : I shall here state with that Candor,
and Veracity, which has always influenced me on such Occasions ;^
an impartial account of Mr. Meares's proceedings in the above Port.

Toward the Close of the Year 1787, a commercial Expedition
was undertaken bv John Henry Cox, Esqr. & Co. — Merchants then

'* Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. i, pp. 385-86.

"•This letter is given in Greenhow's Oregon anil California (London, 1844), pp. +14-17..

182 BRITISH COLUMBIA

residing at Canton, who accordingly Fitted and equipped; two ships,
for the Fur Trade, on the N. West Coast of America. —

The conduct of this Expedition was reposed in John Meares
Esqr. as commander in Chief, and sole conductor of the Voyage,
and who was likewise one of the Merchant Proprietors; these V^essells
were Equipped, under Portuguese Colours; with a view, to mitigate
those Heavey port charges imposed on Ships of ever\- Nation (Portu-
guese only excepted) which circumstance, is well known to every
commercial Gentleman trading to that part of the World.

Under these circumstances, the said Vessells were fitted in the
Name and under the Firm, of John Cavallo Esqr. a Portuguese
Merchant, then residing at Macao; but he had no property in them
whatsoever, both their Cargoes being intirely British property, and
solely navigated by the subjects of His Britanic Majesty.

We arrived at the said port, in Nootka Sound, in May 1788, on
our first arrival, in the above port the two chiefs Maquilla, and
Calicum were absent. On their return which was either on the 17th
or i8th of the same month, Mr. Meares, accompanied by myself, and
Mr. Robt. Funter, our 2nd officer, went ashore and treated with the
said Chiefs; for the whole of the land that forms Friendly Cove, in
Nootka Sound, in his Britanic Majesty's Name, and accordingly
bought it of them, for 8, or 10, Sheets of Copper, and several other
trifling Articles. — The Natives were fully satisfied with their agree-
ment. The Chiefs, likewise their subjects, did homage to Mr. Meares
as their Sovereign, using those formalities, that are peculiar to
themselves, and which Mr. .Meares has made mention of in his
publication.

The British Flag was displayed; on shore, at the same time;
those formalities were used as is customary on such occasions (and
not the Portuguese Flag, as has been insinuated by several people
who were not present at the time; consequently advanced those
assertions without a Just Foundation) on our taking Possession of the
Cove, in his Majesty's Name, as aforementioned, Mr. Meares caused
a house to be erected on the very spot, where the Chatham's tent now
stands; it being the most convenient part of the Cove for our inten-
tions. The Chiefs, with their subjects, ofifered to quit the Cove
entirely and reside at a place called Tashers; and leave the Place to

MACUINA
Xc'fc tie Nutka

TETACr
Xefu dc hi cMlrailii ili-l Kstreclu) dr .liiiin .K' Kuea

BRITISH COLUMBIA 183

ourselves as sole masters, and owners, of the whole Cove, and Lands
adjacent.

Consequently we were not confined merely to that Spot; but had
equall Liberty to Erect a house in any other part of the Cove but
chose the Spot we did for the above mentioned reason.

Mr. Meares therefore appointed, Mr. Robt. Funter, to reside
in the house, which consisted of three Bed Chambers and a Mess-
room for the Officers, and proper apartments for the Men, — the
above apartments were elevated about 5 feet from the ground, under
these were other apartments for putting our stores in — exclusive of
House were several sheds, and out houses, built for the conveniency
of the artificers to Work in.

On Mr. Meares' departure; the said House, &c., was left in good
condition, and he enjoined Maquilla to take care of it until he
(Mr. Meares) or some of his associates should return, on the Coast
again.

It has been reported by several people that on Don Jose Estn.
Martinez's Arrival in the Cove, there was not a Vestige of the said
House remaining. However that might be I cannot tell, as I was
not at Nootka when he arrived. On our return in July, 1789, in
the said Cove, we found it Occupied by the Subjects of His Catholick
Majesty; and likewise some People belonging to the Ship Columbia,
commanded by Mr. John Kendrick, under the Flag and Protection
of the United States of America had their Tents, and out houses
erected on the same Spot where our House formerly stood, but I saw
no remains of our Architecture.

We found laying at Anchor in the said Cove His Catholick
Majesty of Spain's Ships — Princessa and San Carlos and likewise
the Ship Coliinihia and Sloop JVashington.

The second Day after our arrival, we were captured by Don Jose
Estn. Martinez, and the Americans were suffered to Carry on their
Commerce with the Natives unmolested.

This Sir, is the Best information I can give you that might tend
to elucidate the propriety of Mr. Meares's taking Possession of the
Village of Nootka and Friendly Cove.

Should anyone whatsoever doubt the truth of this Protest, 1 am

184 BRITISH COLUMBIA

always readey to attest it before any Court of Judicature, or any one
Person duly Authorized to Examine Me.

I have the Honor to be with the Greatest Esteem, Sir,

Your most Obedient and very Hum '« Servant,

ROBT. DUFFIN.

The said Robert DufBn sworn to
the truth of the beforemen-
tioned relation, before me,
in Friendly Cove, Nootka
Sound, the 26th day of Sept-
ember, 1792.

Geo. Vancouver.

The Spaniard opened the negotiations with a letter respecting the
restitution to be made, transmitting therewith all the correspondence
in his possession dealing with the question and the evidence he had
gathered during his residence at Nootka. From the first it seemed
that a deadlock must ensue for Bodega y Quadra averred that there
was nothing to be handed over but part of the beach of Friendly Cove
and a small extent of land behind it, while Vancouver insisted that
the whole port should be surrendered. Neither officer seemed
inclined to yield.

The Spaniard advanced the arguments used in the diplomatic
controversy between Great Britain and Spain in 1790, while Van-
couver insisted that the commissioners were in no way concerned
with the facts that had induced their respective Governments to
come to an understanding, but solely with the execution of the
definitive provisions of the treaty. Differ as they might, however,
with respect to their interpretations of the provisions of the Nootka
Convention the personal relations of Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra
were marked with the greatest cordiality. Vancouver's journal con-
tains many complimentary and friendly references to the Spanish
officer. There is no reason to believe that this regard was not mutual,
although Bodega y Quadra's private opinion of Vancouver has never
been published. The annals of this coast hardly afford a more
pleasing picture than that of the negotiations at Nootka in 1792
between the representatives of the British and Spanish Governments.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 185

It should not be forgotten that these negotiations were of a delicate
nature. A little lack of consideration for the feelings of others, a
small show of bitterness or resentment on the part of either com-
missioner, might have caused national prejudices to blaze forth with
disastrous consequences, but dignity, courtesy, and magnanimity
marked the occasion. Whatever may have been his feelings. Bodega
y Quadra did not display any bitterness ; and Vancouver, disappointed
as he was at his failure to bring the matter to a successful issue,
was careful not to give voice to his thoughts. It was fortunate that
such strong men had been charged with the conduct of the affair.

The official correspondence of the two officers was severely formal.
It cannot be better illustrated than by their notes exchanged on Sep-
tember the 13th, 1792, and Vancouver's minute of the 15th which
follow in order. Vancouver writes thus to Bodega y Quadra on the
13th, in riposte to the Spaniards home-thrust of the previous day, in
the courteous diplomatic duel going on between them:

On board his Britannic Majesty's Ship Discovery,

Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, 13th September, 1792.

Sir:—

1 am excessively concernd that after the explanatory con-
versation which took place yesterday to find on the translation of your
letter of that date any further necessity of corresponding on the
subject of these Territories ! What 1 understand to be the Territories
of wch his Britannic Majesties subjects were dispossessed of & to be
restord to them by the ist Article of the Convention & Count Florida
Blanca's Letter, is this Place, intoto, & Port Cox, of wch if it's not
your power to put me in full possession I can have no Idea of hoisting
the British flag on the spot you have pointed out in this Cove of but
little more than an hundred yards in extent any way. If therefore
that is your situation, I must decline recieving any such restitucion
on the part of his Britannic Majesty & so soon as his Britannic
Majesty's Vessels under my command are in readiness I shall proceed
to sea untill I shall recievc further directions from the British Court
on this subject, nor can I avoid in this instance observing the material
difference of the language of your two last letters from that of your
first, in wch if the Translation is right, you say: "but comprehending
the Spirit of the King my Master is to establish a solid Peace &

186 BRITISH COLUMBIA

permanent with all nations & consulting to remove Obstacles wch
inrtuence discord far from thinking to continue in this Port I am
ready without prejudice to our legitimate rights nor that of the Courts
better instructed resolves, generously to Cede to England the Houses
Gardens & Offices uch have with so much labour been cultivated."
On these subjects I have already acknowledged my thanks for the
genrous disposition of the Spanish Court in leaving those Offices &d
for our Convenience; these however I consider as erected on the
Territories of which the British Subjects were dispossessed in April

1789.

I have the Honour to be with Sentiments of the sincerest regard
& Esteem

Geo. Vancouver.

In response Bodega y Quadra is no less ready in pressing his
point of the attack with the object of at any rate disarming his
opponent, as his replv of the same date exemplifies:

Nootka 13 September 1792.

Sor Dn. George Vancouver, Commander &c., &c.
Sir:—

I thought after the verbal conversation wch we had the dif-
ficulties you had put to me were settled, & that we had both
complied with our duty, but seeing by your attentive letter of the
13 currt that you do not conform I repeat, I will leave you in
Posesion not only of the territories wch were taken from his Brittanick
subjects in April 1789 but also that wch was then occupied by the
Natives of the Place, & now by the Spaniards in consequence of
the Cession made in their favor by Maquinna. But you have not
the power to controvert, nor I to adjudge the property of this Land;
thus I hope it will be convenient to you to have the possession of the
whole, & well inform our Sovereigns, & they will decide the most
Just.

This medium I think the most conformable to the Pacific Spirit
of the Courts as in the Seventh Article of the Convention, its orderd
that 'in all cases of Quarrels or the infraction of the Articles of the
present Convention, The Officers of the one & the other Party
without passing to any violence or act of Force, are to give an exact

BRITISH COLUMBIA 187

relation of the case & of its circumstances to their respective Courts
•who icill terminate Amicably such differences. All ours consists in
the rights of Possession & property.

You say you are authorize! to recieve the whole, I am not for to
deliver in those terms. In this Idea I judge we shall be under the
necessity to instruct our Kings of the truth of things of wch they
have no knowledge, & that for my part there may not be the least
motive for Disgust, nor for you to sufTer any extortion. I am ready
to deliver all that was occupied by the English in that Epoch as a
thing belonging to Great Brittain & to leave you in possession of the
remaining Land. Reserving only the right of Property, wch I have
not the power to alienate, & according to my method of thinking,
ought to be preservd Jointly with the Brittanick Subjects & to comply
in this manner with the sense of the treaty.

For what respects the Houses, Gardens & Offices, I in nothing
vary from my first expressions wch were always limited with these
words — without prejudice to our legitimate right, or what the Courts
better instructed may resolve. This is without renouncing the
propertv wch 1 comprehend ought to remain in favor of the King
my Master. I shall be happy to have in answer the pleasure to find
ynu arc fuilv satisfied & that you will Live persuaded of the sincerity
with which I esteem you

Sir

Your afifectionate Servant

(Signed) Juan Fran*^" de la Bodega y Quadra.

In replv to the foregoing, Vancouver's succeeding despatch is
unconditional and demands an unconditional surrender or a cessation
of the negotiations, in the following terms:

On board his Britannic Majesty's Ship Discovery, Friendly Cove,
Nootka Sound, 15 September 1792.

Sir:—

I have reed your letter of tiie 13 and in reply have only
to say that like the former ones it contains nothing but a discussion
of right, which as 1 have before observd is diametrically foreign to
the business we are orderd to execute, that subject having already
been thoroughly investigated by the Ministers appointed by the
respective Courts for that purpose as is fully explaind in the preamble

188 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to the late Treaty. You likewise mention Mr. Meares's Vessels being
under Portuguese Colours, that is equally foreign, Mr. Fitzherbert&
the Count of Florida Blanca being as well informd of that subject as
we are by Mr. Meares's original petition to the Parliament of Great
Britain I am therefore only here as I have before repeatedly
mentiond, to recieve & be put into full possession of, on the part of
his Britannic Majesty the territories the British Subjects were dis-
possessed of in April 1789 wch are this Place & Port Cox. — this is the
Place which was then occupied by the said subjects, here they were
captured; their Vessels sent as prizes, & themselves Prisoners, to New
Spain; by wch means this place was forcibly wrested from them, &
occupied & fortified by the Officers of the Spanish Crown.

This place therefore agreable to the first Article of the Con-
vention & the Count of Florida Blanca's first letter (of wch the
British Court has transmitted me a true translation) with that of
Clyoquot or Port Cox are to be restord without any reservation
whatever on which terms & on those terms only I am here to recieve
the said territories, & must here insist on declining any further cor-
respondence on this Subject except recieving your positive Answer
wether you will or will not restore to me on the part of his Britannic
Majesty the said territories & in respect to the 7th Article of the
Convention, in the present instance, there can be no appeal whatever,
you being orderd to restore the said territories & I orderd to recieve
them, your will therefore favor me with vour final answer on that
subject, permitting me to remain &c. &c.

Geo. Vancouver.

Sor. Dn. Juan Franco, de la Bodega y Quadra.

On September 17th, however the negotiations came to an abrupt
termination. After many diplomatic notes had passed between the
two officers. Bodega y Quadra signified that he could not depart
from the terms of his offer "lemnng me in possession only, not
formally restoring the territory of Nootka to Great Britain." Two
days later Vancouver, finding Bodega y Quadra still firm in his
determination, "considered any further correspondence totally
unnecessary; and instead of writing, I requested in conversation the
next day to be informed if he was positively resolved to adhere, in
the restitution of this country to the principles contained in his last

BRITISH COLUMBIA 189

letter and on receiving an answer from him in the affirmative, I
acquainted him that 1 should consider Nootka as a Spanish port and
requested his permission to carry on our necessary employment on
shore, which he very politely gave, with the most friendly assurance
of every service and kind offices in his power to grant." "'

The negotiations having thus been brought to a conclusion, both
Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra prepared to sail south for the
winter. Jacinto Caamano was appointed to take charge of the port
until the arrival of Fidalgo in the Princessa. The Activa then made
ready to sail and Vancouver likewise prepared his vessels for their
southern cruise. Before the officers parted, however, Vancouver in
a formal letter advised Bodega y Quadra that as he could not receive
the territory in dispute on the conditions proposed, he would imme-
diately report the result of the negotiations to the Court of London
and wait for further instructions for the regulation of his future
conduct. I'he next day Bodega y Quadra acknowledged the receipt
of the communication and the charts of the coast which Vancouver
had transmitted a few days before. These notes concluded the
correspondence of that year ( 1792) .

On Friday, September 21st, Vancouver gave a farewell dinner to
the Spanish commander and "the day passed with the utmost cheer-
fulness and hilarity." The ne.xt day the Activa sailed from Friendly
Cove.

Nootka Sound in tiiat day was the recognized rendez vous of the
traders resorting to the Northwest coast. Here they beached and
repaired their vessels and here they refitted and replenished their
water casks and conducted all the operations that must of necessity
be performed after long and stormy voyages. Nootka Sound in the
years when the furtrade flourished frequently presented an animated
scene. While Vancouver was there, in the summer of 1792, an
English and an American shallop were on the stocks in the cove,
which when finished were to be employed in collecting skins in the
inland waters of the coast. At anchor in the stream lay the American
brig Hope, in command of Ingraham; a French ship; the Venus, of
Bengal, commanded by one Shepherd; the Spanish ships of war
Gertriidis and Conccpcion, of thirty-si.x guns each; the brig Activa
of twelve guns; the Princessa, Aranzuzti and San Carlos, transport

"Vancouver's \oyage, Unarm eel., vol. i, p. 403.

190 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and storeships; the little vessels, Sittil and Mexicana, commanded by
Galiano and Valdez, and His Majesty's ships Discovery, Cliatluim
and Daedalus. On the shores of Friendly Cove were the officers'
quarters, barracks, a hospital, storehouses, and other buildings.

Vancouver was greatly impressed with the establishment. He
remarked that the buildings "appeared sufficiently secure, and more
extensive than our occasions required. A large new oven had been
lately built expressly for our services, and had not hitherto been
permitted to be used. The houses had been all repaired, and the
gardeners were busilv emploved in putting the gardens in order.
The poultry, consisting of fowls and turkeys, was in excellent con-
dition, and in abundance, as were the black cattle and swine." '' From
these and other remarks of the British officer it is to be gathered that
after the re-occupation of the place in 1790 the Spaniards had
bestowed no little care upon the establishment. In fact, it is evident
that the Spanish government had intended to occupv it permanently
and would have done so had it not been for the Nootka Convention.
Such was Nootka in the year 1792.

Vancouver, with the three British vessels, left Nootka on October
13, 1792. At the outset owing to a sudden calm the Chatham was
swept by the tide against a rocky point of the cove and it was only by
strenuous exertions and assistance from the Daedalus that the vessel
was got off without any apparent injury, though she had struck very
heavily. On the Discovery Vancouver had two strange passengers.
They were two young women of the Sandwich Islands who had
sailed from their native land in the Jenny of Bristol. That vessel
had only arrived at Nootka, on her wav to England, a few days
before Vancouver's departure and at the captain's earnest request he
consented to give them a return passage to their homes. Passing by
Cape Classet he records that "hnding that this name had originated
only from that of an inferior chief's residing in this neighbourhood,"
he had restored Captain Cook's appellation of Cape Flattery. The
Daedalus was detached to examine Grav's Harbour, while the
Chatham and Discovery explored the Columbia. The former led
the way, but as the water shoaled and was breaking in every direction
the Discovery "hauled to the westward to avoid the threatened
danger." Just as he turned away Vancouver saw, in the fading light.

'" Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto eii., vol. i, p. 393.

!z!

BRITISH COLUMBIA 191

signals from the Chatluim, which however he could not clearly
understand. Finding ten fathoms water he anchored for the night.
At day break on the 20th he was delighted to see the Chatlunu ten
miles nearer the shore, but was grieved to learn from Mr. Johnstone,
her lieutenant, that the surf had been so heavy during the night as to
destroy one of her small boats by dashing it upon the deck. He then
recorded his opinion that the port was "inaccessible to vessels of our
burthen . . . with this exception, that in very fine weather, with
moderate winds and a smooth sea, vessels not exceeding tour hundred
tons, might, so far as we were enabled to judge, gain admittance."

On that day however he made another attempt; but while the
C/int/uim made headway the Discovery was driven out by the strength
of the current, the wind having died away. The -morning of the 21st
a heavy gale was blowing and Vancouver concluded to abandon the
attempt, leaving Lieutenant Broughton to examine the Columbia in
the smaller vessel. Ill fortune pursued her, howev^er, and tliat very
day the Chatham grounded upon an extensive shoal iir mid-channci,
but, later, being floated she was anchored in safety. Vancouver com-
plains that Captain Gray's chart, which Lieutenant Broughton had
with him, did not much resemble what it purported to represent, and
that this shoal had completely escaped that navigator's attention.
Even the spot at which Captain Gray showed an anchorage was found
|| to be very shallow. The difiference in the season of the year no doubt
accounts for these and other discrepancies. Having resolved to
make his examination in the cutter and the launch, Lieutenant
Broughton set out on October 24th, with a week's provisions. Pro-
ceeding carefully up the river, noting exactly the conditions prevail-
ing, surveying the course of the stream, and naiiiiiitj; the principal
points, bays, and islands, he reached on the 31'th, Point \'ancouver,
which he considered to be 84 miles up the river and 100 miles from
the Chatham, which lay in the estuary. After formally taking pos-
session of the country in His Britannic Majesty's name (on which
occasion, it is gravelv recorded that the Indian chief who accom-
panied him, drank His Majesty's health), Broughton set out on the
return to his vessel, (jetting out of the river, the CJuiiIuidi maiic her
way to San Francisco where the Discovery lay. I he two vessels in
company proceeded to Monterey where the Dncdalns had already
arrived. After about two months occupied in preparing the charts,

192 BRITISH COLUMBIA

drawings, letters, and other documents for transmission to England
in charge of Lieutenant Broughton, during which period Sehor
Quadra showered upon Captain Vancouver every kindness and
thoughtful consideration, the Discovery and the Chatham sailed for
the Sandwich Islands. Lieutenant Broughton was ordered to repair
to England with these papers, covering the work, to that date, with-
out a moment's loss of time.

Leaving the Sandwich Islands in March, 1793, Vancouver with
the Discovery made the coast at the spot discovered by Senor Quadra's
expedition in 1775 and named Porto de la Trinidad in latitude about
41° north. While there Mr. Menzies found upon a hill the cross
which the Spaniards had erected in taking possession. It was in a
state of decay but a portion of the inscription was still legible.
Nootka was reached on May 20th, only to find that the Chatham,
which had arrived about the middle of April, had sailed on May
i8th. The Spanish fort on Hog Island had been erected during
Vancouver's absence. It mounted eleven nine-pounders and "added
greatly to the respectability of the establishment." The Discovery
saluted the fort, and the honour was returned. The Spanish vessel
San Carlos, in command of Senor Don Ramon Saavedra, anchored
soon after Vancouver's arrival. Senor Fidalgo, the governor of the
port, informed the English commander that Saavedra was to super-
sede him and that being therefore about to return to San Bias he
would take charge of and forward any dispatches through that chan-
nel to England — an opportunity of which Vancouver readily availed
himself.

After a delay of four days Vancouver sailed to the northward
to take up his work in the vicinity of Calvert Island where it had
ended in the preceding year. Proceeding up Fitzhugh Sound the
Chatham was met and together the vessels continued the survey of
the maze of islands and intricate waterways which form our coast
line. Here the work was carried on, generally speaking, by means of
boat excursions with the ships as a central point, which from time to
time was changed as the more important of the channels were exam-
ined and charted. On the 3rd, 4th and 5th of June, 1793, the survey-
ing parties were in Dean's Canal and Cascade Canal. This is the
localit\' which Alexander Mackenzie reached about the 22nd of the
next month. Describing the habitations of the natives Vancouver

H
H

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Bd
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BRITISH COLUMBIA 193

says: "These appeared to be well constructed; the boards forming the
sides of the houses were well-fitted, and the roo*fs rose from each side
with sufficient inclination to throw ofif the rain. The gable ends were
decorated with curious painting, and near one or two of the more
conspicuous mansions were carved figures in large logs of timber,
representing a gigantic human form, with strange and uncommonly
distorted features." '*

Not only did Vancouver survey minutely the continental shore
and examine the various winding canals, but he paid careful atten-
tion also to the habits and customs of the natives, as the above extract
shows in reference to their houses. He gives a description of the
labret, that strange, disfiguring lip ornament so common in the early
days amongst the northern Indians. Some of these were two and a
half, and even three and four tenths, inches in length and an inch and
a half broad. So too, he noticed the woollen garments, so beauti-
fully woven by these Indians, and the clothing made from pine bark,
in some instances with sea-otter fur worked into it and decorated with
very fine, well spun, and vari-coloured woollen yarn. As he pursued
his investigations in the neighbourhood of Greenville canal and
Nepean Sound, as he called them, he noticed that the natives seemed
to differ in a trifling degree from those he had been accustomed
to sec; "they were not taller," he says, "but they were stouter, their
faces more round and flat, their hair, coarse, straight, black and cut
short to their head; in this respect they differed from any of the
tribes of North West America with whom we had met, who, though
in various fashions, universally wore their hair long, which was in
genera! of a soft nature, and chiefly of a light or dark brown colour,
seldom approaching to black." '"

Proceeding steadily northward, bestowing the names of his
friends on islands and capes, and thus giving a sort of immortality to
many who would otherwise have been forgotten, he reached the
latitude of the Skecna River. But Vancouver did not see this stream
as he had kept along the outside fringe of islands, although he named
Port Essington. Here he met three vessels the Butterworth, of Lon-
don, Pinire Lee Boo and Jackall , all in command of a Captain Brown.
The traders saluted with seven guns, Vancouver replied with five.

'* Vancouver's Voyage. Quarto ed., vol. 2, p. 272.
" Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. 2, p. 320.

vni r — t.i

194 BRITISH COLUMBIA

From these vessels it was learned that the vicinity was strewn with
dangerous rocks; an offer of one of the trading vessels to serve as a
pilot was gladly accepted. Captain Brown spoke of a large opening
extending northeastward, whose southern entrance was in latitude
54° 45'. This, opined Vancouver, was probably the same as that
laid down in Sefior Comaano's chart as Estrecho de Almirantc
Fuentes, or De Fonte's Strait. This is the Observatory Inlet and
Portland Canal, which figured so prominently in the Alaskan
boundary dispute of later vears.

In Behm Canal, V^ancouver noticed a strange spired rock. At once
the Eddystone lighthouse comes to his mind, and New Eddystone
takes its place on the map. It is now the middle of August, 1793,
and here Vancouver meets and names the hunch-backed salmon. He
says it is "the worst eating fish"; that the hateful protuberance is
more marked in the male than in the female; and that the mouths of
both were made in a kind of hook, resembling the upper mandible
of a hawk. Here, too, Vancouver had some trouble with the Indians.
Under the guise of honest trade — which he, of course, did not seek —
they surrounded his small boat, and incited by an old woman they
attempted to steal anything movable in it. They seized the oars, and
brandished their spears. For a time things assumed a threatening
attitude. The altercation attracted the attention of Mr. Puget in
the yawl. He hurried to Vancouver's support, but the situation
became so dangerous that Vancouver was compelled, in order to
save his crew (whose inaction under his orders was mistaken for
pusillanimity) to fire upon their assailants. This action, as unex-
pected as it was effective, solved the difficulty. The Indians leaped
into the sea, putting their canoes between themselves and Vancouver.
Before he could follow the affair up, he found that two of his men
had been very severely, but not fatally, wounded and required
the immediate attention of the surgeon. He was, therefore, reluct-
antly compelled to desist from teaching the savages a salutary lesson.

About September 20th Vancouver reached Cape Decision in lat-
itude 56". Wishing to spend some time in the examination of the
western shore of Queen Charlotte Islands, he accordingly decided
to turn his vessels' prows southward at this point. He reached
Nootka on October qth. The only vessel there was the San Carlos.
laid up for the winter. The Daedalus, which he had hoped would

BRITISH COLUMBIA 195

have returned from Port Jackson, had not arrived. A French vessel,
La Flavia, having on board a very valuable cargo of European com-
modities for Kamschatka, to be exchanged there for furs with which
a cargo of tea was to be purchased in China, had called at Nootka
in the course of the summer. Such incidents show the growing im-
portance of that port.

After remaining only three days the Discovery and the Chatham
sailed for the Californian coast. Between San Francisco and Mon-
terey the Daedalus was met, northward bound. On this visit Van-
couver received treatment the very reverse of that which Quadra
had accorded to him in the preceding year. Seiior Arrillaga, the
commandant, refused to allow any persons except the officers to
land unless actually engaged in obtaining wood and water or other
necessary services, and then only within sight of a Spanish officer.
He further required that all persons return to the ships by sun-down;
and while he permitted an observatory to be erected he would not
e.xcept the observer from this rule. Lastly he requested that the
utmost expedition be employed, so that the vessels, even under these
iron-clad arrangements, might depart at the earliest moment. Con-
sidering the whole matter, Vancouver rightly concluded, immedi-
ately upon finishing his examination of the California coast, to sail
to the Sandwich Islands, where he doubted not that the uneducated
inhabitants would cheerfully aflford the accommodation so unkindly
denied him at San P^rancisco and Monterey. About December 14,
1793, the little fleet sailed from the American coast and arrived at
the Sandwich Islands on January 8, 1794.

F"r()ni that time until the middle of March, Vancouver was en-
gaged in exploring and charting the Sandwich Islands. Sailing
again for the American coast with the Discovery and the Chatham —
the Daedalus having previously left for Australia — Vancouver
sighted it in latitude 55" on April 4, 1794. As his work during this
— his third — season was entirelv outside our boundaries it will not
be followed in detail. In August the exploration was concluded and
Vancouver informs us that Mr. Whidby took possession of the
whole coast from New Georgia northwestward to Cape Spencer.
Describing that event, which took place on the shores of Prince
Frederick's Sound, while the surveying parties stopped to dine, he
says: "The colours were displayed, the boats' crews drawn up under

196 BRITISH COLUMBIA

arms, and possession taken under the discharge of three vollies of
musketry, with all the other formalities usual on such occasions, and
a double allowance of grog was served to the respective crews, for
the purpose of drinking His Majesty's health." How different from
stately and solemn Spanish ceremony already described! ^°

Vancouver now sailed for Nootka Sound, where he arrived on
September 2nd. Lying at anchor at Friendly Cove he found the
Spanish vessels, Princessa, Aranzuzu, and San Carlos, the Phoenix,
a barque from Bengal commanded by Captain Moor, the sloop
Lee Boo, which he had met in the preceding year, and the Washing-
ton, now rigged as a brig and commanded by Captain Kendrick.
Brigadier General Don Jose Manuel Alava, the new Governor of
Nootka, had only arrived the day before in the Princessa. This
appointment had taken place owing to the death in March, 1794, at
San Bias, of our highly valuable and much esteemed friend Sefior
Quadra. In relating this circumstance Vancouver makes very plain
the great admiration and respect he entertained for the Spanish rep-
resentative. He tells us that the sudden news of his death "produced
the deepest regret for the loss of a character so amiable and so truly
ornamental to civil society." ^^

Vancouver soon learned that Alava expected soon to receive the
credentials necessary to enable him to finish the pending negotiation
respecting the cession of territory mentioned in the Nootka Conven-
tion on which he and Quadra had been unable to agree. Although
two years had since gone by Vancouver had received no communica-
tion thereon either of a public or private nature. Thinking it highly
probable that instructions would reach him by the same conveyance
as that by which Alava's were transmitted he determined to remain
for a time at Friendly Cove. The necessity of repairs to his vessels,
of obtaining new planking and spars, of erecting an observatory to
check his recent surveys, and of preparing new cordage added many
valid reasons for a short delay at this historic spot.

About six weeks were spent at Nootka on this occasion. In that
interval the Jenny of Bristol, now commanded by Captain Adamson,
and the Jackall of Captain Brown's fleet, arrived at this Mecca of
the maritime furtraders. Vancouver and Alava made a state visit

^"Vancouver's Voyage, Quarto ed., vol. 3, p. 285.
'1 Id., p. 301.

PETERSHAM CHUK( IIVARI), SURRKY, ENGLAND

WTiere stands tlio tomb and nionumontal tablet orccted to the memory of Captain George

\'ancouver by the Hudson's Bay Company

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Bi .^tSi

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 197

to Maquinna at I ashees. The barbaric splendour of their reception
at the hands of this celebrated personage Vancouver describes very
fully — the lengthy, earnest address of welcome, the grotesque group
of painted performers, their savage and barbarous appearance, their
peculiar music, their grotesque masks and strange musical dresses —
then the giving of gifts again and again until the stock that the
visitors had brought was completely exhausted. A few days after
their return to the cove the Spanish officers were Vancouver's guests
upon the Discovery and no instructions relative to the cession of the
territory at Nootka having arrived, on the i6th October, 1794, Cap-
tain Vancouver ordered the anchor to be weighed, the sails were
unfurled, and the Discovery bade adieu to our coasts forever. The
Discovery and the Chatham after a short stay at Monterey sailed in
December, 1794, for England. In a heavy gale the Discovery's
main mast was sprung, and scurvy having made its appearance the
vessel called at V^alparaiso for the necessary assistance. Resuming
the voyage, Cape Horn was rounded and the Chatham arrived in
London on October 17, 1795, the Discovery three days later.

After his return Vancouver devoted himself entirely to the prep-
aration of his Journal for publication. He had corrected all the
proofs except the last few pages when he died at the old Star and
Garter Inn, Richmond Hill, Surrey, May 10, 1798. He was buried
in the church yard of St. Peters, at Petersham, on the i8th.^^ Con-
sidering that Vancouver was not yet forty-one years of age at the
time of his death all must marvel at his abilities which caused him
at thirty-four years of age to be selected for such an important office,
and that enabled him to carry it through in a manner which has
evoked the highest praise from every student of our history and
geography. It was eminently proper that the name of such a man
should have been selected for the great, bustling city at the terminus
of the Canadian Pacific Railway.

'2 Walbran's Place Names, Vancouver.

CHAPTER IX

SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE

While British, American, French and Spanish expeditions were
exploring the littoral, a new force was at work in the interior of the
Continent. At first the Adventurers of England trading into Hud-
son's Bay, known in history as the Hudson's Bay Company, did not
extend their operations far beyond the shores of that inland sea.
It was the policy of the Company to bring the Indians to Fort
Churchill, Fort Nelson, or Fort Prince of Wales, to barter their
rich furs. This policy saved the expense of establishing inland
forts, and the Company's servants from the attacks of savages, who,
however amenable they might be far from their homes on the shores
of Hudson's Bay, could not be "expected to be so tractable in their
own hunting grounds. The furs were shipped direct to England
through Hudson's Straits. Thus a century and more before, the
great wheat fields of the Middle West became the granary of the
Empire, the route, now proposed as one of the outlets for that fer-
tile region, was used by the homing ships of the great Company.

I'he trade of the Adventurers was lucrative, and, almost from
the time of the granting of their charter in 1670, large dividends
were paid to the share-holders.

But ctjmmerce could not always be carried on in peace and
security, even in the bleak and isolated territories of Hudson's Bay.
In the stormy period that preceded the Treaty of Versailles in 1783,
the forts of the Company were more than once attacked and some-
times captured by French expeditions, in one of which La Perouse,
tlie brilliant navigator who commanded the ill-fated French expe-
dition ti) the Pacific in 17815-8, played an active part. In the time
of these hostilities no dividends were declared, but so rich was the
field that a year or two of uninterrupted peace offset the losses.

Long before Canada was U)st to France, the traders of the St.

1!)9

200 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Lawrence had crossed the Great Lakes and entered into communi-
cation with the tribes of the wild region to the northward of Lake
Superior; but it was left to the gallant Pierre Gaultier de La
Verendrye to pierce the heart of the continent. From his earliest
years it had been his ambition to reach the Sea of the West, upon
the shores of which he longed to plant the French flag. Verendrye
was by nature an explorer; he became a furtrader by force of cir-
cumstances. Unable to procure from the Governor of Canada a
commission to explore the interior of the continent, or even finan-
cial support for his enterprise, he was forced to adopt the role of
trader, as by that means only could he hope to achieve his ambition.
Neither the Governor, nor the merchants of Montreal, cared for
western exploration, except as a means by which new territories,
rich in fur, might be brought under their sway. In Verendrye
worked that mysterious influence which has ever impelled men of
Aryan race to follow the path of the evening sun. As commander
of the trading-post of Nipigon, he stood on the threshold of that
undiscovered land which barred the way to the Western Sea. Here,
from the natives, he heard of great waters and great territories that
lay far beyond Lake Superior, and these stories kindled in him a
consuming desire to reach the western verge of the continent.

In the summer of 173 1 Verendrye and his three sons, in the guise
of furtraders, set out to solve one of the greatest geographical prob-
lems of the age. They were the first Europeans to build forts in
the Middle West. On the shore of The Lake of the Woods, Veren-
drye erected a stockade from twelve to fifteen feet in height, in the
form of an oblong to guard his rough cabins of logs and clay and
bark. The rude establishment was christened Fort St. Charles.
From this base Verendrye explored north, west, and south, build-
ing forts and trading with the natives even as far as the Mandan
villages; but ever chafing at delays and untoward incidents that
retarded his progress westward. The brave Frenchman was not to
achieve his ambition, although his son, while in the country near the
head waters of the Missouri, caught a glimpse of one of the eastern
spurs of the "Mountains of Bright Stones," the name by which the
Rocky Mountains were known to the Indians of those parts. No
Frenchman was destined to lead an expedition into the land beyond
that great barrier. From 1732 until 1743 the Verendryes, father

BRITISH COLUMBIA 201

and sons, sought to pierce the western mystery, but without avail.
They were defeated but not beaten. The father retired from the
country, but only to plead his cause at the Viceregal Court of Can-
ada. He was promoted and decorated with the coveted Cross of St.
Louis, and authorized by Governor Galissoniere to continue his
e.vplorations, yet no financial assistance was forthcoming. After
devoting his life to his cherished purpose, Verendrye, in his declin-
ing years, could find none to help him to realize his dream. He
died in December, 1749.

Verendrye led the way to that immense preserve where, in after
years, rich harvests were reaped by contending traders. He left to
posterity a noble example of fortitude and duty well-done. After
his death the trade in the region he had discovered was continued,
but it did not prosper.

Even while the French still held the great interior, an effort was
made, in 1754-5, by a young officer of the Hudson's Bay Company,
named Anthony Hendry (or Hendey), to reach the far west. It
appears that Hendry, who was a native of the Isle of Wight, had
been outlawed in 1748 for smuggling; he then entered the service
of the Hudson's Bay Company and volunteered to go inland with
the natives, who traded at the forts on Hudson's Bay. After the usual
exciting experiences, incidental to travel in a new country, Hendry
reached the broad waters of the Saskachewan, and to him belongs the
honour of being the first Englishman to launch his frail canoe upon
that lordly river of the western plains. He found on this river the
fort built by De La Corne the year before. "On our arrival," says
Hendry in his journal, which is preserved at Hudson's Bay House,
"two Frenchmen came to the waterside and in a very genteel man-
ner invited me into their home, which I readily accepted. One of
them asked me if I had any letter from my master, and where, on
what design, I was going inland. 1 answered I had no letter and
that I was sent to view the country, and intended to return in the
spring. He told me the master (presumably De La Corne) and
men were gone down to Montreal with the furs, and that they must
detain me till their return. However, they were very kind, and
at night I went to my tent and told Attickasish, or Little Deer, my
leader, that had the charge of me, who smiled and said they dared

202 BRITISH COLUMBIA

not. I sent them two feet of tobacco, which was very acceptable to
them." '

That meeting of the young English explorer with the French
traders of the Saskatchewan is of more than passing interest — as Mr.
L. J. Burpee, the learned author of "The Search for the Western
Sea," justly observes. In all the records of the adventure on the
great plains, no mention is made of the "French and English com-
ing face to face west of the Great Lakes while the former were still
in possession of Canada." - It is true that they had met and fought
time and again in the marshes of New England and New France,
and on the shores of the mediterranean sea named after that heroic,
but unfortunate, Henry Hudson; but hitherto the French had been
supreme in the Northwest. It requires no great stretch of imagina-
tion, therefore, to realize that the French, despite their politeness,
must have been chagrined at the appearance of Hendry in the heart
of their preserve. No attempt seems to have been made by the
French traders to put into execution their threat of detaining the
English explorer, for, on the following day he continued his journey.
Hendry was not only to spy out the land; he was also to use every
means in his power to induce the tribes of the interior to carry their
furs to York Fort in the spring. His mission, however, was not
particularly successful. The natives could not be persuaded to jour-
ney so far, to so little purpose. Yet some of the Assiniboines prom-
ised to accompany him and faithfully kept their word. In Assini-
boia the young explorer witnessed the strange sight of vast herds of
bufTalo "grazing like English cattle" on the plains.

Hendry wintered among the Blackfeet, and his journals con-
tain many interesting particulars respecting that bold and warlike
tribe. In the spring he departed on his homeward journey, in due
course arriving at a French trading post a few miles below the
Grand Forks of the Saskatchewan, where he \vas kindly treated.

The explorer's narrative throws much light upon the methods
of the French traders, who were preeminently fitted, alike from
their sagacity, engaging politeness, and appreciation of the Indian
character, to carry on their traffic in the lawless wild. "It is surpris-
ing," writes Hendrv, "to observe, what an influence the French have

1 Burpee, Western Sea, pp. 119-120.
-Burpee, Western Sea, p. 120.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 203

over the natives. I am certain he (referring to the officer in charge)
hath got above i,ooo of the richest skins." He adds "The French
speak several (Indian) languages to perfection; they have the advan-
tage of us in every shape; and if they had Brazile tobacco, which
they have not, would entirely cut off our trade." •'

A quarter of a century later Jonathan Carver, a son of Connecti-
cut, attempted to realize the dream of the old French explorers, but
apart from its motive, his e.xploration is not of surpassing interest.
Still, his narrative is notable, if for no other reason than that it gave
to the world the beautiful name "Oregon." Carver left Boston in
T776, proceeding by way of Michilimachinac, Green Bay, and the
Fox, Wisconsin, and Mississippi rivers to St. Pierre, where he
sojourned for some months. Finding that he could make no progress
westward of that point, he changed his course and made Lake
Superior with the intention of following the route of the furtraders,
over the northern lakes and rivers, to its farthest extent, and thence
to the Pacific. Again disappointed he returned to Boston.

During his mid-continental tour, Carver heard many marvellous
stories as to the mountains, lakes, and rivers of the vast territories
on the borders of which he ventured. These stories found expres-
sion in his journal, in which he described great rivers, which, from
their sources in the centre of the continent, extended to the four
points of the compass, thus providing water communication north
and south, and east and west, even to the shores of that great ocean
concerning which there had been so much speculation. Carver also
told of the "Mountains of Bright Stones," and the "Oregan," or
"River of the West."

Failing to obtain cither that recognition or support for his western
enterprise, which he deemed its importance deserved, he abandoned
the project for others. Thereafter Jonathan Carver subsided into
obscurity, his untrustworthv narrative alone preserving his name
from oblivion.

Then, farther to the northward, the Hudson's Bay Company
sought, in an examination of Arctic tundras, to add to the world's
stock of geographical knowledge, and at tiie same time, perhaps,
to sufficiently set forth its zeal in the search for the Northw^est Pas-
sage, which, in the charter of 1670, had been specifically included as

■'Kui|H'c, NW'siern Sf;i, p. 13^.

204 BRITISH COLUMBIA

one of the Company's especial duties. Samuel Hearne steps forth
from the obscurity of an humble origin and occupation, and achieves
fame as an explorer in the short space of two years. Hearne how-
ever was but the instrument; it was the half-breed Governor of Fort
Prince of Wales, the noted Moses Norton, who launched the idea
and equipped and despatched the expedition. At that time no one
knew how far the continent extended from east to west. It was at
first almost universally believed that at most a few hundred leagues
separated the North and South Seas. As explorations were pushed
farther afield, it became apparent that the continent reached farther
and yet farther westward. The early French and British explorers
expected to find the Pacific washing the western foot-hills of the
"Shining Mountains." Hearne, however, from the evidence he had
gathered, believed the continent of America to be "much wider than
many people imagined, particularly Robson, who thought that the
Pacific Ocean was but a few days' journey from the west coast of
Hudson's Bay. This, however, is so far from being the case, that
when I was at my greatest western distance, upward of five hun-
dred miles from the Prince of Wales Fort, the natives, my guides,
well knew that many tribes of Indians lay to the west of us and
they knew no end to the land in that direction; nor have I met with
any Indians, either northern or southern, that ever had seen the sea
to the westward." Three times Hearne sallied forth from Fort
Prince of Wales to find and explore the "Far-Ofif-Metal River""
of the natives. Twice he was left in the lurch by his Indian guides
and forced to return to his base; but Hearne was not a man to be
balked, and once more he left the fort, on December 7, 1770, for he
was to travel with dogs and sleds, while the snow covered the earth
with its even mantle. After many exciting adventures and narrow
escapes, he reached the land- of the Eskimo, where he was the unwill-
ing witness of a bloody attack by the Chipewyans upon that innocent
and inofifensive people. "The poor unhappy victims," says Hearne,
"were surprised in the midst of their sleep and had neither time nor
power to make any resistance; men, women and children, in all
upwards of twenty, ran out of their tents stark naked and endeav-
oured to make their escape; but the Indians having possession of all
the landside, to no place could they fly for shelter. One alternative

♦Burpee, Western Sea, p. 139.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 205

only remained, that of jumping into the river; but as none of them
attempted it they all fell victims to Indian barbarity." A young girl
was speared beside the explorer; as she fell she writhed round his
legs; nor did his pleading save her, for the savages, asking him con-
temptuously if he wanted an Eskimo wife, thrust their weapons into
the unfortunate creature. At this harrowing sight Hearne could not
restrain his tears.

At last the intrepid explorer reached the mouth of the Copper-
mine River, and observed it to be in latitude 71° 54' north and longi-
tude 120° 30', which position, however, gave the river an outlet two
hundred miles too far to the north, as is proved by Franklin's accurate
observation, which marks the point where the river embouches into
the Arctic as 67° 40' 50" north and 115° 36' 49" west. Here Hearne
erected a cairn and took formal possession of the country on behalf
of the Hudson's Bay Company. He then began to retrace his steps,
but before doing so, he examined the copper mines of which so much
had been said, only to find that they were "nothing but a jurtible of
rocks and gravel." On his homeward journey the explorer followed
the shores of Great Slave Lake, and crossed this sheet of water to
the mouth of Slave River; then, taking an easterly course, he arrived
at Fort Prince of Wales on June 30, 1771.

Gradually the vast prairies, and the network of rivers and lakes
that provide means of communication in the central portion of the
continent, became known to the furtrader. But, in the year 1763
the Conspiracy of Pontiac and successive Indian wars rendered the
central plains unsafe for the peddlers and caused a temporary sus-
pension of the traffic. It was not until about the year 1771, that
British traders could enter with safety the territory of the Saskat-
chewan, on which river the most remote of the old French posts had
been built. The subsequent progress of the furtraders may be said
to have corresponded with the wishes of the Indians and the success
of the first enterprises.

At first the whole trade was conducted by the unsupported effort
of individuals. The trader, wintering with a newly discovered band
of Indians, or on some favourable spot, would hear of tribes still
more remote, among whom provisions might be obtained, and trade
pursued with little danger of competition. To the hunting grounds
of these he would naturally repair, and while he was suffered to

206 BRITISH COLUMBIA

remain alone he might obtain furs at a reasonable rate. But, as all
men had the right to traffic at any place, the first discoverer of an
eligible situation generally soon found himself followed bv other
traders, who were ever ready to reap where they had not sown. In
these circumstances, the furtrader, naturally enough, endeavoured
by every means in his power to secure to himself the preference of
the Indians and to injure his competitor. Thus, in the Indian terri-
tories of the West, each man became a master unto himself, and took
the law into his own hands. As a consequence, both the Indians
and the trade suffered. The natives were bribed with rum, and this
trafficking in strong spirits soon had a disastrous effect. While this
warfare raged, mutual interest suggested the necessity of establishing
a common, or co-operative, association as the only means of ending
once for all so injurious a competition.

About the vear 1779, nine distinct interests became parties to an
agreement for one year, by virtue of which the whole trade was
rendered common property. The success which attended this mea-
sure led to a second and similar agreement in the succeeding year,
and that to a further agreement, which was to last for three years.
Thus co-operation gradually became a recognized principle among
the traders. However, an agreement for a short term was found
not to work as well as had been anticipated, chietlv for the reason that
the members of the association were naturallv less anxious to stand
by its articles than to prepare themselves for its termination, and the
consequent return to the old order of things. It seemed almost impos-
sible that out of this chaos of conflicting interests there could be
formed an association so powerful as to unite in one brotherhood,
the jealous traders. Yet this was accomplished. In 1783-84 practi-
cally all the factions were united in one great association, which
assumed the historic name — The North West Cdmpanv. At first the
pact was for five vears only, but so effective did it prove in eradicat-
ing evils, and so successful were the operations under it, that the
association was continued from time to time until at last a permanent
organization, although still subject to agreement,'' became possible.

The fierce rivalries of the independent furtraders were thus
abolished. The North West Company established upon the prin-
ciple of co-operation, promoted, whilst that principle was adhered

^Origin and Progress of the North West Company, London, 1811.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 207

to, the welfare of all concerned. It prevented the animosities, vio-
lence, and losses that before the days of coalition had become of
every-day occurrence in the fur territories. No one thing, perhaps,
is more significant of the good results that accrued from the policy
than the fact that the returns of the furtrade increased from thirty
thousand pounds in 1784 to one hundred and fifty thousand pounds in
1810." Another conspicuous result, in the decrease in the consumption
of spirituous liquors was brought about by the amalgamation of the
contending forces. In the vcar 1800, ten thousand and ninety-eight
gallons were taken into the territory, but in the year 1803, when the
North West Company met with strong opposition from independent
traders, the consumption increased to twenty-one thousand two hun-
dred and ninety-nine gallons. After the company had defeated or
placated its opponents, the average consumption dropped to nine
thousand seven hundred gallons in the five years ending with 18 10.

At the outset the company had an opponent worthy of its steel
in the X Y Company, formed by certain malcontents who refused
to join the larger association. Amongst these were the notorious
Peter Pond and the resolute Alexander Mackenzie. The struggle,
however, did not last long. In 1787 the two Canadian companies
amalgamated. At a later period the X Y Company was revived by
a few Nor' Westers, who had become dissatisfied with the autocratic
behaviour of the choleric Simon McTavish, nicknamed by his associ-
ates "le Premier," or "le Marquis." In 1793 Alexander Mackenzie
returned to the X Y Company, and for several years he was the
master mind of that organization. Simon McTavish died in 1804 or
1805, and shortly afterwards the X Y Company again united with its
rival.

In the thirty-eight years of its existence the North West Com-
pany revolutionized the trade, consolidated its interests, and extended
its sphere of influence even far beyond "The Mountains of Bright
Stones." At one time the company possessed more tiian eighty forts
or trading stations in the western territories, several of which were
west of the Rocky Mountains. The influence of the bourgeois, as
the officers of the association were termed, extended from Montreal,
across the Great Lakes, to the farthermost northern and southern
limits of that vast territory which their daring and prowess had

" Oripin and Progress of the North West Company, London, 1811.

208 BRITISH COLUMBIA

brought under their sway. In short, the great central and western
region was their empire and they governed it firmly, and, on the
whole, justly.

If the North West Company thought that by this union, it had
once and forever put an end to trade warfare, it had reckoned without
its host. As the operations of the Nor'Westers, as the partners and
servants of the Company came to be called, extended farther afield,
they tapped the very sources of the trade of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. It was the masterly policy of the traders of Montreal to
establish posts in the most remote territories, as a result of which the
Indians found that it was no longer necessary to make far journeys
to dispose of their pelts. They naturally preferred to trade at the
nearest fort, rather than to carry their furs to the shores of Hud-
son's Bay. Just as soon as this policy was adopted, the trade of the
Hudson's Bay Company declined. For almost a century the Adven-
turers had scarcely moved out of their strongholds on the western
shore of Hudson's Bay. Indeed, heretofore there had been no occa-
sion for their going to meet the savage in the wilderness.

It was hardly to be expected that the directors of the Hudson's
Bay Company would tamely submit to these encroachments on the
part of their opponents. The enterprising daring of the united fur-
traders rendered a conflict inevitable. Roused to action, the great
chartered company resolutely set to work to frustrate the tactics of
its opponents. At each advantageous point it built a fort, at first
confining its operations to the more northern part of the field; but
finding its trade molested even there, it determined to extend its
system of forts over the whole country. This rivalry gave birth to a
bitter feud. Wherever a Nor'Wester built his rude fort, the Hud-
son's Bay Company would plant one beside it. Hence two forts were
often erected within sight of each other — a novel situation of which
the Indian took full advantage, demanding more exorbitant prices
for his pelts. But of all things, the Indian loved rum best. As long
as one organization controlled the situation the traffic could be con-
ducted without intoxicants, but so soon as this deadly rivalry was
started, rum again became a common article of barter. Unscrupulous
traders did not hesitate when hard pushed by an opponent to seduce
the Indian from his allegiance with liberal potations. Such con-
ditions could not exist without destroying trade. So keen and so

BRITISH COLUMBIA 209

bitter was the rivalry, and so enamoured were the Indians of the
"fire-water" of the traders, that in a short time whole districts were
depleted of fur-bearing animals. The North West Company how-
ever, prospered, for its energetic bourgeois were ever moving the
frontier farther west and north and south, reaching territories where
the Hudson's Bay Company hesitated to follow. Before the latter
company had occupied the Middle West its opponents had planted
their flag on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains. While this
civil war, for it was scarcely less, was engrossing the energies and
activities of the opposing forces, there were vet men amongst the
traders to whom exploration meant more than gain. The search for
the Western Sea had been neither forgotten nor abandoned.

In the Northwest at that time was a young man, named Alexander
Mackenzie, a Scotsman of good lineage. He it was who helped to
organize the X Y Company, but he was now with and for the North
West Company. In the last decade but one of the eighteenth century,
he guided the destinies of Fort Chippewayan on Athabasca Lake;
though like Verendrye, he thought more of exploration than of sordid
traffic. Samuel Hearne's exploit, of nearly twenty years before,
was, to him, both an object lesson and an achievement to be emulated.
In 1789, therefore, Mackenzie set out to follow the northern outlet
of Great Slave Lake to the Arctic Ocean. He was successful; and
so another highway — for all rivers were highways to the furtrader
— was placed on the map, and by so much was the knowledge of the
geography of the Arctic coast increased. In honour of its explorer
the river was named Mackenzie. Now the region, in which had been
placed by geographers of old, the famous Straits of Maldonado, and
the fanciful waterways of de Fonte, was indeed reduced. In the
same year (1789) in which Mackenzie made this mehiorable excur-
sion, the Spaniards on the Pacific were seizing the vessels of another
British furtrading company, and fortifying themselves on the Ameri-
can shores of the North Pacific.

Upon his return to Fort Chippewayan, Mackenzie decided to go
to London, there to learn how to reckon accurately latitude and longi-
tude. Lack of this knowledge had more than once perturbed him
while descending the Mackenzie River, and he had determined to
fit himself at the earliest opportunity for the yet greater task he had

210 BRITISH COLUMBIA

assigned himself — an expedition to the shores of the Western Sea,
so long sought by French explorers.

The overland journeys of the furtrader were no less important
than the coastwise explorations of the mariner; nor were his expedi-
tions less arduous or less hazardous than those of the men who voy-
aged the trackless ocean. He had to pass from one savage tribe to
another, generally with a mere handful of men, and it was only by
the exercise of patience and diplomacy that he could overcome the
prejudices, armed resistance, and treachery of the natives.

Even while Vancouver was exploring the coast, an expedition
was being prepared at Fort Chippewayan to cross the continent.
Alexander Mackenzie, having returned from London with his newly
acquired knowledged of astronomy and surveying, was bending all
his energies to the attainment of his great ambition. Having made
every necessary preparation, he left Fort Chippewayan on October
lo, 1792, with the determination of wintering on the Peace River,
as near the mountains as possible, in order to take advantage of the
opening of navigation in the early spring. Towards the end of
October, Mackenzie arrived at his wintering place, whither two of
his men had preceded him. The men, exhausted by the hardships
of their journey, were disappointed at finding no houses ready. The
Indians had prevented the completion of the post.

No sooner had the explorer's tent been pitched than he called
before him the unruly natives and soundly rated them for the trouble
they had caused. He said he would treat them with kindness if their
behaviour merited it, but that he would be "equally severe if they
failed in those returns" which he had a "right to expect from them."
Mackenzie- then presented the natives with a quantity of rum. which
he naively recommended should be used with discretion.

Such incidents, it mav be presumed, were of common occurrence
in the fur territories; yet this scene exhibits in a very interesting man-
ner the delicate relations that existed between the natives and the
white man at that time. It seems little short of marvellous that a
handful of men, by cajolery or threats, or by a diplomatic admix-
ture of both, should be able to preserve their hold upon the lawless
savages, who outnumbered them by hundreds to one.

Mackenzie's winter quarters were situated near the junction of
a large stream with the Peace River. On account of its situation

BRITISH COLUMBIA 211

the place was called Fort Fork. In the month of May, 1793, six
canoes were despatched to Fort Chippewayan with the furs collected
in the winter, and then Mackenzie, relieved for a time of such
sordid details made final preparations for his great enterprise. The
frail bark canoe, which was to carry the adventurers on the turbulent
currents of the rivers and streams of the Rocky Mountain region,
was but tw^enty-five feet long within, twenty-six inches deep, and four
feet nine inches wide. It was so light that two men could carry it
three or four miles without resting. This little vessel carried pro-
visions, presents (without which no trader ventured into a new
country), arms, ammunition, and baggage — in all three thousand
pounds.

The party consisted of Alexander Mackenzie, Alexander
Mackay, six voyageurs and two Indians to act as hunters and inter-
preters — ten in all.'

Such was the equipment of the expedition that, after untold hard-
ships and dangers, was to carry British sovereignty across the conti-
net to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. It seems almost incredible
that, with such meagre equipment, so much was accomplished. Yet
in that adventurous age, no doubt, the expedition was considered
well-found and ample for the purpose. Ten men, six of whom were
voyageurs and two Indians, were to assay a task that might well have
appalled the stoutest hearts. But the careless and happy-go-lucky
French-Canadian cared naught for danger until it was encountered;
and if anxiety cast its shadow upon the mind of the leader, his ela-
tion at the thought that he was at least to embark "upon his great enter-
prise did not allow it to obtrude.

On May 9, 1793. Mackenzie left his winter (luarters. At first
the track led through a country the beauty of which evoked the
admiration of the explorer. ''The ground rises at intervals," it is
recorded in the journal of the expedition, "to a considerable height,
and stretching inwards to a considerable distance; at every interval or
pause in the rise, there is a very gently-ascending space or lawn,
which is alternate with abrupt precipices to the summit of the whole,
or, at least as far as the eye could distinguish. This magnificent
theatre of nature has all the decorations which the trees and animals
of the countrv can afford it: groves of poplars in every shape vary

'Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 151-2.

212 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the scene; and their intervals are enlivened with vast herds of elks
and buffaloes: the former choosing the steeps and uplands, and the
later preferring the plains. At this time the buffaloes were attended
with their young ones, who were frisking about them; and it
appeared that the elks would soon exhibit the same enlivening cir-
cumstance. The whole country displayed an exuberant verdure;
the trees that bear a blossom were advancing fast to that delightful
appearance, and the velvet rind of their branches, reflecting the
oblique rays of a rising or setting sun, added a splendid gaiety to the
scene, which no expressions of mine are qualified to describe." *

As the canoe passed up the Peace River, the country assumed
a different aspect. The park-like prairie, with its wooded eminences
and verdant lawns, gave place to rugged and precipitous hills, and
these in turn to the wild and awe-inspiring grandeur of the Rocky
Mountains, whose snow crowned peaks stretched north and south in
one long unbroken chain. Into this wilderness plunged the little
party. As Mackenzie neared the mountain pass the current became
wild and tumultuous, rushing headlong between craggy hills and
precipitous walls of rock. In the great canyons of the Rocky Moun-
tains the Peace River belies its name and becomes a foaming cas-
cade, or a series of cascades, that even daunted the voyageurs, bred,
as they were, to the task of navigating dangerous rapids. The haz-
ards and difficulties of the enterprise continued to increase. "We
now continued," says Mackenzie in his entry of May 20th, "our toil-
some and perilous progress with the line west by north, and as we
proceeded the rapidity of the current increased, so that in the dis-
tance of two miles we were obliged to unload four times, and carry
everything but the canoe; indeed, in many places, it was with the
utmost difficulty that we could prevent her from being dashed in
pieces against the rocks by the violence of the eddies. At five we
had proceeded to where the river was one continued rapid. Here
we again took everything out of the canoe, in order to tow her up
with the line, though the rocks were so shelving as greatly to increase
the toil and hazard of that operation. At length, however, the agi-
tation of the water was so great, that a wave striking on the bow of
the canoe broke the line, and filled us with inexpressible dismay,
as it appeared impossible that the vessel could escape from being

* Mackenzie, Voyages, 1801, pp. 154-5.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 213

dashed to pieces, and those who were in her from perishing. Another
wave, however, more propitious than the former, drove her out of
the tumbling water, so that the men were enabled to bring her ashore,
and though she had been carried over rocks by these swells which
left them naked a moment after, the canoe had received no material
injury. The men were, however, in such a state from their late
alarm, that it would not only have been unavailing but imprudent,
to have proposed any further progress at present, particularly as the
river above us, as far as we could see, was one white sheet of foam-
ing water." " Of this place, he observed, "The river is not more than
fifty yards wide, and flows between stupendous rocks, from whence
huge fragments sometimes tumble down, and falling from such an
height, dash into small stones, with sharp points." "

Such were the daily experiences of the travellers. Small wonder
is it that even the stout heart of the French-Canadian quailed as he
advanced into this region, where Nature had erected every barrier
that could possibly be devised to prevent the progress of Man. The
voyageurs rebelled against the hardships of the way and clamoured
to return. But the master-spirit of the enterprise would brook no
opposition to his long-cherished plan. By the exercise of his author-
ity, or by softer measures of persuasion, Mackenzie calmed the fears
of his men and prevailed upon them to renew their allegiance. On
this occasion, as on many others, Mackenzie proved himself a born
reader. He treated the French-Canadians as a kind father would
treat his wayward children, and, as often as he was called upon to
give heart to his people, he never failed to overcome their fears
and to unite them to his purpose.

In the course of the journey through the Peace River Pass, the
canoe frequently had to be carried long distances. At one place it
was necessary to cut a road over a precipitous mountain; the trees
were felled parallel with the path, but not separated entirely from
the stumps, "so that they might form a kind of railing on either
side." All the baggage and the canoe were carried along this primi-
tive highway with laborious effort. The canoe was literally warped
up the mountain, the line being doubled and fastened to successive

' Mackenzie, Voyage?, p. 173.
'"Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 175.

214 BRITISH COLUMBIA

stumps. Three days were consumed in carrying the equipment
over this portage of more than seven miles.

On the evening of the third day, to the relief of all, the party
arrived at the river, a short distance above the canyon. At this
place "the stream rushed with an astonishing but silent velocity
between perpendicular rocks, which are not more than thirty-five
yards asunder. When the water is high it runs over those rocks in
a channel three times that breadth, where it is bounded by far more
elevated precipices. In the former are deep round holes, some of
which are full of water, while others are empty, in whose bottom
are small round stones, as smooth as marble. Some of these natural
cylinders would contain two hundred gallons. At a small distance
below the first of these rocks, the channel widens in a kind of zig-zag
progression, and it is really awful to behold with what infinite force
the water drives against the rocks on one side, and with what impetu-
ous strength it is repelled to the other: it then falls back, as it were,
into a more straight but rugged passage, over which it is tossed in
high, foaming, half-formed billows, as far as the eye could follow
it." " Nevertheless, the party embarked upon the tide.

Arriving at the fork formed by the junction of the Parsnip and
Finlay rivers, Mackenzie ascended the former. It was now the
end of May, and the river was in flood and the hardships endured in
stemming the powerful current so disheartened the voyageurs that
again they openly rebelled. "I therefore," says Mackenzie,
^'employed those arguments which were the best calculated to calm
their immediate discontents, as well as to encourage their future
hopes, though, at the same time, I delivered my sentiments in such a
manner as to convince them that T was determined to proceed." '*
The country on either hand was rugged and mountainous, yet on
all sides were seen evidences of the industrious beaver. "In no part
of the North-West," wrote Mackenzie, "did I see so much beaver-
work within an equal distance." To the explorer these indications
of a lucrative trade must have been of peculiar interest.

Thus, as it were, fighting their wav inch by inch, the men neared
the headwaters of the Parsnip River. On the 5th of June, Macken-
zie and Mackay left the canoe to ascend an adjacent moun-

'1 Mackenzie, Voyages, p. i8o.
'- Mackenzie, Voyages, p. i86.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 215

tain, hoping that they might obtain therefrom a view of the interior.
Little could be seen from the height, however, because of the thick
forest; so Mackenzie climbed a high tree, from whose top he obtained
a panoramic view of the surrounding country. On the west extended
a range of snowy mountains, between which and another high ridge
of land there appeared to be an opening that was thought to mark
the course of a river. Upon their return to the Parsnip, Mackenzie
and Mackay found neither the men nor the canoe. A fire was
lighted to attract the attention of the voyageurs, and branches were
sent adrift down the current, as a message to the men that their
leader was ahead. Mackenzie himself walked along the bank in the
blaze of the afternoon sun, tormented by swarms of gnats and mos-
quitoes; but without result. Nor was Mackay more successful in
obtaining news of the missing party. Mackenzie feared that the
men had seized the opportunity to desert, or that they had been
lost in a rapid. Perplexed and distressed by these conjectures, and
upbraiding himself for his imprudence in leaving his people in such
a dangerous situation, the explorer encamped for the night. Scarcely
had he retired, however, than the evening stillness was broken by
the report of musket, the welcome signal that Mackay had found
the party. Mackenzie at once proceeded to join his men, from
whom he learned that the canoe had been wrecked and that they
had experienced far greater toil and hardship than on any former
occasion. These asseverations the explorer pretended to believe,
and sought to comfort his men with a "consolatory dram." He was
convinced, however, that the passage might have been made if exer-
tions had not been relaxed.

A few days later the explorer met two natives, one of whom drew
his knife and presented it in token of submission. These Indians had
heard of white men, but had never before seen a human being with a
complexion different from their own. Long schooled to the ways
of the savage, Mackenzie did not attempt to push on, but remained
to re-assure the natives. The party consisted of three men and three
women and seven or eight children, all of whom presented a wretched
appearance. They were consoled with beads and other trifles, and
feasted upon pemmican. Mackenzie endeavoured to obtain from
these people an idea of the country. His inquiries, however, elicited
nothing but a confused account of tribes who lived to the westward,

216 BRITISH COLUMBIA

a moon's travel onward, and who extended their journeys to the sea,
or, as they expressed it, the "Stinking Lake." The men of tribes
were represented as living almost continually in their strongholds
from fear of their enemies. These stories did not comfort the
explorer; but, persisting in his inquiries, he was rewarded with an
account of a large river that ran towards the midday sun, a branch of
which had its source not far from the encampment. Three small
lakes and as many short carrying places, led to a tributary of the
"Great River.'' This knowledge, imperfect as it was, aroused the
liveliest interest. One of the Indians was induced to guide the
party to the small lakes, of which they had spoken.

Taking leave of the Indians on June loth, Mackenzie pushed on
until he reached a small lake, which he judged to be the source of
the Parsnip River. Upon landing it was discovered that a beaten
path of eight hundred and seventeen paces led over a low ridge of
land to another small lake. This ridge was termed "the Height of
Land." Within a few paces of this spot were the sources of great
rivers, the waters of which empty respectively into the Arctic and
the Pacific Oceans. Here two sparkling rivulets tumbled down
their rocky channels to lose themselves in the lake which is the source
of the Parsnip; while two other glacial streams fell from the opposite
height into another lake, draining into the Fraser. The party had
crossed the divide, and now, for the first time, the canoe floated with
the current. Arriving at the portage, another beaten path was found,
one hundred and seventy-five paces long. This lake communicated
with the third lake of the chain, the outlet of which flows into the
North Folk of the Fraser River. Mackenzie called this stream Bad
River, because its rapid, shallow and tortuous course was so impeded
by fallen trees that it could be navigated only by dint of the greatest
exertion. The banks w'ere almost impassable bv reason of treacher-
ous swamps and thick woods.

In descending Bad River, the canoe struck in a shallow; Macken-
zie instantly leaped out, the men following his example; but, before
she could be stopped, the canoe came to deep water, so that all were
obliged to re-embark "with the utmost precipitation." "We had
hardiv regained our situations." records the journal, "when we drove
against a rock which shattered the stern of the canoe in such a man-
ner that it held only by the gunwales, so that the steersman could no

BRITISH COLUMBIA 217

longer keep his place. The violence of this stroke drove us to the
opposite side of the river, which is but narrow, when the bow met
with the same fate as the stern. At this moment the foreman seized
on some branches of a small tree in the hope of bringing up the
canoe, but such was their elasticity that, in a manner not easily
described, he was jerked on shore in an instant, and with a degree of
violence that threatened his destruction. But we had no time to
turn from our own situation to inquire what had befallen him; for,
in a few moments, we came across a cascade which broke several
large holes in the bottom of the canoe, and started all the bars, except
one behind the scooping seat. If this accident, however, had not hap-
pened, the vessel must have been irretrievably overset. The wreck
becoming flat on the water, we all jumped out, while the steersman,
who had been compelled to abandon his place, and had not recovered
from his fright, called out to his companions to save themselves.
My peremptory commands superseded the effects of his fear, and
thcv all held fast to the wreck; to which fortunate resolution we
owed our safety, as we should otherwise have been dashed against the
rocks by the force of the water, or driven over the cascades. In this
condition we were forced several hundred yards, and every yard
on the verge of destruction ; but, at length, we most fortunately
arrived in shallow water and a small eddy, where we were enabled
to make a stand, from the weight of the canoe resting on the stones,
rather than from any exertions of our "exhausted strength." '■'■

This passage from Mackenzie's journal graphically illustrates
the dangers which beset the track of the explorer in those unknown
wilds.

On Monday, June 17th, at eight in the evening, the party reached
the bank of the Great' River, an event which is recorded in the fol-
lowing words: "At length we enjoyed, after all our toil and anxiety,
the inexpressible satisfaction of finding ourselves on the bank of a
navigable river, on the west side of the first great range of moun-
tains." "

Alexander Mackenzie had discovered the Great River, now
known as the Fraser.

The voyage, even to this point, was a memorable undertaking,

" Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 218.
'* Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 228.

218 BRITISH COLUMBIA

for Mackenzie had traversed the whole course of the Parsnip River,
from its junction with the Findlay to its remotest headwaters, and
the most dangerous reaches of the Peace. Keen observer as Mac-
kenzie was, however, he had failed to notice a large stream which
flows into the Parsnip. This was the Pack River, which drains
McLeod Lake. It appears that the Indians met by Mackenzie in
the mountains knew of an easier route to the Fraser River. It fol-
lowed the Pack River, McLeod Lake, and Crooked River, to Sum-
mit Lake, thence by what is now known as Giscome Portage, to the
North Fork, some distance below the mouth of the Bad River. Had
the explorer followed this route, he might have saved time, although
the ascent of the Crooked River, a rapid and shallow stream, might
have proved scarcely less difiicult than the descent of the Bad River.
On the morning of Monday, June i8th, the little party of adven-
turers embarked upon the "Great River." The journal records that
"the weather was so hazy that we could not see across the river, which
is here about two hundred yards wide." A somewhat particular
account of the reaches between the mouth of the Bad River and the
junction of the north and south branches is given by Mackenzie.
The current is described as "very strong but perfectly safe." ^'' Yet
it was a perilous undertaking, for at times the river rushed tumultu-
ously between high perpendicular walls of rock, or foamed in long
cascades; again, the disposition of the natives was unknown and no
care or forthought could save the party, if they should be bent upon
its destruction.

The exertions of the voyageurs, and the strong tide, lent wings to
the little vessel, as she swept down the river. In the course of the day
the party reached the "great fork" formed by the confluence of the
north and south branches of the Fraser. The north fork has its
source in the heart of the Rocky Mountains, not a great distance above
the fifty-fourth parallel, while the south branch rises in the same
range to the south of the fifty-third parallel, to the eastward of the
119th degree of longitude. Tete Jaune Cache marks the head of
navigation on the southern fork, which is the larger branch. Writ-
ing a century and a quarter ago, Mackenzie observed that at the
confluence of the two branches the channel "is about half a mile in
breadth, and assumes the form of a lake." Even in that early day

i'» Mackenzie, \'o\ages, p. 230.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 219

forest fires seem to have devastated the country-side, for under the
date of June 19, (1793) Mackenzie wrote that "clouds of thick
smoke rose from the woods, that darkened the atmosphere, accom-
panied with a strong odor of the gum of the cypress and the spruce
fir.'' The explorer was soon in the neighbourhood of the South
Fort George of today, but he failed to discover the Nechaco River,
for which he has been called to task by certain writers. This over-
sight, however, may be explained — the mouth of that stream is
screened by low land covered with cotton-wood trees. In descending
the Fraser by the east bank, the Nechaco might easily escape notice
on a misty morning. The clear water of this beautiful river, how-
ever, is most noticeable against the muddy current of the larger
stream. Even if the weather were foggy, and the mouth of the
Nechaco masked by trees, or veiled in mist, it would seem that an
explorer could not have failed to notice that a large body of clear
water embouched into the main river at this point. But at high
water, the turbid flood of the Fraser may back up the waters of the
Nechaco. Be this as it may, Mackenzie missed the Nechaco, and
passed the place where South Fort George stands today, remarking
of the banks in that neighbourhood that they were "composed of
high white cliffs, crowned with pinnacles in grotesque shapes.'' ^''
It is not always easy to follow the explorer from point to point,
because, trained observer as he was, some well-known features of the
river failed to attract his attention or at least are not recorded. Nor
is it surprising that this should be the case, when it is recalled that
Mackenzie often complained of the fog which generally shrouded
the river in the early morning. The heavy mists which are char-
acteristic of the Fraser at certain seasons of the year, rendered the
navigation of the newly discovered highway a delicate undertaking.
Mackenzie was always up betimes. "At three (or some such early
hour) we were on the water," is a frequent entry in his journal, and
the observation is usually followed by a reference to the heavy pall
of mist which hid from view both the channel and the landscape.
This difficulty narrowed the field of observation and sufficiently
accounts for Mackenzie's failure to portray accurately in every par-
ticular the noble stream he discovered and explored. Then, again,
it is likely that in the hundred and twenty years which have elapsed

'" Mackfn/ie, Voyages, p. 235.

220 BRITISH COLUMBIA

since Mackenzie's memorable excursion in 1793, the mighty current
of the Fraser has wrought a change in many places. The river today,
except where it flows between rock-bound shores, may not present
quite the same appearance as it did a century and more ago.

But now and again there is no mistaking the points or places
described. Thus it is with the Fort George Canyon, that notable
feature of the upper river, of which Mackenzie writes: "In the last
course the rocks contracted in such a manner on both sides of the
river as to afford the appearance of the upper part of a fall or
cataract. Under this apprehension we landed on the left shore, where
we found a kind of footpath imperfectly traced, through which we
conjectured that the natives occasionally passed with their canoes
and baggage. On examining the course of the river, however, there
did not appear to be any fall, as we expected; but the rapids were
of considerable length and impassable for a light canoe."

The journal continues — "We had therefore no alternative but to
widen the road so as to admit the passage of our canoe, which was
now carried with great difficulty; as from her frequent repairs, and
not always of the usual materials, her weight was such that she
cracked and broke on the shoulders of the men who bore her. The
labour and fatigue of this undertaking, from eight till twelve, beggars
all description, when we at length conquered this afflicting passage
of about half a mile, over a rocky and most rugged hill." ^'

A meridional observation taken at this point gave the latitude as
53°42'2o". The true latitude of Fort George Canyon is 53°4i'3o".

The course was continued in a southerly direction for a quarter
of a mile to the next carrying place, which was described as "noth-
ing more than a rocky point about twice the length of the canoe."
This evidently refers to that bold escarpment of rock at the narrow-
est part of the Fort George Canyon. "From the extremity of this
point," the journal continues, "to the rocky and most perpendicular
bank that arose on the opposite shore, is not more than forty or fifty
yards. The great body of water, at the same time tumbling in suc-
cessive cascades along the first carrying-place, rolls through this
narrow passage in a very turbid current, and full of whirlpools."

On the banks of the river in this neighbourhood the explorer
found "a great plenty of wild onions, which when mixed with our

'' Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 234-5.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 221

pemmican, was a great improvement of it; though they produced a
physical effect on our appetites which was rather inconvenient to
the state of our provisions."

Below Fort George Canyon, Mackenzie caught a glimpse of a
few natives, who fled at the sight of the strangers. In spite of Mac-
kenzie and Mackay's efforts to overtake them, the Indians made
their escape, but not before they had given vent to their feelings by
discharging a volley of arrows at thi' men who had endeavoured to
conciliate them. The two interpreters reported that their language
was quite unintelligible.

At half past four in the morning of lliursday, June 20th, the
journey was continued, but little knowledge of the surrounding coun-
try could be gained as "the fog was so thick that we could not see
the length of our canoe, which rendered our progress dangerous, as
we might have come suddenly upon a cascade or violent rapid." ^*
After the sun had dispersed the mist, two red deer, as the furtrader
called the elk, were seen on the bank. Both were killed and formed a
welcome addition to the larder of the expedition, which was depleted
of all but bare necessaries.

Of the country between the Fort George and Cottonwood Can-
yons Mackenzie observed that "here the country changed its appear-
ance; the banks were but of a moderate height, from whence the
ground continued gradually rising to a considerable distance, cov-
ered with poplars and cypresses, but without any kind of under-
wood." " The country was not so populous, as directly above and
below Quesnel. Occasionally signs of the inhabitants were noticed.
At one place, probably near the site of an Indian village, which
stood on the west bank of the river, not far above the mouth of the
Blackwater, a deserted Indian house was discovered. It excited the
curiosity of the explorer, who examined it carefully. He remarked
that it was "the only Indian habitation of this kind that I had seen
on this side of Mechilimakina."

The dwelling was thirty feet long and twenty wide, with three
doors, each three feet high by one and one-half in breadth. An
ingenious fishtrap, found in the house, is well described by Mac-
kenzie. It was of cylindrical form, fifteen feet long and four and a

1* Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 234..
" Mackenzie. \'oyages, p. 237.

222 BRITISH COLUMBIA

half feet in diameter: ''One end was square like the head of a cask,
and a conical machine was fixed inwards to the other end, of similar
dimensions : at the extremity of which was an opening of about
seven inches diameter. This machine was certainly contrived to set
in the river, to catch large fish; and very well-adapted to that
purpose." "'^ To this day fish traps of the kind described are in use
on the rivers and streams of the interior.-'

Near-by the house a tomb was noticed — "It was in an oblong
form, covered, and very neatly walled with bark. A pole was fixed
near it, to which, at the height of ten or twelve feet, a piece of bark
was attached, which was probably a memorial, or symbol of dis-
tinction."

The canoe bv this time had become so unseaworthy that it was
decided to construct another, with as little delay as possible. As
from the appearance of the country there was reason to believe that
birch bark might be found, a party was landed at eight in the morn-
ing to scour the woods for the precious material. Four men were
despatched on the mission, and at twelve they returned with enough
bark "to make the bottom of a canoe five fathoms in length and four
feet and a half in height." x\t this point Mackenzie took another
observation, which marked the position of the expedition as in lati-
tude 53°i7'28"." ^" Cottonwood Canyon is in latitude 53°o8'oo",
so the party at that time must have been near this dangerous passage.

Mackenzie passed the mouth of the Blackwater on June 20th.
This little stream did not escape notice.

Here again the reader of the explorer's journal, who is familiar
with the Fraser River above Quesnel, will have no difficulty in
recognizing a striking feature of that noble waterway. "Here,"
says Mackenzie, "the river narrows between steep rocks, and a rapid
succeeded, which was so violent that we did not venture to run it.
I therefore ordered the loading to be taken out of the canoe, but she
was now become so heavy that the men preferred running the rapid
to carrying her overland. Though I did not altogether approve
of their proposition, I was unwilling to oppose it. Four of them
undertook this hazardous expedition, and I hastened to the toot of

-" Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 239.

-' The author examined one of these fishtraps in situ on tlie Nechaco River in .\ugust, 1912.

•'- Mackenzie, N'oyages, p. 240.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 223

the rapid with great anxiety to await the event, which turned out
as I expected. The water was so strong that although they kepi
clear of the rocks, the canoe filled, and in this state they drove half
way down the rapid, but fortunately she did not overset; and having
got her into an eddy, they emptied her, and in an half-drowned
condition arrived safe on shore."

The carrying place was about half a mile long, and that it was
frequently used by the Indians was proved by the fact that there was
a well-marked path across it. Both the Fort George and Cottonwood
Canyons are often navigated, even in this day, by Indians and white
men in the cottonwood dug-out of native design and workmanship;
but in both places navigation has been improved by the blasting out
of certain rocks that in the old days threatened with destruction
the little vessel of the Indian or the furtrader. At high water both
canyons are dangerous, and even the hardiest voyageur might well
hesitate before attempting to navigate the turbulent stream that flows
between the rock-girt shores of the Phaser at these points. Mackenzie
descended the river in flood time and his feat, therefore, is all the
more remarkable.

After the passage of the Canyon the canoe was in such wretched
condition that it "occasioned a delay of three hours to put her in a
condition to proceed." At length, all being in readiness, the course
was continued.

Those who know the Upper River will recognize Mackenzie's
description of tl^at portion of it "where the ledges of white and red
clay appeared like the ruins of ancient castles." This description
undoubtedly refers to the strange, castellated formation at the elbow
of the river, between the Cottonwood River and the Cottonwood
Canyon.

After this day of arduous exertion, the party camped in a storm
of rain and thunder, near some old and deserted Indian houses.
On the following morning ninety pounds of pemmican were buried
in the ground for the homeward journey. "As I was very sensible,"
Mackenzie remarked on this occasion, of the difficulty of procuring
provisions in this country, I thought it prudent to guard against any
possibility of distress of that kind on our return; T therefore ordered
ninety pounds weight of pemmican to be buried in an hole sufficiently
deep to admit of a fire over it without doing any injury to our hidden

224 BRITISH COLUMBIA

treasure, and which would, at the same time, secure it from the
natives of the country, or the wild animals of the woods." -^ It is
impossible to say exactly where this cache was made, but it could not
have been far from the Cottonwood River.

Not far from the cache, Mackenzie passed the beautiful bench
where today stands the flourishing town of Quesnel. Here "a large
river flowed in from the left," which several years later Simon Fraser
named Quesnel. in honour of Jules Maurice Quesnel, one of his
lieutenants. A little below Quesnel, Mackenzie made an observa-
tion, and, according to his reckoning, the point was in latitude
52'47'5i." Near this point a small canoe was noticed, at the edge of
the woods, and soon another, paddled by a single man, appeared in
the stream. At the sight of the large canoe the natives gathered on
the bank, armed with spears, bows, and arrows. It was quite apparent
that the men were in a state of great apprehension, yet "they dis-
played the most outrageous antics," and indicated by their gestures
that if the party should land it would be attacked. Mackenzie at
once ordered his men to stop the canoe, as he knew that it would
be useless to attempt to approach the savages before their fears had
in some degree subsided. The interpreters, who fortunately under-
stood the native language, informed Mackenzie that the Indians
declared that all would meet with instant death if the canoe
approached the shore. Their threat was not an idle boast, for it was
followed by a volley of arrows, some of which fell short of the canoe
and others passed over it. By this time the current had carried the
canoe below, and Mackenzie ordered his men to quietly paddle up
the opposite side of the river until he was abreast of the Indians. He
was anxious to overcome their antipathy, the more so as he had
noticed that a canoe had been despatched down the river, as he con-
cluded to communicate the alarm and procure assistance.

It was in such dramatic moments as these that Mackenzie's
determination and knowledge of Indian character proved an unfail-
ing source of strength. Undaunted, he left his canoe and walked
towards the group of excited natives, as calmly as if no danger
threatened. He took the precaution, however, of sending one of his
interpreters into the woods, there to conceal himself where he could
command the positon with his musket; but the man was particularly

'2 Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 241.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 225

enjoined not to fire until the explorer gave the signal. Mackenzie
walked slowly, displaying as he went, looking-glasses, beads, and
other alluring trinkets. This was more than the curiosity of the
natives could withstand. They approached the shore, but at first
did not venture to land. However, friendly relations were soon
established, and with great satisfaction Mackenzie found that his
interpreter and these people understood each other perfectly.

The e.\plorer lost no time in seeking information respecting the
course of the river. He was informed that it ran for days towards
the mid-day sun, and that at its mouth white people were building
houses — from which account it would appear that news of the
Spanish settlements at Nootka and Neah Bay had reached even
the distant territory of the Carriers. "They represented its current,"
Mackenzie wrote, "to be uniformly strong, and that in three places
it was altogether impassable, from the falls and rapids, which poured
along between perpendicular rocks that were much higher, and
more rugged, than any we had yet seen, and would not admit of any
passage over them. But besides the dangers and difficulties of the
navigation, they added, that we should have to encounter the inhabi-
tants of the country, who were very numerous. They also represented
their immediate neighbours as a very malignant race, who lived in
large subterraneous recesses: and when they were made to under-
stand that it was our design to proceed to the sea, they dissuaded
us from prosecuting our intention, as we should certainly become a
sacrifice to the savage spirit of the natives. These people they
described as possessing iron, arms, and utensils, which they procured
from their neighbours to the Westward, and were obtained by a
commercial progress from people like ourselves, who brought them
in great canoes." -■*

This information, alarming as it was, did not affect Mackenzie's
determination to reach the coast. Having persuaded two of the tribe
to accompany him as guides and to secure a favourable reception
from the tribes below, the expedition started once more on its perilous
voyage. The "malignant race" who lived in subterraneous recesses,
were evidently the Thompson Indians, who dwelt underground in
the winter months in their "kcekwillee" houses. The territory of

-* Mackenzie, Vovanes, pp. 245-6.
vni. 1-1 ft

226 BRITISH COLUMBIA

this tribe abutted on the Fraser River. In that day there was a very
large village at Camchin, now Lytton.

In this region many natives were seen but although they exhibited
the utmost surprise at the appareance of white men, and were fre-
quently hostile, they did not attack the party. Nevertheless, on their
account, it was necessary to proceed with caution, as it was not known
at what point Indians of a more savage disposition might be met.

At one point Mackenzie prevailed upon an old man to sketch the
river upon a large piece of bark. Again it was represented as being
extremely rapid, with numerous falls and cascades, many of which
were dangerous and others altogether impracticable. The carrying
places were of great length, passing over rugged hills and moun-
tains. Beyond lay the lands of three tribes speaking different lan-
guages. At a great distance, the old chief observed, the river reached
the water which the natives did not drink. Another very old man
said that as long as he could remember he had heard of white people
to the southward, and that, although he could not vouch for the truth
of the report, one of them, in an attempt to ascend the river, was
destroyed. From what he heard, the explorer concluded, wrongly,
as appeared subsequently, that the river did not enter the Ocean to
the north of the River of the West, as the Columbia was generally
called in the days before it was actually discovered. The natives also
told of another route to the sea, and one more easily followed.

At no time, in the whole of his career, did the resolute character
of Alexander Mackenzie show to better advantage than on this trying
occasion. The mutinous conduct of his men, the hostility of the sav-
ages, and the rugged nature of the countrv, all conspired to prevent
his executing his great project. Little wonder is it, then, that his
mind became a prey to gloomv thoughts. In spite of the overwhelm-
ing difficulties of the situation, however, he did not lose heart, but
resolutely set himself to attain his end. The explorer's journal gives
a graphic account of the predicament of the expedition at this crisis.
"My people," Mackenzie observed, "had listened with great atten-
tion to the relation which had been given me, and it seemed to be their
opinion, that it would be absolute madness to attempt a passage
through so many savage and barbarous nations. My situation may,
indeed, be more easily conceived than expressed: I had no more
than thirty days provisions remaining, exclusive of such supplies as

BRITISH COLUMBIA 2-21

1 might obtain from the natives, and the toil of our hunters, which,
however, was so precarious as to be matter of little dependence;
besides, our ammunition would soon be exhausted, particularly our
ball, of which we had not more than an hundred and fifty, and about
thirty pounds weight of shot, which, indeed, might be converted into
bullets, though with great waste.

"The more I heard of the river, the more I was convinced it
could not empty itself into the ocean to the North of what is called
the River of the West, so that w ith its windings, the distance must be
very great. Such being the discouraging circumsiances of my situa-
tion, which were now heightened by the discontents of my people, I
could not but be alarmed at the idea of attempting to get to the dis-
charge of such a rapid river, especially when I reflected on tlie
tardy progress of my return up it, even if I should meet with no
obstruction from the natives; a circumstance not very probable, from
the numbers of them which would then be on the river; and whom I
could have no opportunity of conciliating in mv passage down, for
the reasons which have been already mentioned. At all events, I
must give up every expectation of returning this season to Athabasca.
Such were my reflections at this period; but instead of continuing to
indulge them, 1 determined to proceed \\ ith resolution, and set future
events at defiance. At the same time I suffered myself to nourish the
hope that i might be able to penetrate w ith more safety, and in a
shorter period, to the ocean by the inland, western communication." -'

Therefore, at a point not far from the place where Alexandria
stands todav, Mackenzie decided to abatidon the river and to con-
tinue his journey overland. In order to carry out the new design, it
was necessary to return to the mouth of a stream that had been noticed
on the north bank — the West Road River of Mackenzie — the Black-
water of todav. The men who, but a short time before, had been in
a state of open rebellion, now promised to stand by their leader, what-
ever might be the conse(]uences, and follow him to the ocean. ".At
all events, I declared, in the most solemn manner," said Mackenzie
on this occasion, "that I would not abandon my design of reaching
the sea, if I made the attempt alone."

The return of the expedition up the river alarmed the natives,
and a general panic seized the men, and again thev demanded that the

"'' Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 255-6.

228 BRITISH COLUMBIA

venture be abandoned and that they should return without delay to
the Peace River. But with peremptory words, the explorer silenced
their remonstrances.

The canoe, after its long and dangerous passage, had become so
unseaworthy that it was determined to build another. Accordingly
the party landed on an island not far below the point where the
Quesnel River joins the Fraser. An additional supply of bark,
watape, and gum were gathered in the woods, and in four days a
strong canoe was constructed and ready for service.

The expedition reached the Blackwater River, or as Mackenzie
called it, the West Road River, at ten on the morning of Wednesday,
July 3, 1793, and proceeded up this stream in search of the Indian
who had promised to guide the party overland to the ocean. The
native kept his word and, at four in the afternoon, joined Mackenzie,
who gave him a jacket, a pair of trousers and a handkerchief, "as a
reward for his honourable conduct." On the following day, pem-
mican, wild rice, Indian corn, gunpowder and a bale of trading arti-
cles, were hidden in two caches, and the canoe placed bottom upward
on a stage and shielded from the rays of the sun with branches of trees.

The expedition then started on the last stage of its adventurous
journey. Each man carried a pack of ninety pounds and Mackenzie
and Mackay seventy pounds each, besides their arms and ammunition.
Mackenzie also carried his telescope, swung across his shoulders,
which proved a troublesome addition to his burden. A native road,
in places quite clearly defined, led to the upper reaches of the Black-
water, and thence westerly, through the Chilcotin country, to the
Bella Coola River, called by Mackenzie the Salmon River.

It was not until July 17th that the eyes of the explorer were glad-
dened with the sight of an Indian village. Upon their arrival the
chief treated the toil-worn men with every consideration, inviting
them to his house, where he regaled them with salmon roe and other
native delicacies. This place was on the Bella Coola River. From
the natives Mackenzie procured two canoes, in which the party once
more embarked. The Indians wielded their paddles so dexterously
that Mackenzie was led to observe that he had always imagined
Canadians to be the "most expert canoe-men in the world, but they
are very inferior to these people," as his crew acknowledged.

Arriving at a larger village, the party was again most hospitably

BRITISH COLUMBIA 229

received and entertained. Here the explorer learned that ten winters
before, the chief had sailed towards the mid-day sun with forty of his
people, in his great canoe, meeting on the ocean two large ships
manned by white men, by whom he was kindly received. Mackenzie
thought that these might be the vessels commanded by Captain Cook.

The natives of this region dififered greatly from those to the east-
ward of the Rocky Mountains. The Indians of the great plains lived
by hunting, and the bison or buffalo furnished them with the neces-
saries of life, while the natives of the Pacific Coast region looked to
the salmon to supply their wants. Their houses were made of thick
cedar boards, so neatly joined that at first they seemed of one piece.
"They were painted with hieroglyphics," records the journal, "and
figures of different animals, and with a degree of correctness that was
not to be expected from such an uncultivated people." It was evi-
dent that this tribe had traded with maritime adventurers, because
wire, copper and trinkets were plentiful; collars of twisted iron, that
weighed about twelve pounds, attracted particular attention. No
doubt these collars were some of those made by the American, Ing-
raham, and traded by him with such advantage amongst the tribes of
the Queen Charlotte Islands. ^^

At this village another canoe was obtained, and the voyage con-
tinued with native guides, who volunteered to accompany the expe-
dition. Mackenzie was now within a short distance of the sea, and
on the 19th of July he caught a glimpse of the narrow inlet
into which the river emptied. On the following day, at an early hour
in the morning, he passed the site of what is now Bella Coola and
reached Bentinck Arm. At last Alexander Mackenzie had achieved
his ambition. He had travelled from the Atlantic Ocean to the shores
of the Pacific, and in so doing had explored a territory never before
seen by civilized man.

Mackenzie, however, was not content to reach tidal water; he
wished to view the ocean itself. He paddled down the long fiord, and
then, taking a northwesterly course, reached the entrance of Cascade
Canal. On his way thither, in passing King's Island, he met three
canoes, manned by fifteen men, one of whom related that but a few
weeks before boats had visited the bay, filled with white men, and
that one of these, whom he called "Macubah," had fired on him, and

" vide InKraham's Journal, Ms. in Archives Department, Victoria.

2:^0 BRITISH COLUMBIA

another, "Bensins," had struck him on the back with the flat of his
sword. Perhaps by these names the natives meant Vancouver and
Menzies, for but a few weeks earlier the boats of the Discovery had
explored this inlet, when Point Menzies, King Island, Bentinck
Arm, Dean Canal, and Cascade Canal, had received their names.
These indignities rankled in the mind of the Indian, who was only
too willing to revenge himself upon Mackenzie's party. He became
more and more troublesome, even forcing himself into Mackenzie's
canoe, vociferously repeating the unpleasant intelligence that he had
been ill-treated by white men.

Mackenzie, in order to escape the importunities of the natives,
landed at a deserted village. But the party was followed by ten
canoes, each containing from three to six men. The Indians informed
Mackenzie that he was expected at the village near-by. Suspecting
from their behaviour that some hostile design was meditated, the
invitation was declined, and presently the natives took their depart-
ure, but not before they had succeeded in stealing several articles of
value. Having taken possession of a rock which could be easily
defended, the men prepared to spend the night. Presently another
canoe arrived, manned by several Indians, who brought a sea-otter
and a fine goat skin, offering to exchange the former for the explor-
er's hanger or sword, which offer, as might be supposed, was declined.

VVith only a fire to cheer them, the men passed the night on the
rock, keeping watch by twos for fear that the Indians might take
advantage of the darkness to steal upon them. Bright moonlight,
however, befriended the party, and the dawn broke without any hos-
tile attempt being made by the inhabitants of the neighbouring vil-
lage. In the morning the camp was again visited by natives, who did
not disguise their hostility. The young Indian guide, the son of the
chief of the village on Salmon River, earnestly entreated Mackenzie
to depart, as he had heard that a plot was on foot to kill the whole
party. In his agitation he foamed at the mouth. The French Canad-
ians, on hearing the news, became panic-stricken, and asked the ex-
plorer if it were his determination to remain there to be sacrificed.
He replied, as on former occasions, that he would not retreat. But
the natives were implacable and his men mutinous, and he was there-
fore forced to abandon his project and to return to the river he had
(luitted the day before.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 231

Before leaving, the explorer mixed some vermillioii in melted
grease and inscribed in large letters on the southeast face of the rock
this brief memorial — "Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada, by land,
the twenty-second of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-
three."

On that very day — the 22nd day of July, 1793 — another great ex-
plorer was, comparatively speaking, but a short distance away. The
journal of Captain George Vancouver reveals the fact that he was
then in the neighbourhood of Point Maskelyne, surveying the channel
which leads to Observatory Inlet and Portland Canal. If these two
famous explorers, both of whom rendered the Empire signal service,
could have met on the Pacific coast, that meeting would indeed have
been memorable!

To add to the perplexities and dangers of the situation, the son of
the chief of Friendly Village attempted to desert the party. He was
promptly seized and forced to return to the shore, for it was
thought better to incur his displeasure than to suffer him to expose
himself to the ill-will of the natives, or to allow him to return to his
father before the party. Mackenzie himself mounted guard over the
frightened youth. The prow of the canoe was then headed for the
mouth of the Bella Coola River and the homeward journey com-
menced. But another disappointment was in store for the explorer.
The Indians who resided along the stream, instead of extending
the hospitable welcome that had been accorded on the downward
voyage, now seemed intent upon impeding the progress of the expedi-
tion. At the large village near the mouth of the river the natives
were so importunate and troublesome that it was called Rascal's
Village. The chief of the next village — the "Great Village" — was
surly and little inclined to help the wayfarers; but presents of cloth,
knives, and other articles, restored his good humour. Leaving the
"Great Village," the party proceeded, single file, through the forest,
momentarily expecting an attack, as the natives on their departure
were excited and apparently resolved upon mischief.

On Friday, the twenty-sixth day of July, Mackenzie reached
"Friendly Village." His reception at the place was in marked con-
trast to that accorded to him below. The chief, Soocomlick, con-
ducted the men to his own house, and entertained them with the "most
respectful hospitality." Mackenzie was touched by the kindness of

232 BRITISH COLUMBIA

this untutored savage, and he entered in his journal that "he behaved
to us with so much attention and kindness, that I did not withhold
anything in my power to give which might afford him satisfaction.
I presented him with two yards of blue cloth, an axe, knives, and
various other articles."

The explorer then retraced his steps to the Blackwater River, ar-
riving on August 4th at the place where the provisions and canoe had
been cached. Everything was found as it had been left. Embarking
on the Great River, also called by Mackenzie the ''Tacoutche Tesse,"
as he considered that to be the Indian name of the stream, the
expedition in the course of a few days, made Bad River. The Bad
River was ascended, the ''Height of Land" crossed, and the canoe
launched upon the Parsnip. Gliding along with the current of that
noble river, Mackenzie travelled in one day a distance which had
taken him seven days to traverse on his outward journey. The river
everywhere swarmed with beaver and wild fowl. Then descending
the Peace River, which is formed by the junction of the Parsnip and
Finlay Rivers, the explorer reached the beautiful rolling country
which lies immediately to the eastward of the Rocky Mountains.

At length, on Saturday, August 24th, after an absence of
three and a half months, Mackenzie reached Fork Fort, where
he had spent the preceding winter. This account of the first over-
land journey to the Pacific may well close with the last entry in the
great explorer's journal- — "Here my voyages of discovery terminate.
Their toils and their dangers, their solicitudes and sufferings, have
not been exaggerated in my description. On the contrary, in many
instances, language has failed me in the attempt to describe them.
I received, however, the reward of my labours, for they were crowned
with success."

Alexander Mackenzie was the first European to find a pass
through the Rocky Mountains; he was the first European to see the
noble stream, which, from its source in the heart of that great
Cordilleran range, flows into the Gulf of Georgia, after a devious
course of some seven hundred miles; he was the first European
to embark upon the river which was destined to be named fifteen
years later in honour of another explorer, who also owed allegiance
to the North West Company; and he was the first European to reach
the Pacific Ocean overland. The achievement of Alexander Mac-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 233

kenzie has given him enduring fame. No one explorer, in a few
short months, accomplished more than did this imperturbable man,
who linked together the known and the unknown — who gave the
world its first glimpse of the interior of the Province of British
Columbia.

Subsequently Mackenzie appears to have devoted himself to the
furtrade and to have amassed considerable wealth. In 1801 he pub-
lished the narrative of his explorations so frequently quoted in these
pages. On February 10, 1802, Alexander Mackenzie was knighted
by King George III., in recognition of his services in the cause of
geographical science. In 181 2 he married a Miss Mackenzie and
settled at Avoch in Ross-shire. The great explorer died at Mulnain,
near Dunkeld, March 11, 1820, after a long and honourable career.

SIMON FRASER OF THE NORTH-WEST COMPANY
Explored Fraser river, Ft. George to mouth of North Arm, 1808

CHAPTER X
SIMON FRASER

In periods like the present, when knowledge of our country is
every day extending, even to the most distant parts of the world, it
is no easy matter to throw ourselves mentally back into a time in which
the territories, now comprised in the Province of British Columbia,
first began to assume a definite political form and to arouse the com-
mercial spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, one of the greatest propelling
forces that the world has ever known. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth century, the vast country beyond the Rocky Mountains was a
virgin wilderness, as vet almost unknown and unpeopled, except by
aboriginal tribes, whose chiefs held undisputed sway in their several
jurisdictions. It is true that the western seaboard had been explored
and tolerablv well surveyed by Briton and Spaniard and its interior
pierced by the furtradcr; but these efforts had not as yet led to the
occupation of the country; nor had any strong movement in that
direction taken place. Great Britain, involved in war with France,
which had broken out before Vancouver returned to Europe, found
her energies and resources taxed to the utmost to continue the strug-
gle against Napoleon; and therefore the settlement of distant lands
was, for the time being, beyond the range of practical politics. Spain.
now England's ally, had abandoned forever her enterprise in the
North Pacific. Russia alone persevered in her efforts to extend her
dominions beyond the sea discovered by Vitus Bering.

If the situation in Europe, precluded Great Britain from actively
following up the discoveries of Vancouver and the settlement of the
Nootka Afifair, with a broad policy of expansion in the trans-con-
tinental region of the North Pacific, there was nothing to prevent the
progress of the ambitious Canadian furtrader towards the western
confines of North America, except physical obstacles similar to those
which, from his childhood's days, he had been accustomed to face

235

236 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and surmount. From the ashes of the heated controversies and
bitter feuds of the traders, a new power had arisen, and one which
was destined to win before long, signal triumphs in the west. The
merging of the rival interests into the great North West Company,
a purely Canadian organization, financed by the merchant princes
of Montreal, marked an epoch in the history of the furtrade and of
this land. Yet that coalition did not, as was fondly hoped, establish
peace in the Indian territories. The Hudson's Bay Company looked
with sullen eye upon the new association, and then, awaking to a
realization of all that the movement portended to its own interests,
prepared to follow the daring Nor'Westers into the wilds, and for
the conflict that must inevitably ensue this reversal of its time-hon-
oured policy. Then followed that disastrous war, for it was no less,
between these two powerful organizations, which did not cease until
their amalgamation in 1821, and from which sprang the invasion of
the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains ; or at least this conflict was
one of the chief causes contributing to that movement.

It is by no means easy to decide exactly to what extent the two
companies were responsible for the initiation of the explorations
that had such far reaching consequences. It is likely enough that
their zealous officers in the field had as much to do with the promo-
tion of such enterprises, as the directors in London and Montreal.
It may be safely assumed, however, that the men at the head of afifairs
desired to aid discovery and exploration, if for no other reason than
that by so doing new and rich territories might be added to their
respective spheres of influence. But trade was the grand objective.
This was only natural. After all, the Hudson's Bay and North West
Companies were commercial bodies, and dividends were their first
concern. Yet, whatever may have been the mainspring of their
actions, the fact remains that officers of both companies carried the
British flag to the remotest corners of the northern part of the con-
tinent. And further, it is clear that had it not been for this agency,
the British possessions in North America would not be so extensive
as they are today. However, it should never be forgotten that it was
the strong arm of England that held what the furtraders had won.

Sir Alexander Mackenzie's wonderful feat did not lead immedi-
ately to the occupation of the territory he had discovered. On the
contrary, twelve years intervened between the time the land had

BRITISH COLUMBIA 237

been spied out and that at which the "Lords of the Lakes and For-
ests" went out to possess it. This delay is inexplicable except by
reference to the internal history of the North West Company. It has
been already indicated that the houses of Benjamin and Joseph Fro-
bisher and of Simon McTavish supplied the requisite cash and credit.
The latter person soon dominated its councils and "Le Premier,"
or "Le Marquis," as he was called, became a veritable storm centre.
In 1795, some of those who could no longer brook, his overbearing
conduct withdrew and joined the independent firm, Messrs. Forsyth,
Richardson and Company. Mackenzie was induced at this time,
much against his will to remain with the Nor'Westers.

A rivalry sprang up immediately between the two companies —
a rivalry the more keen from mere kinship. The struggle between
the two older companies paled into insignificance in comparison with
this paternal feud. The new company was known for a time as the
"New North West Company"; but, seeing the bales of trading goods
belonging to their opponents marked "N. W.," they by a happy
thought, fixed upon the subsequent letters X Y for themselves. These
algebraic letters, signifying unknown quantities, were most apt, as
there is little doubt that some members of the North West Company
were really interested in this opposition, which was sneeringly called
the "Little Company" or in French "La Petite Compagnie," short-
ened to "Les Petits," and anglicized into the "Potties."

By degrees the breach between Mackenzie and McTavish
widened. As Masson has expressed it: "Ces trois annees furent une
suite non interrompue d'ennuis, de froissement et de mecontentement
entre lui, Ic plus populaire, le plus actif des Bourgeois, et M. Simon
McTavish, le chef de la Compagnie ct Ic plus puissant des agents."
At the meeting at Grand Portage in 1799 Mackenzie informed the
other partners that he had resolved to withdraw. Every effort to
alter his determination was in vain; in vain the wintering partners
declared their confidence in him and begged his reconsideration.
Mackenzie was inexorable. He understood too well that he could
no longer continue as the agent and associate of McTavish.

After a short residence in England, during which he prepared for
publication the "round unvarnished tale" of his voyages, Mackenzie,
having received knighthood, returned to Canada and entered with
all his vigour into the work of the X Y Company, which soon became

238 BRITISH COLUMBIA

known as "Sir Alexander Mackenzie and Company." Keener, now,
became the rivalry, bitterer the competition, more heated the strug-
gle between the Canadian concerns. Cheating, robberies, free tights,
the unstinted use of liquor, every device that could be conceived to
gain an advantage — all these things mar this chapter of the furtrade.
Yet the energy of the North West Company at the very climax
of this struggle in opening fishing stations along the St. Lawrence
and in fitting out vessels for trade into Hudson's Bay itself, must
give cause for wonder and admiration. Just at this time, in July,
1804, Simon McTavish died. All difficulties vanished. The warring
factions drew together, and in a short time were amalgamated, retain-
ing the old name. The North West Companv thus became for the
first time a real unity, free from internal dissentions, prepared to do
better with its competitors alike "beyond remotest smoke of hunter's
camp" as in the marts of the world, and thus to stand, proudly claim-
ing to be the most vigorous and successful trading concern operating
in North America.

And thus it came about that another was to complete the work of
our first explorer — Mackenzie had spied out the land. Fraser would
possess it.

While the furtraders were fighting over the division of the
spoils in the Indian territories of the north, the government at Wash-
ington was not blind to the advantages that would necessarily follow
the westward expansion of the United States. President Jefiferson,
having purchased Louisiana from Napoleon in 1803, desired to
extend the limits of his country to the shores of the Pacific Ocean.
Indeed the plan was forming itself in his mind even before that pur-
chase was completed. As yet there had been no national movement
towards that goal, that is to say. the people themselves evinced no
interest in the trans-cordilleran region; nevertheless, the President
was astute enough to realize that it would not be safe to defer for-
tifying the position of the L'nited States in the far west. He therefore
conceived the project of despatching an expedition under the auspices
of his government to cross the Rocky Mountains and to follow the
Columbia River from its head waters to its estuary, found by Cap-
tain Gray of the Columbia in 1792. But, as the route of the expedi-
tion lay in part through territories not yet directly assigned to any
power, it was necessarv to proceed with caution, so as not to excite

BRITISH COLUMBIA 239

the fears or jealousies of other nations. The President therefore
gave out that the expedition was purely scientific in its scope, and on
that account it aroused no suspicion amongst the ambassadors accred-
ited to Washington. In spite of these precautions, however, the
project was nearly killed by Congress refusing to vote the small
appropriation — $2,500 — required to give effect to the President's
proposal. To the average senator and representative it appeared
ridiculous that money should be spent in such a manner. But Jeffer-
son, intent on creating an empire, was not to be thwarted. He sub-
mitted to Congress a secret message, in which he intimated that his
real reason for advocating the despatch of the expedition, was that it
might be ascertained whether or not it would be desirable to annex
the land west of the Rocky Mountains. The plea was successful
and the appropriation passed. In 1S04, Captain .Meriwether Lewis
and Captain William Clark began their memorable journey across
the continent.

That expedition did not escape the observation of the vigilant
partners of the North West Company, nor did it frighten them. If
anything it incited them to give immediate effect to the long cher-
ished plan to extend their chain of posts clear across the continent.
Greenhow states that it was the expedition of Lewis and Clark that
prompted the North \A'est Company to annex the territory beyond
the Rocky Mountains; on the other hand Bancroft asserts that there
is no proof of (ireenhow's explicit statement that it was the
immediate object of the North West Company "to anticipate the
Americans in the settlement of that portion of the Continent."
At any rate, it was this time that the association undertook to occupy
the country beyond the Rockies. The decision was reached early in
1805 '" the council hall of the North West Company at Fort Wil-
liam, on Thunder Bay of Lake Superior — famous in literature from
Washington Irving's admirable description of the feudal glory of
the wassailing Nor'Wester. A young man, then only twenty-five
years old and a bourgeois, or partner, of but three years' standing,
Simon Fraser, was chosen to conduct tiic perilous enterprise.

Simon Fraser came of good stock. His grandfather was Wil-
liam Fraser of Culbochie or Kilbockie, and his grandmother,
Margaret Macdonell of Glengarry. William Fraser had nine sons,
six of whom wore His Majesty's military uniform. Of two others

240 BRITISH COLUMBIA

William, the eldest, succeeded to his father's estates, and Simon the
second, emigrated to America with his wife, settling near Benning-
ton, in Vermont. This was in 1773, when the Colonies were already
in a state of ferment and incipient rebellion. Here Simon, the
explorer, was born in 1776. When the Revolutionary War broke
out, Simon Fraser, the elder, espoused the Loyalists' cause, joined
the loyal forces, and being captured, probably at the Battle of Ben-
nington, he was thrown into prison, where according to one authority,
he contracted a fever from which he died shortly after his release.
It is said that Simon Fraser, the explorer, states in a diary, a frag-
ment of which has been preserved, that his father died on board a
vessel, which carried away the captured army, presumably of Gen-
eral Burgoyne. The accounts are conflicting and the end of the
unfortunate father of the hero of this sketch is veiled in obscurity.
He left his wife with nine children, four boys and five girls, to fight
their own way in the world. After the declaration of peace, the
widow, at that time in very straitened circumstances, moved to Can-
ada, eventually settling at St. Andrews near the Ottawa River. It is
not so specifically recorded, but it is not unlikely, that Mrs. Fraser
and her young family came with the United Empire Loyalists, whose
exodus gave bone and sinew to the British colonies of Upper and
Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.

The Ottawa was the broad highway of the furtraders who passed
to and from that great mysterious land which lay towards the set-
ting sun. Here, no doubt, the lad Simon often watched the gay
brigades of birch-bark canoes, with their dare-devil crews of French
Canadians, as they swept up or down the river; and often listened
to the rhythmic chamons of the light-hearted voyageurs, as they
plied their glistening paddles. It is reasonable to suppose that these
sights and sounds, did not fail to stir the heart of the boy, and to
appeal to his Gaelic imagination. Thus in his youth, did he, in all
probability become familiar with the incidents of the furtrader's life,
and boyishly longed to take part in the exploits of the daring men who
were then subjugating the wilderness. However this may be, after
a term of schooling at Montreal, in 1792. at the age of sixteen, he
became an articled clerk of the North West Company, possibly
through the influence of his uncle John, who, after serving in Wolfe's
army at the capture of Quebec, settled in Canada, and there attained

BRITISH COLUMBIA 241

some eminence as one of the King's judges. It appears that the
youth soon won his spurs, for in 1802 he became a bourgeois, or part-
ner — a distinction only conferred upon men who had proved their
worth in the field of enterprise. All the servants of the Company
aspired to this distinction, and it was the hope of attaining it that
wedded men to the North West Company, and its interests. The
generous conduct of that association towards its officers and
employees was repaid a thousandfold in devoted services and splen-
did loyalty. It was the unity of purpose and identity of interasts
established by this bold and generous policy, that gave the North
West Company such tremendous force, and that enabled it to carry
out so successfully its vast undertaking.

In August, 1805, Simon Fraser left Fort William and, follow-
ing the usual route of the furtrade, he arrived at a point on Peace
River, which he named Rocky Mountain Portage, at the eastern end
of which he established a rude post named Rocky Mountain House
— not far from the Hudson's Hope of modern maps. He had deter-
mined to follow Mackenzie's track through the Peace River Pass, to
the country abounding in beaver beyond. In the autumn of the
year, having established his base at Rocky Mountain Portage, he
ascended the Peace and Parsnip Rivers to the point where the Pack
River empties its waters into the latter. This river was not seen
by Mackenzie in 1793; or if so, his journal does not record the fact.
Simon Fraser followed the Pack to McLeod Lake, or as it was then
called, 'J>out Lake, where he established the first post ever built in
the territory west of the Rocky Mountains. This fort now known as
Fort McLeod, was then sometimes called La Malice Fort. The build-
ing of this fort and Fraser's subsequent work makes the American cry
of 1844 — "Fifty-four forty or fight" — ridiculous in the extreme. It
should be mentioned that McLeod Lake had been discovered
earlier in the year by James McDougall, who had thence proceeded
westward to Carrier Lake, or Lac Porteur. Leaving in charge of the
new station a French Canadian, La Malice (fittingly so named from
all accounts), Fraser returned to Rocky Mountain House, where he
wintered in company with John Stuart, his able lieutenant and warm
friend. Stuart was one of that noble Scots band which made history
for us, as their forbears had made on the continent a century before.
Fraser's connection with our history was meteoric; Stuart's, though

242 BRITISH COLUMBIA

not so prominent, was of much longer duration. In his younger
days John Stuart had been in the Royal Engineers. He appears to
have been connected with the North West Company as early as 1799.
For fifteen years thereafter he was connected with the operations
of that Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, west of the
Rockies. Not the least interesting fact concerning this man who
so earnestly supported Fraser in his work of exploration and took
such an outstanding place in the later development of New Cale-
dq;iia is that he was an uncle of the late Lord Strathcona.

The journals of the two pioneers, accurately portray the hardships
and privations suffered by them and their men in the winter of
1 805- 1 806. For provisions, they were almost entirely dependent
upon the resources of the country, — if the chase or the fishery failed,
they were brought face to face with starvation. But it is not neces-
sary to dilate upon their situation, which was taken as a matter of
course by the men who faced it. The historian, in passing, can only
marvel at their intrepidity and resourcefulness in times of danger
and starvation.

In the following spring, Fraser prepared in earnest for a more
extensive exploration. In May he gathered his small force together.
First, he re-visited Fort McLeod which, during the previous winter,
had been deserted by La Malice, just as James McDougall was at
hand with succour. Leaving there the supplies he had brought for
the post, he descended the Pack, and proceeded on his journey up
the Parsnip, until he reached the Height of Land which divides the
waters that flow into the Arctic Ocean from those that flow into the
Pacific. Then, having crossed the portages and lakes discovered by
Mackenzie, he embarked upon the Bad River. Following the
tortuous and impeded course of that rapid stream, he reached, on
July 10, 1806, the "Great River," called by the natives ''Tacoutche
Tesse." This was no other than the north fork of the Fraser River,
but by both Mackenzie and Fraser it was thought to be the Colum-
bia, or one of its chief tributaries. Launching his frail vessels, Simon
Fraser voyaged with the stream to the mouth of the Nechaco, also
missed or at least not mentioned, by Mackenzie, and ascended it to
its confluence with the river that drains Stuart Lake. Here, the
explorer met for the first time, men of the Carrier nation.

For a full account of the voyage up to this point one must turn

BRITISH COLUMBIA 243

to the explorer's journal, a few quotations from which will serve to
remind the present day and generation of the hardships endured and
the difficulties overcome by the founders of New Caledonia. Only
a fragment of that document is available: but that fragment is doubly
precious since it contains much that is of interest touching the lares et
pennies of the wily natives, the geographical and physical aspect
of the country as well as something of the furred denizens of the
wild and the strenuous incidents of the daily march. Nor does Simon
Fraser forget amid his cares and preoccupations to relieve the latent
fires of his soul by a fling at Sir Alexander Mackenzie, as the fol-
lowing entries will show. Here for instance is a graphic description
of a native hunting scene written under the date of Monday, May
26, 1806 — "Previous to our arrival at the Indians we were greatly
amused looking at some of them running after the wild sheep which
they call As-pah. They were really expert indeed, running full speed
among the perpendicular rocks which had not 1 ocular demonstration
I could never believe to have been attained by any creature either
of the human or brute creation; for the rocks appear to us, which
perhaps might be exaggerated a little, from the distance to be as
steep as a wall, and yet while in pursuit of the sheep they bounded
from one to another with the swiftness of a Roe, and at last killed
two in their snares, one of wliich we traded for ammunition merely
for a rarity. They have great resemblance to the European sheep,
the wool is almost as fine, perfectly white, and upwards of six inches
long, and when fat the Indians represent the flesh as excellent eating,
at present as it is meagre, it is rather tough, and has a strong musk
taste and smell."

This is followed by another anecdote which shows very clearly
the imminence of the danger, whicli, like the fabled sword of
Damocles, perpetually shadowed the hardy wayfarers in one or
another form — flood, famine, or misfortune, or all combined — and in
view of which the guerdon of their quest might by comparison seem
sometimes inadequate in degree, were it not for considerations on a
higher plane than mere commercial interest the great scientific and
political interest to wit, which lay hidden behind these deeds and
endeavours:

"Tuesdav, 27th. Fine warm weather, the water rises very fast.
Indeed it has risen upwards of three feet since we left the Portage,

244 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and though the current is amazing strong it is exceedingly good going
as yet. We came to and encamped at the last Rapid which is about
two miles below the Fork's on Finlay's branch La Malice who was
before us attempted to ascend this rapid with the pole, but Mr.
Stuart who was the nearest to him called to him to desist and I gave
him a great set down for risking the property so much where it was
unnecessary. It was really difficult to come up this rapid and we
were obliged to take out the load and carry it over a rocky point of
400 yards, and the canoes were taken up light. Had the water been
lower we could have gone up easily loaded, and had it been higher
we could efifect the same thing by a safe passage along the right shore
that at present contains only water enough to take up the canoes
light. La Malice who was first up left his canoe with only the bow
of it on the shore and while he was busy at the lower end it went off
and ran down the Rapid, it received, however, no injury and they
went for it with another canoe. I was much displeased with La
Malice on this occasion and as well as his attempting to go up with a
full load and threatened him severely if he was not more careful in
the future. It was after dark before everything was carried to the
upper end of the Portage; of course the canoes could not be gummed
which will make us go ofif late tomorrow."

Then follows a description of the Pack River, which is here
referred to as "Trout Lake." The gentle flow of caustic satire at the
expense of Sir Alexander Mackenzie adds a certain zest to this
passage. "Thursday, 5th June. Trout Lake is a considerable large
and navigable River in all seasons. It does not appear to have been
noticed by Sir A. M. K. as he used to indulge himself sometimes with
a little sleep. Likely he did not see it and 1 can account for many
other omissions in no other manner than his being asleep at the time
he pretends to have been very exact; but was I qualified to make
obser\'ations and inclined to find fault with him, I could prove that
he seldom or ever paid the attention he pretends to have done, and
that many of his remarks were not made by himself but communi-
cated by his men. It is certainly difficult to stem the current of the
east branch during the high water, but not near so much as he makes
it. There is scarcelv a point in it but a canoe with six paddles would
go up with ease."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 245

The next excerpt treats of the arrival at Trout Lake, the neigh-
bouring Carp Lake and the fish obtainable there.

"Saturday, 7th June. We arrived at the house between 10 and 1 1
A. M. Mr. McDougall has been anxiously waiting for us these
several days. He informed us that several of the Carriers are daily
expected here, and that all the Indians of this place are at the Carp
Lake where there are immense numbers of fish of the Carp Kind
and that there is no fish caught in this Lake excepting a very few
carp on account of the water being too high, notwithstanding which
we are determined to feed all hands with fish while we remain here
making canoes, and for that purpose began immediately to prepare
nets. Mr. Stuart being the most expert hand mending, he mended
them all and Saucier and the others set six and the Indians set some
also."

Not the least of Simon Fraser's difficulties arose from a recur-
rence of sickness among his men.

"We are really ill of," he writes on Saturday, 28th June, "in
regard to the men, Saucier is sick, Gagnon complains of his side,
Blais of having a pain and a lump upon his stomach, Gervais is not
well and La Londe is not able to s'teer his canoe."

La Malice also seems to have caused a great deal of trouble — wit-
ness the entry of July the first:

"La Malice walked over both the Portages though we ofifered to
carry him; he is very troublesome in his sickness and called Mr.
Stuart to his tent to 'tell him his mind.' He enquired if either of us
owed him a grudge. This he asked, he said, because while at the
Portage we disregarded him and now considered him no more than
a dog. Mr. Stuart told him that if either of us owed him a grudge,,
or had anything to say to him that we would not wait his being in
his present weak condition to do it and that if he had been in better
health, since he began the subject himself, he would perhaps tell him'
his opinion of himself and sickness. This assertion of his (La Mal-
ice), is entirely false; we have been attentive and kind to him. Noth-
ing is more certain than that from the time he declared himself sick
he was as well attended and taken care of as if it was one of ourselves-
and, notwithstanding his complaints, he used more than one-half of
the medicine (God knows good or bad), we possessed and destroyed
more flour and sugar than both of us did since we left the Portage;;

246 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and yet he threatents to remain upon the beach and not embark, alleg-
ing that by agreement he is not obliged to voyage in this part of the
country and (is) not well taken care of. When we prepared to leave
him here with a bag of Pemmican, exclusive of the other provisions
we had, and a man to conduct him down to Trout Lake, not one of
them would consent to remain unless absolutely compelled and, as he
is brutish and appears as if inclined to commit suicide, we did not
think it right to compel a man to remain with him, so we will be
obliged to take him with us, and attend to him the best way we can;
and yet, I must own that he is not very deserving, but it is a dutv
incumbent on one Christian to help another in distress and we will
continue to take care of him, more for our own sake than his."

At this point an event of some importance is noted which, from
the nature of the same, deserves a special prominence; and indeed
one can well understand and almost re-echo the note of satisfaction
which rings in the record when, on July the loth, Simon Fraser
beheld the Large River — the Fraser. "At lo A. M.," writes the
explorer, "we arrived at the Large River opposite an Island without
encountering any other difficulty than cutting several trees that laid
across the channel and we were most happy at having exempted
the long and bad carrying place and seeing ourselves once more on
the banks of a fine and navigable river." Fraser goes on to observe:
"This is a fine river and not unlike the Athabaska, but not so large and
the Indian we left at the height or point of land informed us that
the upper end of it was the most ordinary residence of the Saya-T/iaii-
Dennehs (Baucanne Indians), which corroborates what the Carriers
tell us of these Indians as to their being enemies when they go a hunt-
ing in that quarter. I have seen one that was wounded last summer;
and his brother was killed, which is likely the same that was men-
tioned by one of the Baucanne Indians last winter at Dunvegan as
having been killed there. All accounts agree that large animals as
well as those of the fur kind are in great abundance, particularly
towards the upper end. Could this be relied upon and that the
Baucanne Indians are really thereabouts, an establishment in my
opinion w^ould be well placed at the point of land. There is excel-
lent fish in the three Lakes and in two of them Salmon abounds in its
season and by all accounts animals are not far off; indeed of this we
had ocular demonstration ourselves, so that people would live well

BRITISH COLUMBIA 247

there — a no immaterial object in this quarter — and the Baucanne
Indians would be much more easily got to come there than to any part
ot the Peace River, on account of their being afraid of the Beaver
Indians, and the Big Men, though they seldom meet they live in
amity."

. The preceding entry is followed by a graphic description of the
Bad River together with a just tribute to Sir Alexander Mackenzie,
who gave it its appropriate name:

"Sir A. M. K. seems to have examined the bad river with atten-
tion, for, as far as he went down the Peace he describes it with great
exactness. It is certainly well named and a most dangerous place,
being much intersected with large stones, fallen trees and embaras,
and the current run with such velocity that a canoe, though light,
cannot be stopped with poles and it is with great difficulty it can be
done by laying hold of the branches, and even that way we often
drifted loo and sometimes 200 yards from the time we began to hold
the branches before we could bring to. Near its confluence it divides
into three branches, all of which I suppose to be navigable, but the
one to the right is the best route. We were anxiously looking for
cedar and maple along the banks of the river but to no effect, I
walked myself except in very few places from one end to the other,
but saw no appearance of either, neither did any of the others."

The succeeding extract refers to the South Fork, missed or at any
rate not recorded by Mackenzie, at whom Simon Fraser has here
another tilt on account of the importance of the omission:

"Friday, July i ith. Fine weather. We set ofif early and came on
with great expedition and before we entered the great Fork passed
several Rapids, but the current is slack in many places. The banks
of the River are well stocked with wood and we saw Hemlock and
cedar of a large size with some small plum. At sunset we got to the
River. This River is not mentioned bv Sir A. .M. K. which surprises
me not a little, it being full in siglit and a line large River and, in the
state we saw it, equal in size to that of the Athabaska River and forms
what Mr. McDougall in his journal of last spring calls the great Fork.
It flows in from the right, and as far as I can judge about 10 or 12
miles above the first Portage. Sir A. M. K. appears to have been
very inaccurate in the courses or there must have been a vast differ-
ence in the compass he made use of and the one we had which is old

248 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and perhaps not very good. As for the distances I say nothing; it
is difficult to determine by sight; but the course of the River is
different and ought to agree, at least the distance that leads to the
Carriers Lake where Mr. McDougall was last spring. And then
formed our encampment on a sandy bank with no wood which, with
the rain that fell towards the night and continued until the morning,
rendered our situation not very pleasant. Mr. Stuart took the course
of the River and made minute remarks on everything."

Simon Fraser thus refers to the Nechaco River:

"Sunday, July 13th. The banks of the river are beautiful, in
many places resembling that of the River Lac La Pluie, and the
Liard is the most stupendous I ever saw, as for any other wood or
anything else remarkable we saw none that is not clearly mentioned."

By no means the least dangerous of the perils of the way arose
in the shape of grizzly bears, which abounded in the Nechaco coun-
try, then, as now, as the following episode shows :

"Sunday, July 13th. About 4 P. M., as we were advancing inside
of an Island we saw two cubs in a tree and immediately pulled ashore
to fire upon them, but, before we could get to them they were off and
La Garde and (Barbueller) who were the first on shore pursued
them. The latter soon met the mother and fired upon her to no
effect and she pursued him in her turn, but he. being near the water,
jumped in and she after him, but soon left him and, as La Garde was
advancing, another bear suddenly rushed upon him and tore him in
a shocking manner. Had not the dogs passed there at that critical
moment he would have been torn to pieces. The Bear left him to
defend herself against the dogs and, during the interval, he ran off
and jumped into the River and from thence it was with much dif-
ficulty he could walk to the canoe. He received nine or ten bad
wounds and we encamped early to dress them. We are really unfor-
tunate in regard to the men. One of the canoes will now be obliged
to continue with three and no great help can be expected."

This, the last of these extracts, again illustrates in a forcible man-
ner the many difficulties of that eventful journey:

"Friday, July i8th. Early in the morning the men cut a road
of 300 yards in length, wide enough to carry the canoes which they
brought, with all the baggage to the upper end. From thence they
set off with only one canoe, on account of the current being strong

BRITISH COLUMBIA 249

and several Rapids to pass which they could not ascend with less than
six men, and continued for a mile and a half. In the above distance
they carried the canoe and loading, over a point of about twice the
length of the canoe, and, from the upper end of the Rapid, returned
for the other canoe, which was effected at i P. M. From thence we
continued up a strong and constant current where we made a small '
Portage and soon got to a high point of perpendicular rock, where
we had much trouble to pass and fix lines. Here all hands, except-
ing one man who was taking care of the other, were put to one canoe,
but, as they were hauling it up the last cascade, it wheeled round
and the foreman was obliged to cut the line and they went down to
the foot of the Rapid before they could bring to. As this happened
through the awkwardness of the people, I made them unload every-
thing and bring it up a very steep hill rather than risk anything in
the canoe. We made a pretty long portage rather than risk anything
in the canoe. We encamped upon a beautiful hill, the canoes were
left on the water all tied, it being too late to take them up the rapid
and impossible to take them up the hill on account of the steepness.
The Indians are ahead, but about sun-set the Montaigne de Butte
came before us to get provisions for himself and family. Instead of
feeding us, we have been obliged to provide for them; and as yet they
have been of no manner of use to us and I am almost sorry for taking
them."

The expedition then ascended Stuart River and on July
26th entered the Lake Na'kal of the Indians, named Stuart Lake
by Fraser, in honour of his friend and companion John Stuart.
Unfortunately the explorer's journal ends abruptly on July 18, 1806,
and it is therefore impossible to give from Fraser's own words an
account of the passage up Stuart River. Although the explorer's
report is wanting, the painstaking and Reverend A. G. Morice, O. M.
I., in his valuable work entitled "History of the Northwest Interior
of British Columbia," has been able to supply the missing links in
the chain of history. He has gathered together the traditions of the
natives and examined with care the journals and letters of old Fort
St. James, and, as a result of his labours, he presents a fascinating
account of the reception accorded the discoverers by Chief Kwah's
people who dwelt at the outlet of the lake. James McDougall, in
the course of the excursion previously referred to, had visited this

250 BRITISH COLUMBIA

sheet of water, and, having met the Indians of the neighbourhood,
he presented to one of them a piece of red cloth as a token of
friendship. When the natives beheld the canoes of the traders sweep
down the lake, this man, donning his red cloth badge, fearlessly
paddled forth to meet them, much to the dismay of his fellow tribes-
men, who feared for his safety. Toeyen, for such was his name,
was welcomed by Fraser, and given a seat in one of his canoes. As
the explorers approached the shore, the Indian spoke to his people,
assuring them that the strangers had come as friends. The Carriers,
who had in the meantime, prepared to repel by force this invasion of
their lands, being thus reassured, permitted the white men to dis-
embark. Fraser, long accustomed to dealing with savages, adroitly
won their confidence by the distribution of largesse, in the form of
tobacco and soap. The former was tasted and thrown away, but the
women promptly proceeded to eat the latter, mistaking it for fat.
when to their astonishment the substance turned to foam in their
mouths. Still more were the natives surprised when the voyageurs
lit their pipes, and puffed smoke from their mouths. The strangers
were taken for spirits in whom their crematory fires vet burned, not
an altogether unnatural conclusion, seeing that these people burned
their dead. These strange happenings. Father Morice records, filled
the Indians with awe, but when the use of the different articles had
been explained to them, their fear gave way to admiration. It will
be seen presently how they impressed Simon Fraser.

Without delay, the explorer seized upon the most favourable
location for a post, and began to erect buildings a short distance
above the outlet of the lake. Thus was founded the celebrated Fort
St. James, a place which has figured prominently in the history of
New Caledonia, as Fraser christened the new domain of the North
\^'est Company.

Unfortunately, at this time the expedition began to run short of
supplies; the salmon were late in reaching their spawning grounds
and the situation soon became serious. In order to lessen the dif-
ficulty of feeding his men, Fraser divided his forces and despatched
John Stuart to examine the country to the southwest. Before separ-
rating, the explorers agreed to meet later in the season at the con-
fluence of the Stuart and Nechaco Rivers. Meanwhile, Fraser
superintended the construction of the new post and explored the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 251

adjacent region, gaining a knowledge of the country, not only by
personal surveys, but also by gathering from the Indians all informa-
tion that might assist him in his work.

In due course Fraser and Stuart met at the appointed rendezvous,
the latter bringing with him such a glowing account of the region
he had just left, that his superior decided to return thither forth-
with to establish yet another trading post. Notwithstanding the lack
of supplies and the inadequacy of their force, the heroic men pro-
ceeded to the sheet of water named Fraser Lake by John Stuart,
after the leader of the expedition. Soon the salmon appeared, and
the rivers and lakes yielded such an abundant harvest that the men
were soon surfeited with a diet of fish.

Upon the conclusion of these operations, Blais, a voyageur, was
placed in charge of the fort on Fraser Lake, and Fraser and his
lieutenant retired for the winter to Nakazleh, the earliest name of
Fort St. James.

In this wise were the first permanent posts established in the
interior, long before the country in which they are situated received
its present name, and long before any permanent settlements were
formed on the coast. The Spanish settlement at Nootka, formed
in 1789, was abandoned five years later. Nor were the efforts of
the maritime furtraders, John Meares and John Kendrick, to estab-
lish posts more successful. Because the settlements on the coast,
although not founded until a later period, grew more vigorously, and
soon became important, their rise and progress have overshadowed
these humble beginnings in the central interior in the early years of
the nineteenth century. Yet it remains that the first British posts
were established, not on the coast but in the interior, a fact that
has been often overlooked. Humble as these beginnings were, they
mark an epoch in our history, and Simon Fraser is justly entitled
to the honour of being reckoned as one of the founders of British
Columbia.

Fraser, it appears, did not stay at one place in his first winter
in the new country. I'rom the few surviving letters and diaries of
that interesting period it is known that sometimes he was at "Nakas-
leh" (Fort St. James), and sometimes at "Natleh" (Fort Fraser).
Not many of the explorer's letters have escaped the ravages of time,
but the historian is fortunate in having access to a few blurred

252 BRITISH COLUMBIA

pages written by him in New Caledonia. Perhaps these letters are
not written in polished English ; perhaps they exhibit more concern
with the pett>' details of the furtrade than with stirring incidents;
yet they are of surpassing interest, because they throw light upon
that early formative period, and give reality to scenes and opera-
tions that have long been forgotten. In these letters, the explorer
tells, in his own matter of fact words, the story of his hardships and
privations, and explains the difficulties of his administration. He
himself was not deceived as to their literary merit. Referring to
one of them he says — "It is exceeding ill wrote, worse worded and
not well spelt."

Just before Christmas, Fraser was at "Nakasleh," and on the 21st
of the month, he writes to James McDougall, then in charge of the
post at McLeod Lake:

"21st Dec. 1806.
"Nakazleh.
"Mr. James McDougall,

"I received yours of 30 of October on the 12th inst. at Natleh,
and I arrived here on the i8th. Had it not been for the disappoint-
ment of the conveyance of letters, on account of the quantity of snow
in the mountains, you would have received the news from us long
before now. I certainly was highly disappointed and vexed that
no canoes arrived to this quarter which is a considerable loss to the
Company, and a severe blow to our discoveries. This is the first
opportunity I had of sending you a man and powder but with this
you will receive St. Pierre and 3 quarts of good powder. I think
that it would be a very good plan to go inland to make the Indians
work but then you cannot leave the house without some person
to take care of it on account of the property. In regard to the
Indians, settle with them according to your own best judgment. I
have not the least doubt but what you will exert yourself to make
them work Beaver until the beginning of February and after that to
employ the best hunters to make provision. I am thoroughly con-
vinced that your returns will fall far short of your expectations but
that is a misfortune that cannot be helped, but then I intreat you to
be particular in making the Indians dress their furs properly. The
Little Head's br. in Law arrived at Natleh on the 12th conducted

BRITISH COLUMBIA 253

by two men. 1 don't know as yet whether he will be of any service or
not — the Montaigne de Butte behaves well with Mr. Stuart. Two
men that Mr. S. sent to Forests for fish brought the news that three
of the Big men were arrived there. Send back Gervis immediately
with the news as we intend to send the news after his return to the
Peace River. Should an opportunity ofifer forward the General
letter to the P. River. Kunchuyse promises to be back in 6 nights.
Should you see any Possibility of getting any goods brought up in
course of the Summer, please write accordingly. Having nothing
more to say upon this subject I must here wish you Joy, as I under-
stand that you have entered upon the matrimonial state. I am Glad
to hear that the children are well taken care of. I assure you that
I am nowise concerned about them as they are under your Protec-
tion, the only thing I fear is that you are starving, but I hope it is
the contrary with you, so I conclude my dr James,

"yours sincerely

"Simon Fraser."

Again, on the last day of January, 1807, he wrote to James Mc-
Dougall, this time from Natleh, or Fraser Lake:

"Natleh, 31st Jany 1807.
"My dear McDougall

"Yours I received this afternoon per the two men from your
quarter, whom to be sure took much time, this being their fifth day
from Nakazleh, indeed they were not in a hurry as they had plenty
provisions, one half of 22 salmon ought to have been enough for
them as the voyage can easily be performed in 2 days, 3 at most,
allowing the road to be bad. Regarding what you say about the
woman that Bugne has, I am noways apprehensive that the com-
pany can put their resolve in execution — But then it was wrong of
you to have given him leave to take her, you knew full well that she
was taken from St. Pierre last spring, merely to give up the custom
of taking any more women from the Indians, and that he was prom-
ised that no other F'renchman would get her. Your commerce be-
tween Blais and Lamalice last spring ought to have been a sufficient
W'arning, not to meddle yourself any more about women. — Your
conduct at T. Lake is highly blamable and your character as a Trader

254 BRITISH COLUMBIA

much blasted which you can only recover, but by your future assi-
duity and attention to your business, which I would be most happy
at & will befriend you as much as lays in my Power. I am pleased
you own your fault and seem sorry for it, & promise to do better for
the future. The Company probably will blame us both as they will
be highly disappointed in their expectations regarding this Country.
We are highly unfortunate — everything has been against us since Last
Spring, & nothing was of so much detriment as the Canoes arriving
so very late in the fall. We had such a severe spell of bad weather,
that is to say it was so very cold for several days after my arrival here
that I could not make the Indians of your place set oflf to return until
the 25th, when the first band went away, & Q'ua and Le Gourmand,
having been upon a visit to Steela the latter did not come back until
of late, but both of them set ofT yesterday straight across by the winter
Road, they said they would have gone round by the way of Scyciip
but that they were too ill Clothed & would starve before they could
get to where there are beaver, but they promised me that they will
work well until the spring, but I put no faith in what they say.

"Those big men must be severely treated to break them of the
Custom of coming to the Carriers. The Poudres band has behaved
and worked pretty well. 1 heard that there were two Indians who
never saw the Fort in that band; Mr. Stuart apprehends that Barbue
and manv others \\\\\ not go to the Fort until en canoe — Maitres will
answer as well as codline for a cordeau and Mr. S. can send you
plenty hooks. I received the Play Book you sent, which will answer
very well with the Plaything I brought before. The Tea Kettle I
could have done without, ^'our Journal of last winter at the Portage
& Trout Lake, as well as the one of last summer & this winter, you
must get them brought over to copy, which must be sent to the Peace
River by ne.xt opportunity, which 1 e.xpect will be in the later end of
March, as the Company require it. Saucier and Gagnon are to be
the bearers of this, who start tomorrow morning to take each a Load
of fish to Mr. Stuarts and in the mean time to get their equipments
& they will bring back a load when they return. Those that came
from there say that they lost their way in several places. If true those
that go there must have a guide, and I have no doubt but what you
can secure one of those Beggars that go over from here for that
purpose. E.xpedition is required; the Season is pretty far advanced

BRITISH COLUMBIA

or,-.

and much to be done yet, I send my Journal over to Mr. S. to copy
and it must be done in order to send it down by the next opportunity
that it may go out to headquarters in the light Canoe. Besides I have
another Plan in view, that is if it could be done with ease to get all
the goods that will be required for going down the Columbia in the
Spring as well as whatever will be necessary for your Post for the
Summer Trade, brought over from T. Lake upon the snow, as 1 fear
much time would be lost by going there by the New Road in the
Spring. I don't know which would be most advantageous, to get
the pieces brought over in the winter, or go for them in the Spring
en canoe; at all events bark must be had, to make a Canoe at Nakaz-
leh, as I e.xpect Mr. McLeod will send us a canoe maker, & I have
been informed that there is plenty good Bark very near your place —
which is absolutely necessary you should ascertain as soon as pos-
sible. Here we know where there is wherewith to make a Canoe.
I cannot think of anything else So I conclude My dear McDougall
as usual

"Your well wisher

"SiMox Fraser."

This letter is of peculiar interest because it vividly portrays the
troubles that beset the founders of New Caledonia, and it is important
because it shows that Fraser's work in tiic northern interior, was
only preparatory for that which was to follow. His great under-
taking was yet before him. The North West Company's occupation
of New Caledonia had apparently a twofold object, the annexation
of the territory abounding in beaver discovered by Mackenzie and
the establishment of a base from which niiglit be conducted tlic
ambitious enterprise of comiucring the coast region. The paragraph
referring to the writer's determination to trace tiie course of the
(jreat River, from its head waters to its mouth, clearly shows tliat
Frascr knew very well what was expected of him in that particular.
That the furtrader had not confined his attention alone to the river
routes of the country, is shown by his reference to tiie "new road,"
which was the trail, just cut, between Nakasleh and Fort McLeod,
which, from this record, appears to have been the first highway, if
such it may be termed, constructed in the territory west of the Rocky
Mountains.

256 BRITISH COLUMBIA

While Fraser was busily engaged in superintending the opera-
tions in the new district, John Stuart was not idle. He also moved
from post to post. In February, 1807, ^^ ^^^ ^^ McLeod or Trout
Lake — the "T. Lake" of Fraser. While there he received a letter
from his superior, which throws a new light upon the character of
Simon Fraser, who held Stuart in high esteem, and therefore writes
more openly to him than to James McDougall. Fraser was then
at "Natleh," and, under the date of February ist, he addressed the
following letter to his friend and lieutenant:

"Natleh ist February 1807.
"My d'" friend

"Yours of the 12th Jany I received only yesterday, so you see
they took much more time than they ought, so I am sure you will
be getting out of Patience before you receive this. It is with the
greatest pleasure that I always receive letters from you, they contain
much useful information & instruction, tho' the subject of your last
cannot be agreeable it is satisfactory, knowing how matters stood
at T. Lake upon your arrival there — which you have written in a
copious & lively manner; notwithstanding yoyr mind being obscured
in thought you wrote with ease.

"I sympathize with you my friend under your Present affliction
for the loss of Mr. R. Stuart, your Late Dearest of Brothers, and
hope he has only left this world of Trouble and vexation to go to
ever-lasting bliss. We cannot shun that Power which Rules our
fate; therefore it should be our only consolation to be Prepared for
our last and awful end.

"It is a true observation of yours that when the head fails the
Body soon goes to wreck, which has been the decay of Trout Lake
since last November. That business is so intricate that a person cannot
easily see into it. However, it seems that Lamalice had an ascen-
dancy over Mr. McD., but then I am sure that he can change both his
( ) and his manners to the will of his master & his interest.

It seems then that the debt he was said to have made at the Portage
was only put in effect at Trout Lake, while Mr. McD. was at the
Indians.

"I immagine when you take account of the Dry goods that you
will find thev suffered less or more like the stores. Had Lamalice

BRITISH COLUMBIA 257

behaved honestly he would have come to Nakazleh. It is not a
good excuse that he was not ordered. It was our last directions to
him when he started from Nakazleh in the summer that he was to
come and winter there and if any person along the Road wished
to detain him not to mind them unless absolutely kept. Mr. McD.
owns that he gave Bugne leave to take the woman that St. Pierre had
last winter. This was like the rest of his conduct — he knew full well
that she was taken from St. Pierre merely to give up the Custom of
taking any more women from the Indians and that St. Pierre was
promised that no other Frenchman would get her. I received my
order (the coat and Trowsers are amazing large), my Equip', also,
which is extremely bad and the Trousers so small that I cannot put
them on much less make use of them, and tho' you were pleased to
send me your Capot instead of mine it is also too small for me. I
own the Eqt. to be (Chilipi), but then I should rather think that
it is the fault of those who put it up at L. L. Pluie than the Com-
panys. Upon the note you mention a pair of Corduroy Trousers
which I did not receive & received a handk^ there is no mention
of — I also received the small axes and lo pounds sugar & some tea,
with which I will content myself at present. A good net cannot be
had for a small ax. I traded one of small meshes which appears
very good for an half ax. I only got 50 salmon for a small axe today.
1 sent ofif Saucier and Gagnon with 200 salmon for you & 60 as pro-
visions for themselves, but I am afraid they will take much time to
go there on account of the road being stoped or filled up with snow
between Nakazleh and your place. All the salmon that is here has
been picked and the best sent over before, therefore, I beg of you
not to complain of what I send now and indeed to be free with you
dont expect you will have occasion to eat sal", yourself. As you are
a good Economist you will provide something better and hope your
returns will prove better than you expect. The powder and Truisies
Lands will give you better than five packs, as I am informed they

have made a pretty good hunt I expect to have

the pleasure of seeing you before the embarkation, as you expressed
a wish of coming to take the longitude of this Place, & if you can
settle your Post in such a manner that it will not sufifer by your
absence I will expect you by the return of the Express from the Peace
River —

258 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"I now inform you of a plan I have in view for the summer expe-
dition which is thus, to get all the goods required at least what he had
brought over to Nakazleh as soon as possible upon the Ice by going
round by the New Road, when the navigation is open would cause the
loss of much time and I expect that the ice will break up in this
river nearly a month before the Lakes of the Mountains. Probably
a canoe would take more time than we think by that Route and
Guides would be wanted as well as a canoe at Trout Lake, but by
starting from Nak. the canoes that will be made in this western
Division will both answer for going down; but then perhaps the one
canoe that would go up would bring everything from Trout Lake
to the confluence of this River, where the other canoe and any Pro-
visions that may be Procured in this quarter will be left in cache.
I leave it to your Judgment to determine which Plan would be the
best. I think to get the goods over immediately would be the most
expeditious. lo pieces goods exclusive of Provisions will answer
for going below, viz. 3 Bales, ' _> Bale Kettles, ' 2 Case Guns, i cas-
sette, I case Iron, y^ Roll Tobacco, i Keg Powder, 1 Bag Ball, i
Bag Shot, and 1/2 Keg high wines, and I doubt if this same can be
spared. Trout Lake must not be left destitute for the summer and
something will be required for Nakazleh. I have not the list of what
came there in the fall, nor do I know what is there now, but then if you
think this a good Plan you know (what) would be necessary, and that
can be spared for the 3 bales and the cassette. The sooner it would be
sent over the better before any other work is begun. Besides the
above articles a supply will be wanted for Nakazleh, this can be done
and to that end every man that can be mustered ought to be sent over
with a load — all could be brought over in one Trip each man. Can
Provisions be had and what quantity? Perhaps it would be more
easy and sure getting Provisions by going there in a Canoe, suppos-
ing a few furs would be had at the Lower houses they cannot go out
this year. I -will send over the few furs that are here immediately
with fish to Nak. to be in readiness to send over all the furs that are
there and to bring across any goods that we may want. With this I
send you over my Journal since the qth April except from the time
we arrived at Nakazleh until the 20th Aug* which I expect you
will be able to bring up. It is exceeding ill wrote worse worded &
not well spelt. But then I know you can make a good Journal of it.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 259

if you expunge some parts and add to others, and make it out in
the manner you think most Proper, it will make away with a good
deal of your time and Paper but I think it necessary to send it to
headquarters in the light Canoe, as it will give our Gentlemen a good
deal of information about this Country. You will also receive the
two letters you sent me by Blais, I would keep them to copy but I
heard you say that you could make up a good Journal from your
letters, but then you will send them back in the spring. Your last
letter I will copy and send it over another time. With this I enclose
what I have of the men's acct*.

"Please send over Mr. McD. Journals of last winter at the Por-
tage and Trout Lake &'', of last summer, this winter, to be copied by
himself. There are some of them I did not see as yet & it would be
necessary for you to look over them and point out anything that is not
necessary to be in them. All this will be giving you much trouble
and work, but then it will be of service to the Company & some credit
to ourselves, to have the Journals in better order; was I possessed of
your abilities I would willingly undertake doing all myself. I will
send over more of my Journal by next conveyance. I have suc-
ceeded in sending back Qua, le Gourmand & several others of the
Indians of Nakazleh, and many of the stragglers that were here
dispersed as they have ate up all the salmon those of this place had.
They now go to trade to Steela, so I apprehend not being able to
procure any for the summer — had I men here I would go and trade
there also. As I cannot think of any thing more at Present I con-
clude my Dear Stuart

"Your friend & serv*
"whilst
"Simon Fraser."

"Mr. John Stuart

"P. S. I will be in want of a few small kettles at this place,
therefore, you can send one half bale which will serve for both these
places — & some Common Cloth & ( ) if any will remain

after the men have all their Equipments. We have found Birch
here but tho' the bark is not very good we can get enough to make
a canoe.

"I will send you herbs by next opportunity. 1 have none now

260 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Dried but then you ought to have sent me a token of Tobacco first,
as for a calumet, you have Power to make one.

"Yours sincerely S. F.

"I will depend upon you for cords to tye our Salmon, Leather
Babiche &^

"if you send people with pieces they will return from Nakazleh.
M"" McD hunters do nothing — he had no person to send to the
Powders band this Trip. I send over loo Beaver. It is bad weather
continually snowing which will cause the people to take much time
to perform any voyage. I am Positively informed that the Nas-
cudenees have horses that they got from the East. Many of the
Natlians are in mourning for the Deaths of some of their Eminant
men. We have had some broils with them — nothing spoils Indians
so much as the men having intercourse with them.

"Yours etc. S. F."

On February loth, 1807, Fraser indites another letter to McDou-
gall, which is noteworthy for its emphatic expression of the writer's
opinion of the Indians of the country. It reads:

"Natleh loth Feby. 1807
"D' McDougall

"I received your favour yesterday forenoon, and indeed it was
high time for the bearers to return their 9th day; the voyage might
easily be performed in 5 days. Waka and Minard started in the
morning at about a couple hours sun, with a few furs and the other
two men will be ofif in the afternoon with each a load of salmon for
the purpose of conducting the furs to Trout Lake as soon as pos-
sible, but the people that I send over at present must all return that
I may go & trade salmon at Steela, after which they will be employed
to convey the furs to Trout Lake. Should any person arrive from M.
Stu " before that time, you can send them back with a Pack each.
Particular care must be taken that the furs be well envelloped &
that the rats or mice do not cut them in the store. It is very Proper
that the men should be prevented from Trading with the Indians,
and dont allow any of them to trade without permission.

"The Gourmand that says that I give the goods for so very little
in return, ask him what he got from me. The day before he went

BRITISH COLUMBIA 261

away he asked me for something of every article I was possessed of,
but I refused him everything — they are sweet mouths, thieves, lyers
and in short have every bad quality; therefore you have no occasion
to believe them. It matters very little wheather a person is hated
or beloved by them, as they are a lazy set of vagabonds. Qua owes
8 skins from this place, Le Traiteur 3 do, & his Big brother 6 d"
& La Vielle Naschoes mother 53/.

"Almost all the Nathans are gone over to Steela to a Grand
feast to Burn and ( ) a couple of Chiefs that died of late.
When they return from there they will go to the Mountains to kill
Carribou

"I will expect the men back on the i6th early

"I am D-" McDougall

"Yours Sincerely

"Simon Fraser.
"Mr. J. McDougall."

No apology is offered for presenting these letters, because they
recall more vividly than could be done in any other way, the events
and happenings that go to make up the earliest history of the north-
ern interior. The writers were far too much engrossed in the work
of the hour, to find time to give polished descriptions of events and
things which to them were of no great significance. Indeed the fur-
traders, with few exceptions, failed to realize that they were making
history. Perhaps it is this very unconsciousness, that invests their
diaries and letters with such deep interest. They did not write for
publication, nor for any other purpose than to give a bare account
of their transactions and exploits.

It is evident that Fraser intended to follow the course of the
Great River in 1807, but he could not carry out the plans outlined
in his letters to James McDougall and John Stuart, as the expected
supplies and reinforcements did not arrive in time. The remoteness
of the new posts, and the tedious and difficult route by which they
were approached, made it no easy task to keep them adequately
supplied with merchandise. All the articles required for the trade
of the district had to be brought across the continent from Fort
William on Lake Superior and nearly a year would be consumed in
carrying the articles to their destination. It was quite impossible

262 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to establish new posts, or to explore new territories, without an
additional force of men. As a matter of fact, the position of Simon
Fraser at this time was one fraught with embarrassment. But in
the face of obstacles which would have disheartened a man of less
determination, he doggedly persevered. In 1807 he journeyed to
and fro in New Caledonia, gathering furs, and establishing friendly
relations with the "sweetmouths, thieves, and lyers," as he described
the surrounding Indians.

In the autumn of 1807, however, Jules Maurice Quesnel and
Hugh Faries arrived with two canoes, laden with supplies. They
also carried a despatch from headquarters, instructing Fraser with-
out loss of time to explore the "Great River." With the aid of these
reinforcements, the furtrader planted another post, which he called
Fort George, at the confluence of the Nechaco and Fraser Rivers.
Apparently this fort was built as a base for the expedition which
was to descend the river in the following spring, as well as to serve
the surrounding district.

It is a fair deduction that the North West Company wished to
forestall the Americans on the lower Columbia. Lewis and Clark
had completed their memorable journey to the shores of the Pacific,
and, after many perilous adventures, had returned to St. Louis in
safety. It was this news, no doubt, that induced the North West
Company to hurry instructions across the continent to the partner in
New Caledonia to act without delay. It should be borne in mind
that the "Great River," discovered by Mackenzie, was generally

The news brought by Faries and Quesnel gave a fillip to Fraser's
to determine that it was not the Columbia, but another river, which
debouched many miles to the northward of Cape Disappointment.

The news brought by Fairies and Quesnel gave a fillip to Fraser's
preparations. In May, 1808, he gathered his men at Fort George,
whence the little force was to proceed into the unknown territory
to the south westward. Fraser of course followed the practice of
the furtrader and carefully recorded from day to day the experi-
ences of that memorable excursion and fortunately his diary — or
rather a report based upon his diary — has been preserved. Several
years ago it was published by the late Senator L. R. Masson in his
valuable work "Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest."
Senator Masson's document is evidently a report prepared after the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 263

return of the explorer — in other words it is a "fair copy" made from
the original notes in more than one handwriting. In the Academy
of Pacific Coast History of the University of California there is a tran-
script of part of Eraser's Journal (covering the period May 30th to
June loth, 1808), which in style corresponds to the letters already
quoted. This is seemingly a true copy of the original. In substance
these two journals are the same, although in the fragment preserved
in the Academy of Pacific Coast History certain particulars as to
the courses of the river are given which do not appear in the Masson
version. There is no reason to question the authenticity of the Mas-
son document which is one of the cherished possessions of the Toronto
Public Library. For the purposes of this narrative the Journal
as printed by Masson has been followed, because it covers the whole
journey, and because, as already stated, there is no reason to doubt
its validity.

Before proceeding with the narrative, it is necessary to allude
to a curious thing in connection with the Journal. It commences on
Saturday, May 22nd, but the next entry bears the date of Sunday,
May 29th. As this is not a misprint, it is hard to account for the
days between the 22nd and the 29th of the month. It is certain
that from the time of the departure of the expedition from Fort
George until May 29th no more than a day's journey was accom-
plished. Witbiut further evidence, which is scarcely likely to be
forthcoming, it would be useless to attempt to solve the problem.

"Having made every necessary preparation for a long voyage, we
embarked at 5 o'clock A. M. in four canoes at Fraser's River. Our
crew consisted of nineteen men, two Indians, Mr. Stuart, Mr. Ques-
nel, and myself, in all twenty-four."

This is the simple and unafifected introduction to the narrative
of one of the most remarkable of all those heroic enterprises which
are the warp and woof of the early history of the western frontier
of the North American Continent. Thus was launched the expedi-
tion which was destined to accomplish for the Fraser River what
Lewis and Clark had accomplished for the Columbia but three years
before.

Sweeping down with the current, the canoes passed safely through
Fort George Canyon and reached Cottonwood Canyon, where the
river contracts into a narrow channel between high rocky banks.

264 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Here, one of the canoes was nearly wrecked. On the second day
the explorer reached a beautiful country, of which he observed: —
"This scenery has a very fine aspect, consisting of extensive plains,
and, behind these, hills rising over hills." And again : — "this country
interspersed with meadows, hills, dales, and high rocks, has on the
whole a romantic and pleasant appearance." It is not an easy matter
to fix upon Eraser's position from day to day, but it is likely that
these remarks refer to the countrv between Quesnel and Alexandria.
However, the little vessels, running with the stream, soon reached a
region of wild and forbidding grandeur.

The land was populous, for manv Indian dwellings and villages
were noticed. On Monday, the 30th of May, Fraser landed
before a large house, probably in the vicinity of Linden Creek, and
here he conversed with the natives, from whpm he learned that it
would be dangerous to proceed — "before his intention was publicly
known throughout the country." He therefore decided to remain
at the house for the rest of the day. Mounted couriers were des-
patched to the tribe below with the news that white strangers were
about to pass through their territories. In the course of the day
Eraser's journal records, "Tahowtans" and "Atnaughs" rode into
the village. "They seemed peacefully inclined, and happy to see
us" — "and observed that having heard from their neighbours that
white people were to visit their country, had remained to meet us."
When asked to describe the river below, they said it was but a suc-
cession of falls and cascades, and urged Fraser to discontinue his
voyage and to remain with them. Firearms were unknown among
these people, and when the voyageurs discharged their muskets they
"dropped ofif their legs with fright."" Upon recovering from their
surprise they were invited to examine the effect of the shot, and,
as Fraser says, they "appeared quite uneasv on seeing the marks on
the trees, and observed that the Indians in that quarter were good
and peaceable, and would never make use of their arms to annoy
white people. Yet, they remarked, we ought to take great care on
approaching villages, for should we surprise the natives, they might
take us as enemies, and, through fear, attack us."

This sage advice was sedulouslv followed. Fraser never failed
to induce the chiefs of the successive tribes he visited to introduce
him to their immediate neighbours beyond.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 265

Day by day, as he proceeded, dangers and difficulties increased.
It was frequently necessary to seek information from the Indians
respecting the river and now and again a native artist would be
asked to sketch its course thence onward to the sea. But invariably
Fraser received the same reply, that the river below was a series of
unnavigable canyons, flanked on either side by impassable mountains
of sheer rock. At various points during their passage, bales of dried
salmon were cached, in case they should be needed on the homeward
way. During the greater part of the voyage the men lived upon the
land, that is to say, they were dependent upon the Indians for their
supply of provisions.

Salmon, dried and fresh, berries, nuts, wild onions, and other
viands were sometimes abundant; but often the men were in sore
straits for food. The voyageurs, like the Carthagenians of old, were
fond of dog's flesh, and, whenever they lodged at a village or encamp-
ment of friendly natives, they feasted upon this delicacy.

Now floating peacefully with the tide, now dashing wildly down
terrific rapids, the canoes went swiftly forward. Quite frequently,
however, the baggage and even the canoes themselves had to be car-
ried over long and difficult portages, where deep ravines, steep hills,
and yawning chasms appeared to ofTer insuperable obstacles. The
men suffered greatly; and often their path was rough with jagged
stones, so that their moccasins were frequently and quickly in dis-
repair as, footsore and weary, they carried their heavy packs from
point to point where they might again launch their frail vessels upon
the turbulent stream, then in high flood. It was not long before the
accounts of the natives were verified; soon the expedition reached
that part of the river which is but a succession of canyons and rapids.

At one place for two miles, the river foamed and boiled between
''high banks which contracted the channel in many places to forty
or fifty yards." The journal continues: — "This immense body of
water passing through this narrow space in a turbulent manner,
formed numerous gulfs and cascades, and making a tremendous
noise, iiad an awful and forbidding appearance. Nevertheless, since
'it was considered as next to impossible to carry the canoes across the
land, on account of the height and steepness of the hills, it was
resolved to venture down the dangerous pass." Five of the most
experienced men were ordered into a canoe, and in a moment it was

266 BRITISH COLUMBIA

under way. "After passing the first cascade," Fraser continues, "she
lost her course and was drawn into the eddy where she was swirled
about for a considerable time, seemingly in suspense whether to sink
or swim, the men having no power over her. However, she took
a favourable turn and by degrees was led from this dangerous vortex
again into the stream. In this manner she continued, flying from one
cascade to another until the last but one, where, in spite of every
effort, the whirlpools forced her against a low, projecting rock.
Upon this, the men debarked, saving their own lives, and contrived to
save the property, but the greatest difficulty was still ahead, and
to continue by water would be the way to certain destruction."

The journal then proceeds: — "During this distressing scene we
were on shore looking on and anxiously concerned. Seeing our poor
fellows once more safe afforded us much satisfaction but their situa-
tion rendered our approach perilous and difficult. The bank was
extremely high and steep and we had to plunge our daggers at
intervals into the ground, to check our speed as otherwise we were
disposed to slide into the river. We cut steps into the declivity,
fastened a line into the front of the canoe with which one of the men
ascended, in order to haul it up, while the others supported it upon
their arms. In this manner our situation was most precarious, our
lives hung as it were upon a thread, as the failure of the line or a
false step of one of the men, might have hurled the whole of us
into eternity. However, we fortunately cleared the bank before
dark."

Again the party proceeded, and arrived at the Great Canyon, near
the point where Kelly Creek enters the river. At this place the men
donned their best clothes, and the two Indians being clothed only
in skins, were each given a blanket and cape, so that the party might
appear to good advantage to the new tribe that dwelt on the banks
of the river below. The rapid was soon reached, and Eraser's descrip-
tion of it runs thus: — "Here, the channel contracts to about 40 yards,
and is enclosed bv two precipices of immense height, which, bending
towards each other, make it narrower above than below. The water
which rolls down this extraordinary passage in tumultuous waves'
and with great velocity, had a frightful appearance. However, it
being absolutely impossible to carry the canoes by land, all hands
without hesitation embarked as it were a 'corps perdu' upon the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 267

mercy of this awful tide. Once launched, the die was cast, our
great difficulty consisted in keeping the canoes within the medium,
or, fil d'eau, that is, clear of the precipice on the one side, and from
the gulfs formed by the waves on the other. Thus skimming along
as fast as lightning, the crews cool and determined, following each
other in awful silence, and when we arrived at the end, we stood
gazing at each other in silent congratulations at our narrow escape
from total destruction."

Having arrived at the Indian camp below the canyon, the river
was reported by the natives "as a dreadful chain of apparently insur-
mountable difficulties" and it was asserted that it would be impossible
for strangers to proceed either by land or water, owing to the rapids
and the mountainous nature of the country through which the river
forced its way. Nevertheless the undaunted leader having prevailed
upon an Indian to accompany him as pilot continued his journey.

Of the country through which he passed that 9th of June, 1808,
Fraser remarks: — "I scarcely saw anything so dreary and dangerous
in any country, and at present, while writing this, whatever way I
turn my eyes, mountains upon mountains, whose summits are cov-
ered with eternal snows close the gloomy scene."

On the following day it was borne in upon Fraser that it was
impossible to proceed by water, and it was therefore decided to con-
tinue the journey by land along the banks of the river. Accordingly,
near Pavilion Creek, a scaflfolding was erected upon which the canoes
were placed, covered by branches of trees to protect them from the
sun. Such articles as could not be carried were buried in the ground,
some openly before the Indians, but others in a secret cache, as it
was deemed inadvisable to place implicit trust in their expressions
of good will. The vessels used up to this point were the ordinary
birch bark canoes of the Canadian furtrader. The canoes of the
Indians of the Fraser are of a totally different type, being dug-outs,
of the form so familiar even in the present day. On the upper reaches
of the river, the natives make their canoes from the trunk of the
Cottonwood tree, but on the lower reaches, as on the coast, the canqes
are made from cedar. The cottonwood canoes are not nearly so
symmetrical or so well finished as those made from cedar. Cotton-
wood warps rather easily, whereas cedar will retain its shape
indefinitely.

268 BRITISH COLUMBIA

The explorer had now entered the territory of the Lillooets, or as
he termed them, the "Askettih nation." These natives treated the
strangers with great kindness and regaled them with "roots, wild
onion syrup, dried salmon and berries." Here Fraser learned that
the sea was distant about ''ten nights" from the village. A garrulous
old man claimed that he had been to the "Stinking Lake" where he
had seen great caves, and he gave a pantomimic exhibition of the
behaviour of the white men he had met at the coast, strutting up and
down he exclaimed "this is the way they go."

An idea of the care with which it was necessary to proceed may
be gathered from an entry in the journal under the date of 14th June.
"Last night (it is recorded), some of the natives, having remarked
that we were not white men but enemies in disguise, gave offence to
our old chief and a serious altercation took place in consequence.
They stated that his tribe were their natural enemies and that some
of his young men had made war upon them in the Spring. This he
readily admitted, but observed that these were foolish young men
who escaped without his knowledge. Seeing that the debate was
growing warm, we interposed and the argument ended amicably.
Then the Old Chief sent couriers ahead to inform the Natives that
we were not enemies; not to be alarmed at our appearance and to
meet us without arms, at the same time he strongly recommended us
to be on our guard."

On the 14th, Fraser reached "the Forks," in all probability the
junction of the Bridge and Fraser rivers. As it was deemed important
that the Lillooets should be duly impressed with the mission, the
men shaved and dressed in their best apparel before resuming the
march. Soon the ambassadors of the "Askettihs" appeared, "dressed
in their coats of mail," as the explorer termed the leather jackets of
these people. With all due ceremony a palaver was held with the
ambassadors, who "looked manly and had really the appearance
of warriors." The chiefs spoke with a certain rude grace and fluency,
and their oratorv had a great effect upon the native retinue. The
explorer seized the occasion to speak of the advantages that would
accrue to the Indians if friendly relations should be established with
the white men. It will be recalled that he had been instructed to
prepare the way for the establishment of trading stations near the
mouth of the river.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 269

For several days three friendly Indians had accompanied the
party, an old chief, a guide and an interpreter. These had volunteered
to introduce the explorer to the different tribes whose territories lay
in his path. So far they had faithfully kept their word, and had
materially assisted in preparing the way for a friendly reception from
chiefs who, otherwise, might have been hostile to the strangers. How-
ever, on the morning following the palaver with the Lillooet chiefs,
Fraser, to his mortification, found that these men had disappeared
in the night. Evidently, like all the natives of the upper reaches,
they feared the tribes that dwelt near the mouth of the river, especially
the fierce warriors of the Cowichan nation, whose forays kept the
clans of the lower river in a perpetual state of alarm. This untoward
incident gave the explorer pause for anxious thought. "Here we
are," he states in his journal after relating the disappearance of the
'guides, "in a strange country surrounded with danger and number-
less tribes of savages who have never seen the face of a white man;
however, we shall endeavor to make the best of it."

Pursuing his journey the furtrader and his little following
reached Lillooet on the 15th of June. "The village (says Fraser)
is a fortification of 100 feet by 24 surrounded by (a) pallisade
eighteen feet high, slanting inward and lined with a shorter row
which supports a shade, covering, with bark, constituting the dwell-
ings." At the "Metropolis" of the Askettih tribe, Fraser, after much
haggling and bargaining obtained a canoe for a file and a kettle;
but the natives would not part with their provisions. By dint of
much persuasion, however, thirty dried salmon were procured. The
wares of the trader had already found their way to this country. A
new copper tea kettle and a large gun, of Russian make, were seen
in the village.

In passing from Soda Creek to Lillooet no less than fifteen days
were consumed. Soda Creek was left behind on May 31st and
Lillooet reached on June 15th; but Fraser was often obliged to stop
by the way to placate the Indians, and in these friendly overtures
much time was lost.

Four days after leaving Lillooet, the expedition passed into the
territory of the Thompson Indians, whom Fraser calls "Haca-
maugh." The men were handsomely dressed in leather, and they
possessed many horses, with which they helped him at a carrying

270 BRITISH COLUMBIA

place near by. The explorer was greatly impressed with this fine
tribe. He thus alludes to one of its encampments, not far from
Lytton: ''The Indians of this village were about four hundred souls,
and some of them appeared very old. They live among mountains,
and enjoy pure air, are cleanlily inclined, and make use of wholesome
food. We observed several European articles among them, viz: a
copper tea kettle, a brass camp kettle, a strip from a common blanket
and clothing such as the Cree women wear. These things we sup-
posed, were brought from our settlements beyond the mountains;
indeed the Indians make us understand as much." ^

Of all the villages visited on this occasion, scarcely any were
without articles of European manufacture, which shows that inter-
tribal commerce flourished among the primitive peoples of the trans-
montane region. As a matter of fact, Simon Eraser was at this time
on the most frequented of the few great trade routes, or lines of inter-
course, which, in pre-historic times, connected the littoral with the
interior. Other lines of communication followed, — the Nass River,
the Skeena River, and the Bella Coola River (the route followed
by Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1793). Erom time immemorial the
native merchants of the coast and of the interior had met on the
banks of these rivers to exchange the commodities of their respective
territories. An interchange of culture probably followed those
avenues of communication and trade; but the anthropologist or the
ethnologist is more concerned with that phase of the subject than
the historian — therefore it will not be discussed here. Of all these
lines of social and commercial intercourse, north of the Columbia
River, the one following the Eraser was perhaps the most important.
The wares of the maritime furtrader were passed from tribe to
tribe along this ancient highway of the native races, and so reached
the remotest parts of the northern interior.

On the same day (June 19th) Eraser visited the great village at
the confluence of the Eraser and Thompson Rivers. "Camchin," as
the natives called this place, is beautifully situated on a high terrace
on the left bank of the Eraser, just below the point where the
clear waters of the Thompson join the larger stream. It was at that
time an important centre of the Thompson Indians — perhaps the most
cultured and enlightened of all the aborigines of British Columbia.

1 Simon Fraser's Journal, Masson, p. i8i.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 271

The town of Lytton, founded in the year of the great gold rush,
now stands on, or near, the site of the populous Indian village first
described by Simon Fraser more than a century ago. He was given
an impressive welcome, which is thus recorded in his Journal:

"After having remained some time in the village, the principal
chief invited us over the river and received us at the water side,
where, assisted by several others, he took me by the arm and con-
ducted me in a moment up the hill to the camp. Here his people
were sitting in rows to the number of twelve hundred, and I had
to shake hands with the whole. Then the Great Chief made a long
harangue, in the course of which he pointed to the Sun, to the four
quarters of the World and then to us; he afterwards introduced his
father who was old and blind and carried by another man, who also
made a harangue of some length. The old blind man was placed
near us, and he often stretched out both his hands, through curiosity,
in order to feel ours.

"The Hacamaugh nation are dififerent, both in language and
manners, from their neighbours, the Askettihs; they have many chiefs
and great men and appear to be good orators, their manner of
delivery is extremely handsome. We had every reason to be thankful
for our reception at this place. The Indians showed us every possible
attention, and supplied our wants as much as they could. We had
salmon, berries, oil and roots in abundance, and our men had six
dogs.- Although our tent was pitched near the camp, we enjoyed
entire peace and security during our stay. The Indians sang and
danced all night; some of our men who went to see them were much
amused."

The explorer, however, was evidently not convinced that his new
allies were altogether sincere in their expressions of friendship.
"However kind savages may appear," he observed, "I know that it
is not in their nature to be sincere in their professions to strangers;
the respect and attention we generally experience proceed from an
idea that we are superior beings who are not to be overcome; at any
rate, it is certain that the less familiar we are with them, the better
for us." It is pleasant to recall that, on this occasion at least, the
furtrader's distrust of the savage was without foundation: The chief
of the Thompson Indians, called by Fraser the "Great Chief," kept

^ Simon Eraser's Jmirn,Tl, M.isson, pp. 181-2.

272 BRITISH COLUMBIA

his word and even went out of his way to befriend the little party
of white men.

Before leaving this quarter, Fraser named the river, which enters
the Fraser just above Lytton, in honour of David Thompson, astron-
omer, surveyor, path-finder, explorer, fort-builder and furtrader,
also of the North West Company. David Thompson was then
engaged in exploring the passes of the Rocky Mountains leading
into East Kootenay. "These Forks," says the Journal of the expedi-
tion, "the Indians call Camchin, and are formed by a large river,
which is the same spoken of so often by our friend the Old Chief.
From an idea that our friends of the Fort des Prairies department
are established upon the source of it, among the mountains, we gave
it the name of Thompson River."

This statement clearly shows how little was known at that time
of the geography of the interior of Northwestern America. Simon
Fraser's mistake has been a fruitful source of error, in that it has led
some writers to attribute to David Thompson the discovery of the
Fraser's most important tributary, apparently for no other reason
than that it was named after that indomitable explorer. As a matter
of fact David Thompson never saw the Thompson River; nor does
it appear that Thompson even knew that this stream had been named
after him. In his "Map of the Northwest Territory of the Province
of Canada from Actual Survey during the years 1792 to 1812,"*
made in 18 13 and 18 14, some five or six years after Fraser's memor-
able excursion, the Thompson is called "Sheewap River." It is
strange that such should be the case because the intrepid astronomer
and surveyor of the North West Company acknowledges that he
obtained his information respecting the Fraser River from John
Stuart, who accompanied Simon Fraser in 1808. Perhaps John
Stuart did not mention that the stream had been named Thompson
River; or perhaps the famous map maker was too modest to give his
name to a river he had not discovered, or even seen.

I'he morning after the memorable reception at Camchin, the
party again embarked, having obtained two canoes from the Thomp-
son Indians. The "Great Chief" and a guide, nicknamed in the
explorer's Journal the "Little Fellow," accompanied Fraser in order
to introduce him to the tribes below, which, as usual, were repre-

' Published with Elliott Coues' New Lig;ht on the Early History of the Greater Northwest,
New York, 1897.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 273

seiited as being a ferocious and warlike people. The men had
suffered great hardships in their traverse of the river to this point,
notably in the canyons between Soda Creek and Lillooet; but they
now entered upon perhaps the most arduous part of their journey.
Between Lytton and Yale the Fraser forces its way through a series
of deep chasms, the rocky walls of which in many places tower high
above the water. The great river, swollen with melted snows, surged
magnificently through the canyons. On every side rugged snow-
crowned mountains, like grim sentinels, stood guard over the foaming
cataracts; the banks were so steep that they could only be scaled at
imminent risk. Such was the Fraser River between Lytton and Yale
in floodtime, in the old days before the railway. The track of the
explorer lay directly through this region of wild grandeur and
Titanic upheaval.

It was soon found impossible to follow the river. At Jackass
Mountain, so named by the goldseekers of a later generation, the
men were forced to carrv evervthing, including their canoes, over
that steep hill. The ascent was dangerous in the extreme, as the
I loose stones which covered the mountain continually gave way under
the feet of the men as they toiled with their heavy loads. A false
step meant certain destruction as a precipice yawned immediately
below, at the foot of which the river ran in a series of turbulent
rapids. The Indians told the explorer that several years before
several of their tribe in traversing the hill had lost their balance, and,
falling headlong into the river, had perished. The miners of 1858
and 1859 were sorely tried at this same spot.

In the face of these appalling obstacles the expedition worked
its way downstream, sometimes by land and sometimes by water.
Neither the remonstrances of his men, nor the warnings of the natives,
had any effect on Fraser, who at all costs was determined to carry
out his instructions to reach the sea by following the unknown river
to its mouth. He pushed on with that dogged determination which
distinguished all his undertakings.

From time immemorial, here, as at the Dalles and other places
on the Columbia River, the Indians had foregathered to catch and
dry the salmon, which was the staple article of diet of the natives of
that quarter. Judging from Fraser's remarks, the Indian population

V..I. 1- IS

274 BRITISH COLUMBIA

must have been large, for he visited many encampments. The natives
had erected stages on the ledges overhanging the river, and from
these they used their dip nets with remarkable dexterity. Either
because the run had not commenced, or because it was a poor year,
salmon seemed to have been rather scarce. More than once the
explorer observed that the natives were without food. At other
places, he was feasted with roasted salmon, wild fruits and nuts, wild
onion syrup, and other viands esteemed by the Indians.

On Sunday, June 25th, the Chief of the Camchin or Thompson
Indians left the expedition to return to his people. The parting is
thus recorded: "This man is the greatest Chief we have seen, he
behaved uncommonly well towards us, and in return I made him a
present of a large silver brooch which he immediately fixed on his
head, and seemed exceedingly well pleased with our attentions."
Tradition had it that this silver brooch was buried with the chief
as one of his most cherished possessions.

Although it was Sunday, the party pushed on, embarking at the
early hour of five. It was a memorable day in the history of the
expedition. The Journal vividly portrays the difficulties encoun-
tered on this forced march. In writing of the road through one of
the canyons, probably that now known as the Black Canyon, Fraser
could not restrain his eloquence: "Here," he observed, "we were
obliged to carry among loose stones in the face of a steep hill
between two precipices. Near the top, where the ascent was per-
fectly perpendicular, one of the Indians climbed to the summit and
by means of a long rope drew us up one after the other. This work
took three hours, and then we continued our course up and down hills
and along the steep declivities of mountains where hanging rocks and
projecting clififs, at the edge of the bank of the riyer, made the
passage so small as to render it, at times, difficult even for one person
to pass sideways. Many of the natives from the last camp who
accompanied us were of the greatest use on this intricate occasion.
They went on boldly with heavy loads in places where we were
obliged to hand our guns from one to another, and where the greatest
precaution was required in order to pass even singly and free from
encumbrance."

The party encamped at six in the evening, at the head of another
rapid or canyon. On the following morning, John Stuart, who had

BRITISH COLUMBIA 275

been sent ahead to examine the river, reported that "navigation was
absolutely impracticable." The men, therefore, had no other
recourse but to follow their agile guides along the treacherous path-
ways which had served successive generations of native travellers.
The stupendous character of this rugged country is well portrayed
by Fraser: "As for the road by land," he wrote, "we could scarcely
make our way with even only our guns. I have been for a long
period in the Rocky Mountains, but have never seen anything like
this country. It is so wild that I cannot find words to describe our
situation at times. We had to pass where no human beings should
venture; yet in those places there is a regular footpath impressed, or
rather indented upon the very rocks by frequent travelling. Besides
this, steps which are formed like a ladder or the shrouds of a ship,
by poles hanging to one another and crossed at certain distances with
twigs, the whole suspended from the top to the foot of deep precipices
and fastened to both extremities to stones and trees, furnish a safe
and convenient passage to the Natives; but we, who had not had
the advantage of their education and experience, were often in
imminent danger when obliged to follow their example." The
ladders here described were in use long after the explorer's day.
Indeed, some of them still existed in a state of good repair at the
time of the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, although
the Yale-Cariboo Wagon Road had for several years superseded
them. The engineers of the Canadian Pacific Railway called this
place Jacob's Ladder Bluff. It is some five or six miles below Boston
Bar, on the railway side of the river.

At Spuzzum, which was reached on June 27th, the party was
"hospitably entertained with fresh salmon, boiled green and dried
berries, oil and onions." The burial ground across the river from
the Indian encampment attracted Eraser's attention and he obtained
permission to visit it. He thus records his impressions of the native
sepulchres at this place: "These tombs are superior to anything
of the kind I saw among savages; they are about fifteen feet long
and of the form of a chest of drawers. Upon the boards and posts,
are beasts and birds carved in a curious but rude manner, yet pretty
well proportioned. These monuments must have cost the workmen
much time and labour, as they must have been destitute of proper

276 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tools for their execution; around the tombs was deposited all the
property of the deceased."

The expedition had now reached another tribal territory. Spuz-
zum was situated on "the boundary between the Hacamaugh and
Achinrow nations." It was observed that the members of the latter
clan differed in speech and manners from the tribes hitherto met
with. These natives were distinguished for their fine blankets, woven
from the hair of the wild goat, or from that of a white dog bred for
this purpose. Their blankets were "as good as the wool rugs found
in Canada," and were spun with a primitive spindle and distaff. It
was noticed that the dogs had been lately shorn. ^

At last the little party emerged from the great canyon. At four
p. m. on Wednesday, June 28th, the expedition arrived at an Indian
camp of about one hundred and fifty inhabitants; apparently at, or
near the place where, in after years, the Hudson's Bay Company
built Fort Yale. No less than eight days had been consumed in
passing from Lytton to this spot. The Indians were armed with
bows and arrows, spears and clubs. Like those of Camchin, they
had many ornaments — "shells of different kinds, shell beads, brass
It made into pipes hanging from the neck or across the shoulders,

bracelets of large brass wire, and some of horn." It was observed
that their hats, made of wattap, and some of "cedar bark painted
in different colours, resembling ribbon." Both sexes were stoutly
built and some of the men handsome, "but," wrote Eraser, "I cannot
say so much of the women, who seem to be their husbands' slaves, for,
in the course of their dances, I remarked that the men were in the
habit of pillaging them from one another. Our Little Fellow was
presented with another man's wife."

The natives of this place said that white men "had come from
below to the Bad Rock, where the rapid terminates, at a little distance
from the village, and they showed us marks in the rocks which they
had made, but, which, by the bye, seemed to us to be nothing but
natural marks."

Having with some difficulty obtained canoes, Fraser marshalled
his little force and again embarked. As the expedition advanced the
river became broader and the country assumed a different aspect,

* Alexander Caulfield Anderson describes these dogs and dogs' hair blankets in "Notes on
the Indian Tribes of North .America."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 277

although the snowclad summits of the Coast Range were still in
full view. From Yale to the Gulf of Georgia, the Fraser is a broad
highway. No difficulty was experienced in the beautiful reaches of
the lower river. So far as it is known, this was the first time that a
European had beheld this magnificent country. Noble forests stood
on either bank, except where great meadows stretched far back from
.the river. As the river was in flood, the low-lying lands must have
been covered with water; near Chilliwack it "expanded into a lake."
In this neighbourhood the explorer sighted a "large round moun-
tain," called by the natives "Stremotch." No doubt this was Sumas
Mountain, a well-known geographical feature of the Chilliwack
district. In 1828, Sir George Simpson, in passing this same stretch
of the river, refers to a high mountain which he called "Sugar Loaf
Mountain." Perhaps, the "Stremotch" of Fraser and the "Sugar
Loaf" Mountain of Simpson, refer to one and the same striking
feature of the landscape.

Seals were now seen in the river, a sure indication that the passage

to the sea was unobstructed, for these animals do not attempt to

ascend rapids. At sunset, camp was pitched near a grove of "remark-

i ably large cedars five fathoms in circumference." The Journal adds

that "mosquitos were in clouds."

In that day the natives were numerous. Their villages and fish-
ing camps were found at every favourable situation. The explorer
concluded that they had seen white people before, because "they
evinced no kind of surprise or curiosity at seeing us, nor were they
afraid of our arms." One of their large communal dwellings is thus
described :

"Their houses are built of cedar planks and, in shape, similar to
the one already described; the whole range, which is six hundred and
forty feet long by sixty broad, is under one roof; the front is eighteen
feet high and the covering is slanting: all the apartments, which are
separated by partitions, are square, except the chief's, which is ninety
feet long. In this room, the posts or pillars are nearly three feet
diameter at the base and diminish gradually to the top. In one of
these posts is an oval opening answering the purpose of a door
through which one man may crawl in or out. Above, on the outside,
are carved a human figure as large as life, with other figures in
imitation of beasts and birds. These buildings have no flooring, the

278 BRITISH COLUMBIA

fires are in the center and the smoke goes out by an opening at the
top." '

Sweeping past low-wooded banks, fat delta lands and fertile
benches, now, a century later, the home of prosperous and progressive
communities, Fraser entered that beautiful stretch of river known
as Queen's Reach. On the 2nd of July, he passed the pine-clad
hill later selected by Lieutenant Colonel Moody, of the Royal
Engineers, as the site of the capital of the Crown Colony of British
Columbia. At that time a dense virgin forest covered the hill where
now stands the city of New Westminster. Finding that the river at
this point divided into several channels, the explorer followed the
North Arm, and was at last rewarded with a view of the Gulf of
Georgia, so named by Vancouver in 1792, but first discovered by the
Spaniard Eliza in 1791, and called by him in the musical language
of his country "El Gran Canal de Nuestra Senora del Rosario."

But the passage of the explorer was not without incident. Shortly
after leaving the broad expanse of water above Lulu Island, a canoe
came alongside and one of the natives embarked with the explorer;
for the purpose, it was thought, of piloting the expedition through
the right channel. It was soon remarked, however, that other
Indians, "armed with bows and arrows, spears, clubs, were pursuing
us in their canoes, singing war songs, beating time with their paddles
on the sides of the canoe, and making signs and gestures highly
inimicable. The one who had embarked with us became also very
unruly, singing, dancing and kicking up a great dust: we threat-
ened him and he mended his manners and became quiet."

"This was an alarming crisis," continues the Journal, "but we
were not discouraged; confident upon our own superiority, at least
on the water, we continued and at last we came in sight of a gulf or
bay of the sea; this, the Indians called Pas-hil-roe. It runs in a
south-west and north-east direction. In this bay are several high and
rocky islands, whose summits are covered with snow. On the right
shore we noticed a village called by the natives Misquiame: we
directed our course towards it. Our turbulent passenger conducted
us up a small winding river to a small lake near which the village
stood: there we landed, but only found a few old men and women,
the others having fled into the woods on our approach. The fort is

• Simon Fraser's Journal, Masson, p. 197.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 279

1,500 feet in length and 90 feet in breadth. The houses, which are
constructed as those mentioned in other places, are in rows; one of
the natives, after conducting us through all the apartments, desired
us to go away, as, otherwise, the Indians would be apt to attack us.
About this time those that had followed us from above, arrived." '^

The explorer and his men spent an hour in examining the place.
Upon returning to the canoe it was found high and dry on the beach,
the tide having ebbed. While the men were engaged in dragging the
little vessel to the water, the natives made their appearance from all
directions, armed cap a pie, and "howling like so many wolves and
brandishing their war clubs." The canoe was quickly launched,
however, and the party escaped from an awkward predicament.

It is evident that Fraser actually reached the Gulf of Georgia.
Several writers have asserted that he turned back at the point where
the city of New Westminster now stands; but if this had been the
case the journey would have ended at the place "where the river
divides into several places, "^ — which description can only refer to
the reaches immediately below the Royal City. Eraser's particular
description of Musquiam, however, leaves no doubt upon the point.
That village is situated exactly at the mouth of the northern outlet
of the north arm of the Fraser River on the shore of the Gulf of
Georgia. If further proof should be required, it is found in David
Thompson's great map of North Western America, which bears the
following legend, opposite the words "Musquiame Village," "Mr.
Simon Fraser and party returned from the Sortie of the River."

As to the small winding river and small lake, it will suffice to
point out that a little rivulet, now as in Eraser's time, flows past
Musquiam; the lake was no doubt formed by the flooding of the
lowland between the village and the river. This land is now dyked
and therefore not subject to overflow. It should be borne in mind
that the river was at its highest stage when Fraser descended it in
1808.

.Much as Simon Fraser desired to reach the Pacific, he was at
this point compelled to turn back. The hostility of the natives
and lack of supplies made further progress impossible. In this
respect he was no more fortunate than Sir Alexander Mackenzie in
1793. Neither of the explorers sighted the main ocean. Neverthe-

" Simon Fraser's Journal, Masson, p. 199.

280 BRITISH COLUMBIA

less Simon Fraser had accomplished his purpose. He had reached
the sea, not, however, by the Columbia, but by another river that
henceforth was to bear his name. That he did not view the Pacific
Ocean was a bitter disappointment to the explorer. "Here again,"
he wrote in his Journal of July 3, 1808, "I must again acknowledge
my great disappointment in not seeing the main Ocean, having gone
so near it as to be almost within view; we besides wished very much
to settle the situation by an observation for the longitude. The
latitude is 49" nearly, while that of the entrance to the Columbia is
46 20'. This river therefore is not the Columbia."

Having accomplished his purpose Fraser started on his long
return journey to the northern interior. His difficulties were by no
means over. He was continually harassed by the natives, who fol-
lowed him with the set purpose of annihilating the whole expedition.
It was only by proceeding with the utmost caution that he was able
to frustrate the designs of the Indians who had before been loud in
their expressions of friendship. Day and night it was necessary to be
continually on guard. At an encampment above Chilliwack all the
warriors were waiting to attack the white men. It was soon dis-
covered that "they were not assembled for any good purpose, and
when we came opposite to them the whole were in motion. Some
were in canoes, others lined the shore and all were inclining our
way; at last it was with difficulty we could prevent them with the
muzzle of our guns from seizing upon the canoe; they, however,
managed to give us such a push with the intention of upsetting us,
that our canoe became engaged in a strong current which, in spite of
all our efiforts, carried us down the rapid. We however gained the
shore at the foot of a high hill where we tied the canoe to a tree.
Here I ordered Mr. Stuart with some of the men to debark and
ascend the hill in order to keep the Indians in awe; they, perceiving
our preparation for defence, retired, but still kept ahead."

The continual strain so worked upon the overwrought nerves of
the vovageurs, that on the 6th of July they mutinied and threatened
to desert in a body. Simon Fraser rose to the occasion. "Consider-
ing this scheme as a desperate undertaking," he wrote in his Journal
after the trouble was over, "I debarked and endeavoured to persuade
the delinquents of their infatuation; but two of them declared in
their own names and in the names of the others that their plan was

BRITISH COLUMBIA 281

fixed, and that they saw no other way by which they could save them-
selves from immediate destruction than by flying out of the way of
danger; for, said they, continuing by water, surrounded by hostile
nations, who watched every opportunity to attack and torment them,
created in their mind a state of suspicion worse than death. I remon-
strated and threatened by turns, the other gentlemen joined me in my
endeavours to expose the folly of their undertaking, and the advan-
tages that would accrue to us all by remaining, as we had hitherto
done, in perfect union for our common safety. After much debate
on both sides, they yielded and we all shook hands, resolved not to
separate during the voyage, which resolution was immediately con-
firmed by the following oath taken on the spot by each of the party:
'I solemnly swear before Almighty God that I shall sooner perish
than forsa'ie in distress any of our crew during the present voyage.' "

The ascent of the river was scarcely less difficult than the down-
ward journey, but at last the expedition reached the territory of
more friendly natives, who expressed surprise at the reappearance of
the white men. Evidently they had expected that the Indians of the
lower river, or the warlike Cowichans, would kill the travellers.

While thirty-five days were consumed in descending the river,
the ascent was accomplished in thirty-four days. In going to the
sea Quesnel was reached May 30th; Lytton on June 20th; Spuzzum
on June 27th; Yale on June 3()th; New Westminster on July 2nd,
and Musquiam on the same day. In returning, the Thompson River
was passed July 14th; Lillooet on the 22nd; Chilcotin River on the
25th; Soda Creek on the 28th; and on August 6th the journey ended
at Fort George, the place of departure.

Such was the nature of Simon Fraser's achievement; sucii is the
story that has almost been forgotten. Surely this rugged man is
worthy of all honour and respect. His expedition was the third to
reach the shores of the Pacific overland. He was the first European
to establish posts in the interior of the great territory lying to the
west of the Rocky Mountains. These posts have existed from that
time to this. The country in which they are situated is now, more
than one hundred years later, about to be developed on a remarkable
scale. The name of Simon Fraser, the stalwart pioneer and founder,
should not be forgotten in this day. As the Reverend A. G. Morice

282 BRITISH COLUMBIA

has justly observed — "Less brilliant services would entitle him to the
respect of every Canadian."

Simon Fraser did not long remain in New Caledonia after his
exploration of the "Great River" discovered by Sir Alexander
Mackenzie. He was given charge of a district in Athabasca as a
reward for his services beyond the Rocky Mountains. In 1811 he
was at Red River, and two years later on the Mackenzie. In 1816,
he was at Fort William when that post was taken by the Earl of
Selkirk, against whom the North West Company had waged relent-
less war.

It has been said that Simon Fraser refused the order of knight-
hood, offered in recognition of his achievement. The probable
explanation of the matter is simply this: That he declined the honour
because his means were not in keeping with the proffered title, nor
sufficient for the purpose of maintaining the position with proper
dignity.

H
O

CHAPTER XI
NEW CALEDONIA

When Simon Fraser retired from New Caledonia it fell to the
lot of John Stuart to guide the destinies of that isolated district for
several years. Stuart assumed charge in 1809 ^r^d he did not relin-
quish his post until 1824. He spent much of his time at Fort McLeod,
although he visited Lake Stuart, Lake Fraser, and Fort George
regularly. It does not appear that Stuart was particularly enam-
oured of his new position, for in 1810 Daniel Williams Harmon, a
pious but shrewd American from Connecticut, in the service of the
North West Company, was instructed to relieve him, or, if he
(Harmon) should prefer it to accompany Stuart as second in com-
mand.' Harmon had met Stuart the year before at Dunvegan, on
the Peace River, and had formed a high opinion of that eccentric
but able officer. His journal of July 19, 1809, records that — "A
few days since, Mr. John Stuart and company, came here, from
New Caledonia, for goods; and today they set out on their return
home. During the few days which that gentleman passed here, I
derived much satisfaction from his society. We rambled about the
plains, conversing as we went, and now and then stopping, to eat a
few berries, which are every-where to be found. He has evidently
read and reflected much. How happy should 1 be to have such a
companion, during the whole summer." " Perhaps the modest author
nf these lines had equally impressed his guest, and that may be the
reason that Harmon was ordered to New Caledonia in the following
year. Harmon, however, was not overanxious to take upon himself
the management of the western marches of the North West Com-
pany, "especially in view of the late unfavourable reports from that
country in regard to means of subsistance." '' He therefore joined

' Harmon, Jnurnal, p. i86.
- Harmon, Journal, p. i8o.
" Harmon, Jmirnal, p. ig6.

2s;i

284 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Stuart as first lieutenant. The two men — although very different in
character — soon became fast friends, as their letters and journals
amply testify. Eraser's successor apparently was not always the most
cheerful of companions — it has been said that he was querulous and
exacting, if not pedantic — but his relations with his subordinates seem
to have been cordial. Stuart's character was summed up rather
tersely by a contemporary, John M. McLeod, who said — "Upon the
whole he is a good man but a person would require to be possessed
of the patience of Job and the wisdom of Solomon to agree with him
on all subjects." ' But whatever may be said of John Stuart's tem-
perament, it cannot be denied that he was an able administrator, a
faithful officer and a loyal friend. His letters, which are charac-
teristic of the man, show that he held in high esteem the men with
whom he was associated. Therein he unconsciously reveals much
of his own character and disposition, as is proved by the following
passage: — "I can retire when I please — and I have met with so
much of ups and downs and disappointments and what is still worse
of ingratitude that I ought to have done it long since and nothing
but the hopes I had formed that my constant attendance at the Coun-
cil might benefit equally the Company and individuals for whom I
have long since formed a regard and personal attachment. Mine
was no mercenary nor menial vote and as regarded myself I have
nothing to gain that could compensate for the turmoil and vexation
to which the life of an Indian trader is ever subject. Though neither
young nor rich I was perfectly disencumbered and not altogether
dependent. I could have lived in contended retirement in the land
of my fathers and now that I am removed from the Council to a
distant post (Fort Simpson, Mackenzie River), as regarded my
friends, I may be considered as one who has ceased to exist. I can
be of no use either to them or to myself and I will soon be for-
gotten." ^ In spite of their somewhat querulous ring, these words
reveal that Stuart was imbued with a high sense of duty. He divided
with Simon Fraser the honour of founding New Caledonia.

Harmon left Dunvegan — where he had been stationed for two
years — for New Caledonia in the Autumn of 1810. He joined John

■• John M. McLeod to John McLeod, senior, Letter dated Fort Simpson, Mackenzie River. Ms.
in Archives Department. March i6th, 1833.

^Letter to John McLeod, Fort Simpson, Macken/ie River, 8th March, 1833. Ms. in Archives
Department.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 285

Stuart's ingoing brigade and they travelled together as far as Fort
McLeod, arriving at that wild spot on November ist. Stuart had
resolved to spend the winter at his favourite post, so here the two
men parted. Harmon, with thirteen men, pursued his way to Stuart
Lake to assume charge of the fort there. He reached his destina-
tion on November 7th," having taken four days to cross over from
McLeod Lake, a distance of about ninety miles — a fact which gives
an idea of the roughness of that pioneer road, for the furtraders
were not accustomed to dawdle by the way.

This new trader, who now appears for the first time upon the
stage of New Caledonia, was a remarkable man. A keen and intel-
ligent observer, pious and humane, modest but firm, he was it may
be judged, somewhat different from his contemporaries, although
there were not wanting even in that crude age and in this rough
employment strong Christian men — of whom David Thompson was
a striking example. Harmon and Thompson would possibly have
had much in common had they been thrown together, but their
fields of endeavour lay far apart. Harmon's name, like many another
of the founders and builders of the Northwest, has almost been
forgotten, and would scarcely now be remembered were it not that
he kept a private journal, wherein he jotted down from day to day
and year to year the happenings of his post and his impressions of
men and things. Fortunately this journal was- published shortly
after the author retired from New Caledonia. By means of this
rare volume those who care to do so may look back upon that dis-
tant period and see the furtrader at work, and in so doing appreciate
the better his difficulties and privations. The author's accounts of
the Western Dene Indians, whose manners and customs he intelli-
gently records, render the Journal of exceptional interest, not only
to the historian but also to the anthropologist — both of whom are
indebted to Harmon for his trustworthy narrative. It is in such
rare books, in the fragmentary journals of the trading posts, and
in the letters of the explorers that the historian may gather the materi-
als wherewith to bridge the gulf which divides the present from the
past.

In the year 1812 John Stuart, the Bourgeois in command of the

"Harmon's Journal gives the date as November 171I1, Inn this is eviilemlv a tnisprii\t for llic
next entry was written on November I2tli.

286 BRITISH COLUMBIA

district, was generally to be found at Fort McLeod, which was
under James McDougall, the man who had been so severely rebuked
by Simon Fraser a year or two before. 'McDougall seems to have
fully retrieved his reputation. Harmon always speaks highly of
him and Stuart himself acknowledges that he was an ''excellent
trader" and a "real Christian." Harmon was stationed at Stuart
Lake, and J. M. Quesncl at Fraser Lake, whither he had been sent
with ten servants to re-establish the post which had recently been
destroyed by fire. Two clerks, Faries and McLeod, were also
attached to the district, but the extant records do not specifically
define their field of operations. Faries may still have been in charge
of Fort George. Harmon, however, does not refer at this time to
the post at the mouth of the Nechaco River, and it may be that it had
been temporarily abandoned. As Stuart had received reinforce-
ments, the forts were, comparatively speaking, well manned. In
November, 1812, the garrison of Fort St. James consisted of "twenty-
one labouring men, one interpreter, and five women, besides chil-
dren." ' So even in that early day the establishment at Stuart Lake
had assumed respectable proportions.

These, then, were the men who were engaged in conducting the
business of the North West Company in New Caledonia. The
monotony of their existence in this remote and inaccessible country,
far beyond the ken -of their fellows, was relieved by the excitements
incidental to the hazardous enterprise in which they were engaged.
Now they are threatened with an Indian conspiracy and swift destruc-
tion, for the Carriers have not yet become altogether reconciled to
the ways of the strangers in their midst, although they were gen-
erally "pleased to see us, and treated us with hospitality." * Now it
is starvation staring them in the face, for when the salmon fails to
appear in the rivers and lakes, the diet of the men is reduced to
berries and roots. And then the long journeys to and fro, from one
post to another, and excursions into new territory, sorely try the
patience of the pioneers, who were so ill-equipped for such adven-
tures in everything but dogged determination and physical
endurance. Notwithstanding these difficulties they succeeded in sub-
jugating the savages and the wilderness. In a few years the highways

' Harmon, Journal, p. 225.

^Harraon, Journal, p. 220. >

o
a;

o
c

H
CO

o
o

O
«

BRITISH COLUMBIA 287

and byways of rugged New Caledonia became as familiar to the fur-
trader stationed in that district as the oft-travelled roads of the more
accessible provinces in the East.

Harmon lived nine years in New Caledonia — 1810 to 1819 — and
like Samuel Pepys of another time and place he confided to his
diary his innermost thoughts; even the religious doubts and fears
that beset his mind are duly recorded therein. The general con-
sensus of opinion regarding the furtrader is that he was a blunt
hard-living man — a creature of the extraordinary conditions which
had called him into being — a man wedded to hardship and danger
and perhaps rather given to trickery and licentiousness. But here
is one who upsets all such conclusions. What is to be said of a fur-
trader who sets apart the first day of each month for prayer and
meditation? This, 'strange to say, was one of the pious rules of
Daniel Williams Harmon, who in the second decade of the nine-
teenth century, made his home at Fort St. James. As might be
expected, this honest man's narrative throws a strong light on the
customs in vogue at the frontier forts and the practice of the savages
who frequented these embryonic outposts of empire. Because the
observations of a trustworthy contemporary, especially when they
deal with historic events of no small significance, cannot fail to arouse
deep interest, or at least to excite legitimate curiosity, the pages of
Harmon's Journal will be freely used to illumine that early period
of our history.

Shortly after his arrival at Fort St. James — which by the way,
was not so named until many years later^ — Harmon visited the post
at Frascr Lake, and here he spent the first day of the New Year
(181 1 ). His entry of that date throws a side-light on one of the
social conventions of the age. On special occasions — for instance
after a long and difficult journey, or upon a recognized holiday —
the servants of the Company were treated to what was commonly
called a ''regale," which was neither more nor less than a plentiful
supply of ardent spirits, generally in the form of rum. New Year's
Day was the day above all others set apart for relaxation and mirth.
Drinking and dancing and, it must be added, fighting — for such
convivial gatherings frequently ended in a general melee — were the
favourite amusements of the light-hearted "engage," who for the
time being threw care to the winds and drowned the memory of his

288 BRITISH COLUMBIA

hardships in heroic libations. The journals and letters of the fur-
traders contain many references to such orgies, which were taken as
a matter of course and of custom. On January i, 1793, at Fort
Fork on Peace River, the men of Sir Alexander Mackenzie's over-
land expedition saluted their chief with a volley from their muskets,
and they were rewarded with copious rations of rum, with which
they made merry. At Fort Fraser, on January i, 181 1, the time-
honoured festivities are duly observed. Harmon relates:

"This being tiie first day of another year, our people have passed
it, according to the custom of the Canadians, in drinking and fight-
ing. Some of the principal Indians of this place desired us to allow
them to remain at the fort, that they might see our people drink. As
soon as they began to be a little intoxicated, and to quarrel among
themselves, the natives began to be apprehensive, that something
unpleasant might befall them, also. They therefore hid themselves
under beds, and elsewhere, saying, that they thought the white people
had run mad, for thev appeared not to know what they were about.
They perceived that those who were the most beastly in the early
part of the day, became the most quiet in the latter part, in view of
which, thev exclaimed, 'the senses of the white people have returned
to them again,' and they appeared not a little surprised at the change;
for it was the first time, they had ever seen a person intoxicated.'' °

There is a sequel to this story. New Year's Day, 18 12, was
observed with the usual honours at Fort St. James. This time the
Indians were admitted to the feast; but, judging from Harmon's
account of their behaviour, they had profited by their experience at
Fraser Lake the vear before. Harmon and James McDougall of
McLeod Lake, who was spending the holiday with his friend, dined
with all the people of the establishment in the common hall. After
the banquet the host "invited several of the Sicau (Sekanais) and
Carrier chiefs, and most respectable men, to partake of the pro-
visions which we had left; and I was surprised to see them behave
with much decency, while eating, and while drinking a flagon or
two of spirits. After they had finished their repast, they smoked
their pipes, and conversed rationally, on the great difference which
there is between the manners and customs of civilized people, and

* Harmon, Journal, pp. 196-197.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 289

those of the savages. They readily conceded, that ours are superior
to theirs."

By means of such passages as these jusf quoted, one may catch a
glimpse of the furtrader at play. His feastings and merry-makings,
however, were few and far between. His days were generally spent
in toil. Life at the frontier posts was often arduous and not without
danger. The first duty of the bourgeois, or officer, in charge of a
district was the gathering of furs. His usefulness was judged by the
measure of his bales of peltries, and his promotion depended entirely
upon his ability to induce the native hunter to bring in beaver. If
the old records are to be believed the Carriers were not too fond of
work. Fraser inveighed against them as an "indolent, thievish set
of vagabonds," who would not hunt regularly although "dmazing
fond of goods." The explorer attributed this failing to the fact that
they obtained their supplies from neighbouring tribes, who in turn
traded with "the natives of the seacoast," where articles were pro-
cured from the ships of adventurers. In spite of the difficulty experi-
enced by the pioneer traders in getting the Carriers to hunt, the
returns from New Caledonia were large. As the years went by the
natives became more tractable and that district one of the richest
provinces of the North West Company.

Perhaps in no department of all the vast country that the North
West Company had brought under its sway were the amenities of
civilization less in evidence than in the New Caledonia of that for-
mative period. Nearly all of the men who were stationed there spoke
in no measured terms of the privations they were forced to endure,
and the monotony of their existence. The fare was always a source
of bitter complaint. On the great plains bison, game and wild fowl
were abundant. But in inaccessible New Caledonia the posts were
dependent upon the salmon which spawns in the tributary streams of
the lakes of the northern interior. Fresh salmon in the summer and
dried salmon in all other seasons formed the New Caledonian stafif
of life. Simon Fraser called dried salmon "poor stuff," and suc-
ceeding generations of traders have confirmed his judgment. Occa-
sionally the diet would be varied with venison, bear meat, or perhaps
sturgeon. The capture of a sturgeon was an event of no small impor-
tance and it w'as always duly recorded. "This morning," wrote Har-
mon on Tuesday, May 23, 181 2, "the natives caught a sturgeon that

290 BRITISH COLUMBIA

would weigh about two hundred and fifty pounds. We frequently
see in this lake those which are much larger, which we cannot take,
for the want of nets, sufficiently strong to hold them." It will be
recalled that Stuart Lake was first known as Sturgeon Lake.

As the month of August approached the rivers would be an.xi-
ously scanned by both white man and Indian, for often life or death
hung upon the appearance of salmon. "As soon as one is caught,''
writes Harmon, "the Natives always make a feast, to express their
joy at the arrival of these fish. The person who first sees a salmon
in the river, exclaims, Ta-loe nas-lay! Ta-loe nas-lay! In English,
Salmon have arrived! Salmon have arrived! and the exclamation is
caught with jay and uttered with animation by every person in the
village."

How important a part the salmon played in the domestic economy
of the establishments is shown by the surviving diaries and letters
of that day. Thus Harmon's entry bearing date of August 2nd, 181 1,
is pregnant with meaning: "Our whole stock of provisions in the
fort, for ten persons, consists of five salmon only. It is impossible,
at this season, to take fish out of this lake or river. LInless the salmon
from the sea soon make their appearance, our condition will be
deplorable." A week later Harmon and his people must have been
in great distress for lack of food, for the journal of August loth con-
tains the following significant passage — "Sent all our people, consist-
ing of men, women and children, to gather berries at Pinchy
(Pinche)" — a village about fourteen miles distant from Fort St.
James. The next entry announces that "one of the natives has caught
a salmon, which is jovful intelligence to us all; for we hope and
expect that, in a few days, we shall have them in abundance." Then
the anxiety of the little settlement is suddenly relieved by the appear-
ance of shoals of fish, according to their wont in full years. The
journal of September 2 ( 181 1 ) records — "We now have the common
salmon in abundance. They weigh from five to seven pounds.
There are also a few of the larger kind, which will weigh sixty or
seventy pounds. Both of them are very good, when just taken out of
the water. But when dried, as they are by the Indians here, by the
heat of the sun, or in the smoke of a fire, they are not very palatable.
When salted, they are excellent." Before the end of October twenty-
five thousand salmon were placed in the store-house at Fort St. James,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 291

so the wants of the establishment were amply provided for. The
usual ration was four dried fish a day to each man.'" Besides the
salmon, many thousands of white fish were taken at the different fish-
ing stations — one of which was at Stella, on Lake Stuart. "Our
fishermen have returned to the fort," writes the faithful historian
of New Caledonia on November i6, 1811, "and inform me that
they have taken seven thousand white fish. These fish, which, singly,
will weigh from three to four pounds, wxre taken in nine nets, of
sixty fathoms each."

These entries are interesting if for no other reason than that they
illustrate in a striking manner the precarious position of the early
furtrader in New Caledonia. All went well when the salmon were
running, but when the fish failed to reach the spawning ground in
large numbers — whicli usually happened in two years out of four —
the situation wore a different aspect. Then it was a difficult matter
to find provisions for the posts.

All the establishments were held to be self-supporting, that is
to sav no supplies other than the goods needed for the trade came in
from the outside, with the exception of small allowances of such
simple luxuries as tea, sugar, salt, pepper, and perhaps a little
flour. Ardent spirits, of course, both for the men and the trade,
were also supplied. The inaccessibility of New Caledonia and the
tedious and dangerous route by which it was reached prohibited
the ingoing brigades from carrying anything but bare necessities.
All the supplies came from Montreal and a year might be con-
sumed in transporting them across the continent. At Montreal the
outfits for the posts of the western frontier were made up into suita-
ble packages and addressed — each being marked for its particular
destination — thence the heavy brigades carried them to Fort Wil-
liam, where stood the great council chamber of the mighty North-
westers — "the lf)rds of the ascendant," as Washington Irving called
them in his matchless description of the glory that was Fort William's
in the early years of the nineteenth century." At Fort Willian-*
bales and packages were again assorted and distributed among the
light brigades destined for the farthermost parts of the wild coun-
tries of the north and west. The assortment of wares and supplies

'"Harmon, Journal, p. 213.

" Washington Irvinp, .Astoria, C'lianlpr I.

292 BRITISH COLUMBIA

assigned to New Caledonia was taken to Fort Chipewyan, on lordly
Lake Athabasca. To this point came the bourgeois or superintendent
of the district with his bales of furs — the product of his season's
bartering — there to exchange them for his meagre supplies. It is
hard to say what was allotted to New Caledonia in the days of the
North West Company, as the records are not now available, but
the Minutes of the Council held at Norway House in June, 1825,
show the outfit for that year to have been "108 ps. in 6 canoes wh 32
men, guide included." '- If this was the allowance for the depart-
ment in 1825, when its bounds extended far beyond those of the
time when Harmon was stationed at Fort St. James, it is reason-
able to suppose that the outfit of earlier years was small indeed.

l^he route to New Caledonia followed the Peace River, Parsnip
River, and Pack River to McLeod Lake, often called Trout Lake
in the earliest records of the district. Thence a rough trail, about
ninety miles in length, followed an old Indian path to Fort St.
James, which in after years became the busy capital of New Cale-
donia. For a time there was no other route to and from the posts west
of the Rocky Mountains. It was not long, however, before the road
by the Yellowhead Pass, Tete Jaune Cache and the main fork of
the Fraser was discovered and more or less frequently used, especially
by the expeditions despatched for leather, which article, not being
produced in sufficient quantities in New Caledonia, had to be brought
in from outside. Tete Jaune Cache, as the term itself implies, was
named after a yellow-haired trapper who plied his calling in that
neighbourhood and hid his furs and supplies at the head of the navi-
gable part of the main branch of the Fraser River which finds its
source in Cowdung Lake. This point — Tete Jaune Cache — is now
assuming some importance from the fact that the Grand Trunk
Pacific Railway Company have established there a great depot for
supplies. The dressed leather and rawhide carried to Fort St.
James by this roundabout way was used for moccasins, snow-shoes,
thongs for baling furs and other necessary articles.'''

Each autumn John Stuart would collect his furs at Lake McLeod
— packs from Stuart Lake, Fraser Lake and Fort George at the
mouth of the Nechaco River swelled the returns of that post. The

1- Minutes of Council, 1825. Certified transcript of original Ms. in Provincial Archives De-
partment.

*8 Written in 1912. .

BRITISH COLUMBIA 293

peltries were made up in convenient bales, of which there might
be a hundred or more, each weighing ninety pounds and each con-
taining from fifty to sixty beaver, or a lesser number of large pelts.
Then the head of the district would marshal his little brigade, and,
with his precious bales, set off on his long and arduous journey to
Fort Chipewyan, where he would spend a few days before embark-
ing upon his homeward voyage with his supplies for the following
years. Gathering stores of dried salmon, exchanging blankets, axes,
gewgaws and such simple things for fur, foiling the machinations
of the natives, preserving a semblance of law and order, taking out
the returns and bringing in supplies — this was the order of the year's
work in New Caledonia, as in ail other places where the daring Nor'
wester had planted his flag.

The furbearing animals of New Caledonia were then, as now,
bears, black, brown and grizzly; foxes, red, cross, and silver; the
wolverine, otter, fisher, lynx, martin, musquash, mink, ermine and
• — best known of all — the beaver.

The beaver skin was the current coin of the lawless realm of the
furtrader. By the beaver skin the trader measured all things and
for it he gave up all to pass his days in the wilderness, amidst savage
and treacherous tribes. Strange as it may seem, the Indian trader
often became deeply attached to his mode of life, which was wild
and free enough to suit the taste of the most unconventional. He
would take to wife, either temporarily or permanently, a Metis "
or full blooded Indian and settle down to the enjoyment of domestic
felicity on the frontier. Apparently nearly all of the furtraders high
and low, had wives or mistresses of Indian extraction. Harmon,
himself, in his youthful days, had married — that is according to the
custom of the frontier — a beautiful Metis girl, who bore him four-
teen children, and then, so says an old record, was as straight as an
arrow. The historian of early New Caledonia was devotedly
attached to his consort and determined to marry her upon his return
to civilization, and no doubt he did so for he was a man of exemplary
character.

This is a rather remarkable example of loyalty to a conjugal rela-
tionship which did not carry with it at that time an enduring obliga-
tion. While some of the traders remained loyal to their mistresses,

'* Metis — a name given to th(l^c of Frcnrli Canadian Indian cxlraclion.

294 BRITISH COLUMBIA

there were others who looked lightly upon the marriage a la mode
of the fur countries and left their women and children upon retiring
to eastern Canada. It was not until long after Harmon's day that
the courts of Upper Canada decided that a marriage according to
the custom of the Indian country, where few priests or churches were
to be found, was valid and binding. A somewhat celebrated case
settled the question. A highly respected officer of the Hudson's
Bav Company, well known in New Caledonia, had taken to wife
an Indian woman, with whom he lived for many years and by whom
he had several children. In course of time he retired to Montreal,
where he met and married a lady of good family. Upon his death
it was found that he had left his fortune to his relict, whereupon
one of the sons by his Indian spouse sued in the courts for a portion
of his father's estate, on the ground that the marriage with his
mother, although not performed by church or state, was valid because
it had been solemnized according to the custom of his mother's peo-
ple. The court held that the hrst marriage was of full force and
effect and declared the second null and void.^'' This just decision
acted as a wholesome deterrent. Thereafter desertion of Indian
wives and families became less frequent.

Because the tedious and difficult approach to New Caledonia
offered almost insuperable obstacles to the exploitation of a promis-
ing district, it soon became apparent that the demands of the west-
ern territory would have to be met from another and more accessible
quarter. By this time — 1812-1813 — the mighty labyrinth of the
Columbia River had already become famous in the Indian Terri-
tories through the exertions of the Nor'westers and John Jacob
Astor's agents — whose exploits and manoeuverings will be more
fully related presently. That nohle river, it was hoped, would solve
the problem with regard to the maintenance of the New Caledonian
posts. If onlv a direct road to the Columbia could be discovered,
then it would be an easy matter to carry supplies to, and to move
furs from. Fort St. James on Stuart Lake. Then as now the problem
of transportation was the one that most insistently pressed for con-
sideration. Should a feasible route be found, a depot was to be estab-
lished at the mouth of Western America's greatest fluvial artery.

In view of the urgency of the matter from a local point of view.

'•Connolly versus Connolly. I'pper Canada Law Reports.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 295

and in pursuance of the avowed policy of the North West Company
to open a transcontinental communication to the shore of the Pacific
Ocean, Stuart was instructed to find an outlet for his district to the
southwestward. It is unfortunate that very little information respect-
ing this important expedition is now available. Stuart's journal has
either been lost or it is hidden amongst the North West Company's
archives, wherever they may be. From other sources much may be
gathered concerning his sojourn at Fort George — the name given
by the British to the Astorian stronghold near the mouth of the
Columbia — but of his journey to that quarter little is known. If it
were not for the reference in Harmon's Journal and a few other
records it would be quite out of the question to say anything at all
about this reconnaissance. With the help of New Caledonia's first
historian — so frequently quoted in this narrative — it is possible to
lay down, if only approximately, the route followed by Stuart in the
year 1813.

Apparently Stuart received instructions to carry out this under-
taking when he was at Fort Chipewyan in the Autumn of 18 12, for
on November 6th of that year Harmon records that he was at Fort
McLeod, where he found his chief who had returned only the day
before from the fort beyond the Rocky Mountains. Then follows
the very interesting statement — "His men are on their way to the
Columbia River, down which they will proceed under Mr. J. G.
McTavish. The coming winter they will pass near the source of
that river. At the Pacific Ocean, it is expected that they will meet
Donald McTavish, Esq., and company, who were to sail from Eng-
land, last October, and proceed round Cape Horn to the mouth of
the Columbia River." The men referred to were evidently those
who had brought in Stuart's supplies from Fort Chipewyan.

Stuart and Harmon passed the winter at Stuart Lake and Eraser
Lake. At the latter place they came near to being killed by the
Indians. Harmon does not explain the cause of the trouble, although
it appears that a woman was at the bottom of it. He merely records
in the matter of fact wav of a man inured to such incidents, that
"While at Eraser's Lake, Mr. Stuart, an interpreter and myself came
near being massacred by the Indians of that place, on account of the
interpreter's wife, who is a native of that village. Eighty or ninety of
the Indians armed themselves, some with guns, some witii bows and

296 BRITISH COLUMBIA

arrows, and others with axes and clubs, for the purpose of attacking
us." The catastrophe was averted, however, by the adoption of
mild measures, "which" (says Harmon) "I have generally found to
be the best, in the management of the Indians." He adds : "We suc-
ceeded in appeasing their anger, so that we suffered no injury: and
we finally separated to appearance, as good friends, as if nothing
unpleasant had occurred. Those who are acquainted with the dis-
position of the Indians, and who are a little respected by them, may
by humouring their feelings, generally control them, almost as they
please." '" The Carriers were subject to sudden gusts of ungovern-
able passion, in which state they often committed horrible crimes.
It speaks much for both Stuart and Harmon that they were able to
control the aborigines on this occasion.

In the course of the winter Harmon visited "Rocky Mountain
Portage Fort" (where W. R. McLeod lived and ruled) and his old
station Fort Dunvegan. Leaving Dunvegan on March i6, 1813, he
reached Lake Stuart on April 4th, having taken twenty days to
make the journey. Here he found his superior preparing to leave
for the Columbia, so it is known that John Stuart's starting place was
Stuart Lake. In his journal of Thursday, May 13 (1813) Harmon
announces that — "In the early part of the day, Mr. J. Stuart accom-
panied by six Canadians and two of the natives, embarked on board
two canoes, taking with him a small assortment of goods, as a kind
of pocket money, and provisions sufficient for a month and a half."
He then adds rather vaguely — "They are going to join Mr. J. G.
McTavish and his company, at some place on the Columbia River;
and to proceed with them to the ocean." The object of the expedi-
tion is set forth in the statement — "Should Mr. Stuart be so successful
as to discover a water communication, between this and the Colum-
bia, we shall, for the future, obtain our yearly supply of goods by
that route and send our returns out that way, to be shipped directly
for China, in vessels the Company, in that case, assign to build on
the Northwest Coast." ^'

This statement shows that large projects were on foot, by means
of which the North West Company hoped to secure a large share, if
not the monopoly of, the trade of the coast. How that energetic

'" Harmon, Journal, p. 225.
'" Harmon, Journal, p. :28.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 297

corporation attained its ambition will be related in a subsequent
chapter.

It would be a difficult matter to follow Stuart, did not Harmon's
Journal afford a clue as to his line of march. On September 25th an
Indian arrived at Lake Stuart with three letters from the explorer,
one of which was written at Okanagan Lake. "Mr. Stuart writes,"
says Harmon in speaking of this letter, "that he met with every kind-
ness and assistance from the natives, on his way to that place; that
after descending this river, during light days, he was under the neces-
sity of leaving his canoes, and of taking his property on horses, more
than one hundred and fifty miles, to the above mentioned lake. From
that place, he states, that they go all the way by water, to the Ocean,
by making a few portages; and he hopes to reach the Pacific Ocean,
in twelve or fifteen days at farthest."

The passage just quoted is ambiguous, but it indicates that Stuart
descended the Fraser River, possibly to a point in the vicinity of
Alexandria or Soda Creek, and then journeyed overland to Okana-
gan Lake. It is not recorded that Stuart visited the posts established
at the confluence of the North and South Thompson in 1812 by
Laroque and David Stuart. It he did, Harmon does not say any-
thing about it, which might be taken as evidence against the supposi-
tion because it is scarcely likely that that painstaking diarist would
I have failed to chronicle such important news. Alexander Ross, the
historian of the first post at the fork of the North and South Thomp-
son Rivers, is also silent upon the point.

In any event, Stuart reached the lower Columbia in time to take
part in the stirring events leading up to the surrender of Astoria by
John Jacob Astor's agents to the representatives of the North West
Company. He seems to have staved on the Columbia River for about
two vears.

The journals of the Columbian adventurers of that period
frequently refer to his travels and negotiations in that iiuarter.
With the other officials of the' North West Company — McTav-
ish and the rest — he exercised for the time being the author-
ity of the partners at Montreal. I'rom the fact that he spent so
many months on the coast, it may be gathered that the finding of a
route from New Caledonia to the Columbia was not the only reason
for leaving his northern post. Periiaps upon his arrival at Astoria

298 BRITISH COLUMBIA

he found affairs in such a state as to render his presence there neces-
sary — as a matter of fact, what with the rivalries and machinations
of the two companies, matters were in a chaotic condition.

Yet Stuart apparently discovered the route so long followed by
the Columbia River Brigade — that is, that part of it lying between
the South Fork of the Thompson and Alexandria. It has been
stated that Stuart's exertions in this particular availed nothing; but
Harmon records the fact that on Tuesday, October i8, 1814, Laroque
arrived at Stuart Lake from the mouth of the Columbia River (p.
242). ''This afternoon," he states, "I was agreeably surprised by the
arrival of Mr. Joseph La Roque and company, in two canoes, laden
with goods, from Fort George, at the mouth of the Columbia River,
which place they left the latter part of last August." The little
brigade here referred to was evidently the hrst to reach New Cale-
donia by way of the Thompson River, Lac la Hache and the Fraser
River. It is likely that Laroque received instructions from Stuart
as to what road to follow. It was this ofHcer who carried to New
Caledonia the melancholy intelligence of the death of Dugald
McTavish and Alexander Henry. Both of these able, men were
drowned on the 22nd of May, 1813. through the upsetting of a small
boat on the Columbia River.

Joseph Laroque w^as afterwards in charge of the post at Fraser's
Lake, where he was visited by Harmon in the beginning of Novem-
ber, for Harmon states: "Here we arrived this afternoon (Novem-
ber 3) and found Mr. La Roque and his people, busily employed in
bartering with the natives, for furs and salmon, and in constructing
houses." His next entrv afifords an insight into the character of La
Roque — the man who built the North West Company's post at the
forks of the Thompson. "With this gentleman, I have spent a pleas-
ant evening; and I am happy to find that, from having been thought-
less and dissolute, he now appears to be the reverse of this. It is
manifest, that he has recently reflected much on the vanity of this
world, and on the important concerns of Eternity, and he now
appears determined, by the aid of God's Holy Spirit, on a thorough
reformation." This quotation is typical of Harmon's obser\^ations
with regard to his fellow workers. With him, they had all just
reformed or were upon the eve of reformation. Just how far they

BRITISH COLUMBIA 299

carried their good intentions is not known, but it is likely that they
fell short of Harmon's expectations.

Before leaving the pious Daniel Williams Harmon, it is worth
recording that he was the first farmer in the territory now known as
the Province of British Columbia, as well as the earliest historian of
the northern interior. On this account his entry of Wednesday, May
22, 1811, is worth recording: "As the frost is now out of the
ground," says Harmon, "we have planted our potatoes, and sowed
barley, turnips, etc., which are the Hrst that we ever sowed on this
west side of the mountain." There are several references to the
gardens on Stuart Lake and Fraser Lake — for instance, it is recorded
at Fraser Lake (May k), 181 f'l^t "We have surrounded a piece
of ground with palisades, for a garden, in which we have planted a
few potatoes, and sowed onion, carrot, beet, parsnip seeds, and a
little barlc\. I have, also, planted a verv little Indian corn, without
the expectation that it will come to maturity. The nights in this
region are too cold and the summers are too short to admit of its
ripening." It is added that "The soil in manv places in New Cale-
donia is tolerably good."

So much for the seed time. . As for the harvest, Harmon relates
on October t,, 1816, that "We have taken our vegetables out of the
ground. \Vc have forty-one bushels of potatoes, the produce of one
bushel planted the last spring. Our turnips, barley, etc., have pro-
duced well."

Then there is this last reference to agricultural operations (Feb-
ruary 18, 1H18) : "A few days since, we cut down and reaped our
barley. Tlie five quarts wiiicli 1 sowed on tlic Hrst of May have
yielded as many bushels. One acre of ground, producing in the same
proportion that this has (ioiic, would yield eighty-four bushels. This
is sufficient proof that the soil in many places in this quarter is
favourable to agriculture." The diarist's next observation in this
connection was prophetii , for it is onlv now — a whole century later —
tliat this district is assuming importance because of its agricultural
possibilities. "It will probablv be long, however," Harmon remarks,
"before It will exhibit tiie fruits of cultivation. The Indians, though
they often suffer for the want of food, are too lazy to cultivate the
ground. T have frc(]ucntly tried to prevail on some of them to hoe
and prepare a piece of ground, promising them that 1 would give

300 BRITISH COLUMBIA

them potatoes and turnips with which to plant it; but I have not suc-
ceeded. Having been from their infancy trained up to privation,
the fear of want is a much less powerful stimulus to excite them to
industry than it is to those who have always been accustomed to the
comforts of civilized life."

Besides giving a record of the routine of the frontier posts in
New Caledonia, Harmon's Journal contains racy accounts of the
manners and customs of the natives of that remote district and of
the servants of the North West Company — the French Canadian
voyageur, famed in Canadian song and story. Harmon's lively
description of the voyageur is worth repeating, if for no other reason
than that it does not altogether agree with the orthodox idea of the
Canadian boatsmen. He says "Like their ancestors the French, the
Canadian Voyageurs possess lively and fickle dispositions; and they
are rarely subject to depression of spirits, of long continuance, even
when in circumstances the most adverse. Although what they con-
sider good eating and drinking constitutes their chief good, yet, when
necessity compels them to it, they submit to great privation and hard-
ship, not only without complaining but even with cheerfulness and
gaiety. They are very talkative, ajid extremely thoughtless, and
make manv resolutions, which are almost as soon broken as formed.
They never think of providing for future w^ants; and seldom lay up
any part of their earnings, to serve them in a day of sickness or in
the decline of life. Trifling provocations will often throw them into
a rage; but they are easily appeased when in anger, and they never
harbour a revengeful purpose against those, by whom they con-
ceive that they have been injured. They are not brave; but when
they apprehend little danger, they will often, as they say, play the
man. Thev are verv deceitful, are exceedingly smooth and polite,
and are even gross flatterers to the face of a person, whom they will
basely slander, behind his back. They pay little regard to veracity
or to honestv. Their word is not to be trusted; and they are much
addicted to pilfering, and will even steal articles of considerable
value, when a favourable opportunity ofifers. A secret they cannot
keep. They rarelv feel gratitude, though they are often generous
They are obedient, but not faithful servants. By flattering their van-
ity, of which they have not a little, they may be persuaded to under-
take the most difficult enterprises provided their lives are not

BRITISH COLUMBIA 30i

endangered. Although they are generally unable to read, yet they
acquire considerable knowledge of human nature, and some general
information, in regard to the state of this country. As they leave
Canada while they are young, they have but little knowledge of the
principles of the religion, which their Priests profess to follow, and
before they have been long in the Indian country, they pay little more
attention to the Sabbath, or the worship of God, or any other Divine
institution, than the savages themselves."

As for the aborigines of New Caledonia, the author of this jour-
nal speaks very bluntly and openly, as the following excerpt from
his journal shows: "The Natives of New Caledonia, we denominate
Carriers; but they call themselves Ta-cullies, which signifies people
who go upon water. This name originated from the fact that they
generally go from one village to another, in canoes. They are of
the middle stature, and the men are well proportioned; but the
women are generally short and thick, and their lower limbs are dis-
proportionately large. Both sexes are remarkably negligent and
slovenly, in regard to their persons; and they are filthy in their cook-
ery. Their dispositions are lively and quiet; and they appear to be
happy, or at least contented, in their wretched situation. They are
indolent; but apparently more from habit than by nature; and prob-
ably this trait in their character, originates from the circumstance,
that they procure a livelihood, with but little labour. Whenever we
employ any of them, either to work about the fort or in voyaging,
they are sufficiently laborious and active; and they appear to be
pleased, when we thus furnish them with employment. They are
not in the habit of stealing articles of great value; but they arc the
sliest pilferers, perhaps, upon the face of the earth. They will not
only pilfer from us, but, when favourable opportunities offer, they
are guilty of the same low vice among their friends and relations.
They are remarkably fond of the white people. They seldom begin
a quarrel with any of us, though they are naturally brave. When
any of our people, however, treat them ill, they defend themselves
with courage, and with considerable dexterity; and some of them
will fight a tolerable Canadian battle.

"Their language is very similar to that of the Chipewyans, and
has a great affinity to the tongues, spoken by the Beaver Indians and
the Sicaunies. Between all the different villages of the Carriers,

302 BRITISH COLUMBIA

there prevails a difference of dialect, to such an extent, that they often
give different names to the most common utensils. Everv village
has its particular name, and its inhabitants are called after the name
of the village, in the same manner as people in the civilized world
receive a name, from the city or country which they inhabit.

"Their clothing consists of a covering made of the skins of the
beaver, badger, muskrat, cat or hare. The last they cut into strips,
about one inch broad, and then weave or lace them together, until
they become of a sufficient size to cover their bodies, and to reach to
their knees. This garment they put over their shoulders, and tie
about their waists. Instead of the above named skins, when they can
obtain them from us, they greatly prefer, and make use of blankets,
capots, or Canadian coats, cloth or moose and red deer skin. They
seldom use either leggins or shoes, in the summer. At this season
the men often go naked, without anv thing to cover even that part
of the body which civilized people think it necessary to conceal.
Indeed they manifest as little sense of shame in regard to this sub-
ject, as the very brute creation. The women, however, in addition to
the robe of beaver or dressed moose skins, wear an apron, twelve or
eighteen inches broad, which reaches nearly down to their knees.
These aprons are made of a piece of deer skin, or of salmon skins,
sewed together. Of the skin of this fish, they sometimes make leg-
gins, shoes, bags, &c. but they are not durable; and therefore they
prefer deer skins and cloth, which are more pliable and soft. The
roughness of salmon skins, renders them particularly unpleasant for
aprons.

"A few of the male Carriers recently make use of the breech-
cloth, made of cloth which they procure from us; but as evidence
that no great sense of delicacy has induced them to wear it. you
will see it one day at its proper place, the next, probably about their
heads, and the third around their necks; and so on, repeatedly shifted
from one place to another.

"Both sexes perforate their noses; and from them, the men often
suspend an ornament, consisting of a piece of an oyster shell, or a
small piece of brass or copper. The women, particularly those who
are young, run a wooden pin through their noses, upon each end of
which they fix a kind of shell bead, which is about an inch and a
half long, and nearly the size of the stem of a common clay pipe.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 303

These beads, they obtain from their neighbours, the At-e-nas, who
purchase them from another tribe, that is said to take them on the
sea shore, where they are reported to be found in plenty.

"All the Indians in this part of the country, are remarkably fond
of these beads; and in their dealings with each other, they consti-
tute a kind of circulating medium, like the money of civilized coun-
tries. Twenty of these beads, they consider as equal in value to a
beaver's skin. The elderly people neglect to ornament their heads,
in the same manner as they do the rest of their persons, and gen-
erally wear their hair short. But the younger people of both sexes,
who feel more solicitous to make themselves agreeable to each other,
wash and paint their faces, and let their hair grow long. The paint
which they make use of, consists of vermilion, which they occasion-
ally obtain from us; or more commonly, of a red stone, pounded fine,
of which there are two kinds. The powder of one kind of these
stones, mi.xed with grease, and rubbed upon their faces, gives them
a glittering appearance.

"The young women and girls wear a parcel of European beads,
strung together, and tied to a lock of hair, directly behind each ear.
The men have a sort of collar of the shell beads already mentioned,
which they wind about their heads, or throw around their necks.
In the summer season, both sexes bathe often, and this is the only time,
when the married people wash themselves. One of their customs
is sufficient to evince their extreme filthiness, and that is, whenever
they blow their noses, they rub the mucus between both hands, until
they become dry.

"Among the Carriers, it is customary for the girls, from the age
of eight to eleven years, to wear a kind of veil or fringe over their
eyes, made either of strung beads, or of narrow strips of deer skin,
garnished with porcupine quills. While of this age, they are not
allowed to eat any thing, excepting the driest food; and especially
they may not cat the head of any animal. If they should, their
relations, as thev imagine, would soon languish and die. The women,
also, during their pregnancy, and for some time after they are deliv-
ered, are restricted to the same kind of food.

"The lads, as soon as they come to the age of puberty, tie cords,
wound with swan's down, around each leg, a little below the knee,

304 BRITISH COLUMBIA

which they wear during one year, and then, they are considered as
men.

"The Carriers are usually talkative; and when fifteen or twenty
of them get into a house, they make an intolerable noise. Men,
women and children, keep their tongues constantly in motion; and in
controversy, he who has the strongest and clearest voice, is of course
heard the most easily, and, consequently succeeds best in his argu-
ment. They take a great delight, also, in singing, or humming, or
whistling a dull air. In short, whether at home or abroad, they can
hardly be contented with their mouths shut. It was a long time
before we could keep them still, when they came to our forts. And
even yet, when they visit us, which is almost every day, during the
whole year, they will often inadvertently, break out into a song.
But as soon as we check them, or they recollect of themselves what
they are about, they stop short; for they are desirous of pleasing.
The above trait in their character, certainly evinces much content-
ment with their condition, and cheerfulness of spirit.

''Both sexes, of almost every age, are much addicted to play, or
rather gambling. They pass the greater part of their time, espe-
cially in the winter season, and both days and nights, in some kind
of game; and the men will often lose the last rag of clothes, which
they have about them. But so far from being dejected by such ill
fortune, they often appear to be proud of having lost their all; and
will even boastingly say, that they are as naked as a dog, having not
a rag with which to cover themselves. Should they, in such circum-
stances, meet with a friend, who should lend them something to wrap
around their bodies, it is highly probable, that they would immedi-
ately go and play away the borrowed garment. Or if the borrower
belonged to another village, he would be likely to run off with it,
and the owner would never hear of him afterward; for I never
knew a Carrier to be grateful for a favour bestowed upon him. At
play they often lose a part of a garment, as the sleeves of a coat,
which some of them now purchase from us, a whole, or the half of
a leggin, which they will tear ofi, and deliver to the winner. They
have been known to cut off a foot or more of their guns, when lost
at play; for, like more gentlemanly gamblers, they consider such
debts, as debts of honour."

Speaking of the marital customs of the Carriers, this shrewd

BRITISH COLUMBIA 305

observer goes on to say that "The Carriers are remarkably fond of
their wives, and a few of them have three or four; but polygamy is
not general among them. I'he men do the most of the drudgery
about the house, such as cutting and drawing fire wood, and bringing
water. In the winter months, they drink but little water; but to
quench their thirst, they eat half melted snow, which they generally
keep on top of a stick, stuck in the ground, before the fire.

"As the Carriers are fond of their wives, they are, as naturally
might be supposed, very jealous of them; but- to their daughters,
they allow every liberty for the purpose, as they say, of keeping the
young men from intercourse with the married women. As the young
women may thus bestow their favours on whom, and as often as
thev please, without the least censure from their parents or reproach
to their character, it might naturally be expected that they would be,
as I am informed they actually are, very free with their persons."

As for the native's opinion of the white man, it is given in the
following words: — "The Carriers are so very crfcdulous, and have
so e.xalted an opinion of us, that they firmly believe, though I have
often assured them of the contrary, that any of the Traders or Chiefs,
as they call us, can, at pleasure, make it fair or foul weather. And
even yet when they are preparing ttJ set out on an excursion, they
will come and offer to pay us, provided we will make or allow it to
be fair weather, during their absence from their homes. They often
inquire of us whether salmon, that year, will be in plenty in their
rivers. They also think, that by merely looking into our books,
we can cause a sick person to recover, let the distance which he may
be from us be ever so great. In short, they look upon those who can
read and write, as supernatural beings, who know all that is past,
and who can sec into futurity.

"For a considerable time after we had been among them, they
were fully of the opinion, that the white people had neither fathers
nor mothers; but came into the world in a supernatural way, or
were placed on the earth by the sun or moon."

Such were the people — according to Daniel Williams Harmon —
amongst whom the lot of the pioneer furtrader of New Caledonia
was cast. A later historian of the district — John M'Lean — corro-
borates the account given by the first historian of the district. In
his work entitled "Notes of a Twentv-Five Years' Service in the

306 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Hudson's Bay l^erritory," '"■ M'Lean goes so far as to asseverate
that "The lewdness of the Carrier women cannot possibly be carried
to a greater excess. They are addicted to the most abominable prac-
tices; abandoning themselves in early youth to free indulgence of
their passions, they soon become debilitated and infirm; and there
can be no doubt that to this monstrous depravity the depopulation
of the country, may, in part, be ascribed.

"They never marry until satiated with indulgence; and if the
women then should be dissatisfied with the restraint of the conjugal
yoke, the union, by mutual consent, is dissolved for a time; both then
betake themselves to former courses. The women, nevertheless, dare
not, according to law, take another husband during this temporary
separation. Whoever infringes this law, forfeits his life to the
aggrieved party, if he choose, or dare to take it.

"Polygamy is allowed, but only one of the women is considered
as the wife. The most perfect harmony seems to subsist among them.
When the favourite happens to be supplanted by a rival, she resigns
her place without a murmur, well pleased if she can only enjoy the
countenance of her lord in a subordinate situation. Yet a rupture
does sometimes occur, when the repudiated party not unfrequently
destroys herself. Suicides were frequent among the females in the
neighbourhood of Fort Alexandria."

It is only just to observe that since these observations were writ-
ten a remarkable change has come over the Carrier people, through
the efforts of the able and pious missionaries who have laboured in
the vineyard of New Caledonia.'"

It is now time to bid farewell to Daniel Williams Harmon —
one of the earliest pioneers and founders of the great district known
in early days as New Caledonia. His journal of Sunday, February
8, 1819, states that "Mr. George McDougall has arrived here from
Fraser's Lake, to remain, as I am going to McLeod's Lake, to pre-
pare for a departure to Head Quarters; and my intention is, during
the next summer, to visit my native land. I design, also, to take my
family with me, and leave them there, that they may be educated
in a civilized and Christian manner." -'"

>' Vol. II, London, 18+9, pp. 300-301.

I'Vide Morice — Northern Interior and History of Catholic Church in Western Canada.

2" Harmon, Journal, p. 269.

BRITISH COLUMBIA ;i07

In Mav our worthv author left the scene of liis trials and tri-
umphs, and journeyed to Fort William — the headquarters of the
North West Company — on Lake Superior. One of the last entries
in his journal is so trulv characteristic of the man, and throws so
much light on the social condition of that age in this — as it was
then — out of the way corner of the British Empire, that it may well
close this chapter. In speaking (;f his departure, he observes —
"The mother of my children will accompany me; and, if she shall
be satisfied to remain in that part of the world, I design to make her
regularly my wife by a formal marriage. It will be seen by this
remark, that my intentions have materially changed, since the time
that I at first took her to live with me; and as my conduct in this
respect is dififerent from that which has generally been pursued by
the gentlemen of the North West Company, it will be proper
to state some of the reasons which have governed mv decision, in
regard to this weighty afil'air. It has been made with the most serious
deliberation; and, I hope, under a solemn sense of mv accountabilitv
to God.

"Having lived w ith this woman as mv wife, though we were never
formally contracted to each other, during life, and having children
by her, I consider that 1 am under a moral obligation not to dis-
solve the connexion, if she is willing to continue it. The union
which has been formed between us, in the providence of God, has
not only been cemented by a long and mutual performance of kind
offices, but also, by a more sacred consideration. Ever since my own
mind was turned efifectually to the subject of religion, I have taken
pains to instruct her in the great doctrines and duties of Christianitv.
My exertions have not been in vain. Through the merciful agency
of the Holy Spirit, I trust that she has become a partaker with me,
in the consolations and hopes of the gospel. I consider it to be my
duty to take her to a Christian land, where she may enjoy Divine
ordinances, grow in grace, and ripen for glory. — We have wept
together over the early departure of several children, and especially,
over the death of a beloved son. We have children still living, who
arc equally dear to us both. How could I spend my days in the
civilized world, and leave my beloved children in the wilderness?
The thought has in it the bitterness of death. How could I tear them
irom a mother's love, and leave her to mourn over their absence, to

308 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the day of her death? Possessing only the common feelings of
humanity, how could I think of her, in such circumstances, without
anguish? On the whole, I consider the course which I design to
pursue, as the only one which religion and humanity would justify." -'
While Simon Fraser, John Stuart and Daniel Williams Harmon
were consolidating the interests of the North West Company in
the territory immediately west of the Rocky Mountains, David
Thompson, whose name is inseparably associated with the discovery
and exploration of the Far West, was making his way through the
Rocky Mountains into East Kootenay. This restless, indefatigable
man forced his way to the head waters of the Columbia River. He
was the first white man to pierce southeastern British Columbia,
and to stand at the source of the great fluvial artery which, rising in
British Columbia, flows in devious course to the Pacific Ocean under
the 46th parallel. Simon Fraser was a furtrader pure and simple,
and such were John Stuart and most of the Nor'westers. But there
were brilliant exceptions. Sir Alexander Mackenzie was an explorer
of high repute, and David Thompson — the first trained surveyor
and map-maker of the West — was first of all an explorer, although
he did not despise the furtradc. David Thompson stands head and
shoulders above the men of his day engaged in the furtrade in the
wild Indian territories. It is strange, seeing that the man accom-
plished so much, that his name has not been emblazoned in letters
of gold on the page of history. Few men have performed more
heroic feats and few men have been so completely forgotten. It fell
to the lot of David Thompson to explore unknown territories and to
map them, with some degree of accuracy, for the first time. He left
minute accounts of his journeys to and fro throughout the vast wil-
derness which stretched from the Great Lakes to the Pacific Ocean;
yet the Canadian of today knows little of the man and less of his
work. It is strange that while the American historian delights to
honour the pioneer who blazed historic trails across the continent,
the Canadian historian has scarcely thought it worth while to record
the great victories, won by the men whose efforts made possible, in
after years, the establishment of the Dominion of Canada from ocean
to ocean. No man has been less honoured, perhaps, in this country,
than David Thompson, who died, old, worn-out and broken in

-' Harmon, Jf>urnal. 269-271.

BRITISH COLUMBIA •'509

health, spirit and purse, at Longueuil, February i6, 1857, ''^ ^i^
eighty-seventh year.--

David Thompson, like Sir George Simpson, was renowned for his
rapid journeys from one end of the continent to the other. As a youth
he had entered the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, but, wish-
ing for more active employment, he made overtures to the North
West Company, and the partners, keenly alive to the necessity of
having the position of their posts clearly defined, gladly availed
themselves of his proffered services. This, then, was the man who
was to pierce the mighty Rockies. So far, only the Peace River and
Howse Passes were known to the furtrader. It was left to Thompson
to e.xplore the maze of rivers, lakes and mountains of East Kootenay.
In the autumn of i8q6 he was in the neighbourhood of Laggan,
Field, Golden and Donald, and reached the Blaeberry River, on the
banks of which he constructed a rough log raft, and started on his
perilous voyage down this rapid stream. The Blaeberry carried
him to a great river which — though he did not at first recognize it
as such — is the northern or main branch of the Columbia. He
reached the river between Donald and Moberlv.

In his journal of June 22, 1807, he entered the pious ejaculation
— "May God in His mercy give me to see where the waters of this
river flow to the western ocean." Not far from the place where
Windermere stands today, he built a fort which he named l^pper
Kootenay House — long since destroyed, although the site of it is
still known. Continuing his e.xplorations. he discovered the Koote-
nay River and followed it into Idaho and Montana. However, he
could not pursue his investigation further at tliat time, as winter
was approaching and he yet had to journey across the continent to
Fort William to report his discoveries. He manned his new post
and left it for the winter, returning by Howse Pass, down the Sas-
katchewan, and thence to Lake Superior.

In 1808 Thompson wintered at Kootenay House, anti, in the
following spring, established posts on the Flathead and I'cnd
d'Oreille Lakes, leaving Finan Macdonald in command of the newly
organized district, with McMillan and a dozen or more traders.
In June, 18 10, he was back at Edmonton, on his way east. Upon

"Coues. New light on the Karly HiMnry of the tJreater Northwest. New ^■orl:, 1897. Vol.
I, p. XXIII.

310 BRITISH COLUMBIA

his arrival at Fort William, he was astounded to hear that John
Jacob Astor, the indefatigable American furtrader, who had hoped
to promote an organization as powerful in the United States as were
the Hudson's Bay and the North West Companies in the North, had
determined to occupy the western territory, for which purpose he
had promoted the Pacific Fur Company. With this intent, the
founder of the Astor fortune had called to his aid some well-known
Nor'westers — John Clarke, Duncan McDougall, Alexander Mackay
(who had accompanied Mackenzie to the Pacific in 1793), Donald
Mackenzie (a relative of Sir Alexander Mackenzie), and David
and Robert Stuart, relatives of the John Stuart who had accompanied
Simon Fraser on his memorable excursion to the sea in 1808. With
these men went a number of French-Canadian, voyageurs, than whom
no better canoe-men (with the possible exception of some of the
native tribes), could be found in all North America; no men were
better able to withstand the hardships incidental to the exploration
of new territories and the establishment of posts therein. Astor
divided his forces into two expeditions, one of which took the over-
land route to the mouth of the Columbia River — there to establish
a post, under the American flag for the conduct of the furtrade in
that region — and the other voyaged thither around Cape Horn and
up the west coast of South and North America to its destination.

The partners of the North West Company did not contemplate
with equanimitv the proposed invasion of their domain beyond the
Rocky Mountains. The grand object of all their efforts and endeav-
ours, since Fraser had founded Fort McLeod in 1805, had been
the establishment of a fort- at the mouth of the Columbia River. To
that end had been all the heavy expenditure involved in the annex-
ing of New Caledonia; to that end Simon Fraser had explored the
great river discovered by Sir Alexander Mackenzie; to that end
David Thompson had bent all his efforts in the last two years. In
fact, from 1805 until 18 10 all the efforts of the North West Com-
pany in the transmontane region had been wholly and solely with
the object of planting its banner on the shores of the Pacific. It
will be easilv understood, therefore, that the news of the despatch of
John Jacob Asto'r's expedition caused heated discussions in the inner
circles of the partners. Nor did the fact that some of their own
men had gone over to the enemy tend to allay their fears. If only Sir

BRITISH COLUMBIA 311

Alexander Mackenzie or Simon Fraser had discovered and followed
to its mouth the River of the West, all would have been well. But
these men had followed another river — a river which was not
wanted at that time. And that, perhaps, is why Simon Eraser's
exploration has never received the attention it deserves at the hands
of the historian. If he had discovered and followed the Columbia,
it is certain that his exploits would have been heralded far and
wide. Unfortunately, however, instead of discovering that river,
he wasted two vears and more in preparing for an excursion that was
barren of result, that is to say, as far as the immediate object of the
furtraders was concerned. The North West Company was disap-
pointed at the result of Eraser's expedition; therefore that memor-
able journey did not attract the attention it deserved until many
years after Eraser's day and generation. Comparatively speaking, it
was not until recent years that the history of the great waterway of
British Columbia was deemed of sufficient importance to deserve
attention.

Now commenced one of the most memorable struggles that has
ever taken place between powerful interests. The goal — the mouth
of the Columbia River; and the prize — the control of its great water-
shed. The question was, who shall reach the mouth of the Columbia
first- -the emissaries of the American Fur Company, or those of the
North West Company? The struggle resolved itself into a mighty
effort by each of the rival concerns to reach the coveted ground before
the other. Astor's agent and personal representative, Wilson Price
Hunt, led the overland expedition, while that irascible martinet,
Jonathan Tliorne, a lieutenant in the United States Navy on leave of
absence, commanded the ship Jonr/uin. which was to follow the
course of the Boston traders to the mouth of the Columbia. To
David Thompson the North West Company entrusted the task of
forestalling the Americans. The year 1811, then, was remarkable
for a race, such as the world had never witnessed before nor will ever
witness again. The course was continental in extent, and the goal an
almost unknown point on the fringe of the western frontier.

Captain Thorne won the race. He crossed the dangerous bar
off Cape Disappointment on March 25, 181 r. A site for a post
was selected at once and all hands were employed in building Fort
Astoria, as the establishment was named in honour of John Jacob

312 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Astor. So the country a,t the mouth of the Columbia was first occu-
pied by the Americans, and that occupation, together with the expe-
dition of Lewis and Clark, and the discovery of the estuary of the
Columbia by Captain Gray, may be taken as the genesis of the Ore-
gon Boundary Question.

After a hasty survey of the river, it was decided that the estab-
lishment should be built on Point George, so named by Lieutenant
Broughton of Vancouver's expedition. An eye-witness thus describes
this building of Astoria, destined to become famous in the annals
of the Oregon Territory: "... as the captain wished to take
advantage of the fine season to pursue his traflic with the natives along
the N. W. coast, it was resolved to establish ourselves on Point
George situated on the south bank, about fourteen or fifteen miles
from our present anchorage. Accordingly we embarked on the 12th,
in the long-boat, to the number of twelve, furnished with tools, and
with provisions for a week. We landed at the bottom of a small
bay, where we formed a sort of encampment.

"The spring, usually so tardy in this latitude, was already far
advanced; the foliage was budding, and the earth was clothing itself
with verdure; the weather was superb, and all nature smiled. We
imagined ourselves in the garden of Eden; the wild forests seemed
to us delightful groves, and the leaves transformed to brilliant
flowers. No doubt, the pleasure of finding ourselves at the end of
our voyage, and liberated from the ship, made things appear to us
a great deal more beautiful than they really were. Be that as it may,
we set ourselves to work with enthusiasm, and cleared, in a few days,
a point of land of its underbrush, and of the huge trunks of pine-
trees that covered it, which we rolled, half-burnt, down the bank.
The vessel came to moor near our encampment, and the trade went
on. The natives visited us constantly and in great numbers; some
to trade, others to gratify their curiosity, or to purloin some little
articles if they found an opportunity. We landed the frame timbers
which we had brought, ready cut for the purpose, in the vessel; and
by the end of April, with the aid of the ship-carpenters, John Weeks
and Johann Koaster, we had laid the keel of a coasting-schooner of
about thirtv tons." "^

-^ Oatirlel Franrhcrc. Narrative of voyage to the Northvvest Coast of .America; Redfielcl, 1854.
This work was first published in French at Montreal in the year 1819. It is perhaps the most
reliable of all the accounts of the Astorians.

BRITISH COLUMBIA H13

The erection of a warehouse, sixty-two feet by twenty, a dwelling
and a powder magazine, kept the men busy until the first week, in
June. The buildings were constructed of hewn logs and, in the
absence of boards, were tightly roofed with cedar-bark. While these
operations were in progress, the natives of both sexes frequently vis-
ited the scene and a brisk trade was carried on. As soon as the fort
was completed, Captain Thorne sailed northward on a trading ven-
ture, according to his instructions. The Astorians, in the meantime,
an.xiously awaited the arrival of the overland party.

The Tonquin sailed on the 5th of June. Of her subsequent his-
tory all that is known is that she reached Clayoquot Sound, on the
west coast of Vancouver Island, where by maladroit diplomacy
Thorne so incensed the Indians that they seized the vessel and mur-
dered the whole crew. Gabriel Franchere relates that months after-
wards the interpreter of the expedition arrived at Fort Astoria with
the sad intelligence, he alone having escaped. The interpreter
reported that the murder of the white men had been avenged, for as
the Indians, to the number of two or three hundred, were looting the
vessel, the powder in the magazine was ignited, and a terrible explo-
sion ensued. As the vessel sank the murderous natives were hurled
into the air.

Meanwhile the men at Astoria were not idle. In spite of the
fact that they were obliged to husband their resources, expeditions
were sent out to explore the adjacent country and to establish friendly
relations with the natives. It was at this time that David Thompson
came sweeping down the Lower Columbia in his birch hark canoe,
with his crew of lusty French Canadian voyageurs.

Franchere relates that on the 15th of July, "toward midday, we
saw a large canoe, with a flag displayed at her stern, rounding the
point which we called Tongue Point. We knew not who it could
be; for we did not so soon expect our own party, who (as the reader
will remember) were to cross the continent, by the route which Cap-
tains Lewis and Clark had followed, in 1805, and to winter for that
purpose somewhere on the Missouri. We were soon relieved of our
uncertainty by the arrival of the canoe, which touched shore at a
little wharf that we had built to facilitate the landing of goods from
the vessel. The flag she bore was the British, and her crew was
composed of eight Canadian boatmen or voyageurs. A well-dressed

314 BRITISH COLUMBIA

man, who appeared to be the commander, was the first to leap ashore,
and addressing us without ceremony, said that his name was David
Thompson, and that he was one of the partners of the North West
Company. We invited him to our quarters, which were at one
end of the warehouse, the dwelling-house not being yet completed.
After the usual civilities had been extended to our visitor, Mr.
Thompson said that he had crossed the continent during the preced-
ing season; but that the desertion of a portion of his men had com-
pelled him to winter at the base of the Rocky Mountains, at the head
waters of the Columbia. In the spring he had built a canoe, the
materials for which he had brought with him across the moun-
tains, and had come down the river to our establishment. He added
that the wintering partners had resolved to abandon all their trad-
ing posts west of the mountains, not to enter into competition with
us, provided our company would engage not to encroach upon their
commerce on the east side: and to support what he said, produced a
letter to that effect, addressed by the wintering partners to the chief
of their house in Canada, the Hon. William M'Gillivray."

Franchere adds "Mr. Thompson kept a regular journal, and
travelled, I thought, more like a geographer than a fur-trader. He
was provided with a sextant, chronometer and barometer, and during
a week's sojourn which he made at our place, had an opportunity to
make several astronomical observations."

Such was the denouement of the great struggle of the rival Brit-
ish and American traders for the control of the Columbia River.
David Thompson was too late. Unfortunately, the warlike Piegans
had opposed his march and beleaguered his small force in the Rocky
Mountains. Otherwise that mightv race would undoubtedly have
had a different ending.

Thompson reached Kettle Falls at the end of June, and there
built a canoe for his voyage to the sea. By July 2nd he was ready to
proceed and on the following day started down the Columbia with
seven voyageurs "on that first journey of a white man from Ilth-
koy-ape, as the Indians called these Falls, to the Ocean." A learned
and conscientious student of early western affairs gives the follow-
ing summary of Thompson's movements from the date of his depart-
ure from Kettle Falls in July to his return to Athabasca in
October:-^ "The night of the 5th found them encamped some dis-

=* T. C. Elliott, David Thompson, Pathfinder, Kettle Falls, 1911, pp. 2-3.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 315

tance below the mouth of the Okanagan river, on the 9th they were a
little way above the mouth of the Snake or Lewis River, and on the
14th or 1 6th arrived at Fort Astoria, there to be greeted by Duncan
McDougall, and other former associates of Mr. Thompson in the
Northwest Company, but then partners and managers in the Pacific
Fur Companv of John Jacob Astor. These people had arrived in
the Columbia by sea during the month of April, preceding.

"Vou ask how did David Thompson arrive at Kettle Falls in
June, 181 1, and whether by chance or design. He came on horse-
back from Spokane House, a trading post or fort then already estab-
lished, erected the previous year at the junction of the little Spokane
with the main Spokane river by one of his men, presumably Finan
Macdonald. This seems a little early to find the name Spokane in
written form, but so it appears; 'Skeetshoo' was the designation given
by David Thompson to the Spokane river and to the lake later
known as the Coeur d'AIene.

''He had reached Spokane House by the 'Skeetshoo road' or
trail from the Kullyspell (Pend d'Oreille) river and tribe. The
Kullyspell (or Saleesh) river and lake were already familiar to
him through several months spent in exploring and trading there
during 1809-10 and the establishment of two trading posts, one
near to the Thompson Falls, Montana, of the present day. To the
Saleesh he had cf)me by the 'Kullyspell Lake Indian Road' from
the Kootenay river, where he left the canoes used in descending the
Kootenav from a point in British Columbia opposite to the waters
of the I'pper Columbia Lake and distant from that lake not more
than three miles across the low divide since known as Canal Flat
but to him as Mc(jillivray's Portage. This portage he had reached
by canoes up the Columbia from Canoe River at the e.xtrcme bend of
the river in British Columbia, so named by himself because of his
enforced encampment there from Januarv until April of this same
year 1811 in preparation for his 'sortie" to the moutli of the Colum-
bia. The occasion for this 'sortie' was the permission given to him
and the instructions received from his partners of the Northwest
Company at their annual meeting at Fort William on Lake Superior
in the summer of 1810, for the Northwesters had declined to join
with Mr. Astor in the enterprise to occupy the mouth of the Colum-

:ii6 BRITISH COLUMBIA

bia and expected to develop the Indian trade there on their own
account, as they afterward did."

But, let me revert to David Thompson's own records. He was
at Astoria on the 15th of July and from there visited Cape Disap-
pointment at the mouth of the river, but at once started up river
again, for his journal reads: "August 8th, 181 1, Chapaton River,
at noon, latitude 48 degrees 36 minutes 26 seconds north, longitude
112 degrees 22 minutes 15 seconds west. Laid up our canoe." The
Chapaton (Shahaptin) was the Snake River and this entry shows
him to have been at the mouth of the Palouse river, a well known
camping place for the Xez Perces Indians; from whence the party
took to the hurricane decks of as many Nez Perces horses and fol-
lowed the well established Indian trail to the Spokane (Aug. 18th)
and thence to Kettle Falls again (Aug. 23rd). By the third of Sep-
tember he was again prepared with canoe and provisions and pro-
ceeded up the Columbia, through the Arrow, Lakes and the Dalles
des Morts to Boat Encampment on Canoe River, and from there
crossed the Rocky Mountains again to the Athabasca in October.

The Astorians lost no time in e.xtending their sphere of influence.
After the departure of the Tonqitin on its ill-fated voyage to the
northward, parties were des]:)atched up the river to explore the
country and to select sites for other posts. One of these expeditions
deserves notice because it led to the occupation of the country in the
vicinity of Kamloops. On September 16, 181 1, David Stuart and
three of his men left Fort Okanagan, near the junction of the Okana-
gan and Columbia Rivers, for the interior. The adventurers crossed
the beautiful plateau that stretches from Okanagan Lake to Thomp-
son River, and, not far from the point where now stands the city of
Kamloops, settled upon the site of a post for the trade of that dis-
trict. At the same time, the North West Company had decided to
occupy the Thompson country, and the clerk, Joseph Laroque, was
charged with the mission. Neither Stuart nor Laroque knew of
the intentions of the other. The Pacific Fur Company was first in
the field, but the North West Company was not far behind.

Stuart's mission proved in every way a success, and upon his
return to Astoria in February, 181 2, his report led the partners of
the Pacific Fur Companv at Astoria to pass the following resolu-
tion: "That Mr. David Stuart proceed to his post at Oakinacken,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 317

explore the country northward to it, and establish a post between
that and New Caledonia." -"

During Stuart's absence, Alexander Ross — who bequeathed to
posterity two excellent books on the operations of the Pacific Fur
Company on the Columbia River-'' — was in charge of Fort Okana-
gan. Before leaving that post to attend the annual council at Astoria,
David Stuart had instructed him to proceed to Kamloops — or "Cum-
cloups," as Ross called it — to carry on the trade with the Thompson
Indians. On May i6, 1812, Ross reached Kamloops "And," to quote
his own words, "there encamped at a place called by the Indians
'Cumcloups," near the entrance of the north branch. From this
station I sent messages to the different tribes around, who soon assem-
bled, bringing with them their furs. Here we stayed for ten days.
The number of Indians collected on the occasion could not have been
less than 2,o(x:). Not expecting to see so manv, I had taken but a
small quantity of goods with me; nevertheless, we loaded all our
horses, so anxious were they to trade, and so fond of leaf tobacco that
one morning before breakfast I obtained 1 10 beavers for leaf tobacco
at the rate of five leaves per skin, and at last, when I had but one
yard of white cotton remaining, one of the chiefs gave me twenty
prime beaver skins for it.""' Ross then returned to Fort Okanagan,
from which he had been absent only a few^ weeks. The success of
this excursion certainly justified Stuart's description of the Sushwaps
and their country. He had reported that the natives were "well
disposed" and "the country throughout: abounds in beavers and all
other kinds of fur." Sir Alexander Mackenzie, it will be recalled,
had described from hearsay these same natives as a "malignant race,
who lived in large subterranean recesses" -a reference to the "Kcek-
willee" or underground houses of the interior.

in order to carry into effect the decision of his colleagues, David
Stuart left his post at Okanagan on August 21; (1812) for Kamloops,
where he built a hut for it' A\as little more — which ultimately
became the celebrated Fort Thompson or Kamloops. Stuart had not
arrived a moment too soon, for Joseph Laro(iue followed hard upon

"•'' .'Vlexander Ross. .Xilveniures on the Oregon or Columbia River.

-".Alexander Ross. .Ailvcntiires of the First Settlers on the tJregon or Columbia River. (Lon-
don, 1844) and 'Hie Fur Hunters of the Far West (London, 1855). See also Ross Cfix, the
Columhia River (London, 1831).

-■ Ross, Fur Hunters.

318 BRITISH COLUMBIA

his heels and within a short distance of the Pacific Fur Company's
establishment built a rival post for the Nor'westers. Thus, in the
summer of 1812, two forts, if such they may be called, were erected
near the junction of the North and South Thompson Rivers. These
were respectively the sixth and seventh establishments to be built in
the interior of what is now British Columbia. When Alexander
Ross visited his chief at Kamloops at the end of the year, he found,
to his great surprise, the North West Company established there.

It is not known — at least the extant records of that period are
silent upon the point — by what route Laroque came, or under whose
instructions he acted. Harmon does not mention anything about an
expedition being fitted out in New Caledonia for the southern coun-
try, and it may be taken for granted, therefore, that he was despatched
by one of David Thompson's parties in the Rocky Mountains, unless
he came by the Yellowhead Pass and Tete Jaune Cache. While
the agents of the Pacific Fur Company were founding their posts
in the Far West David Thompson was not idle. He had already
annexed the Pointed Heart and Spokane Country, and placed Mr.
McMillan in charge thereof. The noted surveyor and furtrader
had also established a post amongst the Flatheads and another for
the conduct of trade with the Kootenais. To these three places also
came the Astorians, and there pitted their wits against the North-
westers. Towards the end of 181 2 Alexander Ross paid a visit to
John Clarke at Fort Spokane and his account of his three-day sojourn
there throws an interesting sidelight on the furtrade as it was con-
ducted in those early days. Ross wrote: "During the three days I
remained with him I had frequent opportunities of observing the
sly and underhand dealings of the competing parties, for the opposi-
tion posts of the Northwest Company and Mr. Clarke were built con-
tiguous to each other. When the two parties happened to meet they
made the amplest protestations of friendship and kindness, and a
stranger, unacquainted with the politics of Indian trade, would have
pronounced them sincere, but the moment their backs were turned
thev tore each other to pieces. Each party had its manoeuvering
scouts in all directions, watching the motions of the Indians, and
laying plots and plans to entrap or foil each other. He that got
most skins, never minding the cost or the crime, was the cleverest
fellow; and under such tutors the Indians were apt disciples."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 319

At Kamloops, however, a better spirit prevailed, for there the
rival traders "were open and candid and on friendly terms. The
field before them was wide enough for both parties, and, what is
more, they thought it so, consequently, they followed a fair and
straightforward course of trade." David Stuart also bears willing
testimony to the happy state of affairs on the Thompson River.
Upon his return to Fort Okanagan in the spring of 1813, he informed
Alexander Ross that "I have passed a Winter nowise unpleasant;
the opposition, it is true, gave me a good deal of anxiety when it
first arrived, but we agreed very well, and made as much, perhaps
more, than if we had been enemies. I sent out parties in all direc-
tions, north as far as Eraser's River, and for two hundred miles up
the south branch." As for the prospects of the new station, Stuart
voiced the opinion that it would become "one of the best beaver posts
in the country."

In this manner and by these men — exactly a century ago — the
foundation of the city of Kamloops was laid in a rude trading post.

For the first time, the North West Company had a competitor in
the territory west of the Rocky Mountains. But that competition did
not last long. From beginning to end fortune frowned upon the
American Fur Company. Its ships were wrecked ; its overland expe-
dition suffered losses and hardships; its afTairs were mis-managed,
and jealousies and bickerings marked its councils; then war broke
out between Great Britain and America, and H. M. S. Raccoon was
despatched to take Fort Astoria. The officers of the warship looked
forward to winning much prize-money, as the post was said to be
well-stocked with furs. However, when the Raccoon anchored oflf
the Fort towards the end of 181 2 it was already in possession of the
British. Without supplies, and without an adequate force to defend
the place, Donald McDougall, who in Hunt's absence was in com-
mand of the place, had disposed of the fort and all it contained to
the North West Company, whose agents had found their way to the
Columbia.

Upon his return from a tour of the Russian settlements and the
Sandwich Islands, Wilson Price Hunt found that the fort and all
the supplies and stores that it contained had been transferred to J. G.
McTavish and John Stuart, the representatives of the North West
Company. He was not, perhaps, altogether in favour of this disposi-

320 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tion of the property; nevertheless, he acquiesced at the time, as is
clearly shown by his assuming responsibility for Duncan McDou-
gall's arrangement with x'Vstor's rivals.-- Thus all the efforts and
expenditure of John Jacob Astor, who had aspired to be supreme
in the new region, went for naught and his British rivals acquired
sole control of the whole field.

No sooner had the North West Company acquired Astoria than
it energetically proceeded to occupy the rich territories lying between
the Fraser and the Columbia Rivers. Fort George, formerly Astoria,
became the capital of the Oregon Territory, and all supplies for the
transmontane region were shipped to that place round the Horn, or
through the Strait of Magellan. Fort George soon became a Fort
William in miniature. Fields were cultivated, several large build-
ings erected, and the pallisades and bastions strengthened. The
Nor'westers were noted for their hospitality and bonhomie. The
banqueting hall was often the scene of the revelries of as jovial a
set as ever gathered together.-" Nevertheless the officers were jealous
of each other and life at Fort George was not always as depicted by
Commodore Wilkes, the author of this picture.

Heretofore the supplies for New Caledonia have been carried
across the continent from Fort William to the Rocky Mountains, and
by the Peace River Pass to Fort St. James. Now, with the Company
in control of the Columbia River, the supplies for New Caledonia
were taken in boats or canoes to the Okanagan River, and thence
to the post at the fork of the North and South Thompson Rivers, the
goods being carried by horse brigade on the last stage of the journey.
According to John Stuart this route was opened in 1813 and used
for the transport of supplies in 1814. and regularly since that year.'"

From Kamloops the brigade proceeded to Fort Alexandria, on
the Fraser River, where the packages were transferred to canoes and
carried to Fort George, and thence to Fort St. James. This route,
long and difficult as it was, proved far superior to that through the
passes in the Rocky Mountains.

The North West Company, during the seven years it was in control
of the Oregon Territory, from 1814 to 1821, accomplished much. It

-* House Doc. 45, 17th Congress, 2iid Session, pp. 49-64.
'-■'Wilkes, A. B., Exploring Expedition, Philadelphia, 1845, p. 320.

■"■"Autograph notes by the late John Stuart attached to A. C. Anderson's History of the N. \\ .
Coast. In Provincial .Archives Dept.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 321

adopted a vigorous policy, and established new posts and entered into
friendly relations with all the tribes that its agents could reach. The
Company, however, was from the beginning, handicapped in its
Western venture by the bickerings of its own officers and by its feud
with the Hudson's Bay Company, which caused its resources in
men and supplies to be employed along its threatened line of com-
munication, in the territories now embraced in the Provinces of
Saskatchewan and Alberta. In 1816 the struggle reached its cul-
minating point. In that year a force of Nor'westers marched on the
Earl of Selkirk's settlement on Red River, and, in the battle that
ensued. Governor Semple of the Hudson's Bay Company was shot.
The unfortunate Governor — a humane and conscientious man —
expired shortly after. The Earl of Selkirk retaliated by capturing
Fort William, where Simon Eraser happened to be at the time.
Eraser and other Nor'westers were sent to Montreal as prisoners.
Then followed a series of charges and counter-charges, many of
which were aired in the courts of Canada. Naturally enough, the
lawless reprisals of the contending parties attracted the attention of
the Imperial and Canadian authorities, and aroused public opinion
on both sides of the Atlantic, but so influential were the great pro-
tagonists that at first they were left to conduct their warfare as best
pleased them.

The murder of Governor Semple, however, could not pass un-
noticed. While both parties declared themselves innocent of the
crimes attributed to them in the Indian Territories, and placed the
blame for the unfortunate state of affairs on each other, it soon became
apparent that the government would have to intervene. Rumours of
parliamentary enquiries and law suits reached the ears of the officers
of the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies. No doubt both
sides realized that they had acted injudiciously and that their indis-
cretions might result in the revocation of the charter of the one and the
disbanding of the other. The North West Company, it is scarcely
necessary to relate, had never been able to obtain a royal charter,
although it had made an efifort to do so.

The condition of the Indian Territories at this time, that is, where
the two companies had openly fought for control, was deplorable.
Whole districts had been depleted of fur-bearing animals and the
Indians had been debauched with rum, for no other article com-

322 BRITISH COLUMBIA

manded such prices in the Indian Territory and no other article
would be taken by the natives in exchange for their furs if that were
at all procurable. Fearful of the facts which an enquiry would bring
to light, an effort was made by the companies to extricate themselves
from their embarrassing position. There were men on both sides
only too eager to continue the struggle; but, fortunately, at this criti-
cal juncture wiser councils prevailed. The nabobs of the fur trade
came together. Thev realized at once that the onlv wav to forestall
an enquiry was to pool their interests. In 1821, therefore, the North
West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company joined hands, and in
name the historic corporation, of which Prince Rupert was the first
Governor succeeded to the control of the vast territories which the
officers of both organizations had discovered and explored. Hence-
forth the adventurers of England were to be supreme from Labrador
to Oregon — from the Atlantic to the Pacific.

Thus disappeared the great North West Company, which in the
thirty brilliant years of its existence had added a new chapter to
the history of British achievement in the Held of geographical dis-
covery. Under its auspices, expeditions had crossed the continent
for the first time, and opened to view a new and rich territory. The
daring trader had penetrated the country in all directions — north,
south, east and west. In his wanderings he planted his banner on the
dreary arctic shore and on the rock-girt coast of the Pacific, on the
great prairie and in the wild passes of the Rocky Mountains. In
truth the North West Company had won an empire for the British
Crown.

The North West Company is now but a memory. In the days
of its glory it was a great power in this land. Who can read Wash-
ington Irving's description of the old Nor'westers without a feeling
akin to reverence for these men who were truly great in their own
way and calling. The brilliant historian of Astoria closes his account
of the rise and fall of the North West Company with this masterpiece
of rhetoric: —

"To behold the North West Company in all its state and grandeur,
however, it was necessary to witness an annual gathering at the great
interior place of conference established at Fort William, near what
is called the Grand Portage, on Lake Superior. Here two or three
of the leading partners from the various trading posts of the wilder-

BRITISH COLUMBIA :52;}

ness, met to discuss the affairs of the company during the preceding
year, and to arrange plans for the future.

"On these occasions might be seen the change since the uncere-
monious times of the old French traders; now the aris'tocratical char-
acter of the Briton shone forth magnificently, or rather the feudal
spirit of the Highlander. Every partner who had charge of an in-
terior post, and a score of retainers at his command, felt like the chief-
tain of a Highland clan, and was almost as important in the eyes of
his dependants as of himself. To him a visit to the grand conference
at Fort William was a most important event, and he repaired there
as to a meeting of parliament.

''The partners from Montreal, however, were the Lords of the
ascendant; coming from the midst of luxuries and ostentatious life,
they quite eclipsed their compeers from the woods, whose forms and
faces had been battered and hardened by hard living and hard serv-
ice, and whose garments and equipments were all the worse for wear.
Indeed, the partners from below considered the whole dignity of the
company as represented in their persons, and conducted themselves
in suitable style. They ascended the rivers in great state, like sover-
eigns making a progress; or rather like Highland chieftains navi-
gating their subject lakes. They were wrapped in rich furs, their
huge canoes freighted with cverv convenience and luxurv, and
manned by Canadian voyageurs, as obedient as Highland clansmen.
They carried up with them cooks and bakers, together with deli-
cacies of every kind, and abundance of choice wines for the banquets
which attended this great convocation. Happy were they, too, if
they could meet with some distinguished stranger; above all, some
titled member of the British nobility, to accompany them on this
stately occasion, and grace their high solemnities.

"Fort William, the scene of this important annual meeting, was
a considerable village on the banks of Lake Superior. Here, in an
immense wooden building, was the great council hall, as also the ban-
queting chamber, decorated with Indian arms and accoutrements,
and the trophies of the fur trade. The house swarmed at this time
with traders and voyageurs, some from Montreal, bound to the in-
terior posts; some from the interior posts, bound to Montreal. The
councils were held in great state, for every member felt as if sitting
in parliament, and everv retainer and dependant looked up to the

324 BRITISH COLUMBIA

assemblage with awe, as to the House of Lords. There was a vast
deal of solemn deliberation, and hard Scottish reasoning, with an
occasional swell of pompous declamation.

"These grave and weighty councils were alternated by huge feasts
and revels described in Highland castles. The tables in the banquet-
ing room groaned under the weight of game of all kinds; of venison
from the woods, and fish from the lakes, with hunters' delicacies,
such as buffaloes' tongues and beavers' tails, and luxuries from Mon-
treal, all served up by experienced cooks brought for the purpose.
There was no stint of generous wine, for it was a hard-drinking
period, a time of loyal toasts, and bacchanalian songs, and brimming
bumpers.

"While the chiefs thus revelled in hall, and made the rafters
resound with bursts of loyalty and old Scottish songs, chanted in
voices cracked and sharpened by the northern blast, their merriment
was echoed and prolonged by a mongrel legion of retainers, Canadian
voyageurs, half-breeds, Indian hunters and vagabond hangers-on
who feasted sumptuously without on the crumbs that fell from their
table, and made the welkin ring with old French ditties, mingled
with Indian yelps and yellings.

"Such was the North West Company in its powerful and pros-
perous days, when it held a kind of feudal sway over a vast domain
of lake and forest."

In view of the disastrous consequences to the natives and of the
fierce rivalry between the Hudson's and the North West Companies,
the Imperial authorities deemed it advisable to provide against a
return to such a deplorable state of afTairs, in so far as it was possible
to do so by legal enactment and royal charter. It was recognized
that just as long as competition should be allowed in the fur-pro-
ducing districts, abuses must exist. Such was the passion of the
natives for alcohol that no trader could hope to compete with one
peddling that meretritious article, except by adopting similar tactics.
Therefore, a benignant despotism was aimed at. Only a monopoly
could control the lawless Indian tribes and regulate the furtrade.
No sooner had the announcement been made that the rival forces
had coalesced than George IV. granted to the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany and the North West Company, as amalgamated, a royal license
for "the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in North

BRITISH COLUMBIA 325

America," under the restrictions and upon the terms and conditions
specified in "An Act for regulating the fur-trade, and for establishing
the criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North
America." i and 2, Geo. IV., Chap. LXVI. A. D. 1821. The
exclusive privilege, of course, covered only the countries to the
northward and westward of the countries belonging to the United
States and such as did not form part of any of the Canadian prov-
inces. The proclamation was dated the fifth day of December,
1821.^' This royal license was the outward and visible sign, of the
coalition and it marked the close of the long drawn-out drama of
the rivalry of the blue-coated Adventurer and the grey-coated
Nor'wester. The amalgamation of the opposing forces profoundly
affected the Far West. Astor's ill-starred venture after all had but
paved the way for the North West Company. The reign of the
McGillivrays and their associates, however, was short-lived, lasting
only from the date of the purchase of Fort Astoria from Duncan
McDougall, to the amalgamation of 1821. Then the combined
forces, under the name of the Hudson's Bay Company, became
supreme, and for a (luarter of a century they controlled the territory
west of the Rocky Mountains.

The infusion of new blood into the Hudson's Bay Company led
to the adoption of an energetic policy of expansion. No chapter in
its history is more fascinating than the one which deals with the
consolidation of its interests in the great region that stretches from
California to Alaska. Not only did the Company secure the trade
of this rich country, but it also extended its sphere of influence as
far southward as San Francisco, — where Yerba Buena was estab-
lished on the site of the city of San Francisco — and across the Pacific,
to the Sandwich Islands where another post was maintained. More-
over, the Company entered into commercial relations with the Rus-
sians of Alaska, and at the same time drove from the North Pacific
the American traders who, since the day of the surrender of Nootka
in 1794, had plied their avocation on the Northwest coast of North
America, with iinhappv results to the natives of that region.

Hudson's Bay Co., Return to Parliament, 1842, pp. 2-23.

CHAPTER XII

THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY

In following, for the purpose of this narrative, the wide and
varied current of events which circle, closely or remotely, around
the early history of British Columbia, the familiar name of the
famous Hudson's Bay Company claims for itself by insistent occur-
rence the pre-eminence which, by right of achievement, is indubit-
ably its due.

The present is therefore deemed a fitting juncture at which to
convey to the reader, in some detail, an adequate idea of the mag-
nitude and importance of that Great Chartered Monopoly because
of its influence in the West.

The Hudson's Bay Company was incorporated in the year 1670,
during the reign of CMiarles 11. and the corporate body thus formed,
composed as it was of the noblemen and gentlemen of England with
Prince Rupert at their head, was officially designated as "The Gov-
ernor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hud-
son's Bay." The Company was granted certain territories in North
America, together with e.xclusive privileges of trade and commerce
and the region of its activities, in the royal charter defined, was
named "Rupert's Land."

As to the charter itself, it is perhaps one of the finest teats of
incorporate activity and business acumen that has ever been given to
the world ; albeit that the power of the Sovereign to sanction the same
has subsequently been questioned and pronounced in certain quarters
to have been ultra vires on the part of His Majesty without the
advice and consent of Parliament. Be this as it may, it is amply
apparent, from the rescript of the famous deed, that it is a master-
piece of finesse in its tensest cohesive form; and, for the purpose of
placing it clearly before the reader, within suitable limits, it has been
judged expedient to touch freely upon certain phases of the docu-

:527

328 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ment, shorn merely, to some extent of ancient legal verbiage and
repetition, a course which has the further effect of bringing into
strong relief the salient features of this wonderful state paper, pub-
lished in the form of a return to the House of Commons, dated 25th
July, 1842: and cited fully elsewhere:

"Charles the SecOxXD, by the grace of God King of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. : To ALL
to whom these presents shall come greeting:

"Whereas our dear and entirely beloved Cousin, Prince Rupert,
Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria and Cumberland, &c. ;
Christopher Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, Henr}'
Lord Arlington, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir John Robinson, and Sir
Robert Vyner, Knights and Baronets; Sir Peter Colleton. Baronet;
Sir Edward Hungerford, Knight of the Bath; Sir Paul Neele,
Knight; Sir John Griffith and Sir Philip Carteret, Knights; James
Hayes, John Kirke, Francis Millington, William Prettyman, John
Fenn, Esquires; and John Portman, Citizen and Goldsmith of Lon-
don; have, at their own great cost and charges, undertaken an expedi-
tion for Hudson's Bay, in the north-west part of America, for the
discovery of a new passage into the South Sea, and for the finding
some trade for furs, minerals and other considerable commodities,
and by such their undertaking have already made such discoveries
as do encourage them to proceed further in pursuance of their said
design, by means whereof there may probably arise very great advan-
tage to us and our kingdom: AXD WHEREAS the said Undertakers, for
their further encouragement in the said design, have humbly besought
us to incorporate them, and grant unto them and their successors the
sole trade and commerce of all those seas, straits, bays, rivers, lakes,
creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within
the entrance of the straits, commonly called Hudson's Straits, to-
gether with all the lands, countries and territories upon the coast and
confines of the seas, straits, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks and sounds afore-
said, which are not now actually possessed by any of our subjects, or
by the subjects of any other Christian Prince or State : Now KXOW Ye,
that we. being desirous to promote all endeavours tending to the
public good of our people, and to encourage the said undertaking,
HAVE, of our especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion,
given, granted, ratified and confirmed, and by these presents, for us.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 329

pur heirs and successors, DO give, grant, ratify and confirm, unto our
said Cousin, Prince Rupert, Christopher Duke of Albemarle (and
grantees aforesaid), that they, and such others as shall be admitted
into the said society as is hereafter expressed, shall be one body cor-
porate and politic in deed and in name, by the name of 'The Gover-
nor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's
Bay,' . . . and that by the same name of Governor and Com-
pany of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, they
shall have perpetual successsion, and that they and their successors
. . . shall be, personable and capable in law to have, purchase,
receive, possess, enjoy and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties,
jurisdictions, franchises and hereditaments, of what kind, nature or
quality soever they be, to them and their successors; and also to give,
grant, demise, alien, assign and dispose lands, tenements, and hered-
itaments, and to do and execute all and singular other things by the
same name that to them shall or may appertain to do; . . ."

As regards the election of a Governor and the governing commit-
tee, it is decreed as follows: "We DO ordain, that there shall be from
henceforth one of the same Company to be elected and appointed
in such form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall
be called the Governor of the said Company; and that the said Gov-
ernor and Company shall or may elect seven of their number, in such
form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called
the Committee of the said Company, which Committee of seven, or
any three of them, together with the Governor or Deputy Governor
of the said Company for the time being, shall have the direction of
the voyages of and for the said Company, and the provision of the
shipping and merchandizes thereunto belonging, and also the sale of
all merchandizes, goods and other things returned, in all or any the
voyages or ships of or for the said Company, and the managing and
handling of all other business, . . ."

Touching the first Governorship and Committee of the corporation
the nominations are thus autocratically dictated: "We DO ASSIGX,
nominate, constitute and make our said Cousin, PlUXCE RuPERT,
to be the first and present Governor of the said Company and to con-
tinue in the said office from the date of these presents until the loth
November then next following, if he, the said Prince Rupert, shall
so long live, and so until a new Governor be chosen by the said Com-

330 BRITISH COLUMBIA

pany in form hereafter expressed : AND ALSO WE HAVE assigned, nom-
inated, and appointed, and by these presents, . . ., WE DO assign,
nominate and constitute the said Sir John Robinson, Sir Robert
Vyner, Sir Peter Colleton, James Hayes, John Kirke, Francis Mill-
ington and John Portman to be the seven first and present Committees
of the said Company, . . ."

The power to elect a deputy Governor, oaths to be administered
and the course to be pursued in the election of future Governors and
Committees and so forth, are equally defined with the minutest pre-
cision, as well as the broader issues such as the trading, territorial,
mineral and fishing rights and the naming of the territory, all of
which are fully set forth in this passage:

"And to the end the said Governor and Company of Adventurers
of England trading into Hudson's Bay may be encouraged to under-
take and effectually to prosecute the said design, . . ., WE HAVE
given, granted, and confirmed, . . ., the sole trade and commerce
of all those seas, straits, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in
whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the
straits commonly called Hudson's Straits, together with all the lands
and territories upon the countries, coasts, and confines of the seas,
bays, lakes, creeks and sounds aforesaid, that are not already actually
possessed by or granted to any of our subjects, or possessed by the sub-
jects of any other Christian Prince or State, with the fishing of all sorts
of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all other royal fishes in the seas, bays,
inlets and rivers within the premises, and the fish therein taken, to-
gether with the royalty of the sea upon the coasts within the limits
aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well discovered as not discovered,
of gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, to be found or discovered
within the territories, limits and places aforesaid, and that the said
land be from henceforth reckoned and reputed as one of our plan-
tations or colonies in America, called "Rupert's Land:" AXD FUR-
THER WE Du, . . ., make, create and constitute the said Governor
and Companv for the time being, and their successors, the true and
absolute lords and proprietors of the same territory, limits and places
aforesaid, and of all other premises, SAVING ALWAYS the faith, alle-
giance and sovereign dominion due to us, our heirs and successors,
for the same, TO HAVE, HOLD, possess and enjoy the said territory,
. . ., with their and every of their rights, members, jurisdictions,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 331

prerogatives, royalties and appurtenances whatsoever, to them the
said Governor and Company, and their successors for ever, TO BE
HOLDEN of us, our heirs and successors, as of our manor of East
Greenwich, in our county of Kent, in free and common soccage, and
not in capite or by knight's service; YIELDING AND PAYING yearly to
us, our heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and two black
beavers, whensoever and as often as we, our heirs and successors, shall
happen to enter into the said countries, territories and regions hereby
granted: . . ."'

It is further stipulated in the Charter that it shall be lawful for
the said Governor and Company ''to make, ordain and constitute
such and so many reasonable laws, constitutions, orders and ordi-
nances, as to them, . . ., shall seem necessary and convenient
for the good government of the said Company, and of all governors
of colonies, forts and plantations, factors, masters, mariners and other
officers employed or to be employed in any of the territories and
lands aforesaid, and in any of their voyages"; Power was likewise
granted to impose such pains and penalties as might be necessary for
the enforcement of the same laws. The fines and amerciaments thus
levied and taken were to be devoted to the use of the Company with-
out impediment anti without any account to the Crown, provided
always that the said laws and fines "be reasonable, and not contrary
or repugnant, but as near as may be agreeable to the laws, statutes
or customs of this our realm :"

A further grant of trade is made to the Company comprising,
"not only the whole, entire ami only trade and traffic, . . ., to
and from the territory, limits and places aforesaid; but also the whole
and entire trade and traffic to and from all havens, bays, creeks, rivers,
lakes and seas, into which thev shall find entrance or passage by
water or land out of the territories, limits or places aforesaid; and to
and with all the natives and people inhabiting, or which shall inhabit
within the territories, limits and places aforesaid; and to and witli
all other nations inhabiting anv the coasts adjacent to the said ter-
ritories. . . ., or w^hereof the sole liberty or privilege of trade
and traffic is not granted to any other of our subjects:"

As a provision against trespass the following prohibition is in-
serted: "We STRAITLY charge, command and prohibit, . . ., all
the subjects of us, . . . , that none of tiicni directly or indirectly,

332 BRITISH COLUMBIA

do visit, haunt, frequent or trade, traffic or adventure, by way of
merchandize, into or from any of the said territories . . . unless
it be by the licence and agreement of the said Governor and Com-
pany in writing first had and obtained, under their common seal,
.'" The penalty for infringement of this regulation was the
forfeiture of all goods brought by such trespassers into England, one
half of such forfeiture to go to the king and the other half to the
Compan}^ The covenant further engages that no such liberty, licence,
or power will be granted by His Majesty to others, contrary to the
tenor of these letters patent, without the consent of the Company.

The succeeding paragraph makes general provision that all lands
and places aforesaid shall be under the power and command of the
Company, who may appoint Governors and other officers, subject to
the supreme power of the Crown, to preside within their territories
and judge all causes, civil and criminal, according to the laws of Eng-
land, and to execute justice accordingly; or, in cases where judicature
cannot be executed for want of a Governor and council, it shall be
lawful for the Chief factor of that place and h'is council to "transmit
the party, together with the ofifence," to another place, where justice
may be executed, or to England, as shall be thought most convenient,
there to receive such punishment as the nature of his offence shall
deserve.

Relative to matters of security and defence, the Charter confers
upon the Company "free liberty and licence, in case they conceive it
necessary, to send either ships of war, men or ammunition, unto any
their plantations, forts, factories or places of trade aforesaid," and
"make peace or war with any prince or people whatsoever, that are
not Christians, in any places where the said Company shall have any
plantations . . ., or adjacent thereunto . . .; and also to
right and recompense themselves upon the goods, estates or people
of those parts by whom the said Governor and Company shall sustain
any injury, . . ."

Concerning trespassers, authority is given to the Governor and
Company "to seize upon the persons of all such English, or any other
our subjects which shall sail into Hudson's Bay. or inhabit in any of
the countries, islands or territories hereby granted to the said Gover-
nor and Company, without their leave and licence in that behalf first

BRITISH COLUMBIA 333

had and obtained, or that shall contemn or disobey their orders, and
send them to England; . . ."

After making provision for the administration of oaths by the
officers of the Company, the document concludes with the following
important direction: "AND WE DO hereby straitly charge and com-
mand all and singular our Admirals, Vice-Admirals, Justices,
Mayors, Sheriffs, Constables, Bailiffs, and all and singular other our
officers, ministers, liege men and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding,
favouring, helping and assisting to the said Governor and Company,

To the renowned first Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company,
elected under the terms of the foregoing document, some more than
passing reference may appropriately be made at this period of the
story. Of Prince Rupert's mysterious personality it may be briefly
said in the words of Eliot Warburton's scholarly introduction to
his "Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers:"

"There is no personage in history at the same time
so notorious and so little known, for his true
history lies hidden under the calumnious cloud of
Puritan hatred and Royalist envy and disparagement."

One great illuminating fact is known of him however — one that
gives the keynote of his noble life — and that is the spirit of unswerv-
ing honour and loyalty of purpose which dominated his soul from the
earliest years of his career. In proof of this it is not to the old chival-
ric legends of the time that one need turn, but to the sober, yet stirring
pages of European history that record the feats of arms and gallantry
which made him known to fame.

Son of Prince Frederick, Elector Palatine of the Rhine, later to
become the chosen King of Bohemia, and son-in-law of King James
of England, — it was amid scenes of semi-barbaric state and splendour
that Prince Rupert was born; and thus, by parentage, in his veins
was fused the blue blood of England's royal house with that of the
old dynasty of the Palatines of the Rhine. Driven from the throne
for espousing the Protestant cause, his parents for some time found
an unwilling asylum at royal kinsmen's courts until at length little
Holland afforded them abiding sanctuary; and here their pilgrimage
ended at the palace of the Hague. Obscurity then envelopes Prince

3.34 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Rupert's early years until, from time to time, he figures spasmodically
in history as Palatine officer under the Prince of Orange, as Cavalier
soldier, as Admiral of the Royal fleet — in the Thirty Years War with
Germany, and the English Civil War. Now leading his squadron
"Prince Rupert's Horse," as advance guard of the Palatine army
against the serried phalanx of Austria at the siege of Lemgo — at one
with the Protestant Princes of Northern Europe in their stand against
despotism in Church and State — now figuring grandly as Royalist
leader of a forlorn liope against the sturdv Puritan "Roundheads,"
ahvavs an heroic figure, he flashes in meteoric manner across the
scroll of history "and mothers hush their infants with the terror of
his name." Then the lost battle of Nasebv — and again, for a period,
the dark.

What followed the battle of Xaseby and the fall of Bristol imme-
diately afterwards was that, deprived of his commissions, he was
ordered to leave England, which he did in 1746. After this the
glimpses we catch of him are when in manv a strange and, to us at
any rate, anomalous role he follows his forceful destiny of power and
control. In military command in France and Holland, in com-
mand of a fleet around the coasts of Britain, in the Mediterranean
and the West Indies, until in 1653 ^^ again appears in France and
from i6!;4 to 1659 in Germany. The year 1660 finds him again in
England at the Court of his cousin, King Charles the Second, where,
two years later he was created a Privy Councillor and Commissioner
for the Government of Tangier. The next year he figures as one
of the patentees of the Royal African Company and, the year but one
following, as an Admiral of the Fleet under the Duke of York. In
1666 he shared responsibility with Monck, first Duke of Albemarle,
in the conduct of the campaign against the Dutch, in which he suf-
fered naval defeat at the hands of Van Tromp and De Ruyter; but
eventually gained the victory. He appears again in military com-
mand at Woolwich immediatelv after and subsequentlv as constable
of Windsor Castle in 1668, until finally he comes down to us as the
recipient of the royal favour in the Hudson's Bay Company's Charter
in 1670.

Then, after further naval achievement, Prince Rupert seems to
have sought a late repose as First Lord of the Admiralty from 1673
to 1679, and in 1682 he died in his house at Spring Gardens, London,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 335

from pleurisy and fever. He was accorded an imposing funeral and
was buried in Henry the Seventh's Chapel, in Westminster Abbey.
In the words of his biographer: "He left no more honest, brave,
or true-hearted man behind him," and is described as one ''who after
innumerable toils and variety of heroic actions both by land and sea,
spent several years in sedate studies, and the prosecution of chemical
and philosophical experiments, with which the King was very much
pleased and delighted. He died on the 29th of November, in the
sixtv-third year of his age, generally lamented; having maintained
such good temper and exact neutrality in the present unhappy divis-
ions, that he was honoured and respected by men of the most dififering
interests."

To us. he remains, a symbol of the men his intrepid daring and
enterprise have inspired, many of whom were doubtless led thereby
into the stupendous task of probing for the hrst time the vast untrod-
den territorv that bears his name, where their names too and their
achievements are with us here today unfading monument to his mem-
ory and theirs whilst North America endures.

There is a weird and almost mystic charm about the atmosphere
with which it seems that memory loved to surround this really princely
figure — a charm which lifts the story of Prince Rupert's life above
the records of his peers, in pleasing contrast to the not too convincing
eulogies that are wont to grace, with belated virtues, the royal de-
parted. It may safely be assumed therefore that without risk of
weariness to the reader, it may serve to recount something of the inter-
esting genealogical detail which, thanks to the thoroughness of Mr.
Warburton's researches has come down to us from the pen of an
anonymous writer, and of which the following is extracted:

"The genealogy of Prince Rupert, Third son of the King of Bohe-
mia. This prince began to be illustrious many ages before his birth,
and we must look back into history about two thousand years, to dis-
cover the first ravs of his glorv. We may consider him very great,
being descended from the two most illustrious and ancient Houses
of Europe, that of England and the Palatines of the Rhine."

This document, the quaint phraseology of which has for conveni-
ence sake been reduced to modern parlance, shows that the succession
of the Palatines of the Rhine can be traced with certainty for twelve
hundred years, the first of their ancestors recorded in history being

336 BRITISH COLUxMBIA

Adellaheren, whom the Bavarians chose king of the Huns, imme-
diately after the death of the famous Attila, about the middle of the
fifth century. This leads the writer quaintly to soliloquize: "So great
a man and chosen by the Germans for their King, and after Attila,
shews he was not the first renowned Prince of his race; and this reason
alone is sufficient to persuade us that he was as considerable in his
blood as in his valour. Yet, in all appearance, he has been more
famous in his successors than in his ancestors, and the Princes which
have descended from him are more glorious than those from whom
he 'himself descended. This we see in Charlemagne, the greatest
Emperor since Constantine, who came in a direct line from Adella-
heren, more than three hundred years after him; during which time
his ancestors were called Dukes of Bavaria, and they rendered their
name great in the world by those eminent virtues which supported
it." Thus the writer shows with backward glance adown the vista
of the ages how through Pepin, Bernard, Otho and others — all mon-
archs of goodly and great renown — "the blood of Charlemagne comes
to the Prince whose story we are writing," until he cites a "Rupert,"
"whose virtue was equal to his birth" and who notwithstanding many
illustrious competitors "was chosen and crowned Emperor with the
universal applause of Europe." This name was aftenvards repeated
in the person of a later Emperor who inherited the title and sover-
eignty of the Palatinate. The Emperor Frederick, his first successor,
was followed by his son, Louis the Sixth, who in turn gave place to
his grandson Frederick the Fourth, father of Frederick the Fifth,
of pious memory, King of Bohemia and father of Prince Rupert of
this story.

With this necessarily condensed recital of a long and illustriously
royal lineage, this episode may be fitly closed.

As stated in a letter written by the Governor of the Company to
the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council for Trade in 1838,
the profits of the Hudson's Bay Company, between the years 1670
and 1690, were very large, notwithstanding losses sustained by the
capture of some of its establishments by the French, which amounted
to £118,014. In 1684 the Companv paid to the proprietors, as divi-
dend, fifty per cent, with a similar sum in 1688 and twenty-five per
cent in i68q. In 1690 the stock was trebled, without any call upon
the shareholders, and the dividend for that year was again twenty-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 337

live per cent. In the ensuing years, however (1692 to 1697), losses
occurred to the amount of some £96,000 — due to further captures
by the French, under La Perouse. This necessitated borrowing, but
to these temporary reverses a period of enhanced prosperity shortly
supervened which lasted to the year 1800, during which, at varying
intervals dividends accrued to the happy shareholders equivalent
to the magnificent percentage of sixty to seventy per annum.

This is neither the place nor the occasion to relate the story of
the Hudson's Bay Company from its inception until it achieved its
foothold in the West. That may be readily found in works specially
devoted to the subject; but since, as it has been shown, such foothold
was attained, by amalgamation with the Company's one time rival,
the North West Company, under terms of agreement entered into
between them, it may be well to give at this point the particulars of
the Royal License of 1821 whereby certain powers were conferred
upon the Company by King George IV. Some details, as to the events
which led up to the clashing of interests and the subsequent feuds and
lawlessness of the rival traders in that region, have already been
given. It is, therefore, not necessary to refer to that fascinating age
in which the passion for gain found expression in a conflict as mem-
orable as it was futile. All that need be said here is that that seething
cauldron of diverse and divided interests subsided almost as suddenly
as it was brought to the boiling point. Realizing that such a condi-
tion of afYairs could not be allowed to exist indefinitely and fearing
that the feuds of the rival forces for the furtrade would be utterly
destroyed, the heads of the Hudson's Bay Company and the North
West Company came together. After due deliberation these auto-
crats of the wilderness agreed to bury their animosities. Accordingly,
a contract was made, under the terms of which the two concerns
agreed to pool their interests. And so passed that strange era, which,
while it is marked by much that is mean and sordid, still commands
our admiration, because of the heroism and energy displayed in the
exploration of new lands in quite extraordinary circumstances.

The peace thus declared, however, did not allay the bitter feelings
engendered by years of internicine warfare. The heads of the Com-
panies might decree peace, but for many years the rank and file, who
had fought their battles in the distant marches of the Northwest,

Vol, 1-22

338 BRITISH COLUMBIA

could not easily forget the days of the great conflict. Thus, at the time
of the amalgamation, the respective retainers and henchmen gave vent
to their feelings in no uncertain terms. Some of them resigned, more
of them threatened to resign, and all or nearly all of them demurred;
but gradually the animosities of the Blues and the Greys were forgot-
ten in the work of reorganization and extension.

The conciliation of 1821 found expression in the terms of the
Royal License of the same year. Of the series of remarkable docu-
ments in which the policies or operations of the furtraders are out-
lined, the license of 1821 is by no means the least interesting. As it
had an important bearing upon the West — and indeed it may be said
to mark another turning point in Western affairs — it is desirable, for
the sake of clarity, to give concisely the fundamental features of the
agreements.

The following is, in brief, the gist of the concession. An Act had
been passed entitled "An act for regulating the Fur Trade, and for
establishing a Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain parts of
North America," whereby it was brought within the prerogative of
the Crown to grant a Royal License for the exclusive privilege of
trading with the Indians in parts of North America specified therein
— the "parts" indicated not being part of the lands or territories here-
tofore granted to the Governor and Company of Adventurers of Eng-
land's trading into Hudson's Bay, not part of any British Province in
North America, nor of any lands or territories belonging to the United
States of America — for a period of twenty-one years. L^pon this con-
cession no rent was to be required, but certain conditions were im-
posed touching the administration of law and the prevention of the
sale or distribution of spirituous liquors to the Indians — a stipulation
inserted for the purpose of promoting their moral and religious im-
provement and for the remedy or prevention of other evils.

The said Act further recited a Convention entered into between
his late Majesty and the United States of America, wherein it was
stipulated and agreed that every country on the Northwest coast of
America to the westward of the Stony Mountains, should be free and
open to citizens and subjects of the two powers for the term of ten
years from date, and therefore, that nothing in the said Act should be
deemed or construed to authorize any body corporate, company or
person to whom his Majesty might give license, to claim or exercise

BRITISH COLUMBIA 339

any exclusive trade to the prejudice or exclusion of any citizens of the
United States of America who might be engaged in the same trade.
Now therefore, the Act continues, in effect, seeing that the said Gov-
ernor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hud-
son's Bay, and certain associations of persons trading in the name of
the "North-West Company of Montreal," have respectively extended
the furtrade over many parts of North America which had not been
before explored and that the competition between them had been
productive of great inconvenience and loss to both the Company
and the Association, detrimental to the trade generally and likewise
of injury to the native Indians and other British subjects: In conse-
quence of this the Governor and Company, on the one side, and Wil-
liam McGillivray of Montreal, Simon McGillivray of Sufifolk-lane,
in the City of London, merchant, and Edward Ellice, of Spring Gar-
dens, in the County of Middlesex, on the other, have entered into an
agreement on the 26th day of March last for putting an end to the
said competition, and carrying on the trade for twenty-one years,
in the name of the said Governor and Company exclusively. The
King, accordingly, in order to encourage the trade and remedy the
evil aforesaid, did grant and give to the parties mentioned, jointly, a
Royal License for the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians
in all such parts of North America to the northward and westward of
the said territories for the period of twenty-one years from date there-
of, subject to the conditions before mentioned for the proper regula-
tion and conduct of the trade. The license was given at Carlton
House, the 5th day of December, 1821, in the second year of the
reign, by His Majesty's command.

No sooner was the seal of the high contracting parties affixed to
the agreement and the same accorded official recognition bv the
Royal Licence of 1821, than the Hudson's Bav Company prepared
to assume command of the western territory, so long tlie debatable
ground of the erstwhile rivals. The first thing to be done was to
reconcile to the new order the stalwarts of both sides who had so
lately contended with an ardour worthy of a better cause. There was,
even yet, a danger that the latent hostility of the two factions of the
amalgamated companies might again burst into flame and thus
destroy the coalition of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Nor'-
westers, or at least render mugatory its pacificatory measures and

340 BRITISH COLUMBIA

work of consolidation. One of the great lessons taught by the phil-
osophy of history is this: that in all crises a man is found with the
necessary qualifications and force of character to master the situa-
tion. Napoleon's whiff of grape shot finished the French Revo-
lution and the Reign of Terror. Oliver Cromwell with his stern
command to take away that "bauble" brought the long Parliament
to an inglorious end. Disraeli ensured the ratification of the Treaty
of Berlin by letting it be known at the crucial moment of the nego-
tiations that he had ordered a special train to take him from Germany.
In fact, numberless cases might be quoted to prove the adage that the
hour brings forth the man.

No less was it so in the great crisis in the furtrade of North
America in the year 1821. At that juncture, when no one was pre-
pared to say what the outcome might be, a man steps forth from
obscurity to mould and fashion the destinies of half a continent.
George Simpson was the man of the hour. To him was given full con-
trol of the reorganized Hudson's Bay Company's affairs in British
North America. At the coalition of 1821 he was appointed to the
ancient and honourable post of Governor of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's Territories, a position which carried with it the overlordship
of that vast region which stretches from Hudson's Bay to the Pacific
Ocean. This young man, who was but twenty-nine at the time of
his assumption of that high office, was entrusted with the onerous
task of reconciling conflicting interests, abating personal jealousies,
and controlling the turbulent forces placed under his command. The
record of his life shows how well he succeeded in evolving order out
of chaos. When he assumed command in North America, the fur-
trade from one end of the continent to the other was in a state of
demoralization, bordering upon confusion; in a few years George
Simps.on by the exercise of tact and diplomacy, with, perhaps, a dash
of native cunning, had reduced the vast organization to working order
and operated it with all the precision of a machine.

Inasmuch as George Simpson is a commanding figure of the
romantic period of the furtrade, his unique career is deserving of
more than passing notice. He was the only son of George Simpson
of Lochbroom, Ross-shire. It is a coincidence that he was born in
1792, the same year in which Captain Vancouver and Bodega y
Quadra conducted their famous negotiations at Nootka Sound, touch-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 341

ing the title to the land he was afterwards to rule with such signal
success. In 1809 he was taken to London, where, after completing his
education, he entered a merchant's office. The youth, however, was
not destined for the desk. Like Alexander Mackenzie, he longed
for a life of adventure and a broader sphere of activity; and, like
Alexander Mackenzie, George Simpson sought an outlet for his
restless spirit in the furtrade of the North. Mackenzie had thrown
in his lot with the independent traders; George Simpson joined the
ranks of the Hudson's Bay Company, the inveterate enemy of the
North West Company; and to his lot it fell to extinguish the ven-
detta forever famous in the annals of Canada and of the Empire.
It is also a peculiar coincidence that Sir George Simpson entered
the service of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1820, the year in which
Sir Alexander Mackenzie, the doughty champion of the independent
traders and the great antagonist of the Hudson's Bay Company, died
at Mulnain, near Dunkeld. And thus it ever is — the passing of one
bright planet into space but heralds the rising of another lord of
the ascendant.

George Simpson devoted his whole energy solely to the interests
of the Hudson's Bay Company. The young officer gained his first
experience of frontier life at Athabasca, where he passed the winter
of 1820-21, suffering great privations, but nevertheless keeping up
an active competition with the foe — the rival Nor'westers. The two
companies were now at death grips and it seemed that nothing short
of the complete rout of one or other could end the fratricidal war.
In 1820 the fight was raging in all its fury. Then the unexpected
happened — in 1821 the rivals coalesced and George Simpson was
made Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company's "plantation" called
"Rupert's Land," and of all the vast domain of the west.

It does not appear that George Simpson was looked upon as a
strong man by the wintering partners, traders and chief factors;
that is if Willard Ferdinand Wentzel, a Norwegian in the service
of the North West Company, truly reflects their opinions. In a letter
to the Hon. Roderick McKenzie, under the inscription "Winter
Lake, Fort Enterprise, near Coppermine River, March 26th, 1821,"
Wentzel has this to say of the man who was, shortlv afterwards,
appointed Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company: "Mr. Simpson,
a gentleman from England, last spring superintends their (the Hud-

342 BRITISH COLUMBIA

son's Bay Company's) business (in Athabasca). His being a stranger
and reputed a gentlemanly man, will not create much alarm, nor
do I presume him formidable as an Indian trader." But the writer
soon had occasion to change his opinion. Three years had not elapsed
when Wentzel, writing from the Mackenzie River, March ist, 1824,
is found lamenting the evil days which had fallen upon the traders,
remarking in conclusion, "In short, the North-west is now beginning
to be ruled with an iron rod." Already the strong hand of the "gen-
tlemanly man" was making itself felt throughout the length and
breadth of his control.

As administrator of the Hudson's Bay Company Sir George
Simpson chiefly resided at Lachine. In after years he was closely
connected with the financial interests of Canada as director of the
Banks of British North America and later of the Bank of Montreal.
In 1827 Sir George married Frances Ramsay Simpson, second daugh-
ter of Geddes Mackenzie Simpson of Tower Hill and Stamford Hill,
London, and left one son and two daughters. He was knighted in
1 841. The last public act of this great man was to receive the late
King Edward VII., then Prince of Wales, at Lachine in July, i860.
He died on September 7th of the same year.

At the time of the union of the two companies, a certain Doctor
John McLoughlin was in charge of Fort William. He had already
achieved distinction in the service of the North West Company, but
his constructive work in the Oregon Territory was to give him endur-
ing fame in the annals of two countries. He had opposed the amal-
gamation, but had decided to remain in the service of the
re-organized Hudson's Bay Company. There was also, stationed at
Fort William at that time, a young clerk named James Douglas, who,
upon hearing that peace had been declared and that henceforth the
rival organizations were to be as one, impetuously declared his inten-
tion of leaving the country. Doctor McLoughlin, who had taken a
fancy to the lad, prevailed upon him to transfer his allegiance to the
new power. Both of these men — Doctor John McLoughlin — then in
the prime of life — and James Douglas — were destined to play leading
parts in the vast wilderness which the union had added to the terri-
tories already controlled.

Doctor McLoughlin was selected to take charge of the Com-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 343

pany's affairs west of the Rockies, — no abler or nobler man could
have been chosen for this responsible post.

A slight digression may here be made for the purpose of giving
a brief outline of the genealogy of this very remarkable man, who
figures so grandly in Frederick V. Holman's well-known and exhaus-
tive work as ''the Father of Oregon"; and indeed since no fuller or
more reliable reference can possibly be found, no apology is made
for drawing freely from that excellent source.

Doctor John McLoughlin was born October 19, 1784, in Parish
La Riviere du Loup, not far from Quebec. He was of Irish Roman
Catholic parentage. His mother's maiden name was Fraser — she
also was Canadian by birth, but came of distinguished Scottish mili-
tary stock. He was educated in Canada and Scotland and, like his
brother David became a physician — "Physically Dr. McLoughlin
was a superb specimen of a man — His height was not less than six
feet four inches. He carried himself as a master, which gave him
an appearance of being more than six feet and a half high. He was
almost perfectly proportioned. Mentally he was endowed to match
his magnificent physical proportions. He was brave and fearless,
he was true and just; he was truthful and scorned a lie. The Indians
as well as his subordinates soon came to know that if he threatened
punishment for an offence, it was as certain as that the offence
occurred. He was absolutely master of himself and of those under
him. He allowed none of his subordinates to question or to dis-
obey. . . . He was facile princeps, and, yet with all these
dominant qualities, he had the greatest kindness, sympathy and
humanity."

In 1824 a notable party arrived at Fort George, as Astoria had
been re-christened by Captain Black of H. M. S. Raccoon in 1813.
It is said that George Simpson himself, led the expedition, and with
him came Dr. John McLoughlin, James Douglas, John Work and
other men who became prominent in the West in after years. Of
these men Doctor McLoughlin was the most commanding in per-
sonality and appearance. He was to take charge of the newly created
Western Department and for more than twenty years he was to be
in fact as well as in name the ruler of the Oregon Territory. With
characteristic energy he threw himself into the work of organizing
his vast principality, which he governed as despotically as any feudal

344 BRITISH COLUMBIA "

baron of the twelfth century ever ruled his fief or tenure held of the
Crown. Doctor McLoughlin in a short while established through-
out the land the stern law of the furtrader. Even the fierce and law-
less tribes of the interior feared this man while they acknowledged
his high sense of justice and his magnanimity. To the natives he was
known as the "White Eagle" — a tribute to his personal appearance
and character. He was a benignant despot — terrible in his righte-
ous anger, overbearing at times to his subordinates, but noble always
and always en grand seigneur gentilhomme. Courtly and charming,
or stern and forbidding, he commanded alike the respect of his
inferiors and the regard of his equals — he had no superior in all the
West.

McLoughlin quickly grasped the fact that Fort George was not
well situated, and that the great trading emporium should be placed
farther up the Columbia. After carefully examining both banks of
the river in small boats, he selected a site for the new post — destined
to become famous in the annals of the West — on the north bank of
the Columbia, some seven miles above the mouth of the Willamette,
and a few miles below the point named Vancouver by Lieutenant
Broughton in 1792. Fort Vancouver was built in the following year
(1825), but it was not completed until a later period. A few years
after, about 1830, it seems that the old fort was pulled down and a
new one erected about a mile westerly from the original building.
The place is now a United States military post, commonly known as
Vancouver Barracks.

1 he passing years have obscured the historv of the pioneer period.
Not a great deal is known of the lives of the builders, of their plea-
sures and vicissitudes; and but few descriptions of the first posts have
survived. Now and again, however, some old report or diary, or a
long forgotten letter written by one of the pioneers, gives the present
generation a glimpse of the life of that far-off day. Thus, Fort Van-
couver is revealed as it was in the days before it became the Mecca
of all travellers in the west. For instance, the Report of Naval Agent
W. A. Slacum to the Secretary of State of the United States, dated
March 26, 1837, gives many particulars of the place as it was at
that time. Doctor McLoughlin had established a large farm, which
under his able administration produced quantities of grain, vege-
tables, butter and cheese. Afterwards it was stocked with cattle.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 345

horses, sheep, goats and swine. In 1836 the farm consisted of three
thousand acres, fenced into fields such as would have graced the
estate in old England, with dairies and cottages for the herdsmen and
shepherds. In the same year there were harvested eight thousand
bushels of wheat, fifty-five hundred bushels of barley, six thou-
sand bushels of oats, nine thousand bushels of peas, fourteen thou-
sand bushels of potatoes, besides large quantities of roots, pumpkins
and other vegetables. There was also an orchard of apple, pear and
quince trees, which bore in profusion. Two sawmills and two flour-
mills cut the timber for the Sandwich Islands and ground the flour
which was exported to the Russian settlement at Sitka. In a few
years Doctor McLoughlin converted the Oregon country into one of
the most profitable parts of North America to the Hudson's Bay
Company. For many years the London value of the yearly gathering
of furs in the territory varied from Hve hundred thousand to one
million dollars; and it should be borne in mind that such sums repre-
sented then a value several fold more than they represent today. ^

Again, in 1841, Commander Charles \\'ilkes of the United States
Exploring Expedition, in his narrative of the voyage, gives a pleas-
ing picture of Fort Vancouver. Commander Wilkes visited Doctor
McLoughlin, and in the following words describes his reception and
the place :

"We came in at the back part of the village, which consists of
about fifty comfortable loghouses, placed in regular order on each
side of the road. They are inhabited by the Company's servants,
and were swarming with children, whites, half-breeds, and pure
Indians. The fort stands at some distance beyond the village, and
to the eye appears like an upright wall of pickets, twenty-five feet
high: this encloses the houses, shops, and magazines of the Com-
pany. The enclosure contains about four acres, which appear to
be under full cultivation. Bevond the fort large granaries were to
be seen. At f)ne end is Dr. McLaughlin's house, built after the
model of the French Canadian, of one story, weather-boarded and
painted white. It has a piazza and small flower-beds, witli grape
and other vines, in front. Between the steps are two old cannons
on sea-carriages, with a few shot, to speak defiance to the natives,
who no doubt look upon them as verv formidable weapons of destruc-

' See Hnliiiaii, .McLoughlin, p. 29.

346 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tion. I mention these, as they are the only warlike instruments to
my knowledge that are within the pickets of Vancouver, which
differs from all the other forts in having no bastions, galleries, or
loop-holes. Near by are the rooms for the clerks and visitors, with
the blacksmiths' and coopers' shops. In the centre stands the Roman
Catholic chapel, and near by the flag-staff; beyond these again are
the stores, magazines of powder, warerooms, and offices.

"We went immediately to Dr. M'Laughlin's t]uarters. He was
not within, but we were kindly invited to enter, with the assurance
that he would soon return. Onlv a few minutes elapsed before Dr.
M'Laughlin came galloping up, having understood that we had
preceded him. He is a tall fine-looking person, of a very robust
frame, with a frank manly open countenance, and a florid com-
plexion; his hair is perfectly white. He gave us that kind reception
we had been led to expect from his well-known hospitality. He is
of Scotch parentage, but by birth, a Canadian, enthusiastic in dis-
position, possessing great energy of character, and extremely well
suited for the situation he occupies, which requires great talent and
industry. He at once ordered dinner for us, and we soon felt our-
selves at home, having comfortable rooms assigned us, and being
treated as part of the establishment.

"The situation of Vancouver is favourable for agricultural pur-
poses, and it may be said to be the head of navigation for sea-going
vessels. A vessel of fourteen feet draft of water, may reach it in
the lowest state of the river. The Columbia at this point makes a
considerable angle, and is divided by two islands, which extend
upwards about three miles, to where the upper branch of the Willa-
mette joins it. The shores of these islands are covered with trees,
consisting of ash, poplars, pines, and oaks, while the centre is gen-
erally prairie, and lower than the banks; they are principally com-
posed of sand. During the rise of the river in May and June, the
islands are covered with water, that filters through the banks that
are not overflowed. This influx renders them unfit for grain crops,
as the coldness of the water invariably destroys every cultivated plant
it touches.

"The Company's establishment at Vancouver is upon an extensive
scale, and is worthy of the vast interest of which it is the centre.
The residents mess at several tables: one for the chief factor and his

BRITISH COLUMBIA , -HI

clerks; one for their wives (it being against the regulations of the
Company for their officers and wives to take their meals together) ;
another for the missionaries ; and another for the sick and the Catholic
missionaries. All is arranged in the best order, and I should think
with great economy. Every thing may be had within the fort: they
have an extensive apothecary shop, a bakery, blacksmiths' and
coopers' shops, trade-offices for buying, others for selling, others
again for keeping accounts and transacting business; shops for retail,
where English manufactured articles may be p'urchased at as low a
price, if not cheaper, than in the United States, consisting of cotton
and woollen goods, ready-made clothing, ship-chandlery, earthen
and iron ware and fancy articles; in short, every thing, and of every
kind and description, including all sorts of groceries, at an advance
of eighty per cent, on the London prime cost. This is the established
price at Vancouver, but at the other posts it is one hundred per cent.,
to cover the extra expenses of transportation. All these articles are
of good quality, and suitable for the servants, settlers and visitors.
Of the quantity on hand, some idea may be formed from the fact
that all the posts west of the Rocky Mountains get their annual
supplies from this depot.

"Vaucouver is the head-quarters of the Northwest or Columbian
Department, which also includes New Caledonia; all the returns
of furs are received here, and hither all accounts are transmitted
for settlement. These operations occasion a large mass of business
to be transacted at this establishment. Mr. Douglass, a chief factor,
and the associate of Dr. M'Laughlin, assists in this department, and
takes sole charge in his absence.

"Dr. M'Laughlin showed us our rooms, and told us that the bell
was the signal for meals.

"Towards sunset, tea-time arrival, and we obeyed the summons
of the bell, when we were introduced to several of the gentlemen of
the establishment: we met in a large hall, with a long table spread
with abundance of good fare. Dr. M'Laughlin took the head of the
table, with myself on his right, Messrs. Douglass and Drayton on
his left, and tlic others apparently according to their rank. I mention
this, as every one appears to have a relative rank, privilege, and
station assigned him, and military etiquette prevails. The meal
lasts no longer than is necessary to satisfy hunger. With the officers

348 BRITISH COLUMBIA

who are clerks, business is the sole object of their life, and one is
entirely at a loss here who has nothing to do. Fortunately I found
myself much engaged, and therefore it suited me. The agreeable
company of Dr. M'Laughlin and Mr. Douglass made the time at
meals pass delightfully. Both of these gentlemen were kind enough
to give up a large portion of their time to us, and I felt occasionally
that we must be trespassing on their business hours. After meals, it is
the custom to introduce pipes and tobacco. It was said that this
practice was getting into disuse, but I should have concluded from
what I saw that it was at its height.

"Canadian French is generally spoken to the servants; even those
who come out from England after a while adopt it, and it is not a
little amusing to hear the words they use, and the manner in which
they pronounce them.

"The routine of a day at Vancouver is perhaps the same through-
out the year. At early dawn the bell is rung for the working parties,
who soon after go to work: the sound of the hammers, click of the
anvils, the rumbling of the carts, with tinkling of bells, render it
difficult to sleep after this hour. The bell rings again at eight, for
breakfast; at nine they resume their work, which continues till one;
then an hour is allowed for dinner, after which they work till six,
when the labours of the day close. At five o'clock on Saturday
afternoon the work is stopped, wh.en the servants receive their weekly
rations.

"Vancouver is a large manufacturing, agricultural, and com-
mercial depot, and there are few if any idlers, except the sick. Every-
body seems to be in a hurry, whilst there appears to be no obvious
reason for it.

"Without making any inquiries, I heard frequent complaints
made of both the quantity and quality of the food issued by the Com-
pany to its servants. I could not avoid perceiving that these com-
plaints were well founded, if this allowance were compared with
what we deem a sufficient ration in the United States for a labouring
man. Many of the servants complained that they had to spend a great
part of the money they receive to buy food: this is £17 per annum,
out of which they have to furnish themselves with clothes. They
are engaged for five years, and after their time has expired the Com-
pany are obliged to send them back to England or Canada, if they

BRITISH COLUMBIA 349

desire it. Generally, however, when that time expires they find
themselves in debt, and are obliged to serve an extra time to pay it:
and not unfrequently, at the expiration of their engagement, they
have become attached, or married, to some Indian woman or half-
breed, and have children, on which account they find themselves
unable to leave, and continue attached to the Company's service, and
in all respects under the same engagement as before. If they desire
to remain and cultivate land, they are assigned a certain portion,
but are still dependent on the Company for many of the necessaries of
life, clothing, &c. This causes them to become a sort of vassal, and
compels them to execute the will of the Company. In this way, how-
ever, order and decorum are preserved, together with steady habits,
for few can in any way long withstand this silent influence. The
consequence is, that few communities are to be found more well-
behaved and orderly than that which is formed of the persons who
have retired from the Company's service. That this power, exercised
by the officers of the Company, is much complained of, T am aware,
but I am satisfied that as far as the morals of the settlers and servants
are concerned, it is used for good purposes. For instance, the use of
spirits is almost entirely done away with. Dr. M'Laughlin has acted
in a highly praiseworthy manner in this particular. Large quantities
of spirituous liquors are now stored in the magazines at Vancouver,
which the Company have refused to make an article of trade, and
none is now used by them in the territory for that purpose. They
have found this rule highlv beneficial to their business in several
respects: more furs are taken in, in consequence of those who are
engaged having fewer inducements to err; the Indians are found
to be less quarrelsome, and pursue the chase more constantly; and
the settlers, as far as I could hear, have been uniformly prosperous.

"In order to show the course of the Company upon this subject,
I will mention one circumstance. The brig Thomas H. Perkins ar-
rived here with a large quantity of rum on board, with other goods.
Dr. M'Laughlin, on hearing of this, made overtures immediately for
the purchase of the whole cargo, in order to get possession of the
whiskey or rum, and succeeded. The Doctor mentioned to me that
the liquor was now in store, and would not be sold in the country.

350 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and added, that the only object he had in buying the cargo was to
prevent the use of the rum, and to sustain the temperance cause.

"The settlers are also deterred from crimes, as the Company have
the power of sending them to Canada for trial, which is done with
little cost, by means of the annual expresses which carry their accounts
and books.

"The interior of the houses in the fort are unpretending. They are
simply finished with pine board panels, without any paint; bunks
are built for bedsteads; but the whole, though plain, is as comfort-
able as could be desired.

"I was introduced to several of the missionaries: Mr. and Mrs.
Smith, of the American Board of Missions; Mr. and Mrs. Griffith,
and Mr. and Mrs. Clarke, of the Self-Supporting Mission; Mr. Wal-
ler, of the Methodist, and two others. They, for the most part, make
Vancouver their home, where they are kindly received and well en-
tertained at no expense to themselves. The liberality and freedom
from sectarian principles of Dr. M'Laughlin may be estimated from
his being thus hospitable to missionaries of so many Protestant denom-
inations, although he is a professed Catholic, and has a priest of the
same faith officiating daily at the chapel. Religious toleration is
allowed in its fullest extent. The dining-hall is given up on Sunday
to the use of the ritual of the Anglican Church, and Mr. Douglass
or a missionarv reads the service.''

Fort Vancouver, then, was the centre of all the activities of the
Hudson's Bay Company in the Western Department, to which New
Caledonia was tributary. Here resided Doctor John McLoughlin.
whose master mind guided the destinies of the country. In all things
he was supreme. He ruled an empire with a rod of iron, yet, withal,
he was courtly, generous, warm-hearted, sympathetic and humane.
Feudal autocrat that he was, he never forgot his duty to his fellow-
men. Throughout the length and breadth of the region that acknowl-
edged his sway, he was feared, perhaps, but always revered. No less
was he respected bv the American immigrants, by whom he was
termed the "Good Doctor" or the "Good Old Doctor." Later he
came to be called the "Father of Oregon." "

Holman, McLoughlin, p. 91.

BRITISH COLUMBIA ;J51

So much for the generalship of Doctor McLoughlin in the larger
afifairs of administration and policy. There is, however, another side
to his character which neither the historian nor the biographer can
afford to overlook — that is his consummate mastery of detail. No
matter was too trifling to receive his personal attention. He left
nothing to chance. The terse letters of instruction which he
despatched to his subordinates all over the country prove that Doctor
McLoughlin was the master mind and the mainspring of the Hud-
son's Bay Company's vast operations in the Western Department.
Many a director of a great concern is content to leave the working
details in the hands of a lieutenant, holding him responsible for re-
sults. It was not so with Dr. McLoughlin. Not onlv did the auto-
cratic overlord of old Oregon and its tributary provinces dictate the
general policy, but he needs must delineate in its minutest and even
sordid detail the work of each post and the obligation of each man.
His orders were Napoleonic in their simplicity. He left no room
for doubt or equivocation. After the manner of Peter the (jreat of
Russia, in his instructions he did not contemplate failure. They
demanded e.xact obedience and a literal fulfillment.

There is perhaps no better way of arriving at a just estimate of
tiic many-sided character of this extraordinary man, than by turn-
ing to his correspondence, of which, owing to its voluminous nature
much has been preserved. Seeing that day by day his couriers car-
ried forth his mandates from Fort Vancouver to all tjuartcrs of liis
palatinate, it would indeed be strange if less of his correspondence
was available. Even in a land where the exigencies of pioneer life
have conspired to prevent the accumulation of historical papers, it
is true that a great number of these epistles have bqen lost or destroyed,
yet enough have survived to give an idea of the extraordinary capac-
ity of the man and to throw many interesting side-lights upon his
character and administration. At random as it were, from the mass
of material vet preserved in the archival repositories of tiie west,
the biographer or the student will find letter after letter bearing the
impress of that strong character. One of these curt am! trenchant
despatches bears the date of Cowlitz, 20th December, 1839, and is
addressed to Lieutenant Kittson, then stationed at Nisqually. Bear-
ing in mind that it was written bv one who, from his high position.

352 BRITISH COLUMBIA

might with propriety have left such directions to a subordinate, it is
an extraordinary document; but let it speak for itself:

Cowlitz, 20th Dec, 1839.
Lieut. Kittson

Dear Sir

The first Job to be done at Nisqually is to get the field fenced in
for the Sheep —

2nd Then to get a field of a mile and a quarter square fenced in
for the cattle.

3 To get a Dairy made of twenty by thirty feet erected.

4 A piece of Level Ground must be selected in the vicinity of
the Dairy and fenced in — on which the cattle ought to be penned at
night to manure the Ground — and when sufficiently manured — the
fence to be moved to manure a contiguous piece.

q In the meantime the ground on which the sheep have been
penned is to be ploughed and sown before the first of March with
oats.

6 If any ground is manured by penning sheep on it (up to) the
I St March — it should be sown with peas or wheat — but no ground
if possible should be manured by sheep for potatoes — the manure
of the cattle is best adapted for Potatoes — and none but level or nearly
level ground ought to be manured.

I am

Yours truly

John McLoughlin

NB As to a house for the Shepherd — he must use a mat lodge
till we get a house made — and your (Dairy) ought to have an out-
side covering of mats at least three ft from the Walls and covering —
it keep(s) the Dairy cool

J. McL

No less interesting is the letter dated Fort Vancouver, 6th of
May, 1840, written in acknowledgment of one from Lieutenant
Kittson:

Fort Vancouver 6th May 1840.
Lieut. Kittson

Dear Sir

I received yours of the 30th ultimo yesterday evening and I am
sorry to hear that you are still ailing but I hope before this reaches

BRITISH COLUMBIA 353

you that you will be restored to your usual good Health — but I am
happy to find that your work is coming on well though Mrs. Ancock
has not so much Butter for the same number of cows as we have had
— which is rather surprising to me as your cattle are in better condi-
tion than our — however she may improve. You say Lotrus is Occu-
pied in hauling Oak in piles — to Burn for ashes. The easiest way
to make ashes is to collect the fallen and Broken limbs of trees in
heaps where they fall and Burning them there. In this way a man
may make twenty or thirty fires in different places in a day and as
they Burn heap them up — allow them to cool and when perfectly cool
collect them and cover them over on the field so as to keep them dry
until required. And only Occasionally oxen are required to Drag
limbs of trees to a heap — But Recollect that on no account must the
ashes be put in any of the Buildings in or about the fort as they may
set the building on fire. It is on this last account that you ought to
collect them in a heap on the field in the Vicinity of where you intend
to use them. You must also fence your ashes well as the cattle are
very fond of eating them and Rubbing themselves in them I think
your ground with turnips will not require more than five Bushels
per acre —

I hope you will go on folding the sheep and cattle as I men-
tioned. I think with the cattle and sheep you have we ought at least
to get three hundred acres of ground in a fit state for the plough
between this and ne.xt spring and I intend to send you all the cattle
I can from this place.

I am

Yours truly

John McLoughlin

NB You will please to have Dry Grass ready for Mr. Yale's
Horses which will be embarked at your place when the Cadboro
gets there

J McLOLKJHLIN
Lt Kittson

Nisqually

In December, 1840, Doctor McLoughlin is again at Cowlitz and
from there he writes to Mr. Alexander Caulfield Anderson now, for
a time at Nisqually, a long letter giving minute instructions — of

354 BRITISH COLUMBIA

which a few luminous extracts will be quoted — as to the farming
operations to be carried on at his post :

"In my instructions to you of the 7th inst. I (stated) 'he will
divide the place where the potatoes were into five parts and sow
them in Oats and Wheat at the rate of i ' j Bushel Oats or i Bushel
of Wheat ( ) and after they have been well harrowed he will sow

one of those parts with Red clover, another with White clover, a
third with low Grass, and a fourth with trefoil at the rate of six
pounds per acre, covering it with a turn or two of the harrow; on
the fifth he will sow Sanfoin at the rate of a Bushel to the Acre.'

1 beg to observe that it would be proper to sow your Grass seeds and
as soon as possible after the ist of February and to (put) only Oats
with them; at the time I wrote I mentioned that you might sow
Wheat with Grass Seed. It was because I believed you had not a
sufficiency of Oats; but, by the memorandum you gave me, I am
happy to see that you have more Oats than is sufficient for the purpose,
after you have sown the place where your potatoes were with Grass
seeds mentioned you will sow no more of them, but make good
(Seed) Bags, in which by first opportunity by Cadboro send to
Vancouver, 3 Kegs Red clover, 2 Kegs White Clover, (i) Saintfain,

2 Kegs Cow Grass — and 3 Kegs, Trefoil, the Kegs which contain
these seeds you will keep to put butter in them.

"2nd. I must add that as it would be advisable to sow thirty
bushels of Oats at Nisqually, you will write to Mr. Yale to send you
some — you ought to sow the remaining quantity of Oats on the
Ground Manuring at the Dairy at the rate of 2 bushels Oats per
acre.

"3rd. As soon as you possibly can you will sow your Winter Tares
on the manured ground (near) the Dairy at the rate of i bush, per
acre. The Spring Tares ought to be Sown in the beginning of Febr. —
and you will observe that this new ground for Oats as well as Tares
will require to be ploughed and cross ploughed before sowing them.

"4th. And I trust to your best endeavours to manure as much
ground as possible as we require manured ground in the Spring for
Peas — and if possible for a little Barley — and after that for Potatoes
Cole seed and Turnips, and after seeing the fine Turnips at Nisqually,
I do not despair if you manage well of seeing fine Crops of Wheat at
that place, but, bear in mind that they never manured the Ground for

BRITISH COLUMBIA 355

potatoes at Nisqually half enough, and that if you wish to get potatoes
at that place you must manure heavily.

"5th. You must bear in mind to have poles cut for the New^
Fields.

"6th. I forgot to enquire what terms Ancock asks. Without
appearing anxious about it try to find it out. I think if we consider
the proceeds of his Work, he has fully more than its Value and is as
comfortable as most Men in his situation in England."

It is little short of marvellous that Doctor McLoughlin should
have time in the midst of his excessive and arduous duties to write as
he did with his own hand long letters containing minute and particu-
lar instructions relating to the affairs of each post. He seems to have
carried in his mind a detailed plan of each establishment and to have
gauged its resources, both as regards fur and farm, with remarkable
precision. Viewed in this light, his letter to Mr. A. C. Anderson,
dated Vancouver, 23rd of April, 1841, is a marvel of conciseness,
exhibiting sound judgment and a wonderful grasp of the require-
ments of the farm at Fort Nisqually. One might think that the
details of management might be left to the man in charge but Dr.
McLoughlin directed everything from the smallest particular of the
cultivation of a certain field to the largest question of policy with
the same fundamental grasp of the requirements of the situation. In
the letter just mentioned he states: "I received yours of the loth
instant, by Mr. Lee, ... I am happy to see that you have so
much (seed) in the ground as appears by your statement — that you
have more turnips planted out for seed than I mentioned, and as I
directed the patch of Cole seed has been preserved, as from your
putting cole seed and turnip seed in your Requisition I was afraid
that both had been destroyed.

"2nd. It is perhaps as well that you kept the potatoes, as if they
had remained on board tlic vessel, they would have been all lost,
you will plant if possible a hundred bushels but recollect the ground
must be well manured, and if you have not done this you must
plant more and manure the ground well.

"3rd. I am happy to find you milk so many cows. You will get
as many (cows) in to milk as you can and none should be milked
so much as to injure the Calf as you have no feed for them — they

356 BRITISH COLUMBIA

will require more milk, and even if you only broke some of the
cows this year, it will be a great advantage for next.

"4th. Last year Malcolm Smith with one Sandwich Islander
recently from his native land, milked 27 Cows (old) from which he
got forty Kegs of Butter, fatted six barrels of Pork with the skimmed
milk, and Gilbeau with a Sandwich Islander also recently from his
Country began on the ist June to break in wild cows to milk, broke
in thirty in the season (there were no more at the place) kegs Butter;
. . I merely state these facts to enable you to judge if your
people do what they can — and Knowing what is done elsewhere may
make them exert themselves and you may see from what Smith did
you ought to fatten at least as much pork at your Dairies as you
require.

"5th. I send you with this nigh a bushel of flax seed — you will
manure an acre and a half of ground, in the same manner as I will
hereafter direct for the Cole seed and turnips and you will sow the
flax seed now sent on it. It ought to be sown immediately after the
ground is cross ploughed that is as the (row) is ploughed it is
smoothed by a turn or two of the plough and the flax is sown,
harrowed in and well drilled.

"6th. You will continue to get as much ground manured as
possible in the same manner as last year that is you will manure it
well by penning Cattle on it, plough it and manure it again by
penning cattle on it in the same way as at first, then cross plough and
sow turnips or Cole Seed, that is as soon as the rig is ploughed the
ground is harrowed the seed is drilled with the drill now sent and
afterwards well rolled with a heavy roller to press the seed w^ell in
the ground and make it retain its moisture.

"7th. As you manure ground in this way you will sow turnip
and cole seed to September but as what is sown ( ) is in general

too young to give to animals is kept and allowed to run to seed next
year.

"8th. As you have no turnip or perhaps Cole seed you ought
to give only one manuring to your fields and immediatelv plough it
in, and in this case harrow it and roll it well and proceed to manure
&c another in the same way, and when you have seed vou be able to
manure the 2nd time and to sow your fields in quicker succession.
"9th. The turnips and Cole seed must be kept to feed the Sheep

BRITISH COLUMBIA 357

in Winter except what is reserved for seed which on iin account
should be eaten or injured, and from your experience of this year
you can judge what quantity of cole or turnip seed is necessary for
next year.

"loth. I send p. the Cadboro ( ) small wooden houses made

of inch boards, and mounted on Wheels, but all taken to pieces for
the convenience of transporting, but are marked so as to be easily
put together again. They ought to be put together on arriving, and
about 15th August the wood will be thoroughly dry, but if it has
shrunk much, the boards ought to be driven close to each other, and
the shrinks filled up with putty and then painted. One of these
houses should be placed in the park where the rams are, and the
other in the one for the Ewes and will answer well as houses for the
shepherds to lodge in, in Winter and Summer.

"iith. I send you with this a receipt to make bread made with
milk by Mrs. McDonald at Colville and never tasted better bread.
There are two tin or sheet iron pans in which to bake the bread, on
board the Cadboro for your place.

"Allow me now briefly to recapitulate what T wish to be done

"ist. To make as much butter as possible and break in as many
cows to milk as you can.

"2nd. At the same time to manure in the way I mention all the
ground you can — I think you have enough of Cattle and Sheep (and
I hope before fall to send you more to manure three hum! red acres
of land in the way 1 suggest and if you can sow it all w ith turnips and
cole seed and get them eaten off ... I am certain vou will
fall 1842 have a large (crop).

"3d. The Bulls to be castrated leaving ab(;ut one of the largest
for every ten females, of course the Bull calves of this year are also
to be castrated in the same proportion.

"4th. To break in a sufficient number of o.\en for the work, allow-
ing those getting old to fatten to be killed this fall for this purpose
they ought to be allowed to feed (juietly and not driven to the park
at night.

"In reply to your list of work 15th Feby.

"ist. As to the dam I do not think it can be made where you
suggest but 1 will examine when I go to you. I think there is a

358 BRITISH COLUMBIA

suitable place to swim the sheep at the Dairy, however as I say we
will examine.

"and. We cannot remove the Fort this season, but if you have
plenty of potatoes this fall, salmon and provisions &c I hope I will
be able to send you people to effect this object next Winter.

"3rd. Of course you will make the Hay if it can be done without
interfering with your other work as rather ( ) We must make

the Peas, Oats, and Wheat straw serve as a substitute.

"4th. The usual farming operations must go on.

"5th. You can make two Dairies if you have the means as it
excites emulation but they must be contiguous to each other.

"6th. You must get Waggons or Carts made as you suggest.

"7th. Break in as many oxen as you can.

"8th. I have already mentioned the castrating of the Bulls.

"9th. I have replied to this.

"loth. The Sheep in due time must be sheared and the wool must
be washed on the backs of the animals, and after they are washed they
must be kept in a clean place until they are shorn.

"I dare say, I need not say, I was much surprised to see by the
accounts you sent with yours of the 15th Feby that there was for
the first time a Loss on the post of Nisqually — which I merely men-
tion to show you the state of the affairs of the post and how absolutely
necessary it is that every exertion be made to retrieve them.

"You will please see to it that while Capt. McNeil lodges on
Shore, he is (according to) a rule of the service to preside at the
table of the establishment.

"You will please afford Cap." McNeil every assistance he requires.

"If you have any Wheat which you do not require you will send it
p. Cadboro.

"I send S. Martin to remain with you till further orders."

Even such a small particular as the salting of beef does not escape
the keen mind of Doctor McLoughlin as the undermentioned letter,
dated Vancouver, 28th December, 1842 shows: "I have yours of 25th
November and i6th Deer. By which I regret to learn that the Scab
is among the Sheep. You will of course cause every attention to be
paid to them and get them washed with the Tobacco juice.

"In yours of i6th you state having slaughtered Fifty two Animals,
and that they filled sixty one tierces of 3 cwt each — But you made no

BRITISH COLUMBIA 359

mention of the Tallow. What weight did they yield — or if you salted
any Ox tripe which I presume you have.

"As to the young Bullocks you mention you need not kill them —
Have you fatted and salted any Pork.

"You write the Beef is well salted but it is not the quantity of
Salt put on the Beef: as the manner it is put on. You will take care
that there is a sufficient quantity of salt between the Meat and the
Cask so as the meat does not touch the wood.

"You will give to Captain Brotchie the Beef he demands and
you will use what you require for your own table and the Shepherds,
only observing what I know you will use without my mentioning it,
proper economy — and killing the Old Wethers as they may be
required.

"You did well to shift the Sheep.

"You will I hope keep a sufficient quantity of Turnip and Cole-
seed for seed.

"Pray have you fattened any Hogs or have you any fit to fatten,
you have some Chinese pigs I wish them to be kept separate. If
you have any hogs fit to fatten you ought to do so.

''Captain Brotchie writes me in his letter of the 26th Nov. I
iia\e killed Eleven Bullocks and have salted 12 Tierces of Beef,
are these a part of the fifty two animals killed by you, and of the
sixty two tierces of beef you have salted."

It would be both tedious and superfluous to quote letter after letter
to prove Dr. McLoughlin's wonderful knowledge of his domains
and extraordinary grasp of detail, but one more note may well be
spread upon these pages to prove and amplify all which has been
said upon this score. Among the documents which have been pre-
served is a paper in Dr. McLoughlin's own handwriting which reads
as follows: "Memorandum for Angus McDonald in charge of
Nisquallv.

"ist. He will plant as many Potatoes as he can in his best ground
putting manure in the Drills as far as it will go.

"2. Sow at least at least as much pease and oats altogether as last
year — and more pease if he can.

"3. You will penn the cattle on the ground at the Dairy that
has been laid down to Grass seed last summer and which has not come
up and when properly manured sow turnip and cole seed on it.

360 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"4. You will continue to get as much ground manured as possible
- — that is you will manure it well by penning cattle on it. plough
harrow and manure it again by penning cattle on it, and when suf-
ficiently so cross plough Harrow well and sow it with Turnip and
if you have no turnip sow Cole seed — as soon as the (Rig) is ploughed
it is harrowed the seed is Drilled and well Rolled so as to press
the seed well in the Ground and make the Ground retain its moisture.

"5. You can continue to sow turnip to the 15th Sept. and about
that date I wish about two acres to be laid down with Cole seed — for
seed.

"6. After that date you will give your penns only one manuring
But plou and Harrow them immediately after taking the cattle off
The sheep Parks must be treated in the same Manner as the cattle
parks and sown with Turnip and Cole seed.

"7. He will afford every assistance in his power to settlers without
deranging the Business of the place.

"8. When he will have been able to get stamps to mark the
Settlers Cattle, he will let them have fourteen Wild Cows with their
Calves each. He has already given them each one tame cow and
calf one Bull and two oxen — and fifty Ewes with their Lambs.

"9. Mr. Steel will point out 12 places where it will be necessary
to get wood out to make small Houses and Poles to make Parks — the
Houses for the shepherds — of course these Houses need not be Built
at present.

"10. As soon as the Lambing is over Mr. McDonald will send
Pooper to assist in taking care of the Sheep — and Bastien will be
employed in cutting (B ) k.c.

"11. I wish Mr. McDonald to mix some train oil with Earth
and to sow a few turnips on it.

"12. Salt must be put in the cattle penns — and also in the Sheep
penns.

"13. I wish Mr. McDonald to sow on his Wheatfield on
6 ft. by 9 34 Gall Salt
6 ft. by 9 lA Gall Salt
6 ft. by 9 'i Gall Salt
6 ft. bv 9 I 16 Gall Salt
sufficiently distant so as not to mix but sufficiently close as to be seen
at once.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 361

"He will also sow a piece of new Grass Land —
6 ft. by 9 li Gall Salt
6 ft. by 9 '/4 Gall Salt
6 ft. by 9 's Gall Salt
6 ft. by 9 i/i6 Gall Salt
sufficiently remote so as not to mix but sufficiently near to be seen
by a Coup D'Oeil.

"14. Every time he writes he will report what has been done and
what has occurred since he last wrote me, state his present plans, his
suggestions and send a Distribution List of the Manner his people
are Employed.

"15. The sheep must be washed Either by hand or by swimming
before shearing.

"16. Parks must be made for the purpose of castrating the Lambs.
"17. The Bulls must be castrated in due time.
"18. I'o find out if there are any cattle alive which Mr. Ander-
son left and get them brought here.

"19. You will consider Mr. Steel as your assistant in discharg-
ing the duties at this place —

John McLoughlin

"20. If possible neither of you ought to leave the Fort without
informing the other.

J McL

"21. You will get vour salmon overhauled. Brought up and
(pickled) as also that coming from Fort Langley."

The seventh and eighth paragraphs of these instructions are
worthy of particular attention in view of the fact that over and over
again the American settlers in Oregon cliarged Dr. McLoughlin
and the Hudson's Bay Companv with doing all in their power to
oppress and starve them. The late Professor Marshall in his monu-
mental work entitled "Acquisition of Oregon" has effcctuallv dis-
posed of these accusations, nevertheless it is worthy of notice that
one should find in rjfficial instructions, emanating from the repre-
sentative of the Hudson's Bay Companv in Old Oregon, explicit com-
mands to the efifect that the oflicer at Nisqually is "to afforii every
assistance in his power to settlers." In this connection it is interesting

362 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to refer to a statement of assistance furnished the pioneer American
settlers at Nisqually from November jth, 1845, to December 31st,
1846, from which it appears that the American settlers received every-
thing thev asked for, from buckwheat to bullocks. It is well known
to historians and more generally accepted now than ever before, that
the Hudson's Bay Company did everything in its power to alleviate
the distress of the travel-worn pioneers of Oregon. To say more
upon this point, after all that Professor Marshall has written, would
be superHuous. The author has amply demonstrated that the cam-
paign of abuse and vilification — carried on by the very men who, had
it not been for the Huds(Mi's Bay Company, would have starved to
death or perished at the hands of the Indians — is almost inconceiv-
able. It displays a shameless disregard for the truth and a base
ingratitude on the part of those who were indebted for their lives
and property not to the Government of their own country, but to
the strong arm of Great Britain.

The memorandum is of peculiar interest to the farmer, as witness,
among other things, the thirteenth paragraph in which the Doctor
outlines a series of agricultural experiments. It is not necessary
to more than refer to the matter, but it shows what a great debt
Oregon owes to the man who died, heart-broken, at Oregon City in
1856. After all he had done both for the Company, which he rep-
resented for twenty-two years, and for the pioneer settler, whose
poverty aroused his magnanimous sympathies, there were none to
help him.

Upon McLoughlin's arrival in the Oregon Territory in 1824,
Astoria, or Fort George, as it was then called, was the only place
of importance in the whole Oregon Territory, and Astoria, in spite
of the impnnements carried into efTect by the North West Com-
pany's agents, was nothing more than a rude frontier village. It is
true that scattered about the country there were subsidiary posts,
but all of them were small and maintained purely for the sake of the
Indian trade. To the north no establishments had been planted,
with the exception of those in New Caledonia and that one at Kam-
loops. Vancouver Island was scarcely better known than in the days
when it was first visited by British and Spanish ships. The lower
Fraser had not, apparently, been visited since Simon Fraser's explor-
ation in 1808; while the land stretching in a westerly direction from

BRITISH COLUMBIA 363

New Caledonia to the coast was absolutely unknown, except that
part of it traversed by Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1793. But, with
the arrival of Dr. McLoughlin, a new day dawned for the Northwest.

Mr. T. C. Elliott, an historian of sound judgment and a recog-
nized authority on early western afiairs, states in his preface to the
Journal of John Work" that it is evident that a report upon the
lower Eraser River region was desired "before a permanent loca-
tion should be selected further up the Columbia for the District
Headquarters. Fort Vancouver then did not exist except by antici-
pation." That learned author is no doubt correct. At any rate one
of George Simpson's first acts was to send an expedition to the north-
ward, "for the purpose" — as Mr. John Work specifically records — ■
"of discovering the entrance of Eraser's River, and ascertaining the
probability of navigating that River with boats, and also of examin-
ing the coast between Eort George and Erasers River." *

The party left Fort George on Thursday the i8th of November,
1824, under the command of James McMillan, accompanied by
three clerks, lliomas McKay, F. N. Annance and John Work, an
interpreter named Michel LaFrambois and thirty-six men. In ad-
dition to these, George, an Iroquois fur hunter together with his slave
were included in the partv because of their knowledge of a part of
the coast.

The expedition departed at mid-day in three boats well provi-
sioned with kegs of peas, oatmeal, flour, pork, grease and rum, and
bags of flour biscuit and pemmican, sufficiently for an absence of some
sixty days.

Arriving at Baker's Bay, a portage of fourteen miles brought
McMillan and his party to the Pacific Ocean, north of Cape Disap-
pointment. They then followed the coast to the mouth of Gray's
Harbour and, ascending the Chehalis River and crossing the country
to the eastward of the head-waters of that stream, in due course
reached Puget Sound. The voyage was continued by sea to Mud Bay,
and thence the expedition crossed the delta of the Eraser River.

After reaching the Eraser River, the expedition paddled up-
stream for two days beyond the site of old Fort Langley, which was
not built until three years later. On the homeward journey McMil-

' Washington Historical Quarterly, July, 1912.

* John Work, Journal, Winter 1824. Ms. In .Xrrhives I")epart!nent, \'ictoria.

364 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Ian followed the river to its mouth, rounded Point Roberts, and,
after spending a night at Birch Bay, made the Black. River, south
of Olympia. Thence McMillan, Work and a few others followed
the better-known and more direct route of the Cowlitz to the Colum-
bia and Fort George, while McKay, in charge of the rest of the
party, took the boats back by the outward route. '

Mr. John Work's minutely exact and well-kept diary of the
expedition is interesting for several reasons. It throws light on the
difHculties of a traveller in the wilderness; it shows us, for the first
time, the great delta which lies to the south of the lower reaches of
the Fraser and its primitive inhabitants; and it proves that the
Hudson's Bay Company was anxious to find an outlet for the northern
interior to the north of the Columbia. A journey from Astoria to
Fort Langley by the route followed by these pioneers would not
be an easy one even today — at that time it was attended by great
hardship and severe labour. The expedition was equipped with
light batteaux, which were used throughout the length of the jour-
ney, excepting, of course, at the carrying places, one of which was
more than four and a half miles long.

The country between Mud Bay and the Fraser River is aptly
described in such entries as the following: "The soil here," says
the journal of December 14, 1824, "appears to be very rich, is a
black mould, the remains of a luxurious crop of fern and grass lies
on the ground. The countrv about here seems low, the trees are of
different kinds, pine, birch poplar, alder, etc., some of the pine of a
very large size. Some of the men who were hunting visited the upper
part of the little river and report that they saw the appearance of
plenty of beaver. Elk have been very numerous here some time
ago but the hunters suppose that since this rainy season they have
gone to the high ground."

The entry of the following day shows that elk abounded in the
meadows and swamps of the lower Fraser in that early period. "In
the evenifig," so runs the Journal, "as we got to the end of the portage
a herd of elk was seen on the edge of the plain. Several of the
people set after them but only one was killed which was by Mr.
McKay. There were too many hunters and though the elk were

= T. C. Elliott, Journal of John Work, November and December, 1S24. Washington Historical
Quarterly, July, 1912, p. 198.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 365

not wild they were not approached with sufficient caution, they
were followed into the woods by some of the people who have not
yet returned."

Then it is recorded that "In some parts near the portage the woods
approach to the water's edge, but farther down the woods are at
some distance and the river runs through a fine meadow which is
covered with the withered remains of a fine crop of hay. The marks
of a great many beaver and numerous tracks of elk, some quite fresh,
are to be seen all the way along the river. We entered the Coweechin
(Fraser) River at i o'clock. At this place it is a fine looking river
at least as wide as the Columbia at Oak Point, i,ooo yards wide.
Where we come into it is opposite to an island; we are uncertain
what distance it may be to its entrance. The banks of the N. shore
arc low and those on the South shore are pretty high, both well
wooded to the water's edge. The trees are pine, cedar, alder, birch
and some others. Some high hills appear to the Eastward at no
great distance, topped with snow. From the size and appearance
of the river there is no doubt in our minds that it is Fraser's."

The e.xpcdition, after leaving Mud Bay, the northeastern exten-
sion of Boundary Bay, followed the Nikomeckl River to a little
stream. Then a long portage of four and a half miles or more brought
the men to the Salmon River, which was followed to the point where
it empties into the Fraser, not far from old Fort Langley. The
island mentioned is that now known as McMillan Island, and the
"fine meadow" Langlev Prairie. Throughout his journal Work
speaks of the Fraser as the "Coweechin" River, a name that pos-
sibly may have been taken from Simon Fraser's journal, in which he
speaks of the "Cowitchin" Indians as inhabiting the lands at the
mouth of that river.

The party paddled up-stream, passing many villages, at one of
which the keen observer noticed "an instrument resembling in shape
a salmon spear"; but "what purpose it is used for," Work continues,
"it's size leaves me at a loss to determine; it was 2 poles about 1; inches
in circumference fitted in such a manner that they were intended to
be spliced together, one of them was 42 feet long and the other 29,
in all about 71 feet, it was of cedar neatly dressed, a fork made of 2
pieces of wood different from the pole and not barked nor made
very sharp was fixed to the end of the pole, no cordage or any other

366 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tackling was about it." Undoubtedly this was one of the harpoons
used so dexterously by the Indians of the Fraser in spearing sturgeon.

On December i8th (1824) McMillan, deeming it unnecessary
to proceed further, turned about and voyaged with the current to the
mouth of the river, thence returning to Fort George, or Astoria, by
the course already indicated.

The expedition was planned and carried out in furtherance of
the project to find an outlet for New Caledonia by way of the Fraser
River. Three years later — in 1827 — Fort Langley was built near
the point at which McMillan and his party turned back in 1824.

McMillan's expedition to the Fraser by the Chehalis River and
Puget Sound marked the inauguration of a new and bold policy.
Both Simpson and McLoughlin realized that the time had come to
strike a decisive blow if this virgin land were not to be forever lost.
The alluring prospects of the basin of the Columbia were already
attracting attention in the United States, Great Britain's natural rival
in that field. The American politicians had not forgotten the expe-
ditions of Kendrick and Gray, Lewis and Clark, Astor and Hunt.
Nor had they forgotten the purchase of Louisiana from the French
in 1803 and the Florida Treaty with Spain, which was negotiated
in 1 819 and ratified in 1820. The rights springing from those
operations and from these treaties — whatever such rights might be — ■
were certain to lead to controversy before long. So now was the time
to act and the Hudson's Bay Company made the most of its
opportunity.

The determination of the Company to occupy and to hold the
Pacific slope from San Francisco to the Arctic Ocean ushered in
a period of extraordinary activity, of which Doctor McLoughlin,
under Sir George Simpson, was the life and soul. His policy was
brilliantly conceived and admirably executed. He despatched emis-
saries of the Companv in all directions and riie bastioned forts of
the furtrader soon dotted the west. These forts were the outward
and visible sign of the might of "The Adventurers of England trad-
ing into Hudson's Bay." The furtrading post stood for what there
might be of law and order on the frontier, where, beyond musket
shot of the stockade, might only was right. Each isolated establish-
ment with its wooden palisade, flanked by wooden bastion, was an
advance post of civilization.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 367

The forts of the Company were planted on the seaboard as far
north as Taku Inlet and south as far as San Francisco Bay. Fort
Langley was built in 1827; old Fort Simpson on the Nass River in
1832, from which point it was moved to its present site on the Tsimp-
sean Peninsula in 1834; Fort McLoughlin on Millbank Sound, in
1834; Fort Nisqually on Puget Sound, where Doctor W. F. Tolmie
pastured his flocks of sheep and herds of cattle; Fort Durham,
so called in honour of the famous Lord of that name, was built on
Taku Inlet in 1840; and Fort V^ictoria in 1843. New posts were
also established in New Caledonia and on the upper Columbia."
Then the Company reached southward and built Verba Buena on
San Francisco Bay; and across the Pacific to the Sandwich Islands,
which it was hoped would become an integral part of the British
Empire by a process of gradual absorption.

While these operations in old Oregon Territory and on the sea-
board were engaging the attention of Doctor McLoughlin and his
subordinates, other intrepid men of whom little has been written —
although they contributed an important chapter to the annals of
the West — were exploring the great wilderness lying to the north of
the Peace River and the Skeena and west of the Mackenzie. These
explorations were not directed from Fort Vancouver but from Nor-
way House; yet, inasmuch as they resulted in the discovery of far
northern British Columbia, they have a place in the history of the
Province. The men who discovered and explored the Skeena,
Stikine, Liard and Pelly Rivers, and Dease, Frances and other lakes,
persevered in their important undertakings in peculiarly trying
circumstances.

In 1834 J. McLeod, a chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company,
ascended the Liard to Simpson Lake and followed the Dease River
to Dease Lake, which he named in honour of Peter Warren Dease.
Thence he crossed the height of land to tlic upper waters of the
Stikine, which was discovered at its mouth by Captain Cleveland
of the Sloop Drat/on in .April, 1799. McLeod followed this river
— which under a misapprehension he called the Pelly- — as far as
the famous Indian bridge named Terror Bridge by Robert Campbell
some time later. In the course of his travels McLeod collected a
great deal of information respecting this unknown region, much of

' Finlayson, Bio);rapliv, ami .Aiiclcrsfm, IliMory iif Nnrlliwest Coast.

368 BRITISH COLUMBIA

which Arrowsmith, the well-known cartographer, embodied in his
map of North America of 1850. McLeod called the Stikine "Frances
River," but placed it too far north and did not connect it with the
Stikine, known as such today. In a later map (1854) Frances ap-
peared as an alternative to Stikine, but that name soon fell into disuse,
if indeed it ever had a vogue. Speaking of McLeod's exploration,
the late Doctor George M. Dawson observ'cd: "McLeod's route
from the head of Dease Lake, crossed the Tanzilla within a few miles
of the lake and followed its left bank, recrossing before the main
Stikine enters the valley, probablv by an Indian suspension bridge,
which is reported still to e.xist (1887), within a mile or two of this
point. On careful consideration of the facts, there can scarcely be
any doubt that the Tooya River was McLeod's furthest point, and the
Indian bridge probably crossed it near the position of the present
bridge, though it may have been at some point further up the stream
which has not yet been mapped."

McLeod was followed by Robert Campbell, another officer of
the Hudson's Bay Company, who carried on the work with indom-
itable energy in spite of the hostility of the Indians, who were numer-
ous and warlike. Campbell reached Dease Lake in the beginning of
July, 1838, and "selected a suitable site for the fort about about c;
miles from the mouth of the Nahany & at once commenced building
operations."" Leaving the men to build the fort, he proceeded to
carry out his instructions to explore the west side of the mountains.
On July 22nd (1838) he arrived at "Terror Bridge," whence Mc-
Leod's party had turned back in 1834. That somewhat famous
structure is described by Campbell as a rude ricketty "structure of
pine poles spliced together with withes & stretched high above a
foaming torrent; the ends of the poles were loaded down with stones
to prevent the bridge from collapsing. This primitive support looked
so frail & unstable & the rushing waters below so formidable that it
seemed well-nigh impossible to cross it. It inclined to one side, which
did not tend to strengthen its appearance for safety." * Neverthe-
less, Campbell and the two Indian lads who accompanied him at-
tempted the crossing, which they succeeded in making although "the

' Campbell, Journal, 1808 to 1851, p. +6, Ms. in Provincial Archives.
* Campbell, Journal, pp. 47-48

BRITISH COLUMBIA 369

flimsy bridge swaying & bending with our weight" threatened to pre-
cipitate them into the "waters boiling beneath."

Here the Indians opposed CampbelTs progress. The "Nahany
Chief," fearing that the natives would kill the strangers, advised the
explorer to desist as "the great chief 'Shakes' from the Sea was
there & Indians from all parts without number." The Indians were
so an.xious to prevent the advance of the party that they attempted
to detain it by force. In spite of their remonstrances Campbell pur-
sued his way, simply recording in his journal — "1 was determined
to go on." Proceeding, Campbell came in view of an immense
camp, about thirteen miles from Terror Bridge. "Such a concourse
of Indians," he remarked, "I had never before seen assembled. They
were gathered from all parts of the Western Slope of the Rockies
& from along the Pacific Coast. These Indians camped here for
weeks at the time, living on salmon, which could be caught in thou-
sands in the Stikinc by gaffing or spearing, to aid them in which
the Indians had a sort of dam built across the river."'' Campbell
and the friendly chief who had accompanied him then went forward
to meet "the closely packed crowd, awaiting us below." Upon his
arrival at the camp, the explorer was plied with questions, the
answers to which were "taken up & yelled by a hundred throats, till
the surrounding rocks & the valley re-echoed w ith the sound." Pres-
ently a lane was cleared through the crowd for the great chief, called
"Shakes" in Campbell's journal. He was a coast Indian, tall and
strongly built, and all-powerful in that region. He ruled despoti-
cally a loose confederacy of Indians of dilTerent tribes. Campbell
was surprised to find that some of the Indians knew Doctor McLough-
lin and James Douglas — news which induced Iiim to write notes to
these officers, giving particulars of his journey, and informing tiiem
that he had ascertained tliat the "so-called Pelly & the Stikine were
identical."

After this vociferous welcome Campbell returned to his camp,
where he hoisted the Hudson's Bay Company flag and cut "Hud-
son's Bay Company" and the date on a tree, thus taking possession
of the country.

It was here that the explorer met a remarkable native woman,
the chieftainess of the Nahanies. "She was a fine-looking woman,"

" Campbell, jcnirnal, p. 51.
"•I 1 -J -I

370 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Campbell writes, "rather above the middle height & about 35 years
old. In her actions and personal appearance she was more like
the whites than the pure Indian race. She had a pleasing face, lit
up with fine intelligent eyes, which when she was excited flashed like
fire. She was tidy & tasteful in her dress. On more than one occa-
sion she interfered to save the party from destruction."

Campbell's journal afifords a pleasing picture of the remarkable
woman who ruled the "Nahanies." But of all the stories told of her
none is more spirited, or more characteristic, or more truly illustra-
tive of the dangers that beset the pioneer furtrader in the wilderness,
than the one which follows: In February, 1839, the chieftainess and
a number of her fighting men visited the post on Dease Lake, just in
time to relieve the wants of Campbell's men, who were starving.
"The whole band," says the journal at this juncture, "passed the night
with us in the fort, & to illustrate the Chieftainess' extraordinary
control over them, let me mention an incident that took place. In the
course of the evening, when everything had seemingly quieted down
for the night, yell after yell suddenly broke the silence; the now
furious savages rushed into the room where McLeod & I were sitting,
loading their guns; some of them seized our weapons from racks on
the wall & would assuredlv have shot us had not the Chieftainess,
who was lodged in the other end of the house, rushed in & com-
manded silence. She found out the instigator of the riot, walked up
to him, and, stamping her foot on the ground, repeatedly spat in his
face, her eyes blazing with anger. Peace & quiet reigned as sud-
denly as the outbreak had burst forth. T have seen many far-famed
warrior Chiefs with their bands in every kind of mood, but I never
saw one who had such absolute authority or was as bold & ready to
exercise it as that noble woman. She was truly a born leader, whose
mandate none dared dispute." '"

Campbell returned to Dease Lake for the winter, where, he writes,
"we passed a winter of constant danger from the savage Russian
(coast) Indians and of much suffering from starvation. We were
dependent for subsistence on what animals we could catch and, fail-
ing that, on tripe de rochc. We were at one time reduced to such
dire straits that we were obliged to eat our parchment windows.

•* Campbell, Journal, pp. 60-1.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 371

and our last meal before abandoning Dease Lake on 8th May, 1839,
consisted of the lacings of our snowshoes."

Then the young explorer proceeded to Fort Simpson, with the
news of his discoveries. That his work was appreciated is shown by
Sir George Simpson's letter of June 16, 1839, in which the Governor
expressed his "entire satisfaction with your (Campbell's) manage-
ment in the recent voyage down the Pelly or Stikine River, bearing
ample evidence that the confidence reposed in you was well placed.
I was always of the opinion that the Pelly & Stikine Rivers were
identical, but many of my friends in this country thought differently.
You have at length, however, set the question at rest; and your writ-
ing to our gentlemen on the coast was very judicious."

In the same letter the Governor refers to the agreement recently '
concluded between the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian
American Company, by which agreement the British Company
recognized Russia's right to Southern Alaska: "I last winter con-
cluded," writes Sir George, "an arrangement for the Coy. with
Baron Wrangel acting on behalf of the Russian American Coy., by
which we became possessed of the whole of the Russian mainland
territory (for a term of ten years) up to Cape Spencer; by that
means we became possessed of their establishment situated on Point
Highfield, entrance of Stikine River, immediately, and have access
to the interior country through all the rivers falling into the Pacific
to the Southward of Cape Spencer. This arrangement renders it
unnecessary for us now to extend our operations from the East side
of the Mountains or Mackenzie River, as we can settle that country
from the Pacific with greater facility and at less expense. Your
services (Campbell's) will now therefore be required to push our
discoveries in the country situated on the Peel & Colville Rivers;
and I am quite sure you will distinguish yourself as much in that
quarter as you have latterly done on the West side of the Mountains."

In 1840 and again in 1843 Robert Campbell was commissioned
by Sir George Simpson to continue his explorations, particularly
along the north branch of the Liard to its source. In the course of
his perilous ventures the intrepid explorer added much information
to the common stock of geographical knowledge. But the name of
Robert Campbell, like the names of so many of the old furtraders

372 BRITISH COLUMBIA

who tirst found and followed the wild rivers of the West, is scarcely
known today.

In the course of his journeyings to and fro in the Yukon Terri-
tory and Northern British Columbia, Campbell entered a beautiful
lake, which he named Frances, after Lady Simpson, the wife of his
benefactor. Sir George. He also named the Pelly in honour of
Sir John H. Pelly, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company.
In 1842 — before the northern field was discovered or occupied —
John Finlay had explored the branch of the Peace River named in
his honour. So before the middle of the nineteenth century the whole
northwestern region of North America had been at least roughly
defined if not actually delineated and measured. The territory in
question is bounded on the north by the Arctic Ocean, on the east
by the Mackenzie River, the Peace River and the Rocky Mountains,
on the south by California, and on the west by the Pacific Ocean and
Bering Sea.

But to return to the Oregon Territorv. When Doctor McLough-
lin arrived in 1 824 to organize and to direct the afifairs of the Western
Department, Fort George was the only occupied port on the North-
west coast. In the interior the authority of the furtrader was
upheld by a few scattered posts in New Caledonia, in the Flathead
Country and in the V^alley of the Columbia. As for the condition of
the trade, ail was confusion and strife, if the old records are to be
believed. Doctor McLoughlin at once proceeded to straighten out
the tangled skein of divergent interests, and differences of opinion
amongst those who had heretofore been in charge of the district, by
centralizing authority in himself and at Fort Vancouver as the
capital of the Oregon Territory. The forts were improved, their
number increased, and the trade placed upon a sound basis. In short.
Doctor McLoughlin executed his designs so earnestly, so energeti-
cally and so successfullv, that in a few vears all opposition was swept
from the field.

Thirteen years after Doctor McLoughlin arrived upon the scene.
Sir John Pelly could report upon "the peace, order and tranquillity,
which have been so successfully maintained" in the 'Tndian coun-
tries." In a letter to Lord Glenelg, dated Hudson's Bay House,
London. loth Februarv, 1837,'' Sir John states: "Before the union

" Hudson's Bay Company, Return In House of (nmmons, 26 May, 1842, pp. 12 to 15.

BRITISH COLUMBIA -m

of the rival Companies in 1821, the trade on the north-west coast
of America, from the Mexican frontiers to Behring's Straits, was
nearly or wholly enjoyed by American and Russian subjects. Some
efiforts had been made, at enormous costs and sacrifices by the North-
west Company, to compete with the Americans, the history of which
is recorded in a popular work lately published by Mr. Washington
Irving, under the title of 'Astoria'; but these efforts were both costly
and unsuccessful, and the North-west Company were on the point
of being compelled to abandon the trade.

"The Russian establishment at Norfolk Sound, and at other
places on the coast, even so far south as the coast of California, and
the American expedition, subsequent to the peace from Boston, New
York and other parts of the United States, had obtained a monopoly
of the coast trade.

"In the face of these disadvantages, the Hudson's Bay Company
felt it their duty to attempt to regain the trade, and to re-establish
British influence in the countries adjoining the coast, and to the
mouth of the river of Columbia, within the limits of the last con-
vention entered into with the court of Russia; and they have suc-
ceeded, after a severe and expensive competition, in establishing their
settlements, and obtaining a decided superioritv, if not an exclusive
enjoyment of tlie trade, the Americans having almost withdrawn
from the coast.

"In the course of the last year they had occasion to appeal to
his Majesty's (jovernmcnt for protection and indemnitv for a serious
act of aggression and violence on the part of an armed Russian force
on the coast, which impeded their operations, and occasioned them
a loss to the extent of upwards of £20,000. Ihc Russian government
has hitherto only consented to disavow the act of its oflicer, and to
give instructions prohibiting further obstruction to the expeditions
of the Companv within the trading limits agreed upon in the con-
vention; and the Company now wait with tlie firmest reliance on the
further efiforts of the (Jovernmcnt for an indemnity for their great
loss.

"Beyond the difficulties arising from an active competition with
the Americans, and the violent and oppressive proceedings on the
part of the Russians, the Company have had to contend with other
serious obstacles, both on the coast and in the interior, from a savage

374 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and formidable native population, whose habits of intoxication and
other vices, encouraged by the competition, have been, to a great
extent, restrained by the temperate and vigorous conduct of their
traders.

"Great loss of property, and in some cases loss of life, have been
incurred by savage and murderous attacks on their hunting-parties
and establishments, and order has only been restored and peace main-
tained by the employment, at a great expense, of considerable force,
and by the exercise, on the part of their servants, of the utmost temper,
patience and perseverance."

The Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company then went on to
sav, — "The Company now occupy the country between the Rocky
Mountains and the Pacific by six permanent establishments on the
coasts, sixteen in the interior country, besides several migratory and
hunting-parties, and they maintain a marine of six armed vessels, one
of them a steam-vessel, on the coast.

"Their principal establishment and depot for the trade of the
coast and the interior is situated 90 miles from the Pacific, on the
northern banks of the Columbia River, and called Vancouver, in
honour of that celebrated navigator. In the neighbourhood they
have large pasture and grain farms, affording most abundantly every
species of agricultural produce, and maintaining large herds of stock
of every description; these have been gradually established; and
it is the intention of the Company still further, not only to augment
and increase them, to establish an export trade in wool, tallow, hides
and other agricultural produce, but to encourage the settlement
of their retired servants and other emigrants under their protection.

"The soil, climate and other circumstances of the country are
as much if not more adapted to agricultural pursuits than any other
spot in America, and with care and protection the British dominion
may not only be preserved in this countrj% which it has been so much
the wish of Russia and America to occupy to the exclusion of British
subjects, but British interest and British influence may be maintained
as paramount in this interesting part of the coast of the Pacific."

These remarks were based upon a report on the condition of the
Indian Territories by George Simpson, bearing the date of> February
I, 1837,'^ in which that energetic ofiicer refers to the countr\^ west of

1^ Hudson's Bay Company, Return to House of Commons, 26 May, 1S+2, 15 tn

BRITISH COLUMBIA 375

the Rocky Mountains in the following words: "The furtrade is the
principal branch of business at present in the country situated between
the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean. On the banks of the
Columbia River, however, where the soil and climate are favour-
able to cultivation, we are directing our attention to agriculture on
a large scale, and there is every prospect that we shall soon be able
to establish important branches of export trade from thence in the
articles of wool, tallow, hides, tobacco, and grain of various kinds.

"I have also the satisfaction to say, that the native population
are beginning to profit by our example, as many, formerly dependent
on hunting and fishing, now maintain themselves by the produce of
the soil.

"The country situated between the northern bank of the Columbia
River, which empties itself into the Pacific, in lat. 46° 20', and the
southern bank of Frazer's river, which empties itself into the Gulf
of Georgia, in lat. 49 , is remarkable for the salubrity of its climate
and excellence of its soil, and possesses, within the Straits of De Fuca,
some of the finest harbours in the world, being protected from the
weight of the Pacific by Vancouver's and other islands. To the
southward of the Straits of De Fuca, situated in lat. 48° 37', there
is no good harbour nearer than the bay of St. Francisco, in lat. 37°
48', as the broad shifting bar otif the mouth of the Columbia, and
the tortuous channel through it, renders the entrance of that river a
very dangerous navigation even to vessels of small draught of water.

"The possession of that country to (ireat Britain may become
an object of very great importance, and we .ire strengthening that
claim to it (independent of the claims of prior discovery and occu-
pation for the purpose of Indian trade) by forming the nucleus of
a colony through the establishment of farms, and the settlement of
some i)f our retiring officers and servants as agriculturists."

At a later date — 28th May, 1849 — James Douglas, in a letter to
Captain J. Sheppard, R. N., thus reports upon the affairs of the Hud-
son's Bav Company on the coast and in the interior:

"Fort Nisqually,
((c- "Puget Sound 28 May 1849

"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a communica-
tion from you dated 12th May, 1849, announcing the arrival of

376 BRITISH COLUMBIA

H. M. Ship under your command at Esquimalt, in pursuance of
orders from Rear Adm'. Phipps Hornby, C. B., Commander in
Chief of H. M. Naval Forces in the Pacific, in order to receive for
consideration any cases of aggression since the visit of H. M. S.
Constance to the N. W. Territory in August, 1848, and to endeavour
to arrange them as far as it may be in your power, to the satisfaction
of the Hon.*^"'^ Hudson's Bay Company.

"I have to beg the favour through you of returning our most
cordial thanks to R. Adm'. Hornby, for this instance of attention,
in affording protection to the Hudson's Bay Company, and other
British subjects, established in this country, who will retain a grateful
recollection of his solicitude on their behalf.

"For the last two years we have maintained a severe contest, with
the lawless American population in Oregon, who, up to a very recent
date, were entirely neglected by their own Gov', and left to struggle
against the pressure of poverty, distress and an e.xtensive Indian War,
carried on at their own expense, without aid or support from their
Mother Country and they were in these desperate circumstances often
tempted to seize upon the property of the Hudson's Bay Company.
In opposing their designs we studiously avoided every cause of Col-
lision assisting them as far as it was prudent for British subjects to
interfere in their affairs, yet with a firm resolution to defend our
property in case of attack, w hich was menaced and expected on more
than one occasion. With the Blessing of Providence we escaped
any serious loss or disaster, and have we trust, seen the last of these
days of anxiety and painful suspence —

"The jurisdiction of the United States having been lately extended
over all this Territorv, & a regular government established under the
Authority of Congress; there will be no future interruption to the
peace and tranquillity of the country, and should it happen other-
wise; we will have the satisfaction of dealing with the Authorities
of the United States and not, as heretofore with a lawless and irre-
sponsible Mob.

"From General Lane tlie present Governor of the Oregon Terri-
tory, who arrived two Months ago from Washington, we have
received the most friendly assurances, and found him on all occasions,
wherein we have had recourse to his good offices, disposed to carry
out the provisions of the late Treatv of demarcation in the most

BRITISH COLUMBIA 377

liberal manner: — we have therefore every reason to believe that the
property of the Hudson's Bay Company, within the American Ter-
ritory, will be fully protected hereafter by the local Gov'., and that
we shall have no further cause of complaint requiring the interven-
tion of the Commander in Chief.

"We nevertheless feel all the value and importance of your kind
offers of service, and are at the same time extremely happy that we
have no cases of aggression by American citizens to report to you,
since the departure of H. M. S. Constance in August 1848, and
General Lane having expressed a decided intention to arrange ail
previous matters of complaint we think, on the whole, it will be
more agreeable to him, to leave them in his hands for the present,
than to bring them in an official shape under the notice of the British
Gov',

"In reply to your inquiries respecting the present state of the
coal fields in the North East end of Vancouver's Island I would
remark that we made arrangements in December 1848, to form an
establishment between McNeills and Beaver Harbour, where the
Coal Crops abundantly to the Surface, and a party of our people
are now engaged in the execution of that Service.

"We propose by forming an establishment in that quarter to open
a new branch of trade, by working these beds, and supplying the
rapidly increasing demand for Coal, on this Coast.

"The result of this experiment is questionable in consequence of
the peculiar circumstances of the Country; the Savage and treach-
erous disposition of the Natives, the expense and difficulty of procur-
ing labourers, and the limited though increasing demand for Coal in
these seas, circumstances which present serious obstacles to the suc-
cessful prosecution of this enterprise.

"A body of English miners are coming out from England, by a
Vessel expected at Fort Victoria in the course of next month, under
whose directions the Coal works are to be Carried on.

"The Vancouxcr Island Coal is considered good; though the
surface beds have as yet only been tested, and our impression is, as
experience has proved in other cases, that the interior beds will yield
a much better qualitv. Coal has not been seen on any other part of
Vancouver's Island except that before mentioned, or on the Con-
tinental Coast of British Oregon; but the Indians report that it also

378 BRITISH COLUMBIA

exists on the North West Coast of Vancouver's Island, particularly
at a place known by the name of Naspate about 25 miles north of
Nootka Sound.

"It is also found in the Columbia at the mouth of the Chityles
River which discharges into Gray's Harbour and in one or two
other places within the limits of the United States Territory; but
from the specimens I have seen it appears to be neither so good,
nor is it so abundant, nor so accessible to shipping, as the Coal beds
of Vancouver's Island.

"The character of the British Territory on the main land about
which you want information may be described in a few words.

"The Coast presents one continuous outline of dense forests
swamps and rugged mountains and has every where a most unpre-
possessing appearance. The interior, particularly the valley of
Eraser's River, contains good land and is capable of supporting a
large agricultural population, but that is an exception to the general
character of the country, which is valuable chiefly for its inex-
haustible forests of the finest fir timber in the world; and its valuable
fisheries which will become a source of boundless wealth to its
inhabitants at some future time.

"The Climate is remarkably healthy and very pleasant in sum-
mer; the winters, which extend from the middle of March, are on
the contrary generally rainy and disagreeable, and not very unlike
the winter weather on the West Coast of Scotland, though the cold
is at times more severe.

"There is abundance of game on every part of the Coast, and it
probably produces the finest venison in the World. The Elk and two
species of Fallow Deer inhabit the low Islands, and level parts of
the coast, while fur bearing animals such as Beaver, Otters, Bears,
Wolves, Martens and Minks are more or less numerous in dififerent
parts of the Country.

"Excellent harbours abound on every part of the Coast, which are
^well described in Vancouver's Work, to which I will take the liberty
of referring you

"The names of the Company's Trading Posts on the West side
of the Mountains are as follow viz.*
"On the American Territory, South of 49" :

"Fort Colville, Flat Head House, Fort Okanagan, Fort Nez

BRITISH COLUMBIA 379

Perces, Fort Boise, Fort Hall, Fort Vancouver, Fort Umpqua, Fort
George, Fort Nisqually, Cowelitz Farm.
"On the British Territory North of 49' :

''Forts Victoria, Simpson, Langley, Hope, Kamloops, Thompson,
Alexandria, George, Fraser, St. James, Connolly, Kilmaurs, Mc-
Leod, Chilcoten.

"There are about 600 Europeans, Men and Officers, attached to
these Establishments besides a great number of Indian Labourers
who are employed in the various departments of the Service, West
of the Mountains.

"The Exports from the Company's Settlements on the West side
of the Mountains may be classed as follows:

Russian Settlement on the N. W. Coast £10,000

Sandwich Islands 8,000

Great Britain 60,000

£78,000

"The annual imports vary from £25,000 to £30,000.

"The above is of course merely a rough estimate given from
Memory, as I have no books at this place to refer to but you will
find much interesting and authentic information on that Subject, and
also a General review of the use, progress and present state of the
Company's general trade, in Murray's History of British America,
forming two Volumes of the 'Family Library.'

"The Vessels employed in the Company's Trade on the West
side of the Mountains are as follows: 3 Barks, i Steam Vessel, i Brig,
I Schooner, i Sloop.

"The four latter remain constantly in this Country, while the
three Barks are alternately employed in taking the returns home, and
bringing out our annual supplies for the trade.

"I have thus briefly replied to most of your enquiries, and shall
be most happy to communicate verbally any further information
which it may be in my power to furnish, if T iiavc the good fortune
to see you at Fort Victoria; in which case I shall also be most happy

380 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to take advantage of your obliging permission to forward letters to
England under your charge.

"I have &c.

"James Douglas
"Chief Factor H. B. Compy.
"Capt. J. Sheppard"

One other letter of that period, bearing upon the policy and ad-
ministration of the Hudson's Bay Company, should have a place
beside that of James Douglas, e]uoted in the preceding paragraphs.
Reference is made to Captain Courtenay's entertaining but important
communication, dated on board H. M. S. Constance "at sea," Sep-
tember 12, 1848, and addressed to Mr. ^^^ Miller, British Consul at
the Sandwich Islands. It reads:

"I had a long passage, 26 days, from Honolulu to Port Esquimalt,
but I luckily had a fine day & fair wind to enter the strait of Juan
de Fucca, & found my port without difficulty. The Hudson's Bay
Company's Settlement of Fort Victoria is only three miles from
Esquimalt, so that we got our daily supplies of Beef without much
trouble. The Company have 300 acres under tillage there, and a
dairy farm of 80 Cows, together with numerous other cattle & 24
brood Mares, the whole under the superintendence of a Civil but
hard Scot, named Finlaison who has about 30 people of all descrip-
tions under him. They are likewise building a Saw^ Mill at the head
of Port Esquimalt which will be ready for work at the end of the
year.

"Altogether the Company's affairs appear to be exceedingly well
and particularly economically managed; and my opinion is that the
sooner they give up their Settlement in Oregon & retire within our
frontier, the sooner an end will be put to their bickerings with the
Americans, but I fear that the large amount of gain annually flowing
into their coffers, from being the Chief Merchants and Purveyors
there, will cause them to remain as long as they can, & to cry Wolf,
until, like the Shepherd's Boy in the Fable, they are not listened to.

"From the nature of Mr. Douglas' letters to you, one would hafe
imagined their lives and Properties were in danger, no such thing the
Americans never molested them in the slightest degree, with the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 381

exception of the Powder affair at Walla Walla which they tirst asked
to buy, & in the end gave receipts for, so that they have clearly the
Law of Nations on their side, if Vattcl is any authority. The story
of the redoubtable General Gillian (who was killed by accident)
having threatened to hang Mr. McBean is so perfectly idle, that
when 1 mentioned the circumstance no one knew anything about it,
so that if any such threat ufrc vuuie it must have been merely an idle
blustering of some Yankee Back-woods man.

"The exaggeration of friend Douglas must have been, in my opin-
ion, the reason why he avoided meeting me, for instead of coming to
Fort V^ictoria as he originally intended he returned to Columbia
River! ! ! notwithstanding Lieut. Wood offered him a Passage in
the Pandora by which evasion I have been unable to procure infor-
mation on any one point from the H. B. C°. for so greatly do they fear
each other that Mr. Finlaison referred me to Mr. Ogden at Fort
Vancouver, & that worthy referred me again to Chief Factor Doug-
las, wlio made himself so scarce that although I remained to the latest
day my orders admitted in the Strait of Juan de Fucca, I never was
enlightened either by his presence or by the sight of his handwriting.
I really think that one of the causes of the strong desire the H. B. C".
have for the presence of a Ship of War is the help it throws into the
General Stock, for example tlic Constanrc paid tliciii £400 for what
cost them absolutely nothing namely, Cattle that feed on the Prairies
& flour that is manufactured at no cost whatever.

"They nominally pay their Farm Servants £17 a year, but as they
are the only Purveyors the said servants are in every case compelled
to come to their Stores for all their wants which are furnished them
at a charge of 1 z,o per cent ox'cr cost price.

"The Company have a regular 'i'ariff, from which tliey never
depart in their traffic for P'urs, from bear Skins for a blanket, not so
large as a Purser's blanket charged 6s to the Sailors is a specimen.

"The Indians inhabiting Vancouvers Island & the neighbourhood
are a very dirty, wretched set of People, witliout fixed habitations,
but many of them have handsome features, particularly the women.
I was agreeably surprised to find that they are not so thievish as repre-
sented, scarcely a single instance of dishonesty occurred during our
intercourse, but thev will not do vou a hand's turn, or give you a
drink of water without payment.

382 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"There appears to be a great deal of excellent Land in Vancouver
Island, & the Coast abounds with good harbours. As it is too far
distant ever to be colonized by emigration, it would be the Place of
all others for a Military Colony. The winters are mild; never so
severe as to interrupt agricultural pursuits, & they have never failed
to gather in their crops at Fort Victoria in the month of August while
the extensive Praieries afiford pasture for innumerable herds of
Cattle.

"The Country abounds with Elk, Deer & other game besides all
the Fur animals.

"San Francisco, Sept. 17. I got here yesterday & sail tomor-
row for San Bias. The Gold Fever goes on & its extent is
not exaggerated."

In the light of the full and able report of James Douglas, the
gallant Captain's strictures upon that official are, to say the least,
out of place. James Douglas was not the man to shirk his duty and
it may be taken for granted that he did not avoid Captain Courtenay,
as that officer avers. No doubt important matters kept him from
proceeding to Victoria at the time H. M. S. Constance was lying in
Esquimau harbour. It is well known that James Douglas, in com-
mon with the other high officials of the Company were ever ready
and willing to answer as fully as possible all legitimate enquiries.

Although Doctor McLoughlin was directly responsible for the
administration of the Western Department, and although he admin-
istered Old Oregon and its tributary territories, he was yet subject to
the will of Governor Simpson and the Council which met annually
at Norway House. This parliament of the furtraders set forth each
year in a series of resolutions the arrangements to be carried into
effect by the officers in command of the different districts. At the
same time it settled the stations of the furtraders and clerks in the
different departments and promoted or rebuked them as occasion
demanded. The Minutes of Council embody specific instructions
and particulars touching the outfits and equipment of each district
in the Indian Territories and Rupert's Land. For instance, the Min-
utes of Council of 1830 thus set forth the arrangements for the Colum-
bia Department:

BRITISH COLUMBIA 383

"WIXTER ARRAXGEMEXTS— COLUMBIA

"Fort Vancouver — J. McLoughlin, C. F. ; J. D. Harriott, C. T. ;
Donald Manson, Clk. ; James Douglas, Clk. ; James Birnie, Clk. ;
John Kennedy, Surgeon; Michel Laframboise, P. M.

"Fort Colville — Francis Heron, C. T.

"Flat Heads — William Kittson, Clk.

"Coutainais — Payette, Intr.

^'Thompson's River — Fr^ Heron, C. T.

"Okanagan — A Labourer.

"Fort Nez Perces — Samuel Black, C. T.

"Fort Langley— A. McDonald, C. T. ; J. M. Yale, Clerk.

"Snake Expedition— P. S. Ogden, C. T.

"Disposable — Simon McGillivray, C. T. ; A. R. McLeod, C. T. ;
John Work, Clerk; Thomas McKay, Clerk; Geo. Barnston, Clerk;
F. N. Annartce, Clerk.

"Shipping — Captains Simpson, Ryan & Minors & Mate.

"That it be discretionary with Chief Factor McLoughlin to make
the appointments of those Gentlemen as he may consider expedient.

"That 40 men be provided for this District to accompany the
Saskatchewan Brigade under the charge of Chief Factor Rowand
until they reach Edmonton and from thence proceed under the charge
of Chief Trader Harriott to Fort Vancouver or until he may receive
instructions from Chief Factor McLoughlin for his further guidance.

"That 160 guns (trading) and a few other supplies as per requi-
sition be taken from York for the use of the Columbia department
and from Jasper's House all the leather which he may find there of
the stock provided last year for New Caledonia.

"That Chief Factor McLoughlin take the necessary steps to em-
ploy the Shipping in the Coasting and Timber Trades to build a Ship
at Vancouver to establish the post of Nass and to carry into effect
the other objects noticed in the Governor & Committee's Dispatch
of 28th Oct^ 1829 conformablv to their Honours instructions.

"COLUMBIA CONTINUED— NEW CALEDONIA

"Stuarts Lake— Wm. Connolly, C. F. ; J. McDonald, Clk.
"Frazers Lake — P. W. Dease, C. F. ; Thomas Dears, Clk.
"McLeods Lake— John Tod, Clk.

384 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"Alexandria — A. Fisher, C. T.

"Babines — ^P. C. Pambrun, Clk.

"Conollys Lake — Charles Ross, Clk.

"Fort George — Wm. McGillivray, Clk.

"That it be discretionary with Chief Factor Connolly to make
the appointments of the above Gentlemen together with the requisite
establishment of Servants as he may consider expedient.

"That Chief Factor Dease proceed to New Caledonia via Atha-
basca and Peace River in a Canoe manned by 4 men for the Colum-
bia; in which Chief Factor Charles will take a passage from Norway
House to Fort Chippewyan preceding his Brigade; from Fort Chip-
pewyan Chief Trader McGillivray to accompany Mr. Dease, or in
the event of that Gentleman not arriving there by the 20th Septem-
ber, C. T. Campbell to accompany him and either of those Gentle-
men, say Mr. McGillivray or Mr. Campbell, to proceed from New
Caledonia to Kamloops and thence to Vancouver as early as possible
with the men intended for the Columbia Department.

"That Chief Factor Connolly be authorized to transfer the charge
of the District of New Caledonia next spring to Chief Factor Dease,
who will make the necessarv appointments of Officers and Servants
for the Summer to the different Posts and Stations as he may see fit
and that Chief Factor Connolly attend the sitting of Council next
season taking his passage out via Peace River in a Canoe manned by
not exceeding 4 retiring Servants, the remainder of the crew to be
provided by Chief Factor Charles at Fort Chippewyan and that John
McDonald, Clerk, hue of new Caledonia District, who is to pass
the ensuing Winter at Peace River come out from Fort Chippewyan
in charge of the Athabasca Brigade to Norway House.

"That 650 dressed Moose skins, 100 lb. Babiche Snares and Beaver
nets, 2000 Fathoms Pack Cords and a sufficient quantity of Grease to
make up 50 pieces in all be provided at Dunvegan for the use of New
Caledonia District to be sent for in the Autumn of every year by the
Gentleman in charge of that District.

"That a complete Outfit for New Caledonia 183 1 conformably
to requisition be prepared at Fort V^ancouver by next Spring and that
the requisite Horses and appointments, etc., to efYect the transport
thereof he provided and forwarded thither from the Columbia and

BRITISH COLUMBIA 385

with reference to further arrangements connected with the Colum-
bia Department Generally.

"That the same be determined by Governor Simpson in corie-
spondence with Chief Factors McLoughlin and Connolly."

In 1843 the arrangements for the Columbia district, as set forth
by the Council, were:

"COLUMBIA ARRANGEMENTS

"Fort Vancouver — John McLoughlin, C. F. ; Dugald McTavish,
Clk; Forbes Barclay, Surgeon; A. L. Lewes, Clk. ; David McLough-
lin, App. Clk.; Thomas Lowe, App. Clk.; D. Harvey, Miller.

"Fort George — James Birnie, Clk.

"Nisqually — Angus McDonald, Clk.

"Cowelitz — Charles Forrest, P. Mr.

"Fort Langlcy^James M. Yale, Clk.

"Fort Simpson — John Work, C. T. ; John Kennedy, Clk.

"Umpqua — Paul Fraser, Clk.

"Buena Venture Expedn. — Michel Laframboise, P. M.

"Snake Expedition —

"Fort Hall— Richard Grant, C. T.; Angus McDonald, P. M.

"Fort Boise, Francis Payette, P. M.

"F^ort Colville— Archd McDonald, C. F.

"Flat Heads— John McPherson, P. M.

"Coutonais — Patrick McKenzie, App. P. M.

"Thompsons River — John Tod, C. T. ; Dun. Cameron, P. M.

"Okanagan — An Interpreter.

"Nez Perces— Archd McKinlay, Clk.; William Todd, P. M.

"Stikine— Charles Todd, Clk.; G. Bleakinsop, P. M.

"Straits of de Fuca — James Douglas, C. F. ; Charles Ross, C. T. ;
Rod'' Finlayson, Clk.

"Sandwich Islands — George T. Allen, Clk. ; George Pelly, Agent.

"Disposable — Wm. Glen Rae, C. T. ; Francis Ermatinger, C. T. ;
Wm. F. Tolmie, Surgeon; H. N. Peers, App. Clk.

"Beaver Steamer — Wm. Brotchie, Master; J. Carless, Engineer;
Wm. Mitchell, ist Mate.

"Vancouver — Duncan, Master; James Sangster, ist Mate; Oxley,
and Mate; J. Humphrey, Master; ist Mate; 2nd Mate.

386 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"Cadboro — James Scarboro, Master; Alexr. Lattie.
"Cowlitz— Wm. H. McNeil, C. T. ; William Heath, ist Mate;
J. Heald, 2nd Mate.

"new caledoxia

"Stuarts Lake— Peter S. Ogdeii, C. F. ; Henry Maxwell, Clk.

"McLeods Lake— A. C. Anderson, Clk.

"Erasers Lake — Wm. F. Lane, Clk.

"Alexandria — Donald Manson, C. T.

"Flux-cuz — Donald McLean, C. T.

"Conollys Lake — William McBean, C. T.

"Fort George — William Porteous, C. T.

"Babines — Wm. Mcintosh, C. T.

"That Chief Factor McLoughlin for the Columbia and Chief
Factor Ogden for New Caledonia be instructed to follow up without
deviation the foregoing appointments as far as circumstances may
admit.

"That H. N. Peers App. Clk. with the Guide and 10 Servants, as
many of them Boutes as possible, to be selected by C. T. Hargreave
be forwarded to the Columbia District and accompany the Saskatche-
wan Brigade under the charge of C. T. Harriott from the Depot to
Edmonton, from thence to proceed under the charge of Mr. Peers
to Vancouver, unless he may receive further instructions from Mr.
McLoughlin en route by which he will regulate his movements. Of
these Servants 2 to be Blacksmiths and 2 Coopers if any such be dis-
posable, if not, those tradesmen coming out by the Ship this season
to be forwarded next season to the Columbia.

"That the Gentlemen in charge of the Columbia be instructed to
send to York Factory in the Spring of every year with the accounts, an
intelligent Officer conversant with them, qualified to enter into expla-
nations, and to give information on such Points as may not be suf-
ficiently reported in the public correspondence; that Mr. Dugald
McTavish be sent out with the Accounts next year and be relieved in
the Office Department by Mr. Thomas Lowe who will be required to
come out with the accounts in the year 1845.

"That C. F. Ogden having expressed a desire to obtain leave of
absence or an exchange of Furlough next year it is resolved that the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 387

same be afforded him, but this cannot be assured him beyond the
ensuing year.

"That the New Establishment to be formed on the Straits de Fuca
to be named Fort Victoria be erected on a scale sufficiently extensive
to answer the purposes of the Depot; the square of the Fort to be not
less than 150 yards; the buildings to be substantial and erected as far
apart as the grounds may admit with a view to guarding against fire/'

As might be expected tlic building of a fc^rt in the wilderness
was often marked with stirring events. The jealousy of the natives
was easily aroused and it was sometimes a difficult matter to prevent
inter-tribal feuds from recoiling upon the meagre garrisons of the
different establishments. It was the policy of the Hudson's Bay
Company to preserve the balance of power and to maintain peace by
the assumption of an overlordship amongst the native tribes. The
chief factors and chief traders in charge of the operations in the
held were astute men, bred, it might almost be said, to the furtradc.
Long years of service in all parts of the country had inured tliem to
hardship and danger and had given them an insight into Indian
traits and customs. No one knew how to frustrate the designs of the
rival trader, or to placate the savage, better than the old-time servant
of the great Company; and no corporation was better served by its
officers than the Adventurers of England.

According to the canons of that age the Indians were well and
fairly treated. Their lands were not seized, because the furtrader
was concerned only in the gathering of peltries and not in the pro-
moting of settlements; their customs were respected, because it was
less provocative of hostility to humour tlicm than to attempt to change
ideas born of immemorial usage. The authority of the friendly
chief was upheld because it was easier to contri/l the Indian peoples
by such means than to foist upon them laws and customs foreign to
their mode of thought and social institutions. Fhe unfriendlv chief
was placated because it was only by diplomacy that a mere handful
of men could maintain the sovereignty of tlic Company in tiie vast
territories it had made its own without wars of aggrandizement, or
in any other manner than by making the natives dependent upon
its wares. Much has been said against the policy pursued by the
great monopoly, but, taking all things into consideration, the Com-
pany was paternal in its solicitude for its Indian wards. The treat-

388 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ment accorded the natives by the agents of the British corporation
and later by British settlers, stands in marked contrast to that accorded
the aborigine by the American traders and settlers — a fact which
is well-borne out by the frontier history of British North America
and the United States. In spite of his inherent distrust of the native
— a distrust which is amply revealed in his letters and diaries — the
British furtrader treated the Indian fairly and, in so doing, won
the respect of his savage ward who at one time had owned and ruled
the land.

For a glimpse of the fortbuilder at work and for a knowledge of
his dangers and difficulties one must turn to his letters and diaries.
With the aid of these documents, which are the materials from
which history is woven, the past can be made to live again. Thus
the pages of Roderick Finlayson's autobiography '^ vividly portray
the building of Fort Durham on Taku Inlet, the northernmost post
of the Hudson's Bay Company on the seaboard. In the Spring of
1840, James Douglas proceeded northward in the Beaver to establish
the fort. Upon this expedition Douglas was accompanied by Finlay-
son, who had been appointed to the command of the new district.
This appears from the diary of the latter which has fortunately been
preserved and says: "After remaining about ten days at Sitka settling
various matters relative to our future trade with the Russian Com-
pany, the party left in the Beaver (having been saluted as before
and returned from the Beaver) to the Gulf of Taco (Taku) and
River, for the purpose of establishing a fort there for trading pur-
poses; we ascended the river in boats for about 30 miles looking
for a place to build, but found none on the river and selected a place
about 50 miles in a land locked harbour, where we built a fort on the
usual plan, called it Fort Durham in honour of the Governor Genera)
of Canada. It took some time to build this fort and make it defensi-
ble against the warlike Indians in the vicinity. When it was con-
sidered in proper state for defence, with bastions erected at the angles
of the stockade, a party was left to take possession consisting of
eighteen men and two officers, of whom I was one, second in com-
mand. Mr. Douglas then left for the south in the Beaver, when we
were left to our own resources to make the best of our circumstances.
It was now late in October and the Fort built on Taco (Taku)

1' Privately printed.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 389

harbour surrounded with high mountains was as dismal a place as
could possibly be imagined, the rain pouring down in torrents adding
to our other discomforts. The journal kept at this place showed
rain and snow for nine months out of the twelve. We opened trade
with the natives, a wild turbulent race, so that we only allowed a
few of them at a time to enter the Fort gate for trade. A few years
before this an American vessel from Boston came to trade in the
neighbourhood and had a quarrel with the natives in which a large
number of them were killed, and, supposing we were Americans,
they tried to take revenge for this by attempting to take the Fort
and murder us all. With this view a warrior of the tribe attempted
to force his way in at the gate, where a number of others were
watching the gatekeeper, a Sandwich Islander who did all he could
to keep the man out, but failed, when I went to the rescue, having
pistols in my belt, and forced the fellow out. In doing so I was struck
by a bludgeon and in the heat of passion I went outside the gate where
I was laid hold of by a party of wild savages and forced away to a
distance from the gate, when I called out to open blank cartridges
from the cannonades in the bastion to frighten them. In the mean-
time I managed to get my back to a tree, drew my pistols from my
belt and threatened to kill the first man that attempted to lay hold
of me; my face was covered with blood and otherwise badly hurt.
The firing from the bastion frightened the fellows off so I was
enabled to return to the fort. After this we were besieged for several
days. Preparing ourselves for action and the natives finding trade
suspended they came to a parley, when it was arranged that on
payment of the insult to me, — who was not a Boston, as the Americans
were called, — they agreed to pay in furs, a large bundle of which
were brought as payment and accepted. Peace declared and trade
resumed. I then passed a dismal winter at Fort Durham." '^

The early letters and papers of the furtraders contain many
references to Kamloops and by means of these broken records it is
possible to portray the vicissitudinous history of that post. Towards
the end of the year 1822 John McLeod, a prominent officer of the
Hudson's Bay Company, was placed in charge of the Thompson
River District. In his report ^^ of the following spring he gives

'* Finlayson, Biography, pp. 6-8.

" McLeod, Report on Thompson River District, dateil "Kamloops Spring, 1823." Ms. in Pro-
vincial Archives.

390 BRITISH COLUMBIA

some interesting particulars respecting his post and the neighbouring
Indian tribes. "Since my arrival at Thompson's River," he writes,
"the Natives have hitherto conducted themselves very peaceably and
would very likely continue so if it had not been for the death of
one of their principal chiefs who was killed last November by the
Fraser River Indians, which circumstances subsequently created
great commotions amongst the Indians throughout the whole depart-
ment.

"There are now four different nations in confederacy against the
murderers to revenge this chief's death, for which purpose no less
than 600 fighting men were expected to assemble at Kamloops this
spring. I tried as much as I possibly could to dissuade them from
going to war; but finding all my rhetoric only excited their derision
against myself I was obliged to desist. The murderers sent several
articles of value to the deceased's son, as propitiation for his father's
death, which he rejected and sent back with the message that 'he
was determined not to be satisfied with any ether atonement than
life for life.' I am convinced that this affair will be materially detri-
mental to Thompson River Department at a future period as the
greatest part of our dried salmon is traded at Fraser River.

"I am happy to have knowledge that we have this spring at the
post of Kamloops alone nearly 900 beaver skins more than the returns
of that place last year. Mr. McMillan's earlv arrival here last fall
or autumn contributed in a great measure to this unusual augmenta-
tion in trade, as it gave the natives an opportunity of making a fall
hunt. The natives appertaining to the Post of Alexandria formerly
traded at Kamloops, but that place is now attached to New Caledonia.

"The post of Kamloops is situated on the banks of Thompson's
River, at its confluence with the North Branch or N. River; to this
post no less than seven different tribes or nations resort."

It is evident that the affairs of the Thompson River district were
not in a verv flourishing condition at that time, for the Governor him-
self felt it incumbent upon him to place on record his disappointment
at the returns from Kamloops, which he did in the following terms:
"The returns of Thompson's River I am concerned and surprised
to learn have fallen off while at the same time the expenses are con-
siderably increased within the last year or two; this may have arisen
from circumstances bevond vour control, but which I doubt not you

JOHN TOD
Famous Oflicer, Hudson's Bay Company, many years at Kamloops

BRITISH COLUMBIA 391

will be able to account tor, and I am satisfied is not occasioned by
any want of zeal or exertion on your part; I however sincerely trust
things will assume an improved appearance next Spring; if its afifairs
do not look, better, my opinion as also that of Messrs. McLoughlin,
McMillan and Ogden, is that it should be abandoned as 1700 Beaver
will do little more than cover the Interest on the capital employed,
whereas in manv other parts of the country it can be turned to much
greater advantage. The complement of people intended for the
District this season appears to be greater than necessary and than the
Trade can afiford. We have therefore reduced it from 21 Gentlemen
and Servants to 18 in all which we hope you will find sufficient. Mr.
Annance is particularly required to accompany Mr. McMillan on
a very hazardous expedition to the Mouth of Fraser's River in the
course of the Winter and from the report we have of Jacco La
Fontise, there can be no doubt that he is competent to perform all
duties in whicli Mr. Annance was last season employed. In the
course of this Winter we shall at Fort George determine whether the
Post on Thompson's River is to be continued or not, in the meantime
you will be pleased to make the necessary arrangements for aban-
doning it by removing every valuable article in Spring in case it may
be deemed expedient to adopt the latter measure. It is probable an
Establishment may be formed at the Mouth of Fraser's River if the
reports from that (]uartcr are favourable and I have to request you
will be pleased to make particular enquiry among the natives as to
the navigation, numbers, and disposition of the Tribes on that com-
munication, as also the means of subsistence and general Character
of the Country." '"

But Kamloops was not abandoned and later became an important
way-station on the old Brigade Trail from Fort Okanagan, on the
Okanagan River, to Fort Alexandria on tlic Fraser. Here the Com-
pany maintained a stud farm for the breeding of horses — for the
great brigades which annuallv passed over the trail with bales of sup-
plies and peltries — the beautiful ranges in the vicinity affording an
abundance of rich pasture.

It docs not appear, however, that the post on the Thompson
River, in early days, was considered of first importance, John Tod,
a noted character, graphically describes the place as it was in Aug-

'" SimpTOn, to Jnliii Mcl.end, t)kanaf;aii, \i)v. 1st, 1824. M>. in Provincial .Xrchivcs.

392 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ust, 1841. "Men employed," Tod's Journal records, "clearing away
the bushes of grass which have been allowed to shoot up time out of
mind till it was quite impossible to discover the Fort at the distance
of more than ten feet. Never in the whole course of my travels in
this Country have I beheld a place that exhibited a more complete
picture of desolation than the present Establishment of Kamloops. —
The buildings have apparently been long in a state of decay, and
notwithstanding the props by which they are supported, are fast tot-
tering to the ground." ^'^

The fort stood originally on the Indian Reserve opposite Kam-
loops. Tod rebuilt it on the other side "of the river." '* Later it
was again moved to a point not far from the bridge which spans the
Thompson at the west end of the town. Of the first fort nothing
remains but the buried foundation of the chimney, but an old house
of whip-sawn timber still marks the site of the post near the bridge.

The earliest mention of the spot which was later to become the site
of Fort Langley occurs in the original manuscript of Mr. John
Work's Journal, one of the prized possessions of the Archives Depart-
ment at Victoria. This reference occurs in the course of his descrip-
tion of the expedition of 1824 under James McMillan, undertaken
by order of Governor Simpson with the object of discovering the
entrance of the Fraser River and essaying its navigation; the party
camped at the confluence of a "little river" with the "Coweechin
River" on Thursday the i6th December 1824. The place is thus
described — "the woods are at some distance and the river (the mod-
ern Salmon River) runs through a fine meadow which is covered
with the remains of a fine crop of hay. The marks of a great many
beaver and numerous tracks of Elk, some quite fresh are to be seen
all the way along the river." It was not until about two and a half
years later that anything appears to have been done to follow up the
exploration of 1824, the Company's officers meanwhile being busy
with the building of Fort Vancouver and the establishment of that
important post on the Columbia river. The merits of the position
and its various advantages had not escaped their ever alert attention
as Mr. Work's second diary, descriptive of the subsequent expedi-
tion of 1827, amply testifies.

*'Tod, Journal, 1841. Ms. in Provincial Archives Department.

** For description of Tod's fort see Mayne, B. C. and Vancouver Island, London, 1862.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 393

It was on the 27th of June, 1827, that this expedition set
out from Fort Vancouver. Mr. McMillan was accompanied by
three clerks — Donald Manson, Frangois Noel Annance and George
Barnston — and twenty-one men, making in all, a party to the number
of twenty-five. They left the fort early in the morning and encamped
the same evening fifteen miles up the Cowlitz River, reaching Puget
Sound without special incident on July the first. After purchasing
canoes from the Indians, a start was made as soon as the tide would
permit and Fort Orchard, the rendezvous where the Cadboro was
to be met, by agreement, was reached on the fourth of July; but the
schooner made no appearance. On the eleventh a crossing was made
to Whidby Island, when the firing of a "great gun" announced the
proximity of the vessel which shortly arrived. The party embarked
on the Cadboro at ten o'clock on the morning of the twelfth and at
once set sail for the Gulf of Georgia, coming to an anchor the follow-
ing night in Point Roberts Bay. Mr. McMillan went ashore here
to look for a site for an establishment, but without success and return-
ing on board, an attempt was made to make the entrance of the
Fraser River which, however, was not affected until the morning of
the eighteenth when, a good channel having been discovered, an
entrance was made and an anchorage found on the edge of the North
Shoal where, meeting with an unexpected depth of water the vessel
dragged anchor and drifted out to sea during the night. Next day
the difficult entrance was again efifected and the ship, after ground-
ing, without damage, anchored a second time, a mile within the
river. The next day — Sunday — the north point of entry was visited
for the purpose of taking a meridian observation. The place was
named by Captain Simpson, "Point Garry" and the latitude recorded
was 49 degrees, 5 min., 30 sec. The remainder of the day was spent
in taking soundings up the river and finding the set of the current.
The day following some progress was made up stream and many
Covvitchen villages were passed the inhabitants of which were
roughly estimated to number some fifteen hundred souls. Two trees
marked HBC were noticed on the south bank, a land mark left by
the previous expedition of 1824. The vessel reached a point opposite
the Quoitle or Pitt River, that evening and anchored later above
Pirn Island.

The Indians here surrounded the vessel in considerable numbers

394 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and proved somewhat aggressive. They were with difficulty
restrained from forcing their way on board, urged thereto by the
chief, an old man who delivered his orders in a very determined
manner.

The remark is here made: — "On the south side of the river at this
point there is a tolerably good situation for a fort. We still entertain
hopes, however of finding a better."

Trouble was again met with from the Indians who were found to
have stolefi from the ships stores and "Shoshier," the native inter-
preter sent to recover them, reported badly of the Indians who, he
said, threaten the annihilation of the white men, should they persist
in settling.

On Monday, the thirtieth, a landing place having been found,
with deep water close to shore, the horses were landed and "appeared
to rejoice heartily in their liberation."

Here is a passage describing the initial operation in the building
of Fort Langley on Monday the 30th of Julv 1827 :

"Our men at noon were all verv busilv emploved in clearing the
ground for the establishment. In the evening all came on board to
sleep, a precaution considered necessary until we are better assured
of the friendly disposition of the natives. A few Indians, and Indian
Women, were alongside for a great part of the day, and were very
quiet & peaceable. One of the ship's company was this day put in
irons for making use of language calculated to promote discontent
and create disorders amongst the crew.

"Thursday 31st. At 5 in the morning the Fort Langley men were
put on Shore to go on with their operations. The work is laborious
from the timber being strong, and the ground completely covered with
thick underwood, interwoven with Brambles & Briars. We pro-
cured a small supply of fresh Sturgeon from the Indians today.
These fish are as large as those of the Columbia, and are killed in
this River with Spears fifty feet in length, having a fork at the end,
Barbed occasionally with iron, but oftener with a piece of shell —
When the fish is struck, the barbs having a cord, attached to their
middle, and held at the end of the Spear, are drawn from their socket
and remain in the fish across the wound, till it is drawn up and
killed."

The following entries are of very considerable local interest con-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 395

stituting as they do — perhaps the earliest record of bush tires — the
ever impending terror of the woods — the same then as now.

"The fires which had been kindled to consume the Branches, and
cuttings of the timber that had been felled, communicating with the
surrounding woods occasioned us much inconvenience and trouble;
at one time we were completely enveloped in Flame, & Clouds of
Smoke, and it was with great difficulty that the People succeeded in
getting the Conflagration checked. Squatches the Nanaimooch
Chief was taken on Board today and shewn the vessel, with which he
appeared to be highly pleased.

"Saturday qth. A number of Indian women were alongside the
vessel today with Berries which they dispose of, for trifling Articles
such as Rings, Buttons &c. By a meridian observation of the Sun
taken this day, Fort Langley was found to be in Latitude 40^-1 1'-38".
"VVednesdav 8th. The men who are employed cutting Pickets
were today obliged to abandon their work on account of a fire in the
Woods, which we have every reason to suppose to have been Kindled
by Indians with the malicious intention of forcing us to relinquish
our purpose of establishing. A few Beaver Skins were traded today.
"Thursday 9th. The fire which had raged with so much violence
yesterday, broke out again with redoubled fury on the setting in of
the Sea Breeze. It swept part of the little open meadow on our left,
being arrested in its progress only by the intervention of the small
Ri\ uict tliat runs through the Plain. The Blaze has at last commu-
nicated with the Woods directly behind us but luckily at a consider-
able distance off. We expect much annoyance in consequence should
the wind blow from that (juarter. Work going forward as rapidly
as possible.

"Saturday iitli. A Number of Indians from above and below
were on the ground today, and many long and pithy orations were
given on the occasion. The Scatchats traded their furs, a business
that was luckily brought to a close without much jarring as to
prices. The fire this forenoon approached very near to our Camp,
and occasioned us a great deal of trouble and anxiety before its prog-
ress was checked, which took many of the people from their other
occupations. In other respects our operations advanced as usual.
The Bastion is now nearly at its height, and appears to command
respect in the eyes of the Indians, who begin shrewdly, to conjecture

396 BRITISH COLUMBIA

for what purpose the Ports & loop Holes are intended. In the after-
noon the Company who have visited us retired quietly to their respec-
tive homes, and our Scatchat friends also went off as soon as they
had finished trading.

"Sunday 12th. Few Indians looked near us today."

The entries of the day here assume a more satisfied tone with the
abatement of some of the troubles that beset the work. He writes :^ —

"The fire also, hitherto our most dreaded foe, has sunk to rest,
the dried wood branches & other Combustibles around being at
length consumed. We had in consequence a day of rest — a day of
calm & undisturbed tranquillity throughout. We have only to regret
the scarcity of fish among the natives, which prevents us from pro-
visioning the People as we could wish, or as their present laborious
duty would require.

"Monday 13th. The Bastion requires now only to be covered &
Pierre Charles & Cornoyer are busy raising Cedar Bark for that pur-
pose. Jacques Pierrault commenced hauling Pickets with one of the
Horses from a distance of a quarter mile. The other men are
employed as during last week.

"Tuesday 14th. Faniant and others squaring Wood for a Store.
Jacques Pierrault & Kennedy Carters Como Peopeoh sawing Pick-
ets and eight or nine men cutting and carrying logs to the Sawpit.
A small supply of sturgeon was had from the Indians as also a few
dried salmon. The latter fish according to Indian report is becom-
ing plentiful in the River. We have seen few Indians today, and
those few were very quietly disposed."

The weather conditions are the subject of the next entries and
fitly describe the admirable climate of the locality and the progress
of the work.

"Since leaving Fort Vancouver up to the present date we have
experienced the finest weather one could wish for. We have had
clear & unclouded Skies and pure atmosphere, and the heats which
prevail at this season in all climes have been agreeably tempered by
the Breezes and Air from Sea.

"Friday 17th. Some of the men felling timber close to the Camp
preparatory to erecting the Fort Picketing. Others still squaring
Wood for the Buildings, Como & Peopeoh sawing. Jacques Pier-
rault & Kennedy Carters, and the three Horses all in requisition

BRITISH COLUMBIA 397

hauling. There were heavy Showers of Rain during the night and
thrs morning; and the weather still appears lowering and unsettled.

"Monday 20th. Most of the wood required for Picketing is now
Cut and hauled to the site of the Establishment, and preparation
for the Storehouse gets on apace. Some of the men are employed in
Burning and rolling into the River the useless Logs that are still
lying through the Camp, which, excepting the Stumps, are the
greatest obstacles to be removed in levelling the ground to be occu-
pied by the Buildings. Six or Seven Sinahomes made their appear-
ance this forenoon. Nine Beaver Skins were traded from them,
tho' it was a matter which was accomplished with infinite trouble,
and after long and earnest expostulation on their part as to Prices.
All this arose from their having had communication with the Ameri-
can Vessel which visited the Straits of De Fuca last Spring, sup-
plying them with Clothing and other articles at a cheaper rate
than what our Tariff admits of. In the afternoon Fifteen to Twenty
Chomes and Misquians arrived from above. They parted with about
200 Dried Salmon and then continued their route down to the Nanai-
mooch Village. The Sinahomes also retired in the evening to visit
some of our neighbours, and soon afterwards a number of Cowit-
chens passed with their families & moveables on their way up to
kill Salmon at the Rapids, where they remain some time collecting
a Stock of Dried Provisions for the Winter.

"Tuesday 21st. This morning four men commenced opening a
Trench three feet deep for the Pickets. The Ground is a hard
Gravel composed of small round Stones of Granite, mixed with
Sand, with a very thin vegetable mould on the surface."

The next passage describes the annual migration of the Indians
to the Salmon fisheries, their methods of transport and their war
canoes.

"Saturday 25th. Families from the Sanch Village at Point
Roberts have been passing in continued succession during the day
all bound for the Salmon Fishery. The Luggage of these as well
as of the other tribes here is transported up and down the River on
Rafts which arc formed by laying Boards across two or more Canoes
Kept, eight, ten or twelve feet asunder. We have also seen amongst
them large War Canoes which are used as Luggage Boats and carry
a great Load of Furniture & Baggage. The Size of some of them

398 BRITISH COLUiMBIA

is in lengtli fifty feet and six or seven feet in breadtii across the mid-
dle. On the Top of thf Stern which is fiattish there is in general
carefully carved out the resemblance of the face of a human Being;
and the Bow or Stem stands twice the height of the rest of the Canoe
out of the water, which gives it an imposing appearance. The
Natives here do not make these large Canoes themselves but procure
them from the Yucletaws and other Nations to the northward. They
ornament the sides of them fancifully enough with circles and other
figures laid on with a red Paint or Clay.

"Friday 31st. The Second Bastion is up, and roofed in, and it
only remains now to finish the flooring, to complete it."

Theft on the part of the natives now made it imperative to hurry
on the fort inclosure to which this entry refers: —

"Sunday 2nd. It being a most desirable object to have an inclosure
up as quicklv as possible, all hands with the exception of the Sick
and Maimed are at work. No Indians were allowed to land, on
account of the Theft Committed Yesterday, but the want of fresh
Provisions will soon compel us to concede a little in regard to this
restriction, and indulge them \\ith the same familiarity of inter-
course that they before enjoyed. As it is, they appear already to
feel the deprivation of our good will and friendly disposition towards
them as severely as we had a reason to expect they would, which
is so far satisfactory."

A forlorn picture is here given of the conditions which sur-
rounded the work in hand; this entry also shows the system of cap-
ture and ransom practiced by one tribe upon another: —

"Friday 7th. Since Sunday the 2nd Inst, we have had very gloomy
weather and almost incessant Rain. It has however cleared up this
afternoon, and we entertain hopes of a favourable change, which we
certainly much require, for the sake of ad\'ancc with our business,
as well as the health of the People, who have not yet had time to
put up for themselves, any thing like comfortable Lodgings, and
consequently sufifer much from their constant exposure to so wet a
climate. Sickness at present, prevails among them to an alarming
extent, and we can ascribe it only to this, and the late change of
their diet. They are now living entirely upon fish, whereas their
rations before consisted chiefly of grain — say Indian Corn — Pease
&c., &c.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 399

"A Ylalam \\\)man Sister in Law (jf Scanawa has been restored
by Yucletaws who had taken her prisoner in their last plundering
excursion. Her ransom had cost Scanawa seven or eight Blankets,
besides other trifling articles of trade. The negotiator was a Yucle-
taw Woman who is married to an Indian that lives up this River and
is well known here by the name of the Doctor."

The reference here registers the completion of the Fort Langley
inclosure, the dimensions of the same and the internal details to be
completed afterwards recording the murder of the "Doctor" who
figured in the last entry: —

"Saturday 8th. The Picketing of the Fort was completed, and
the Gates hung. The rectangle inside is 40 Yds by 45; and the two
Bastions are 12 ft. square each, built of 8 inch Logs and having a
lower and upper flooring the latter of which is to be occupied by our
artillery. The Tout ensemble must make a formidable enough
appearance in the eves of Indians especially those here who have
seen nothing of the kind before.

"We have just been informed of the murder of the Yucletaw
woman who made herself so serviceable in ransoming the Ylalam and
Scadgat Captives. — It seems an Indian of this place performed the
meritorious deed, because the poor creature had not been equally
successful in recovering some Women of his own tribe, which arose
probably from the ransom offered not being sufficiently valuable."

A significant circumstance is noted on the i8th September in the
most matter of course manner, which reads, "The CaJhoro left us
early this morning under a salute of three guns which she returned."
This seems to imply that the fort was now considered sufficiently
complete for safety and that its little garrison were thus formally
left to their own devices. The domestic arrangement seems also to
have been brought practicallv to a conclusion as these concluding
passages show : —

"Saturdav 22nd (Sept). The carpenters today finished the out-
side shell of the house they have been working at and gave it a good
bark covering. The wintering house gets on apace and promises to
make snug and comfortable quarters. It is thirty feet long by fif-
teen feet broad and is divided into two apartments, each provided
with a fireplace and two windows." And again on Friday the 19th
October, "The houses of the men are nearly completed and some of

400 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the hands are again in the woods felling and squaring timber for
various purposes."

The Langley episode closes, as far as this part of the story is
concerned, with the following gruesome description of the pastimes
of the "noble savage" : —

"The War Party of Cowitchens returned this afternoon from
their expedition. They have murdered one man and a Woman,
and taken several women and children prisoners who as a matter of
course become slaves. The Head of one of their Victims was pen-
dant at the Bow of one of the Canoes presenting a Spectacle as dis-
mal and disgusting as can well be imagined, a Spectacle the most
shocking to humanity, that this Land of Savage Barbarism produces.
The greater number of the Canoes were laden with dried & fresh
provisions, Baskets, mats and other Furniture, the Spoils of the Camp
of the unhappy creatures that they surprised."

After this the only features of general interest in this portion of
the Journal are the earthquake shock experienced on November the
23rd "resembling the sound of distant cannon," and the erec-
tion of the fiagstafif which was "cut and prepared and in the after-
noon erected in the south-east corner of the fort. The usual forms
were gone through. Mr. Annance officiated in baptizing the estab-
lishment and the men were regaled in celebration of the event. Our
two hunters came home at night, having been alarmed at the firing
which took place on the occasion." The narrative touches upon the
predicament of Mr. A. Mackenzie who, it appears, was beset by
the Musquiam Indians — the same tribe of natives who forced Simon
Fraser to turn back in 1808. The incident is thus described: "On
Monday, the 24th December, in the morning two Indians from the
Misquiam Camp near the Quoitle River arrived with a note from Mr.
A. McKenzie, the purport of which was, that he was disagreeably
situated with only four men amongst a formidable Band of Indians,
and requested our assistance in case he might not be able to extricate
himself. Messrs. Manson and Annance with nine men went ofif im-
mediately to his relief, but they had not proceeded far before they
met him and his party all uninjured. The Indians have stolen from
them a little property but this will soon be recovered. Mr. Mc. is a
welcome visitor. He is the bearer of our letters, and home news, from
Fort Vancouver."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 401

The fact of the next day being Christmas Day is despatched with
the curtest brevity, in two words whereas New Year's Day is heralded
in the subsequent entry with true "hieland honours":

"January ist. Every one in high glee: Jean Baptiste consider-
ably elevated, and as a matter of course displaying his manhood,"
and yet again on "Wednesday 2nd. (the next day) The men still
enjoying themselves, tho' the effervescence of spirits has greatly sub-
sided."

The description of the building of Fort Langley may fitly close
with the founder's letter to his friend John McLeod, then stationed
at Kamloops. In January, 1828, James McMillan writes of this
new establishment on the Fraser River:

"I left Vancouver on the 24th June ( 1 827) , the Cadboro Schooner
some days before. I with the Land Party up the Cowlitz to Puget
Sound; fell in again with the vessel at Entrance of Admiralty Inlet
where we all embarked and proceeded to Eraser's River and suc-
ceeded in reaching this place on the 29th. July, and on the ist of
August began to cut the first stick for Fort Langley. Indians innu-
merable about us of whose friendly disposition we soon had reason to
know — greater scamps never was. However, with a good deal of
care and watching their motions we got on pretty well. On the i8th
Sept'r the vessel left us to prosecute her voyage to Northward. We
had then a good Fort up, with store, and we managed to keep our
numerous neighbours at as respectable a distance as we could. Our
returns are not very flattering, indeed much could not be expected
the first year and we have only half a year this season. Still our
losses will not be much felt. We scraped about 1,100 Skins — Beavers
& Otters. The winter here this year is very severe and would not be
thought too mild even at your own quarter. I don't know if this is
always the case or not. In such cold our naked Indians cannot go
about in search of Skins, were they so inclined; but they are very
lazy and independent, as the sea and river supply their wants plenti-
fully. We make out to live pretty well, fresh salmon in fish season
and can procure plenty of dried for the winter. Sturgeon can be
had also at times and the forest gives (us) an occasional Red deer now
and then. We could trade at the door of our Fort, I suppose, a
million of dried salmon if we choose — enough to feed all the people
of Rupert's Land. I do not know when I will be allowed to quit

402 BRITISH COLUMBIA

this side of the mountains but to be plain with you my good sir 1 am
tired of it. I would willingly be quit of it." '"

In New Caledonia, afifairs moved fairly smoothly, though the
turbulent natives of that quarter often gave cause for anxiety. Fort
St. James had already become an important centre. The fort was
rebuilt and enlarged, and beyond the stockade fields and gardens
were cultivated with success. John Stuart retired from the com-
mand of the district in 1824, to be succeeded by William Connolly,
who in turn retired in favour of Peter Warren Dease. Dease spent
four years — 1830- 1834 — in New Caledonia, and then handed over
the reins of government to Peter Skene Ogden, famous in the annals
of the West for his humour and combativeness. Ogden ruled for
ten vears — 1834- 1844. He was a brave man and a jovial companion
and many rich anecdotes of his career survive to this day.

It was during William Connolly's tenure of office that James
Douglas served his apprenticeship in New Caledonia, as clerk in
charge of the fisheries. Here the future Governor of Vancouver
Island and British Columbia courted beautiful Amelia Connolly,
the daughter of the superintendent of the district, and wedded her
according to the law of the country. Upon his return to Fort Van-
couver, Douglas solemnized his marriage in accordance with the
rites of the Church.

Douglas did not stay long at Fort St. James. On January 30.
1830. he bade farewell to New Caledonia. Apparently his experi-
ences in that turbulent district had dampened his ardor, for George
McDougall, in a letter to John McLeod of March 8, 1828, observes
— "Mr. James Douglas is bent on leaving the Country." He then
paid this tribute to the young trader — "I am sorry for it. Inde-
pendent of his abilities as an Indian Trader he possesses most amiable
qualities and (is) an accorriplished young man." Such independent
testimony would seem to refute in some measure the statements of
certain learned authors — notably H. H. Bancroft — who have sought
to disparage Douglas.

In a memorandum, dated Hudson's Bay House, 5th January,
1826, and prepared by Sir George Simpson for the Right Honourable
Henry Addington, then Secretary of State for Foreign Afifairs, there
were at that time thirteen establishments west of the Rockv Moun-

'MacMillan, to Jolin McLeod, Fort Laiiglev, Jan. 21, 1S2S. Ms. in Provincial Arcliiies.

DUNVEGAN, HUDSOX'S BAY POST, PEACE RHTIR, ALBERTA,
LOOKIXG DOWNT STREAM

EPISCOPAL CHLTICH IHSSIOX AT LESSEH SLA\ E LAKE. ALBERTA

BRITISH COLUMBIA 40:3

tains — Vancouver, (i) Vancouver, (2) Nez Perce, (3) Okanagan,
(4) Colville House, (5) Flat Head, (6) Kootenais, (7) Kilmany
(Kilmaurs), (8) Eraser's Lake, (9) Fort St. James, (lo) McLeod's
Fort, (11) Chilcotin, (12) Thompson's Fort (Kamloops), (13)
Alexandria Fort."" Twenty-three years later the number had
increased to twenty-five, according to James Douglas' report to
Captain Sheppard, R. N., of May, 1849. The additional names are
Forts Boise, Hall, Umpqua, George (confluence of Fraser and
Nechaco Rivers), Nisqually, Cowlitz Farm, Victoria, Simpson,
Langley, Hope, Connolly, Kamloops and George (Astoria). In
the meantime the place called Kootenais by Simpson had been
abandoned. It will be observed that the Governor does not mention
either of the Forts George, whereas Douglas includes both in his list.
Douglas also includes both Kamloops and Thompson, yet it is gen-
erally supposed that these two names refer to one and the same
establishment.

A volume, or rather a series of volumes, might be written upon
the remarkable activities of the Hudson's Bay Company in the period
in which Dr. McLoughlin was the tutelary genius of the west, with-
out exhausting the subject; but the narrative of that fascinating era
must be held within proper bounds. Interesting and instructive as
it would be to follow the fortunes of each post and to trace the career
of each man identified with the progressive march of events in that
early formatixc period of our history, it is clearly impossible to
do so in the prescribed limits of a single chapter. Still it is neces-
>ary, for the sake of continuity, to give a general account of the
wide-e.xtending operations of the Hudson's Bay Company on the
coasts first brought into prominence through the e.xertions of British
navigators.

The work of the great corporation in this particular may well be
summed up in the words of Sir (jcorge Simpson, to whose inde-
fatigable exertions and superhuman energv the success of the Adven-
turers of England trading into Hudson's Bay was largely due. Sir
George visited the Oregon Territory and the Northwest coast in
the summer of 1841, upon tiiat memorable jouriiev which led him
across two continents to St. Petersburg ami thence to London. Upon'
his return he laid before the Governor, Deputv Governor and Com-

-" C^orrespoiulence, Foreign Ofiice aiui Mvuisdii'*' Ba\ Co., p. 5.

404 BRITISH COLUMBIA

mittee of the Hudson's Bay Company an illuminating report of his
tour of inspection, which is particularly valuable to the historian
of the west, inasmuch as it contains extended references to the posts
on the western seaboard. Therefore that report, or rather the essen-
tial parts of it, may well be spread upon these pages, because it
reviews the situation in a very able and concise manner. It is as
follows : —

"25th November, 1841.
"To The Governor, Depy. Govr., & Committee of the Honble. Hud-
son's Bay Company.

"i. HONBLE. SIRS, — I had this honour under date 20th June
from Red River Settlement whence I took my departure on 3rd July
for the shores of the Pacific prosecuting my journey across the Conti-
nent on horseback, instead of pursuing the usual canoe route, as from
the best information that could be obtained respecting the state of the
Athabasca and Columbia Rivers at the period of the season when I
should reach those streams, there was every reason to believe the
navigation of them then would not only be exceedingly dangerous
but impracticable.

''2. My route which your Honours can trace on Arrowsmith's
chart lay from Fort Garry in a Westerly direction to Fort Ellice on
the banks of the Assineboine, where I arrived on the 7th July; thence
North West to Carlton, on the banks of the Saskatchewan where we
arrived on the 15th of the same month; thence West to Fort Pitt,
which we reached on the 20th; thence W. N. W. to Edmonton, like-
wise on the Saskatchewan, where we arrived on the 24th. From
thence we took a S. S. Westerly direction by the head waters of the
Red Deers and Bow Rivers crossing the Rocky Mountains by a pass
in about Lat. 50° 30', which had now for the first time been travelled
by Whites. Thence we passed through the Kootenais Country
arriving at Fort Colville on the Columbia River, on the i8th August
having performed a land journey of about 1900 miles in 47 days, out
of which we had travelled but 41, having been detained 6 en route.
The country through which we passed from Red River Settlement,
until we reached the Red Deers River is exceedingly beautiful pre-
senting all the varieties of Prairie and Woodland, Hill and Dale
intersected by rivers and lakes well adapted as far as soil admits for
pastoral and agricultural settlements: — Deer, Buffalo, and Wild

BRITISH COLUMBIA 405

Fowl were abundant, and although our way lay through the numer-
ous marauding Plain tribes many of whom we saw, we were allowed
to pass unmolested. Towards the Red Deers River the country
became more hilly from whence across the mountains to the Koote-
nais Country it is extremely rugged and precipitous and in many
places we found it almost impassable even with light horses the whole
route lying through thick forests deep morasses and over stupendous
rocks.

"The party of Red River settlers proceeding to the Columbia who
followed us, were however more fortunate as they fell in with some
Indians who conducted them through a still more Southerly pass
than we pursued, not only shorter but better in every respect so that
even with families, and encumbered with baggage as they were they
effected the passage of the Mountains with infinitely less labour and
in a shorter time than we accomplished it.

"From Fort Colville we descended the Columbia River by boat
touching at Okanagan and Walla Walla, and arrived at Fort Van-
couver on the 25th August, six days earlier than by my letter of last
year from England to C. F. McLoughlin I had appointed to be
there.

"3. It affords me great satisfaction to say that I found the busi-
ness of the different establishments I visited on my way from Red
River East of the Rocky Mountains in as regular and prosperous a
state as I had reason to anticipate; but having reported very fully on
the affairs of the Honble. Company's territories, previous to my
departure from Red River I shall here confine myself to those mat-
ters to which my attention has been directed since I have been on the
Western side of the Continent.

"4. After crossing the mountains the first permanent establish-
ment I visited was Fort Colville which is intended to protect and col-
lect the trade of the Upper Columbia and of the Kootenais and Flat-
head countries which lie to the South and West of that post.

"I am concerned to say the returns are gradually diminishing from
year to year; this arises from no want of attention to the management
of the district but from the exhausted state of the country which
has been closely wrought for many years without any intermission.
Tn the present unsettled state of the Boundarv Tvine it would be
impolitic to make anv attempt to preserve or recruit this once valu-

406 BRITISH COLUMBIA

able country as it would attract the attention of the American trap-
pers, so that there is little prospect of any amendment taking place
in its afifairs. Here there are many extensive tracts of country, well
adapted for colonization and at Colville there is an excellent farm
yielding bountiful harvests of maize, wheat and other crops.

"5. Okanagan the next station I visited is an outpost from the
establishment of Thompson's River, maintained more for the pur-
pose of facilitating the transport business of that post and New Cale-
donia than for trade as there are few or no Fur bearing animals in
the surrounding country.

"6. I was concerned to learn whilst passing Okanagan that the
disaffection of the Indians between that Place and New Caledonia,
which has shown itself more conspicuously since the death of the late
C. F. Black than previously, had not yet subsided and that every
plan which had been formed for apprehending the assassin had
failed. This unfortunate state of affairs it is thought has arisen from
an ill-judged forbearance on our part in not punishing many cases of
misconduct (such as horse thieving, pilfering from encampments
&c) which have been committed by the natives of late years, a for-
bearance thev ascribe to shvness or timidity instead of the proper
cause — a disinclination to have recourse to measures of severity.
Presuming on this laxity of discipline they have day by day become
inore daring until now that it is considered a service of danger even
to pass through the country and can only be attempted in strong
parties. The complement of people in this district has been con-
siderably increased, with a view of restoring good order and with
the hope that more effective measures may be adopted for the appre-
hending of the murderer of Mr. Black, as if he be allowed to remain
.at large unpunished the impression it would leave on the minds of
-the natives might prove dangerous to the peace of the country and
the lives and property of the white population.

"7. It had been arranged that I should meet C. F. Ogden at
Okanagan but from letters I received from that gentleman it
appeared he had proceeded to New Caledonia a few weeks pre-
viously, with his outfit and people, being unwilling in the present
disturbed state of the country through which they had to pass to
intrust so important a charge to other hands. Mr. Ogden's report
.on the affairs of New Caledonia is bv no means so favourable as

BRITISH COLUMBIA 407

could be wished, the returns of this once valuable district having
fallen off materially during the few past outfits. There has been a
gradual diminution in the quantity of beaver and otter traded for
several years past, but this is the natural result of the exertions that
have been made to prosecute the trade with vigour, with the double
object of benefitting by immediate results, and of rendering the coun-
try less inviting to the numerous United States trapping parties, who
formerly threatened to overrun the whole of the accessible country
on the west side of the Mountains.

"There has also been a great diminution in the articles of Lynx
and Martens during the last two years, which has caused a rapid
decline on the profits of those compared with the preceding outfits.
From the knowledge which has been acquired by experience of the
habits of those latter animals, however, there is every reason to
believe that this diminution in their numbers is merely temporary
arising either from migration to other quarters or from disease; but
that as soon as those causes shall be removed they will become as
plentiful as formerly and assist in retrieving the present unpromising
aspect of affairs in this district.

"8. At Walla Walla my next place of call the business appeared
to be in a regular satisfactory state, without any material alteration
having taken place in its condition as regards profits since last
reported upon. In former years and until very lately this was con-
sidered to be a post of danger being surrounded by several warlike
and independent tribes, who were difficult of management but I was
gratified to find that both the natives and the people have improved
greatly in each other's estimation, and that the latter feel in perfect
security although the complement of servants at the post is very
small. I am however concerned to say that the establishment soon
after 1 passed it was destroyed by accidental fire, but without any
serious loss having been incurred as both the furs and goods were
saved. The Indians on this occasion behaved witii great propriety
manifesting much regret at tiie calamity and affording every assist-
ance in their power to save the property. The establishment was in
a very dilapidated condition and was about to be enlarged and
repaired so that the accident will be productive of less inconvenience
than might be supposed. It is here my painful duty to report the
melancholy death of C. T. Pambrun, who lately had charge of this

408 BRITISH COLUMBIA

establishment, which was occasioned by an injury sustained in riding
a vicious horse; the death of that Gentleman who was a very active
and efficient officer is a serious loss to the Department.

"9. Mr. Pambrun having died before the close of outfit 1840/1,
his representatives will be entitled to a half interest only on the cur-
rent outfit say 1 841/2 there is consequently a half i/85th share
vacant which can be made applicable to filling up the full Chief
Trader's interest of one of the Gentlemen recommended for promo-
tion by the Council this year, as stated in the 36th paragraph of my
despatch to your Honours from Red River Settlement, in compliance
with the directions contained in the 23rd par. of your despatch to
myself of this season.

"10. Two posts, Forts Hall and Boisee, more or less dependent
upon Walla Walla, have for many years past been maintained in
the Snake country with a view of watching any trapping parties
that might present themselves from the United States and of encour-
aging the Snake Nations to direct their attention (which formerly
was principally occupied in the Bufifalo chase) to fur hunting in both
of which objects they have been successful.

"Inhere is not at present any organized Trapping Expedition
belonging to the United States employed in the Snake country,
although there are several straggling parties, the debris of other
expeditions; one of these parties headed by a Mr. Frabb was this
season cut ofif by a war party of Sioux. They collect some furs in the
Utah country through which the waters of the Rio Colorado pass to
the Southward of the Snake country, and on the Platte and other
head waters of the Missouri. These parties are principally outfitted
with goods forwarded to them from St. Louis and occasionally
receive a few supplies from Forts Hall and Boisee, which are
thrown by us in their way and of which they usually avail them-
selves paying for them in furs. A want of success having of late
made them irregular in their payments there is some doubts that the
merchants of St. Louis, who have heretofore outfitted them, will
continue to provide them with supplies it is probable therefore these
people will become dependent on the Company for the means of fol-
lowing up their operations. Under these circumstances an arrange-
ment is at present contemplated with Captain Bridger, the principal
man among these trappers, by which it is hoped their entire hunts

BRITISH COLUMBIA 409

may next year fall into the hands of the Company. Should such
arrangement take effect it would of course be necessary to make
advances to the party and if they should consider it more advan-
tageous to their interest to lose sight of the Company's claims upon
them and decamp, we should in that case benefit by their absence and
would probably occupy some of their late hunting grounds in the
Mexican territory; but should they consider honesty the better pol-
icy and come back with the view of repaying their debts and getting
■a fresh outfit the transaction would likewise in that case be profit-
able, so that our dealings with these people in either event are likely
to be productive of advantage. Independent of the benefits derived
from our intercourse with the Americans, arising from our occupa-
tion of the posts of Forts Hall & Boisee, the presence of those estab-
lishments has stimulated the Snake Indians to industry in fur hunt-
ing; and as there are Beaver still in the country, we are likely to
benefit more by the services of the natives which will be secured by
the maintenance of those posts (at a very moderate expense) for
their convenience than by the employment of a trapping Expedition
in the country while the occupation of those posts enables us to obtain
more or less of the hunts of our late rivals in trade from the United
States.

"The operations of these trappers being principally confined to.
the American territory east of the Mountains and to the country
situated to the Southward of Lewis and Clark's River and east-
ward of the Bonaventura valley, it cannot be said that they injuri-
ously interfere with us in any shape; but should the mode of dealing
with these people now contemplated be carried into effect they will
be in everything but name the Honblc. Company's servants or
hunters.

"ii. The Snake Country and its affairs, which until they fell
under the direction of C. F. McLoughlin were in a very disorgan-
ized state and productive of more loss than gain, have for several
years past been managed with so much judgment and address that
they have been a source of prnlit, while in very many instances they
have been ruinous to the United States adventurers who in this (]uar-
ter entered the lists against us, and the want of success that attended
their exertions, frustrated many plans that had been laid both in Bos-
ton and St. Louis of wresting from the Honble. Company the advan-

410 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tages they were deriving from their exertions on this side of the con-
tinent.

"i2. Resuming the narrative of our voyage. We took, our
departure from Walla Walla remaining there but a few hours and
on the 25th August arrived at Fort Vanc(juvcr, where the Intermit-
tent Fever was prevailing as usual at this season of the year. Besides
C. F. McLoughlin & Douglas and the other officers and people
belonging to the Establishment, 1 here found Commodore Wilkes,
Captain Hudson and other officers of the United States Discovery
Expedition. Three of the five discovery vessels were in the river say
the Porpoise, Sloop of War the Flying Fish tender and the Oregon
(late Thomas Perkins) store ship.

"The Peacock Sloop of War had been totally lost on the Colum-
bia Bar a few weeks previous to my arrival, but the officers and crew
were providentially saved; and the Vincennes Corvette had pro-
ceeded from Puget Sound direct to San Francisco there to await the
arrival of Commodore Wilkes with the other vessels. The Expedi-
tion was preceded by the Schooner JVave with supplies from the
Sandwich Islands. The fFave it will be recollected was the same
vessel that had been chartered by the Hon. Company in the month
of November last for the transport of goods to the Sandwich Islands
and had been rechartered from thence by Commodore Wilkes for the
transport of the supplies in question to the Columbia.

"13. This Expedition was dispatched by the United States Gov-
ernment in 1838 principally for the purpose of discovery in the Ant-
arctic sea; in that object it had been successful inasmuch as it had on
the same day as a French Expedition fitted out for the like purpose,
but at a distance of several hundred miles, discovered a continent in
Lat: 69° S.. but so completely icebound that nothing more could be
known of it than the bare existence of land, of which I beg to send
proof in a particle of rock from this land of small promise, taken off
an Iceberg. In the course of their voyage they visited Madeira, Rio
Janeiro, Rio Negro, Terra-del-Fuego, New South Shetland, Val-
paraiso, Lima, discovered some new Islands and surveyed others in
the Pacific between the tropics, touched at Port Jackson, from thence
proceeded to the newly discovered continent, which they traced 1800
miles; they afterwards returned to Port Jackson proceeded to New
Zealand, resumed their discoveries in the Polynesian region, thence

BRITISH COLUMBIA 411

proceeded to the Sandwich Islands then to the North West Coast of
America, touching at Puget Sound and the Columbia from whence
they intended proceeding to California, thence to the Sandwich
Islands thence to the East Indies and thence home via Cape of Good
Hope. While the Expedition w'as with us they surveyed the coast
from Puget Sound to Eraser's River, made some partial surveys in
the Straits of Juan de Euca and between Cape Elattery and the
mouth of the Columbia River; they likewise surveyed the Columbia
from the Bar to the Cascades Portage and the Willamette up to the
Falls; they moreover made excursions in the Interior crossing from
Puget Sound to Okanagan and visiting Ports Colville and Nez
Perce crossed the Cowlitz Portage and closely examined the country
on the banks of the Willamette forwarding a land party through
the Bonaventura valley to San Erancisco.

"14. Every civility and attention were shown to Commodore
Wilkes and his officers, and such facilities afforded him for prose-
cuting the objects of the Expedition as our means would admit; and
it is satisfactory to be able to say that the Commodore seemed fully
to appreciate the attention shown to him and his officers, as will
appear from a letter addressed to C. E. McLoughlin & Douglas,
copy of which is herewith forwarded. Both at the Sandwich Islands
and at the Columbia & likewise at Puget Sound the expedition
received supplies from the Hon. Company's Stores amounting at
this place to about £3,000 and at the Islands to £ , for which

they paid by drafts as advised in thc6ist paragraph.

" 1 5. Learning that the Beaver steamer was agreeably to previous
arrangement in readiness at Puget Sound to convey me to the North
West Coast on a tour of inspection of the posts in that quarter; and
on a visit to the Russian American Company's principal depot of
Sitka, 1 took my departure from Port Vancouver (after a stay there
of six days) on the ist September, accompanied by C. F". Douglas,
touched at the pastoral establishment on the Multnomah island,
ascended the Cowlit/. River, visited the Puget Sound Company's
tillage Farm at the head of that River, crossed the Cowlitz Portage
to Nisqually, a distance of from 55 to 60 miles and reached that
establishment on the evening of the 4th — but as I shall in another
part of this dispatch have to notice the farming operations both of

412 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the Hon. Company and of the Puget Sound Company it is unneces-
sary here to make any remarks on that part of the journey.

''i6. Starting from Nisqually situated in Lat. 47' 8' N. and Long.
122° 2' W. on the shores of Puget Sound on the 6th September we
proceeded Northwards between Vancouver's Island and the main-
land passing through Johnston's Straits, Queen Charlotte's Sound
and inside Colvert's Island to Fort McLoughlin, situated on an
island near Mill Bank Sound (the position of which is in Lat. 52° 6'
Long. 132° 6'), where we arrived on the 15th September, having of
the ten days occupied in getting from Nisqually to Fort McLough-
lin been detained wood cutting, trading with the Quakeolith New-
ettee tribes and wind and fog-bound about half the time. This
establishment employing a complement of 12 men besides the officer
in charge collects about 1500 beaver & otter besides small furs,
the value of the returns being from £2500 to £3chdo the charges
amounting to about £1400 and the nett profits to about £1200. It is
visited by about 5200 Indians the natives of seven villages; the trade
extending from Smith's Inlet in Lat: 51° up to Hawkesbury island
in about Lat: 52° 45'; and interiorly to a range of mountains that
divides that part of the coast from the interior of New Caledonia.
While American opposition existed on the Coast the establishment
of Fort McLoughlin might have been necessary for the protection of
the trade, but in another part of this dispatch, I hope to show that
this establishment may now with others be abandoned without either
loss or inconvenience to the business, while the saving that would
arise from such abandonment will greatly increase the present profits
of the trade of the Coast, North of Fraser's River district. Fort
McLoughlin is principally maintained on country provisions, say
Fish in great abundance and variety, venison and potatoes, and the
natives who were at one time troublesome comparatively peaceable
towards the establishment, more from a feeling that they are to a
certain extent in our power than from any good disposition towards
us.

"17. We took our departure from Fort McLoughlin on the i6th
and passing through Princess Royal's & Grenville Canals and Chat-
ham Sound arrived at Fort Simpson the following day. This estab-
lishment which is the most important on the Coast is situated in
about Lat: 54° 34' Long: 130° 38', near Dundas Island and close

BRITISH COLUMBIA 413

upon the Southern Russian Boundary. It is visited by a great many
Indians occupying the Islands and continental shores to a consider-
able distance among whom are the inhabitants of five villages on the
mainland; likewise by the natives of Queen Charlotte's Island, the
inhabitants of Tomgass and by those of Kygarnie one of the islands
forming the Prince of Wales Archipelago (Russian Territory) in
all a population of about 14,000 souls. From this will be seen that
the range of its trade is very great and if the existing arrangement
with our Russian neighbours had not been entered into, opposition
prices would have drawn to Fort Simpson a considerable portion of
the furs now collected at Stikine. The present returns are from
3000 to 4000 Beaver and otter, about 50 sea otter and a large quantity
of small furs, the gross amount being about £6000, of which about
£3000 forms the amount of charges so that the nett revenue arising
from this post may be estimated at £3000 pr. annm. The estab-
lishment was in the first instance placed at the outlet of Nass River,
but the situation being found inconvenient for shipping, it was
removed to its present site which is besides being a good position for
watching our own Northern and the Russian Southern frontier, well
adapted for opposing both the Russians and the Americans should
such at any time hereafter become necessary.

"There is a complement of two officers and 18 servants at this post,
where the means of living are abundant, consisting principally of
Fish, venison, and potatoes, and a large body of Chimsseans have
seated themselves down in the neighbourhood as the home guards of
the Fort. In any point of view this is a valuable and important
establishment and ought by all means to be maintained as the depot
of the Coast while we have anything to do with its affairs.

"18. Leaving Fort Simpson on the i8th we immediately entered
within the Russian Southern Boundary and passing through Canal
de Reveilla and Clarence Straits arrived at Stikine on the 20th.

"This establishment of which we obtained possession on the ist
June last year (1840), under the arrangement of 6th Feby., 1839, is
situated on the North end of the Duke of York's Island near Point
Highfield, 4 to 1; miles South of the Outlet of the Stikine or Pelly's
River in Lat: ';6°33' Long. 132° 14' and vvas in the first instance
formed here by the Russian American Company in 1833 with the
view of protecting their trade, which they had every reason to sup-

4U BRITISH COLUMBIA

pose would be endangered by the establishment which the Hon.
Company then contemplated forming within the British territory up
the Stikine River.

"The post is frequented by Secatquonay who occupy the country
about the mouth of the river and the islands contiguous to and run-
ning parallel to that part of the coast. It is likewise frequented by
the natives of three villages situated on islands, to the trade of which
we do not consider that we have any claim under the existing agree-
ment. Nearly all the furs collected at this post, which are appro-
priated by us are brought from the British interior territory amount-
ing to about 1500 Beaver and otter, besides small furs estimated at
about £3000 of which £1500 forms an item of charge so that the
nett profits of the post are about £1500 pr. annum. The furs appro-
priated by us are principally traded by the Secatquonays from the
Niharnies and other Indians of the Interior, some of whom have
been seen at the Establishment in the Mackenzie River. The Secat-
quonays meet those Indians for the purpose of barter about 150 miles
distant from the Coast, where the Niharnies have a village about 60
miles distant from Dease's Lake, which place they visited in 1838-39.
Nearly all the furs collected at. Stikine are obtained from the Nihar-
nies at that village which is a great fishing rendezvous and is during
the fishing season visited by all the Indians of the neighbourhood.
The complement of people at this establishment is 2 officers and 18
men, which notwithstanding the good disposition shown by the
Indians cannot with safety be reduced. The post is maintained by
fish and venison, which are procured in great abundance from the
natives at a very cheap rate.

"19. We remained at Stikine but a few hours taking our depar-
ture thence on the afternoon of the 20th and passing through Wran-
gell's Straits and Prince Frederick's Sound arrived at Tacow on the
22nd. This establishment is situated in Lat. 58' 4' Long. 133'' 45' and
was intended to have been placed at the mouth of the Tacow River,
but no favourable situation having been found for an establishment
there, it was erected on its present site on the mainland between two
rivers: the Sitka and Tacow, about 15 miles distant from each. It
is frequented by a great many Indians occupying the continental
shore, both to the Northward and Southward, likewise by some of the
Islanders; in all' from 4000 to 5000 souls are more or less dependent

BRITISH COLUMBIA 415

upon this establishment for their supplies. The returns of the past
outfit were about 1400 Beaver and Otter besides small furs yielding
a profit of about £1000 but from the growing industry of the Indians
to the Northward arising from their being more regularly supplied
with goods than heretofore it is expected that the returns will next
year amount to about 1800 to 2000 Beaver and Otter.

"The establishment is surrounded by a village containing from
300 to 400 Indians who have recently shown a disposition to be trou-
blesome, more from a jealousv of the encouragement afforded bv us
to other tribes than from any hostile feeling towards ourselves; on
the contrary they, likewise all the Indians in the neighbourhood of
the different establishments, are very much pleased to have us settled
among them, as our presence affords them protection to a certain
degree from their enemies while they benefit in many other respects
by our intercourse with them. The complement of people at this
establishment is 2 officers and 22 men. It is principally maintained
on venison, got here as at the other establishments on the Coast at
so cheap a rate from the natives that we absolutely make a profit on
our consumption of provisif)ns, the skin of the animal selling for
much more than is paid for the whole carcass. Nearly all the returns
collected at this establishment arc brought from the British terri-
tory inland of the Russian line of demarcation running parallel with
the coast, and traded by the coast Indians from those inhabiting the
interior country very few being hunted by themselves.

"20. Both at Tacow and Stikine, likewise at Fort Simpson some
sea otter and land furs have been collected which the Russian Ameri-
can Company think they have a claim to under the proxisiun of the
agreement of 6th Feby. 1839, and as the article is not quite distinct
an equitable adjustment of the matter has been made with (jovr.
Etoline which has removed all difficulty on the subject. By that
arrangement it has been agreed that the Russian American Company
shall give up to the Hudson's Bay Company at cost prices all conti-
nental furs taken by them to the southward of Cross Sound, anil that
the Hudson's Bay Company shall in like manner give up to the Rus-
sian American Company at cost prices all brought by Indians belong-
ing to the Russian Islands — and there being a iiuestion as to whether
certain Indians the Hoonaquonays of Cross Sound reside principally
on the continental shores or the islands it has been agreed that any

416 BRITISH COLUMBIA

sea Otters traded by the Hudson's Bay Company from them shall
be exchanged with the Russian American Company fur Beaver after
the rate of 9>1. full sized Beaver for one full sized sea Otter skin.
Under the strict letter of the agreement, I am not clear that we could
claim these skins, but Governor Etoline acceded to the arrangement
already mentioned in consideration of the Russian American Com-
pany benefitting by the trade of the Indians of the Alsache River,
which empties itself into Port Francois about 40 to 50 miles North of
Cape Spencer under the impression that those Indians make their
hunts to the S. E. of a supposed line drawn from Cape Spencer to
Mount Fairweather, whereby those hunts would belong to the Hud-
son's Bay Company by the agreement of Feby. 1839.

"21. When the arrangement by which we became possessed of the
Russian territory to the Northward of Lat: 54° was first entered
into, it was in contemplation to form a chain of posts along the Coast
up to the outlet of Cross Sound and from those establishments to form
outposts in the interior, under an impression that the country between
the coast and the Rocky Mountains was of much greater extent,
more numerously inhabited and more valuable than we have since
ascertained it to be. There are only two streams of any magnitude
falling into the ocean between the Russian Southern Boundary and
Cape Spencer, those are the Stikine and Tacow Rivers; the former
being navigable in seasons of high water for about 40 to 50 miles by
the steam vessel and afterwards by canoes, and the latter by small
craft only. There is a range of mountains running along the coast
extending inland about 60 miles beyond which there is a district of
level country partially wooded but as there are few lakes in the inte-
rior it is difficult of settlement except in a direct line between the
great chain of Rocky Mountains and the coast; and as the coast
Indians are in constant communication with those of the Interior it
is not supposed that the presence of establishments would tend materi-
ally to increase the quantity of furs at present collected; so that all
idea of occupying the interior country with posts during the exist-
ence of the present arrangement with the Russians is now abandoned.
I have little doubt that our Russian neighbours will be glad to
prolong the arrangement beyond the expiration of ten years, as inde-
pendent of other considerations it would be a means of avoiding com-
petition in trade with the Hon. Company which they are well aware

BRITISH COLUMBIA 417

would be highly injurious to them, but should they alter their present
view of the subject and object to the extension of the arrangement
.beyond the year 1850, it will in that case be advisable to establish
three posts in the Interior say one from 40 to 50 miles up the Stikine
River, another on the banks of the river falling into the head of Lynn's
Canal where we should be well received by the Chilcat nation; and
a third on the banks of a Lake situated inland from Admiralty or
Behrings Inlet near the Northern British Boundary at Mount St.
Elias, where our presence and high opposition prices would greatly
disturb the Russian trade as far North as Cook's Inlet. Such a
measure however I hope will not be necessary as the Russian Ameri-
can Company must be well aware that they benefit by the good feeling
arising from the existing arrangement whereas a discontinuation
thereof would bring us in collision with them by which their inter-
ests would be greatly aft'ected.

"22. The trade of the North West Coast which need not under
any circumstances be ever estimated at more than 10,000 Beaver &
Otter besides small furs is understood to be that of the coast and
islands extending Northwards from Point Mudge, which is situated
inside of Vancouver's island in about Lat: 50° — Fort Simpson being
the most central point and principal establishment upon that coast
is considered the depot of the district, although the outfits for the
different posts have heretofore been made up at Vancouver & con-
veyed direct to the establishments which together with the transport
to Sitka has this year been the principal employment of the barque
Columbia, the Schooner Cadboro and the Beaver steam vessel.

"23. The trade of the coast cannot with any hope of making it
a profitable business afford the maintenance of so many establish-
ments as are now occupied for its protection, together with the ship-
ping required for its transport, nor does it appear to me that such
is necessary as I am of opinion that the establishments of Fort
McLoughlin Stikine & Tacow might be abandoned without any
injury to the trade and that the establishment of Fort Simpson
alone with the Beaver steamer will answer every necessary and use-
ful purpose, in watching and collecting the trade of the whole of that
line of coast the transport of supplies and returns to be accomplished
in one trip of a sailing vessel from Fort Vancouver to Fort Simpson.
Under this arrangement the steamer would be constantly employed in

Vol 1—27

418 BRITISH COLUMBIA

visiting the principal trading stations between the Quakeolith village
in about Lat: 50°30' to the Northward of Johnston's Straits and Cape
Spencer the Northern entrance of Cross Sound. These stations she
could visit at stated periods six times a year, which would be suf-
ficiently often for the purpose of collecting the trade and of sup-
plying the Indians and would be more convenient to the natives
generally than the permanent trading establishments now occupied,
which many of the more remote Indians are unable to visit, in some
instances on account of the distance and in others from an appre-
hension of difficulty with the home-guards at the different posts,
who look upon such visits with much jealousy desirous as they are
of having the trade entirely in their own hands by acting as middle-
men between the Fort and those distant tribes, in order that they
may have the benefit of an agency by the transaction; indeed I am of
the opinion that when once the steam vessel comes into regular opera-
tion so as to visit the different trading stations at stated periods the
returns of the coast will materially increase as it will render our
intercourse much more frequent with the natives than it would other-
wise be, and thereby bring our supplies into more general use among
them than they now are, and consequently stimulating them to

industry.

"24. The principal objection to this extended alteration in the
arrangements of the coast trade is the possibility of another attempt
being made to disturb it by American opposition: of that however
I have no apprehension as it is perfectly ascertained that 'the late
adventurers upon the Coast have lost money by their attempts upon
the trade, and as they cannot afford a sacrifice of means in what they
must know to be a hopeless attempt to dislodge us, I do not think
they will ever interfere with us again in this quarter. But even
should they be disposed to make the experiment it could only be on
the line of coast to the Southward of Lat: 54, which is open to them
pending the adjustment of the Boundary question between Great Bri-
tain and the United States, which however the establishment of Fort
Simpson, with the presence of the Beaver steamer, or any other
vessel is sufficient to protect. — The country to the Northward of Lat:
54°, being Russian territory is under any circumstances safe from
opposition being protected both by treaty and by the Russian Ameri-
can Company. The trade of that part of the Coast, say the Russian

BRITISH COLUMBIA 419

territory will be more effectually protected by the Beaver steamer
from anv possible breach of good faith on the part of our Russian
neighbours than by the posts now occupied; but I have not the least
apprehension of any unfair dealing on the part of our neighbours,
on the contrary I feel perfectly satisfied they will honourably fulfil
in spirit and to the letter all their engagements with us.

"25. The saving that would be effected by this alteration in the
mode of conducting the business of the Coast would amount to
upwards of £4000 p. annm. besides leaving the shipping disposable
for other important services a portion of the time now occupied in
that branch of trade.

"26. It might be urged that in the event of any accident occurring
to the steam vessel the trade of the Coast to the Southward of the
Russian Boundary Line would become exposed, but before any oppo-
sition could avail itself of our unprotected condition arising from that
cause the accident might be repaired, or we should be in a situation
to supply her place either by establishing a post or by the presence
of a sailing vessel, until another steamer could be got from England,
as in the event of the loss of the Beaver I would strongly recommend
(notwithstanding a difference of opinion on this subject with Gen-
tlemen for whose judgment I have a very high respect) I consider
that another steamer should be provided with as little delay as pos-
sible. My reason for so saying is — that I consider a vessel of that
description peculiarly adapted for the inland navigation between
Puget Sound and Cross Sound, and that the transport business of
those inland seas cannot without the assistance of a steam vessel be
done justice to, while her presence in my opinion has had more effect
in overawing the natives of the coast and expelling opposition there-
from than any other means that could have been adopted.

"27. The climate of the North West Coast differs very much
from that of the country to the Southward of Lat: 49° arising I
conceive in addition to the difference of Latitude, in a great degree
from the character of the country, which north of that point is exceed-
ingly mountainous and the tops of many of the higher mountains
covered with perpetual snows; while North of Stikine glaciers are
to be seen in many of the valleys to the waterside and floating ice in
several of the canals & Straits all the year round. From our depar-
ture from Red River Settlement up to the time of our arrivnl at

420 ' BRITISH COLUMBIA

Stikine we had the finest weather that can be well imagined, but
there it became wet and stormy, and at Tacow we were detained in
consequence three days, starting from thence on the 25th, and passing
through Stephen's Passage, Peril and Chatham Straits arrived at
Sitka on the 26th, where we were received with every mark of kind-
ness and attention by Governor Etoline and the other Russian officers
at that establishment.

"28. Sitka, or New Archangel, situated in Norfolk Sound in Lat:
57° Long: 136°, is the great depot of the Russian American Com-
pany from whence nearly all its outposts and dependencies on the
North West Coast likewise in the Aleutian and Kurile Islands are
principally supplied. Here they have a steam vessel which was
originally intended as a protection to their trade from any attempt
that might be made upon it by the Hon. Company, previous to the
amicable arrangement that has been entered into; but being no longer
required for that object it is now principally employed in collecting
the trade of the Islands and in towing their sailing vessels out of and
into harbour. She is built upon the plan of an American River boat
and although she cost £5000 to £6000, is by no means a good or serv-
iceable vessel. They have moreover a small steam tug, with twelve
sailing vessels from 120 up to 350 tons burden, employed in their
transport business in the country; besides a number of small craft of
from 10 to 50 tons attached to their different hunting and trading
establishments. The large vessels usually winter at Sitka and during
that season there is an establishment of people at that place of exceed-
ing 400 officers and servants, which with families, makes the popula-
tion of Sitka upwards of 1200 souls, independent of a numerous
Indian village, situated immediately under the guns of the forts.

"29. The mode of conducting their business dififers very much
from that which we pursue being characterized by a formal routine
and display, in humble imitation of a Government establishment,
admitting in my opinion of many improvements and of curtailments
or reductions, which of themselves would produce a very considera-
ble gain in the shape of savings. Their entire collections both on
the American and Asiatic shores are about: —

"1000 sea otters

"13000 Fur seals

"12000 Beaver

BRITISH COLUMBIA 421

"5000 Land Otters of which 2000 are the rent paid by the Hud-
son's Bay Coy for the Russian territory held by them.

"Small furs

"loooo sea Horse Teeth.

"Their tarifif of trade is very nearly the same as ours, but notwith-
standing the terms of the convention between Great Britain and
Russia of Feby., 1825, I find that a considerable quantity of spiritu-
ous liquors is disposed of by them to Indians in barter for both furs
and provisions. We have discontinued the use of that article upon
the Coast as a medium of barter except in the immediate vicinity
of Russian establishments ever since the Americans have withdrawn,
and the natives are become so perfectly reconciled to the privation
that in the whole course of my travels this season where the use of
it was discontinued, I only heard one enquiry respecting the article
of Rum. With a view to the wellbeing of the Indian population of
the coast and to guard as much as possible against even the sem-
blance of competition, I suggested to Governor Etoline that the use
of spirituous liquors should be discontinued by both parties on a date
that may hereafter be agreed upon, previous to the 31st December,
1843, and I have much satisfaction in saying that he readily assented
to this arrangement.

"30. All the furs collected by our Russian neighbours are sent
to Ochotsk where they are made up for the Russian and Chinese mar-
kets. The article of sea horse teeth cannot bear the charge of inland
transport they therefore retain the collections of that article until
opportunities cast up every third or fourth year of sending them by
sea to St. Petersburg and as so large a quantity, imported at one time
naturally gluts the Russian market, they are willing either to enter
into a contract with the Hon. Company for the sale of half their
annual collections at a price that may be agreed upon or to send that
quantity by our annual ship for England on freight, as a consign-
ment to be disposed of by the Company on their account and with
that view about half a ton is now forwarded as a specimen of the
quality of the ivory. I could not learn that the hides of those animals
have ever been sent to market: they are very thick and heavy and
might I think be applied to some useful purpose in England. A
few of them are therefore sent by the barque Columbia on account
of the Russian American Company and if they clear anything beyond

422 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the cost of transport and charges they will forward on freight for
sale in England by the Company's annual ship from 5000 to 6000.
"31. Governor Etoline informed me that there was a negotia-
tion at present in progress between the Russian American Company
and the Imperial Government, with a view to placing the Civil
Government of Kamschatka in the hands of the Company and of
afifording them the exclusive right of the importation and sale of
foreign produce and manufactures to the inhabitants, likewise the
exclusive right of trading and hunting furs on the coast & in the
interior of that Province. Should that arrangement take effect, of
which Govr. Etoline did not entertain the smallest doubt, he said
in that case a further quantity of grain, say about 10,000 Bushels
Wheat would be required from the Country with the annual cargo
of British produce and manufactures from England equal to 400
tons, 200 of which would be required for Sitka and the other 200
for Kamschatka; and that whether the arrangement with respect to
Kamschatka be carried into efifect or not they will require by the
Company's annual ship about 200 tons British produce and manu-
factures from and after the shipment of 1842.

"The Governor expressed himself as highly satisfied with the
Otter skins that had been received by them from the Company in
fulfilment of the contract of sale entered into, likewise with the
wheat and other agricultural produce that had been d'elivered under
the same contract, for which payment had been duly made by his
Bills on St. Petersburg transmitted: so that I am in hopes our pres-
ent dealings with our Russian neighbours from which the country
derive important advantages, are but an earnest of future and more
extended business operations, and as I hope to see Govr. Etoline
again on my way to Siberia and Baron Wrangell and the Board of
Directors of the Russian American Company as I pass through St.
Petersburg it is more than probable that further extended business
transactions mav be determined upon previous to my return to
England.

"32. The Russian American Company have not yet abandoned
their establishment of Bodega in California being unable to effect
a sale of their buildings and stock; that stock consists principally of
sheep, cattle, horses. Agricultural implements. &c, all of which has
for some time past been offered for sale at the round sum of 30,000

BRITISH COLUMBIA 423

dollars. Govr. Etoline however foreseeing the difficulty of obtaining
payment shoulia sale be effected to any of the people in California,
said he should feel disposed to accept a much lower price from the
Hudson's Bay Company and 1 have no doubt that the whole might be
purchased at from 15,000 to 20,000 dollars. The Russian American
Company admit that they have no title to the soil beyond that which
they have acquired by occupation; this the Mexican Government
does not recognize but they cannot dislodge them, the Russian force
there having usually been 150 men, although now that they are about
to withdraw it is reduced to 50. Bodega is not well situated for
trade nor is the country well adapted for Agriculture; and as any
title the Russian American Company could give us would be of no
avail unless backed by a force of 80 to 100 men I do not see that any
good object can be gained by making the purchase on any terms.
Under these circumstances I made him no offer nor did I encourage
the hope of our becoming purchasers.

"33. After passing 4 days at Sitka, where we experienced the
utmost kindness & hospitality, we took our departure on the 30th
September, retracing our steps along the coast and again calling at
Stikine, Fort Simpson & Fort McLoughlin. In coming through
Johnston's Straits we were suddenly enveloped in a dense fog in a part
of the Straits not exceeding two miles in breadth where there was
a tideway <if 12 to 14 knots an hour of which we were the sport for
13 hours: during this time the vessel was quite unmanageable as we
could not see the land, lost the best bower Anchor, disabled the small
bower and were unable from the strength of the current to take
soundings with two deep sea leadlines fastened together in places
where at the slack of the tide we afterwards ascertained the depth of
water was from 25 to 30 fathoms. In the course of those 13 hours
the current hustled the vessel up and down the Straits witii incredible
speed, but fortunately there was an offset from the land which kept
her in deep water until the fog dispersed, when the steam was got up
and enabled us to escape from this extraordinary tideway without any
other loss than the Anchor in question, as the injury done to the other
has since been repaired.

"34. It was my intention to have gone into Fraser's River with
a view of visiting Fort Langlev but being uncertain whether the ship
by which I was to proceed to the Sandwich Islands might not be

42i BRITISH COLUMBIA

waiting for me and being unwilling to detain her I proceeded direct
to Puget Sound, intending to visit Fort Langley on my return to
Sitka next Spring. Fort Langley is situated in Lat: 49 6', Long:
I22°47', and it is intended to collect the trade of the numerous tribes
inhabiting the mainland coast and East Coast of Vancouver's Island
from Lat: 48° to Point Mudge in Lat: 50°, and from Long. 121 "50'
to Long: 124^ The complement of people at this place is an officer
and 17 men, the returns in furs amounting to about £2500, and in
salted salmon for market, say about 400 barrels to about £800, the
profits on the post being about £1600 pr. annum. The establish-
ment was destroyed by fire about 18 months ago, but has since then
been rebuilt on a larger scale. There is an excellent farm in the
immediate neighbourhood, the produce of which with fish and veni-
son maintains the establishment, and assists in provisioning some of
the others on the coast. This has for a length of time been a very
well regulated post, but as the country has been closely wrought for
many years the returns in furs are gradually falling ofif but the increas-
ing marketable produce of the Fisheries makes up for that deficiency.
"35. On our way back to Fort V^ancouver where we arrived on
the 22nd Octr., our voyage to & from Sitka and the other establish-
ments already mentioned, having occupied 52 days, I had another
opportunity of visiting the establishments of Nisqually and the Cow-
litz Farm the former of which may be said principally to be occu-
pied & the latter entirely so with the afTairs of the Puget Sound
Company. The furtrade of Nisqually extends along the coast &
Interior Country to Cape Flattery, likewise to the shores of Puget
Sound & North as far as the Northern end of Whidbey's Island, the
returns amounting to about £1500, the profits on which is about
£700 p. annm. The complement of people chargeable to the Fur-
trade is an officer and 6 men, with 4 shepherds and herdsmen, besides
the occasional services of Indians chargeable to the Puget Sound
Company.

(36 to 67 paragraphs follow)

"I have the honour to be, with much respect,

"Honble. Sirs,

"Your mo: obedt. humble servt,

"George Simpson."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 425

It is not possible to give in full the history of each post, but the
foregoing at least may serve to illustrate the work of the founder and
builder of the West. Enough has been said to give an idea of his
trials and vicissitudes and of the wonderful organization by means
of which so much was accomplished in the face of such difficulties
as could only be encountered in a primeval wilderness, far from
civilization. The pioneer trader was no paragon; he was a strong
man who bore his part in laying the foundations for future genera-
tions to build upon. He did his work from day to day, from year to
year, unnoticed and unknown, and in the doing bequeathed to pos-
terity a splendid example of devotion to duty which may well be
emblazoned on the scroll of history.

CHAPTER XIII
THE OREGON QUESTION

There is perhaps no question in our history upon which opinions
are today more divided than that involved in the settlement of our
southern boundary line. By that settlement the sovereignty of the
whole coastal strip from 42 ' to 54 40' was fixed and adjusted, and
though over sixty years have elapsed since that time a few minutes
conversation in any gathering will evoke most diverse opinions. The
extremists on the one hand see the disputed area entirely British or
American according to their prejudices, while amongst the others
varying boundaries will be favoured depending upon their convic-
tions of the justice or strength of their country's claim. It will be
our endeavour to deal impartially with this subject and to place
before the reader all the facts bearing upon it, and thus to set it in
its proper surroundings and enable him to obtain a clear conception
of the dispute and reach a satisfactory conclusion upon the merits or
demerits (if such exist) of the settlement.

At the out-set one note of warning must be given. Readers of
history cannot more completely mislead themselves than by yielding
to anachromisms, therefore let us see exactly what the conditions
were in which, or on which, this dispute arose.

By virtue of many titles, amongst which the Papal Bull of Alex-
ander VI. had a prominent place, Spain originally claimed the whole
western coast' of America. The actual Spanish dominions in the
eighteenth century and the early part of the nineteenth bear the
names of Mexico and California. The latter was a loose term. Its
northern boundary was vague; in the Nootka Convention of 1790
references are frequently made to it under the expression, "the parts
of the coast already occupied by Spain," and amongst other things
Captain Vancouver while on this coast was ordered to ascertain the
number, situation, and extent of such settlements. At that time the

427

428 BRITISH COLUMBIA

British Columbia coast was known to the Spanish as the coast of Cali-
fornia, and Captain Vancouver as a result of his investigations
reported that San Francisco in latitude about 38° was the northern-
most point occupied by Spain. Ultimately by the Florida Treaty of
1819 the parallel of 42° north was settled as the northern boundary
of Spanish possessions. It will be useful to remember that during
the Oregon discussions, the Pacific Coast of North America to 42
north at least was Spanish, and that the United States were struggling
for a foothold upon the Pacific shores which would ofifer a favour-
able harbour to their shipping.

It might be interesting to enter upon a discussion as to whether
the claims of the United States would have been so strongly pressed
had the safe and commodious harbour of San Francisco been theirs,
as it became a few years later. Their strong view is well shown by
one of Mr. Buchanan's last letters in the dispute. He says: "It lies
contiguous, on this continent, to the acknowledged territory of the
United States, and is destined, at no distant day, to be peopled by our
citizens. This territory presents the avenue through which the com-
merce of our Western States can be profitably conducted with Asia
and the western coasts of this continent, and its ports, the only har-
bour belonging to the United States to which our numerous whalers
and other vessels in that region can resort. And yet, vast as are its
dimensions, it contains not a single safe and commodious harbour
from its southern extremity until we approach the 49th parallel of
latitude."

The sea-otter and the fur-seal had drawn to this coast the Russian,
British, and American adventurers, whose operations have already
been detailed, and these claims on behalf of their respective nations
arising from their private discoveries (or supposed discoveries) were
superimposed upon the Spanish claim. The Russian operations were
to the far northward — the area now known as Alaska — but Russia
soon ceased to be, or perhaps it would be more nearly correct to say,
never became, a real factor in the Oregon dispute. Spain herself was
early aware of the presence of Russian establishments on this coast —
indeed as early as 1788, as already shown, Martinez and Haro were
sent to see what the Russians were doing in Alaska and upon their
report a remonstrance was addressed to the Russian government
against these encroachments upon alleged Spanish dominions.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 429

Prince William Sound was arbitrarily assumed by Spain as being
the boundary between the dominions of the two sovereigns. Here
may be seen the very first sign of the breaking up of Spanish preten-
tions upon this coast, for if the Papal Bull were of any value as a
foundation of Spanish right it certainly carried Spanish claims to
the farthest north and did not cease at Prince William Sound. It
may perhaps be as well to dispose of the claim of Russia at once,
although it necessitates a reference to later dates. In 1824 by the
convention with the United States and in 1825 by a similar treaty
with Great Britain, the portion which belongs to Russia was
marked off. The varying language may well be noted. In the con-
vention with the United States the third article provided that that
nation should not thereafter form "any establishment upon the north-
west coast of America nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north
of 54 degrees and 40 minutes of north latitude; and that in the same
manner there shall be none formed by Russian subjects, or any
authority of Russia, south of the same parallel."

In the convention with Great Britain in the following year
article 3 runs in this wise: "The line of boundary between the pos-
sessions of the high contracting parties upon the coast of the con-
tinent and islands of the northwest shall be drawn in the manner
following, etc." Notwithstanding these differences it is submitted
that the plain meaning of the two agreements is the same i. e. that
the southern boundary of Russian possessions in America is fixed
at 54°4o', but that the sovereignty in the land to the southward is
left in abeyance.

To return to the claimants of the coast — the four powers, Russia,
Britain, the United States, and Spain. From the Meares embroglio
which occurred in 1789 resulted the Nootka convention of 1790. That
convention has been much misunderstood. It is often carelessly
stated that its effect was to make the Pacific coast in this latitude
British. This, it is conceived is a manifest error. It is submitted
that the real effect of this convention was that Spain abandoned her
claim to the exclusive sovereignty of the Pacific coast, and that the
coast between the Spanish and Russian settlements thus became a
sort of waste, a no man's land, the sovereignty of which would be
in any nation which effected settlement. That this is so is plain from

430 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the statement of the British diplomats in the later negotiations, and
it is clear also that the same view obtained in the United States.

Leaving the coast now let us turn to consider the approach from
the eastward, and the gradual assertion of sovereignty and limitations
of boundaries. By the Treaty of Paris in 1783 the line of boundary
between the United States and the British possessions was to be
drawn from the most northwesterly corner of the Lake of the Woods
due west to the sources of the Mississippi River. At that time the
territory to the westward of that river latterly known as Louisiana
was nominally a French possession, though it had been actually trans-
ferred to Spain by the treaty of 1763-4. In 1800 it was retroceded
to France as a part of the dower arrangements of the Duke of Parma,
though Spain remained in possession. In April, 1803, the Emperor
Napoleon, for the purpose of raising funds to carry on his wars, sold
the whole region to the United States for $15,000,000. Spain was
much chagrined at this coup and protested against it as being con-
trary to earlier French promises. The western boundary of Louis-
iana was undefined, but it is now conceded that it did not extend
beyond the summit of the Rockies. Its northern boundary was
equally vague. It scarcely falls within our purview to sketch the
negotiations leading to the settlement of that boundary, yet the fact
that the 49th parallel was selected as the north boundary of Louisiana
naturally greatly influenced the ultimate division of the territory,
for the simple reason that the British territory north and the Ameri-
can territory south of that line gave claims, arising from contiguity,
to the sovereignty of the parts of Oregon to the westward. That
line was drawn in 18 18 as follows: "It is agreed that a line drawn
from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods, along
the 49th parallel of north latitude, or, if the said point shall not be
in the 49th parallel of north latitude, then that a line drawn from
the said point due north or south, as the case may be, until the said
line shall intersect the said parallel of north latitude, and from the
point of such intersection due west along and with the said parallel,
shall be the line of demarkation between the territories of the United
States and those of His Britannic Majesty; and that the said line shall
form the northern boundary of the said territories of the United
States, and the southern boundary of the territories of His Britannic
Majesty, from the Lake of the Woods to the Stony Mountains."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 431

We now come into the early stages of the Oregon discussion.
The Oregon Territory of that time was the land west of the Rocky
Mountains between the parallel of 42" and 54°4o'. We have
already noted the disappearance of the Russian claim but before
that time, namely in 1819, by the treaty known as the Florida Treaty
with the United States a boundary was drawn between the terri-
tories of the United States and Spain. That treaty fixed the north-
ern boundary of Spanish possessions at 42 degrees as already stated,
but it contains a clause which was very strongly relied upon by the
United States in later discussions. That clause runs as follows:
"The two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all
their rights, claims, and pretensions, to the territories described by
the said line; that is to say, the United States hereby cede to His
Catholic Majesty, and renounce forever, all their rights, claims, and
pretensions, to the territories lying west and south of the above
described line; and, in like manner. His Catholic Majesty cedes to
the said United States all his rights, claims, and pretensions, to any
territories east and north of the said line; and for himself, his heirs,
and successors, renounces all claim to the said territories forever."
Thus the claimants to Oregon were early restricted to Great
Britain and the United States. Before dealing with the diplomatic
discussions or the discussions in Congress it may be well to give
briefly an outline of the respective claims of these two nations to the
territory in question. The American claim at the beginning and the
American claim at the end of the dispute were very different. In
the early stages the only suggestion was that their claim carried them
rightly to the 49th parallel, but in the last years of the trouble it
grew to a claim to the whole territory leaving no room for Great
Britain upon the coast. The discovery of the Columbia by Captain
■ Gray in 1792 was alleged to give to the United States the sovereignty
of all the land drained by that river. Even before Louisiana had
been actually transferred to the United States the President, Thomas
JefYerson, was arranging for an examination of that region by an
expedition which later was placed under the command of Captains
Lewis and Clark. Wc have already given an outline of tlic work
performed by these two commanders, and while wishing to give
them every meed of praise to which they are entitled, it may well
be doubted whether anyone can really agree with Doctor Coucs in

432 BRITISH COLUMBIA

characterizing it as a great national epic of exploration. The work
of these men in following the south branch of the Columbia from
its source to its mouth strengthened very greatly the inchoate claim
arising from Captain Gray's discovery. The foundation of Astoria,
the trading post built by John Jacob Astor's Company, the Pacific
Fur Company, at the mouth of the Columbia in 1811, was another
factor strongly relied upon by the American diplomats as adding
actual settlement to the title arising from the discovery and explora-
tion. The details of the work of the Astorians have already been
given. It may be difficult to distinguish between the trading post at
Astoria and any other of the numerous trading posts in the disputed
territory, and there would seem to be a very wide variance between
such a trading post and a real settlement.

During the war of 1812-14 the British government at the earn-
est solicitation of the North West Company sent out the sloop
of war Raccoon to demolish Astoria; but before her arrival
Astoria had passed into the hands of the North West Company by
purchase, yet Captain Black could not resist the temptation of "tak-
ing" the fort, and as we have already shown, he went through a
little demonstration of hauling down the American flag and running
up the British in its place. When the war was settled by the Treaty
of Ghent, the first article provided that "all territory, places and
possessions whatever, taken by either party from the other during the
war, or which may be taken after the signing of the treaty excepting
the islands hereinafter mentioned (in the Bay of Fundy) shall be
restored without delay."

In the negotiation of that treaty the word "possessions" was intro-
duced by Henry Clay, as he later, proudly stated for the very purpose
of including Astoria, even though it was not known at the time that it
had been captured. In accordance therewith in October, 18 18, com-
missioners representing the two nations met at Astoria and exchanged
acts of delivery and acceptance whereby the British Commissioner
Captain Hickey of H. M. S. Blossom and J. Keith for the North
West Company did "in conformity to the first article of the Treaty
of Ghent restore to the Government of the United States through its
agent J. B. Prevost, Esq., the settlement of Fort George on the
Columbia River." The North West Company after they had
obtained possession of Astoria had given it the name of Fort George.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 433

It was strongly contended that the effect of this transaction was
a formal recognition of the territorial rights of the United States at
the mouth of the Columbia. In addition to these claims in her own
right the United States also claimed by contiguity that portion of
Oregon west of the boundaries of Louisiana. And, further, claim
was made by them as a result of the Florida Treaty of 1 8 19. By
that treaty, all of Spain's rights passed to the United States. It was
urged that as the heir of Spain the United States claim obtained
strength from the discoveries of the Spanish explorers Heceta,
Bodega, and Maurelle. In order to escape the difficulty which the
Nootka convention naturally placed in the way of any claim of
exclusive sovereignty the United States were forced to argue, as they
did most energetically, that by reason of the war which broke out
between Spain and Great Britain in 1796, the convention of 1790
ceased to have any effect.

The British claims, however, did not allege any exclusive right or
sovereignty of Great Britain in the disputed territory. The claim
was that the Nootka convention entitled Great Britain to a sort of
joint right to settle upon and thereby obtain the sovereignty of such
portions of the territory as were desired. As a result of Alexander
Mackenzie's overland voyage in 1793 during which he explored the
upper reaches of the Fraser River, and made his way across to Ben-
tinck Arm, a similar right by reason of discovery and exploration to
that claimed by the United States on the Columbia had arisen, and
by the erection by the North West Company of trading posts
upon the head waters of the Fraser and later on the Columbia
another right similar to the American claim of settlement at Astoria
had arisen. The British further disputed that Captain Gray had
really discovered the Columbia River. On this point they drew a
fine distinction between the mouth or estuary of the river, and the
river properly so called. They claimed that Captain Gray did not
actually reach the river, and that although he had filled his water
casks with fresh water, yet that was in the month of May when an
abnormal condition prevailed, and that this arose by reason of the
freshet in the river thereby changing the usual condition and ren-
dering this portion of the water at its mouth, fresh. They pointed
out that when Lieutenant Broughton entered the Columbia, the
place where Captain Gray had filled his water casks was found to

Vol. 1—28

434 BRITISH COLUMBIA

be salt water, and that Lieutenant Broughton was the first to reach
the real river, and ascend it for a distance of about loo miles. They
even went so far as to claim for Lieutenant Meares the discovery of
the river, and yet we know from Meares' own account, (and this
is one of the few things in which we can believe him) that he saw no
sign of the "Saint Roc" as the Spaniards had called the Columbia,
that in token of his feelings he had named the cape "Disappoint-
ment," and in his Voyacje he emphatically states as the result of
his exploration that no such river exists. How, therefore, he could
be its discoverer passes ordinary understanding. With reference to
the restoration of Astoria the British answered that in any event it
was only an admission of the American right to make and retain
settlements with the disputed area — a right which she freely admitted.
Dealing with the Florida treaty and the transfer of Spanish rights
to the United States, Great Britain contended that those rights were
as set out in the Nootka convention i. e. the same right as she her-
self claimed thereunder — to make settlements at unoccupied points
along the coast. These then, in brief, were the arguments upon both
sides of the question. No progress, however, could be made in or
towards the settlement, and as a last resort the third article of that
treaty was agreed upon. It runs as follows: "It is agreed that
any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest
coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together
with its harbours, baj'^s, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers
within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the
date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens,
and subjects, of the two powers ; it being well understood that this
agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which
either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of
the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any
other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object
of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent dis-
putes and differences among themselves."

The first occasion on which this boundary question was really
discussed was during the negotiations of the Treaty of Ghent in 1814.
On that occasion James Monroe, the Secretary of State under Presi-
dent Madison instructed the American plenipotentiaries: "Should
a treaty be concluded with Great Britain and a reciprocal restitu-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 435

tion of territory be agreed on, you will have it in mind that the
United States had in their possession at the commencement of the
war a post at the mouth of the River Columbia, which commanded
the river which ought to be comprised in the stipulation should the
possession have been wrested from us during the war. On no pre-
text can the British Government set up a claim to territory south of
the north boundary of the United States. It is not believed that
they have any claim whatever to territory on the Pacific Ocean.
You will, however, be careful should a definition of boundary be
attempted not to countenance in any manner or in any quarter a pre-
tention in the British Government to territory south of that line."
No progress, however, could be made in or towards the settlement,
although matters went to the point that the 49th parallel was pro-
posed as the boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the summit
of the Rockies, conditionally upon the relinquishment of certain
rights to fisheries then claimed by the United States. Nothing there-
fore was done to limit the boundary by the Treaty of Ghent, but
four years later an agreement was reached covering the boundary
line from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains. The words
of this treaty have already been given.

The reason that the United States did not urge the extension of
the boundary along the line of the 49th parallel west of the Rockies
is stated by George Bancroft in his "Memorial of the United States,"
presented to the Emperor William of Germany in connection with
the San Juan dispute. He says — "From that range of mountains
to the Pacific, America partly from respect to the claims of Spain
was willing to delay for ten years the continuance of the boundary
line." At that time the negotiations with Spain which culminated
in the Florida treaty of the following year, were in a very critical
condition, and the American diplomats feared that any claim of
absolute title even though guardedly expressed as being against Great
Britain might wound the sensibilities of the Spaniards.

Inasmuch as matters remained quiescent in diplomatic circles
concerning the Oregon troubles for nearly ten years, let us look at
the action from time to time urged in the American Congress. We
shall find as a result of even the most cursory inspection that the
persons having control of the policy of the United States early
entered upon a systematic scheme for the education of the people,
not only with regard to the wealth of Oregon and the ease of access

436 BRITISH COLUMBIA

thereto, but also to create a public feeling (which grows very easily
in that country) that the American claim was absolutely unassailable
and that any suggestion of British right was another instance of the
domineering policy of the Mother Land.

In December, 1820, Floyd of Virginia called the attention of
Congress to the expediency of occupying the Columbia River; a
committee was appointed which made a report accompanied by a
bill for carrying into efifect the proposed possession, but there the
matter rested.

In the following year similar action was again taken by Floyd;
again the committee reported; again the bill for occupying the
Columbia River — "and the territory of the United States adjacent
thereto" — was introduced. As Marshall says, there was no intention
of passing this bill — the real object aimed at was to keep the subject
before the public and thus inform the nation upon the merits of the
case in anticipation of the time when either the expiration of the
treaty of 18 18 or the negotiation of a new treaty in advance of that
date should give the Americans the right to occupy the Columbia
River.

Another select committee to deal with this subject was upon
Floyd's initiative, appointed in 1823. In the following month they
reported a bill for carrying into efifect this much desired object. It
passed the House but was defeated in the Senate. All this was but
a part of a consistent policy of publicity and education which soon
crystallized public opinion into the firm conviction that this was one
of the rare questions which have but one side.

Again in December, 1823, Floyd had this subject once more
before Congress. An examination of the speeches on this occasion
and a comparison with those of earlier date will show that matters
had now so far advanced that the United States title to the territory
had risen into the realm of irrefragibility, and now the speakers
devoted themselves entirely to making plain to the world the easiest
means of access to the riches of the West.

These reports and bills and the congressional action thereon did
not escape the attention of Great Britain. Complaint was made by
her representatives during the progress of the negotiations in 1825
that this conduct was — as it admittedly was — in violation of the
treaty of 1818. Mr. Rush the American Minister in London replied

BRITISH COLUMBIA 437

asserting the full and exclusive sovereignty of the United States
over the whole of the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains washed
by the River Columbia in manner and extent as he had stated, sub-
ject, of course, to whatever conventional arrangement they may have
formed with regard to it with other powers. Their title to this whole
country they considered as not to be shaken — it had often been pro-
claimed in the legislative discussions of the nation and was other-
wise published before the world. In these conferences the Ameri-
cans made an offer to continue the 1818 treaty for ten years longer
upon the terms that citizens of the United States should make no
settlement north of 51° nor British subjects south of 51 or north
of 55 .

In June, 1824, the British offered as a settlement the 49th parallel
from the Rockies to the most north easterly branch (main stream)
of the Columbia, and thence down the middle of that river to the
Pacific Ocean. The Americans countered by declaring their utter
inability to accede to such a proposal but, finding that the line offered
in their formal proposal was considered wholly inadmissible by
the British plenipotentiaries, said that in the hope of adjusting the
question they would so far vary their former line to the south as to
consent that it should be the 49th instead of the 5ist° of north lati-
tude. Here tlic negotiations ended for a time. It will be observed
that the two disputants are now close together, closer than they
became during the later stages. The only portion of Oregon now in
dispute was that north and west of the Columbia River as far as the
49th parallel — in all i58,(X)o S(]uare miles.

In the document found amongst the papers of the late Dr. John
McLoughlin, he states, "The Hudson's Bay Company officially
informed him in 1825 that in no event could the British claim extend
south of the Columbia, and that he so informed the few Canadian
employees of the company who on finishing their term of service
wished to settle in the- Willamette Valley, instead of being returned
to Canada as provided by their contract with the company." (Trans-
actions, Oregon Pioneer Association, 1880 — cited in Marshall's
"Acquisition of Oregon," p. 167.)

The Oregon (Question was not allowed to rest. In 1821; a com-
mittee was appointed by Congress to consider the establishment of
a military post at the mouth of the Columbia. Two report^ \v(>rc

438 BRITISH COLUMBIA

made by this body, which dealt at length with, and described in
glowing language the resources of Oregon Territory — its balmy cli-
mate — its fertile soil — its excellent timber — its abundance of game
— its wealth of minerals and natural resources and even its magnifi-
cent scenery.

Having excited the interest of the reader and raised the desire to
reach this land of Goshen, the report passed on to consider as a
matter of form the question of ownership. It found that "The
American title is founded on occupation strengthened (as the com-
mittee believe) by purchase — by prior discovery of the river and
its exploration from some of its sources in the Rocky Mountains to
the ocean. Great Britain can have no title so strong as this." When
the British title passed under review the committee expressed itself
thus — "After a careful examination of the British claim the com-
mittee have unanimously come to the conclusion that it is wholly
unfounded and that the navigators of Great Britain were not the
original discoverers of any part of the region which is included
between the Mexican and the Russian boundaries." And then with
a magnanimity worthy of preserx'ation the committee proceeds
"Nevertheless the minute examination which has been made by
them (i. e. the British) of part of this coast ought perhaps to secure
to the nation who patronized them, something more than could be
claimed as a positive right; but we think the ofTer of Mr. Rush to
continue the boundary along the 49th parallel of latitude to the ocean
was as great a concession as would be compatible with our interests,
our honour, or our rights."

But now the ten years were drawing to a close, and accordingly
in 1826 negotiations were re-opened on the title to Oregon. The
instructions to Andrew Gallatin, the American plenipotentiary con-
tained this very strong expression. After stating that Great Britain
had not and could not even make out a colourable title to any portion
of the coast, the following language occurs: "You are then author-
ized to propose the annulment of the third article of the convention
of 1 818 and the extension of the line on the parallel 49 degrees from
the eastern side of the Stony Mountains where it now terminates
to the Pacific Ocean as the permanent boundary between the terri-
tories of the two powers in that quarter. This is our ultimatum and

BRITISH COLUMBIA 439

you may announce it. We can consent to no other line more favour-
able to Great Britain."

The result was to have been foreseen — a dead-lock. The status
quo was therefore continued. By the treaty of 1827 the terms of the
treaty of 18 18 were extended indefinitely determinable upon 12
months' notice to be given by either of the parties. This renewal
treaty used the words in reference to the Oregon Territory: "Noth-
ing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the con-
vention of the 20th of October, 1818, hereby continued in force, shall
be construed to impair or in any manner afifect the claims which
either of the contracting parties may have to any part of the country
westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains." It will be noted that
the reservation of "the claims of any other power or state" con-
tained in the convention of 18 18 are now omitted for the reason that
in the interval the claims of Russia and Spain have both been elimi-
nated and the dispute is narrowed to but two claimants.

During the discussions leading up to this treaty, Gallatin spoke
of the manifest destiny of Oregon — that it should be settled by the
over-flowing population of the United States. "Under whatever nom-
inal sovereignty that country may be placed," he said, "and whatever
its ultimate destinies may be it is nearly reduced to a certainty that
it will almost exclusively be peopled by the surplus population of
the United States. The distance from Great Britain and the expense
incident to immigration forbid the expectation of any being practic-
able from that quarter except upon a comparatively small scale."
(Marshall, 173.)

Though nominally 1818 was the vital date, and nothing occurring
thereafter could alter the rights of the disputants, yet a little consid-
eration will show that actual settlement occurring thereafter was an
exceedingly important matter and though not put forward promi-
nently was none the less efficacious. Indeed it may possibly be
inferred that the very opportune immigrations into Oregon at the
time the question was at its height — the early forties — were not so
free and spontaneous as some would have us suppose. Certainly
they fitted so well the American interests that they have a suspicious
resemblance to the Dens ex machina.

That the Americans understood only too well Britain's policy in
Oregon to be laissez-faire, the following extract from a letter from

440 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Gallatin to Clay in July, 1827, will plainly show: "Whatever change
may hereinafter take place in the views of the British Government
concerning that country I may with confidence say that there is not
at present any wish to colonize it; that they view it rather with indif-
ference; that they do not believe that it will when once settled long
remain either a British Colony or a part of the United States; that
they do not think it therefore a matter of great importance whether
it shall receive its inhabitants from Great Britain, Canada, or the
United States; and that they are willing to let the settlement of the
country take its natural course." There is little doubt that Gallatin
has here given a very fair condensation of the British official views
upon the matter. A letter from Lord Ashburton to Mr. Sturgis, is in
e.xistence, dated some years later, it is true, yet giving expression to the
same opinions; and he is, clearly, the person referred to bv Mr.
Edward Everett in a letter to the Secretary of State of the United
States as "a person very high in the confidence of the government, but
not belonging to it," who had informed him that the British Adminis-
tration entertained such views.

After the Senate had approved the treaty of 1827, the House of
Representatives discussed and discoursed upon Oregon generally in
an important debate upon a bill to grant certain rights in Oregon to
various persons. Like its predecessors this bill violated the terms of
the treaty of 1827 and was not really intended to be enacted. On this
point Marshall says that it was a part of the campaign of education
and stimulation about Oregon; and the fact that neither Government
could grant land to anyone in Oregon while that treaty remained in
force was intended to be so emphasized that those infected with the
Oregon migration fever, even at that early date, might understand
that though the L^nited States Government was inflexibly determined
to hold Oregon at least as far north as 49 degrees, it could grant no
lands in Oregon until that treaty should be abrogated and a boundary
line established between Oregon and the British possession to the
northward. (Marshall, 192.)

No further debate of importance took place in Congress for ten
years. In the meantime, Oregon was gaining a few inhabitants, for
now in regions as widely separated as Massachusetts, Ohio, and Louis-
iana, there arose a wholly inexplicable craze to migrate to Oregon.
This strangely enough came into prominence very shortly after Gal-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 441

latin had prophesied its early advent. The efforts of Hall J. Kelley
no doubt account in part for the existence of this feeling in Massa-
chusetts, but that indefatigable seeker, W. I. Marshall, acknowledges
his inability to find the root of the movement in Ohio and Louisiana.
We do know that Lieutenant Slacum, who was sent out by the United
States to report in 1836, felt himself at liberty to subscribe $500.00
towards the purchase of cattle for the settlers in Oregon — whose
money was it? We also know that part of the secret service funds
of the United States was devoted to the publication in England of
Greenhow's History of Oregon, the brief on the United States side
of the dispute; and upon the admissions of the Methodist mission-
aries themselves, we also know that the secret service fund of the
United States contributed towards the expenses of sending out on
the ship Lausanne the great reinforcement to the Methodist Mission
in 1839-40; and in the report of the committee of the Senate in 1843
upon the adoption of suitable measures for the occupation and set-
tlement of Oregon Territory, we find the following: "Everyone
ac(]uainted with the insidious and steady policy of Great Britain is
aware that in all (]uesti()n of boundary disputes with her neighbours
she invariably pushes her pretentions to territory, however un-
founded or absurd, to the utmost limits of what is occupied by her
subjects, and sometimes so far as to claim as a right what is con-
venient to her settlements whether on her own soil or not. Our inter-
est therefore is and our policy should be to adopt a counter-acting
policy and to meet her advancing tide of settlement with ours; and
the sooner we do this tlic better, for experience shows that a people
under the impulse and enterprise of republican institutions peace-
fully repel by their approach the subjects of monarchical or despotic
government just as the aborigines of the country recede before the
advance of civilized man. The occupation and settlement of Oregon
by American citizens will of itself operate to repel all European
intruders except those who come to enjoy the blessings of our
laws; this would secure us more powerful arguments than any diplo-
macy could invent or use to assert and maintain our just rights in that
country if war should ever be necessary to preserve and protect them.
The settlement of Oregon with American citizens of kindred with us '
on this side of the Rockv Mountains is also important for cultivating

442 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and cherishing friendly relations between the Indians and the peo-
ple of this country."

Hall J. Kelley's repeated efforts at colonization ended in miser-
able failure. In 1832 Nathaniel J. Wyeth, who had caught some of
Kelley's enthusiasm, led his first party of American settlers to Oregon.
Dismal failure was the lot of this attempt also. The missionaries
of the Methodist Church, Jason Lee and Cyrus Shepard, accom-
panied Wyeth's expedition of 1834. In 1836 the A. B. C. F. M.
• — The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions — ■
sent out Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, Mr. and Mrs. Whitman and Mr.
Gray to establish mission stations in Oregon. It will not be over-
looked that the pagan Indians of the nearer east were passed by more
or less contemptuously while those of Oregon — as indeed everything
in Oregon — appeared to be of paramount importance. From these
missionaries were sent forth to the East richly coloured accounts of
the attractiveness of Oregon. It is not too much to say of the Meth-
odist missionaries that they appeared more interested in obtaining
large tracts of land than in gathering in the harvest of souls which
theoretically was their raison-d'etre. In 1836 also Lieutenant Slacum
was sent by the American Government to report upon the region.
His instructions required him to interview the white settlers, ascer-
tain their nationalities, their leanings and especially their sentiments
towards the United States and the two European powers having pos-
sessions in that locality. Irving's Astoria too appeared in 1836 and
his Captain Bonneville in the following year. The influence of these
works was very considerable in stimulating the interest already exist-
ing in regard to Oregon.

In 1838 Senator Linn as Chairman of the select committee on
Oregon presented a report of twenty-three pages containing a copy of
the famous ultimatum map showing the boundary along the 49th par-
allel. The statement in regard to the American title is interesting as
showing how solid had now become the conviction of its absolute
inassailability. "This question," says the report, "has been so ably
argued by the late Governor Floyd, who was the first to urge on
Congress the use and occupation of the Oregon Territory, by Mr. F.
Baylies in two reports to the House of Representatives, and in the
diplomatic correspondence of our Government with Great Britain

BRITISH COLUMBIA 443

and in various other public documents as to make it unnecessary for us
to go at large into this subject."

In the next session, Linn introduced a bill for the occupation of
Oregon Territory which was twice read and referred to a committee
of which he was chairman. In the January following (1839) Linn
reported the bill which, after a brief debate, was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Allfairs. Marshall assures us that all this
was done simply to keep the subject alive and before the public, but
whether it was intended so or not the result of this constant appear-
ance of dealing with territory to which at that time the United
States had no established claim, had the effect of creating (as perhaps
it was really intended to create) a feeling in the unreasoning multi-
tude we call the public, of complete conviction and absolute certainty
.of the American ownership of Oregon. Thus there was created
by the very action of the politicians a force which from a servant
soon became a master, as the later phases of the discussion show.

In December, 1S39, Linn, upon whom had fallen the mantle of
Floyd, introduced into the Senate, "a joint resolution declaring that
our title to the Oregon is indisputable and will never be aban-
doned," and that the Government should give the requisite twelve
months' notice to terminate the existing convention, for extending
the laws of the United States over Oregon, for raising soldiers to'
protect immigrants to Oregon, and for giving 640 acres of land in
Oregon to each white male of 18 years of age resident in the Terri-
tory, who would live on and cultivate it for five years. No action
was taken upon this resolution, except to refer it to a committee.

In 1840 Greenhow's History of Oregon was published as a Gov-
ernment Document. In the preface thereto, it is calmly set forth
that the ultimate destiny of Oregon is its occupation and settlement
by the United States. After pointing out that he has demonstrated the
title of the United States to the Oregon Territory, as being stronger
and more consistent with the principles of national right than that
of any other power, he goes on to say: "That those regions must be
eventually possessed bv the people of the Ignited States only, no
one acquainted with the progress of settlement in the Mississippi
Vallev during the past fifteen vears will be inclined to question but
that Great Britain will bv everv means in her power evade the rec-
ognition of the American claims and oppose the establishment of an

444 BRITISH COLUMBIA

American population on the shore of the Pacific, may be confidently
expected from the disposition evinced by her Government in all its
recent discussions with the United States." Is it too much to believe
that the American Government was not averse to quietly aiding the
movement which its own ofiicial publications prophesied?

In December, 1840, Senator Linn gave notice of the introduction
of a joint resolution relating to Oregon, and in January, 1841, he
introduced his bill for the occupation of Oregon. The latter was
referred to a special committee but was afterwards dropped, as it
was thought that if pressed forward at that time it might unduly
embarrass the settlement of the North-Eastern boundary. (Marshall,
211.)

Mr. King of Alabama in August, 1841, presented a petition from
the citizens of Alabama wishing to migrate to Oregon by way of the
Isthmus of Panama and asking that arrangements be made by the
American Government to extend to them in Oregon the protection of
the laws of the United States. On the same day Mr. Linn intro-
duced another resolution on Oregon as follows: "Resolved, that the
President of the United States be requested to give the notice to the
British Government which the Treaty of 1827 between the two
Governments requires in order to put an end to the Treaty for the
joint occupation of the Territory of Oregon west of the Rocky Moun-
tains and which Territory is now possessed and used by the Hudson's
Bay Company to the ruin of the American Indian and fur trade in
that quarter and conflicting with our inland commerce with the in-
ternal Provinces of Mexico."

And now after years of resolutions, and bills, and reports, and Con-
gressional action and inaction, we find the Oregon question worthy of
a place in the presidential message. At the opening of Con-
gress in December, 1841, President Tyler referred to Oregon,
pointing out the necessity of a line of forts from Council Blufifs to
the Pacific to protect amongst other things the intercourse between
the American settlements on the Columbia River and the Western
frontier. (Marshall, p. 212.)

Ten days later, i. e., on December 16, 1841, Linn introduced
another of his bills for the occupation and settlement of Oregon,
and its encouragement by the granting of land to the settlers there.
In his speech introducing the measure Linn stated that the only ques-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 445

tion now involved in the Oregon dispute from the American point
of view was as to the rights of that nation north of the Columbia.

While matters were thus proceeding in diplomatic and Congres-
sional circles, the long desired immigrations began. Father De Smet
tells us that the migration of 1841 from the United Slates consisted
of seventy persons of whom fifty were capable of bearing arms.
These persons, however, did not all reach Oregon; about one-half of
them chose to direct their steps to California. The accessions to the
population of Oregon in 1842 consisted of fifty-one men and fifty-
seven women and children. In 1843 the number of immigrants was
far in excess of these figures. Elwood Evans places it at between
eight hundred and seventy-five and one thousand persons. In 1844
the estimated immigration was seven hundred; in 1845, about three
thousand; and in 1846, about one thousand three hundred and fifty.
In May, 1843, steps were taken by the American residents in Oregon
territory to form a provisional government. Laws were prepared
which were to govern "until such time as the United States of Amer-
ica extend their jurisdiction over us." This Government was re-organ-
ized in 1844 ^'^^ altered so much that Briton and American united
for mutual protection and in the interests of law and order in the
anomalous territory — a territory without a sovereignty.

The American people were certainly reaching out to possess the
land. The American Congress, as has been shown, was constantly
hearing discussions upon some bill or report concerning Oregon,
and was taking extreme care that thousands of the speeches and
reports were circulated through the country. The American Gov-
ernment, having already sent out Slacum, sent out in 1838 Lieut.
Charles Wilkes (afterwards so prominent in the Trent difficulty)
in command of an exploring expedition, consisting of six ships and
about six hundred men. Wilkes was specifically instructed to make
full surveys and examinations "of the territory of the United States
on the seaboard, and of the Columbia River, and afterwards along
the coast of California." We are not, therefore, surprised to find
Linn saying in the Senate in August, 1842, that he had in liis pos-
session hundreds upon hundreds of letters from every quarter of
the Union, making anxious enquiries as to what was likely to be done
in reference to Oregon. He then asserted that there were already
between fifteen hundred and two thousand American citizens located

446 BRITISH COLUMBIA

in Oregon, and he desired to assure them, and the many on the road to
the territory, and the thousands who were preparing to move to tliat
region, that "although upon the extremest verge of this republic,
the Government of the United States would not abandon them to any
foreign power." (Marshall, 213.)

Stimulated by these promises, American immigrants continued
to set out resolutely towards Oregon. The Oregon trail became a
great highway, clearly marked and broadly cut upon the surface of
the trackless prairie, a road as well and distinctly marked as a city
street, upon which, during 1844-5-6, an almost endless procession of
canvas-covered wagons toiled patiently through the long summer
days to reach the modern land of promise. The effect of these
migrations can scarcely be over-estimated. They formed a power
operating beneath the surface, unseen, but, for that very reason, of
daily increasing strength.

Well may we pause to enquire what was that grasping Britain,
which had been so much abused on every stump and soap box through
the western States by ranting demagogues, doing to stay the torrent
of eloquence, the system of education, or the peaceful occupation?
Simply nothing. The Hudson's Bav Company's trading posts were
the only British settlements (if trading posts can properly be called
settlements) except the scattered farms occupied by the retired em-
ployees of the fur company. It is true that these persons were after
1825, wherever possible, induced when locating to select lands north
of the Columbia River, in the hope that the boundary line would be
drawn down that stream. With the exception of a migration from
Red River in 1841, numbering only eighty persons in all, no effort
was ever made to equalize conditions in Oregon by the introduction
of a British element.

During the negotiation of the treaty of 1842, in connection with
the Northeastern boundary, Lord Ashburton, who had received
detailed instructions with reference to Oregon, dealt somewhat with
this question, but soon realizing that a wide divergence existed as to
the relative rights of each nation, he wisely concluded to leave it
aside, lest its introduction might submit the Maine boundary question
to the hazard of failure. The propositions which Lord Ashburton
was authorized to offer, throw light upon the British mind at this
stage. He was empowered to suggest a boundary along the Columbia

BRITISH COLUMBIA 447

River, from its mouth to Snake River, and thence due east to the
summit of the Rockies. Failing the acceptance of this line, he was
directed to renew the proposotion made by England in 1824, and
again in 1827, of a line along the 49th parallel from the summit
of the Rockies to the most northeastern branch of the Columbia
River, and thence by that river to the Pacific. If the latter were
refused, Lord Ashburton was positively forbidden to accept, should
it be ofifered, the American line of 49 degrees to the coast. We are
informed by Edward Everett, the friend and biographer of Webster,
that if the latter had supposed that any arrangement could have been
effected at that time along the 49th parallel, he would gladly have
included it in the negotiations. Having, however, a hint of the
limitations of Ashburton's authority, he did not deem it wise to refer
to the matter.

Almost immediately after that treaty, the Oregon question,
which had been dealt with in the presidential message of 1842, came
once more to the front. The British Goverment felt much aggrieved
at the tenor of that message, which left the impression that the adjust-
ment of the difficulty was being delayed by Great Britain; whereas
in fact that Government had been urging the re-opening of negotia-
tions, recognizing no doubt the strong feeling which had grown up
in the United States, and realizing that any untoward delay would
render the ultimate settlement more difficult, if not impossible.

From November, 1842, until August, 1844, although both Gov-
ernments were agreed to make the Oregon question "a subject of
immediate attention," no formal negotiations occurred. This delay
was due entirely to internal difficulties in the United States. Presi-
dent Tyler, owing to his veto of the bill re-establishing the Ignited
States Bank, had, late in 1841, been "read out" of the Whig party.

Of his cabinet, Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State, alone
retained his office, and this only in order to settle the Maine boundary.
That end accomplished, Webster resigned in 1843. ^^^ two months
thereafter the Attorney General filled ad interim the vacant office.
Upon his sudden death, Abel P. Upshur, in July, 1843, became Sec-
retary of State. In these changes it was clearly impossible to enter
upon the serious discussion of a question as important and as difficult
as that of Oregon.

These delays appear to have been largely unavoidable, but the

448 BRITISH COLUMBIA

British Government naturally complained when in President Tyler's
message in December, 1843, he used language from which it would
be reasonably inferred that he had been occupied in urging upon
Great Britain an early settlement of the Oregon question; and that
that Government had either been inattentive to the urgency of the
question or reluctant to proceed to an adjustment of it.

Lord Aberdeen, the head of the British Foreign Office, concluded
to undertake negotiations in Washington. To that end Mr. Fox, the
British Minister, was recalled, and in February, 1844, his successor,
Richard Pakenham, arrived to take in hand the settlement of this
thirty-year-old question. Hardly had the barest preliminaries been
arranged between himself and Mr. Upshur, when late in February,
the latter was accidentally killed by the explosion of a great gun called
the Peacemaker, on board the U. S. S. Princeton. His successor was
that brilliant American statesman, John C. Calhoun.

The conferences began on August 23, 1844. After examining
the actual state of the question as it stood at the last unsuccessful
attempt to adjust it, Calhoun requested Pakenham to make a fresh
proposal towards effecting an adjustment. The latter accordingly
on August 26th renewed the offer of the 49th parallel to the main
stream of the Columbia and thence following that river to the
ocean, with the addition of a free port or ports south of 49°, either
on the mainland or island, as the American Government might desire.
This was at once declined.

The difficulty which Calhoun found himself in, in this negotiation
arose from the fact that on May 18, 1844, the Democratic party
had resolved at the Baltimore Convention, "That our title to the
whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that no
portion of the same ought to be surrendered to England or any other
power; and that the re-occupation of Oregon and the re-annexation
of Texas at the earliest practicable period are great American meas-
ures, which this convention recommends to the cordial support of the
Democracy of the Union" — which resolution was later crystallized
into the slogan "Fifty-four forty or fight." Calhoun knew that to
offer 54° 40' would result in its immediate rejection; while to have
renewed the offer of 49° at a time when his own party were so lustily
shouting "All of Oregon — Fifty-four forty or fight," would have
been to stultify both him and them. He consequently "marked time"

BRITISH COLUMBIA 449

by restating the various arguments on behalf of the United States, of
which a resume has already been given, but he took care to oflfer no
definite boundary line. In September, Pakenham having as he
believed answered all of Calhoun's arguments, requested him to
"state what arrangements he is, on the part of the United States, pre-
pared to propose for an equitable adjustment of the question; and
more especially that he will have the goodness to dehne the nature
and extent of the claims which the United States may have to other
portions of the territory, to which allusion is made in the concluding
part of his statement, as it is obvious that no arrangement can be
made with respect to a portion of the territory in dispute, while a
claim is reserved to any portion of the remainder."

Calhoun's reply was that the American claims were "derived
from Spain by the Florida treaty, and are founded on the discoveries
and explorations of her navigators, and which they must regard as
giving her a right to the extent to which they can be established, un-
less a better can be opposed." Even after Polk's election, Calhoun
did not sec his way to suggest the line of 54^ 40'. He let the matter
lie. Pakenham, whose proposition had been rejected in September,
1844, waited in vain for one from Calhoun. In January, 1845, he, as
a last resort, submitted a suggestion to refer the question to arbitra-
tion. Calhoun replied that the President thought the matter might
yet be settled in the present negotiations. This ended the connection
of Calhoun and the Tyler administration with the Oregon negotia-
tions.

In March, 1845, President Polk's inaugural address stated, "Our
title to the country of the Oregon is clear and unquestionable, and
already are our people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it
with their wives and children." It will be noted that the reference is
to "the country of the Oregon," and not to the whole territory — not to
"fifty-four forty." Though Polk's jingo cry had echoed and re-
echoed through the land, and had been yelled so loudly as to reach
across the Atlantic, it is noticeable that as soon as he stepped into
office his Secretary of State, James Buchanan, in re-opening the
negotiations with Pakenham in July, 1845, did not stand upon "all
of Oregon." On the contrary he proposed once again that the
Oregon Tcrritorv be "divided between the two countries bv the 49th
parallel of north latitude from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific

450 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Ocean, offering at the same time to make free to Great Britain any
port or ports on Vancouver's Island, south of this parallel, which
the British Government may desire." Now Pakenham took a strange
step; instead of referring the proposition to his Government for in-
structions, he peremptorily rejected it, saying that after the exposition
of his views it would not be surprising to the American plenipoten-
tiary to hear that he did not feel at liberty to accept the proposal.
He then went on to express the hope that "some further proposal
for the settlement of the Oregon question more consistent with fair-
ness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British
Government," would be offered. At once Buchanan went into high
dudgeon, and in a letter dated August, 1845, after stating that the
proposal had only been made because of a sincere desire to maintain
peace and against the President's own opinion of the rights of his
country, he categorically withdrew the offer. This was a very embar-
rassing predicament; it left the British Government to submit a new
proposition voluntarily, and without any invitation or assurance from
the United States — a position not the most pleasant, in view of the
heated feelings in that country.

President Polk's message in December, 1845, stated that, all
attempts at compromise having failed. Congress must consider proper
measures to protect American citizens in Oregon, which would not
conflict with the stipulations of the treaty of 1827. He advised that
the year's notice required by that treaty be given, that xA.merican laws
be extended over American citizens in Oregon, that an Indian agency
be established beyond the Rockies, that stockades and block-houses,
properly garrisoned, be erected to protect the Oregon trail, and that
a monthly mail service to Oregon be inaugurated. Then were speed-
ily introduced into Congress, a resolution to give the notice necessary
to terminate the treaty of 1827, and bills "to organize and arm the
militia of Oregon," "to organize a territorial government for Ore-
gon," "to establish a line of stockade and block-house forts along the
Oregon trail," "and to protect the rights of American citizens in the
territory of Oregon until the termination of the joint occupancy of
the same." "On those various measures," says Marshall, "such a flood
of oratory was let loose as has rarely been heard in Congress, no less
than ninetv-eight Representatives and thirty-four Senators speaking
on them." While these were being discussed, Pakenham tried hard

BRITISH COLUMBIA 451

to have the question of an equitable division of Oregon submitted to
arbitration, but without success. The bills never became law, but
the resolution for abrogation of the treaty, after being made more
conciliatory in tone and amended so as to authorize the President
"at his discretion" to give the notice, was passed. This was approved
by President Polk on April 27, 1846, and the notice was given on the
following day, being despatched to Mr. McLane, the Minister at
London, who, on May 21, 1846, delivered it to Lord Aberdeen. The
latter acknowledged its receipt on May 22, 1846, stating that "in con-
formity with its tenor, Her Majesty's Government will consider the
convention of the 6th of August, 1827, abrogated accordingly from
the 2 1 St of May, 1847."

In the discussions upon the question in the public press, and in
the pamphlets, many of which were circulated, there had gradually
grown up a feeling amongst the rational men on both sides that the
continuation of the 49th parallel to the Gulf of Georgia, with some
deflection to avoid cutting ofT the lower end of Vancouver Island,
upon which stood Fort Victoria, the principal depot of the Hudson's
Bay Company on this coast, would be a fair and equitable adjustment.
Some such line as this had been first suggested by Mr. Huskisson,
the British plenipotentiary in 1826; repeatedly suggested by Edward
Everett in November and December, 1843, April, 1844, and Febru-
ary, 1845; by William Sturgis in his lecture dated January 22,
1845; by the London Examiner, April 25, 1845; and the Edin-
burgh Review, July, 1845. Lord Aberdeen now instructed Mr.
Pakcnham: "You will accordingly propose to the American Secre-
tary of State that the line of demarkation should be continued along
the 49th parallel, from the Rocky Mountains to the sea-coast, and
from thence, in a southerly direction, through the centre of King
George's Sound anci the Straits of Juan de Fuca, to the Pacific Ocean,
leaving the whole of Vancouver's Island, with its ports and harbours,
in the possession of Great Britain."

Accompanying this suggestion was the draft of a treaty, the first
article of which delineated our southern boundary as it exists today.
President Polk, well satisfied with the outcome, yet afraid to "eat
his own words" so publicly, instead of signing the proposed treaty,
sent it on June 10, 1846, to the Senate with a message requesting their
advice as to the proper action to take. The reply came quickly and

452 BRITISH COLUMBIA

decisively; by a vote of 38 to 12 the Senate on June 12, 1846, advised
the President to accept the British proposal; and on June 15, 1846,
the treaty was signed by Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Palcenham. The
remaining articles of the treaty dealt with the rights of the Hudson's
Bay Company, granting it the free navigation of the Columbia, pre-
serving to it and all British subjects their possessory rights and con-
firming to the Puget Sound Agricultural Company (an ofif-shoot of
the Hudson's Bay Company) its farms, lands, and other property. It
is worthy of remark in closing this episode that Benton, who was one
of the most earnest in the struggle for Oregon, always regarded the
claim of 54" 40' as wholly unfounded, and the flimsiest pretence.
The same may be said of many other leading Americans, as, for
example, J. C. Calhoun and Daniel Webster. Professor Meany of
the University of Washington is of the opinion that the cry of "fifty-
four forty or fight" was a piece of pure Yankee bluster and in this
he is, doubtless, right.

Reference has been made to certain persons, Lieutenant Slacum,
Lieutenant Wilkes, and later Lieutenant Howison, sent out to report
upon Oregon to the United States authorities. Great Britain also
sent out representatives to spy out the land; but not until the discus-
sion had reached a very acute stage. In the earlier portion she had
been satisfied to rely upon the information supplied by the Hudson's
Bay Company. Lieutenants Warre- and Vavasour accompanied
Peter Skene Ogden from Red River to the Columbia during the sum-
mer of 1825. Their mission was secret, and so well was it kept that
Bancroft surmises that they were in Oregon for the purpose of report-
ing upon Dr. John McLoughlin, the representative of the Hudson's
Bay Company. This gentleman by reason of his kindly treatment
of the American immigrants, who were reaching the forts of the
company in an almost starving condition was subjected to a perse-
cution, so strong that he was ultimately forced to resign. However,
we have now what Bancroft had not — the oflicial correspondence in
connection with the mission of these military officers which shows that
they were to examine into the possibility of taking troops overland to
Oregon, of fortifying Cape Disappointment at the mouth of the
Columbia, and to report generally upon the steps necessary to render
the posts in Oregon territory safe against attack. The strange circum-
stance is that Father De Smet, the ubiquitous, who met Ogden and

BRITISH COLUMBIA 453

these engineer officers near Lake Kalispell on August 9, 1845, knew
and recorded their purpose. In a letter dated from the Flat Bow
(Kootenay) River on August 17, 1845, after speaking of his pleasure
at this fortunate rencontre, the worthy Father says: "La question de
rOregon me parut quelque peu inquietante. Ce n'etait ni la curiosite,
ni le plaisir qui pouvaient engager ces deux officiers a traverser tant de
regions desolees et a hater leur course vers rembouchufe de la Colum-
bia, lis avaient regu de leur gouvernement I'ordre de prendre pos-
session du cap de Desappointement, dV arborer I'etandard anglais, et
d'elever une forteresse pour etre maitres de I'entree de la riviere en
cas de guerre. Dans le question de TOregon, John Bull atteint son but
sans de grand discours, et s'assure la partie la plus importante du pays,
pendant que I'Oncle Sam debite un torrent de paroles, s'emporte et
tempete. Plusieurs annees ont ete consumees en debats et en disputes
inutiles, sans qu'il suit resulte un seul effort pratique pour faire recon-
naitre ses droits reels ou pretendus." Father De Smct further in-
forms us that in May, 1846, as he was making his way through the
Athabasca Pass towards the Boat Encampment, he met the Hudson's
Bay Company's express outward bound. It was in charge of M.
Ermatinger. Accompanying him were the "deux officiers distingues
de I'armee anglaise, les capitaines Ward et Vavasseur que j'eus
I'honncur dc rencontrer I'annee derniere pres du grand lac Kalispel."
Though these gentlemen made a very exhaustive examination and
submitted lengthy reports, yet events moved so fast in the latter stages
of the trouble that the Oregon treatv was settled before they were
received.

During the summer of 1845, Captain Gordon, a brother of Lord
Aberdeen, visited the colony in command of H. M. S. .luwrica.
There is a hoary tradition that the British relinquished Oregon
because the salmon in the Columbia would not rise to a lly. This
harmless little fiction has passed current so long that it is to be feared
it may obtain the stamp of genuineness if allowed to circulate much
longer unchallenged. Considering that this officer was here in June,
184c;, and remembering the very slow — painfully slow — means of
communication of those days, it is extremely doubtful whether any
report he might mavc made would have reached England in time to
afifect the situation; further than that it is very plain that in England
this western coast was regarded as of small moment and so long as

454 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Britain had a portion of this coast the home authorities seemed satis-
fied. We will now offer our readers a quotation never before in print,
from Mr. Roderick. Finlayson's manuscript history of Vancouver
Island in the Archives of the Province of British Columbia. This
will show how the story, in all probability originated.

EXCERPT FROM RODERICK FIXLAVSON'S HISTORY OF VANCOUVER ISLAND
MANUSCRIPT IN PROVINCIAL ARCHIVES

"In 1845 a fleet of five whalers visited this place. They belonged
to the States and called here for supplies, &c. They got what they
wanted & left on their canoe Northwards & among the whalers there
happened to be curiously enough the very vessel which fetched me
from England to New York. They called yearly after that year '45
until the Sandwich Islands were found more convenient for a port of
call. In the same year we had a visit from H. M. S. America, Capt.
Gordon, brother of the Earl of Aberdeen, then prime Minister of
England. She visited Port Discovery near Port Townsend. Esqui-
mau and Victoria were comparatively new then. In passing up
the Straits a dispatch was sent to the officer in charge here to pro-
ceed on board of the vessel. I was in charge & leaving to go on
board, I placed the 2nd officer in charge. Proceeding to the vessel
I went on board accompanied by the officers sent for me, remained
three days and during that time I gave the commander all the infor-
mation I could about the country. The object of the vessel coming
here was to obtain full information concerning the country & report
to the English Government previous to the settlement of the boundary
line. During my stay on board Capt. Parke of the Marines; Lieut.
Peel, a son of Sir Robert Peel were sent across to the Columbia River
to obtain information & to report on the country in relation to its
value to Great Britain. Capt. Gordon crossed with me to Victoria
in a launch, where he remained some time. We had some fine horses
for the use of the Captain & his officers & we paid them every atten-
tion. We went out on one occasion to Cedar Hill to shoot about the
first of June. The country looked beautiful, carpeted as it was with
beautiful wild flowers. Capt. Gordon was a great deer stalker. We
met a band of deer & had a chase after them on horseback. The deer

BRITISH COLUMBIA 455

ran for a thicket into whicli the horses with their riders could not
penetrate and of course no deer were had.

"The Captain felt much disappointed & was anything but happy.
I said to him that I was very sorry we had missed the deer &c, and
also remarked how beautiful the country looked. He said in reply —
'Finlayson I would not give the most barren hills in the Highlands
of Scotland for all I see around me.' We went back to the fort. I
was then a bachelor, had a cot slung in the bare walls which I handed
over to the Captain, whilst I and the officers slept on the floor. In
the morning we had a nice salmon for breakfast. The Captain
seemed somewhat surprised & asked where the salmon was had. Ol
We have plenty of salmon was the reply. Have you got flies & rods,
said the Captain. We have lines & bait was the answer & sometimes
the Indians take them with the net &c. No fly, no fly, responded our
guest. So after breakfast we went to fish with the line, from a dingey.
When wc came back we had four fine salmpn, but he thought it an
aw ful manner in which to catch salmon. Capt. Gordon felt greatly
dissatisfied because he could not have the use of a rod fly.

''After they remained here for a week or lo days the Captain &
his officers returned to Port Discovery to the vessel. By this time
Messrs. Parke & Peel had returned from the Columbia river. Their
report of the country was not very encouraging, at least that was the
inference at the time. Mr. Douglas (the late Sir James) came across
from Fort Vancouver to the Demon of War. He remained some little
time, & the vessel left shortly afterwards for the South. This was
the end of the Aiucrira.

"In 1846 Mr. Polk was President of the U. States & the Cry
used to be 54°40' or fight. There was a great hue and cry in England
to the effect that British interests were going to be swamped, & so
forth. Several ships of war were ordered up from the South. Among
them were the Fistjimrd, Capt. Duntze; the }lcrald, Capt. Kellett;
the PdiiJora, Capt. Wood. The two last mentioned were used as sur-
veying ships. There were also the Constance, Frigate, Capt. Court-
ney, & the Inconstant, Capt. Shepherd. Before these was the Cormo-
rant, — another Capt. Gordon. These were ail here in 1846. 1 was
constantly on board to diiuicr & the officers used to chaff us about
being here. They only wanted to be sent & that they could take the
whole of the Columbia country in 24 hours."

456 BRITISH COLUMBIA

In concluding this chapter a word may be added showing how
the treaty was viewed by the American settlers in Oregon and by the
Hudson's Bay Company. Lieutenant Howison, who was in Oregon
when the news of the treaty arrived, gives us an idea of the feeling:
"In the excited state of public feeling which existed among the
Americans upon my arrival, the settled conviction on the mind of
everyone that all Oregon belonged to us and that the English had
long enough been gleaning its products, I soon discovered that, so far
from arousing new zeal and patriotism, it was my duty to use any
influence which my official character put in possession of to allay its
exuberance, and advise our countrymen to await patiently the prog-
ress of the negotiations at home." Then speaking of the Hudson's
Bay Company's employees, he says "although when news of the
boundary treaty arrived, thev undoubtedly were much mortified, they
soon recovered their composure, and I believe were very well satisfied
with their future prospects. Mr. Douglas," he goes on to say, "loyal
to King and country from principle, observed that John Bull could
well afTord to be liberal to so promising a son as Jonathan, for the
latter had given proofs of abilities to turn a good gift to the best
account."

Douglas himself in his letter to Dr. W. F. Tolmie gives his views
very shortly. The following extract from two letters of November 4,
1846, and April 19, 1847, are illuminating:

"It appears that the Oregon Boundary is finally settled, on a
basis more favourable to the United States than we had reason to antic-
ipate. We forward this copy of a communication from Sir George
Seymour Commander in Chief in the Pacific to our agents at the
Sandwich Islands which contains all that is at present known to us
relative to the Boundarv Treaty. Business will of course go on as
usual, as the treaty will not take eftect on us for many years, to come."

"About the Treaty. T cannot say much, the Government and Com-
mittee appear satisfied, perhaps par necessity, with the provision
made for the protection of British interests, and they being satisfied
so am I.

"All things considered, the yielding mood of the British Ministry,
and the concessions made, we have come off better than I expected.
I looked for nothing short of an utter sacrifice of our interests."

TOP riCTUKK-Karlicst viow of CoviTininiit >tiici, \ iitoria, sliowiiij: oM liastion of Hud-
son's r!ay Company's Kort
MIDDLE PK'Tl'RK — llaida Indians in Canof- I'Voni conti'mpmai y (Irawinj;. dated 1793.
BOTTOM riCTrKIO— Interior view of Kort Victoria

CHAPTER XIV
THE FOUNDING OF VICTORIA

In the final stages of the Oregon boundary dispute, it was borne
in upon the Hudson's Bay Company that, after all, it was within
the range of probability that the boundary line between the British
and American possessions on the Pacific seaboard of North America
might not follow the Columbia River. In the event of the selection
of the 49th parallel as the dividing line, the company's posts on the
Columbia River and Puget Sound, as well as all the forts in the
interior to the south of that line, would come under the jurisdic-
tion of the United States. There is little doubt that the Hudson's
Bay Company did everything in its power to induce the British
Government to take a firm stand with regard to the Oregon Terri-
tory — a perfectly legitimate and natural course when one considers
all that the company had at stake. The action of the company in
this respect helped to preserve for Great Britain an outlet on the
Pacific Ocean, and it may be said in all truth that its officers played
no unimportant part in rounding out the British possessions in North
America. Whatever the faults of the great monopoly, disloyalty to
the Crown was certainly not one of tlicni.

In case the boundary line should follow the proposed compromise
of the 49th parallel, the Hudson's Bay Company wished to be pre-
pared for such a decision, which would involve a radical change
in the organization and administration of its Western Department.
It would be impossible to maintain indefinitely the posts below the
49th parallel in face of the opposition of the American settlers and,
what was more to the purpose, of the American (iovernment.
Therefore, at all costs a strong post must be built in the north to
take the place of Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River, so long
the great furtrading emporium of the west. Fort Vancou\er lies
in the midst of a rich agricultural district; Dr. McLoughlin had

457

458 BRITISH COLUMBIA

taken full advantage of its situation and beyond the stockade of the
fort there stretched many a fertile field and rich pasture. The prod-
uct of the farm and the dairy found a ready market in Alaska,
where, owing to the prevailing climatic conditions, no farms or
gardens were tilled. In order to hold their trade in agricultural
products, as well as to provide for the wants of the different posts,
the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company were anxious to find a
place — with a safe and accessible harbour — where farming oper-
ations could be begun without the heavy expense involved in clear-
ing land. As it happened there was only one spot on the coast to the
northward of Puget Sound that in any way corresponded to the
river lands in the neighbourhood of Fort Vancouver — and that spot
was the southern end of Vancouver Island. Even here the amount
of arable land ready for the plow was insignificant in comparison
with that contained in the great valley of the Columbia. The jour-
nals of the early maritime furtraders, who plied up and down the
coast in the last two decades of the eighteenth century, frequently
refer to its forbidding appearance and its lack of places adapted to
agriculture. James Douglas, who knew the whole seaboard from
personal inspection, once remarked: "The Coast presents one con-
tinuous outline of dense forests, swamps and rugged mountains and
has everywhere a most unprepossessing appearance." Of the coast
region then the southern end of Vancouver Island apparently offered
the best inducements to the settler, and this did not escape the vigi-
lant officers of the company stationed in Oregon.

Fort Langley, on the Fraser River, established in 1827, was too
far from the coast and out of the track of the whalers who it was
thought at the time would make the new post a regular port of call.
Otherwise Fort Langlev would have admirablv served the purpose
of the company, for it stood in the heart of a fertile district. A
large farm was cultivated there, the product of which was used in
the Alaskan trade.

Sir George Simpson, the redoubtable governor of the Hudson's
Bay Company, having decided to establish a new post, Dr. Mc-
Loughlin was instructed to carry out the undertaking. Early in the
year 1842, in pursuance of this policy, James Douglas left Fort \'an-
couver for Nisqually, where he embarked with a party of six men
on the schooner Cadboro and proceeded to explore the coast of
the southern end of Vancouver Island, from Sooke to Victoria.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 459

After a careful and somewhat extended survey of several harbours
in this vicinitv, Douglas reports: "I made Choice of a Site for the
proposed new Establishment in the Port of Camosack (Camosun).
which appears to me decidedly the most advantageous situation for
the Proposed Establishment within the Straits of De Fuca." In the
course of his voyage Douglas examined Sooke Harbour, Pedder
Bay, the roadstead of Metchosin and the port of Esquimalt, but none
of these places seemed as eligible for settlement as Camosack, or
Camosun, long since named Victfjria.

In his description of Camosun Douglas declares that "As a har-
bour it is equally safe and accessible and abundance of timber grows
on it for Home consumption and exportation. There being no fresh
water stream of sufficient power, Flour or Saw mills may be erected
in the Canal of Camosack at a Point where the Channel is con-
stricted to the breadth of Forty-seven Feet by Two Ridges of Gran-
ite projecting from either bank into tiie Canal, through which the
Tide rushes out and in with a Degree of Force and Velocity capable
of driving the most powerful Machinery, if guided and applied by
mechanical Skill." The place here referred to is that now known
as "The Gorge," which has long been the favourite holiday resort
and picnicking ground of successive generations of Victorians.

Douglas, in continuing his description, enlarges upon the advan-
tages of Camosun. "In the several important Points just stated,"
he says, "the Position of Camosack can claim no Superiority over
some other excellent Harbours on the South Coast of Vancouver's
Island; but the latter are, generally speaking, surrounded by Rocks
and Forests, which it will rcijuire Ages to level and adapt exten-
sively to the Purposes of Agriculture, whereas at Camosack there
is a Range of Plains nearly Six Miles Square, containing a great
Extent of valuable Tillage and Pasture Land equally well adapted
for the Plough or for feeding Stock. It was this Advantage and
distinguishing Feature of Camosack which no other Part of the
Coast possesses, combined with the Water Privilege on the Canal,
the Security of the Harbour, and Abundance of Timber around it,
which led me to choose a Site for the Establishment at that Place,
in preference to all others met with on the Island."

In view of the fact that Douglas' reconnaissance paved the way
for the occupation of this particular locality by the Hudson's Bay
Company, directing attention for the first time to a spot which is

460 BRITISH COLUMBIA

now of the first importance geographically and politically; also,
because it illustrates the thorough and painstaking manner in which
the Hudson's Bay Company's officers performed their duty, his
report invites and deserves the particular attention of the chronicler
of these early beginnings. It is true thatthe Spaniards had explored
the southern end of Vancouver Island as early as the years 1790, 1791,
and 1792, but the full narratives of their voyages have never been
published in English, nor are they generally available even in manu-
script form. Therefore no excuse is offered for quoting at length
from Douglas' report, which was written at Fort Vancouver and
bears the date July 12th, 1842.

It would be well to preface the detailed consideration of the
young officer's able memorandum with the explanation that his
"Sy-yousung" is the modern Sooke, "Point Gonzalo" is Point Gon-
zales, and "Is-whoy-malth," Esquimalt. "Whyring"' presumably
is Pedder Bay, and "Camosack," of course, is a variation of Camo-
sun, the Indian name of the arm of the sea on the shores of which
Victoria stands.

After making the observations upon "Camosack" which have
just been quoted, Douglas continues the account of his reconnaissance
in the following words: "I will now proceed to describe the most
prominent Features of the other Ports visited during this Cruise, in
order that you may know and weigh the Grounds of my Objections
to them as eligible Places of Settlement.

"The finest and only District of Vancouver's Island which con-
tains any considerable Extent of Clear Land is situated immediately
on the Straits of De Fuca, beginning at Point Gonzalo, the South-
east Corner of the Island, and running Westward from it to the Port
of Sy-yousung; from whence, to the South-west Point of the Island
opposite Cape Flattery, there are no safe Harbours for Shipping,
and the Country is high, rocky, and covered with Wood, presenting
in its outline the almost unvarying Characters of the Coast of North-
west America, to which it unfortunatelv bears a too faithful Resem-
blance.

"On the contrary, the former District of the Island, extending
from Port Sy-yousung to Point Gonzalo, is less elevated, more even,
and diversified by Wood and Plain. The Coast is indented with
Bays and Inlets; there are several good Harbours, with Anchorage
at almost every Point, where Vessels may bring up in Calms. To

BRITISH COLUMBIA 461

this Part of the Coast I directed much Attention; and having
travelled over almost every Mile of it, I will here state the Result
of my Observation beginning with Port Sy-yousung, the most West-
erly Harbour deserving of Notice.

"Sy-yousung is a spacious Inlet, extending more than Two Miles
into the Country, where Shipping may lie at all Seasons of the Year
in perfect Safety, as it is protected from every Wind; there is, how-
ever, a strong Current setting through the Entrance with the Flood
and Ebb that might detain and prove inconvenient to Vessels enter-
ing or leaving Port, otherwise it is unexceptionable as a Harbour.
A shallow Rivulet, Thirty Feet wide, which takes its Rise from the
Lake in the Interior of the Island, falls into the North End of the
Inlet, remarkable as being the largest and only fresh water Stream
capable of floating a canoe that we found on this Part of the Island.

"It can, however, hardly be called navigable, as during a short
Excursion I made upon it we had to drag our Canoe over Banks of
Gravel that traversed the Bed of the Stream at every one hundred
Yards. An extensive Mud-flat also lies ofT its Mouth, which is
nearly dry and impassable in the smallest Craft at Low Water. It
has also the reputation of being a good Fishing Stream; and, as far
as I could learn from the Natives of the Place, a considerable Quan-
tity of Salmon is caught there annually, a Consideration which
would make it exceedingly valuable to an Establishment. These
are the only good Points of this Harbour, which the Character of
the Country in its Vicinity render of no Avail, as the Place is totally
unfit for our Purpose, the Shores being high, steep, rocky, and every-
where covered with Woods. In ranging through the Forest we
found One small Plain, containing 300 or 400 Acres of Land, at the
Distance of One Mile from the Harbour; but the rest of the Country
in its Neighbourhood appeared to consist either of Wood Land or
Rocky Hills.

"Eight Miles East of Sy-yousung is the Port of Whyring, divided
from the former by a Ridge of Woody Hills extending from the
Coast to the central high Land of the Island. This is a pretty good
Harbour, but has nothing further to recommend it, as a single glance
at the high broken Hills of naked Granite which form the East Side
of the Basin, and the equally sterile Character of the West Shore,
satisfied me that this Place would not answer our Purpose.

"In One of our Excursions we found a narrow Plain, nearly a

462 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Mile long, at the same Distance from the Harbour, which is the
only clear Land in this Vicinity.

"Metchosin is an open Roadstead, One and a Half Mile East of
the former Port. It is a very pretty Place, and has a small fresh
water Run near it. There is, however, no Harbour and the Anchor-
age is exposed, and must be insecure in Rough Weather. In addi-
tion to that Disadvantage, the Extent of clear Ground is much too
small for the Demands of a large Establishment, and a great Part of
what is clear is poor. Stony Lands with a rolling Surface, so that on
the whole it would not do for us.

"Is-whoy-malth is the next Harbour to the Eastward, and appears
on the Ground Plan accompanying this letter. It is one of the best
Harbours on the Coast, being perfectly safe and of easy Access, but
in other respects it possesses no Attractions. Its appearance is strik-
ingly unprepossessing, the Outline of the Country exhibiting a con-
fused Assemblage of Rock and Wood. More distant appear isolated
ridges, thinly covered with scattered Trees, masses of bare Rock;
and the View is closed by a Range of low Mountains, which traverse
the Island at the Distance of about Twelve Miles. The Shores of
the Harbour are rugged and precipitous, and I did not see One level
Spot clear of Trees of sufficient Extent to build a large Fort upon;
there is in fact no clear land within a Quarter of a Mile of the Har-
bour, and that lies in small Patches here and there on the Acclivities
and Bottoms of the rising Ground. At a greater Distance are Two
elevated Plains, on different Sides of the Harbour, containing sev-
eral Bottoms of rich Land, the largest of which does not exceed Fifty
Acres of clear Space, much broken by Masses of Limestone and
Granite.

"Another serious Objection to this Place is the Scarcity of fresh
Water. There are several good Runs in Winter, but we found them
all dried up, and we could not manage to fill a single Beaker in the
Harbour.

"The next Harbour, about One Mile and a Half East of the
former, is the Port and Canal of Camosack, which, as already said,
I think the most advantageous Place for the new Establishment.
From the general Description here given, I fear you will not dis-
cover many Traces of the level champaign Country so fancifully
described by other travellers who preceded me in this Field; and
you will also observe, that there is one important Objection which

BRITISH COLUMBIA 463

applies to all the Places except 'Camosack,' mentioned in the Sketch,
namely, the Absence of any Tract of clear Land sufficiently extensive
for the Tillage and Pasture of a large agricultural Establishment.
It would also be difficult to Hnd a convenient Situation for an Estab-
lishment on the rugged high Shores of any of the other Harbours,
and, moreover, these latter Places with the Exception of 'Sy-you-
sung' and 'Metchosin,' are all scantily supplied with fresh Water.

''On the contrary, at Camosack, there is a pleasant and convenient
Site for the Establishment within Fifty Yards of the Anchorage, on
the Border of a large Tract of clear Land, which extends Eastward
to Point Gonzalo at the South-east Extremity of the Island, and
about Six Miles interiorly, being the most picturesque and decidedly
the most valuable Part of the Island that we had the good Fortune
to discover.

"The accompanying Ground Plan shows pretty correctly the
Distribution of Wood, Water, and Prairie upon the Surface, and to
it I beg to refer vou for Information upon such Points.

"More than Two Thirds of this Section consist of Prairie Land,
and may be converted either to — Purposes of Tillage or Pasture, for
which I have seen no Part of the Indian Country better adapted;
the rest of it, with the Exception of the Ponds of Water, is covered
with valuable Oak and Pine Timber. I observed, generally speak-
ing, but Two marked Varieties of Soil on these Prairies, that of the
best Land is a dark vegetable Mould, varying from Nine to Four-
teen Inches in Depth, overlaying a substratum of greyish clayey
Loam, which produces the rankest Growth of native Plants that I
have seen in America. The other Variety is of inferior Value, and
to judge from the less vigorous Appearance of the Vegetation upon
it, naturally more unproductive.

"Both Kinds, however, produce Abundance of Grass, and se\'ernl
Varieties of Red Clover grow on the rich moist Bottoms.

"In Two Places particularly, we saw several Acres of Clover
growing with a Luxuriance and Compactness more resembling the
close Swartl of a well-managed Lea than the Produce of an unculti-
vated Waste.

"Being pretty well assured of the Capabilities of the Soil as
respects the Purposes of Agriculture, the Climate being also mild
and pleasant, we ought to be able to grow every Kind of Grain raised
in England. On this Point, however, we cannot speak confidently

464 BRITISH COLUMBIA

until we have tried the Experiment and tested the Climate, as there
may exist local Influences destructive of the Husbandman's Hopes,
which cannot be discovered by other means. As, for instance, it is
well known that the damp Fogs which daily spread over the Shores
of Upper California blight the Crops, and greatly deteriorate the
Wheat grown near the Sea Coast in the Country. I am not aware
that any such EfTect is ever felt in the temperate Climate of Britain,
nearly corresponding in its insular Situation and geographical Posi-
tion with Vancouver's Island, and I hope the latter will also enjoy
an Exemption from an Evil at once disastrous and irremediable.
We are certain that Potatoes thrive and grow to a large Size, as the
Indians have many small Fields in cultivation which appear to repay
the Labour bestowed upon them, and I hope that the other Crops
will do as well.

"The Canal of Camosack is nearly Six Miles long, and its Banks
are well wooded throughout its whole Length, so that it will supply
the Establishment with Wood for many Years to come, which can
be conveyed in large Rafts, with very little Trouble, from one
Extreme of the Canal to the' other.

"I mentioned in a former Part of this Letter that I proposed to
erect any Machinery required for the Establishment at the Narrows
of this Canal, about Two Miles distant from the Site of the Fort,
where there is a boundless Water-power, which our Two Mill-
wrights, Crate and Fenton, think might, at a moderate Expense, be
applied to that Object. A fresh-water River would certainly be in
many respects more convenient, as the moving Power could be made
to act with greater Regularity and be applied to Machinery at prob-
ably less Labour and Expense than a Tide Power; besides the Facili-
ties and immense Advantage of having a Water Communication,
instead of a tedious Land Transport for the Conveyance of Timber
from a Distance, after exhausting that growing in the immediate
Vicinity of the Mill Seat. But I saw no Stream that would fully
answer these Purposes, not even excepting the one in the Harbour of
'Sy-yousung.' We must therefore of Necessity have recourse to the
Canal, or select a Mill Seat on the Continental Shore, a Step that I
would not advise until we have gained the Confidence and Respect
of the native Tribes.

"The natural supply of fresh Water will probably be found
scanty enough for the Establishment in very dry Seasons; but I think

BRITISH COLUMBIA 465

that between a small Stream at the Distance of 300 Paces, and its
Feeder, a Lake 800 Yards from the Site of the Fort, we may always
depend on having at least a Sufficiency of this indispensable Ele-
ment. The Labour of carting it from a Distance of even 800 Yards
would, however, be very great, and I would therefore recommend
that Wells should be dug within the Fort of sufficient Depth to yield
a constant and regular Supply at all Times. This, I have no Doubt,
will be found the cheapest Plan in the End, besides the Importance
of having Water at hand in Cases of Fire, or in the event of any
Rupture with the Natives."

Douglas concludes his long report with the following review:
"It is unnecessary to occupy your Time with any further Details on
the Subject of this Cruise, as the present Sketch will enable you to
form a correct Estimate of the Advantages and Disadvantages of the
several Places visited; and I think your Opinion cannot vary much
from my own respecting the decided Superiority of Camosack over
the other Parts of the Island or of the Continental Shore known to
us as a Place of Settlement. The Situation is not faultless, or so
completely suited to our Purposes as it might be; but I despair of
any better being found on this Coast, as I am confident that there is
no other Seaport North of the Columbia where so many Advantages
will be found combined."

In a communication to the governing committee to the Hudson's
Bay Company, dated at Red River Settlement, June 21, 1844, Sir
George Simpson represents the site of Fort Victoria "as peculiarly
eligible for a depot in every respect, except the possible scarcity of
water in very dry seasons." It was hoped to overcome that objec-
tion, however, by sinking a well to supply the immediate wants of
the post. It was also pointed out in this connection that abundance
of water could always be obtained from a never-failing stream about
a mile and a half from the establishment. The Governor adds, the
country and climate arc described as remarkably fine, the harbour
excellent and "the means of living abundant, say fish, venison, domes-
tic cattle and agricultural produce." fhe Governor then ventures
the prophecy that, the harbour being easy of access at all times, "Fort
Victoria will in all probability become available as a port of refuge
and refreshment for any vessels frequenting this sea." It was also
pointed out that the natives were not so numerous or so formidable
as the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company were led to believe.

466 BRITISH COLUMBIA

being "perfectly peaceable and well disposed." In one respect,
however, the natives did not favourably impress Governor Simpson;
— "Judging from the Quantity of Furs brought in," he says, "it does
not appear that they are very active, either as Traders or Hunters,
or that their Country is rich in that Way." In a later despatch
(June 1 8, 1846) Sir George Simpson remarks that "Fort Victoria
promises to take a very important Place, and is decidedly better
adapted, as regards Situation, to be the great depot for the country,
than any other of our establishments on the coast." The Governor
is emphatic upon this point, stating that the port is "easy of Access
at all Seasons, and so far distant from the disorderly Population of
Columbia that we have little Cause for apprehension from that
quarter."

While the location of Fort Victoria is under consideration, and
especially as Sir George Simpson, Dr. McLoughlin and James
Douglas were so well pleased with their choice, it is interesting to
recall that Lieutenants Warre and Vavasour in their report upon
their famous tour of Oregon take exception to the site. "The posi-
tion," they state, "has been chosen solely for its agricultural advan-
tages, and is ill adapted either as a place of refuge for shipping, or
as a position of defence." They were more impressed with the fine
harbour of Esquimalt, or "Squirnal" as they termed it, which
afforded "anchorage and protection for ships of any tonnage."

The early operations of the fort builders of the west are too often
veiled in obscurity. And in this case unhappily the journals which
were kept so religiously day by day, year in, year out, are but in a
few fortunate cases, available to the modern historian, who has there-
fore to rely upon odd letters and fragmentary records for informa-
tion concerning that formative era. No materials are more worthy
of preservation than these frail memorials of a bygone day and gen-
eration; and none perhaps have been treated with less respect. Some
day the great company, which did so much to preserve this territory
for the Empire, will open its secret archives to the student of western
afifairs. The journals of the different posts! were generally for-
warded to headquarters and there many of them are doubtless
immured. It is otherwise greatly to be feared that many records
which would throw light upon men and events of early days have
been lost through careless ignorance. Now and again, however, let-
ters and diaries have found their way into safe repositories, where

WHARF STREET, 1867

V^L

l>nf<

For.T stui;i;t

BRITISH COLUMBIA 467

they may yet be seen by those interested in the matters of which they
treat.

In the blurred pages of these old letters and diaries one may
catch a glimpse of the furtrader at work and in so doing gain some
idea of the strange vicissitudes and stirring episodes of his career
in the days when the vast territory, stretching from the western con-
fines of Rupert's Land to the Pacific Ocean, was held by the Hud-
son's Bay Company under the license of 1821, which in 1838 was
extended for a further period of twenty-one years. For instance.
the lack of available contemporaneous records relating to the found-
ing of Victoria is particularly noticeable, yet a few odd documents
have escaped the ravages of time. Of these by far the most impor-
tant is the all too brief note book of the founder himself — James
Douglas — a name fundamentally and forever associated with the
early history of British Columbia.

From the few pages of rough pencilled notes, written by James
Douglas while building the fort on Camosun Inlet, it is learned that
the expedition, consisting of some fifteen men, left Fort Vancouver
on the Columbia River on the first of March, 1843. The party pro-
ceeded by way of the Cowlitz River and arrived at Fort Nisqually
on Puget Sound on the ninth of the same month. At ten o'clock, on
the morning of the thirteenth, Douglas embarked on the steamer
Beaver, anchoring at dusk a few miles south of Port Townsend. On
the following day the Beaver ran into Captain Vancouver's port of
New Dungeness, where Douglas landed to inspect the place. He
visited a large village of Clallam Indians, from whom he purchased
an acceptable supply of fresh fish. The Indians cultivated small
gardens on the plain adjoining the village in which, he tells us, they
grew "very fine potatoes." The Beaver thence proceeded to Camo-
sun, anchoring off Shoal Point at about four o'clock in the afternoon.
Douglas lost no time in setting about the work in hand, as is shown
by the entry in his journal of March 15th, which reads: "Went out
this morning with a boat and examined the wood of the north shore
of the harbour; it is not good, being generally short, crooked and
almost unserviceable. On the south shore the wood is of a better
quality, and I think we will have no difficulty in getting enough for
our purpose. Small wood for picketing is scarce, particularly cedar,
which answers better than any other kind for that purpose from its

468 BRITISH COLUMBIA

lightness and greater durability under ground. We will probably
have to bring such as we require from a distance."

In order to avoid the transporting of supplies, it was always the
policy of the company to make the different posts self-supporting.
It was therefore one of the first and chief duties of Douglas to find
out what were the resources of the country in this respect. The
Indians informed him that herring and salmon were taken in great
abundance along the coast and in the harbour. The salmon, they
said, ascended the Straits in August and continued to run until Sep-
tember; but they yielded large catches until well on in September,
when the great run was over. One variety, however, called by
Douglas the "bad" salmon, was taken until November, and an "excel-
lent" salmon, evidently the spring salmon, was taken by trolling
until the middle of February. Douglas remarks that the salmon
could be bought at Cape Flattery for two leaves of tobacco each,
while at Camosun the price was two charges of ammunition. He
naturally considered information respecting the food supply of the
new post a very important matter, and he gives a rather minute
description of the fish, including their measurement, colour and
weight. He did not even forget to count their teeth in the upper
and lower jaw. Douglas summarizes his own observations and the
reports of the Indians as follows:

"Salmon All winter Quayt chin Enter Camosack.

June Suk kuy Do not enter Camosack.

June Hun nun Do not enter Camosack.

June cKud-jucks Enter Camosack in greatest

numbers.
June Quaa'l oH^h Enter Camosack in greatest

numbers."

Trout were taken all winter by the Indians with weir and basket,
and the pilcherd and herring came in in April and were also caught
in Camosun harbour.

Douglas was undecided, at first, where to build, as there were
several positions almost equally eligible. "I am at a loss," he records
in his journal, "where to place the Fort, as there are two positions
possessing advantages of nearly equal importance, though of differ-
ent kinds. No. i has a good view of the harbour, is upon clear

BRITISH COLUMBIA -169

ground and only 50 yds. from the beach, on the other hand vessels
drawing 14 feet cannot come within 130 feet of the shore. We will
therefore cither have to boat cargo off and on at a great destruction
of boats, and considerable loss of time or be put to the expense of
forming a jetty at a great amount of labour. No. 2, on the other
hand, will allow of vessels lying with their sides grazing the rocks,
which form a natural wharf, whereon cargo may be conveniently
landed from the ship's yard, and in that respect would be exceedingly
advantageous. But, on the other hand, an intervening point inter-
cepts the view so that the mouth of the Port cannot be seen from it,
an objection of much weight in the case of vessels entering and leav-
ing Port. Another disadvantage is that the shore is there covered
by thick woods to the breadth of 200 yards, so that we must either
place the Fort at that distance from the landing place, or clear away
the thickets, which would detain us very much in our building opera-
tions." Douglas concludes his observations: "I will think more on
this subject before determining the point."

Under date of Thursday, March i6th (1843), Douglas records,
in the careful manner of the furtrader, that the weather was clear
and warm— the gooseberry bushes growing in the woods were already
beginning to bud. Six of the men were told off to dig a well and six
others to square timber. On this day he addressed the Indians and
informed them of his intention of building a fort in their territory.
That intimation appeared to give thcni great satisfaction, as they
immediately offered to help to procure pickets for the stockade.
The offer was gladly accepted by Douglas, who promised to pay the
labourers a two-and-a-half-point blanket for every forty pickets, each
twenty-two feet by thirty-six inches in circumference. In order that
the work might be carried on as rapidly as possible. Douglas lent
his native allies three large axes, half a dozen square-headed and ten
half-round headed ones. "To be returned hereafter," added the
careful Scotsman, "when they have finished the job."

The entry in the diary of Friday, March 17th, gains additional
interest because it records a phenomenon which startled the little
party. "Saw a luminous streak," says Douglas, "in the heavens this
evening which lasted from dusk until nine o'clock, when the moon
rose and obscured it. Its highest altitude was at Betelgeux in Orion,
due south from the position we occupied at the time of its appear-
ance, and it extended from thence in a continuous line to the south-

470 BRITISH COLUMBIA

west point of the horizon, forming an arc of about 90 degrees."
Douglas could not account for this phenomenon, but suggests that it
was produced by the reflection of the waters in the Strait of Juan de
Fuca; but, he adds: "It was difficult to account for its existence
even on any such principle." The sign in the heavens appeared for
five consecutive nights. Bancroft, in recording the incident, seems
equally at a loss to account for the phenomenon. If that author, who
never lost an opportunity to sneer at the men who laid the founda-
tions of British Columbia, had but taken the trouble to examine the
astronomical records of that period he would have found that the
"luminous streak" was the great comet of 1843, which was visible
from the Northwest Coast on the 27th of February and for seven
weeks afterwards. This comet was the brightest of the century up
to that time and one of the largest ever observed. Its tail was said to
be one hundred and sixty millions of miles in length. In the
records of the time it is described as "sublime and beautiful." "Few
of its kind," one authority remarks, "have been so splendid and
imposing."

It should be mentioned that the expedition was accompanied by
the zealous Roman Catholic missionary, J. B. Z. Bolduc, who claims
to have been the first priest to set foot on Vancouver Island. No
doubt that claim was advanced in ignorance, for it was unlikely that
the worthy missionary had ever heard of the priests who accom-
panied the Spanish expedition to Nootka half a century before.
Father Bolduc afterwards wrote an account of his work in the Oregon
Territory, in which he alludes to his visit to Victoria. His efforts
were successful, if judged by the number of baptisms; but it is scarcely
likely that the natives who flocked to his ministrations realized their
import. It is on record, however, that they extended to the mis-
sionary a hospitable welcome. On Sunday, March 19th, Father
Bolduc celebrated mass in an improvised chapel. A boat's awning
made the ceiling and branches of fir trees the walls. Father Bolduc
then transferred his attention to Whidbey Island, where he pitched
his tent beside the cross planted there by Blanchet in 1840. "Before
the sun went down," writes Bancroft, "he had shaken hands with a
file of savages numbering with those so favoured on the following day
over one thousand." The natives, to show their gratitude, built a
log church, roofed with cedar bark, and tapestried with rush mats.
On the 3d of April the good missionary left for Nisqually, naively

BRITISH COLUMBIA 471

remarking, so writes the author already quoted, that although the
heathen had gladly received the word, he was not sure that they fully
comprehended it; for when he attempted to reform their morals they
straightway relapsed into indifference.

The journal of Douglas breaks ofif suddenly on Tuesday, the 21st
of March. Presumably he continued his voyage northward in the
Beaver to dismantle Fort Durham at Taku Inlet and Fort McLough-
lin on Millbank Sound, in accordance with instructions to that effect.
Sir George Simpson had decided that the trade of the territories
which had been supplied by these posts was in future to be con-
ducted by the steamer Beaver. The men and supplies at Taku were
shipped on board the vessel, which then shaped her course for Fort
Simpson, where Mr. Roderick Finlayson embarked and another
officer took his place. Leaving Fort Simpson, Douglas called at
Fort McLoughlin, where, as at Taku Inlet, the men, goods and
stores were shipped, after which the Beaver sailed for Camosun,
arriving there on the ist of June (1843).

Turning to the late Roderick Finlayson's manuscript, entitled
"History of Vancouver Island and the Northwest Coast," it is found
that the men and stores from the two abandoned forts were duly
landed at Camosun on the date aforesaid, where a few log huts were
erected for their accommodation. A large number of natives had
encamped on the scene and, as all of them were armed, their good
intentions were open to suspicion. It was noticed that no women
or children were in the encampment, a fact which aroused further
uneasiness. The combined force stationed at Camosun now num-
bered fifty armed men, far too strong a body for the natives to attack
with impunity, so they contented themselves with annoying the party
by picking and stealing whatever they could lay hands upon. Mr.
Ross, the officer, who had been in charge of Fort McLoughlin, was
placed in command of the party and of the fort, with Mr. Finlayson
as his lieutenant. As showing the varied accomplishments of Doug-
las, it is worthy of notice that, in addition to his other duties he
assumed, in connection with the dismantling of these forts and the
building of Camosun, the duties ordinarily performed by trained
auditors or inspectors.

Three months after the arrival of the northern party at Camosun
the fort was ready for occupation. The name Camosun, it may be
mentioned, according to Mr. Roderick Finlayson, signifies, in the

472 BRITISH COLUMBIA

local Indian dialect, the rush of the waters, which, if so, is obviously
descriptive of the beautiful and interesting spot, well known to sight-
seers of the present day as "The Gorge" — a natural conservation of
tidal water-power which for the first time was brought conspicuously
into notice by the original Douglas report, recently cited, and
described in its primitive simplicity as "the narrows" of the "Canal
of Camosack." On the other hand, Paul Kane, author of "The Wan-
derings of an Artist in North America," suggests that the place takes
its name from the plant camass, an edible root which grows in abun-
dance in the locality.

The fort comprised an enclosure of one hundred yards square,
surrounded by a stockade erected in the usual manner, with bastions
at the angles mounted with cannon. Within the stockade were store
liouses, offices and men's quarters of convenient form and size, and
this work being completed and the party placed in a position to
defend themselves from attack, James Douglas again sailed for the
north, after having first brought over from the plains of Nisqually
a shipment of horses and wild "Spanish cattle," in taming which it
appears, no little difficulty was experienced, then and afterwards.

In the spring of 1844, Mr. Ross died and Mr. Finlayson assumed
command of the post. Mr. Finlayson at once despatched an express,
by way of Nisqually, to Fort Vancouver to announce the sad news.
Upon receipt of this intelligence the authorities at headquarters
immediately authorized him to continue in charge, promising at the
same time to send another officer to assist in carrying on the operations
at Vancouver Island. Even at this early date the new post had
become one of considerable importance.

The negotiations respecting the Oregon Boundary, dropped in
1842, had now, in 1844, been reopened, and there seemed some pros-
pect that the dispute was in a fair way of settlement. Hence, no
doubt, the anxiety of the authorities at Fort Vancouver to enlarge the
establishment at Camosun. In the event of the line following the
49th parallel, that post would necessarily take the phice heretofore
held by Fort Vancouver as the capital of the Western Department.

The daily routine of the furtrader's life is rarely one of romance;
too often is it a sordid round of trivial duties; nevertheless there are
times when passing incidents assume an aspect of absorbing interest. |.
The furtrader spent his days in the wilderness, far from his fellow-
men and civilization. From his youth up he was inured to hardship

BRITISH COLUMBIA 473

and danger. In the strange scenes in which his lot was cast he
had ever to be prepared for emergencies, and ready at a moment's
notice to counter the wiles of the savages upon whose good graces the
success of his efiforts depended. In this respect the lot of Roderick
Finlayson, the second commander of Fort Victoria, in nowise dif-
fered from that of other officers in the far west. Thus, shortly after
his promotion, he was brought face to face with the native, who was
not at that time prepared either to submit to the authority of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, or to respect its belongings. The incident to
which allusion is here made amply illustrates the perils encountered
by the founders of Victoria and is typical of the age to which it
belongs. It appears that the Indians could not resist the temptation
of the C(jmpany"s cattle, which grazed in the woods and meadows
about the fort. Finlayson awoke one morning to find, to his chagrin,
that some of the best working oxen and horses had been killed and
eaten by his native allies. He immediately demanded that the per-
petrators of the outrage should be delivered up to justice, or that they
should at least indemnify the company for the loss. The Indians,
however, refused point blank to do either the one or the other, where-
upon the energetic commander promptly suspended the trade and
bluntly declared that he would have no further dealings with them
until the matter was settled. This declaration availed nothing; in
fact, it only had the effect of provoking the enmity of the chiefs,
who forthwith sounded the tocsin of war and called the neighbouring
tribes to their assistance.

Upon receipt of intelligence of this gathering of the tribes Fin-
layson immediately armed his men and set watches, night and day,
to prevent further surprises. Meanwhile, he endeavoured by nego-
tiation to settle the dispute peaceably; but the Indians were obdurate
and exhibited every sign of hostility. Quite without warning they
opened fire upon the fort, riddling the stockades and the roofs of the
houses with their musket balls. This so exasperated the company's
men that it was with the greatest difficulty they could be restrained
from returning the fire. After this one-sided battle had waged for
half an hour, Finlayson called a parley and informed the chief that
whilst he was fully prepared to carry on war, unprovoked as it was
on his part, yet he did not wish to destroy life without affording the
natives one more chance of making the restitution due, ,\ confer-
ence ensued; and while it was in progress, the commander adopted

474 BRITISH COLUMBIA

a ruse which, as the sequel shows, was successful in averting a
catastrophv. The Indian interpreter was instructed to leave the fort,
making it appear as though he had escaped, but really in order to
clear one of the Indian houses of its inmates; for Finlayson had
decided to blow the lodge to pieces with a cannon-shot from one of
the bastions. Having accomplished his object, the interpreter
returned by a back entrance. Whereupon, the Indians still remain-
ing obdurate and showing no signs of coming to terms, a nine-pounder
carronade loaded with grape shot was fired at the lodge with startling
efTect, completely demolishing the structure, the dry cedar boards of
which were sent flying in fragments in all directions. "After this,"
says the resourceful Finlayson, "there was an immense howling among
them from which I supposed a number were killed. But my plan,
I was happy to find, had the desired effect."

The astonished Indians, who had never seen the efifect of grape
shot before were completely demoralized and sent a deputation of
chiefs, to the fort, two of whom were afforded permission to enter,
which, however, they declined to do until two of the company's men
had been sent as hostages for their safety to the Indian encampment.
Finlayson then explained to the chiefs that he had it in his power to
destroy all their houses and to kill as many of them as he pleased, but
that he did not desire or intend to adopt such a course; it was, he
added, by good fortune alone that no one had so far been injured.
He repeated his demand that the offenders should be punished, or
that payment should be made for the animals stolen. Finlayson's
narrative goes on to say that the Indians, finally elected to reimburse
the company and before the evening drew in, furs to the full value of
the animals were delivered at the gate. They also promised never
to molest the company's cattle in the future. Then, says the victor,
after a pipe of peace, "we parted good friends and trade was resumed
as formerly." For the time being the promise of the tribe was duly
observed and no more animals were killed; but not many years
elapsed before one of the shepherds was murdered in cold blood — but
that story belongs at a later date.

The night apparently brought council to the chiefs, since the fol-
lowing day they displayed a sudden access of diplomatic, albeit
belated friendliness, expressing a thoughtful and tentative curiosity,
with an ardent desire to see the effect of the big guns under safer
and less sultry conditions. Their primitive subtlety was promptly

BRITISH COLUMBIA 475

met with an equivalent on the part of Finlayson, by whom they were
forthwith directed to anchor an old canoe in the harbour as a target,
an order with which they readily complied — one of the cannon was
then loaded with ball trained upon this mark and fired. The missile
passing through the little boat, ricochetted over the harbour and fell
into the woods beyond. The wonderful news of the devastating
power of the great guns of the white men spread like wildfire, far and
wide, and the effect produced upon the native intelligence of the
island was of a distinctly salutory and restraining nature; so much so
that the Indians thereafter evinced great respect for the white men
and their ways.

The next difficulty arose when a band of Indians, from Whidbey
Island, who had left the fort with the goods they had obtained in
trade, were waylaid and robbed by the Songhees before they could
reach their canoes, which were left within a short distance of Camo-
sun. The victims came hurrying back to the fort, where they were
received with every kindness. Finlayson sent at once for the chief of
the tribe responsible for the robbery, and demanded that every article
should be restored within one day, failing which trade would be
stopped and the Whidbey Indians kept at the fort, at the expense of
the Songhees, until their property was returned. In this manner
Finlayson declared and illustrated the time-honoured policy of the
Hudson's Bay Company, namely, that the monopoly undertook to
protect all Indians within its gates, no matter to what tribe or what
place they might belong; the company had nothing whatever to do
with tribal or individual quarrels or disputes, but dealt out even-
handed justice impartially to all.

"Seeing I was determined to assert my point," writes Finlayson
apropos of the stolen goods, "the property was restored in full, after
which I sent those foreign traders away under convoy of four of our
men."

So this affair also was settled without bloodshed and again the
white man and the Indian smoked the pipe of peace. As a matter
of fact Finlayson's action in this afifair was a master stroke of policy.
It served to secure the trade and earned the i^ood will of all the neigh-
bouring tribes — even of those on the opposite side of the Strait, —
who afterwards traded regularly at Camosun.

After this combined display of force and diplomacv, which con-
vinced the Indians that the white men were both able and determined

476 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to hold their own, all hands at the fort turned to the work of clearing
land, in which operation the Indians were gradually induced to join
for regular pay in goods. By the end of 1847 two large dairies, each
with seventy milch cows, were in full operation, and it is worthy of
notice that some of Finlayson's erstwhile ''wild Indians" now acted
as assistant dairy men.

The field just outside the stockade, whereon the business section
of Victoria stands today, was cleared in 1847 and no less than three
hundred acres were placed under cultivation. The land was very
rich and yielded as much as forty bushels of wheat to the acre. The
butter and most of the produce raised at Victoria was disposed of to
the Russians at Sitka.

For the sake of local enlightenment, it is to be noted that, in the
year 1845, the name of the place was changed from Fort Camosun to
Fort Albert, in honour of the late Prince Consort. The new name,
however, did not long survive, for, in the following year, in accord-
ance with instructions from England to that effect, it was again
changed to that of Victoria. It is recorded that on each occasion the
baptism was performed with the usual ceremony and royal salutes.

In 1845 Fort Victoria became a depot for the Northern Coast and
the company's outward bound ships from England, called there to
land the supplies needed for the coast trade, after which they passed
on to the Columbia River with the remainder of their cargoes.
Manifestly Fort Victoria was rapidly rising in importance.

The annals of the year 1846, memorable because it marked the
end of the long diplomatic struggle between Great Britain and the
United States over the Oregon Territory, record the significant fact
that six British line-of-battle ships anchored at Esquimalt. Their
visit reveals the strained relations existing at the time between the
two powers and the imminence of war. The Oregon treaty was con-
cluded in June and ratified in July of the same year, which obviated
all necessity for any naval demonstrations. Their presence at Esqui-
malt, however, brought grist to the company's mill. Finlayson
records that the ships were provided with cattle, flour and vegetables
from the farms at Victoria, so successful had become the agricultural
operations in this quarter.

When Sir George Simpson authorized the establishment of Fort
Camosun, he was under the impression that the post would be largely'
used as a place of refreshment by the whaling fleet of the North

BRITISH COLUMBIA 477

Pacific; but the Governor's expectations of a lucrative trade with
the whalers were not destined to be realized. It is true that from
time to time whalers called there, but Victoria could hardly offer
the same attractions as California and the Sandwich Islands in this
respect, and consequently San Francisco, Honolulu, and other sta-
tions in the mid-Pacific archipelago monopolized the trade. Nor
does it appear that Victoria ever became a regular refitting place
for the ships engaged in the whale fishery of the Northwest Coast,
although Finlayson relates that a few such vessels called here in
1845, and continued to do so for some years.

In this year the first of the company's vessels to enter the port of
Camosun direct from England was the J^incouver. The Company
had in its employ three vessels — the Vancouver, the Cowlitz, and
the Cohnnhia — which plied between London and the Northwest
Coast, making yearly voyages with twelve months' supplies for the
trading posts.

From time to time, for the officers and men stationed at Victoria,
tlic monotony of life was relieved by visits from British warships,
and now and again a traveller of repute would drop in to pay his
respects to the officers in charge. One of the earliest visitors thus
mentioned, was Captain Gordon, of H. M. S. America, a brother of
the P^arl of Aberdeen, the then Prime Minister of Great Britain.
He arrived at Victoria in the summer of 1845 and was welcomed
and entertained by Mr. Finlayson witli the usual hospitality. Cap-
tain Gordon was sent out by the British Government to report upon
the Oregon territory. Mr. Finlayson spent three days on board the
/Imerica and gave the commander the advantage of all that he knew
about the country. During his stay on board Captain Park, of the
Marines, and Lieutenant Peel (the son f)f the great statesman, Sir
Robert Peel), were sent to the Columbia to reconnoitre. Captain
Gordon then paid a return visit to Finlayson, with whom he remained
several days. Finlayson had some of his best horses brought in for
the use of his guests and paid them every possible attention. Appar-
ently, however, the peaceful beauty of the surrounding country with
its great natural parks of wood and meadow, set in the silver waters
of the Straits, failed to arouse tlic admiration of the British com-
mander. It stands on record that Finlayson took Gordon, whose
favourite sport was deer stalking, to Mount Douglas, on the first of
Tunc, when the land was at its loveliest. The furtrader declares

478 BRITISH COLUMBIA

in his memoirs that the day was fine and the country carpeted with
beautiful \^ild flowers. Presently deer were seen; but before the
horsemen could get within range they disappeared in an impene-
trable thicket. Thereupon Captain Gordon e.xpressed great disap-
pointment and seemed anything but happy. Telling the story,
Finlayson says that he expressed his regret that the deer had made
their escape, and then in a burst of enthusiasm exclaimed "how beau-
tiful the country looks." "Finlayson," replied Gordon, "I would
not give the most barren hill in the Highlands of Scotland for all
I see around me."

In one respect, at least, the visit of Captain Gordon is historic,
for it gave rise to the celebrated fiction that Oregon was lost to Great
Britain because the salmon of the Columbia River would not rise
to the fly. That story (already recounted in Finlayson's own words)
has been repeated so often that it has gained a certain credence
amongst those who are gullible enough to believe such things with-
out inquiring as to their truth or probability. It seems that, break-
fasting one day at Fort Victoria, Captain Gordon, to his great
surprise, found fresh salmon on the table. He immediately asked
where it came from and was told that the waters of the Strait
abounded with salmon. The Captain's sporting instincts were
aroused. He called for tackle-rod, line and fly — but was told that
the fish were taken with the troll or net — that thev would not rise
to the fly. However, after breakfast, Gordon and Finlayson went
trolling in the bay and soon caught four fine salmon. Captain Gor-
don, however, was not to be appeased, and he gave vent to his dis-
gust by saying that it was an "awful manner" in which to catch so
lordly a fish. Hence the time honoured fable, too often accepted
as fact — aljke by the wise and foolish — that Great Britain lost
Oregon because, forsooth, the salmon of that country did not know
enough to take the fly.

After remaining for a week or ten days. Captain Gordon and his
officers returned to Port Discovery, where H. M. S. America lay
at anchor. Meanwhile, Captain Park and Lieutenant Peel had
returned from the Columbia River. Their report, says Finlayson,
was not very encouraging — at least such was the inference at the
time. Mr. Finlayson closes his reference to Captain Gordon with
the humorous remark that James Douglas was summoned from

BRITISH COLUMBIA 479

Fort Vancouver to satisfy the official curiosity of "the demon of
war."

But, of all the early visitors to the fort, none aroused more
curiosity or attracted greater attention than certain wild looking
men who landed from a strange vessel early in 1849 to purchase sup-
plies. Finlayson at first mistook them for pirates and ordered his
people to arms, but was soon made aware of his mistake. The Cali-
fornia miners — for such they were — had, moreover, leather bags,
full of gold nuggets which they offered in exchange for merchan-
dise. The worthy furtrader, who had never before seen native gold
hesitated whether to accept it or not. To satisfy his doubts, he asked
the blacksmith to strike one of the nuggets on the anvil, as he had
heard pure gold was malleable. A few blows of the hammer flat-
tened the nugget as thin as a wafer. Finlayson then offered to trade
the gold at eleven dollars an ounce. The offer w^as readily accepted,
whereat he was rather perturbed thinking that the strangers would
not be willing to part with the precious metal for so little, if it were
genuine. However, having given his word, trading was com-
menced, but Finlayson was not altogether at ease about the matter
until he heard from Fort Vancouver that the nuggets were true
gold and that the rate of exchange was entirely satisfactory. Other
miners followed this pioneer band of traders, with the result that
this year a large remittance of gold was sent to London in addition
to the usual consignment of fur.

It is bv no means an easy task at this late date to picture Fort
Victoria as it was in the forties; yet with the aid of odd letters and
reports, written at the time, one may see with the mind's eye that
little establishment which played so large a part in the history of
the West. Many a traveller enjoyed the hospitality of the fort, and
more than one of these wayfarers records his impressions of the
place. For instance Lieutenant Warre and Lieutenant Vavasour,
the two British army officers, whose presence in Old Oregon gave
rise to so much talk and conjecture, visited Fort Victoria in the
course of their travels. Lieutenant Vavasour, in a despatch to
Colonel Holloway, his superior officer, has this to say of the little
post at the southern end of Vancouver Island:

"Fort Victoria is situated on the southern end of Vancouver's
Island, in the small harbour of Cammusan, the entrance to which
is rather intricate. The fort is a square inclosure of 100 yards, sur-

480 BRITISH COLUMBIA

rounded by cedar pickets, 20 feet in height, having two octagonal
bastions, containing each six 6-pounder iron guns at the north-east
and south-west angles; the buildings are made of squared timber,
eight in number, forming three sides of an oblong. This fort has
lately been established; it is badly situated with regard to water
and position, which latter has been chosen for its agricultural
advantages only.

"About three miles distant, and nearly connected by a small inlet,
is the Squimal Harbour, which is very commodious, and accessible
at all times, ofTering a much better position, and having also the
advantage of a supply of water in the vicinity.

"This is the best built of the Company's forts; it requires loop-
holing, and a platform or gallery, to enable men to fire over the
pickets; a ditch might be cut around it, but the rock appears on the
surface in many places."

Captain Courtenay in command of H. M. S. Constance brought
his ship to anchor in Esquimalt harbour in the summer of 1848. He
was instructed, like Captain Gordon before him, to gather particu-
lars relating to the Hudson's Bay Company's territories. His
remarks on Vancouver Island and its infant colony are most inter-
esting, as the following excerpt therefrom shows:

"The Hudson's Bay Company's Settlement of Fort Victoria is
only three miles from Esquimalt, so that we got our daily supplies
of Beef without much trouble. The Company have 300 acres under
tillage there, & a dairy farm of 80 Cows, together with numerous
other cattle & 24 hnxid Mares, the whole under the superintendence
of a Civil but hard Scot, named Finlaison, who has about 30 people
of all descriptions under him. They are likewise building a Saw
Mill at the head of Port Esquimalt which will be ready for work
at the end of the year.

"Altogether the Company's affairs appear to be exceedingly well
and particularly economically managed; & my opinion is the sooner
they give up their Settlement in Oregon & retire within our frontier,
the sooner an end will be put to their bickerings with the Americans,
but I fear that the large amount of gain annually flowing into their
coffers, from being the chief Merchants and Purveyors there, will
cause them to remain as long as they can, and to cry Wolf, until, like
the Shepherd's Bo\ in the Fable, they are not listened to."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 481

Amongst the many descriptive documents which have been cited
with the object of determining and conveying, by the mouth of many
witnesses, a word picture, as exact as may be of the true position on
Vancouver Island in the initial stages of the early days, by no means
the least interesting is that of James Deans, whose record covers a
period of Victoria's history dating from his arrival there on the
i6th of January, 1853.

Deans was one of two hundred settlers who came out under the
auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company in their barque, the Nor-
man Morrison, under terms of agreement to work for the Com-
pany for the first five vears. On landing he was employed, first in
the store and afterwards divided the balance of his term between
the Craigflower farm and the Lake Hill sheep station.

Describing Victoria of that day, he mentions that, upon his
arrival, what is now Victoria was nothing but a Hudson's Bay Fort,
with rwo bastions, one at the north and one at the south corner. The
bastions were of huge logs, some thirty feet in height and were con-
nected by palisades about twenty feet high. 'Within were the stores,
numbered one to five, and a blacksmith's shop, besides dining hall,
cookhouse and chapel. Six or eight guns were mounted on each
bastion and, as a protection against the Indians, the place might be
considered as pretty nearly impregnable. Regular watch was kept
day and night.

At another point the narrative touches with more detail upon
the settlement, which is now the City of Victoria. Dean's interest-
ing notes show that the site of the fort was what he graphically
describes as "an oak opening," the ground to the extent of an acre
was cleared and enclosed by a palisade,, forming a square, on the
north and south corners of which was a tower containing six or
eight pieces of ordnance each — the north one served as a prison, the
south one for firing salutes whenever the Governor visited the place
officially. In the centre of the east and west sides were main gate-
ways, each had a little door, to let the people out or in after hours.
On the right, entering by the front, or south gate, was a cottage in
which was the postoffice; it was kept by an officer of the Company,
a Captain Sangster. Next in order was the smithy. Next and first
on the south side, was a large store house, in which fish oil and other
commodities were stowed away. Next came the carpenter's shop.
Close to this was a large room provided with bunks, for the Com-

482 BRITISH COLUMBIA

pany's men to sleep in. Next and last on that side, was a large
building, a sort of barrack, for new arrivals. Between this corner
and the east gate was the chapel and chaplain's house. On the other
side of the gate was a large building which served as a dining room
for the officers; adjoining this was the cookhouse and pantry. On
the fourth side was a double row of buildings, for storing furs, pre-
vious to shipment to England, and goods, before taking their place
in the trading store. Behind these stores was a fireproof building
used as a magazine for storing gunpowder. On the lower corner
was another cottage- in which lived Mr. Finlayson with his family.
He was then Chief Factor. On the other side, at the front or west
gate, was the flag stafif and belfry. The central part of the enclosure
was open and always kept clear. Through this enclosure ran the
main road, leading from the two gates. On one side of this road
was a well in which a lamentable accident happened early in the
gold rush of 1858, when an Indian, sent down to recover a lost
kettle was crushed to death by the falling in of the masonry. The
brief and simple description concludes with the following somewhat
pathetic note: "Only one of all the old buildings now (1878)
remain, which is the store known as number three. It is at present
used as a theatre."

Two other accounts of early Victoria are worthy of a place even
in the briefest annals of that period. They are especially interest-
ing from the fact that they are written by able and observant men, both
of them distinguished, the one as a naturalist and the other as an
artist. Berthold Seemann and Paul Kane, the men referred to, vis-
ited Victoria in 1846 and 1847 respectively. Their memoirs contain
charming and valuable descriptions of Victoria, the natives of Van-
couver Island, and the Hudson's Bay Company's administration.
Seemann was naturalist to the expedition which sailed in H. M. S.
Herald, under the command of Captain Henry Kellett, C. B., during
the years 1845-51, in the course of which no less than three cruises
were made to the Arctic regions in search of the unfortunate Sir
John Franklin. The Herald anchored ofT the harbour of Victoria
in the evening of June 27, 1846, and Mr. Finlayson had again an
opportunitv to extend hospitality to British naval officers, a dutv
which, from all accounts, he was both ready and admirably fitted
to perform.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 483

The account which follows is taken from Seemann's graphic
narrative, descriptive of the occasion. He says in part: "The Hud-
son's Bay Company selected Victoria from the excellent nature of
the soil, and, anticipating the surrender of the Oregon territory to
the United States, intended to make it their chief settlement on this
coast. In walking from Ogden Point round to Fort Victoria, a
distance of little more than a mile, we thought we had never seen a
more beautiful country; it quite exceeded our expectation; and yet
Vancouver's descriptions made us look for something beyond com-
mon scenery. It is a natural park; noble oaks and ferns are seen
in the greatest luxuriance; thickest of the hazel and the willow,
shrubberies of the poplar and the alder, are dotted about. One could
hardly believe that this was not the work of art; more particularly
when finding signs of cultivation in every direction — enclosed
pasture-land, fields of wheat, potatoes and turnips. Civilization had
encroached upon the beautiful domain, and the savage could no
longer exist in the filth and indolence of mere animal life. The pros-
pect is cheering, the change gladdening; for after making every
allowance for the crimes of civilization, still man in a savage state
exists in all his grossness, and in more than all his grossness. While
had elapsed since the settlement was made, yet all the necessaries
uncivilized man, with all the intelligence, ingenuity, cunning, and
skill of his class, seems in general to be uncleanly, to revel in filth.

"The fort of Victoria was founded in 1843, and stands on the
east shore of the harbour, or rather creek, about a mile from the
entrance. The approach is pretty by nature, though somewhat rude
by art. The first place we came to was the dairy, an^establishment
of great importance to the fort, milk being their principal drink;
the rules of the company in a great measure debarring the use of
wine and spirits. The attendants are generally half-caste. We were
astonished at all we saw. About 160 acres are cultivated with
oats, wheat, potatoes, turnips, carrots, and other vegetables, and
every day more land is converted into fields. Barely three years
had elapsed since the settlement was made, yet all the necessaries
and most of the comforts of civilized life already existed in what
was a wilderness. The company, when forming an establishment
such as Victoria, provide the party with food for the first year, and
necessary seed for the forthcoming season; after that time it is
expected that the settlements will provide completely for their future

484 BRITISH COLUiMBIA

subsistence. Of course the settlers have many facilities — the fertil-
ity of a virgin soil, an abundant supply of the best seed, and that
great inducement to industry, the desire of independence, and the
assurance, almost amounting to certainty, that success will attend
their endeavours."

The learned author then gives a spirited though brief descrip-
tion of the establishment, of which he observes: "The fort itself
is a square enclosure, stockaded with poles about twenty feet high
and eight or ten inches in diameter, placed close together, and
secured with a cross piece of nearly equal size. At the transverse
corners of the square there are strong octagonal towers, mounted
with four nine-pounder guns, flanking each side, so that an attack
by savages would be out of the question, and, if defended with spirit,
a disciplined force without artillery would find considerable diffi-
culty in forcing the defences. The square is about 120 yards; but
an increase, which will nearly double its length from north to south,
is contemplated. The building is even now, though plain to a fault,
imposing from its mass or extent, while the bastions or towers
diminish the tameness which its regular outline would otherwise
produce. The interior is occupied by the officers' houses, — or
apartments, they should rather be called, — stores, and a trading
house, in which smaller bargains are concluded, and tools, agri-
cultural implements, blankets, shawls, beads, and all the multifarious
products of Sheffield, Birmingham, Manchester, and Leeds, are
offered at exorbitant prices. There being no competition, the com-
pany has it all its own way; it does not profess to supply the public;
indeed, although it does not object to sell to people situated as we
were, yet the stores are for the trade in furs, to supply the native
hunters with the goods which they most value, as also for the use
of its own dependants, who, receiving little pay, are usually in debt
to the companv, and are therefore much in its power. In fact, the
people employed are rarely those to whom returning home is an
object; they have mostly been taken from poverty, and have at all
events food and clothing. The work is hard, but with health and
strength this is a blessing rather than otherwise."

Seemann continues his highly entertaining and instructive nar-
rative with an all too brief reference to the officer in charge of the
post, who at all times worthily represented the great company.
"Mr. Finlayson," says the author, "the gentleman in charge of the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 485

establishment, appears to be an intelligent man, who by perseverance
and a uniform system of adhering to his word and offering stated
prices in barter, never receding or offering less, seems to have suc-
ceeded in impressing the natives with a considerable degree of
respect for himself and the fort. Only one brush has the company
had with the Indians, but it ended in a day or two; the gates of
the fort having been closed, a nine-pounder fired several times to
show what could be done, and judicious and conciliatory advances
made to the chief, the peaceable intercourse — from which sprang
blankets, hatchets, knives, fish-hooks, and harpoons — was speedily
re-established."

The naturalist concludes his description of Victoria and vicinity
as follows: "On the opposite side of the harbour is a large native
village; the distance across is only 400 yards, and canoes keep up a
constant communication between it and the fort. Certain supplies
to the chiefs keep them in good humour with their intruding visitors.
Although all is not done that might be effected, yet some good must
result even from this intercourse. The present generation will
not change, but their descendants may do so, and improvement will
be the consequence. The houses are dirty in the extreme, and the
odour with which they are infested almost forbids close examination;
but they are built with solidity, the climate rendering it necessary
to guard against the cold, — and arranged with some degree of order
in streets or lanes with passages running up between them. Several
families occupy the same house — one large shed, little better than
an open cow-house or stable in an indifferent inn, the compart-
ments or walls hardly excluding the sight of one family from another.
There are chests and boxes rudelv made, in which blankets, furs,
and smaller fishing gear are kept; indeed the natives seem to
resemble their forefathers, as Captain Cook describes them, as much
as it is possible for one set of men to resemble another."

On the 17th of June, TR41;, a young Canadian artist left Toronto
for the far west to wander from fort to fort and from tribe to tribe
as fancy or the means of transportation dictated. He had no com-
panions but his portfolio and colour-box, a gun and a stock of
ammunition. Paul Kane, for such was his name, possessed, as he
confesses, neither means nor influence, but nevertheless he started
on his travels with a determined spirit and a light heart — a good
equipment for the arduous undertaking he had projected, which was

486 BRITISH COLUMBIA

no less than the painting of a series of pictures illustrative of the
manners and customs of the Indian tribes and scenery of western
North America, a subject in which he had felt a deep interest from
his boyhood. The wandering artist, as he describes himself, was
fortunate at the outset of his career to earn the good opinion and
to procure the assistance of Sir George Simpson, the autocrat of all
the Hudson's Bay Company's territories from Rupert's Land to
the Pacific Ocean. With the passports issued by that officer, Paul
Kane was armed for an invasion of the sacred precincts of the Com-
pany's western domain, and assured of a hospitable welcome by the
officers.

What, it may be asked, has the historian of British Columbia to
do with this young artist's travels? That, however, is a question
easily answered. Paul Kane's notes as well as his paintings possess
a peculiar interest for the curious, but also a real intrinsic value
alike for the historian and the ethnologist of this particular part
of British North America, since he visited many places, well-
known and famous in local annals. Besides, his faithful and careful
observations throw much light upon that transitional period, in
which the peoples of two great neighbouring powers were adjusting
themselves to the new order of things brought about by the clear
definition of their respective spheres of influence. The artist
wandered through the territory made historic by the rivalries of the
Hudson's Bay Company, the North-West Company, and the X Y
Company. His track lay through the vast region bordering on the
great chain of American Lakes, the Red River Settlement, the val-
ley of the Saskatchewan and its boundless prairies; thence across
the Rocky Mountains, down the Columbia River to Fort Vancouver
and on to Puget Sound and Vancouver Island.

Interesting as it is, this is neither the time nor the place to fol-
low in detail the track of Paul Kane. Suffice it to say that, after
many exciting adventures by flood and field he arrived at Fort
Nisqually on Puget Sound. What follows is best related in his own
words; for the artist's pen is no less facile than his brush. He is
wrong, of course, in some particulars — -for instance, he confuses the
old name of Fort Victoria, Camosun, with that of Esquimalt; and
then again his account of the origin of the clover which grew so
luxuriantly at Victoria is obviously at fault; for Douglas in his
report of 1842 remarks upon the rank growth of the plant in the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 487

vicinity of Camosuii. But much may be forgiven to one who has
bequeathed to posterity the work entitled "Wanderings of an
Artist among the Indians of North America, from Canada to Van-
couver's Island and Oregon through the Hudson's Bay Company's
Territory and Back Again," which covered the years 1845, 1846,
1847 and 1848.

"I left Nasqually this morning," writes Paul Kane, under date
of April 8, 1847, "with six Indians in a canoe, and continued pad-
dling on, the whole day and the following night, as the tide seemed
favourable, not stopping till 2 P. M., when we reached Fort Victoria
on Vancouver's Island, having travelled ninety miles without
stopping.

"Fort Victoria stands upon the banks of an inlet in the Island
about seven miles long and a quarter of a mile wide, forming a safe
and convenient harbour, deep enough for any sized vessel. Its
Indian name is the Esquimelt, or. Place for gathering Camas, great
quantities of that vegetable being found in the neighbourhood. On
my arrival I was kindly welcomed by Mr. Finlayson, the gentleman
in charge. He gave me a comfortable room, which I made my
head-quarters during the two months I was occupied in sketching
e.xcursions amongst the Indians in the neighbourhood and along the
surrounding coasts.

"The soil of this locality is good, and wheat is grown in consid-
erable abundance. Clover grows plentifully, and is supposed to
have sprung from accidental seeds which had fallen from the pack-
ages of goods brought from England; many of which are made
up in hay.

"The interior of the Island has not been explored to any extent
except by the Indians, who represent it as badly supplied with water
in the summer, and the water obtained from a well dug at the fort
was found to be too brakish for use. The appearance of the inte-
rior, when seen from the coast, is rocky and mountainous evidently
volcanic; the trees are large, principally oak and pine. The timbers
of a vessel of some magnitude were being got out. The establish-
ment is very large, and must eventually become the great depot for
the business of the company. They had ten white men and forty
Indians engaged in building new stores and warehouses."

But the chief interest in Paul Kane's narrative centres upon his
faithful portrayal of the life and characteristics of the natives, in

488 BRITISH COLUMBIA

dealing with whom he displayed that keen observant attitude of
mind which, throughout, enhances the value of his work. The fol-
lowing extract gives, in part, his fascinating account of the primi-
tive peoples amongst whom he passed :

"On the opposite side of the harbour, facing the fort, stands a vil-
lage of Clallums Indians. They boast of being able to turn out 500
warriors, armed chiefly with bows and arrows. The lodges are
built of cedar like the Chinook lodges, but much larger, some of them
being sixty or seventy feet long.

"The men wear no clothing in summer, and nothing but a blanket
in winter, made either of dog's hair alone, or dog's hair and goose-
down mixed, frayed cedar-bark, or wildgoose skin, like the Chinooks.
Thev have a peculiar breed of small dogs with long hair of a brown-
ish black and a clear white. These dogs are bred for clothing pur-
poses. The hair is cut ollf with a knife and mixed with goosedown
and a little white earth, with a view of curing the feathers. This is
then beaten together with sticks, and twisted into threads by rubbing
it down the thigh with the palm of the hand in the same way that a
shoemaker forms his wax-end, after which it undergoes a second
twisting on a distafif to increase its firmness. The cedar-bark is
frayed and twisted into threads in a similar manner. These threads
are then woven into blankets by a very simple loom of their own
contrivance. A single thread is wound over rollers at the top and
bottom of a square frame, so as to form a continuous woof through
which an alternate thread is carried by the hand, and pressed closely
together by a sort of wooden comb; by turning the rollers every part
of the woof is brought within reach of the weaver; by this means a
bag is formed, open at each end, which being cut down makes a
square blanket. The women wear only an apron of twisted cedar-
bark shreds, tied round the waist and hanging down in front only,
almost to the knees. Thev however, use the blankets more than
the men do, but certainly not from any feeling of delicacy.

"This tribe flatten the head, but their language varies very much
from the Chinook; however, the same patois used on the Columbia
is spoken by many of them, and T was thus enabled to communicate
easily with them. T took a sketch of Chea-clach, their head chief.
of whose inauguration I heard the following account from an eye-
witness. On his father becoming too old to fulfil the duties of head
chief, the son was called upon by the tribe to take his place, on which

BRITISH COLUMBIA 489

occasion he left the mountains for the ostensible purpose of fasting
and dreaming for thirty days and nights; these Indians, like all
other tribes, placing great confidence in dreams, and believing that
it is necessary to undergo a long fast whenever they are desirous of
inducing one of any importance. At the end of the period assigned,
the tribe prepared a great feast. After covering himself with a thick
covering of grease and goosedown, he rushed into the midst of the
village, seized a small dog, and began devouring it alive, this being
a customary preliminary on such occasions. The tribe collected
about him singing and dancing in the wildest manner, on which he
approached those whom he most regarded and bit their bare shoul-
ders or arms, which was considered by them as a high mark of dis-
tinction, more especially those from whom he took the piece clean
out and swallowed it. Of the women he took no notice.

"I have seen many men on the North-west coast of the Pacific
who bore frightful marks of what they regarded as an honourable
distinction; nor is this the onlv way in which their persons become
disfigured. I have myself seen a young girl bleeding most profusely
from gashes inflicted by her own hand over her arms and bosom
with a sharp flint, on the occasion of losing a near relative. After
some time spent in singing and dancing, Chea-clach retired with his
people to the feast prepared inside a large lodge, which consisted
principally of whale's blubber, in their opinion the greatest of all
delicacies, although they have salmon, cod, sturgeon, and other
excellent fish in great abundance."

This valiant knight-errant of the brush and pen, imbued with
the sporting proclivities of his race, then goes on to describe with a
regard for detail worthy of a fisherman of the old school, the methods
and proficiencv of the natives in the piscatory art upon which they
rely so extensively for their staple food. In this connection Paul
Kane writes :

"All the tribes about here subsist almost entirely upon fish, which
they obtain with so little trouble during all seasons of the year, that
they are probably the laziest race of people in the world. Sturgeon
are caught in considerable numbers, and here attain an enormous
size, weighing from four to six hundredweight; this is done by means
of a long pointed spear handle seventy to eighty feet in length, fitted
into, but not actually fastened to, a barbed spearhead, to which is
attached a line, with which they feel along the bottom of the river

490 BRITISH COLUMBIA

where the sturgeon are found lying at the spawning season. Upon
feeling the fish the barbed spear is driven in and the handle with-
drawn. The fish is then gradually drawn in by the line, which being
very long, allows the sturgeon to waste his great strength, so that
he can with safety be taken into the canoe or towed ashore. Most
of their fishing lines are formed of a long seaweed, which is often
found 150 feet long, qf equal thickness throughout the whole length,
and about as thick as a black lead-pencil ; while wet it is very strong.
Their fish-hooks are made of pine roots, made something in the
shape of our ordinary hooks, but attached differently to the line; the
barb is made of bone.

"Clams are in great plenty, and are preyed on in great numbers
by the crows, who seize them in their claws and fly up with them
to some height, and then let them drop on the rocks, which of course
smashes the shell to pieces. I have watched dozens of them at this
singular employment. A small oyster of a fine flavour is found in
the bays in great plenty. Seal, wild ducks and geese, are also in
great numbers.

"The Indians are extremely fond of herring-roe, which they col-
lect in the following manner: — Cedar branches are sunk to the
bottom of the river in shallow places by placing upon them a few
heavy stones, taking care not to cover the green foliage, as the fish
prefer spawning on anything green. The branches are all covered
by the next morning with the spawn, which is washed off into their
waterproof baskets, to the bottom of which it sinks ; it is then squeezed
by the hand into small balls and dried, and is very palatable."

The versatile author here pauses to expatiate, in a vividly graphic
manner, upon the savage customs of the native tribes of Vancouver
Island and the adjacent mainland regions. In the course of his
remarks he describes the cruel system of slavery practiced by them.
"Slavery," he says, "in its most cruel form exists among the Indians
of the whole coast, from California to Behring's Straits, the stronger
tribes making slaves of all the others they can conquer. In the
interior, where there is but little warfare, slavery does not exist. On
the coast a custom prevails which authorises the seizure and enslave-
ment, unless ransomed by his friends, of every Indian met with at a
distance from his tribe, although they may not be at war with each
other. The master exercises the power of life and death over his

BRITISH COLUMBIA 491

slaves, whom he sacrifices at pleasure in gratification of any super-
stitious or other whim of the moment."

In proof of his words, Paul Kane relates a personal experience,
which affords a vivid insight into the inherent viciousness of the
Camosun Indians: "One morning while 1 was sketching, I saw upon
the rocks the dead body of a young woman, thrown out to the vultures
and crows, whom 1 had seen a few days previously walking about
in perfect health. Mr. Finlayson, the gentleman in charge of Fort
Victoria, accompanied me to the lodge she belonged to, where we
found an Indian woman, her mistress, who made light of her death,
and was doubtless the cause of it. She told us that a slave had no
right to burial, and became perfectly furious when Mr. Finlayson
told her that the slave was far better than herself. "I," she exclaimed,
"the daughter of a chief, no better than a dead slave!" and bridling
up with all the dignity she could assume, she stalked out, and next
morning she had up her lodge and was gone. I was also told by
an eye-witness, of a chief, who having erected a colossal idol of wood,
sacrificed five slaves to it, barbarously murdering them at its base,
and asking in a boasting manner who amongst them could afford to
kill so many slaves."

It will be amply evident to the reader, in perusing the succeed-
ing excerpts from Paul Kane's story, that he assuredly made the best
of the opportunities which his brief visit to Vancouver Island
afforded him; and, indeed, the graphic manner in which he pictures
the native customs, their peculiar barbarity, their ceremonial dances,
religious beliefs — or rather superstitions — their houses and the gen-
eral entourage of the people, not forgetting the periodical potlach,
leaves very little of the ground in this regard uncovered by his
prolific pen.

"These Indians also flatten their heads, and are far more super-
stitious than any T have met with. They believe, for instance, that
if they can procure the hair of an enemy and confine it with a frog
in a hole, the head from which it came will suffer all the torments
that the frog endures in its living grave. They are never seen to
spit without carefully obliterating all traces of their saliva. This
they do lest an enemy should lind it, in which case they believe he
would have the power of doing them some injurv. They always spit
on their blankets, if they happen to wear one at the time.

492 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"I was indebted to the superstitious fears which they attached to
my pictures for the safety and ease with which I mingled amongst
them. One of them gave me a great deal of annoyance by continu-
ally following and watching me wherever I went, for the purpose
of warning the other Indians against my sketching them, telling
them that it would expose them to all sorts of ill luck. I repeatedly
requested him to desist, but in vain. At last I bethought me of look-
ing steadily at himself, paper and pencil in hand, as if in the act of
taking his likeness; when he became greatly alarmed, and asked me
what I was about. I replied, 'I am taking a sketch of you.' He
earnestly begged of me to stop, and promised never to annoy me again.

"These Indians have a great dance, which is called 'The Medi-
cine Mask Dance'; this is performed both before and after any
important action of the tribe, such as fishing, gathering Camas, or
going on a war party, either for the purpose of gaining the good wnll
of the Great Spirit in their undertaking, or else in honour of him
for the success which has attended them. Six or eight of the prin-
cipal men of the tribe, generally medicine-men, adorn themselves
with masks cut out of some soft light wood with feathers, highly
painted and ornamented, with their eyes and mouth ingeniously
made to open and shut. In their hands they hold carved rattles,
which are shaken in time to a monotonous song or humming noise
(for there are no words to it) which is sung by the whole company
as they slowly dance round and round in a circle.

"Among the Clal-lums and other tribes inhabiting this region,
I have never heard any traditions as to their former origin, although
such traditions are common amongst those on the east side of the
Rocky Mountains. They do not believe in any future state of pun-
ishment, although in this world they suppose themselves exposed
to the malicious designs of the skoocoom, or evil genius, to whom
they attribute all their misfortune and ill luck.

"The good spirit is called Hias-Soch-a-la-Ti-Yah, that is, the
great high chief, from whom they obtain all that is good in this
life, and to whose happy and peaceful hunting-grounds they will all
eventually go to reside forever in comfort and abundance. The
medicine-men of the tribe are supposed to possess a mysterious influ-
ence with these two spirits, either for good or evil. They form a
secret society, the initiation into which is accompanied with great
ceremony and much expense. The candidate has to prepare a feast

CHESLAKEE'tS \lLLAi;lO 1\ JOHNSTONE'S STRAITS

\'1LLAGE OK TIIK IKIKXDLV INDIANS AT TIIK KNIKANl K (II- lUIKS ( ANAI,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 493

for his friends and all who choose to partake of it, and make pres-
ents to the other medicine-men. A lodge is prepared for him which
he enters, and remains alone for three days and nights without food,
whilst those already initiated keep dancing and singing round the
lodge during the whole time. After this fast, which is supposed
to endue him with wonderful skill, he is taken up apparently lifeless
and plunged into the nearest cold water, where they rub and wash
him until he revives: this they call 'washing the dead.' As soon
as he revives, he runs into the woods, and soon returns dressed as a
medicine-man, which generally consists of the light down of the
goose stuck all over their bodies and heads with thick grease, and a
mantle of frayed cedar-bark, with the medicine rattle in his hand.
He now collects all his property, blankets, shells, and ornaments,
and distributes the whole amongst his friends, trusting for his future
support to the fees of his profession. The dancing and singing are
still continued with great vigour, during the division of the property,
at the conclusion of which the whole party again sit down to feast,
apparently with miraculous appetites, the (luantity of food consumed
being perfectly incredible.

"Their lodges are the largest buildings of any description that I
have met with amongst Indians. They are divided in the interior
into compartments, so as to accommodate eight or ten families, and
are well built, considering that the boards are split from the logs
with bone wedges; but they succeed in getting them out with great
smoothness and regularity. I took a sketch one day while a party
were engaged in gambling in the centre of the lodge. The game is
called lehallum, and is plaved with ten small circular pieces of wood,
one of which is marked black; these pieces arc shufHed about rapidlv
by the player between two bundles of frayed cedar-bark. His
opponent suddenly stops his shuffling, and endeavours to guess in
which bundle the blackened piece is concealed. They are so pas-
sionately fond of this game that they frequentlv pass two or three
consecutive days and nights at it without ceasing.

"Saw-se-a, the head chief of the Cowitchins, from the Gulf of
Georgia, an inveterate gambler, was engaged at the game. He had
come to the Esquimelt on a friendly visit. This chief was a great
warrior in his younger days, and received an arrow through the
cheek in one of his battles. He took many captives, whom he usuallv
sold to the tribes further north, thus diminishing their chance of

494 BRITISH COLUMBIA

escaping back, through a hostile country to their own people, the
northern tribes making slaves only of those living south of them. He
possessed much of what is considered wealth amongst the Indians,
and it gradually accumulated from tributes which he exacted from
his people. On his possessions reaching a certain amount it is cus-
tomary to make a great feast, to which all contribute. The neigh-
bouring chiefs with whom he is in amity are invited, and at the
conclusion of the entertainment, he distributes all he has collected
since the last feast, perhaps three or four years preceding, among his
guests as presents. The amount of property thus collected and given
away by a chief is sometimes very considerable. I have heard of one
possessing as many as twelve bales of blankets, from twenty to thirty
guns, with numberless pots, kettles, and pans, knives, and other
articles of cutlery, and great quantities of beads, and other trinkets,
as well as numerous beautiful Chinese boxes, which find their way
here from the Sandwich Islands. The object in thus giving his
treasures away is to add to his own importance in the eyes of others,
his own people often boasting of how much their chief had given
away, and exhibiting with pride such things as they had received
themselves from him."

It must not be supposed that the Paul Kane, to whom the his-
torian of British Columbia owes so much, confined his attention
solely to Vancouver Island. On the contrary, he made excursions
through the Haro Strait and beyond, even voyaging as far as the
mainland coast. In the course of his search for subjects for his
brush he had many exciting adventures, witnessed strange scenes and
gathered much of the Indian folk-lore of the country. Thus, on
one occasion, in an Indian encampment on the mainland coast, he
was privileged to see the medicine-man at work. Gruesome as it is,
the artist's account of that performance is worthy of notice; for it
illustrates, in a quite remarkable manner, the savage customs which
prevailed amongst the Indians of that dav. The narrative runs:

"About lo o'clock at night I strolled into the village, and on
hearing a great noise in one of the lodges I entered it. and found an
old woman supporting one of the handsomest Indian girls 1 had
ever seen. She was in a state of nudity. Cross-legged and naked,
in the middle of the room sat the medicine-man, with a wooden dish
of water before him; twelve or fifteen other men were sitting round
the lodge. The object in view was to cure the girl of a disease affect-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 495

ing her side. As soon as my presence was noticed a space was cleared
for me to sit down. The officiating medicine-man appeared in a
state of profuse perspiration from the exertions he had used, and
soon took his seat among the rest as if quite exhausted; a younger
medicine-man then took his place in front of the bowl, and close
beside the patient. Throwing of? his blanket, he commenced singing
and gesticulating in the most violent manner, whilst the others kept
time beating with little sticks on hollow wooden bowls and drums,
singing continually. After exercising himself in this manner for
about half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he
darted suddenly upon the young woman, catching hold of her side
with his teeth and sliaking her for a few minutes, while the patient
seemed to suffer great agony. He then relinquished his hold, and
cried out he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his
mouth; after which he plunged them in the water and pretended to
hold down with great difficulty the disease which he had extracted,
lest it might spring out and return to its victim.

"At length, having obtained the mastery over it, he turned round
to me in an exulting manner, and held something up between the
finger and thumb of each hand, which had the appearance of a piece
of cartilage, whereupon one of the Indians sharpened his knife, and
divided it in two, leaving one end in each hand. One of the pieces
he threw into the water, and the other into the fire, accompanying
the action with a diabolical noise, which none but a medicine-man
can make. After which he got up perfectly satisfied with himself,
although the poor patient seemed to me anything but relieved by the
violent treatment she had undergone."

On June lo, 1B47, Paul Kane bade farewell to Victoria and
started on his homeward way. He reached Toronto in October,
1848. "The greatest hardship I had to endure," he writes after his
return, "was the difficulty I found in trying to sleep in a civilized
bed." It is only just to say, in concluding this reference to a remark-
able man, that what Catlin did in art for the Indians of the middle
and southern states, Kane did, but with a more skillful hand, for
those of the region of the Great Lakes, the territories of the Hudson's
Bav Company, the States of Oregon and Washington, and parts of
British Columbia. These pictures, the product of his brush and
brain, were originallv in the possession of the Honourable Ci. ^^^
Allen, from whose estate they were purchased bv .Mr. E. B. Osier,

496 BRITISH COLUMBIA

M. P. A few were painted for the Hudson's Bay Company, and
twelve were purchased by the old Legislature of Canada. Of these
some were destroyed when the buildings at Quebec were burned in
1854, and the remainder are now in the buildings at Ottawa.

CHAPTER XV
THE COLON\' OF VANCOUVER ISLAND

Scarcely had the ink dried upon the Oregon Treaty, when Sir
John H. Pelly, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, sought to
extend the sway of the Adventurers of England, even as far as the
Pacific Ocean. On September 7, 1846, he addressed a diplomatic
note to Earl Grey, the Secretary of State for the Colonies: "With
the view of ascertaining the intentions of Her Majesty's Government
as to the acquisition of Lands or Formation of Settlements to the
North of Latitude Forty-nine." He was also anxious to know
whether the Hudson's Bay Company would be confirmed: ''In the
possession of such lands as they may find it expedient to add to those
which they already possess." Clearly it was the intention of the
Company to obtain, if possible, from the Crown, a Grant of the
western territories of British North America, in order to prevent
such occurrences as had proved so disastrous to their several under-
takings in the valleys of the Columbia and Willamette Rivers. What
Sir George Simpson had termed in a moment of disgust or petulance
"the unruly population" of that quarter, ought not to be allowed to
obtain a foot hold on Vancouver Island. So far, the mainland was
safe enough, because the exclusive trade of that region was assured
to the Company by the terms of the Licence of 1838, which had
extended for a further term, the agreement of 1821, in which the
amalgamated Hudson's Bay and North West Companies had been
granted the exclusive trade of the Indian territories. These agree-
ments were generally known as the licences of exclusive trade.

Early in October, 1846, Earl Grey replied to Sir John Pelly's
letter. He requested the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company to
apprise him with as much exactness as possible: "What is the extent
and what are the natural or other limits of the Territory in the

Vol. 1—32

497

498 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Possession of which they (the Company) desire to be confirmed,
pointing out what may be known regarding the Soil, Harbour, and
navigable Streams comprised within it." Earl Grey also wished to
be informed by the Company: "Whether they are advised that their
Right is clear in point of Law to receive and hold in their corporate
Capacity any Lands within the Dominions of the British Crown
Westward of the Rocky Mountains." In reply to the Colonial Sec-
retary's note, Sir John Pelly, on October 24th, transmitted Chief
Factor James Douglas' report of July 12, 1842, and pointed out that
the reports of Lieutenants Warre and Vavasour dated November i,
1845, addressed to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and that
of Lieutenant Vavasour to Colonel Holloway of the Royal Engi-
neers, dated March i, 1846, contained the information desired by
Earl Grey.

The Colonial Secretary was also advised that the Company held
that its right was clear in point of law to receive and hold in its cor-
porate capacity any lands within the dominions of the British Crown
west of the Rocky Mountains — a claim which was based upon the
Royal Charter of 1670, and the licence of May 13, 1838, which,
however, reserved to the Crown the right of establishing colonies
within these territories, or of annexing any part thereof to any exist-
ing colony or colonies. This letter concluded with the following
paragraph : "It would be a superfluous task to enter into the detail
of the reasons which render the colonization of Vancouver Island a
subject of grave importance; I shall at present merely submit to Earl
Grey's consideration, whether that object, embracing as I trust it
will the conversion to Christianity and the civilization of the native
population, might not be most readily and cfTectually accomplished
through the instrumentality of the Hudson's Bay Company, either
by a grant of the island on terms to be hereafter agreed upon, or in
some other way in which the influence and resources of the Company
might be made subservient to that end." *

These and other letters addressed by Sir John Pelly to Earl
Grey, exhibited the keen desire of the Hudson's Bay Company to
obtain control of the territory now definitely determined to belong
to Great Britain. The Company indeed wished to obtain a grant of

1 vide Correspondence between the Chairman of the Hudson's Bay Co. and the Secretary of
State for the Colonies, relative to the Colonization of Vancouver Island. 1849. p. i8.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 499

the whole territory lying between the country drained by the rivers
flowing into Hudson's Bay, and the Pacific Ocean. In a communi-
cation dated March 5, 1847, Governor Pelly observed that "if her
Majesty's ministers should be of opinion that the territory in ques-
tion would be more conveniently governed and colonized (as far as
that may 'be practicable) through the Hudson's Bay Company, the
Company are willing to undertake it, and will be ready to receive a
grant of all territories belonging to the Crown, which are situated
north and west of Rupert's Land."

In making this sweeping request, however, the Governor over-
reached himself. It was quite impossible in view of the state of pub-
lic opinion in England, for any public man to bring forward such a
proposal. Earl Grey, in reply, suggested that the Company should
submit "another scheme which should be more limited and defined
in its object, and yet embrace a plan for the Colonization of Van-
couver's Island."

This definite request narrowed the scope of the negotiations.
Yet, even in the face of the decided opinion expressed by the Colonial
Secretary, Sir John Pelly pressed for a grant of the whole of the ter-
ritories west of the Rocky Mountains. The Governor was astute
and diplomatic enough to assure Earl Grey that the Company was
not particularly anxious to take over the territories asked for in the
first instance, adding that he had merely suggested that the whole
should be included in a grant to the Hudson's Bay Company,
because— "I was persuaded that the colonization would be much
more successfully conducted under the auspices of the Company,
than it would be in any other manner."

If that proposal should not meet with the approval of her Maj-
esty's Government, the Company were quite willing that the lands
should be limited to "the territory north of 49°, bounded on the east
by the Rocky Mountains, or even Vancouver's Island alone." The
Company, however, did not wish to be called upon to pay Royalties
to the Imperial Government, because, "all moneys received for lands
or minerals would be applied to purposes connected with the
improvement of the country, and, therefore, if the Grant is to be
clogged with any payment to the Mother country, the Company
would be under the necessity of declining it."

Earl Grey replied that he deemed it advisable in the first instance,

500 BRITISH COLUMBIA

that the Grant should be confined to Vancouver Island. He was
prepared to entertain any such proposal that the Company might
think proper to submit to him for this purpose, proceeding on the
principle that the Company should not derive any pecuniary profit
from their undertaking. All funds arising from the sale of lands,
or minerals, he suggested should be applied towards the colonization
and improvement of the island.

After many conferences, proposals, and counter-proposals, it was
at last decided to grant Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, and by the Royal Proclamation, of January 13, 1849, the island
was ceded to that corporation, under certain terms and conditions — ■
exactly eleven years after the granting of the Royal licence for exclu-
sive trade in the Indian territories, which bears the date of May
13, 1838. The latter monopoly, therefore, would hold good for
nine years, unless revoked in the meantime.

As the terms and conditions of the Grant gave rise to much dis-
cussion in the House of Commons, and seriously affected the for-
tunes of the Colony of Vancouver Island, they are worthy of being
set forth in full. After a long preamble, reciting the Royal Charter
of King Charles II., of the second day of May, 1670, and the diflfer-
ent Acts that had been passed for the regulation of the furtrade and
the punishment of offences in "certain parts of North America"
(which expression referred to the lands afterwards known as the
Indian Territories, and the Oregon Boundary Treaty of June 15,
1846), the Royal Grant set forth that: —

"Whereas it would conduce greatly to the maintenance of peace,
justice and good order, and the advancement of colonization and
the promotion and encouragement of trade and commerce in, and
also the protection and welfare of the native Indians residing within
that portion of Our territories in North America, called Vancouver's
Island, if such Island were colonized by settlers from the British
dominions, and if the property in the land of such island were vested
for the purpose of such colonization in the said Governor and Com-
pany of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay; but
nevertheless, upon condition that the said Governor and Company
should form on the said island a settlement or settlements, as herein-
after mentioned, for the purpose of colonizing the said island, and
also should defray the entire expense of any civil and military estab-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 501

lishments which may be required for the protection and government
of such settlement or settlements (except, nevertheless, during the
time of hostilities between Great Britain and any foreign European
or American power) :

"And further We do, by these presents, for Us, Our heirs and
successors, make, create and constitute the said Governor and Com-
pany for the time being, and their successors, the true and absolute
lords and proprietors of the same territories, limits and places, and
of all the other premises (saving always the faith, allegiance and
sovereign dominion due to Us, Our heirs and successors for the
same) ; to have, hold, and possess and enjoy the said territory, limits
and places, and all and singular other the premises hereby granted
as aforesaid, with their and every of their rights, members, royalties
and appurtenances whatsoever to them, the said Governor and Com-
pany, and their successors for ever, to be holden of Us, Our heirs
and successors, in free and common soccage, at the yearly rent of
Seven shillings, payable to Us and Our successors for ever, on the
First day of January in every year:

"Provided always, and We declare, that this present grant is
made to the intent that the said Governor and Company shall estab-
lish upon the said island a settlement or settlements of resident colo-
nists, emigrants from Our United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, or from other Our dominions and shall dispose of the land
there as may be necessary for the purposes of colonization; and to
the intent that the said Company shall, with a view to the aforesaid
purposes, dispose of all lands hereby granted to them at a reason-
able price, except so much thereof as may be required for public
purposes; and that all monies which shall be received by the said
Company for the purchase of such land, and also from all payments
which may be made to them for or in respect of the coal or other
minerals to be obtained in the said island, or the right of searching
for and getting the same, shall (after deduction of such sums by way
of profits as shall not exceed a deduction of lo per cent, from the
gross amount received by the said Company from the sale of such
land, and in respect of such coal or other minerals as aforesaid) be
applied towards the colonization and improvement of the island; and
that the Com nan v shall reserve for the use of Us, Our heirs and suc-
cessors, all such land as may be required for the formation of naval

502 BRITISH COLUMBIA

establishments, We Our heirs and successors, paying a reasonable
price for the same; and the said Company shall, once in every two
years at the least, certify under the seal of the said Governor and
Company, to one of Our Principal Secretaries of State, what colo-
nists shall have been from time to time settled in the said island, and
what land shall be disposed of as aforesaid:

"And We further declare, that this present grant is made upon
this condition, that if the said Governor and Company shall not,
within the term of five years from the date of these presents, have
established upon the said island a settlement of resident colonists,
emigrants from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
or from other Our Dominions; and it shall at any time after the
expiration of such term of five years, be certified to Us, Our heirs
and successors, to inquire into the condition of such island, that such
settlement has not been established according to the intent of this
Our grant, or that the provisions hereinbefore mentioned respecting
the disposal of lands and minerals, have not been respectively ful-
filled, it shall be lawful for Us, Our heirs and successors, to revoke
this present grant, and to enter upon and resume the said island and
premises hereby granted, without prejudice nevertheless, to such
dispositions as may have been made in the meantime by the said
Governor and Company of any land in the said island for the actual
purpose of colonization and settlement, and as shall have been certi-
fied as aforesaid to one of Our Principal Secretaries of State:

"And We hereby declare, that this present grant is and shall be
deemed and taken to be made upon this further condition, that We,
Our heirs and successors, shall have, and We accordingly reserve
unto Us and them, full power, at the expiration of the said Governor
and Company's grant or licence of or for the exclusive privilege of
trading with the Indians, to re-purchase and take of or from the said
Governor and Company the said Vancouver's Island and premises
hereby granted, in consideration of payment being made by Us, Our
heirs and successors, to the said Governor and Company, of the sum
or sums of money theretofore laid out and expended by them in and
upon the said island and premises, and of the value of their estab-
lishments, property and efifects then being thereon."

With the exclusive privilege of trading with the natives on the
mainland, and the Royal Grant of Vancouver Island, the Hudson's

BRITISH COLUMBIA 503

Bay Company occupied an impregnable position in Northwestern
America. However, tiie grant of the Island was not altogether
unencumbered. Before it had been made, Earl Grey had signified
that it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to provide
for the Government of the Colony and to make provision for the
establishment of legislative authority among the settlers, on whom
were to be conferred the same powers of local self government
usually granted to new colonies. A governor was to be appointed
who would be directed to summon an assembly elected by the general
vote of the inhabitants, to exercise in conjunction with himself and a
council, the law-making power. At the same time the Colonial Sec-
retary intimated that he was quite ready to be guided in the selection
of her Majesty's representative by the wishes of the Company. Sir
John Pelly, did not fail to avail himself of the opportunity to bring
a name to Earl Grey's notice. Naturally enough he suggested that
James Douglas should receive the appointment. "Mr. Douglas,''
observed Sir John, "is a man of property, a Chief Factor of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and a member of the board at Fort Van-
couver for managing the Company's afifairs of the country westward
(jf the Rocky Mountains." He added "I do not propose this as a
permanent appointment, but merely as a temporary expedient, until
the colony can afford to pay a governor unconnected with the Hud-
son's Bay Company."

In the same letter he submitted the names of fourteen gentlemen
whom he considered well qualihed to hold commissions of the peace,
under the Act of i & 2 Geo. IV. All of these men were connected
with the Hudson's Bay Company, and all of them were well known
in the Oregon Territory, where many of them had achieved dis-
tinction. The Reverend Robert Staines, was the chaplain at Fort
Victoria; Peter Skene Ogden, joint manager with James Douglas of
the Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west of the Rocky Mountains;
James Douglas, a protege of the great Doctor John McLoughliii
and a man who had already distinguished himself in the service of
the Cnmpanv; John Work, Chief Factor, who had lived in the
Oregon territory for a quarter of a century; Archibald McKinley,
later a member of the Indian Reserves Commission; Doctor Wil-
liam Frascr Tolmic, a polished gentleman nf the old school, a physi-
cian of repute, and manager of the Puget Sound Agricultural Com-

504 BRITISH COLUMBIA

pany's estate on the Nisqually plain; Alexander Caulfield Anderson,
a well known Chief Factor, who had distinguished himself in explor-
ing the interior of New Caledonia and in establishing the route from
Fort Hope to Fort Kamloops followed by the great brigades; James
Murray Yale, John Tod and Dugald McTavish, Chief Factors who
had distinguished themselves in the west, and Richard Grant, Don-
ald Mason, George T. Allan and John Kennedy, also well known
throughout the Oregon territory and New Caledonia. These were
the men proposed as justices of the peace in the new colony.

The appointments were made, and in due course Sir John Felly's
nominees received their commissions, duly signed by the Queen. But
although the Colonial Secretary in a letter to Sir John, of September,
1848, acquiesced in the suggestion that James Douglas should be
appointed Her Majesty's representative, some hitch must have
occurred, for the honour of being the first governor of Vancouver
Island, fell to the lot of Mr. Richard Blanshard, an estimable English
barrister, who had seen service under the Colonial office in other
parts of the Empire. Blanshard received the appointment in 1849,
shortly after the Royal Grant of Vancouver Island had received the
assent of her Majesty.

It must not be supposed that the grant of Vancouver Island to
the Hudson's Bay Company was passed without opposition. As a
matter of fact the Government was severely criticized, not only in
the Imperial Parliament, but by men who for one reason or another
opposed the grant. Nor was the Hudson's Bay Company, although
the official returns to Parliament of that period do not reveal the
fact, the sole aspirant for the concession. While Sir John Felly was
pressing his claim upon the Secretary of State for the Colonies, a
determined effort was made by one James Edward Fitzgerald, to
obtain a grant of the Island. His efforts, however, were of no avail;
nor does it appear that his application was even seriously considered.
He proposed to form a company to take over the Island on gener-
ous terms, but as he could give no guarantee, such as that offered
by a corporation of such high standing in the financial world as the
Hudson's Bay Company, the Ministry could not in fairness listen
to his proposals. Fitzgerald, 'apparently soured by his defeat and
feeling that he had been injured, bitterly attacked the Company in
a work entitled "Vancouver Island and the Hudson's Bay Com-
panv," which created some little stir at the time.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 505

In Parliament the late Right Honourable William Ewart Glad-
stone objected to the policy of the Colonial Office and was inclined
to view with disfavour the granting of further special privileges to
the Company. Nor was public opinion in favour of the proposal.
It was not to be expected then that the action of the Government in
this particular would escape criticism, yet, in looking back, it does
not appear that any other course could have been followed with
advantage at that particular time. The Hudson's Bay Company was
already in possession of the land; its officers had penetrated it in all
directions and they were well versed in the Indian character; for
years, the Company with a handful of men had successfully man-
aged the whole territory and held the natives in check. Moreover,
it was beyond question that the Company had held the western ter-
ritory for Great Britain. These qualifications and services could
not well be overlooked and the Hudson's Bay Company was charged
with the settlement of the Colony. For the first time in its history
that great organization had undertaken a purely colonial enterprise.
Heretofore, with the exception of the Red River settlement — a ven-
ture of a dilTerent nature from that of the colonization of Vancouver
Island — the Companv had no experience along that line. Until the
reorganization of the Company in 1863, when a large majority of the
proprietors disposed of their shares to the International Financial
Society, Limited, the Court of Proprietors had opposed the forma-
tion of settlements in the territories under their control. The policy
of the Company up to that time is clearly expounded by Alexander
Dallas (who had succeeded Sir George Simpson as Governor in
America) in a letter bearing date April 16, 1862, and having ref-
erence to the proposal of the government of Canada that a practi-
caMe line of communication should be built across the continent.
In that letter Dallas took occasion to observe that "while fully admit-
ting the force of the above arguments (as to the public importance
of such communication) and the immediate necessity of some
arrangement being come to, I am reluctantly compelled to admit my
inability to meet the Government of Canada in this forward move-
ment, for the following reasons: —

"ist. The Red River and Saskatchewan Valleys, though not in
themselves fur-bearing districts, are the sources from where the main
supplies of winter food arc procured for the northern posts from

506 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the produce of the buffalo hunts. A chain of settlements through
these valleys would not only deprive the Company of the above vital
resource, but would indirectly in many other ways so interfere with
their northern trade as to render it no longer worth prosecuting on
an extended scale. It would necessarily be directed into various
channels, possible to the public benefit, but the Company could no
longer exist on its present footing.

"The above reason against a partial surrender of our territories
may not appear sufficiently obvious to parties not conversant with the
trade or the country; but my knowledge of both, based on personal
experience, and from other sources open to me, point to the con-
clusion that partial concessions of the districts which must necessarily
be alienated would inevitably lead to the extinction of the
Company." -

But to return to Vancouver Island and the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. It appears that Earl Grey while listening to the overtures of
Sir John Pelly, sought information in another quarter respecting
the monopoly's management of the Oregon Territory. Lieutenant
Adam D. Dundas, of the Royal Navy, who had lately returned to
London from the Northwest coast, was requested to report with
regard to the advantages or disadvantages that would accrue to a
colony on Vancouver Island, under the jurisdiction or superintend-
ence of that organization. Dundas' report was unfavourable and
because it sets forth very lucidly the case against the Company it is
worthy of being reproduced here: —

"Having during my late period of Service in the Pacific been
for upwards of two years employed on that part of the Northwest
coast generally known as the Hudson's Bay Territory, the greater
part of which has been spent within the limits of Fort Vancouver,
their great Western Depot, I have had every opportunity of observ-
ing, not only how all tlicir arrangements were managed but the spirit
which pervaded their whole system, and which I have no hesitation
in saying would be whollv, and totally inapplicable to the nursing
of a young Colony, with the hopes of ever bringing it to Maturity.
And my opinion only accords with that which 1 have heard univer-
sally expressed by all disinterested individuals who have had an

= F. N. — Canada and British Cnlunibia return to an address of the House of Commons, July 15,
1863, page 5.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 507

opportunity of visiting not only these regions, but tiieir Settlements
in Hudson's Bay and on the Red River.

"There has always appeared to me an overbearingly illiberal
usurpation of power on the part of the H. B. Co. to which every
better feeling has invariably been Sacrificed, and which has ren-
dered their line of conduct in many instances most irregular and
unjustifiable; however necessary this System may have been found
when dealing with Savages, it could not but prove repugnant to the
feelings of the Colonists and the facility which in this case would be
offered them of leaving the island, would doubtless be taken advan-
tage of, and the Colony after dwindling into insignificance would
become but another dependance wholly at the mercy of the Hud-
son's Bay Co.

"That this powerful Company have the ability to form advan-
tageous Settlements in these unfrequented parts, there is not a doubt,
but when their trade is wholly carried on with the Aborigines, is
it to be Supposed, that they would aid in the advancement of Civil-
ization when from time immemorial it has been proved that the
progress of the one has ever been made at the expense of the other?
And should the Natives cease to exist, why, their occupation is
gone. It is only a natural conclusion then to arrive at that the efforts
which the Hudson's Bay Company are putting forward to obtain
either a direct or indirect influence in Vancouver Island are with
the Sole motive of protracting to as late a period as possible a monop-
oly which thev have so long enjoyed and which could not benefit
the country, the only object of establishing a Settlement in Such a
distant quarter. The Puget's Sound Company are doubtless equally
anxious for Hudson's Bay jurisdiction, but it must be at the same
time remembered that these two Companies are wliolly incorporated
in each other, and their interests are mutually blended, their object
being to engross all those other available Sources of revenue to which
the furtrade is not immediately applicable."

With regard to the natural advantages of the Island, Lieutenant
Dundas went on to say: —

"My impression is that they arc highly favourable for the estab-
lishment of a Colony, the climate is a most desirable one, and com-
paring it, with that of this Country infinitely more equable, it is as
healthy as could be wished for and seems to suit the European Con-

508 BRITISH COLUMBIA

stitution admirably, and though fever and ague are very prevalent on
the Mainland yet from the absence of low and marshy ground they
are unknown here. Water however is not wanting and can always
be obtained in sufficient quantity, as a proof of which there are beaver
on the island, whose aquatic propensities are too well known to be
commented on.

"To give correct description of the island would entail a task,
which I do not hesitate to confess I am incompetent of performing,
as its interior has never been explored, and in fact it has only been
penetrated at one point to the extent of twenty miles, the Shores how-
ever have been very frequently visited, in the course of trafficking
with the Indians and from such sources of information a very satis-
factory conclusion may be arrived at.

"Vancouver's is an island about two hundred and fifty miles
long, and sixty-five its extreme breadth at any part, although in
many places it does not exceed the half of that, in its general appear-
ance it is mountainous and thickly wooded, the Western or Sea coast
being the most precipitous.

"As the Straits of De Fuca are entered its wild aspect gradually
diminishes until within some fifteen or twenty miles of Victoria, the
Company's only Settlement on the island; here it presents a most
favourable view, the dark pine forest giving way to plain and open
park land studded with fine oaks. This continues with some excep-
tions along the Coast bordering the Canal de Arra (Haro) and Gulph
of Georgia, running up in a North Westerly direction offering many
eligible spots for Agricultural operations, the Navigation here is
considered difficult at times even for steam vessels, owing to the
rapidity and irregularity of the Currents, but when it is remembered
that Vancouver found his way through here in safety, it cannot be
doubted but that these difficulties will disappear before advancing
civilization and science. To compensate however for the casual
disadvantages in the navigation, the whole coast abounds in most
excellent harbours which can scarcely be equalled in any island of
similar extent, and where the most secure inlets are wanting numer-
ous small islets afford the Mariner a safe anchorage and protection
from the weather. With regard to the minerals, as yet coal is only
known to exist here, but sanguine hopes are entertained that there
are others, lead and tin having been discovered on Queen Char-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 509

lotte's Island which is a little more than a degree to the Northward.
The coal was quite accidentally discovered from the vein having
been seen on the beach at low water, a quantity of this although taken
almost from the surface has been satisfactorily tried on board the
Company's Steamer Bearer on several occasions, the situation of
this mine is about twenty miles from the entrance of Queen Char-
lotte's Sound, and could be reached by sailing vessels with perfect
ease, entering from the Northward. The timber which is here to
be met with consists almost exclusively of the gigantic pine in dif-
ferent varieties, there are also oak, ash and such other trees as are
to be met with in this country, although they bear but a small pro-
portion. The pine is most available for ship spars and the more
Northerly the climate the more valuable they are.

"I have as yet said nothing about the Soil; there are conflicting
opinions as to its being very available for agricultural purposes and
I have very lately seen it publickly stated that there was such a
thin surface over rock as to render it perfectly unavailable, but I
think that that is rather a sweeping assertion. That the ground is in
many places stony there is no doubt but with a little labour they can
be removed, and there remains as rich a soil as the farmer can desire.

"So little being known of the interior of the island, as I have
already observed, it would be difficult to form a very correct estimate
of the number of its inhabitants, but from the knowledge of the
existence of nine tribes on the coast, averaging seven hundred men
to a. tribe, a sufficiently accurate approximation may be arrived at by
stating the whole to amount to about ten thousand which however
I should think it did not exceed. They are for the most part gener-
ally friendly to strangers although not wholly perhaps to be depended
upon, yet a simple demonstration of force has always been found to
keep them in check. They subsist chiefly on fish, but likewise take
a great quantity of game, all of which are easily procured and are
in great abundance; they even venture after the whale in their light
canoes, and that animal frequents the Straits of de Fuca, and Gulph
of Georgia during the season; great numbers are caught — I was
informed on good authority, as many as a hundred had been taken
during the year, this of course has been found a very productive
sport."

The truth lay midway between the statements of Sir John Pelly

510 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and Lieutenant Dundas. Both perhaps made somewhat extravagant
assertions. For instance it is difficult to account for Dundas' criti-
cism of the administration of the Hudson's Bay Company in the
valley of the Columbia, because, as contemporary records show very
clearly, that administration was generally successful. The Company
was under no obligation to colonize the Oregon Territory and it
was not to be expected in the circumstances that it would bear with
equanimity the encroachments of settlers. For all that, Dr.
McLoughlin and other agents of the company had treated the desti-
tute American settlers with great kindness. The great establishment
at Fort Vancouver with its fruitful fields and great herd of horses,
cattle and sheep, would rather create the impression that the Com-
pany could, if it chose, successfully form and administer a colony.
On the other hand. Sir John Felly had perhaps misjudged, not the
ability, but the willingness of his Company to foster settlements in
territories it had long been accustomed to administer solely with a
view to profiting by the furtrade. The settlement of the Willamette
had demonstrated the fact that farming and furtrading could not
be combined in the same region. However desirous of forming set-
tlements in the neighbourhood of its posts the Company might be,
sooner or later the rival interests of the settler and the furtrader
were bound to clash. Subsequent events in Vancouver Island proved
the truth of this.

Yet, whatever may be said against the Hudson's Bay Company,
its services to the Empire can scarcely be overestimated. It was the
instrument by which that magnificent territory stretching from the
Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean north of the 49th parallel,
was conserved for the British race. With its superb organization,
with an administration as effective as it was far-reaching, the Com-
pany held the land until, in the fulness of time, it became an integral
part of the Empire.

In July, 1849, Richard Blanshard was duly appointed Governor
and Commander-in-Chief in and over the Island of Vancouver and
its Dependencies, by a commission under the Great Seal of the United
Kingdom. The Governor reached Victoria in H. M. S. Driver on
March 10, 1850. On the following day he landed and read his
Commission in the presence of Commander Johnson and the officers
and servants of the Hudson's Bay Company. By this simple act.

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 5ii

Vancouver Island became the First British Colony in the North
Pacific. Hitherto the Northwest coast had known neither settled law
nor government. From time immemorial it had been under the
sway of the native races. It is true that the Hudson's Bay Company
had established some semblance of law and order therein, but not
until Governor Blanshard read his Commission at Victoria, on
March 1 1, 1850 — scarcely sixty years ago — that it could be said that
the common law of England became effective. Perhaps the true
significance of that ceremony was not born in upon those who wit-
nessed that ceremony, and, indeed, there was little to show that it
inaugurated a new era; but, nevertheless, it was an historic occasion.
All that had gone before — the explorations of Cook and of the
pioneer furtraders; the seizure of the British ships by the Spaniards
in Nootka Sound in 1789; the Nootka Convention of 1790; the
survey of the coast by Vancouver; the overland journey by Sir Alex-
ander Mackenzie; the occupation of New Caledonia by the North
West Company; the administration of the Hudson's Bay Company;
and the founding of Camosun in 1843 — had but paved the way for
this significant event.

No doubt to the French-Canadian voyageurs and the men who
had known no other authority but that of the Great Company, and
who had observed no laws but those promulgated by Sir George
Simpson, Doctor John McLoughlin, and the other officers in charge
of the different posts where they had been stationed, it must have
appeared strange, if not ludicrous, that by such a simple act, a greater
power than that wielded by the Company for which they worked
and lived, could set its seal upon the land. Yet, such was the case.
Heretofore the mandate of the Hudson's Bay Company had been
supreme throughout the vast extent of the Western Department.
The Company entrenched as it was, did not fear the new power that
the creation of the little colony of Vancouver Island had established
in the land; nor did it show over much respect for her Majesty's
representative.

His Excellency, Governor Blanshard, the first duly commissioned
representative of the Crown to assume control of any portion of the
Northwest coast, did not find his position a pleasant one. At the time
of his arrival in the colonv, there were not more than thirty settlers,
besides the officers and servants of the Company. Victoria, now the

512 BRITISH COLUMBIA

capital of the Western Department and the place of residence of
James Douglas, the manager of the Company's afifairs west of the
Rocky Mountains, was at this time a small post beyond the stockades
of which lay pastures and farms. From the fort winding lanes led
to the fields and dairies. Although the agricultural operations of the
Company's officers had reclaimed, here and there, little patches, the
countryside presented generally the aspect of the verdant wild.
Game still abounded. The timid deer still roamed in the natural
parks. Blue and willow grouse lived in coveys in the thickets and on
the rocky eminences of the Gonzales Point, Mount Tolmie and
Mount Douglas. Wild fowl were plentiful in the swamps and
marshes in the autumn and winter months. The lordly elk had not
yet forsaken his familiar haunts and in those days this beautiful
animal grazed with the cattle in the fields.

The Governor found no residence awaiting him; nor even apart-
ments in the Fort. He was therefore obliged, during the first few
weeks of his rule, to reside on board H. M. S. Driver. Then
he was lodged in the Fort, and later, a small house and office were
built outside the stockade. Blanshard had seen service in the West
Indian Islands, in British Honduras and in India, where he had held
positions under the Colonial Office, and he was seemingly well
qualified to govern an infant colony; but on Vancouver Island he
found nothing to govern, because the Hudson's Bay Company, under
the terms of the Royal grant, managed afifairs as it liked. It was
most unlikely that an utter stranger, even clothed with all the power
that the Queen's Commission could give him, would be cordially
welcomed by the representative of the Great Monopoly, especially
in view of the fact that Sir John Felly had requested Earl Grey,
Secretary of State for the Colonies, to appoint their representative,
James Douglas to the coveted position. The truth is that Blanshard
was not wanted, and the Hudson's Bay Company soon made his
position untenable. He found no public afifairs to administer, no
seat of government, no judiciary and no legislature. There was
little indeed he could do except to regulate the disputes between the
Hudson's Bay Company's officers and their servants, which disputes
were frequent enough. Moreover, the Governor received no salary.
He had accepted the position in the expectation that colonists would
flock to the country and that every inducement would be ofifered to

BRITISH COLUMBIA 513

people to settle there; and, that of course, as the colony progressed a
civil list would be voted.

He also expected that the sale of land and the royalties on coal
would produce a considerable revenue. But these sources of income
were controlled by the Hudson's Bay Company, under the terms of
the grant, and the monies so derived were expended by its officers.
At the celebrated Parliamentary enquiry into the affairs of the Hud-
son's Bay Company in 1857, Blanshard stated that before his depar-
ture from England, Sir John Pelly had promised him one thousand
acres of land ; but when he applied for the grant, he was told by
James Douglas that the matter would have to be settled at the head
offices of the Company in England, as the grant was merely intended
for the use of the Governor for the time being. In view of the high
cost of living today, it is interesting to recall that it cost the Governor
eleven hundred pounds a year to live and that very quietly, at Vic-
toria. There were three separate prices in the Company's stores at
that time; one for the superior officers; another for the servants;
and a tliird which was called the "cash price," at which goods were
-DJd to settlers. The officers received their supplies at the advance
'if thirty-three per cent upon the cost price, the servants at fifty to
one hundred per cent; and the cash price was regulated as nearly as
possible by the price in California, where goods of all kinds were
exceptionally high owing to the gold excitement. The cash price
represented an advance of one hundred per cent upon the prime
cost. The Governor was treated as a stranger and was forced to pur-
chase his supplies as such, which meant that he paid about three hun-
dred per cent over the cost price. '

An idea of Governor Blanshard's impressions of the colony, of
his struggles and disappointments, may be gained from his official
correspondence with Earl Grey. His first despatch is an illuminat-
ing document; it bears the date of April 8, 1850, and reads:

"Fort Victoria, Vancouver Island,

"April, 8th, 1850.
"My Lord,

"I beg to inform you of my arrival at Victoria, the settlement of
the Hudson's Bay Company in Vancouver Island, on the loth March

•'' Select Cdininittee iin Hudsnu's Bay Co., 1857. Minutes on ICviileiicc, page 28
Vol i-:t:t

514 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ultimo, in H. M. S. Driver. On the iith I landed, and read my
commission in the presence of Commander Johnson, of H. M. S.
Driver, and the ofBcers and servants of the Hudson's Bay Company.
No lodging being ready for me, I have been compelled to remain
on board the Driver, during her stay in the colony, and took the
opportunity of visiting Fort Rupert, a new settlement which had been
formed at Beaver Harbour, for the purpose of working the coals
with which the north-eastern part of the Island is said to abound.
About six months ago, the Hudson's Bay Company sent a party of
Scotch miners to Beaver Harbour, but they have not yet been able
to discover coal in anv quantitv; at the depth of seventv feet the
largest seam they had struck was only eight inches in depth, and the
surface coal, which former reports describe as being three feet in
depth and of excellent quality, nowhere, I am assured by the miners,
exceeds ten inches, of which one half is slag. Should they perse-
vere, there is no doubt that a supply of coal may eventually be
obtained, which will greatly increase the value of this colony; but the
miners are unprovided with proper implements, discontented with
their employers and can scarcely be induced to work.

"An application was made to me by Captain Hill, Commandant
of the U. S. Military Post at Chelahom, to allow a force to proceed
to Vancouver Island to apprehend two men. Military deserters from
the United States Army, who had he stated been taken from Chela-
hom by a schooner belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company, incur-
ring thereby a heavy penalty under the local law of the State of
Oregon. This I declined to allow, as I conceive that no reciprocal
arrangement exists between Great Britain and the United States
for the arrest of deserters for purelv Militarv offences.

"The quantity of arable land, or land that can be made arable is,
so far as I can ascertain, exceedingly limited throughout the Island,
which consists almost entirely of broken ranges of rocky hills, inter-
sected by ravines and valleys so narrow as to render them useless
for cultivation. A Mr. McNeill, Agent for the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany at Beaver Harbour, who is considered to be better acquainted
with the Indian population than any other person, estimates their
number at the very largest at ten thousand, and these he considers to
be steadily decreasing, although the sale of spirituous liquors has
been for a considerable time prohibited, and the prohibition appears
to be strictly enforced.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 515

"As no settlers have at present arrived, I have considered that»it
is unnecessary as yet to nominate a council, as my instructions direct;
for a council chosen at present must be composed entirely of the
officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, few if any of whom possess
the qualification of landed property which is required to vote for
Members of Assembly, and they would moreover be completely
under the control of their superior officers; but as no immediate
arrival of settlers is likely to take place, and my instructions direct
me to form a Council on my arrival, I should wish for a further
direction on this point before I proceed to its formation.

"I am &c.,

"(Signed) RiCHAKD BLANSHARD."

Events moved slowly at that early period. Beyond the daily
routine at the post, which went on from day to day with military
precision, nothing occurred to disturb the peace of the little com-
munitv, nor to cause e.xcitement, except wild rumors of the discovery
of gold in fabulous cjuantities in California. Shortly after his first
despatch, the Governor reported that: "Nothing of importance has
since occurred in the Colony; no settlers or immigrants have arrived,
nor have any land sales been efifected. Coal has not vet been dis-
covered, though the miners have not yet, I am happy to say, aban-
doned all hope." He continues: —

"An American Company has commenced running a line of Mail
steam packets between San Francisco and Oregon. They have not
yet decided what port in ()rcgnn will be their terminus; could coal
have been supplied from Vancouver Island they would have chosen
Nisqually, in Puget Sound, which would have greatly facilitated
the communication between Vancouver Island and England, but
as it caiuiot be obtained they will probably select Portland, on the
Columbia River. The Hudson's Bay Company have commenced
a survev of the land reserved to themselves, wliich is bounded by a
line drawn nearlv due nortli, from the head of V^ictoria Harbour to
a hill marked on the chart as Cedar Hill or Mount Douglas, and
thence running due east to the Canal de Arro. The extent is esti-
mated at about ten miles (square). A tract adjoining, of similar
extent, is reserved for the Puget Sound Agricultural Association—
the Hudson's Bay Company under another name, for the Association

516 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ha« no real existence. This last contains the Harbour of Esquimalt,
the only harbour in the southern part of the Island worthy notice,
as it is of large extent, has good anchorage, is easy of access at all
times and in all weather, is well watered, and in many places the
water is of sufficient depth to allow ships anchoring along the shore.
Victoria Harbour, where Hudson's Bay Company's settlement is
established, is very small, the entrance is narrow, tortuous, and shal-
low; no vessels can enter except at high tide with favourable wind
and weather; and there is no water near, the water required for the
servants of the Hudson's Bay Company is brought from a distance
of two miles, and, during the summer and autumn, they are kept on
allowance as at sea.

"I have received news from Oregon of the discovery of very
rich gold mines on the Spokan River. The whole population of that
territory are flocking to the spot. Should the favourable accounts
of these mines prove correct, I fear that it will draw away all the
Hudson's Bay Company's servants from Vancouver Island, and at
present they form the entire population."

At that time there was only one other settlement on the Island,
Fort Rupert, on the northeastern coast. At this place the Company
had been for some time searching for the coal that, it was supposed,
existed in the neighbourhood. The miners brought out for this pur-
pose, as stated in the despatch already quoted, soon began to chafe
at the restrictions placed upon them. The Indians living near Fort
Rupert were also exceedingly troublesome. They belonged to one
of the most warlike and treacherous tribes then inhabiting the Island.
A few months before, the ship Norman Morrison had arrived at
Victoria from London, bringing several settlers and a number of
labourers for the Company. On this ship arrived a young surgeon
and physician, John Sebastian Helmcken, who was destined to
achieve distinction in his adopted country, not only in his professional
capacitv but also as statesman and speaker of Parliament. Open-
hearted, generous, genial and witty, the doctor's spontaneous good
humour and broad sympathies soon endeared him to all with whom
he came in contact. Mr. Helmcken, shortly after his arrival was
sent to Fort Rupert as surgeon, and shortly after his arrival there he
became identified with public afifairs. Blanshard, at a loss to find a
man unconnected with the Company to act as magistrate, appointed

BRITISH COLUMBIA 517

Doctor Helmcken to that position, as duly recorded in the despatch
of July lo, 1850, as hereunder:

"Victoria, Vancouver Island,
"July 10, 1850.
"Sir,

"I beg to enclose a copy of a Letter I addressed to J. S. Helmcken,
Esq., Medical Officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, at Fort Rupert,
appointing him to act as Magistrate, provisionally; this is the only
appointment I have yet made in the Colony, for as there are no
independent settlers, all cases that can occur, requiring magisterial
interference, are disputes, between the representatives of the Hudson's
Bay Company and their servants. To appoint the former magis-
trates, w^ould be to make them Judges in their own causes, and to
arm them with additional power, which few of them would exert
discreetly. Mr. Helmcken has only recently arrived in the Colony
from England, he is therefore a stranger to the petty brawls that have
occurred, and the ill feelings they have occasioned between the Hud-
son's Bay Company and their servants; from this and from my
knowledge of his character I have great confidence in his impar-
tiality, his situation too, as Surgeon, renders him more free from the
influence which might be exercised over another servant of the
Company.

"It is moreover highly desirable that there should be a resident
Magistrate at Fort Rupert, as the miners and labourers there have
sho\\n a disposition to riot, which, if not checked mav lead to serious
consequences, the Indian population being numerous, savage and
treacherous; and the distance from Victoria and the total want of
means of communication between the two places increases the incon-
veniences. I would strongly recommend a duty to be imp(«ed on
the importation and manufacture of ardent spirits, as their introduc-
tion tends to demoralize the Indians to a most dangerous degree,
but I conceive I have not the power to impose such duty, free trade
having been declared here, without further instructions, which I
would request on this point at your Lordship's earliest convenience.

"I may here mention that the accounts which have been published
respecting the barbarous treatment of the Indian population by the
Hudson's Bay Company, arc both from my own personal observa-

518 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tion, and from all I have been able to gather on the subject, entirely
without foundation. They are always treated with the greatest con-
sideration — far greater than the white labourers, and in many
instances are allowed liberties and impunities in the Hudson's Bay
Company's establishments that I regard as extremely unsafe. No
liquor is given them by the Company on any pretence, but it is
impossible to prevent their obtaining it from the merchant vessels
that visit the coast."

The Governor's official notification of Mr. Helmcken's appoint-
ment is as follows :

"You are hereby appointed to act as Magistrate and Justice of
the Peace, for the protection of and preservation of order amongst
her Majesty's subjects in and about Fort Rupert, and in the adjoining
district of Vancouver Island, subject always to her Majesty's
approval of vour appointment, when your Commission will be
formally made out and forwarded to \'ou, till which time this letter
shall be a sufficient warranty for your acting as Magistrate of the
District, and exercising all powers that belong to that office."

The next despatch portrays very vividly the condition of the col-
ony and affords an insight into the dangers and difficulties that beset
the pioneers in the outlying posts: "I have to inform your Lord-
ship," wrote the Governor, on August i8, 1850, "of the massacre of
three British Subjects by the Newitly Indians, near Fort Rupert.
Want of force has prevented me from making any attempt to secure
the murderers; indeed the only safeguard of the Colony consists in
the occasional visits of the cruisers of the Pacific Squadron which
only occur at rare intervals, and for short calls. The massacre of
these men has produced a great effect on the white inhabitants, many
of whom do not scruple to accuse the officers of the Hudson's Bay
Company of having instigated the Indians to the deed by offers of
reward for the recovery of the men (sailors who had absconded) dead
or alive. I have not vet been able to inquire into the truth of this
report, but it is very widelv spread, and men say that they ground
their belief on what the Hudson's Bay Company have done before.
The establishment at Fort Rupert is in a very critical state. A letter
I have received from Mr. Helmcken, the resident magistrate, states
that the people are so excited by the massacre, which they charge
their employers with instigating; that they have in a body refused

BRITISH COLUMBIA 519

all obedience both to their employers and to him as magistrate; that
he is utterly unable to maintain any authority, as they universally
refuse to serve as constables, and insist upon the settlement being
abandoned; that to attempt such a step would lead to their entire
destruction, as they are surrounded by the Quarolts, one of the most
warlike tribes on the coast, three thousand in number and well armed.
Mr. Helmcken has tendered his resignation as Magistrate, as with-
out proper support the office merely exposes him to contempt and
insult; and he further states that being in the employment of the
Hudson's Bay Company, he cannot conscientiously decide the cases
which occur, which are almost invariably between that Company
and their servants. This is the very objection I stated to your Lord-
ship against employing persons connected with the Company in any
public capacity in the Colony. I am in the expectation of the arrival
of one of Her Majesty's ships of war, according to the promises of
Admiral Hornby, Commander-in-Chief in the Pacific, when I shall
be able to proceed to the North and restore order. In the meantime
I have prohibited any persons from leaving Fort Rupert without
special permission, as, if the people attempt to abandon the settlement
and straggle about the coast, they will infallibly be cut ofT by the
Indians, who are daily becoming more inclined to outrage, and are
emboldened by impunity.

"The miners have left the Colony in a body, owing to a dispute

with their employers. The seam of coal is consequently undiscovered.

"I have seen a very rich specimen of gold ore said to have been

brought by the Indians of Queen Charlotte's Island, but I have at

present no further account of it."

On September i8, 1850, the Governor writes in the following
strain :

"V'ancouvcr Island, September 18th, 1850.
"My Lord,

"I have nothing of importance to communicate respecting this
Colony, as all communication is stopped with the northern part of
the Island, and the want of force has prevented me from going there
myself to enquire into the hue disturbances.

"Some complaints f)f Indian outrages have reached me from
Sooke, about thirty miles from Victoria, where a gentleman of the
name of Grant, late in Her Majesty's service, has a small settlement.

520 BRITISH COLUMBIA

He complains of want of protection, which, owing to the distance
at which he is located cannot be afforded him; he informs me that he
was anxious to settle near Victoria, but was not allowed to do so bv
the Hudson's Bay Company, who have appropriated all the valuable
land in the neighbourhood.

"Future settlers will labour under the same disadvantages, viz:
being dispersed at considerable distances from each other, and from
the establishment, as well as being exposed to the depredations of the
Indians, which no means are afforded me of checking.

"I would beg to press on your Lordship's consideration, the neces-
sity of protecting this Colony by a garrison of regular troops, in pref-
erence to a body of pensioners, for as the principal service that they
would be called on to perform would be to repress and overawe the
natives, a moveable force would be necessary, and I think that
Marines would be better calculated for the duty than Troops of the
Line. Two companies would be sufficient, of which a detachment
would be stationed at Fort Rupert, and the remainder near Vic-
toria; a cantonment might easily be formed on the plains near Esqui-
mau Harbour, and as timber is abundant there, the Troops if landed
in the spring, could easily complete their own barracks before the
rainy season, which does not commence till October. The expense
of maintaining a garrison would be inconsiderable and there are
ample funds for the purpose, as the Hudson's Bay Company have
still in their hands the price of the lands they have taken in their own
name, and that of the Puget Sound Association. Should your Lord-
ship decide on placing such a garrison, I should recommend that an
Engineer Officer should be sent beforehand to select such sites for
barracks, &c., as might be most convenient.

"I have, &c.,

"(Signed) RiCHARD Bl.AXSHARD,
"Governor of Vancouver Island."

In the meantime H. M. S. Daedalus, under the command of Cap-
tain G. Wellesley, arrived at Victoria, and she was immediately com-
missioned by the Governor to proceed to Fort Rupert to apprehend
the murderers, and to overawe the Indians with a display of force.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 521

The operations of the war ship are set forth in the Governor's monthly
report of October, 1850:

"Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island,

"October 19th, 1850.
"My Lord,

"I have the honour to inform your Lordship that Her M. S.
Daedalus, under the command of Captain G. Wellesley, visited this
Colony on the 22nd of September last. On my informing Captain
Wellesley that three murders had been committed by the Indians,
and also of my inability to take any measures for the punishment of
the murderers, he consented to proceed with the Daedalus to Fort
Rupert, near which the murders were committed, to give any assist-
ance that might be required. On my arrival at Fort Rupert, I found
that the officer of the Hudson's Bay Company who had been des-
patched by Dr. Helmcken to make enquiries respecting the murder
had on his return given a totally false account of the result of those
enquiries, asserting that he owed no obedience except to the Hudson's
Bay Company. He shortly afterwards crossed the strait to a post of
the Company's and made a declaration of the real facts to Mr. Doug-
las, a Chief Factor of tlic Company. Of this statement I was not fur-
nished with a copy till after my arrival here, a few days ago, and not
till the investigation was concluded. Thus two conflicting stories
were in circulation at once, which, being traced to the same source,
raised suspicions of foul play, and caused the report that I have pre-
viously mentioned, viz: that the unfortunate men had been murdered
by order of the Hudson's Bay Company. A deposition that has since
been made me on oath, backed by the evidence of an Interpreter and
several of the Indian Chiefs, was perfectly conclusive, not only as to
the Tribes, but as to the very persons of the murderers. On the i ith
of October, Dr. Helmcken visited the Newitly Camp, about 12 miles
distant, and demanded, bv name, the murderers for trial; the whole
tribe took up arms; thev acknowledged the murder, and offered furs
in payment, but refused to surrender the guilty parties, declaring
themselves hostile, and threatened the lives of the Magistrate and his
party, pointing their guns at them. On learning this I applied to
Captain Wellesley for assistance, and he dispatched the boats of the
Daedalus on the 12th, to apprehend the murderers bv force, if neces-
sary. They returned on the 13th, and 1 liave the honour to enclose

522 BRITISH COLUMBIA

your Lordship a copy of the report, by which you will see that the
whole tribe had deserted their camp, which was burnt by the Officer
commanding the boats. 1 have offered a reward for the apprehen-
sion of three of the murderers, the fourth who was present being only
a boy of nine years of age.

"The Daedalus left me at Fort Rupert, on the 14th inst., to pro-
ceed to San Francisco, being unable to remain longer on account of
shortness of provisions.

"With regard to the disturbances that had taken place among
the Honourable Hudson's Bay Company's servants, they have com-
pletely subsided, insomuch so that Dr. Helmcken did not find it neces-
sary to publish the proclamation of which I sent your Lordship a
copy. The disturbance had been occasioned by the bad quality of
food which had been served out to the English labourers, as well as
by two miners being actually placed in irons illegally for some days,
for refusing to perform some work.

"The miners made me a written complaint on the subject, demand-
ing redress, but thev left the Island before I was able to take any
notice of it.

"I regret to say that Dr. Helmcken has declined acting any longer
as Magistrate on the ground that the only causes are between the
Hudson's Bay Company and their servants; and as being a paid ser-
vant of the former he cannot be considered an impartial person. This
objection is good against all servants of the Company holding Com-
missions, as they can be removed from the Colony at a moment's
notice by their employers and are kept in the greatest subjection.

"There are at present no settlers at all in the Island. Mr. Grant
left for the Sandwich Islands some days ago.

"I am, &c.,

"(Signed) RICHARD Blaxshard,
"Governor of Vancouver Island."

In due course Earl Grey acknowledged the despatches of the
Governor of Vancouver Island. His replies were generally short,
and with few exceptions, contained little of value to the historian.
On July 16, i8qo, the noble Earl observed:

"Sir, "Downing Street, 16 July 1850.

"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Despatch of the 8th
April reporting your arrival at Fort Victoria on the loth of March,

BRITISH COLUMBIA 523

and the public perusal of your Commission as Governor and Com-
mander in Chief in and over Vancouver's Island and its dependencies.
"You have acted correctly in deferring, under the circumstances
of the case, the nomination of your first council as it is not incumbent
on you to make your appointment to the Board until a sufficient num-
ber of settlers shall have arrived to afiford you the opportunity of
making a proper selection. At the same time it is expedient that no
unnecessary delay should take place in constructing your Council,
and establishing the prescribed institutions for the Government of the
Colony.

"I am, Sir,
■'Your most obedient Servant, Grey."

And again on March 20, 185 1, Earl Grey wrote:

"Downing Street, 20th of March 1851.
"Sir,

"I have to acknuw ledge your Despatch, No. 6, of September i8th
last, conveying the last accounts of the state of affairs in Vancouver's
Island up to that date.

"2 1 must distinctly inform you, that it is not in the power of Her
Majesty's Government to maintain a detachment of regular troops
to garrison the Island.

"3 With reference to the murder committed by the Indians on the
unfortunate Seaman in the neighbourhood of Fort Rupert. Her
Majesty's Government have received intelligence, through Rear
Admiral Hornby, of the proceeding which you caused to be taken by
Captain Wellesley of H. M. S. Daedalus to demand, and if possi-
ble, to punish tlic municrcrs since the date of vour despatch. From
information which has thus reached me I by no means feel satisfied
of the step which you took in directing this expedition, which appears
to have failed in its main object. And at all events it is necessary
that I should state for your guidance on future occasions that Her
Majesty's Government cannot undertake to protect, or attempt to
punish injuries committed upon British subjects, who voluntarily
expose themselves to the violence or treachery of the Native Tribes
at a distance from the settlements. 1 have no reason to suppose from

524 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the accounts which have reached me both from yourself and other
quarters, that the Settlements themselves are in actual danger.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"Your most obedient and humble Servant,

"Grey."

From the despatches of the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
it would appear that he scarcely realized the unfortunate position of
Governor Blanshard. His letters displayed little cordiality or sym-
pathy; perhaps he was not altogether pleased with Blanshard's lugu-
brious communications, or, perhaps he repented that he had not in
the first place acquiesced to Sir John Felly's proposal that James
Douglas be made Governor of the Island. Be that as it may, when
Blanshard tendered his resignation, it was readily accepted in a letter
which contained no words of appreciation of his services. It was not
so, however, with the independent settlers, as the persons in no way
connected with the Companv were termed. Without loss of time they
prepared a memorial, setting forth their grievances and their fears
for the colony if it should be left to the control of the Hudson's
Bay Company; and their regret at His Excellency's determination
to leave the Island. The memorial was signed by nearly all of the
independent settlers, and bv the Rev. Robert John Staines, the Com-
pany's chaplain at Fort Victoria. It states so succinctly the position
of the colonists and sets fortli so plainly their idea of the Hudson's
Bay Company, in its capacitv as a nation builder, that the historian
of that period cannot afTord to overlook it; it holds an important place
among the early State papers of the colony of Vancouver Island that
it is worthy of being reproduced in these pages. The document reads
as follows:

"To His Excellency RICHARD BLANSHARD, Esquire, Governor of
Vancouver's Island:

"May it please your Excellency,

"We, the undersigned, inhabitants of Vancouver Island, having
learned with regret that vour Elxcellency has resigned the govern-
ment of this colony, and understanding that the government has been
committed to a chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, cannot

BRITISH COLUMBIA 525

but express our unfeigned surprise and concern at such an
appointment.

"7 he Hudson's Bay Company being, as it is, a great trading body,
must necessarily have interests clashing with those of independent
colonists. Most matters of a political nature will cause a contest be-
tween the agents of the Company and the colonists. Many matters
of a judicial nature also, will, undoubtedly, arise in which the Colo-
nists and the Company (or its servants) will be contending parties,
or the upper servants and the lower servants of the Company will be
arrayed against each other. We beg to express in the most emphat-
ical and plainest manner, our assurance that impartial decisions
cannot be expected from a Governor, who is not only a member of
the Company, sharing its profits — his share of such profits rising and
falling as they rise and fall — but is also charged as their chief agent
with the sole representation of their trading interests in this island and
the adjacent coasts.

"Furthermore, thus situated, the colony will have no security that
its public funds will be duly disposed of solely for the benefit of the
colony in general, and not turned aside in any degree to be applied
to the private purposes of the Company, by disproportionate sums
being devoted to the improvement of that tract of land held by them,
or otherwise unduly employed.

"Under these circumstances, we beg to acquaint your Excellency
with our deep sense of the absolute necessity there is, for the real good
and welfare of the country, that a council should be immediately
appointed, in order to provide some security that the interests of the
Hudson's Bay Company shall not be allowed to Outweigh and ruin
those of the colonv in g-jneral.

"We, who join in expressing these sentiments to your Excellency
are unfortunately but a very small number, but we respectfully beg
your Excellency to consider that we, and we alone, represent the in-
terests of the island as a free and independent British colony, for we
constitute the whole body of the independent settlers, all the other
inhabitants being, in some way or other, so connected with and con-
trolled by the Hudson's Bav Company, as to be deprived of freedom
of action in all matters relating to the public affairs of the colony some
indeed by their own confession, as may be proved if necessary. And
we further allege our firm persuasion, that the untoward influences

526 BRITISH COLUMBIA

to which we have adverted above are likely, if entirely unguarded
against, not only to prevent any increase of free and independent
colonists in the island, but positively to diminish their present
numbers.

"We, therefore, humbly request your Excellency to take into your
gracious consideration the propriety of appointing a Council before
your Excellency's departure, such being the most anxious and earnest
desire of your Excellency's devoted and loyal subjects.

"(Signed)
"James Yates, Landowner.
"Robert John Staines, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, Chaplain to the

Honourable Hudson's Bay Company.
"James Cooper, Merchant and Landowner.
"Thomas Monroe, Lessee of Captain Grant's Land at Sooke.
"William M'Donald, Carpenter and House-builder.
"James Sangster, Settler.
"John Muir, sen., Settler, Sooke.
"William Eraser, Settler, Sooke.
"Andrew Muir, Settler, Sooke.
"John M'Gregor, Settler, Sooke.
"John Muir, jun.. Settler, Sooke.
"Michael Muir, Settler, Sooke.
"Robert Muir, Settler. Sooke.
"Archibald Muir, Settler, Sooke.
"Thomas Blinkhorn, Settler, Michonsan."

Can it be possible that the prophecy contained in Lieutenant
Dundas' report to Earl Grey had already come true? At any rate the
memorial of the independent settlers shows very clearly that already
their interests had clashed with the interests of the monopoly. It was
the first concerted action of the settlers against the Company; and it
was an ominous portent of the future. The first settlers were depend-
ent upon the Company for everything that they required — not only
for supplies — but for markets and transportation facilities. With the
exception of an occasional whaler, or American trader, no ships vis-
ited Vancouver Island but those belonging to the Company; hence
the Company efifectively controlled the avenues of trade beyond the
bounds of the colony. The Company had a large trade with the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 527

Russian settlement at Sitka, and to that port it shipped the surplus
products of its farms, a trade that was not open to the colonists. Again,
the Company was the only purchaser on the island and its store at
Fort Victoria was the only market where supplies might be bought
or produce sold. The officer in charge of the fort, therefore, regu-
lated the price paid for such things as the settlers might wish to sell.
The settlers felt rightly or wrongly that their interests were subor-
dinated to those of the Company.

There was another factor, however, that affected in no small
degree the economic condition of the colony, and that was the gold
excitement in California. In California high wages were paid at
the mines, and merchandise of all kinds fetched high prices and
naturally men flocked thither from all parts of the world. The Hud-
son's Bay Company at that time experienced great difficulty in keep-
ing its men, for the alluring prospects of the gold fields enticed them
away, and many of them deserted in consequence.

Yet, perhaps the greatest obstacles in the path of progress were
the high price of land, and the Company's reserves. Ten miles square
of the best agricultural land then known on the Island, had been
reserved by the Company for its own use and for the Puget Sound
Agricultural Company. As this embraced all land in the immediate
vicinity of the Fort, settlers were obliged to buy their farms in the
remote districts of Metchosin and Sooke, where they were unpro-
tected from the Indians, and a long distance from their only market.
No land could be obtained for less than one pound an acre, and for
every hundred acres purchased, a settler was obliged to bring out five
men at his own expense.

Captain W. C. Grant, a retired armv officer, was the first inde-
pendent settler to reach the island. He arrived on the Harponner,
in June, 1849, and brought with him the first party of colonists under
the system inaugurated by the Company. The party consisted of
eight men. Captain Grant had been induced to take this step by the
Company's advertisement in the London Times. On his arrival
he found that all the land in the neighbourhood of Victoria and
Esquimau had been placed under reserve. He was recommended to
settle at Metchosin, but not finding the land in that district desirable,
he proceeded to Sooke, and there, at a distance of twenty-six miles
from Victoria, he settled down. He soon grew tired, however, of life
in the wilderness, and a year or two later, left the island in disgust.

528 BRITISH COLUMBIA

In looking back at that period, it seems that the animosities and
bickerings that were such a feature of the American settlements in
Oregon, were to distinguish the infant British colony. The colonists
were dissatisfied with the Company, and the Company's servants
were perpetually at unrest; life at the fort was scarcely in keeping
with the beauty of its surroundings. His Excellency, the Governor,
tired of his exile, and disappointed in his hopes, tendered his resigna-
tion, pleading ill health and lack of means as the cause of his wish to
be recalled. A year had not elapsed after his arrival in the colony,
when he wrote to Earl Grey — "I regret to inform your Lordship that
I find myself compelled to tender my resignation as Governor, and
solicit an immediate call from this colony, as my private fortune is
utterly insufficient for the mere cost of living here, so high have prices
been run up by the Hudson's Bay Company, and as for our independ-
ent settlers, every requisite for existence must be obtained from them.
My health has completely given way under repeated attacks of ague,
and shows no signs of amending. Under these circumstances I trust
your Lordship will at once recall me, and appoint some person as
my successor, whose larger fortune mav enable him to def rav charges,
which involve me in certain ruin. I trust that vour Lordship will
give directions that I mav be furnished with a passage as far as
Panama in one of Her Majesty's ships, as my state of health will not
bear the long voyage round Cape Horn, and, being compelled to
defray the expenses of my passage out by the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, who repudiated the Bills their chairman had authorized me to
draw, has so straitened my private means, that I am unable to pay
the heavy expenses of the route through California."

The Governor's resignation was dated November, 1850: Grey's
letter of acceptance was written on April 3, 1851, and reached Blans-
hard in August. Thus nearly ten months elapsed between the
despatch of the one, and the receipt of the other — a fact that well
illustrates the isolated position of Vancouver Island at that time.

CHAPTER XVI

REPRESEXTAXn E GOVERNMENT

The year 1849 is memorable for three notable events in the history
of British Columbia. In that year Vancouver Island was granted
to the Hudson's Bay Company under certain conditions; the Colony
of Vancouver Island was created; and the Hudson's Bay Company
completed the transfer of its headquarters f/om Fort Vancouver on
the Columbia River to Fort Victoria. During the six years that
had elapsed since Victoria was founded in 1843, that place had
assumed importance as the emporium of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's territories in the West. In 1849, however, there were, beside
the native tribes, only one or two hundred people on the Island,
all of whom were connected in some way or other with the monopoly.
Richard Blanshard, as related, retired in i8t;i. being succeeded by
James Douglas, who was destined to see vast changes take place in
the territory he was called upon to administer in behalf of both the
Imperial Government and the Hudson's Bay Company. Upon his
promotion Governor Douglas called Mr. Roderick Finlayson to
fill his seat in the Council.

From 1 85 1 to 1856 the Colony of Vancouver Island was admin-
istered by the Governor with the advice and assistance of the Legis-
lative Council, the members of which were appointed by Royal
Commission under the Great Seal of the Realm. The Council so
created exercised a restraining inlluence upon the Legislative
Assembly established later and sometimes even modified the policy
of the Governor, but James Douglas virtually ruled the Colony. The
Council did nut hold an annual session, but met for the despatch of
public business as occasion required. At first the Governor had no
cabinet and it would appear that in some measure the Council per-
formed the duties of Prime Minister and Executive.

It is interesting as well as instructive to peer back into the past

529

530 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and to look in upon the embryo parliament at work in the Council
Hall of old Fort Victoria. The Minute Book of the Governor's
advisers shows what questions agitated the little Colony and how they
were settled. It also explains the origin and portrays the growth of
the public policy of the Colonial administrators. Even that day
had its labour issue, its liquor question, and its educational problem,
not to speak of such matters as public defence and the administration
of justice. The old Minute Book alluded to — which is one of the
most valuable of the historical records of that early period — throws
much light upon the work of the Colonial legislature.

Peculiarly enough, one of the first matters to receive attention
was the labour question. The discovery of gold in California had
induced many servants of the Company to desert, with the result that
many of the posts were shorthanded, while the men who remained
exhibited a tendency to insubordination. The Governor, long
accustomed to the stern" rule of the furtrader. looked with disfavour
upon this new attitude of the voyageur and servant. The matter
came to a head on the 28th day of April, 1852, when the Minutes
record that "The Governor proposed that a law should be passed
adapted to the circumstances of the Colony, regulating the relations
of employer and servant, and for punishing ofTences, such as insolent
language, neglect of duty, and absence without leave of the employer
by summary infliction of fine or imprisonment." The measure was
deemed "highly important and necessary" and was deferred for con-
sideration.

The Governor next submitted a plan for raising a permanent
revenue by imposing a duty of five per centum on all imports of
British and foreign goods. "I am now preparing a Bill," Douglas!
observed in one of his despatches to the Colonial Secretary,]
"for imposing a custom's duty on imports, as a means of meeting
the ordinary expenses of Government; but the subject must be
approached with caution, as there is a very general feeling in both'
Council and Assembly against taxation under any form, and I am
prepared to encounter much clamour and opposition in carrying so
unpopular a measure through the Houses."

The sequel shows that the Governor had correctly appraised the
temper of his Council. The proposal was met with the unanswer-
able objection that it would prove a bar to the progress of "settle-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 'y-H

ment, impose a heavy burden on settlers from England importing
implements and furniture, and that in the present state of the Colony,
there not being above twenty settlers on the whole Island, the sum
arising from the duty would not much exceed the expense of the
officers necessary for its collection." Thus a free-trade policy was
inaugurated in Vancouver Island, — a policy which afterwards
became a recognized principle of the administrators of that Colony.
Later on that policy bore fruit in the rivalry of the two colonies of
Vancouver Island and British Columbia, which reached its height
when the question of union was being di'icussed in the years 1864,
1865 and 1866.

The liquor question naturally invited the attention of the legis-
lators and indeed it appeared that the time was ripe for a regulation
of the liquor traffic, — if the assertion contained in a private diary is
true. "It would almost take," says this record, "a line of packet
ships running between here and San Francisco to supply this Island
with grog, so great a thirst prevails among its inhabitants." ' How-
ever that may be, early in 1853 the Governor suggested to the
Council "the propriety of taking into consideration the best means of
restraining the abuse, and excessive importation of spirituous liquors
into this Colonv." It not being considered properly within the
jurisdiction of the Governor in Council without the consent ol the
representatives of the people to impose customs duties on imports,"
he proposed that a duty should be charged on all "Licences, granted
to Inns, Public or Beer Houses, and it was therefore resolved that
there shall be levied, collected and paid upon the Licences licreby
authorized the duties following that is to say: For every wiiolesale
licence, the annual sum of one hundred pounds: For every retail
licence the sum of one hundred and twenty pounds. The said duties
to be under the management of the (jovernor and Council." -

It was further resolved that "a wholesale Licence shall be con-
strued to mean, the sale of Spirits bv the Cask or Case as imported,
and that a retail licence shall authorize the sale of smaller tjuantities
of Spirits, for reasonable refreshment; to be consumed on the
premises. It is provided however, that it shall be lawful for whole-
sale dealers, notwithstanding what has been resolved, above, to sell

'Royal Emigrant's Almanac; Concerning Five Years' Servitude uiuler tlie lliulsnn's Hay
Company on Vancouver Island. Ms. in Provincial Archives.
'-' .VJiniites of Cciuncil, Ms., p. lo.

532 BRITISH COLUMBIA

spirituous liquors to Farmers or other persons, possessed of landed
property; residing at a distance from any licensed ale house, in any
quantities not under two gallons, provided the same be intended to
be consumed on the premises for the household use of such Farmers,
or their Servants, and not for sale." ''

The policy of the administration with regard to regulation of
the liquor traffic was embodied in "An Act regulating the importa-
tion and sale of spirituous liquors on Vancouver Island," which was
a comprehensive piece of legislation. \\'hile the measure was being
discussed, the Council recorded its views as to the undesirability of a
Member engaging in the liquor business in the following resolution:
"That we consider it derogatory to the character of a Member of
Council to be a retail dealer in spirituous liquors, or to follow any
calling that may endanger the peace or be injurious to public morals."

The regulations touching the sale of liquor were evidently not
altogether popular, for Mr. James Yates petitioned "that the form
of the retail liquor licence might be so altered as to authorize pub-
licans to sell spirits by the bottle to be consumed ofi the premises."

It is worthy of record that in the matter of public instruction the
Councillors were actuated by commendable zeal. Considering the
meagre resources of the Colony, the schools were generously sup-
ported, as the following Minute of March 29, 1853, testifies: "The
subject of public instruction was next brought under the considera-
tion of the Council. Applications having been made from various
districts of the Country for Schools, it was resolved that two schools
should be opened without delay, one to be placed on the peninsula, ^
near the Puget Sound Company's Establishment at Maple Point,
and another at Victoria — there being about 30 children and youths
of both sexes, respectively at each of those places. It was therefore
resolved that the sum of £500 be appropriated for the erection of a
schoolhouse at Victoria, to contain a dwelling for the teacher, 2*1
school rooms, and several bedrooms, and that provision should be* I
made hereafter, for the erection of a House at Maple Point." *

Again, under the date of Tuesday, 31st March, 1853, it is set
forth that "The Council then resumed the subject of the school, and
fixed upon a site near Minie's Plain, and that the size of the building
should be 40 feet long by 40 feet broad."

Minutes of Council, Ms., p. ii.
Minutes of Council, 29th March, 1853.

G-

BRITISH COLUMBIA '»:«

As the settlements were scattered and the pupils had to travel
long distances, boarding schools were a necessity. Education was
free, as it is today, but board and l(jdging had to be paid for. An
insight into the cost of living in early days is afiforded by the pro-
posal of the Colonial teacher, Mr. Robert Barr, that the children
placed under his superintendence for tuition should be boarded at
the rates given below:

To the Officers and Servants of the Hon. Hudson's Bay Company,
per annum i6 guineas; to the Colonists not Servants of the Hon.
Company, i8 guineas; to non-residents on Vancouver's Island, non-
servants of the Hon. Company, 20 guineas.

The Council evidentlv considered these charges too high, for it
was resolved that "Mr. Barr be permitted to make the following
charges for the board of Pupils, viz:

"For the Children of Colonists residents of Vancouver's Island,
and of Servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, 18 guineas per
annum; for the Children of non-residents not being Servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company, any sum that may be agreed upon, with the
parties."

In February, 1856, tiie Governor recommended that the Rever-
end Edward Cridge, District Minister of Victoria, should be
appointed a member of the committee to enquire into and report
upon the state of the "Publick Schools." It was therefore resolved:
"That the Reverend Edward Cridge be according to the Governor's
recommendation appointed a member of said Committee, and be
requested to hold (]uarterlv examinations, and to report on the
progress and conduct of the pupils, on the system of management
and on all other matters connected witii the District Scho(jls which
may appear deserving of attention.""' Thus the late Bishop Cridge
became associated with the educational system of the Colony as the
first inspector of schools. For many years he served in that capacity
and also as schoolmaster, with no small honour to himself and to
the great benefit of the community and the State. Few men in early
days achieved a wider popularity or rendered more essential service
than the indefatigable District Minister, who was respected and
beloved by all. The Company's Chaplain was indeed — as the Hon.
John Work observed in one of his letters — "a verv worthv man."

'' Minutes of Cmincil, p. 35.

534 BRITISH COLUMBIA

The erection of a Court House, the building of roads and bridges
and a parish church next occupied the attention of the Council. It
is noteworthy that in July, 1854, ^^^ ^""^ ^^ ^^^ hundred pounds was
appropriated for each of these praiseworthy objects. Shortly there-
after no less a sum than thousand pounds was voted for a hospital.
The administration of justice was also discussed and machinery
provided for giving efifect to the law. Edward E. Langford, of
Langford Plains, was appointed a Justice of the Peace for the Esqui-
mau District; Thomas Blenkhorn, for Metchosin; and Thomas I.
Skinner and Kenneth McKenzie for the Peninsula, the name given
to the tongue of land bounded by Victoria Harbour and Arm, Esqui-
mau Harbour and the Strait of Juan de Fuca. No resident of Sooke
possessing the necessary qualifications, that district had no magistrate
until some time later.

It must not be imagined, however, that the Council was solely
concerned with parochial aflfairs. There were larger issues. Thus,
when the news that Great Britain had declared war against Russia
reached the Colony, the matter was brought before the Council by
His E.xcellency the Governor. On July 12, 1854, the Hon. John
Tod, Senior Member, the Hon. James Cooper, the Hon. Roderick
Finlayson, and the Hon. John Work solemnly discussed the Cri-
mean War in its relation to the peace and welfare of Vancouver
Island.

For a knowledge of what happened on that historic occasion one
must turn again to the old Minute Book, so frequently quoted, -wherein
it is recorded: "The Council then proceeded to consider the state of
the country, and the means of defending it against the Queen's ene-
mies, in the case of invasion." It then goes on to relate that "The
Governor proposed to call out and arm all the men in the Colony
capable of bearing arms and to levy and arm an auxiliary body of
native Indians. It was urged as an objection to that measure that
the small number of whites in the settlement could collectively ofifer
no effectual resistance against a powerful enemy; and it was consid-
ered dangerous to arm and drill the natives, who might then become
more formidable to the Colony than a foreign enemy. Several other
objections were made to the measure, but the reasons above stated are
the most important. It was therefore deemed expedient to leave the
defence of the Colony, against the attempts of Russia, to the care of

BRITISH COLUMBIA 535

Her Majesty's Government, and not to call out the militia of the
Colony."

It was, however, "Resolved, as a means of protection, to charter
the Hudson's Bay Company's Propeller Otter, armed and manned
with a force of 30 hands, including Captain, Officers and Engineers,
and to employ her, in watching over the safety of the settlements,
until Her Majesty's Government takes some other measures for our
protection; and that arrangements be immediately made to carry that
resolve into efifect."

A few years later there was a recrudescence of the Russian scare,
which resulted in the building of earthworks and emplacements for
big guns all along the coast from Duntze Head to Beacon Hill Park.

On more than one occasion the "Northern Savages" menaced the
infant settlement. In June, 1855, the Governor represented to His
Council that much alarm existed among the Colonists on this account,
stating that he was often called upon to settle differences arising be-
tween the settler and the savage, and that such dififerences were often
carried to dangerous lengths. He feared that they might lead to seri-
ous consequences, involving the loss of life and property. He sug-
gested, therefore, that a force should be raised immediately and
placed at his disposal to meet emergencies. The Council readily
acquiesced and on June 21, 1855, the Governor was authorized to
raise a company of ten to consist of eight privates, one corporal, one
sergeant, besides a competent officer to act as commander. The force
was to be maintained at the public expense until "the Northern Sav-
ages leave the settlements." The pay to be allowed to the persons
joining the company was not to exceed the following rates:

Privates — 30 dollars per month with rations.

Corporals — 31 dollars per month with rations.

Sergeants — 33 dollars per month with rations.

In the following vear the Governor again directed the attention
of the Council to the defence of the country, "which is at present en-
tirely destitute of anv military force." The Northern Indians were
beginning to arrive in the settlement and it was reported on the
authority of the Hudson's Bay Company's officers that a very large
body of those savages were to be expected in the course of the sum-
mer. The Council again promptlv responded to the alarm and a
rifle companv was formed, consisting of thirty men and officers. It

536 BRITISH COLUMBIA

does not appear, however, that the Colonial forces were ever called
upon to repel an attack or to take the field. Thanks to Sir James
Douglas's great influence over the natives, there were few massacres
such as those which occurred in the Chilcotin country in 1864.

It must be admitted that the Colony owed its safety chiefly to
the protection afforded by the Royal Navy. Her Majesty's ships of
war frequently visited Esquimalt, and the ofiicers in command were
ever ready to assist the Governor to quell disturbances amongst the
natives. On several occasions the vessels of the Pacific fleet rendered
signal service in this connection. It was during the war with Russia
until the withdrawal of the fleet from these waters in 1905. After
the disastrous attack of the allied British and French fleets on the
that Esquimalt was made a British naval base and such it remained
Kamschatkan port of Petropavlovsk, it was considered necessarv to
provide for the requirements of vessels that might be employed in
future operations in the North Pacific, and accordingly a hospital
and storehouse were erected. The first buildings cost in the neigh-
bourhood of a thousand pounds, and they were built under the per-
sonal supervision of James Douglas, who was ever a practical and
ardent Imperialist.

In speaking of the Crimean War as it affected the Colony of
Vancouver Island one is constrained to observe that it seems peculiar,
if not incomprehensible, that, while a determined effort was made to
capture the Russian base at Petropavlovsk, Russian America or
Alaska was in no way molested. A single line of battleships might
have reduced Sitka and taken the whole of Alaska, but nothing of the
kind was attempted. There is a very interesting explanation of this
apparent neglect of a legitimate opportunity to extend the sphere of
British influence in the North Pacific. It appears that at the begin-
ning of hostilities the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian Amer-
ican Company entered into a secret agreement to use their influence
with their respective governments to the end that the war should not
be carried into Alaska, to the detriment of the furtrade. It speaks
much for the power wielded by these monopolies that their secret
agreement was endorsed by the British and Russian Governments,
and in spite of the war the furtrade of Alaska was carried on as usual.

The Governor and his Council did not control Colonial lands,
the Hudson's Bay Company holding the land under the grant of Jan-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 5-37

uary 13, 1849. After the Royal Grant was annulled, the lands
reverted to the Crown and it was not until then that a land policy,
if such it may be called, was evolved. From 1849 to 1859 the Com-
pany sold the land and issued titles thereto. Of the money arising
from the proceeds of such sales, eighteen shillings and six-pence in
every pound sterling was to be applied to the benefit of the Colony,
one shilling and six-pence in the pound being reserved to the Com-
pany as compensation. As soon as the Crown resumed control, the
land question came under the notice of the Council, and then it was
that an embryo public policy in that particular was framed. The
matter formed the subject of a debate in Council on March 26, i860.
Of the speeches delivered on that occasion no full report has survived,
but the minutes of Council liave this much to sav upon the subject:

"The Council are unanimously of opinion that a low price —
Say 4 - an acre — combined with occupation and improvement, would
conduce to the general settlement of the Country. But the Council
recommends that if the price is reduced, such conditions shall be im-
posed as will prevent large (luantities of land being bought for Specu-
lative purposes, to the prejudice of persons of limited means wishing
to obtain land at a low price to ( iiltivalc il.

''A plan of pre-empting land, the Council is of opinion, would
also enhance the benefits of a low price of land, as it would enable
a Farmer to take immediate possession without having to wait for
Surveys; but the land must be so selected as not to leave out Rocks,
Swamps, &c., &c.

"The quantity to be pre-empted by each pre-emptor, the Council
thinks should be 160 acres.

"Although advocating a low price, the Council would object to
tying up all the waste land of the Crown under a pre-emption system.
They would wish that such a system would be established as would
enable a capitalist to procure expensive quantities of land when re-
quired for laudable objects. Cases of this sort might be charged viorc
than 4,' an acre, and conditions might be attached to them to prevent
abuse. Power should be given to some bodv to regulate such cases."

Under the Commission and Instructions issued to Governor
Blanshard, he was directed to summon general assemblies of free-
holders, qualified by the ownership of his Council, to make laws
and ordinances for the good government of the Island. The same

538 BRITISH COLUMBIA

commission contained another clause professing to empower the Gov-
ernor to make laws with the advice of his Council only. Perhaps this
clause was introduced with the view of creating a legislative body to
meet the immediate wants of the community before an elective house
could be summoned. From the general tenor of the documents in
question, as well as from the expressed intention of Her Majesty's
Government at the time they were framed, it seems perfectly clear
that it was contemplated that such assemblies should be summoned as
soon as practicable. But the Colony did not develop as rapidly as its
founders may have expected. In any event the Governor in Council
continued to govern the Island, and no thought was given to the estab-
lishment of a popular assembly. So afifairs of state in the Colony of
Vancouver Island followed the even tenor of their way until 1856.
In that year, however. Colonial officialdom received a rude shock.
Heretofore the few Colonists on the Island had not expressed a keen
desire for the inauguration of a representative system. As a matter
of fact, they were so few and so scattered that the elective principle
seemed impossible of application. Moreover the Governor and
Council provided a fairly satisfactory administration. The same
instructions as issued to Governor Blanshard were issued to Governor
Douglas, and he, likewise, had paid little attention to them.

Judge of the surprise, therefore, of His Excellency the Governor
and of the Honourable Members of the Legislative Council when
the Right Honourable Henry Labouchere's despatch of February
28, 1856, reached Victoria. Her Majesty's Secretary of State for
the Colonies remarked : "Considering the small number of established
colonists, you thought it advisable to act on the power apparently
given to yourself to conduct the afifairs of the Island with the advice
of your Council only, and to pass certain laws which you considered
most required by the exigencies of the time. In doing so, you pro-
ceeded on a fair understanding of the authority conveyed to you, and
Her Majesty's Government are fully satisfied with the course which
you took.

"Nevertheless, it has been doubted by authorities conversant in
the principles of colonial law, whether the Crown can legally convey
authority to make laws in a settlement founded by Englishmen, even
for a temporary and special purpose, to any legislature not elected
wholly or in part, by the settlers themselves. If this be the case, the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 539

clause in your Commission on which you relied would appear to be
unwarranted and invalid.

"It appears to Her Majesty's Government, therefore, that steps
should be taken at once for the establishment of the only legislature
authorized by the present constitution of the Island. I have, accord-
ingly, to instruct you to call together an Assembly in the terms of
your Commission and Instructions.

"For this purpose it will be within your power, as provided by
the ninth clause of your Instructions, to fix the number of representa-
tives, and, if vou should consider it essential, to divide the Colony
into districts, and to establish separate polling places, although with
so small a number of settlers you may find this inexpedient.

"I leave it to your local knowledge and discretion, with the advice
of your Council, to suggest to the Assembly, when thus summoned,
to pass such measures as you may yourself deem most required, and in
particular, such as may be necessary, in order to leave no doubt
of the validity of proceedings already taken without the authority
of Assembly.

"But it appears to me, that in a community containing so very
limited a number of inhabitants, the maintainance of a constitution
on the model of those considerable colonies, with a House of Repre-
sentatives and a Council, may be inexpedient: and that a smaller and
more select body will, for the present, and probably for some years
to come, perform in a satisfactory manner the functions really
required in the present stage of progress of the Island.

"Such a body, however, can be constituted only by enactment
of the Legislature, authorized by the Commission, that is to say, of
the Assembly and Council, together with yourself. It would be no
unusual circumstance for a legislature thus constituted to surrender
its powers into the hands of a single chamber. It has been success-
fully done in some of the smaller West India Islands.

"I leave it to yourself to consider, with the advice of the local
authorities, the members and proper qualifications of the members
of such a single Council; but in the event of your determining to
introduce the elective principle into it, a certain proportion, not
less than one third, should be nominated by the Crown. The power
of assenting to, or negativing or suspending, for the assent of the
Crown, the measures passed by such a Council, should be distinctly

540 BRITISH COLUMBIA

reserved to yourself. And it is very essential that a constitutional
law of this description should contain a proviso, reserving the initia-
tion of all money votes to the local Government.''

Mr. Labouchere went on to say — ''An additional reason in favour
of the course which I now prescribe (namely, that of calling together
the assembly, and then, if the legislature so created think proper,
establishing a simpler form of government) is to be found in the
circumstance that the relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with
the Crown must necessarily undergo revision before or in the year
1859. The position and future government of Vancouver's Island
will then unavoidably pass under review, and if any difficulty should
be experienced in carrying into execution any present instructions,
a convenient opportunity will be afYorded for reconsidering them."

The Colonial Secretary concluded his able despatch with the
observation — "I am aware that Her Majesty's Government are
imposing on you a task of some difficulty as well as responsibility in
giving you these instructions, especially as they have to be carried
into execution with so small an amount of assistance as the present
circumstances of your settlement aflford. But I have every reason
to rely on your abilities and public spirit; and you may, on your
part, rely on the continuance of such assistance and support as Her
Majesty's Government can render you, and on their making full
allowance for the peculiarities of your position."

From Governor Douglas' reply to Mr. Labouchere's communica-
tion it is easily seen that the Colonial Secretary's proposal came as a
bolt from the blue. To the furtrader it must have seemed strange
indeed, if not anomalous, that the people of Vancouver Island should
be given a voice in the government of the Colony. Douglas — the
autocratic chief factor — was not particularly in sympathy with the
advanced political views of his day. "It is," he said, "I confess, not
without a feeling of dismay that I contemplate the nature and amount
of labour and responsibility which will be imposed upon me, in the
process of carrying out the instructions conveyed in your despatch.
Possessing a very slender knowledge of Legislation, without legal
advice or intelligent assistance of any kind, I approach the subject
with diffidence; feeling, however, all the encouragement which the
kindly-promised assistance and support of Her Majesty's Govern-
ment is calculated to inspire.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 541

"Under those circumstances I beg to assure you that every exer-
tion on my part shall be made, to give effect to your said instructions,
at as early a period as possible.

"I have not had time since the arrival of your despatch, to con-
sider the subjects treated therein as thoroughly as their importance
requires; and therefore have not arrived at any definite conclusion,
as to the precise plan for carrying your instructions into effect. I
will, however, take the liberty of addressing you again on the subject.
1 observe that the terms of my Commission only empower me to
summon and call general assemblies of the inhabitants owning 20 or
more acres of freehold land within the said Island, apparently
restricting the elective franchise to the holders of 20 acres of land
and upwards, to the exclusion of holders of houses and other descrip-
tions of property, a class more numerous than the former."

The Governor then declared :

"I am utterly averse to universal suffrage, or making population
the basis of representation; but I think it expedient to extend the
franchise to all persons holding a fixed property stake, whether
houses or lands in the Colony; the whole of that class having interests
to serve, and a distinct motive for seeking to improve the moral and
material condition of the Colonv."

The Governor at once proceeded to lay th'j Colonial Secretary's
despatch before the Council and the whole matter was freely debated.
The members devoted their attention chiefly to the discussion of the
property c]ualification of members of the general assembly, the prop-
erty qualification of voters, and the right of absentee proprietors to
be represented in the legislature. In the end it was decided that the
ownership of three hundreii pounds of freehold property or immov-
able estate should constitute tlie (]ualifications of a member of the
Assembly; that absentee proprietors should be permitted to vote
through their agents or attorneys; and that the qualification of voters
should be the ownership of twenty acres of freehold land or upwards.
The Colony was divided into four electoral districts as follow's:
Victoria, Esquimalt and Metchosin, Nanaimo, and Sooke. The
district of Victoria was to return three members, the district of
Esquimalt and Metchosin two members, and Nanaimo and Sooke
one each. The returning officers of the first popular election ever
held on \'ancouvcr Island were as follows: .Andrew Muir, V^ictoria

542 BRITISH COLUMBIA

district, Herbert W. O. Margary, Esquimalt and Metchosin, Charles
E. Stuart, Nanaimo, and John Muir, Jr., Sooke."

In the opinion of the Governor, the division of the settlements
into four electoral districts admitted of a more equal representation
and gave more general satisfaction to the Colonists than a single poll
in any one district. The electors were so few in number that the
returns were mere nominations in all the districts with the exception
of Victoria, where the contest was "stoutly maintained" by no fewer
than five rival candidates. "The elections arc now over," said the
Governor in his despatch of 22nd July 1856, "and the Assembly is
convened for the 12th day of August." Victoria district returned
Mr. J. D. Pemberton, Mr. James Yates and Mr. E. E. Langford;
Esquimalt district. Doctor John Sebastian Helmcken and Mr.
Thomas Skinner; Sooke district, Mr. John Muir; and the electors of
Nanaimo District chose Mr. John F. Kennedy .is their member.

The House of Assembly, as the first parliament of Vancouver
Island was termed, met for despatch of public business on 12th
August, 1856. In writing to the Colonial Secretary a few days later,
the Governor observed "The affair passed of quietly and did not
appear to excite much interest among the lower orders." Doctor J.
S. Helmcken was elected Speaker, but no further business was
transacted at the first Session because objections had been raised as
to the validity of election in one instance, and as to the property
qualifications in two cases, Icax'ing four out of seven members for the
transaction of the public business. "The House" said Douglas,
"therefore, hardly know how to get over the difficulty." The prob-
lem was soon solved, however, and the House entered upon its labours
in earnest. Mr. E. E. Langford, one of the members against whom
objections had been raised on the score of qualification, retired, and
Mr. J. W. McKay was dulv elected by acclamation to the vacant
seat.

The Governor opened the House of Assemblv with a notable
address, in which he ably reviewed the position (-f the Colony.

After congratulating the council and House on the occasion, "an
event fraught with consequences of the utmost importance to the
present and future inhabitants, and remarkable as the first instance

" Prnclamaiidii, Cinveinrnent House, Victoria, ihtli June, 1856.

Back ro" : J. W. Miu-kav. Jost'iili Despjiid I'emluMton, Joseph Porter, clerk.
First row: Thomas Skinner, John Sebastian Helmcken, James Yates.
FIRST T.EGISI..\TIVK COT'XCII. OF V.ANCOUVFIR IST,.\M), lS5(i

BRITISH COLUMBIA •'>4;i

of representative institutions being granted in the infancy of a British
colony," the address proceeded :

"The history and actual position of this colony are. marked by
many other remarkable circumstances. Called into existence by an
Act of the supreme government, immediately after the discovery of
gold in California, it has maintained an arduous and incessant strug-
gle with the disorganizing efifects on labour of that discovery. Remote
from every other British settlement, with its commerce trammelled,
and met by restrictive duties on every side, its trade and resources
remain undeveloped. Self-supporting and bearing all the e.\pense
of its own government, it presents a striking contrast to every other
colony in the British Empire, and like the native pines of its storm-
beaten promontories, it has acquired a slow but hardy growth. Its
future progress must, under Providence, in a great measure depend
on the intelligence, industry and enterprise of its inhabitants, and
upon the legislative wisdom of this assembly." The address paused
at this point to refer to the aid and support which the executive
power might in the future expect to derive from the "local experience
and knowledge of the wishes of the people and the wants of the
country," which the members possessed. It then resumed :

"Gentlemen, I am happy to inform you that Her Majesty's
government continues to express the most lively interest in the prog-
ress and welfare of this colony. Negotiations are now pending with
the government of the United States, which may probably terminate
in an extension of the reciprocity treaty to Vancouver Island. To
show the commercial advantages connected with that treaty I will
just mention that an import di'ity of £30 is levied on every £100
worth of British produce wiiich is now sent to San Francisco, or to
any other American jiort; or, in other wonis, the British proprietor
pays as a tax to the United States nearly the value of every third
cargo of fish, timber or coal which he sends to any American port.
The reciprocity treaty utterly abolishes those fearful imposts, and
establishes a system of free trade in the produce of British colonies.
The effects of that measure in developing the trade and natural
resources of the colony can, therefore, be hardly overestimated. 'i"hc
coal, the timber and the producti\c industries of V^tncouver's Island
will assume a value before unknown; while every branch of trade
will start into activity, and become the means of pouring wealth

544 BRITISH COLUMBIA

into the country. So unbounded is the reliance which I place in the
enterprise and intelligence possessed by the people of this colony,
and in the colony, and in the advantages of their geographical posi-
tion, that with equal rights and a fair field I think they may enter
into a successful competition with the people of any other country.
The extension of the reciprocity treaty to this Island once gained,
the interests will become inseparably connected with the principles
of free trade, a system which I think it will be sound policy on our
part to encourage.

"Gentlemen, the colony has been again visited this year by a large
party of northern Indians, and their presence has excited in our
minds a not unreasonable degree of alarm. Through the blessing of
God they have kept from committing acts of open violence, and been
quiet and orderly in their deportment; yet the presence of large
bodies of armed savages, who have never felt the restraining
influences of moral and religious training, and who are accustomed
to follow the impulses of their own evil natures more than the dicta-
tion of reason or justice, gives rise to a feeling of insecurity which
must exist as long as the colony remains without military protection.
Her Majesty's government, ever alive to the dangers which beset the
colony, have arranged with the lords commissioners of the Admiralty,
that the President frigate should be sent to Vancouver's Island; and
the measure will, I have no doubt, be carried into effect without
delay. 1 shall nevertheless continue to conciliate the good-will of
the native Indian tribes by treating them with justice and forbear-
ance, and by rigidly protecting their civil and agrarian rights. Many
cogent reasons of humanity and sound policy recommend that course
to our attention; and I shall, therefore, rely upon your support in
carrying such measures into effect. We know, from our own exper-
ience, that the friendship of the natives is at all times useful, while
it is no less certain that their enmity may become more disastrous
than any other calamity to which the colony is directly exposed.

"Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, according to the consti-
tutional usage, with you must originate all money bills ; it is therefore
vour special province to consider the ways and means of bearing the
ordinarv expenses of the government, either by levying a customs
duty on imports, or by a system of direct taxation. The poverty of
the country and the limited means of a population struggling against

BRITISH COLUMBIA 545

the pressure of numberless privations, must necessarily restrict the
amount of taxation ; it should, therefore, be our constant study to
regulate the public expenditure according to the means of the coun-
try, and to live strictly within our income. The common error of
running into speculative improvements entailing debts upon the col-
ony, for a very uncertain advantage, should be carefully avoided.
The demands upon the public revenue will, at present, chiefly arise
from the improvement of the internal communications of the country,
and providing for the education of the young, the erection of places
for public worship, the defence of the country, and the administra-
tion of justice.

"Gentlemen, I feel in all its force the responsibility now resting
upon us. The interests and well being of thousands yet unborn may
be affected by our decisions, and they will reverence or condemn our
acts according as they are found to influence, for good or for evil,
the events of the future."

The first meeting of the first Colonial Legislature was a memor-
able event in the history of Vancouver Island. It marked the com-
mencement of representative government, and it is notably interesting
by reason of the fact that in this instance representative institutions
were introduced into the Colony by the express order of Downing
Street, before the Colonists themselves had moved in that direction.
I'here was no long-drawn-out fight for the recognition of the prin-
ciple of representative government, as in other colonies. That battle
had already been fought and won in Canada, and by Canada for all
the British dominions beyond the seas. Downing Street seemingly
had taken to heart the lesson taught by the Papineau affair. The
principles of Colonial administration laid down in Lord Durham's
famous Report' were now recognized as the only proper principles
to apply to Colonial dependencies and possessions. Mr. Labouchere
recognized these principles and applied them to Vancouver Island
without waiting for a mandate therefore from the settlers in that
Colony. The new Legislature was inaugurated under peculiarly
auspicious circumstances, no religious or bi-lingual or separate school
question had ever arisen^or ever did arise — to promote factional
discord in the infant settlement in the North Pacific.

^ Report on tlic .iffair's of British N'orlli Amcric.T, from the Ear! of Durham, Her Majesty'i
High Commissioner, 1839.
Vol. I— M

546

BRITISH COLUMBIA

Naturally enough the House of Assembly was interested in the
financial condition of the Colony, the compiling of a budget being
essentially the privilege of what the Legislative Council was pleased
to term "the Lower House." It was therefore resolved "that re-
spectful application be made, on the part of the House of Assembly,
to know what funds are subject to its control (if any), the amount of
the same, and from what source derived; also, what fund is the
royalty upon coal paid into?" The Governor replied that he was
not prepared to give the House definite information upon the sub-
ject. He was of the opinion that the House could exercise a direct^
control only over the revenue raised in the Colony "through the Act^
of the General Legislature." In view of the fact that the Hudson's]
Bay Company conducted the land sales, collected royalties and tim-
ber duties, appropriating the moneys so derived with his advice and]
consent, it appeared to the Governor that the revenue derived from]
licensed houses was the only revenue absolutely at the disposal of theJ
House. The revenue from this source amounted to £220 in 1853,
£460 in 1854, and £340 in 1855. ^^^ 't will be seen that the peoplej
of the Colony had little control over public expenditure. The Coun-
cil and the Hudson's Bay Company built highways and undertook!
public works, defraying their cost from the general revenue. Thej
first Supply Bill illustrates in a striking manner the financial string-
ency of the time. That measure, which appropriated the sum of]
£130, reads as follows:

"A Bill for granting certain sums of money for the use of the'
House of Assembly of Vancouver's Island.

"Whereas it is necessary that certain sums of money be voted for
defraying the unavoidable expenses of the House of Assemblv of
Vancouver's Island, be it therefore enacted :

"ist. That 5o£ sterling be placed at the disposal of His Excel-
lency the Governor to defray the expenses of copying statistics and
documents for the use of this House.

"2nd. That io£ sterling be granted to Mr. Robert Barr for his
past services as clerk of this House.

"3rd. That c;£ sterling be granted to Mr. Andrew Muir for his
past service as sergeant-at-arms.

"4th. That 2i;£ sterling be allowed for the salarv of the clerk of
the House, for the year iStjy.

(Ctll

'A
H
<

o
w

BRITISH COLUMBIA 547

"5th. That i5£ sterling be allowed for the salary of the sergeant-
at-arms and messenger, for the year 1857.

"6th. That 2o£ sterling be granted for lighting, heating, and fur-
nishing the House of Assembly, for the year 1857.

"7th. That 5£ sterling be granted for stationery, for the use of
the members of the House of Assembly.

"8th. That the above items be paid out of the revenue derived
from licenses of July 16, 1856.

"Read the third time this i8th day of December, 1856 A. D., and
ordered to be forwarded to His Excellency the Governor and
Council.

"(Signed) J. S. Helmcken, Speaker."

Meanwhile the Governor had provided for the administration
of justice in Vancouver's Island. It will be recalled that the Imperial
Act of 1849 (12 & 13 Victoria, C.48) repealed the Act of the 43d
year of King George III., intituled "An Act for extending the juris-
diction of the Courts of Justice in the Province of Lower and Upper
Canada to the trial and punishment of persons guilty of Crimes and
Offences within certain parts of North America adjoining to the said
Provinces"; and the Act passed in the second year of King George
IV., intituled "An Act for regulating the Furtrade, and establishing
Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain parts of North
America," in so far as they related to Vancouver Island. The Act of
1849 set forth that "It shall be lawful for Her Majesty from Time
to Time (and as well before as after such Proclamation) to make
Provision for the Administration of Justice in the said Island, and
for that Purpose to constitute such Court or Courts of Record and
other Courts, with Jurisdiction in Matters Civil and Criminal, and
such equitable and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, subject to such Limi-
tations and Restrictions, and to appoint and remove, or provide for
the Appointment and Removal of such Judges, Justices, and such
Ministerial and other Officers, for the Administration and Execution
of Justice in the said Island, as Her Majesty shall think fit and
direct." In pursuance whereof Governor Douglas had in 1854
recommended his brother-in-law, David Cameron, for the position
of Judge of the Supreme Court of Civil Justice of Vancouver Island.
The Colonial Secretary duly confirmed the .ippointincnt. In the

548 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Governor's opinion Mr. David Cameron was "undoubtedly the most
fitting person I could obtain for that position, he being a man of good
business habits, of liberal education, some legal knowledge, and
what was equal to all, possessed of a more than ordinary amount of
discretion and common sense." - Although not a professional lawyer,
Mr. Cameron seems to have performed his important duties in a
manner that left little to be desired. At any rate, upon the estab-
lishment of a Supreme Court of Civil Justice in 1856, he was
appointed Chief Justice of the Colony by a warrant issued under
the Royal Sign Manual. The Chief Justice received a salary of
£100 a year from 1853 ^^i^^ i860, when a salary of £800 was pro-
vided by the local Legislature.

The action of the Governor in appointing his brother-in-law a
judge of the Supreme Court was criticized by a section of the people.
James Cooper, a Member of the Council, Edward E. Langford,
J. P., William Banfield, and James Yates played a prominent part
in the discussion that ensued. They circulated a petition to the Sec-
retary of State for the Colonies, which set forth "That the said
Mr. David Cameron, besides the improperly close family connexion
with the Governor, is not a lawyer by profession, and has exhibited
notorious and gross partiality, acrimony, malice and indecorum in
the capacity of justice of the peace, to such a degree as to have roused
the extreme disgust and indignation of the community, and to have
brought contempt upon the judicial olBce; that he is, with the excep-
tion of the aforesaid display of his character, an utter stranger to
the Colony, having arrived only eight months since from the former
slave colony of Demerara; that the community know nothing to
recommend him for the appointment save the family connexion
before mentioned; that two of the four members of Council have
acknowledged that it was solely to this circumstance that the fact of
his appointment was owing.

"That, moreover, the said Mr. David Cameron holds a com-
mercial situation as clerk of the Honourable Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's coal mines at Nanymo, transacting all the business of selling
the coals from the said mines, in the transaction of which business,
as might be expected, there have been disputes already, so that it
might not improbably fall to Mr. Cameron's lot, as judge in a court

'Despatch from Governor Douelas to the Duke of Newcastle, Victoria, 14th of February, 18(13.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 549

of equity, alone to adjudicate upon contested cases in which he him-
self was a principal party."

This petition was signed by James Cooper and sixty-nine others,
so it would appear that the matter had to a certain extent aroused
public opinion. On the other hand a very influential section of the
community rallied to the support of Judge Cameron. A communi-
cation addressed to the Governor and signed by John Tod, John
Work, Alexander Kennedy, Roderick Finlayson, William H.
M'Neill, William F. Tolmie, William Leigh, E. E. Stuart, B W.
Pearse, George Simpson, Richard Golledge, J. D. Pemberton,
Charles Dodd, Joseph Millar, and forty others, stated, among other
things:

"We, the undersigned, holding landed property, or otherwise
interested in the welfare of the colony of which you are Governor,
beg leave to protest against the tenor of a petition recently addressed
to you, and praying you to annul the appointment of David Cameron,
Esq., as Judge pro tempore, of a court of equity at Victoria.

"We believe that but few of the subscribers to that petition have
property at stake in the Island; that persons were instigated to sign
it without having any real grievance to complain of, of whom not a
few were absolutely unacquainted with the substance of the petition
they signed.

"We are convinced that you, with the advice of counsel, made
the appointment in question, because you considered the institution
of the office indispensable, and because you felt, as we do, that
David Cameron, Esq., a gentleman of business habits and consider-
able colonial experience, was the fittest man here of those not already
professionally occupied to preside in such a court.

"If that gentleman had committed any injustice, we presume, as a
matter of course, an appeal to the Governor and Council would
have met with proper attention, but so short was his tenure of office
previous to the date of that petition, that he has had no equity cases
to adjudicate upon, which circumstance alone must stamp the pro-
ceedings of the former petitioners as ill-advised and hasty in the
extreme.

"We are further of opinion, that if in this Colony, where there
is perfect freedom of action, where life and property are as yet
secure, where the market is so extensive and remunerative, and where

550 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the produce is so lamentably small, the labouring and industrious
classes were to employ their time more in raising wheat and potatoes,
constructing houses to live in, &c. &c., and suffer themselves less to
be led away into discussions upon abstract political questions, all
would gain by the alteration, progress become more decided, and
foreigners and visitors, whose good opinion we respect, would say
more for our common sense.

"If the unreasonable clamour of a few individuals, who have
little or no vested interest in the Island, were found effectual to
rescind important enactments framed expressly to protect property,
we feel that law and order would be in jeopardy, and therefore
sincerely hope that no personal feeling may induce David Cameron,
Esq., to resign the duties of an office which we are satisfied he will
do his best to exercise for the benefit of all."

Governor Douglas, when called upon for an explanation, after
reviewing the whole matter, stated that he had come to the conclusion
that the grievances of the Colonists in the matter of the administra-
tion of justice were "less real than imaginary, a conclusion strength-
ened by the present prosperous state of the country. The people,
moreover, appear happy and contented, the frugal and industrious
are rapidly improving their condition in life; there are no taxes nor
public burdens, the laws are justly administered, the means of educa-
tion are extending, intemperance is on the decrease, and crimes are
almost unknown; in short, since the departure of the Reverend Mr.
Staines and his coadjutor Mr. Swanston, — (these two men had
played a leading part in the agitation for the dismissal of Judge
Cameron), I have not heard a complaint from any person in this
Colony, except in regard to the sale price of land, which seems to be
the only real grievance affecting the colonists generally, and that
grievance I have no power to redress." "

Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies evidently
shared the Governor's opinion, because David Cameron was con-
firmed in his position and two years later he was promoted, as related,
to the Chief Justiceship of the Colony. Indeed, the affair seems to
have been one of those pretty storms that occasionally sweep over
small communities. David Cameron survived the ordeal and proved

9 Governor Douglas to the Rt. Hon. Sir George Grey, Victoria, ii Deer., 1854.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 551

himself a man of rare common sense and a sound judge.'" In 1862 he
was again attacked, whereupon he wrote a straightforward and manly
letter to the Colonial Secretary concerning the charges preferred
against the administration of justice in the Colony and against him-
self personally, successfully refuting Mr. Langford's accusations.
Mr. Langford then renewed his efforts in Loudon, but the Duke of
Newcastle — then Secretary of State for the Colonies — refused to listen
to his charges against Chief Justice Cameron. And so the matter
which had caused so much disturbance was finally laid at rest."

Mr. Edward E. Langford, who took such a prominent part in
the proceedings against Judge Cameron, later on attacked Chief Jus-
tice Matthew Baillie Begbie of the neighbouring Colony of British
Columbia. In that matter he was no more successful than in his
attempt to besmirch the character of the first Chief Justice of Van-
couver Island. In this latter case, however, it would appear that he
had just cause for complaint, for Judge Begbie never specifically
denied the charge that he had issued an election squib ridiculing
the candidature of Mr. Langford. It will be recalled that the Duke
of Newcastle officially rebuked Sir Matthew — as he afterwards
became — for interfering in a matter that in no way concerned him.

In fine, Mr. Langford seems to have been one of those well-
meaning men whose judgment was not always as good as his inten-
tions. Shortly after his arrival in the Colony — in the capacity of
bailifif of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company's farm on Lang-
ford Plains — he took an active part in public afifairs, strongly oppos-
ing Governor Douglas and the Hudson's Bay Company. No doubt
there was some cause for dissatisfaction. On the whole, however,
the Colonial Government was judiciously administered. The fault
lay with the large powers conferred on the Company by the Royal
Grant of the Island. It was a foregone conclusion that the legitimate
desires of the settlers would clash sooner or later with the traditional
policy of the Hudson's Bay Company. The celebrated Parliamen-
tary encjuiry of 1847 sufficiently revealed the fact that the terms of the
Royal Grant interfered in no small degree with representative gov-

'" Chief Justice Cameron died, after an honourable career in his adopted country. He
was huried in the old Quadra Street cemetery, in the same grave as his wife; a solid tombstone
marks the resting place of the earthly remains of the first Chief Justice of Vancouver Island.

"Mr. Cameron to the Colonial Secretary, 2nd February, 1863; Vide Vancouver Island, Re-
turn to House of Commons, ijtii July, 1863.

552 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ernment in the Colony. I'he committee — which included such well-
known men as Gladstone and Roebuck, the political economist —
therefore recommended — for this and other reasons — that the Grant
be not renewed. In 1857 the charter of grant expired by efflux of
time and the Island reverted to the Crown. The Hudson's Bay Com-
pany was generously treated. It was reimbursed for its various out-
lays (according to the terms of the grant) and a little later its title
to certain large holdings was confirmed.'^

In the meantime the little Colony of Vancouver Island made slow
progress. Its remoteness from cilivized centres, and the discovery of
gold in California, conspired to retard development. It is true that
the Hudson's Bay Company attempted to colonize the Island in
accordance with the terms of the Royal Grant of 1849, but its action
was half-hearted and therefore of little avail. Advertisements were
inserted in British newspapers to the efTect that land could be acquired
in the new Pacific Colony, but there were few men who were willing
to pay one pound an acre for wild land in so remote a spot. The first
batch of Colonists arrived in June, 1849, the party consisting of
Captain Colquhoun Grant, late of the 2nd Dragoon Guards, and
the eight men he brought with him. "From that day to this," said
Captain Grant, in a paper read before the Royal Geographical
Society on June 22nd, 1857,''* "not a single other independent col-
onist has come out from the Old Country to settle in the Island — all
the other individuals, who have taken up land, having been in the
employ of the Company and brought out to the country at its expense.
In the Harpooner, in June, 1849, the Hudson's Bay Company brought
out eight miners to work in the coal mines at Fort Rupert at the
northeastern end of the Island. These men were to be paid salaries
of from fifty to sixty pounds per annum, and, in addition, were to
get an extra allowance for every extra quantity of coal mined. Two
labourers also came to Victoria by the same vessel. Captain Grant
found that all the land in the neighbourhood of Victoria and Esqui-
malt — comprising some forty square miles, and containing nearly
all the available land then known — was reserved by the Hudson's
Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural Companies. Metchosin, some
twelve miles from Victoria, was pointed out as the nearest district

"2 Hudson's Bay Land Titles, King's Printer, Victoria. ,

'^Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, London, vol. XXVII, 1857.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 553

open for settlement; not approving of this district he proceeded to
Sooke, distant twenty-five miles from the Fort. There Captain Grant
settled with his men; but after a year or two of solitude and disap-
pointment he left the Colony in disgust.

In 1850 the ship Norman Morrison brought out about eighty
souls for the Hudson's Bay Company's establishments. This vessel
carried Doctor the Honourable John Sebastian Helmcken to the
Colony, of which he is the doyen of pioneers. In the following
year the Tory arrived with about one hundred hired labourers. Of
these parties, shipped settlers, the majority found their way to the
American side. "Of the four hundred men," said Captain Grant,
"who have been imported in all during the past five years, about
two-thirds may be said to have deserted, one-fifth to have been sent
elsewhere, and the remainder to be at present employed on the
Island." According to that authority in i8t;7 the Hudson's Bay and
Puget Sound Agricultural Companies employed forty-five men in
the neighbourhood of Victoria, thirty-seven at Nanaimo, and twenty
officers and men of Fort Rupert. The population of the Island at the
end of 1853 was about four hundred and fifty souls, men, women
and children; of these, three hundred were at Victoria, and between
that place and Sooke; about one hundred and twenty-five at
Nanaimo; and the remainder at Fort Rupert.

The gross quantity of land applied for in the Island up to the
end of the year 1853 was 19,807 acres and 16 perches, of which 10,172
had been claimed by the Hudson's Bay Company, 2,374 by the Puget
Sound Company, and the remainder by private individuals.

One thousand, six hundred and ninety-six acres were occupied
by individual settlers, sixteen in number; 937 acres claimed by
absentees; 3,052 acres reserved by the Hudson's Bay Company; and
2,574 acres occupied by bailiffs of the Puget Sound Company, four
in number. Altogether, under the three above classes, there were
fifty-three different claimants of land, about thirty of whom, accord-
ing to Captain Grant, were bona fide, occupying and improving their
holdings. The system as at first allowed — payment of a deposit of
one dollar per acre, — was abolished, and the purchasers were obliged
to pay at the rate of one pound per acre before occupying their
claims.

The Hudson's Bay Company, in accordance with the terms of its
grant of the Island, was obliged from time to time to submit accounts

554 BRITISH COLUMBIA

of revenue and expenditure. These Statements are particularly
interesting because they show to what purposes the monies not under
the control of the House of Assembly were applied. Thus in 1856
the Secretary of the Company reported that the expenditure of the
Colony for the twelve month ended with the first day of July, 1855,
amounted to the sum of £4, 107-2 '3, of which amount the duty on
licensed houses (£340) sales of public land (£334-17/6) and other
sources, produced the sum £693-2/10.

Very gradually — at first almost imperceptibly — the material con-
dition of the Colony improved. As the years passed farms were taken
up on the beautiful Saanich Peninsula, and hardypioneers found
their way to Metchosin, Sooke and other inviting districts — even as
far as Cowichan, then in the wilderness; subsequently other lands,
nearer the Fort, were sold to the Company's retired officers, and a
small colony of a splendid type of men grew into being. Victoria
owed, and owes, much to this. The roll of honour includes such
names as Sir James Douglas, Doctor the Hon. J. S. Helmcken, Dr.
W. F. Tolmie, the Hon. John Work (sometimes called in early let-
ters — Wark), the Hon. Roderick Finlayson, Chief Justice David
Cameron, John Tod, William H. McNeill, Alexander Grant Dallas,
Kenneth McKenzie, Joseph Despard Pemberton (Colonial Sur-
veyor), Benjamin W. Pearse, John Irving, John Frederick McKen-
zie, Charles Dodd, Thomas Skinner, John Munro, and many others,
who laid, broad and deep, the foundations upon which future gen-
erations were to build. The contemporary letters of eyewitnesses
of and participants in events of some consequence are always wel-
come, because they add a human touch to records that otherwise
might be too prosaic. Contemporary unofficial accounts of the early
affairs of the little Colony of Vancouver Island are not so numerous
that the historian can alTord to ignore any one of them. Fortunately
a few such memorials have survived to this day, and one of them may
well be used to mark the close of this chapter. The letters of Chief
Factor John Work — a man of sterling character, who crossed the
mountains with Sir George Simpson, Dr. John McLoughlin and
Sir James Douglas in 1824, and later, upon retiring from active
service, came to reside in Victoria — throw many sidelights on the
man and events of his day. On the 8th of August, 1856, the worthy
Chief Factor thus unbosomed himself to his friend, Edward Erma-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 555

linger, formerly in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company in the
west : —

"Victoria, Vancouver Island,

"8th Augt., 1856.
"Edwd. Ermatinger, Esquire,

"My Good Old Friend,
"* * * Our affairs, tho great changes have taken place, go on much
as usual, the furtrade still does pretty well, notwithstanding many
drags upon it and a great departure from the economy of former
times, an 85th still brings about =£300 a year which is not to be
despised as affairs go in the World nowadays. — Our Colony is not
increasing in population. I have already told you of the advantages
of Soil, climate &c which experience fully realises. The home Gov-
ernment, except in the article of dispatches leaves us to ourselves
to get on as best \vc may. We have had an election lately of Mem-
bers of a house of Assembly to assemble in a few days. It is to con-
sist of 7 Members chosen by about 40 Voters, the qualification of a
Member is fixed property to the amount of £300 and of an elector
to own 20 Acres of land, hitherto affairs were managed by the Gov-
ernor and his Council consisting of four members, Capt. Cooper,
Mr. Tod. Finlayson & myself. I have always considered such a
Colony & such a government where there are so few people to govern
as little better than a farce and and this last scene of a house of repre-
sentatives the most absurd of the whole. It is putting the plough
before the horses. The principle of representation is good, but there
are too few people and nobody to pay taxes to cover expenses. We
shall see how the affair will Work. Roads are opened in different
directions and manv improvements made, but we labour under great
disadvantage, owing to the bungling of our Government at home
not having us included in the reciprocity treaty with your Yankee
neighbours. We have no market but California to go to where we
have no chance to compete having to pay high duty when our Ameri-
can neighbours have none either there or here. — My farm does as
well as my neighbours', but costs me heavy expence annually, fencing
buildings &c; could I attend to it myself it would be otherwise, but
this duty wont admit. The man 1 have in charge of it is on sort of
shares, in squaring up tiic fust three years accounts, he had about
£70 p. annum for his share besides maintenance of himself and family.

556 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and besides what he cheated me of. Knavery when one is not on the
spot cant be easily prevented, he is no worse than others. I have
often thought, how good such a place would be for many a respecta-
ble honest man at home. — Gold has been discovered at Colville and
even some found at Thompson's River, and at Fort Hope about 80
Miles above Langley. Some of the diggers are reported to have
done well and high expectations are entertained, though it has not
created much excitement among our men, and owing to a destructive
war that the Oregon and Washington territory citizens got them-
selves involved in with the Indians which is not entirely over yet it
was not safe to go by the Columbia, so that many adventurers from
that quarter could not go, but we have lately learned that plenty are
on their way and there now and there is grounds to anticipate favour-
able results should, as is expected, gold be found plentiful. Of your
old acquaintances, the old doctor is still alive at Oregon, and old as
he is as eager as ever to make Money. David is loafing about doing
nothing, Mariah's husband Harvey formerly Miller at Vancouver
chiefly manages the doctor's business for him. — Manson is still in
New Caledonia, and Yale at Langley, both like myself getting worse
of the wear. I believe these are all of your old acquaintances remain-
ing. We have a new church built and have a worthy Man the Revd.
Mr. Cridge as Chaplain and Clergyman. — There is also a Catholic
Bishop Demers with two priests, and a Schoolmaster; there are also
two Colonial Schools, so that for the population there is enough of
Spiritual & Secular instruction, at least more than the people avail
themselves of. * * *"

CHAPTER XVII
VANCOUVER ISLAND IN TRANSFORMATION

Victoria in 1857 was a little hamlet of a few hundred souls. The
Fort was the centre of ail activities. Here the settlers obtained their
supplies — as strangers at an advance of three hundred per cent, upon
the prime cost in London.' In this respect they were not as well
off as the settlers of Oregon who were charged but one hundred per
cent, upon the London price. Here also the Colonists sold, or
obtained credit for, their produce. The Hudson's Bay Company
controlled the market and bought or not, according to the demand.
There was no communication with the outside world but by the Com-
pany's vessels to London, to Alaska, to the Sandwich Islands, or to
American ports, and these vessels sailed only as occasion required.
There was no commercial intercourse, or any other, with Canada.
Between Vancouver Island and the British possessions in eastern
North America lay a vast unoccupied wilderness, known only to the
furtrader and to the casual explorer. This lack of communication
seriously afifected the Colonial farmer, who was dependent upon a
limited local market entirely in the hands of the Hudson's Bay
Company.

Beyond the wooden stockade of the Fort were the fields of what
might be termed the Company's home farm, which, so it is recorded,
yielded more than forty bushels of wheat to the acre. Roads led
from the Fort in different directions. An embryo Government Street
ran along the east side of the stockade, connecting with the high-
ways leading to Saanich, Esquimalt, Metchosin and Sooke. A wind-
ing lane, running eastward by swamp and copse and meadow,
afterwards became the important thoroughfare known today as Fort
Street. Life in this beautiful spot, guarded by the blue waters of the
Strait of Juan de Fuca and the Strait de Haro, was idyllic in its

'Report, Select Committee <in Hudson's Bay Co., 1857. Evidence.

558 BRITISH COLUMBIA

simplicity, if neither exciting or materially profitable. A little piece
of Old England, of the early Victorian era, had been transplanted in
this land and it grew and flourished even as the wild roses grew and
flourished on the country-side. The Colonists were British and they
brought with them a love of British institutions and old-fashioned
British methods, which did much to make even so remote a colony
characteristically British. The farms were modelled after those of
England — the comfortable farm-house, the well-tilled field, and the
barns and out-buildings, which were generally built in the form of a
square with the farmyard inside — all reminded the settler of his old
home and associations. The afifairs of the Hudson's Bay Company
and local happenings provided the gossip of the day, and English
newspapers, many months old, gave the news of the outside world.
No doubt the little library in the Fort was well-patronized in the
long winter days. The proceedings of the Legislative Council and
the House of Assembly and of the Court presided over by Judge
Cameron also provided topics for discussion. Now and again some
question of public policy, or some action or inaction of the Company,
would give rise to heated controversies, which divided the community
into opposing camps. A generous hospitality marked the relations
of the people one with the other. Feast-days and holidays were loy-
ally observed with picnics in summer and indoor gatherings in win-
ter, which were remarkable for bounteous displays of honest Colonial
fare. Generally, as the Governor averred on more than one occasion,
the people were industrious and happy- Perhaps Gray's beautiful
lines might be applied to this little community:

Far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife,
Their sober wishes never learn'd to stray;

Along the cool sequester'd vale of life

Thev kept the noiseless tenor of their way.

Such was Victoria in the year 1857.

Meanwhile the Mainland slumbered. New Caledonia, as this
territory was indefinitely termed, was still under the absolute sway of
the Hudson's Bay Company, being held by the Crown Grant of the
exclusive trade with the Indians in certain parts of North America,
"Given at our Court at Buckingham Palace, 3nth day of May, 1838."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 559

The forts of the monopoly formed the only settlements there and the
only lines of communication from one post to another were the bri-
gade trails and water-routes of the furtrader. The Indian, as from
time immemorial, still held his ancient hunting grounds and still
adhered to his time-honoured customs. The fertile valleys and great
natural pastures of this vast region had not yet attracted the atten-
tion of the prospective homebuilder. The potential resources of the
country in minerals, timber, fisheries and agriculture were altogether
unknown to the outside world. To the furtrader, however, the coun-
trv was an open book. He had travelled from one end of it to the
other and dotted the whole of it with his posts. The old Brigade
Trails have long since been abandoned and forgotten, but here and
there deep imprints mark the lines of march of the long packtrains
which moved up and down these primitive highways with their
precious loads of peltries and supplies. Year by year the brigades
for the interior left Fort Hope for Fort Kamloops, journeying
thither by Anderson's, or the Hope trail over the Cascade Mountains,
through the Similkameen country, and by Nicola Lake. From
Kamloops the brigade followed the long-established road to Fort
Ale.xandria.

And the old forts — these too have almost wholly disappeared, but
many a rising town and many a prosperous community today bear
witness to the wisdom of the furtrader in the placing of his posts.
Life at Forts Langley, Hope, Yale, Kamloops, Alexandria and at
the New Caledonian posts, was as it had been since they were estab-
lished. Occasionallv an Indian brawl — sometimes a murder such as
that of the worthy Samuel Black at Kamloops in 1841 — would startle
the little isolated communities, but generally the trade went on in the
even tenor of its way, in accordance with established precedent. Such
was the Mainlami in 1857.

This peaceful state of affairs might have been continued indefi-
nitely — both on Island and Mainland — but for an event of far reach-
ing import — the discovery of gold in the Fraser River which
wrought a sudden and marvelous change. Without warning and as
it were overnight the Mainland became the Mecca of the goldseekcr
and the adventurer. As there were no settlements on the seaboard of
the Mainland, the tide of immigration turned in ever-increasing vol-
ume to the only British port where supplies and information could be

560 BRITISH COLUMBIA

obtained; and Victoria sprang into being as an important and popu-
lous center. It has been estimated that no less than twenty thousand
miners, merchants, jobbers, speculators and adventurers of all sorts
came to Victoria in 1858. In the short space of a few months the
place was transformed — the little sleepy hollow giving way for an
alert and progressive community. Rival towns sprang up on the
shores of Puget Sound — at Port Townsend, Watcom and other
points — but those places never seriously threatened the supremacy
of the British port which at that time and for several reasons was
the most convenient point of departure for the mines of the Fraser
River.

Who first found gold in British Columbia and when, is not exactly
known. Many accounts of that pregnant discovery have been printed,
but they differ so much that it is not an easy matter to arrive at the
truth. It is said that a party from Colville, or that neighbourhood,
going over the country by the way of Kamloops and the Bonaparte
River to the Fraser, prospected on the way and found the precious
metal in paying quantities. These men decided to winter in the
country in order to try their fortune. The news of their success
reached the coast, for such news travels quickly even in a country
destitute of regular postal facilities, and spreading to California
caused the famous stampede of 1858." A. C. Anderson says that
gold was discovered at the mouth of the Thompson River in 1857,
but seemingly it had been found at that point before that year.^
"Gold has been discovered at Colville," so John Work told Edward
Ermatinger in a letter bearing date 8th August, 1856, "and even some
found at Thompson's River, and at Fort Hope, about 80 miles above
Langley. Some of the diggers are reported to have done well and
high expectations are entertained. . . .''

A little later the officer in charge of the fort at Kamloops requisi-
tioned the storekeeper at Victoria for iron ladles with which to scoop
up the auriferous gravel from the bed of the Thompson River. It
would appear, therefore, that the news took sometime to reach Cali-
fornia, whence came the great tide of goldseekers in i8i;8. As for
the exact manner and date of arrival of the news in California, it is
stated upon good authority, that in February, 1858, the Hudson's Bay
Company's steamer Otter reached San Francisco with gold dust to be

- Vide Warrington, Fraser Mines Vindicated p. ^.

' Vide .Anderson, Historj- of N. VV. Coast, Ms. in Provincial Archives. P. 47.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 561

Loiiied or run into bars at the United States Mint in that city. It
soon leaked out that this treasure had been obtained from the Indians
of the Thompson River, a tributary of the Fraser. A small party of
prospectors, among them James Moore of pioneer fame in Cariboo,
left for the new field. Ascending the Fraser these hardy explorers
reached Hill's Bar, where they found rich diggings. In April, 1858,
they sent letters and gold dust to their friends in San Francisco, and
the news, being spread abroad, caused the greatest excitement Cali-
fornia has ever known. That briefly is the story of the Fraser River
excitement in California.*

Alfred Waddington — well-known later for his persistent advo-
cacy of a British trans-continental railway — averred that the exist-
ence of gold had been known to the officers of the Hudson's Bay
Company for some years, and he even hinted that they had kept their
knowledge secret from ulterior motives. On the other hand, A. C.
Anderson — a reliable authority — categorically denied this charge.
"An impression has gone abroad," he wrote, " that the existence of
gold on the upper Fraser had long been known to the officers of the
Hudson's Bay Co. ; but that they from motives of policy concealed the
fact. Than this statement nothing can be more erroneous; no sus-
picion of the fact existed, as I can personally aver." ^

However that may be, very early in 1858 California was thrown
into a state of wild excitement by the news from the north that vast
auriferous deposits had been found in New Caledonia. For some
time it had been known that the more accessible placers of California
were playing out and the intelligence of the new Eldorado reached
the Golden State at the psychological moment. The news was car-
ried from camp to camp and the oft-repeated story grew in the tell-
ing. In a short while nothing was talked of but the surpassing rich-
ness of the northern gold field. The population of California was
composed of all sorts and conditions of men from all countries of the
world. Never was there a greater gathering of adventurers of all
nations than that which crowded the thoroughfares of San Francisco.
Englishmen, Irishmen, Scotsmen, Americans, Frenchmen, Germans,
Italians, Greeks, — men of all nationalities — jostled each other on the
streets, ever ready for excitement or to hazard a throw with fortune.

■• H. B. Hobson, First Gold Excitement. In year bnok of B. C, by Gosnell, 1897, p.
' Anderson History of Northwest Coast, p. 46.

Vol. 1— 3B

562

BRITISH COLUMBIA

But none of them knew aught of New Caledonia. "Naturally
enough," says an eye-witness of this extraordinary scene, "the greatest
ignorance prevailed among the miners respecting the geography of
the northern country." New Caledonia — who had ever heard of
New Caledonia? Where was it situated and what was it like? "And
the Fraser River — where was it? No one knew. It was known only
that gold could be found there, and that was enough to send hundreds f |
of men into the wilderness to make their fortunes or to die in the
attempt. I must confess, I had no idea of the existence of such a
country or such a river. I did not even know that Great Britain had
any possessions on the Pacific Coast of North America, and my fel-
low-miners were no better informed." ''

Then began the historic exodus — the gold-seekers leaving Cali-
fornia in thousands with their picks, pans and shovels. It was stated
at the time by the newspapers of San Francisco that no less than
thirty thousand men left that town for the north in 1858. A miscel-
laneous fleet of odd craft — steamers and sailing ships — plied north-
ward to Esquimau or Victoria, the only known British ports in that
region. Vessel after vessel arrived to unload her human freight.
"Never perhaps was there so large an immigration," wrote one of
the pioneers, "in so short a space of time into so small a place. Unlike
California, where the distance from the Eastern States and Europe
precluded the possibility of an immediate rush, the proximity of Vic-
toria to San Francisco on the contrary, afiforded every facility, and
converted the whole matter into a fifteen dollar trip. Steamers and
sailing vessels were put in requisition, and old ships and tubs of every
description actively employed in bringing up passengers, something
like to a fair."''

Victoria — the sleepy little backwoods trading post — was sud-
denly changed into a populous rendezvous. By the wood-fringed
shores of the harbour and of the little arm of the sea called James
Bay — since filled in — a city of canvas sprang up, and on either side
of the Johnson Street ravine the miners pitched their tents. All was
activity and excitement, yet the cosmopolitan throng, little as it had
been accustomed to restraint in the mining camps of the south, and
although it numbered many turbulent spirits, generally behaved well.

"A Miner's Experience on the Pacific Slope, Thos. Seward. Colonist, Feh. 26, 1905.
' Waddington, Fraser Mines, 1858, pp. 16-17.

I'frv

suil-

was

and

V-.

C
O

BRITISH COLUMBIA 563

The miners perhaps were surprised to Hnd law and order and a rep-
resentative form of government already established in this secluded
corner of the world, but they acknowledged the fact and governed
themselves accordingly. Now and then, it is true, a iew misguided
citizens of the United States would talk, blatantly of seizing the
country, but they soon realized the absurdity of such a notion. The
ships of war lying at anchor in Esquimalt Harbour were evidence
enough of the power which stood behind the Governor of the little
Colony of Vancouver Island.

With that strange assortment of adventures which came to the
Colony in 1858 were a number of strong and able men, who achieved
distinction in one way or another in their adopted country. One of
the first and ablest of this eminent corps of pioneers bore the name
Alfred Waddington. From the moment of his arrival at Victoria,
where he pursued the avocation of merchant with some success, he
displayed an active and intelligent interest in the commercial and
political affairs of the island and the mainland. Looking with pro-
phetic eye into the future, he recognized even then the commanding
geographical position of what is now Canada's western seaboard; he
foresaw a great transT-'acific commerce which was to enrich cities
yet unborn ; he realized as a few pregnant minds had done before him,
that if British North America were to become a coherent and har-
monious whole it would be first of all necessary to weld that vast
territory with common ties and mutual interests; and — having the
vision — he resolved to devote the remainder of his life to the uniting
of the British North American possessions with a band of steel, which
was as fascinating a project as it was of the greatest practical value.
Waddington, however, like many another man whose noble ideals
but not their attainments, are recorded in history, lived in advance
of his age. Consumed with zeal, and with his imagination fired with
his grand conception, he thought and talked of naught but a British
trans-continental railway — while practical men of affairs smiled
indulgently at the man's idiosyncrasy, little thinking that that vast
enterprise, which then seemed so impracticable, was soon to become
an integral part of the policv of Canadian statesmen. It is to be
feared indeed that this enlightened advocate of an Imperial highway
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, came to be looked upon as a well-
meaning but visionarv fellow, perhaps even something of a bore —

564 BRITISH COLUMBIA

obsessed with an impracticable idea. Nevertheless the visionary
triumphed in the end — no one can tell how much Sir John A. Mac-
donald may have been indebted to him in the framing of his trans-
continental railway policy.

Alfred Waddington died at Ottawa, where he had taken up his
residence in order the better to promote his object, before the
Canadian trans-continental railway became an accomplished fact, but
not before the completion of the undertaking was assured by British ■
Columbia's treaty with Canada, familiarly known as the Terms of
Union. But had the man never concerned himself at all with
such weighty matters, he would still be justly entitled to the respectful
consideration of the historian of British Columbia, because in
November, 1858, he published an admirable book entitled "The
Fraser Mines Vindicated or The History of Four Months," which
enjoys the distinction of being the first book printed on Vancouver
Island, if the statement in the preface to that effect is reliable.*
Impartial and accurate descriptions of the extraordinary conditions
brought about by the immigration of 1858 are by no means numerous
^in spite of all that was written upon the subject at the time — and
therefore Waddington's graphic portrayal of Victoria in transforma-
tion, and of the character of the men who came from California in
the first mad rush, is an important source of information respecting
that peculiar era in the history of British Columbia. The author's
vivid picture re-creates the little settlement on Vancouver Island at
the time of the gold excitement. "On landing in Victoria," he writes,
"we found a quiet village of about 800 inhabitants. No noise, no
bustle, no gamblers, no speculators or interested parties to preach up
this or underrate that. A few quiet gentlemanly behaved inhabitants,
chiefly Scotchmen, secluded as it were from the whole world, and
reminding one forcibly of the line of Virgil :

"Et pene toto divisos ex orbe Britannos."

"Though not perhaps quite so shrewd as Californians, they evi-
dently understood the advantages of the situation, were quietly await-
ing the results, and more or less acquainted with the country, seemed
rather surprised that a people so sharp as the Californians were
supposed to be, should be running after such an impossible air bubble

*This little work came from the Press of the Pioneer Printer, P. de Garro, Wharf Street,
Victoria. It was sold at fifty cents a copy, but on account of its extreme rarity it now commands a
high price. There are two copies in the Provincial Library.

EAKI.Y \Ii:\\ OF GOVERNMENT STREET. VICTORIA
Loukiiif.' north from ''Brown Jufr Corner"

KAUI.V \ IKW l)|- (;(l\ KUNMENT SIliEET. \ 1( I'DKIA
l^ookiii'T south Iroin "Mrown -lu'' ('ornt-r"

BRITISH COLUMBIA 565

as the Bellingham Bay trail." The author then gives a delightful
little picture of Victoria as it was in the golden fifties: "As to busi-
ness," he says, "there was none, the streets were grown over with
grass, and there was not even a cart. Goods there were none, nor in
the midst of this 'Comedy of Errors' had a single California mer-
chant thought of sending a single bag of flour to Victoria! The con-
sequence was that shortly after our arrival the bakers were twice
short of bread, and we were obliged to replace it, first by pilot bread
and afterwards with soda crackers. At the same time flour was
worth eight dollars in Watcom."

In the very beginning there was a marked inclination on the part
of the American miners and adventurers to give preference to the
American ports on Puget Sound, seemingly in order to avoid British
territory. Port Townsend, the port of entry for the Sound, was the
first place chosen, and forthwith streets were laid out, houses were
built, and "everyone flocked to Port Townsend," " where lots were
sold and resold at high prices. Other speculators were busy else-
where. These wished to build a city at Watcom and bitterly attacked
Port Townsend, finding little difficulty in exposing the faults of that
place — "her open roadstead, her uncertain anchorage in the stream,
and above all her distance from Eraser River." Watcom was cer-
tainly nearer the goal, but that in itself would have made little differ-
ence, if some clever speculator had not launched the idea of the
"Bellingham Bay Trail," which was to lead directly to the new
goldfields — a clear path to the placers of the Eraser and Thompson.
This trail deserves some mention because of all the extraordinary
ideas, that of cutting a perilous road through an almost impassable
country in order to avoid a navigable river, was the most extraordi-
nary. Many people, misled by promoters of the trail, not only
believed it practicable but superior to the route by the Eraser River.
The whole scheme was launched under "the spacious cover of Amer-
ican patriotism," to induce miners to buy their supplies at Watcom
in order to build up a city at that point. The California newspapers,
without knowledge of the countrv, supported the proposal and in so
doing added to the disappointments of the miner from California.*"

In the meantime adventurers of all sorts began to assemble at

"Waddington, Fraser Mines Vindicated, pp. 8-9.
"* Waddingtoii, Fraser Mines Vindicated, pp. 8-9.

566 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Port Townsend and Watcom. Watcom, in spite of its mud-banks
and other disadvantages, became the more popular of the two, espe-
cially when the enterprising residents annexed Sehome so as to pro-
vide better docking facilities. Other places on Puget Sound or
adjacent waters— Semiahmoo, for instance — perhaps the best site of
all — attracted the attention of the American speculator, but none of
them ever attained the size or importance of Port Townsend or Wat-
com. As a matter of fact none of these places would have been
thought of as clearing houses for the trade of the placer mines of
British Columbia, if it had not been for the strong desire of the
American press and people to build up a distinctly American city at
the expense of the newly organized British Colony. As it was, the
studied exploitation of the American ports recoiled upon the head
of the townsite promoter and real estate gambler, but not before many
an unfortunate miner had been duped by their specious promises and
brazen stories.

Thus some four or five great cities were projected, each of them
to rely upon the placers of the Fraser River for industries and wealth,
and upon the nomadic miners of the Pacific Slope for population. It
was the golden age of the speculator in the primeval wilderness bor-
dering upon Puget Sound, and he made the most of his opportunities;
but as week after week passed and the promised easy road to the
mines was not completed, or much of it even built, the impatient and
sorely-tried miners, who had been lured to Watcom, Port Townsend
and other points, realized that they had been tricked by their unscru-
pulous compatriots. Then the bubble burst and the Bellingham Bay
Trail became a byword and a reproach. It was that then that Vic-
toria — at first shunned by American citizens, or at least by a great
number of them — came to be generally recognized as the one and
proper place of departure for the Fraser River. In the midst of
all this excitement of planning great cities, no one had given much
thought to Victoria. Indeed at the time when Port Townsend, Wat-
com and Semiahmoo were at the height of their meteoric boom in
the spring of 1858 Victoria was scarcely mentioned in the California
newspapers. "And yet," Alfred Waddington observes, "after all
Victoria was the place for a big city, as everybody might have found
out a good deal sooner" — which goes to show the prescience of the
writer.*^

'' Waddington, Fraser Mines Vindicated, p. 12.

OLD VIEW OF VICTORIA, SHOWING JAMES BAY, SINCE FILLED IN

THK FIRST ST. AWE'S CONVKNT

OLD VIEW OF VICTORIA. OVERLOOKING IIARROUR

BRITISH COLUMBIA 567

People now began to leave the embryo American towns to come
to Victoria. At first miners had been allowed to go up the river
without hindrance, but as the number of adventures increased the
Colonial authorities thought it advisable to levy a tax of six dollars
upon each canoe or open boat and twelve dollars upon each decked
vessel. The necessary papers could be obtained at Victoria or at
Fort Langley, upon the Fraser River. This order naturally tended to
increase the population of Victoria because it drew hither many who
otherwise would have proceeded directly to the mines from Puget
Sound. Then at length it was proved that the Fraser was navigable
by small steamers as far as Hope, and a little later that vessels of small
tonnage could reach even Fort Yale, which at once became the centre
of the new gold fields. That intelligence dissolved into thin air the
speculator's dream regarding the future of Port Townsend, Watcom
and Semiahmoo. As soon as the news became public the influx of
population to Victoria was overwhelming. One is able to form some
idea of the extraordinary conditions brought about by the sudden
turning of the human tide towards Vancouver Island, and of what it
all meant to the little settlement of Victoria, from a contemporary
writer's brilliant and realistic description of that notable movement.
This is what he says:

"Miners now came flocking over, together with all that hetero-
geneous class of adventurers commonly called the 'pioneers of civili-
zation.' Adopted citizens and others who had consulted their
American patriotism rather than their interests, by stopping at Wat-
com, loudly lamented the necessity of stepping on British soil,
whereas others, Britishers by birth and Americans by adoption, were
now re-whitewashed and became Englishmen again. This immigra-
tion was so sudden, that people had to spend their nights in the streets
or bushes, according to choice, for there were no hotels sufficient to
receive them. Victoria, had at last been discovered, everybody was
bound for Victoria, nobody could stop anywhere else, for there, and
there alone, were fortunes, and large fortunes, to be made. And as
the news of such a flourishing state of things soon found its way to
California, it was not long before the steamers brought up fresh
crowds."

Naturally the 'sudden and unprecedented demand for supplies of
all sorts taxed the resources of the little community to the utmost.

568 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Even the Hudson's Bay Company, with all its large stock, could
scarcely cope with the situation.

''As to goods, the most exorbitant prices were asked and realized,
for though the Company had a large assortment, their store in the
Fort was literally besieged from morning to night; and when all
were in such a hurry, it was not every one that cared to wait three or
four hours, and sometimes half a day, for his turn to get in. The
consequence was, that the five or six stores that were first established
did as they pleased."

The able author just quoted then sums up the character of the
population in the following striking phrases:

"So far none but miners, mechanics, retail traders, or men of small
means, had made their appearance; but merchants and people of
standing, men who had so far hesitated, now began to arrive. Some
of them without exactly understanding the situation, or caring to
understand it, for the sake of a trip and solely out of curiosity. But
others might be seen coming on shore with certain heavy bags full
of gold coin, which they were obliged to have carried. They had
expected to get ground lots for nothing, and buy the whole city cheap,
and were sadly disappointed to find they had come a little too late.
Many of them had the trouble of taking their bags of gold back with
them, without even opening them, and all of them cursed the place.

"These 'big bugs' were closely followed by another class, and Vic-
toria was assailed by an indescribable array of Polish Jews, Italian
fishermen, French cooks, jobbers, speculators of every kind, land
agents, auctioneers, hangers on at auctions, bummers, bankrupts, and
brokers of every description. Many of these seemed to think very
little about the gold diggings, the Company's rights, or their conse-
quences. Nor did they trouble themselves much about the state of
the interior, the hostile feelings of the Indians, or anything else of
the kind. They took it for granted that gold would soon be coming
down, and whether it did or not was not their object. They came to
sell and to speculate, to sell goods, to sell lands, to sell cities, to buy
them and sell them again to greenhorns, to make money and begone."

To these may be added, so Waddington affirms, a fair seasoning
of gamblers, swindlers, thieves, drunkards and jail birds, "let loose
by the Government of California for the benefit of mankind" ; besides
the halt, lame, blind and mad.^- The infamous Paddy Martin, the

J2 Waddington, Fraser Mines Vindicated, p. i8.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 569

Californian desperado, followed the crowd to Victoria, looking for
new fields wherein to exercise his fiendish wits; but the French popu-
lation forced him to leave the town for shame. Bad men of the type
of Boone Helm, a noted desperado who found his way to the Fraser
River overland in 1859, ''' joined in the first rush to British Columbia,
but they did not find the administration of law in the colony to their
liking, so they left it with a curse, or if they remained either came
face to face with Justice or turned over a new leaf. Wadding-
ton refers to the heterogeneous of the memorable year of 1858 as "the
outpourings of a population containing, like that of California, the
outscourings of the world," but he qualifies this harsh criticism with
the remark : ''Let it be said here to the credit of the town of Victoria,
that some of the worst of these characters kept away." He is careful
to add :

"Mixed up among all these, however, was a large body of re-
spectable emigrants; patient hardworking miners, and others; honest
men who had come here to live by their industry, hoping to assist
their families and better their position; quiet law-abiding citizens, if
ever there were. Many of these have been sadly disappointed, whilst
others, more successful, have remained here and form a considerable
portion of our present population, as exemplary a one as is to be met
with."

As a matter of fact the men of i8c;8 were western pioneers of a
high type. Naturally there was a small residue of disreputable ele-
ment, but these were soon eliminated. The early history of no settle-
ment, launched in such peculiar and trying circumstances, is so free
from crime as the early history of British Columbia, and that in itself
shows the high calibre of the men who first came to the land.

In this connection it is interesting to recall the names of the offi-
cials of tJK- Colony of Vancouver Island, who were called upon to
b"ar the heat and burden of the day. They were as follows:
The Governor — Mr. James Douglas.

A Council of Three, or sort of House of Lords, except that its delib-
erations are secret. This Council is composed of
Mr. John Work, second Chief Factor under Chief Factor Douglas

(the Governor) .
Mr. R. Finlavson, Chief Trader of the Company.

'^ Emerson Hoiigli, Story of the Outlaw, Chapter VIII.

570

BRITISH COLUMBIA

Mr. Todd, an old servant and pensioner of the Company.

A House of Assembly composed of seven members, representing the
seven districts of the Island as follows:

Dr. Helmcken, Speaker, Staff Doctor of the Company, and son-in-
law of the Governor.

Mr. Pemberton, acting Colonial Surveyor.

Mr. McKay, Clerk of the Company.

Mr. Muir, a former servant of the Company, and father of the
Sheriff.

Mr. Skinner, agent of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company.

Dr. Kennedy, a retired officer of the Company, appointed by the Gov-
ernor and Council to represent the district of Nanaimo.

Mr. J. Yates, Merchant.

Judiciary Department: — D. Cameron, Esq., Chief Justice; brother-
in-law of the Governor.

Collector of the Customs: — Mr. A. C. Anderson, retired Chief
Trader of the Company.

MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTERS

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CHAPTER XVIII
THE NATIVE RACES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

BY CHARLES HILL-TOUT

Mention has frequently been made of the native races of British
Columbia in the earlier chapters of this work, and many interesting
incidents relating to our earlier intercourse with them have been
touched upon at greater or less length, but it has been thought this
history would not be the complete and comprehensive work its
authors desire to make it unless a chapter were devoted to the native
tribes who peopled this portion of the Dominion before we ourselves
occupied it, hence this brief sketch of their life-history.

The native races of British Columbia form a portion of the abo-
riginal people who occupied this continent when the attention of
Europe was first directed to it by the voyage of Columbus. Since
that time they have been known to us by the name of Indians. This
name was given to them under the mistaken notion that this conti-
nent was a portion of India and the people, therefore, Indians, and
the name has ever since stuck to them.

When it was once definitely ascertained that the new world was
not a portion of India, speculation concerning the origin of the
natives became rife. Whence had they come and what was their
former history? One author thinks they must be Trojan refugees
who had fled thither and found a haven of refuge after the sack of
Troy, because he fancied he detected a word in their language which
had a Graeco-Roman sound. Another connects them with those
early navigators, the PhoEnicians; another brings them from China,
and others again make them Jews and see in them the lost ten tribes
of Israel. This is perhaps the most common view held by the uncrit-
ical. But the most naive and whimsical of all the origins suggested
for them is that propounded by Dr. Cotton Mather, a learned divine
of the eighteenth century. He declares that the appearance of man

573

574 BRITISH COLUMBIA

on the American continent was due to the direct agency of the Evil
One, who, seeing in the earl)' spread of Christianity the loss of his
power over mankind, conceived the brilliant idea of seducing a por-
tion of the race to the New World, where, in the language of the
learned author, they would be hid and be out of sound of the silver
trumpet of the Gospel, and where he would have them entirely for
his own to the end of time!

Modern inquiry, conducted on somewhat different lines, has
resulted in showing us that whatever may have been the origin of
the native races of the New World, they have been dwellers here
for a verv long period of time, compared with which the siege of
Troy or the dispersion of the Jews is a matter of very recent date.
The remains of primitive implements of rude form in geological
strata which are clearly of ancient formation, and of hearth-sites
associated with bones of extinct species of the horse and other ani-
mals now unknown, make this very certain. The distinguished
Americanist, Dr. Brinton, held the opinion that American man was
present and active, using tools and fire during the Inter-Glacial
Period; and that he had spread over the continent and lived in both
North and South America at the close of the Glacial Age, he
regarded as beyond any doubt.

However this may be, when we first came into contact with them
they occupied the whole continent from end to end. We found
them segregated into numerous tribes and nations, characterized by
all degrees of culture from the very rude savagery of Tierra del
Fuego to the comparatively advanced refinement and civilization of
Mexico, Central America and Peru, and exhibiting a diversity of
languages truly bewildering.

Of late years scholars have given much attention and study to
them, and they have been ranged or classified into distinct groups
or stocks on the basis of their language. Some one hundred and fifty
of these have been recognized.

Of this number ten are found within the confines of the Dominion
of Canada and of this ten six, or more than half, have their habitat in
large part in this province. It will make our treatment of them
clearer if we divide them into two divisions: the Coast and Island
tribes, and the Interior tribes. This division follows the lines of
their culture, the two groups being very distinct in their mode of life
and customs.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 575

The Coast and Island tribes reckoning from north to south com-
prise the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands and part of the
Prince of Wales Archipelago:

The Tsimshian, inhabiting the Nass and Skeena rivers and adja-
cent islands:

The Kwakiutl-Nootka, inhabiting the whole coastal region from
Gardiner Channel to Cape Mudgc (with the exception of the region
around Dean Inlet, where an isolated intrusive band of Salish have
made their home), and the greater portion of the west coast and the
northern half of Vancouver's Island.

South of this territory we find the coastal divisions of the great
Salish stock, which extend beyond our own boundaries into the neigh-
bouring states of the American Union.

The interior of the province is divided between the Inland divi-
sion of the Salish, who occupy all the southern portion west of the
crest of the Selkirk range; the Kootenay tribes, who inhabit the val-
ley of the Upper Columbia river and the Kootenay lake and river;
and the Dene or Athapascan tribes, who occupy all the northern
portion of the province and extend beyond it to the confines of the
Eskimo.

Each of these stocks or nations is divided into a greater or less
number of sub-groups or divisions, and some of these dififer so sharply
from each other in customs and language that a casual observer
would be deceived into regarding them as distinct and unrelated
stocks or peoples. This is notably the case with the wide-spread
Dene and Salish, whose sub-divisions differ more from each other,
both in mode of life and language, than do the different Romance
nations of Europe.

Mention has been made in other portions of this history of the
establishment of the Fur Companies in this part of the continent,
and the amalgamation of the North-West Fur Company with its
great rival, the Hudson's Bay Company. Under the organization of
the latter the natives of British Columbia had their first training in
civilization. The Hudson's Bay Company, through their employees,
ever treated the Indians with uniform kindness and justice; and it
is largely owing to their beneficent and enlightened policy that the
early history of this region is free from those deeds of horror and
bloodshed which darken the pages of the history of the settlement
of the lands farther south. Uprisings of the natives against the set-

576 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tiers, raids and forays on their settlements or property are events
almost unknown in the early history of British Columbia. As long
as the country was under the rule of the Fur Companies the Indians
lived much as did their forefathers, and beyond performing certain
occasional services for the Posts, they were free to come and go when,
and live where, they pleased. But when, in 1858, the Home Govern-
ment revoked the grant which it had made to the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany twenty years before — by which the Company was given control
of the lands west of the Rocky Mountains and the rights of exclusive
trading and dealing with the natives — and the country became a
Crown Colony, the Indians naturally came under the jurisdiction of
the Crown officers; and when the colony was opened up for settle-
ment certain lands and localities were set aside for their exclusive
use and occupancy. Later, in 1870, when the country was trans-
formed from a Crown Colony into a province of the Dominion, the
Indians became wards of the Federal Government, and their lands
and affairs passed to the control of the Indian Department. This
Department is under the general superintendence of one of the min-
isters of State, usually of the minister of the Interior. Under him
there is a Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, who
has the direct control of all matters concerning the natives and their
general welfare. Each province has its own Superintendent, who is
assisted in his duties by a number of local Indian agents and other
officers.

The treatment of the Indians by the Department has always been
just and humane, with the result that wars and disturbances of the
peace have but rarely occurred, and the native races of the Dominion
may now be classed among the most peaceable and law-abiding of his
Majesty's subjects. Industrial, boarding and ordinary day schools
have of late years been established in different centres among them,
and the Indians of the present day are fast fitting themselves for the
conditions of modern civilized life. Many of the tribes in this prov-
ince live today in well-ordered villages with lighted streets and
water-work systems of their own, and are better housed and have
more comforts than the average European peasant. The men of the
tribes engage, for the most part, regularly in fishing and lumbering
or in agriculture and stock raising, and their outlook for the future
is by no means a discouraging one.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 577

Truth, however, compels one to say that a backward glance over
the history and condition of the native races of the province as a
whole since our advent among them does not present so satisfactory
a picture; and one is obliged to confess that contact with the white
man has not been everywhere an unmixed blessing for the Indian.
The transition from the old order of things to the new was in the
main too abrupt and radical and the race has suffered accordingly,
notwithstanding the benevolent care of the government. Nowhere
is this shown more clearly than in the high, death-rate and the conse-
quent diminution of their numbers. The whole native population
of the province today numbers scarcely 25,000; and though we have
no definite knowledge of the extent of the population when we first
occupied the country, the estimates of the early settlers, the traditions
of the Indians themselves, and the number of deserted and abandoned
villages, which, in the memory of those now living, formerly con-
tained hundreds of inhabitants, all indicate that five times that num-
ber, or 125,000, would not be an excessive estimate during the first
half of the last century.

The writer's own investigations, conducted over a series of years,
leave no room for doubt in his mind that the present Salish popula-
tion of approximately 12,000 does not represent a fifth of the popu-
lation of this stock at the time of Simon Eraser's visit to them. One
tribe alone, the Lukungen, whose settlements are at the southeastern
end of Vancouver's Island, was estimated in 1859 to number 8,500.
Today they could not muster 200, or less than one-fortieth of their
former numbers. The neighbouring Cowitchin tribes about forty-
five years ago numbered five thousand and five souls; today they do
not reach eight hundred. Tiiis frightful death-rate has not been
confined to the tribes of the Salish stock; the others have suffered
proportionately. That moribund race, the Haida of the Queen
Charlotte Islands, numbered in 1840, according to estimates based
on reliable information, 8,328. Twenty-five years ago the number
had dwindled to approximately 2,000, and today the total native
population of the Islands would not exceed 700. Father Morice, the
distinguished missionary student and writer, has the same to say of
the Dene stock, whose total population at the present time is less, he
claims, than one-tenth of what it was when Mackenzie first passed
through their country.

578 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Speaking, therefore, with all caution and reserve, it may fairly
be said that the total native population of today represents very little
more than one-tenth of what it was when we first came in contact
with the Indians, a little more than a century ago.

Ibe principal cause of this excessive mortality is alcoholism and
its attendant evils; chief among the secondary causes are small-pox,
syphilis and pneumonia.

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

It has been said that an Indian taken from one portion of the
continent could easily be mistaken for an inhabitant of some other
portion. This is because of the strong facial resemblance the natives
commonly bear to one another. This general likeness, this distinc-
tive pan-American visage, would seem to consist, in the main, of a
well-formed ovaloid face in which a decidedly acquiline and some-
what pointed nose forms the chief feature, dark eyes and hair, and a
skin the hue or colour of which is commonly called red or coppery,
but which is really a brown, with an undertone of red running
through it. This general type seems to exist all over the continent,
but variations from it are numerous, and some of these are so extreme
as to point to the existence of a secondary type. This second type is,
in most of its features, the direct antithesis of the primary or truly
American type. It is characterized by an unusual breadth of face,
the nose is concave and spreading, the cheek bones high and promi-
nent, the mouth coarse, and the colour a palish yellow.

In British Columbia we seem to meet with a cast of countenance
that partakes of the characters of both types, approximating here
more nearly to the characteristic American type and there to the
adventitious or so-called Mongoloid type. This would seem to indi-
cate that the native races of British Columbia have received a later
infusion of East-Asian blood than the natives in more distant parts
of the continent.

This view is entirely in harmony with the beliefs commonly held
by American students, the consensus of opinion now being that this
continent was originally peopled from the West, and that the East-
Asian hordes did not enter the country in one great wave, but rather
in successive minor waves, and that therefore the natives of British

BRITISH COLUMBIA 57y

Columbia, being presumably the latest comers, arc more closely
allied to the Mongoloid peoples of East-Asia than are the tribes or
stocks farther east or south. Those who have observed the strong
facial likeness between our Indians and the Japanese and Chinese
can have little doubt of this. The resemblance is so close and strik-
ing at times that even the Indians themselves are struck with and
comment upon it. We cannot say even apprcjximatelv when these
invasions from Asia took place; we only know that thev were not of
recent date, and that there are no tribes or peoples living there now
who have more than a very indefinite and general ethnic relationship
to our British Columbian stocks.

When we first came into contact with the native tribes of this
province we found that some of them, notably the coastal Salish and
the Vancouver Island Kwakiutl, had a curious habit of deforming
their heads; the effect of which was at times to give them a very
singular appearance. Each division had its own type of cranial con-
tortion. The Kwakiutl type was found in its most characteristic
form among the Koskeeno, who live about Kwatzino Sound on the
northwest portion of V^ancouver's Island. Here the head was elon-
gated backward to an extraordinary and unsightly degree. The
style of deformation among the coastal Salish tribes dififered very
considerably. Among the Squamish a band was laid across the
child's forehead, and held there by thongs fastened to the bottom of
the cradle, the deformation being always effected during the cradle-
life of the individual; another pad or band was then tied across tlie
top of the head just back of the coronal suture to prevent the pres-
sure from the forehead-band forcing the head in that direction.
This produced a three-fold pressure on the front, top and back of
the head, the cfifect of which was to give a peculiarly receding sweep
to the frontal bone, a flattening to the (Hcipital or posterior region,
and produce a compensatory bulge of the head sideways; the result
of which was to make the head appear abnormalh ■^hort and the
face unusually broad.

Among the neighbouring Sechelt tribes the coronal pad or cush-
ion was omitted, or rather was placed farther back on the lambda,
with the result that the top of the head was forced upwards into a
decided transverse ridge, like the roof of a house, giving a most
singular aspect to the individual when the head was uncovered.

580 BRITISH COLUMBIA

This "style of head" was apparently more common among women
than men, the most extreme cases the writer has personally observed
being always those of women. The object of these deformations
was in all instances to give, what the natives considered, a more
beautiful and desirable form to the head, the normal contours not
being pleasing to their eyes; and the practice afifords an excellent
illustration, like that of the extremely small feet of Chinese ladies,
of the truth of the dictum that beauty is not an absolute, but a rela-
tive quality, the standard of which varies from age to age and from
people to people.

The practice among some of the Salish seems to have had a defi-
nite social, as well as an aesthetic significance. There appear to have
been recognized degrees of contortion marking the social status of
the individual. For example, slaves, of which the Salish kept con-
siderable numbers, were prohibited from deforming the heads of
their children at all, consequently a normal, undeformed head was
the sign and badge of servitude. And in the case of the base-born
of the tribes the heads of their children were customarily but slightly
deformed, while the heads of the children born of wealthy or noble
persons, and particularly those of chiefs, were severely and exces-
sively deformed.

It might be thought that such severe contortion of the brain-case
would injuriously afifect the brain itself, but such does not seem to
have been the case. Some of the most noted men of this region were
chiefs whose heads were excessively deformed.

MORAL CHARACTERISTICS

In all moral qualities, save that of courage, the Indians of British
Columbia ranked high before contact with the whites; in point of
valour they fell far below the eastern tribes; and while some were
braver and better fighters than others, not one of the stocks could be
said to be really warlike. In earlier days the coastal and delta Salish
were kept in perpetual fear and trembling by a single tribe of
marauding Kwakiutls, who made periodic forays upon their vil-
lages, routing and slaughtering the men and carrying off the women
and children into slavery. So dreaded was this band, and so timid
and pusillanimous the Salish men, that when the whites first settled

INDIAN FISH CACHES

BRITISH COLUMBIA r,8i

in their midst they would come running to them like frightened chil-
dren upon the first rumour of the approach of their foes and beg to
be protected from them. The interior Salish, who are physically a
finer people than those of the coast and delta, do not appear to have
been so cowardly.

Though they protected themselves with palisaded forts, they were
always ready to defend their homes and property from the attacks
of their foes. But most of the Dene were no better than the coast
and delta Salish. Father Morice speaks most strongly of their tim-
idity and cowardice. He writes:

"The Dene are generally pusillanimous, timid and cowardly.
Even among the Carriers, the proudest and most progressive of all
the western tribes, hardly any summer passes but some party runs
home panic-stricken, and why? They have heard at some little dis-
tance some 'men of the woods,' evidently animated by murderous
designs upon them, and they have barely escaped with their lives!
Thereupon great commotion and tumult in the camp. Immediately
everybody is charitably warned not to venture alone in the forest,
and after sunset every door is carefully locked against any possible
intruder."

Mr. Bernard R. Ross, one of the northern Hudson Bay factors,
has written also in the same strain in his manuscript account of the
Indians of that region. "As a whole," he says, "the race under con-
sideration is unwarlike. The Cheppewyans, Beavers and Yellow-
Knives are much braver than the remaining tribes. I have never
known in my long residence among this people, of arms having been
resorted to in conflict. In most cases their mode of personal combat
is a species of wrestling, and consists in the opponents grasping each
other's long hair. Knives are almost invariably laid aside previous
to the contest. 1 am disposed to consider this peaceful disposition
proceeds more from timidity than from any actual disinclination to
shed blood. A strange footprint or any unusual sound in the forest
is (]uite sufficient to cause great excitement in caniii. I 1ki\c on sev-
eral occasions caused all the natives encamped around to flock for
protection into the fort tkiring the night by simply whistling, hidden
in the bushes."

Apart, however, from this weakness, their other virtues stood out
conspicuously. They were proverbial for their honesty and for their

582 BRITISH COLUMBIA

hospitality, and in pre-trading days also for their chastity. Father
De Smet has the following to say of the Kootenays, which to a large
extent applies to all the stocks, or rather did when we first came into
contact with them, but particularly to the Salish:

"The beau ideal of the Indian character, uncontaminated by
contact with the whites, is found among them. What is most pleas-
ing to the stranger is to see their simplicity united with sweetness
and innocence, keep step with the most perfect dignity and modesty
of deportment. The gross vices which dishonour the red man on
the frontiers are utterly unknown among them. They are honest to
scrupulosity. The Hudson's Bay Company, during forty years that
it has been trading in furs with them, has never been able to perceive
that the smallest object has been stolen from them. The agent takes
his furs down to Colville ev^ery spring and does not return before
autumn. During his absence the store is confided to the care of an
Indian, who trades in the name of the Company, and on the return
of the agent renders him a most exact account of his trust. The
store often remains without anyone to watch it, the door unlocked
and unbolted, and the goods are never stolen. The Indians go in
and out. help themselves to what they want, and always scrupulously
leave in place of whatever article thev take its exact value.''

Father Morice has much the same to say of the Dene. He
writes: ''A noteworthy quality of the Dene, especially of such as
have remained untouched by modern civilization, is their great
honesty. Among the Sikani a trader will sometimes go on a trap-
ping expedition, leaving his store unlocked, without fear of any of
its contents going amiss. Meanwhile a native may call in his absence,
help himself to as much powder and shot or any other item he may
need, but he will never fail to leave there an exact equivalent in
furs."

Simon Fraser was likewise much impressed with the honesty of
the interior Salish with whom he came in contact, and everyone else
who had anything to do with our Indians in ^he early days also
speaks in the highest terms of their honesty and faithfulness.

But it is not necessary to go far afield to learn what their charac-
ter was before the settlement of the country by ourselves; it is plainly
revealed to us in their folk-tales and tribal traditions.

These show us that their lives were moral and well regulated;

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BRITISH COLUMBIA 583

that deep shame and disgrace followed a lapse from virtue in the
married and unmarried of both sexes. The praise and enjoinment
of virtue, self discipline and abstinence in young men is no less
clearly brought out, whilst the respect and consideration paid by the
young everywhere to their elders afTords an example which more
advanced races might with profit copv.

We are sometimes too prone to imagine that life among primitive
peoples is wholly debased and vile, and that paganism has no virtues
of its own. That nothing can be farther from the facts of the case,
the ethical precepts and teachings of such people as the Salish make
perfectly clear. Following are some of these precepts as held and
taught by the Thompson River Indians:
It is bad to steal.

People will despise you and say you are poor. They will laugh
at you and will not live with you. They will not trust you ; they
will call you "thief."
It is bad to be un virtuous.

It will make your friends ashamed of you, and you will be
laughed at and gossiped about. No one will want to make you
his wife.
It is bad to lie.

People will laugh at you, and when y(ju tell them anything they
will not believe what you say. They will call you "liar."
It is bad to be lazy.

You will always be poor and no woman will care for you. You
will have few clothes, and you will be called "lazy one."
It is bad to commit adultery.

People will avoid you and gossip about you. Your friends and
children will be ashamed, and people will laugh and scofY at
them. You will be disgraced or divorced. You will be called
"adulterer."
It is bad to boast if you arc not great.

People will dislike you and laugh at you. They will call you
"coyote," "proud" or "vain."
It is bad to be cowardly.

People will laugh at you, insult you and mock you. They will
impose upon you and trade with you without paying. Women
will not want you for a husband; they will call you "woman"
and "coward."

584 BRITISH COLUMBIA

It is bad to be inhospitable or stingy.

People will be stingy to you, will shun you and will gossip about
you, and call you "stingy one."
It is bad to be quarrelsome.

People will have no dealings with you; they will avoid and dis-
like you. Your wives will leave you; you will be called "bad,"
"family quarreller," "angry one."
It is good to be pure and cleanly.
It is good to be honest, truthful and faithful.
It is good to be brave, industrious and grateful.
It is good to be hospitable, liberal and friendly.
It is good to be modest and sociable.

Your family and friends will be proud of you, and everybody
will admire and esteem you.
People who inculcate such sound, practical morality and such vir-
tues in the minds of their children as these can scarcely be called
debased, or be said to be greatly in need of instruction from our-
selves.

It is true that the Thompsons represented the Salish at their high-
est and best, both morally and physically, but similar precepts and
virtues were taught in most tribes before the days of our advent;
and if they have fallen away from these high standards, as we fear
they have, the fault is not theirs, but ours. They have but followed
what they have observed among ourselves; they have been only too
truly receptive of our superior civilization in all its phases. Recep-
tiveness is one of their most striking qualities, and they adopt in
wholesale fashion the customs and modes of life they observe among
ourselves. The same may be said of the Dene; and it would be diffi-
cult indeed to find any peoples more susceptible to foreign influences,
more receptive of new ideas, and more ready and willing to adopt
and carry them out than the British Columbian Indians. \Yc
assumed a grave responsibility when we undertook to civilize these
races.

RELIGIOIS 15KI,IEI-.S .\X1) I'RACTICF.S

Religion, in the ordinary meaning of the word, the British
Columbian tribes had none. They recognized no Supreme Being
who controlled the universe, no High Gods who ruled the destinies

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2i

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o

12!

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t?9
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BRITISH COLUMBIA r,85

of men, nor even a "Great Spirit," such as is ascribed, and wrongly
so, to some of the eastern tribes of America, to whom they could
pray for protection and help. The nearest approach they made to
anything of the kind was found among some of the interior Salish,
who at times invoked the Spirit of the Dawn, one of the many "mys-
tery" spirits with which they peopled their universe.

They believed in a multiplicity of spirits; that all nature, in all
her forms, was thus animated. Every object had its own soul or
spirit, which was distinct from the body or material form, and could
separate itself from it and live an independent spirit or ghostly
existence.

Not only were those objects which we call animate, that is, living
sentient bodies, possessed of souls or spirits, but also every insensate
object, the smallest and most insignificant in common with the larg-
est and most impressive. The blade of grass, a stick or a stone, the
very tools and utensils they themselves made and employed, each and
all possessed spirit forms more real than their corporeal ones, because
more permanent and indestructible. The material form of the object
could be destroyed, the tool could be broken, the fish or the deer
killed and eaten, but the spirit forms of these objects would still
remain. Thus the spirit world was a very real world to them, ever
present and ever encompassing them, was, indeed, the source of all
the ills and pleasures of their existence. Whatever good luck might
befall them was due entirely to the benevolence of the "spirits," as
in like manner all their ill luck and misfortunes were due to their
malevolence. They were ever at the mercy of the ghosts of things,
whose pity must be implored, anger propitiated, and goodness recom-
pensed; and everv deliberate act of their lives was more or less con-
ceived and carried out witii this intent and purpose.

Some of the tribes of the Dene seem to Iiave had, in pre-mission-
ary days, some vague indefinite conception of a Being who lived on
high and who was the effective cause of the rain, snow, winds and
other celestial piienomena. It was known by a native term which
meant "that which is on Iiigh." lUit they never worshipped this
power, but rather feared and dreaded it, and sought at all times to
get out of its way; or if this was not possible to appease and propit-
iate it, and the spirits who were supposed to obey it, with the aid of
their medicine men. These men are supposed to have power over

586 BRITISH COLUMBIA

the spirits, and to be able by means of their incantations, to direct
and control them. They consequently possessed much influence and
their services were being constantly demanded. Shamanism played
everywhere a very important part in the lives of the native races of
this region. Believing as they commonly did that all pathological
conditions of the body, all internal maladies and sickness, were caused
by the presence or ill-will of spirits, it could hardly have been other-
wise. Indeed, we may say that Shamanism — that is, belief in the
medicine man's powers — and totemism — that is, belief in guardian
spirits — made up the whole sum and substance of the religion of
the tribes of this region.

Among the coastal tribes and the Dene Shamanism held the
larger place and played the most important part; among the interior
Salish belief in the personal guardian spirit predominated.

The shaman or medicine man of the American tribes is not at all
that arrant, self-conscious humbug that some writers have considered
him to be. He believes in himself and his powers sincerely, and
however much we may despise his methods and his knowledge, we
cannot justly deny him sincerity if he be a typical member of his
class. He is generally a person of peculiar psychical temperament
given by long practice to seeing visions, dreaming dreams and pass-
ing into trances, in which he believes he holds converse with, and
receives instructions from, his "familiar spirits"; and such is the
belief in his powers held by the people who seek and employ him,
that if he tells them they will recover, unless their malady is a mortal
one, or beyond the power of the mind to influence through their
imagination, they will and do recover in a way which, if we did not
understand how it came about, would be truly wonderful at times. I

Totemism — using the word in the American sense, that is, as the
doctrine of "guardian spirits" — differs from Shamanism mainly in
the fact that it brings the individual into personal and direct relation
with the spirits of things without the mediation or intervention of
the medicine man or shaman.

Among the native races of America this particular practice had
a very great vogue, and we find it in one form or another among all
the Indians of our province. Among the interior tribes, particu-
larly those of the Salish, every man and woman customarily had his
or her personal friendly spirit or spirits. The method of acquiring

KIXCOLITH (.HUKCH AXD SCHOOL

INTERIOR OF KIXCOLITH CIILRCH

XISHKA CHIEFS AND LEADERS

BRITISH COLUMBIA ^^87

these seems to be practically the same every^vhere. The seeker goes
apart by himself into the forest or mountains and undergoes a more
or less lengthy course of training and self-discipline. This course
among the Salish continued for a period of from four days to as
many years, according to the object the seeker had in view. Those
taking the longer course are generally men seeking shamanistic or
other special ''mystery'' powers. Prolonged fasts, repeated bathings,
forced vomitings and other exhausting bodily exercises are the means
adopted for inducing the desired state — the mystic dreams and vis-
ions. With the body in the enervated condition which must neces-
sarily follow such vigorous treatment, the mind becomes abnormally
active and expectant; dreams, visions and hallucinations arc as nat-
ural to the seeker in such a state as breathing; and it is not difKcult
for us to understand how real to him must seem the vision of the
looked for spirit, and how firm his belief in its actual manifestation.

The spirit of almost every object might become a totem or guard-
ian spirit, a few only lacked "mystery power." Certain objects or
animals were more desired than others because of their stronger
'"mystery'' powers, and each class and order of the people had its
own favourite and characteristic objects. This was particularly so in
the case of shamans, who each possessed many "familiars." These
were chieflv the spirits of objects which had reference to death, such
as dead bodies or their parts, especially hair, teeth, skulls, nails, etc.,
nocturnal animals, darkness, grave posts and such like uncanny
things.

Among the coastal tribes the personal totem had given place very
largely to the family or clan totem. Here the people were grouped
in totemic bodies, each of which claimed a common totem after
whose name the clan was commonly called. Thus we have the eagle
clan, the wolf clan, the whale clan, the bear clan and a host of others.
It was this custom of clan grouping which gave rise to the so-called
totem-poles of our coast, these carved poles being emblematic, her-
aldic representations of the family or clan totems, a phase of totem-
ism peculiar to our own Indians.

SOCIAL ORG.WIZATIOX

Early in our study of primitive or savage races we discovered
that their social organization often differed in many interesting fea-

588 BRITISH COLUMBIA

tures from our own. The Indians of this province are no exception
to this rule, for we find among them at least three distinct forms of
family grouping or organization. The earliest and most primitive
of family grouping is that in which descent is counted through the
mother only. This we call matrilineal organization. The second
and later is that in which descent is counted through the father only.
This is called patrilineal organization, and the third or latest is that
in which descent may be counted on either or both sides of the family
and which has been called kindred or co-parental organization.
This is the organization we ourselves live under. The native races
of British Columbia present us with all three of these forms of family
grouping. The northern coastal tribes reckon descent exclusively
through the mother. With them the husband or father is an out-
sider, having only the status of a favoured or privileged visitor in
the mother's clan, but possessing no authority w^hatever over his own
offspring or family. Under this condition of things the mother's
eldest brother, that is, the children's maternal uncle, is the head of
her family, and has control of her children. This relation, so strange
from our point of view, is well exemplified in the following inci-
dent: A man of the Tsimshian tribe had gone out hunting and had
become lost in the forest. When he had been missing some days the
missionary stationed there was astonished to see his grown son going
about the village quite unconcerned as to his father's fate. The mis-
sionary asked w'hy he was not out looking for his missing father.
The youth expressed astonishment at the question; why should he
look for his father; his own people should do that, it was not his
business or duty at all!

Similarly under matrilineal organization a father cannot leave
any of his property or any of his clan belongings to his own children,
but must leave them to his nieces and nephews, the children of his
sister or sisters, they being members of his own clan. It was prob-
ably in great part this inability to transmit to his own offspring his
personal possessions and honours that led to the breaking down of
the matrilineal organization and the substitution therefor of the
partilineal or father-right condition of things; for we find that some
men married their sons to their own sisters, that is, their aunts, in
order that the offspring from this union might rightfullv. according
to clan law, inherit his honours and possessions.

SECTION OF KIXCOLITH

Till': XKW MODE OF TRAVEL. ARCHDEACOX COLLTSON'S LAUNCH, THE "DAWN,"

ARRIVED IX HARBOUR

'i:-'

BRITISH COLUMBIA 589

Under patriarchal rule the mother's relations are not regarded
as the relatives of the children. She, under this rule, is an intruder
or visitor in the husband's clan and should he die before herself her
relatives come and take her away, together with all the property she
may have acquired.

The third and latest form of family organization is best found
among the interior Salish. Here matriarchy has everywhere been
superseded by patriarchy, and this again in several of the divisions
by the co-parental family group, where descent is counted on both
sides of the family and where the father's and mother's relatives make
up the kin-group of the children.

The simplest form of social organization is found among the
interior hunting tribes, where a state of pure anarchy may be said
to have formerly prevailed, each family being a law unto itself and
acknowledging no authority save that of its own elder-man. Each
local community was composed of a greater or less number of these
self-ruling families. There was a kind of headship or nominal
authority given to the oldest and wisest of the elder-men in some of
the larger communities, where occasion called for it or where cir-
cumstances arose in which it became necessary to have a central
representative. This led in some centres to the regular appointing
of local chiefs or tribal heads, whose business it was to look after
the material interest of the commune over which they presided; but
the office was always strictly elective and hedged with manifold lim-
itations as to authority and privilege.

But as we leave the inland tribes and proceed down the Fraser,
we find these simple communistic forms of organization giving place
to others more formal and complex. Society here is divided into
more or less distinct castes and classes, and the office of headman,
though still in theory elective, has become practically hereditary,
passing generally from father to son in the same family. The strictly
democratic equality of the interior tribes has disappeared and the
communes are now made up of the three orders of chiefs, nobles
and base-folk, and the nearer we get to the coast the stricter and
more inflexible these class distinctions become.

There remains yet one other feature of their social life to speak
of: we refer to their practice of making and keeping slaves. The
custom was common to some extent to all the tribes, but more par-

590 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ticularly to those of the coastal region. Every family of standing
had its own body of slaves, both male and female. These did all the
rough, dirty and laborious work, such as fetching water and gather-
ing firewood. These slaves were acquired either by purchase or
taken in war.

Mention should also be made of their secret societies and their
"potlatch" ceremonies. The former was peculiar to the coastal
tribes and the initiation ceremonies were sometimes very elaborate
and peculiar. Space does not permit us to treat of these at length
here. The latter, or "potlatch," is a kind of gift-feast and is a most
ingeniously devised system, peculiar to the Northwest tribes of
America, for acquiring social prestige and influence, and at the same
time laying up a provision for the future. By a well-understood
rule, which is observed with a greater punctiliousness than any
observance among ourselves, every recipient of a gift at a potlatch
gathering is bound in honour to return another of double value to
the donor or his legal heirs at some future time. And in this repay-
ment his relatives and fellow-clansmen arc expected to aid him if
necessary. They indeed become his sureties; and the honour of the
family, clan or even tribe is involved in the repayment of the gifts.

The property usually distributed on these occasions consists in
the main of skins, horses, personal clothing, blankets, guns, canoes,
and, since the advent of the dollar, money. On one historic occasion
presents to the value of $15,000 are known to have been distributed,
chiefly in the form of blankets, the old time measure of wealth. On
another the gifts consisted of 134 sacks of flour, 140 pairs of blankets,
a large quantity of apples and other provisions, and $700 in currency.
From two to five thousand Indians meet together at these potlatch
gatherings. About twenty-five years ago one of the Vancouver Island
chiefs gave a great potlatch to about twenty-five hundred persons
brought together from dififerent tribes. He feasted and entertained
his guests for over a month, and then sent them home with his accu-
mulated savings of the five previous years. This prolonged feast
spread his fame far and wide over the Province, and he was there-
after looked upon as one of the greatest of chiefs.

Though it is now made illegal to hold potlatch ceremonies on
account of the disorder and inebriety sometimes witnessed thereat,
there can be no doubt that in earlier pre-trading days before the

BRITISH COLUMBIA 59i

introduction of "fire-water" the effect of such a custom as the pot-
latch was on the whole good and beneficial, engendering as it did
feelings of good will and friendship between settlement and settle-
ment and tribe and tribe, and making war almost impossible between
them.

CHAPTER XTX
MEDICAL

liV ROBERT E. M'KECHNIE

Part 1

The Indian in Medicine.

In writing a History of Medicine in British Columbia, the
narrative would not be complete, without including reference to
the customs of the primitive inhabitants of the country. This is all
the more true when one remembers, that these ancient customs of
treating disease, are still, to some extent, practised in this province
among the Indians in the remoter districts.

White, in his History of the Warfare of Science with Theology,
says, "Nothing in the evolution of human thought appears more
inevitable, than the idea of supernatural intervention in producing
and curing disease. The causes of disease are so intricate that they
are reached only after ages of scientific labour. In those periods
when man sees everywhere miracle and nowhere law, when he
attributes all things which he cannot understand to a will like his
own, he naturally ascribes his diseases either to the wrath of a good
being or the malice of an evil being. This idea underlies the con-
nection of the priestly class with the healing art: a connection, of
which we have survivals among rude tribes in all parts of the world,
and which is seen in nearly every ancient civilization."

A comparison between the beliefs of the causation of disease,
as held in pAirope during the dark ages, with those held by the
North American Indian is interesting.

Thus, especially prejudicial to the true development of medical
science, among the first Christians, was their attribution of disease to
diabolical influence.

Vol 1— ;!s

594 BRITISH COLUMBIA

St. Augustine said, "All diseases of Christians are to be ascribed
to these demons."

Gregory of Nazianzus declared, that bodily pains were provoked
by demons, and that medicines were useless, but that they are often
cured by the laying on of consecrated hands.

St. Gregory of Tours gave examples to show the sinfulness of
resorting to medicine.

Naturally, the belief thus sanctioned by heads of the Church
created a demand for amulets and charms of all kinds, and under
this influence we find a reversion to old pagan fetiches.

In discussing the North American Indian, Parkman says, "A
great knowledge of simples for the cure of disease is popularly
ascribed to the Indian. Here, however, as elsewhere, his knowledge
is in fact scanty. He rarely reasons from cause to effect, or from
effect to cause. Disease is, in his belief, the result of sorcery, the
agencv of spirits or supernatural influences, undefined and indefin-
able. The Indian doctor was a conjuror, and his remedies were to
the last degree preposterous, ridiculous or revolting. The Indian
doctor beat, shook, or pinched his patient, howled, whooped, rat-
tled a tortoise-shell at his ear to expel the evil spirit, etc. He relied
far more on magic than on natural remedies. Dreams, beating of
drums, songs, magic feasts and dances, and howling to frighten the
demon from his patient, were the ordinary methods of cure."

Till' Sluiiiinn or Medicine Man.

Among the Indians there was no separate class of priests, and as
the belief was general that disease was due to spirits entering into
the body, it naturally followed that the medicine man was priest
as well. Thus I. R. Swanton states that there was no priesthood,
among the Haida, distinct from the Shamans.

A Shaman was one who had power from some supernatural
being, who "possessed him," and who chose him as the medium
tiirough which to make his exisfcnce felt in the world of men. When
the spirit was present the Shaman's identity was practically abol-
ished. For the time, he was the supernatural being himself. So
the Shaman must dress as the spirit directed him, and when the
spirit was present, spoke the latter's own language.

BRITISH COLUMBIA "iiJS

The cause of disease, as well as of success or failure in the affairs
of life, as hunting, war, love, etc., was uniformly some supernatural"
object or some natural object supernaturally placed in the disordered
part. Pursuant to the adage that it is a poor rule that does not
work both ways, we find that diseases in the supernatural beings may
be caused bv natural objects invisible to them. These are plainly
seen by the Shamans. Every war party must be accompanied bv a
Shaman, whose duty it was to find a propitious time for making an
attack, etc., but especially to war with and kill the souls of the
enemy. The death of their natural bodies was certain.

James Tcit's Dcsi ription of Shnmntiisni.

Shamans accomplished their supernatural feats by the help of
their guardian spirits, who gave them instruction by means of visions
and dreams. When called to visit a sick person, he appeared with
his face painted red, and either wearing a large fur hat decorated
with eagle tail feathers, and wiili the skins of small animals as
pendants, or else having these ornaments fastened in his hair. Some-
times he wore a kind of a mask. Around his ankles and knees he
wore strings of deer hoofs which rattled as he walked or danced.

He did not accept payment from the first patient he treated, and
when he failed to effect a cure he returned his fees to tiie relatives
of the deceased. If a Shaman were well paid for his services, his
guardian spirit was well pleased and was more liable to help him.

Before beginning to treat a patient, the Shaman frc(]uently pulled
out a long pipe from which hung eagle feathers and took a smoke,
for smoking was looked upon as a means of communication between
the Shaman and his guardian spirit, as well as between him and the
spirit world.

Having painted his face, and sometimes his hanils and chest,
red, he divested himself of his robe and shirt, and proceeded, by
means of incantations, to expel the disease from the hodv of iiis
patient. During the greater part of the time he kept up his song.
gesticulating sometimes with his arms and bodv while he kept time
with his feet. Sometimes he would break into a kind of a dance,
in which he went through many jerking and jumping motions with
his body and legs. He also often blew on the body of his patient
and rcpeatedlv made passes over it \\ ith his hands.

596 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Sometimes they pretended to suck the disease out, and by sleight

'of hand, produced from their mouths some foreign substance said

to be the cause of the disease. Some possessed hypnotic power, and

some even ventriloquism. There is no doubt that the majority

believed themselves possessed of tlie power they claimed.

Their diseases were believed to be due to natural causes, witch-
craft, neglect of certain observances, or the influence of the dead.

Natural diseases were generally cured by the use of certain
medicines, a list of manv of which Teit enumerates in his work.
They include decoctions, eye-washes, eye-salves, powders for run-
ning sores, burns, et^., ointments for sores, etc.

The Thompson, Shuswap and Nicola Indians also make use of
sweat baths. A hut is formed of bent willow withes over which are
spread blankets, and hot stones are placed inside. After having a
sweat bath the patient takes a bath in cold water.

The calling of a Shaman was generally hereditary in his family,
the order being usually from maternal uncle to nephew. Before
he died he revealed his spirits to his successor, who might start with
a comparatively feeble spirit and acquire stronger and stronger ones.
This nephew, when he came to grow up, ceased to live with his
mother. There he was thought to have too easy a time and became
an object of contempt. He was generally sent to live with the uncle
to whose place he was to succeed. There he was put through a
rather severe discipline, being kept at work out in the cold, to inure
him to hardship, etc.

Whether a man were a Shaman or not, he could increase his
physical powers, or obtain property, success in hunting, fishing or
w^ar, by rigid abstinence from food and drink, by remaining away
from his wife, bathing in the sea, taking sweat baths, etc. He would
drink warmed salt water often and take fresh water afterwards,
when all the contents of his stomach were ejected, leaving him so
much cleaner.

Paul Kane, speaking of his experiences among the Clallums and
other tribes inhabiting Vancouver Island, says, "I have never heard
any traditions as to their former origin, although such traditions
are common amongst those on the east side of the Rocky Mountains.
They do not believe in any future state of punishment, although in
this world they suppose themselves exposed to the malicious \nt\u-

BRITISH COLUMBIA 597

ence of the 'Skoocoom' or evil genius, to whom they attribute all
their misfortune and ill luck.

"The good spirit is called 'Hias-Soch-a-la-Ti-Yah,' that is, the
great high chief, from whom they obtain all that is good in this life,
and to whose happy and peaceful hunting grounds they will all
eventually go, to reside forever in comfort and abundance.

"The medicine men of the tribe are supposed to possess a myste-
rious influence with these two spirits, either for good or evil. They
form a secret society, the initiation into whicli is accompanied by
?, great ceremony and much expense. The candidate has to prepare
a feast for his friends and all who choose to partake of it. and make
presents to the other medicine men. A lodge is prepared for him
which he enters, and remains alone for three days and nights with-
out food, whilst those already initiated keep dancing and singing
around the lodge the whole time. After this fast, which is supposed
to endue him with wonderful skill, he is taken up, apparently life-
less, and plunged into the nearest cold w^ater, when they rub and
wash him until he revives; this they call 'washing the dead.' As
soon as he revives, he runs into the woods and soon returns dressed
as a medicine man, which generallv consists of tlic light down of
the goose stuck all over their bodies and heads with thick grease,
and a mantle of frayed cedar bark, with the medicine rattle in his
hand. He now collects all liis property, blankets, shells and orna-
ments, and distributes the whole amongst his friends, trusting for
his future support to the fees of his profession.

"The dress of a Shaman differed somewhat in accordance with
the kind of spirit speaking through him. Usually he wore a dancing
blanket, carried an oval rattle and hail a number nf bone 'head-
scratchers' hung around his neck. His hair was allowed to grow
long and was never combed or cleaned. Sometimes he wore a bone
stuck through it, at others he wore a cap slanting up on either side
to a ridge on top, and sometimes he wore a circular fillet. He al-
ways wore a long bone through the septum of the nose.

"Sometimes, when he got his power from one of the 'Ocean
People,' the Shaman put two flicker feathers in his head dress. He
carried a short piece of board on which he beat time with a short
baton, and had a carved hollow bone through which he carried on
his spiritual combats and blew awav disease. Generally he had an

598 BRITISH COLUMBIA

assistant to beat a large drum for him, which was hung up for the
purpose in the sick man's house.

"When a person is sick they send for a Shaman, asking him to
heal him. When he arrives the people beat time. At the same
time, when they ask him to come, they give him presents in order
to secure his good will. Elk skins and slaves are often given in
this manner. Then the Shaman takes his rattle and his bone tube,
through which he blows on the affected part of the body.

"Early in the morning, he and all the patient's relatives drink
salt water as an emetic, and they fast for four days. Difring all this
time, the Shaman swings his rattle and dances. He goes around the
fire, the left hand towards the middle of the house, trying to find his
power, one of the 'Above People.' Finally, he says that the guardian
spirit informed him that the patient would be well, at such and such
a time."

The use of the bone tube was not confined to the Indians of Brit-
ish Columbia, as the following description bv J. G. Kohl, of an
Indian doctor treating a sick child in the region north of Lake
Superior, proves :

"The doctor's chief instrument was a hollow, verv white and
carefully polished bone. This bone, which was about two and a
half inches long and the thickness of the little finger, the doctor
repeatedly swallowed, then brought it up again, blew on the child
through it, sucked up the skin through the tube, and then ejected
the illness he had drawn out into a basin, with many strange and
terrible convulsions. All this was accompanied by an incessant
drumming, rattling and singing of the assistants of the doctor."

Besides calling in the services of a Shaman, in cases of sickness,
internal remedies were used; but it appears from the following
prescription, that actual experience of the virtues of the constituents
had a comparatively small share in their composition.

On arising in the morning, one must go out without eating any-
thing and collect the following articles :

1. Four roots from each of two distinct species of fern. Each
root must be taken from a diflferent plant and all four must be col-
lected before the next is proceeded to.

2. A little hemlock bark from four different trees.

3. Bark from four alders.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 599

4. Bark from four crabapple trees.

5. Four mussels, shell and all, taken from four dillferent places
along the shore.

6. Barnacles taken from the east side of four dififerent stones.
All these must be placed upon the surface of a flat rock and

mashed up together by means of another stone. Then the follow-
ing must be added :

7. Salt water from the crest of four waves caught in the hollow
of the hand on the beach.

8. A handful of water from each of four dififerent rills on the
beach.

9. A handful of stagnant water taken from the east side of each
of four dififerent poo's in the forest.

10. Four young spruce trees, about six or eight inches high,
found growing upon as many old dead trees.

1 1. Finally, four hard round stones must be taken from as many
dififerent places along the shore.

The collector must take all of these things home, and if he meets
anyone on the way, he must not speak to him. On reaching the
house he must pass around it, keeping it to the left, until he comes
to the front door.- Instead of entering here, he must pass on in the
same direction to the back door and enter. If there is no back door
he must pass around to the front door again.

Arrived indoors, he first puts his four stones into the fire. If
any of these burst it is thought that the person will die, though it is
known that this does not always happen. White stones are said to
be the best to choose because they do not break easily. Ne.xt a pot
containing the remaining articles collected, is placed upon the fire,
and the contents warmed enough to drink. There is sufficient water
at first, but later a (]uart of fresh and salt water in equal proportions
may be added. The sick person drinks as much as possible, every
morning, before eating anything, and continues doing so for four
days. Then he stops, but if it agrees with him, a new mixture may
be made.

Not only were medicines employed in cases of sickness, but their
use was far more extended. I'hus there was medicine for carving,
for dancing, for acquiring property, etc., a love philtre, or woman's
medicine.

600 BRITISH COLUMBIA

There seems to have been another set of medicines, which con-
sisted of simple extracts from plants and shrubs, founded on expe-
rience and of some actual medicinal value. These, however, were
not valued nearly so highly as the symbolic compounds.

Since the word "xil" may mean medicine or leaf indifferently,
it would seem that leaves formed the principal constituent of the
older remedies.

Some of the customs could be interpreted as an attempt at Pre-
ventive Medicine, although completely clothed in superstition.

There were many things that a pregnant woman was not per-
mitted to look at and many things which she must not eat. Among
the latter were the cormorant and the abelone. If she ate the for-
mer, the child would defecate all the time; if the latter, it would have
its neck turned around. She must not chew gum. If she looked
at a bull-head, the child would be as ugly as one. If, on the other
hand, she mashed upon her abdomen some of the small, white Hies
found on the beaches, and rubbed them around, the child would
be good looking. No one in the house, where there was a pregnant
woman, might look out of doors. He must go out and look. If he
happened to forget he must go outside, turn once to the left and then
go in again. When a pregnant woman was lying down, one must
not pass between her and the fire. Infringement of either of these
latter regulations would give the woman a hard time in bringing
forth. No boy was allowed to play with bow and arrows in the
house where she was, for he might put out the child's eyes. When
she slept, she must not turn over while lying down, but get up and
then lie down on the other side. This was a regulation for the earlv
stages of her pregnancy, to. prevent the embryo splitting in two.

After the child was born, she had to sit still for ten davs, with
a broad belt of cedar bark around her, and then bathe.

After the birth of the child, the navel-string must be buried deep
in the forest, where no dog or other animal could dig it out.

During his wife's pregnancy, a man must not talk triflingly to
other women he was in love with, otherwise his wife would die.

Piihertx.

Among the people of the West Coast, at the time of puberty, a
girl was kept indoors behind screens for about twenty days. If she

BRITISH COLUMBIA GOi

sat near the fire her face would become red and stay so. She fasted
for six days from the commencement of this period. During the
whole twenty days she was only allowed a few drops of water a day.
The abstinence made her healthy and no accident would befall her.

She must not talk or laugh during all this time. If she did she
would become either talkative or too much inclined to laugh.

After the twenty days were over, the girl took a bath and none
of the water was allowed to be spilled. It was taken back into the
woods. If this were not done she would not live long. Whatever
she did at the time would remain with her always.

Until four years had passed she must eat no fish but black cod.
They thought that the other hsh would become scarce if she ate them.

The girl's eyes had supernatural powers. In Tason Harbour a
girl once stopped a dog, which was rolling down hill, by looking at it.

If anyone having a pain or sickness, continually, in one place,
went behind the screen in the rear of the house and let the girl scratch
the place, it would be cured.

Among the Masset, a girl was not allowed to eat fresh fish, else
when she grew up she might have consumption. She must not eat
seaweed or later in life she would be troubled with diarrhoea. She
must not eat clams, mussels or sea eggs for the same reason.

Pregnancy.

When a married woman was with child, for the first time, both
she and her husband had to go through certain ceremonies similar
to the puberty ceremonies, otherwise many evil consequences might
result. While bathing, the woman prayed, "May I have no trouble
when I am giving birth. I rely on thee, Dawn of the Day. Pity me."

She was not allowed to touch or eat the flesh of the porcupine
or anything killed by an eagle or hawk, since if she ate them, it was
said, that her child would resemble them. If she ate the flesh of a
hare, the child would have hare lip. She must not eat black bear
flesh, for if she did she would have no more children. She must
not eat food of which a mouse, a rat, or a dog had eaten part, for if
she did, she would have a premature birth. If she stepped on the
tracks of a wolf or otter her child would be still-born or die shortlv
after birth, and her children ever afterwards would die in infancv.

602 BRITISH COLUMBIA

In such cases, she had to repair to a Shaman who had the wolf or
otter for his guardian spirit, and after he had treated her, her chil-
dren would not die. She must not look on a corpse when it was
being prepared for burial; if she did, the navel-string would become
twisted around the child like the string tied around the corpse.

The husband also had restrictions placed on him. If he hunted
black or grizzly bear, the child would be still-born. If he killed
willow grouse or fool hen, the child might be foolish. If he killed
squirrels, the child would cry much when young.

During birth, the mother lay on her side with head and shoul-
ders somewhat elevated and took hold of a rope. Many women had
recourse to elderly experienced women, but others never accepted
help, except from their husband or some woman in the house. The
midwives usually received a deerskin blanket for fee.

The after-birth was taken away and hung up on a branch. If
a dog or snake touched it, the mother would have no children. The
navel-string was cut with a knife and tied with something soft, as
hare's or squirrel's hair and smeared with pitch. Immediately
after the birth, the father went outside and fired an arrow, which
prevented swelling of the navel. To-day he fires a gun.

The piece of navel-string, after dropping ofif, was sewed up in a
piece of ornamented buckskin, with glass beads, fawn's hoofs, bone
beads, etc., attached to it and tied to the head of the cradle. These
jingled when the cradle was rocked. Today sleigh bells are used
instead. If this piece of navel-string were lost, the child would
be foolish.

The mother is given a hot herb drink immediately after the birth.
For six weeks after, she must bathe daily in a stream. The child,
after birth, was washed in warm water in which spruce bark had
been boiled, to make it strong in after years.

Turning from medicine to surgery, there is not much to relate.
As the Indians were incessantly at war, they must have acquired
some knowledge of treating wounds and setting bones. Where
there was a demand for such assistance, sooner or later methods of
treatment must have been elaborated, but the writer has found no
such references in the works consulted. But the flow of blood
must have been stanched, when possible, by bandaging, and broken
bones held in place bv splints.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 603

As to actual operations, James Teit describes the following as
practised among the Thompson Indians:

Opening boils; the boil was pierced with porcupine quills and
the matter squeezed out. To prevent recurrence, the matter was
rubbed on a grave pole.

For pains in joints; the joint afifected was pierced with long,
sharp awls.

For cataract ( ?) the eyeball was touched with the rough charred
bone of a black bear. The thin skin forming the cataract adhered
to the rough bone and was thus raised slightly and pierced with an
awl or cut with a verv sharp knife.

Removing warts; they were cut off close to the skin and black
moss, which had been exposed to the fire until hot, was applied.

Cauterizing; powdered charcoal was placed on afifected part
and burned. A similar custom is practised in Japan today.

And lastly, when an Indian dies, McDonald describes what be-
comes of his spirit.

"When a corpse is buried, the doctor or medicine man, with many
gesticulations and contortions, pretends to receive, in his closed hands,
the spirit of the departed, which he imparts to some animal or some
other Indian, by blowing on the object; if an Indian, he takes the
rank of the deceased and also his name, in addition to his own."

P.ART TI.

T/h' JJ'hilt- M nil in Medicine.

Our information, regarding the advent of the first white medical
man in British Columbia, is not very positive.

Juan Perez, in the Spanish ship Santiatjo, visited the West Coast
of what is now known as Queen Charlotte Islands in 1774, and about
this time Quadra's voyages took him up into this region. It is
possible that they had surgeons in their ship's companies, but we
liave no record.

However, in 1778, Capt. James Cook, on his third and last voyage,
visited these shores in the Resolution and the Discovery; and with
his advent appear the first medical men. William Anderson was
surgeon of H. M. S. Resolution, and John Law surgeon on the
Discovery.

604 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Poor Anderson died of consumption on August 3, 1778, and Cook
has made the following record of him :

"Monday, August 3, 1778 — Along the Alaskan Coast.

"Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who has been lingering under con-
sumption for more than twelve months, expired between 3 and 4
this afternoon. He was a sensible young man, an agreeable com-
panion, well skilled in his own profession, and had acquired consid-
erable knowledge in other branches of science.

"The reader of this Journal will have observed how useful an
assistant I have found him in the course of the voyage, and had it
pleased God to have spared his life, the public, I make no doubt,
might have received from him, such communication on various parts
of the natural history of the several places we visited, as would have
abundantly shown that he was not unworthy of this commendation.

"Soon after he had breathed his last, land was sighted to the
westward, twelve leagues distant. It was supposed to be an island,
and to perpetuate the memory of the deceased, for whom I had a
very great regard, I named it Anderson Island.

"The next day, I removed Mr. Law, the surgeon of the Discovery,
into the Resolution and appointed Mr. Samuel, the surgeon's first
mate of the Resolution, to be surgeon of the Discovery."

Anderson, as well as serving as surgeon, was also the naturalist
of the expedition.

During a trip in a launch, by some members of the expedition,
a small inlet, situated in Northern British Columbia, was explored.
Some of the sailors, seeing the rocks covered with mussels, ate heartilv
of them as they would have done in England. But all who partook
of them became violently sick, with vomiting and purging, and the
party became so weak that they regained the ship with difficultv.
One poor fellow died in spite of treatment and constitutes the first
recorded death of a white man in British Columbia.

Following the publication of Cook's Journals in 1784, many
traders frequented these waters, to barter for furs, but I find no
record of any professional men in their crews.

In 1792, Galiano and Valdez, in the Spanish warships Sutil and
Mexirana, explored the Straits of Juan de Fuca and the Gulf of
Georgia, and thence on to the west coast of what was later called
Vancouver Island, anchoring at Nootka. Here they were joined by

BRITISH COLUMBIA 605

the transport Aranzuzit, on which was a surgeon named Luis Galvez
Galiano observes, "that the crew had great confidence in his skill."

Contemporaneously with these Spanish explorers, Capt. George
Vancouver appears. He left England in 1790, returning home in
1795, having been sent out to take over this region from the Spanish
and also to explore. His command consisted of two ships, the Dis-
covery, one of Cook's old ships, in which Vancouver had accom-
panied him on his last voyage, and the Chatham.

Cranstoun was surgeon on the Discovery with two surgeon's mates
under him, while Walker was surgeon on the Chathatn with one
surgeon's mate.

At Nootka, in 1792, Cranstoun was invalided home and Menzies
took his place.

Archibald Menzies deserves special notice. He was a. naturalist
of note and had joined the expedition as the scientific man of the
party. He was born at Weims, Perthshire, Scotland, and educated
as a surgeon at Edinburgh University. As a surgeon, Vancouver
complimented him at the end of the voyage by showing that no lift-
had been lost by sickness during the voyage, after he succeeded
Cranstoun.

One of the handsomest trees of our coast is the arbutus, with
which his name will always be associated. Quoting from a footnote
in Meany's "Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound" : "To many
readers, this will prove the most attractive and most interesting
member of the entire expedition. He was the naturalist. At the
present time, students, especially of botany, in the western portion
of America, are familiar with his name, though few of them have
taken the trouble to learn about the man. How many men, women
and children have admired the Madroiia tree of the western forests!
Bret Harte has sung its beauties in a poem concluding with this
stanza :

" 'Where, oh, where, shall I begin

Who would paint thee. Harlequin?

With thy waxen, burnish leaf.

With thy branches' red relief.

With thy polytinted fruit.

In thy spring and summer suit.

Where begin, and oh, where end.

Thou whose charms all art transcend.' ,

606 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"Ask a botanist the name of this beautiful tree and he will tell
you that it is the Arbutus Menziesii; and then, if he loves the work,
his face will lighten up as he adds, 'That name is in honour of
Archibald Menzies, the naturalist of the Vancouver expedition,
who discovered this and many other plants on our shores.' "

Menzies made great collections of plants and other objects ot
natural history. A set of his collections is in the British Museum,
another at Kew, and a third in the herbarium of the Botanical Society
of Edinburgh. He also published an account of the voyage in
Louder's "Magazine of Natural History."

Following these men is a blank of many years, although other
surgeons must have visited this then remote country, in the ships of
war which occasionally came this way. But in 1850 we come to more
solid ground, and following that time the trail is blazed more plainly.

In i8c;o the Hudson's Bay Company brought out a surgeon tc
Victoria in the person of John Sebastian Helmcken.

Dr. Helmcken was born in London, England, in 182;, and
received his professional education at Guy's Hospital.

On his arrival and for years afterwards he was, as he quaintly
puts it, the leading practitioner from San Francisco to the North
Pole and from Asia to the Red River of the North. None will
dispute this claim, for he was the only doctor in all this vast extent.
One of his duties was to put up the medicines for the various Hud-
son's Bay Company's trading posts up the coast and in the interior,
for Victoria was the distributing point.

The factors at these posts had to do their best to treat what came
their way, and as their medical skill was nearly a negative quantity,
the medicines sent, had to be divided into their proper doses and
properly labelled. Accordingly, as the doctor still relates, he had
to make up so many dozen purges, so many dozen pukes, ior medi-
cine was a vigorous science in those days, so many doses of (juinine
or calomel, and ofT these deadly missiles were sent to wreak their due
effects. However, no casualties were reported, which we must at-
tribute cither to the rugged constitution of the early pioneers or the
skill of the doctor.

Besides being a valuable man in his profession, he was possessed
oi many other qualities which made him of great service to the
community. He was elected to the first Legislative Assembly estab-

BRITISH COLUMBIA <i"'

lished in the colony in 1855, and was appointed Speaker, which post
he occupied for several terms. He was a member of the Legislative
Council, from 1864 to 1871, when the colony came into the Dominion,
and was one of the delegates sent to Ottawa in 1871 to discuss the
terms of union. In this year he also declined a Senatorship at Ottawa.
He married a daughter of Sir James Douglas, the first Governor of
British Columbia. And the best is yet to come, for he is still living
in Victoria, at the age of eighty-eight, in lull possession of his facul-
ties and as genial and lovable as in the past vears. Gosnell, in men-
tioning him, says, "A name whicli will never die, while benevolence,
high courage, ability, and patriotism are of any value here."

The population of the colony gradually increasing and other
practitioners coming in, it was felt necessarv to organize the profes-
sion and give it a legal standing. Accordingly, what was commonly
called the "Medical Ordinance" was enacted. It was termed "An
ordinance respecting practitioners in medicine and surgery" and
was passed at New Westminster in 1867. A synopsis will prove
interesting.

"Whereas, it is e.xpedient, that persons requiring medical aid
should be enabled to distinguish between qualified and unqualiticd
practitioners, be it enacted by the Governor of British Columbia
and with the consent of the Legislative Council thereof, as follows:

Section i provided for appointment of a registrar, and

Sections 2 and 3 outlined his duties.

Section 4 designed w ho might be registered, viz. :

"Any person, being possessed of any diploma, license or privilege
to practise medicine or surgerv from anv school, college, societv or
faculty of medicine or surgery, either in the United Kingdom or in
? foreign country, such school, college, societv or faculty requiring
a coinpulsory course of study, extending over not less than three
years, such person shall, on pa\inent of a fee of $10, be entitled to be
registered, etc., provided always, that nothing in this ordinance shall
be so construed as to prevent any one, possessing a diploma, who is
now practising in this colony from continuing to practise as hereto-
fore, etc.''

Section 6 renders it impossible for an unregistered [lerson to col-
lect fees for medical services. The ordinance concluded with sev-
eral other sections as to fines and procedure, and passed the .Assemblv

60S BRITISH COLUMBIA

April I, 1867, and was assented to April 2, 1867, by Frederick S.
Seymour, Governor.

It was later found that the act ran counter to an Imperial act, 21
and 22 Victoria Cap. 90, which enacted that, "Every person regis-
tered under this act (Imperial) shall be entitled, according to his
qualification or qualifications, to practise medicine or surgery or
medicine and surgery, as the case may be, in any part of Her JVIaj-
esty's Dominions, and to demand and receive in any Court of Law,
with full costs of suit, reasonable charges for professional aid, advice,
and visits, and the cost of any medicines or other medical or surgical
appliances rendered or supplied by him to his patients."

Accordingly, the following notice was gazetted: "To All Whom
It May Concern, Greeting.

"Notice is hereby given that the ordinance passed by the Legis-
lature of British Columbia entitled, 'No. 31. An ordinance respect-
ing practitioners in medicine and surgery,' is, in one respect, at
variance with the Imperial act, 21 and 22 Victoria Cap. 90, section 31.

"Medical practitioners who have registered themselves under
that act are entitled, by virtue of such registration, to practise and
recover fees in any of Her Majesty's Dominions, free from any
restrictions.

"So far then, as the 6th section of this ordinance imposes an
obligation or restriction upon such registered practitioners, it is
repugnant to the Imperial act and void. Under these circum- f
stances the ordinance will not be enforced against such registered
practitioners.

"Dated at New Westminster in the Colony of British Columbia
this 8th day of May, 1868.

"By command of the Governor."

This exemption of old country graduates from the provisions of
the Ordinance of 1867 lasted but a short time, as a notice dated May
8, 1868, appeared in the Government Gazette of May 9, 1868, declar- I
ing that, "So far as the 6th section of 'The Medical Ordinance, 1867' f
imposed an obligation or restriction upon such registered practi- |
tioners, it was repugnant to the Imperial act and void, and that under
those circumstances the ordinance would not be enforced against such
registered practitioners — and, whereas, so much of the said Imperial

BRITISH COLUMBIA 609

act to which Section 6 of the said ordinance was repugnant, has since
been repealed and Section 6 of the said ordinance is now in full force,
and effect, such medical practitioners as aforesaid are hereby noti-
fied, that any previous registration in England has now no effect in
enabling them to legally collect fees in the colony, unless registered,
as other practitioners under 'The Medical Ordinance, 1867.' "

A copy of this was sent by the medical registrar to the various
practitioners in the province.

The name of the first registrar was Charles Good, who was also
clerk of the Legislative Council.

In 1869 there was passed "An ordinance respecting the practice
of surgery and for the encouragement of the study of anatomy." It
dealt with unclaimed bodies, and entitled any qualified medical prac-
titioner to secure a body for dissection. Section 9 required a personal
security of $100 and two securities of $50 each to be given, that
decent interment be given the bodies after they had served the pur-
poses required.

In 1870, "An ordinance respecting practitioners in medicine and
surgery," was passed. Its preamble outlines its object.

"Whereas, it is expedient to amend 'The Medical Ordinance,
1867,' and to bring the same into uniformity with the Imperial Legis-
lation, by providing for the registration, in British Columbia, of the
members of the medical profession already registered in the United
Kingdom under the Imperial statute the 21 and 22 Victoria Cap.
90, etc."

These ordinances continued in force until 1886, when the Medical
Act, 1886, was passed.

It is interesting to read the minutes of the early meetings of the
Council of the College of Physicians and Surgeons, formed under
the Medical Act, 1886, as manv familiar names are encountered, for
now we are reading modern history. Accordingly, a few extracts are
here inserted.

First meeting held in Victoria May 1,1886, in the office of Dr.
Powell.

Present, Drs. Powell. Trew, Davis and Milne.

Absent, Drs. Tunstail, Cluness, and L. McTnnes, all the mem-
bers having been notified of their election bv the Deputy Provincial
Secretary and a notice sent to the members to be present.

610 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Moved by Dr. Davie, seconded by Dr. C. N. Trew, that Dr. I.
W. Powell act as Chairman — carried.

Moved by Dr. Davie, seconded by Dr. Trew, that Dr. Milne act
as Secretary^carried.

Moved by Dr. Davie, seconded by Dr. Trew, that Dr. I. W.
Powell be elected President of the Council — carried.

Moved by Dr. Davie, seconded by Dr. Milne, that Dr. C. N.
Trew be elected Vice President of the Council — carried.

Moved by Dr. Milne, seconded by Dr. Trew, that Dr. Davie be
elected Treasurer — carried.

Moved by Dr. Trew, seconded by Dr. Davie, that Dr. Milne be
elected Registrar and Secretary — carried.

A letter was read from Mr. Elwyn, Deputy Provincial Secretary,
with a certified list of the registered practitioners under the Medical
Ordinance Act of 1867, also a list of the members, who had regis-
tered since the passing of the Medical Act of 1886 to the date of
April 26, 1886.

This list comprised the following names, which are entered in the
same order in the present Register of the College of Physicians and
Surgeons of British Columbia. Those who are dead at the date of
writing, viz., 1913, have been so indicated:

J. S. Helmcken; Hy. Harrison, dead; Geo. L. Milne; Jno. C.
Davie, dead; W. M. Hendrickson, dead; J. H. Robotham, dead;
M. S. Wade; Sibree Clarke; Wm. jacks, dead; Jno. Garrow, dead;
Hugh Watt; C. N. Trew, dead; S. J. Tunstall; I. W. Powell; E. B.
C. Hannington; L. K. Mclnnes, dead; E. Stevenson, dead; A. Mc-
Swain, dead; G. A. Deardon, dead; D. Cluness, dead; W. H.
McNaughton Jones, dead ; R. J. Bently, dead ; W. W. Walkem ; J. B.
Mathews, dead; J. M. Lefevre, dead; H. M. Cooper, dead; F. W.
Hall, dead; J. L. Hall, dead; R. B. Clark; L. T. Davis; E. J. Ofifer-
hans: E. A. Praeger, dead; T. S. Hall; J. D. Helmcken; W. J.
McGuigan, dead; D. L. Beckingsale; J. A. Sweat; R. C. Morrison,
dead; D. L. McAlpine.

Also, during this first meeting, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr.
T. Elwyn, Deputy Provincial Secretary, for conducting the first
election, and an honorarium of $25 granted.

Dr. Powell, the President, and Dr. Trew, the Vice President, were
appointed a committee to select a design for the seal of the Council.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 611

Moved by Dr. Milne, seconded by Dr. Trew, that the British
Columbia Medical Council, now assembled, representing the medical
profession of this province, express their thanks to Hon. Mr. A. E.
B. Davie, Attorney-General, for introducing the Medical Act and
successfully carrying it through the Local Legislature, and the Medi-
cal Council consider, that to him is due, chiefly, by his personal
efforts, the passing of an act which we consider will be a benefit to
the inhabitants of this province and an advantage to the medical
profession.

It was also decided that the first examination under the act be held
at Victoria August 3rd, at 8 P. M., and subsequent days as required.

May 26th was fixed as the date of the next meeting, in New West-
minster. This meeting adjourned to June 2nd, at which meeting the
Board of Examiners was appointed: Dr. L. Mclnnes, anatomy and
materia medica; Dr. Milne, chemistry and physiology; Dr. Davie,
surgery and pathology; Dr. Trew, practice of medicine and medical
jurisprudence; Dr. Powell, obstetrics and diseases of women and
children.

The next meeting was held August 3rd, at Victoria, when Dr.
Cluncss resigned on account of ill health and Dr. Harrison was ap-
pointed in his stead.

Apparently no one came up for examination at this meeting.

At the meeting at Victoria on November 2, 1886, Dr. W. A. Dc
Wolf Smith applied for examination and passed, being the first one
to be entered in the Register by examination.

The election to the council being a yearly affair, the second elec-
tion resulted in Drs. Milne, Powell, Hannington, Trew, McGuigan,
Davie and Tunstall. Dr. Trew was elected President and Dr. Davie
Vice President.

On June 8, 1887, three candidates for examination having pre-
sented themselves, the second examination was held. The three
candidates successfully passed and were ordered registered in the
order of, Drs. D. M. Eberts, Jno. Duncan and A. Robertson.

It was also resolved at this meeting, that meetings of the Council
be held alternately, on the Island and on the Mainland, on the Island
at Victoria, and on the Mainland, alternately at New Westminster
and Vancouver, this being the first recognition of Vancouver.

Dr. Trew, the President, having died since the previous meet-

♦

612 BRITISH COLUMBIA

ing, a resolution of condolence with his widow was passed. Dr. De
Wolf Smith was elected a member of the Council in his stead.

At this meeting the examinations resulted in the admission to the
register of Drs. Bodington, Sanson and Fagan.

At the May meeting in 1888, Dr. Davie was elected President,
Dr. McGuigan, Vice President.

Dr. Milne, who was appointed Registrar, continued in that office
until May, 1897, when Dr. Fagan, the present Registrar, was
appointed.

The Act of 1886 was further amended in 1898 and an entirely
new act passed in 1909. In this, the representation of the Medical
Council was altered. Previously, seven members were elected by
votes of the profession at large, the province constituting one electoral
district. In the new act, the province was divided into five electoral
districts, whose boundaries may be altered from time to time by a
two-thirds vote of the Council.

The first election under the new act took place in 191 1, when the
present Council, which is serving its third and last year, was elected. ^
They, with their official positions in 1913, and the year in which each ,
was first elected to the Council, are as follows: Dr. O. M. Jones, J
President, first elected 1899; Dr. A. P. Procter, Vice President, first \
elected 1902; Dr. C. J. Fagan, Registrar and Secretary, first elected
1896; Dr. R. E. Walker, Treasurer, first elected 1902; Dr. R. E.
McKechnie, first elected 1896; Dr. W. H. Sutherland, first elected
1908; Dr. S. Bonnell, first elected 191 1.

Reciprocity in Medicine.

The theory and practice of medicine and surgery are universalin
their application. Thus, a doctor who is qualified to practise in
London, should be well enough equipped to do justice to his patients
if he resided in Montreal or Vancouver. But the British North
America Act, under whose provisions the Dominion of Canada, con-
sisting of united provinces, was formed, contained provisions hostile
to universality in the practice of medicine. Under its provisions,
each province retains complete control of its own educational matters.
Hence not only are the ordinary educational matters under the ex-
clusive control of each individual province, but the specialized

BRITISH COLUMBIA 613

branches of law, medicine, dentistry, etc. If Ontario has decided that
a man has sufficient medical education and given him a permit to
practise his profession there, the other provinces do not have to ac-
cept this qualification. Accordingly, each province has its own
medical board, except the three Eastern Maritime Provinces, which
have a joint board, and candidates to practise must pass the examining
board of the province they wish to practise in.

Various arguments can be advanced against this practice, the main
one being as stated above, that medicine is a universal profession,
applicable to all peoples and all countries, and that the individual
provinces of one Dominion should not have artificial barriers raised
between each other.

On the other hand, it was felt that not every one who graduated
from a medical school, even a good one, was necessarily well qualified.
Familiarity with the peculiarities of various examiners, and a happy
chance in being asked just what he happened to know, allows a num-
ber each year to pass the prescribed number of marks and scrub
through. Competition between medical schools does not allow for
too rigorous treatment of students, and so it is best that an independent
body of examiners, outside of the schools, should further sift the
applicants before they are admitted to practise. The schools do their
duty in imparting a medical education. The provinces, through their
medical examining boards, protect the public by still further culling
the weaklings. Speaking as a medical man, and in the interests of the
public, the writer affirms that this second culling is justified by the
results of the examinations, for men are frequently found whose de-
ficiency in medical knowledge is so marked, that the wonder is
expressed as to how they ever passed successfully through a medical
school.

An attempt though was made, j'ears ago, to find a way out of the
difficulty, but it could not be through the provinces. Jealousy was
not at work, but some of the provinces did not think that some of the
others demanded a thorough enough examination and so were not
willing to recognize their licenses. The only workable plan was to
organize a central board, which could exact an examination satisfac-
tory to all the provinces, and whose licenses would be recognized
by any or all the provinces, without further examination. This was
the object sought to be attained by Dr. T. G. Roddick of Montreal,

614 BRITISH COLUMBIA

and after many years fight the Canada Medical Act was passed at
Ottawa two sessions ago. But in order to conform with the British
North America Act it could not become operative until each province
had surrendered some of its powers and agreed to accept the findings
of the Medical Council of Canada. This has been done, British Co-
lumbia having passed its enabling act in 1912. Under the various
enabling acts, the provinces do not lose the right of examining those
who come direct to them, not wishing to take the Dominion examina-
tion, which must at least equal in thoroughness the highest standard
set by any of the provinces, but may examine and license those appli-
cants to practise only in their respective boundaries. But one who
has passed the Dominion Council can register without further exami-
nation, in any of the provinces, and so at last there is a Dominion
reciprocity established. This month, October, 1913, the first exami-
nation was held at Ottawa and seventy-five presented themselves for
examination.

A second provision of the Canada Medical Act provided, that
any one having been registered ten years and in active practice in any
of the provinces of the Dominion, could obtain Dominion registration
without examination. This clause was objected to by the western
provinces, especially by British Columbia, and the argument against
it was very strong. During recent years, the movement from East to
West has been very marked and British Columbia has been the
chosen haven for many on account of its better climate and its golden
opportunities. It is felt that this province would likely see a large
influx of doctors who would qualify under this clause. Now the only
reason any country has ever given exclusive powers to the medical
profession has been, not for the benefit of the profession, but for the
benefit of the public. One of the duties of the profession, therefore,
has been, through its examinations to cull out the weak applicants,
and so furnish a good grade of practitioners to look after the people.
The powers were given for this purpose and hence the profession
was expected to do its work. Therefore, it was incumbent to scruti-
nize those who obtained Dominion registration. Those who passed
its high standard of examination could not be found fault with, but
those who qualified by ten years' practice were of another class. It
was felt, that ten years would prove the man either a success or a
failure. If a success, he would not be likely to want to move, if a

BRITISH COLUMBIA 615

failure we did not want him out here. By years of careful work of
the Examination Board, the standard had been raised in this province
and for its own sake the profession did not want to see it lowered,
and it had no moral right to let the public suffer either. Accordingly
this province refused to come into the scheme until a clause was
assented to, which gave every province the right to exact an exami-
nation in the final branches, from those who obtained Dominion regis-
tration by means of the ten-year clause. While this provision is
optional with the other provinces it is obligatory in this one, as the
Enabling Act specifically states that such applicants must pass such
examination.

The members of the Medical Council of Canada from British
Columbia, are, Drs. R. E. McKechnie and R. E. Walker, appointed
by the profession, and Dr. Walter Bapty appointed by the Govern-
ment, their term of office being four years. Thus is seen the comple-
tion of a long fight and the beginning of medical reciprocity in
Canada. It is felt that as years go by, the majority of recent gradu-
ates will take the Dominion examinations, those taking advantage of
the ten-year clause will grow less and that finally there will be but
one examining board for Canada.

In collecting information for this article, the writer asked Dr.
H. E. Langis for some of his reminiscences and, as the letter in reply
is very interesting, it is quoted verbatim:

"Parksville, B. C.
"My Dear R. E. M.:

"When I came to British Columbia in 1884, Mr. Onderdonk
had almost completed his contract of the C. P. R. from Port Moody
to Savona's Ferry and taken another one from Savona's to Griffin
Lake. The medical staff for those contracts was very simple, E. B.
Hannington was in charge at Yale and S. J. Tunstal! at Ivamloops.
In April, 1885, I took Hannington's place and had for field of duty
from Port Moody to Savona's. We had a small hospital (twelve
beds) at Yale, with very little apparatus and had to furnish our own
surgical instruments. The accommodation was very scant and when
we had to perform under anaesthetics, the only anaesthetist available
was the steward and head nurse and at my time, only nurse, who
would administer chloroform under the vigilant eye of the performer.
Anyhow, we had very few mishaps and bad results, as the contractors,

616 BRITISH COLUMBIA

in blasting, would kill their men outright and do very little injury to
those that fell under our care.

"In the fall of 1885, we all came to Granville, which a few months
afterwards was going to be Vancouver. S. J. Tunstall remained in
Kamloops and, if I remember well, came to Vancouver only in 1891
or 1892.

"When I reached Granville, I found Dr. D. L. Beckingsale, who
is now in California, in practice. He had been preceded in the local-
ity by Drs. Masters, who had died in New Westminster two or three
years previous, Duncan Bell-Irving, who had left for the West Indies,
and W. W. Walkem, who had removed to Nanaimo. A few weeks
after my arrival, W. J. McGuigan came down from the Rockies.

"At the time of the incorporation of the City of Vancouver in
April, 1886, there were in practice, Drs. D. L. Beckingsale, H. E.
Langis, J. M. Lefevre, and W. J. McGuigan.

"Lefevre had come with Mr. H. Abbott and other C. P. R. of-
ficials, as in the fall of 1885 the last spike had been driven at Revel-
stoke by Lord Strathcona, and in the winter 1885-6 the Dominion
Government, that had built this western part of the road, had turned
it over to the C. P. R. Co., and Dr. Lefevre was going to be the C. P.
R. surgeon. He had charge of the whole western division and had
Dr. J. A. Sweat at Revelstoke to look after the mountain section.
He had requested me to take the position, but I preferred to remain
in Vancouver.

"The first few years the clientele was not very big, as most of the
heads of the families worked for the C. P. R. and were attended by
their own surgeons. Lefevre was alone at first and then Lefevre and
A. M. Robertson, who came in 1887. In that year of 1887, Lefevre
built a small R. R. Hospital on Powell street, between Hawkes and
Campbell avenues, where his patients who had no home in Vancouver
could be attended to. He forsook this small hospital in 1890 to send
his patients to the City Hospital, which had just been opened, and
of which first stafif he was a member.

"If I remember well, the members of that first medical stafif of the
City Hospital (sic nomen) were, Duncan Bell-Irving, who had come
back to British Columbia in 1888, J. T. Carroll, H. E. Langis, J. M.
Lefevre. W. J. McGuigan and A. M. Robertson.

"In the fall of 1887, I had associated myself with Dr. McGuigan.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 617

an association that lasted for twenty-one years, up to the time of the
death of Dr. McGuigan on Christmas morning, 1908.

"Yours very truly,

"H. E. Langis."

As instancing the rapid progress of this province, one has but to
note the number of doctors therein. In 1850, there was but one, Dr.
J. S. Helmcken, while at the present time, 1913, there are no less than
six hundred and seventy-six names on the register. As there is no
medical school in the province, these men have come from far and
wide and owing to the high standard maintained by the Council, in
its examinations, the average ability of its medical practitioners will
compare favourably with that of any other province in the Dominion.
Besides representatives from every medical school in Canada, several
of whom are gold medallists of their graduating classes, there are to
be found many from the mother country, with a fair sprinkling of
those who can write F. R. C S. Eng., or F. R. C S. Edin. after their
names, while there are many from the best schools in the United
States and some from almost every country on the European continent.

It is also satisfactory to note, that the doctors in British Columbia
have not been content to rest with what education they received in
the first instance from their parent schools, but very many have had
special training in the clinics of the East and Europe, and every year
a number leave their work to spend a few months or a year, or more,
improving their education in more favoured medical centres. In con-
sequence of this, the people of this far western province receive the
benefits of the latest advances in medicine or surgery as quickly as do
those residing in Montreal or Toronto. The West is progressive, and
while such visits to strange clinics cost time and money both are freely
and cheerfully spent, by the progressive members of the profession
here, in the desire to keep abreast of the times.

The hospitals of the province are a credit to such a young com-
munity. The Vancouver General, which is easily the premier one,
has constantly over four hundred patients. Victoria has the Royal
Jubilee Hospital as well as a magnificent Sisters' Hospital, St. Jo-
seph's, and is now planning a new one to cost over $600,000. New-
Westminster, while having the Royal Columbian and St. Mary's, is
now erecting a new building in connection with the former to house

618 BRITISH COLUMBIA

one hundred and fifty patients and to be modern in every respect.
In Vancouver, in addition to the General, there is St. Paul's, a Sisters'
Hospital, and shortly they will move into a new building erected at
a cost of nearly $400,000. All the other towns also have hospital ac-
commodation proportionate to their requirements, and all over the
province are to be found small hospitals, for the needs of the district.
Remote places like Atlin, Cariboo, etc., are not neglected. All this has
been due to the aid willingly afforded by the Provincial Government,
to non-sectarian public hospitals, which generally assists in the build-
ing in the first instance, and by granting a per capita allowance for
the patients treated in them, materially assists in helping to maintain
them. In addition, the Government bonuses doctors in remote set-
tlements, where the amount of work oftering would not be sufficient
of itself to furnish fees enough to keep a doctor there. In this way
the pioneer settlers are not left helpless when sickness falls upon
them.

In the larger centers, as well as the regular hospitals, are to be
found a number of private ones, so that the needs of the community
may be fully satisfied.

In public life, the members of the profession have taken a promi-
nent part as befits men of education. Thus we have seen that Dr. J.
S. Helmcken was a member of the first Legislative Assembly in the
province and its Speaker for several years. In those early days along
with his name we find those of Drs. J. Trimble, I. W. Powell and
J. C. Davie; while after confederation, the names of Drs. John Ash,
Hugh Watt, Geo. L. Milne, W. W. Walkem, R. E. McKechnie, J. H.
King, G. A. B. Hall, and Henry E. Young are found in the list of law
makers. The last named is worthy of wider recognition. As Provin-
cial Secretary in the McBride Government, he has directed the affairs
of the Hospital for the Insane at New Westminster and inaugurating
a far-sighted policy, has already developed a magnificent system, with
splendid buildings and equipment, and with a plan, capable of uni-
form expansion, to look after the needs of future generations. As
Minister of Education, he has also launched the Provincial Univer-
sity, by his influence secured an endowment of two million acres of
public lands, secured a magnificent site at Point Grey in the vicinity
of Vancouver and also a grant of $2,500,000 in money for initiating
the undertaking. It is proposed that this will be one of the greatest

BRITISH COLUMBIA 619

universities of the continent and if Dr. Young continues in his present
position for a reasonable time longer, he, with his zeal for the project,
will see it accomplish all that he has hoped for. And when it is firmly
established, the formation of a medical faculty will be in order and
has already been discussed.

In connection with this project, the Provincial University, it is
also of interest to note that a medical man has been chosen as its prin-
cipal in the person of Dr. Frank Wesbrook. His selection was only
made after a very careful study of the various men available, and it
reflects honour on the medical profession as well as on Dr. Wesbrook
that an eminently suitable man was found in and selected from its
ranks.

In a humbler capacity, Dr. R. E. McKechnie's name is found as
a Senator of the University and a member of the Board of Governors.

In other public capacities the profession has furnished many use-
ful men. Dr. W. J. McGuigan, after years of faithful work as an
Alderman in the City of Vancouver, crowned his ambition by becom-
ing Mayor. Dr. W. D. Brydone-Jack, who also won aldermanic
honours, is at present Chairman of the School Board in the same city.
Dr. Hamilton is at present Mayor of Revelstoke and Dr. Kingston
of Grand Forks, and many other e.xamples could be cited to instance
the part played by the profession in public life.

The campaign against tuberculosis in the province owes its origin
practically to Dr. C. J. Fagan, and without his Irish fighting spirit
the Sanitarium at Tranquille would not have been built. In this
connection the names of Drs. A. P. Procter and R. E. Walker deserve
more than honourable mention, and the former is continuing the
good work on the platform, whenever the opportunity afifords.

Concerning public health matters, as early as 1869, it was deemed
advisable to have some legislative machinery to work with. Accord-
ingly in that year was passed, "An ordinance for promoting the public
health in the Colony of British Columbia." The preamble states
that, "Whereas, it is necessary to adopt measures with the object of
preventing or guarding against the origin, rise, or progress of
endemic, epidemic or contagious diseases and to protect the health
of the inhabitants of this colony, and for the purpose, to grant to the
Governor-in-Council extraordinary powers to be used when urgent
.occasion demands — therefore, etc."

620 BRITISH COLUMBIA

This ordinance empowered the Governor-in-Council to create
Health Districts, establish Local Boards of Health, define the duties
and jurisdiction of these boards, with the proper method of enforc-
ing their rules by fines and imprisonment. There was also special
provision for the appointment of an extraordinary officer to be called
the Health Officer, to act during extraordinary crises such as serious
epidemics "whose duties it shall be to provide that the Local Boards
carry out the orders in Council."

In municipalities, the Council of the municipality constituted
the Local Board, while in unorganized districts the Government
Agent of the district acted.

The ordinance was very imperfect, but still served its purpose
till the first stress came in a small-pox epidemic in 1892. To combat
this. Dr. J. C. Davie was appointed Health Officer and by his efforts
the storm was passed. But the need of better legislation was obvious.
Accordingly in the following year the "Health Act, 1893" was passed.
As the epidemic had subsided, the act was not at once put in force.
However, later on, there was an outbreak of cholera in Japan which
spread over into Honolulu. As this was getting near home, the Gov-
ernment, on September 26, 1895, proclaimed the act whereupon it
came into force. This act called for the creation of a central board
with very extensive powers. The board appointed consisted of Dr.
J. C. Davie, chairman, Drs. J. M. Lefevre, R. E. Walker, L. T. Davis,
and Geo. H. Duncan, who was the secretary. It at once commenced
the work of organization. It prepared regulations regarding small-
pox, scarlet fever and diphtheria, and supplemented them by a well
digested pamphlet on disinfection. The regulations embodied pro-
visions for the enforcement of modern methods of isolation and quar-
antine, disinfection, and vaccination, etc. They provided also for the
appointment of medical and other health officers, and establishment
of isolation hospitals and suspect stations. A serious outbreak of ty-
phoid, in the Kootenays, in 1896 proved the value of the new order of
things. Dr. A. T. Watt, who was the secretary, toured the infected
district, and on his return, Clive Phillips Wooley was appointed as a
special officer to see that the provisions of the board were carried out.
Some of the regulations at this time were impossible and so gave rise
to considerable dissatisfaction. Sandon was prohibited from using the
only water supply available and from disposing of its sewage into the.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 621

only place which nature had provided. Rossland was treated much
in the same way. Later on, when the Semlin Government came into
power, the board was abolished. Health matters came under the jur-
isdiction of the Attorney-General, the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Coun-
cil became the Board of Health, and Dr. C. J. Fagan was appointed
secretary and practically chief executive officer. This is the order of
things at the present day. In Dr. Fagan the Government secured a
very valuable officer. With his tact he smoothed away friction wher-
ever encountered and with his untiring energy and zeal for the work,
he perfected the system, kept the local boards up to their duties, and
raised the sanitary conditions of the province to a high state of
efficiency.

Little more need be said as to the work of the medical profession
in British Columbia. In a profession, whose main duty is to minister
to the sick and afflicted, to comfort the dying and bring hope to those
who are struggling for life, all performed quietly and unseen by the
public eye, it has been shown, that when occasion arises it can respond
to other if not higher duties. In the legislative halls, in educational
matters, in municipal affairs, in the fight against the terrors of epi-
demics and in the providing of better sanitary conditions, all of which
call for exceptional ability, it has been found, that the profession in
this province was not wanting, but as occasion arose could furnish
the men suited for the needs of the times, with honour which re-
dounded to the profession.

REFERENCES

Paul Kane — Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of
North America. Longman Green & Co., 1859.

j. R. SWANTON — Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida.

Duncan George Forbes McDonald — British Columbia and
Vancouver Island. Longman Green & Co., London, 1862.

J. G. Kohl — Kitchi Gami — Wanderings around Lake Superior.
Chapman & Hall, London, i860.

AxDKLW Dickson White— History of the Warfare of Science
with Theology. Appleton, New York, 1899.

James Teit — The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.

Parkman — The Jesuits in North .-Xmcrica.

622

BRITISH COLUMBIA

Vancouver — A Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean and
Round the World. London, 1798.

Relacion del Viage Hecho Por las Goletas, Sutil y Mexicana,
en el ano de 1792, Para Recononcer el estrecho, de Fuca. Madrid,
1802.

Edmund S. Mel^NV — Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound.
TheMacMillan Co., London, 1907.

R. E. GOSNELL — The Year Book of British Columbia.

C. W. Parker — Who's Who and Why. International Press Co.,
Vancouver, 1913.

CHAPTER XX
THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

BV WILLIAM BURNS

The progress of education in British Columbia resembles, in its
main aspects, its advance in all other of our Colonies, although the
early mode of settlement of this Province, together with the physical
features of the country, have introduced additional elements of difh-
culty in the solution of the problem of providing efficient popular
education.

The Hudson's Bay Company had, in these early times, small
posts stationed at various points many miles apart, for the purposes
of trade rather than of settlement, hence these stations afforded no
nucleus for any general plan of education, although free public
schools were established on Vancouver Island by the Company.
Even when settlements began to be formed, these being situated in
the fertile bottom lands of the valleys, consisted of groups of separate
farms, isolated from each other by dense forests or steep mountains,
so that in the Interior there were very few places where a sufficient
number of children could be collected together to justify the expense
of a school being located there. As this condition still exists in the
outlying districts of this vast Province, the regulations of its Educa-
tion Department necessarily differ in many of their details from
those of more closely settled or more compact Provinces, by having
an arrangement whereby assisted schools may be placed in such dis-
tricts. In addition, as the sparsely settled area is continually chang-
ing in its position, these regulations must be such as will suit these
ever varying conditions, and cannot therefore be so exactly deter-
mined as legal preciseness would demand; the Department of
Education has therefore often been required to decide on matters in
dispute, not so much according to the strict letter of the Act, as
according to the spirit in which this Act was framed, namely to

U2:i

624 BRITISH COLUMBIA

give every child in the Province, as far as possible, an opportunity
to obtain the education essential to providing such knowledge and
character as will tit each one to become a useful and intelligent
citizen in after years. Thus the history of education in British
Columbia is a history of perpetual change; so rapidly indeed have
these changes been required during the past forty years, that to the
unthinking observer our system would appear to be no system at
all, but to be merely a series of disconnected changes and alterations.
Through all these years, however, onward progress is clearly to be
observed, — from the little assisted rural school with its three selected
Trustees, its few scholars, and its poor equipment, — then to the
School District, with its elected officers, better buildings and
grounds, more experienced teachers and good equipment, — then in
a few years onwards to the City School District with its fine school
buildings, and perhaps possessing also its High School or Collegiate
Institute, Domestic Science, and Manual Training class-rooms — such
has been the progress of every city in British Columbia during these
past years, and such, we trust, will be the progress of many others
whose sites are even now unexplored or unknown, and are perhaps
still covered with virgin forest. The last step has yet to be com-
pleted — the establishment of a University of British Columbia — but
as all the initial steps are completed we trust in a short time to see
a worthy edifice crowning the magnificent site selected, but, like-
wise its work forming the apex of our Educational System.

In the early days of British Columbia the various posts were
controlled entirely by the Hudson's Bay Company, and the aim of
this Company being strictly that of trade, little was done, or could
be done, in these then remote settlements in point of Education. As
has been alreadv stated, on Vancouver Island the Company had,
about 1855, established some free public schools, for here their settle-
ments were more populous as well as more likely to be permanent,
but elsewhere, as before remarked, little could be done for the educa-
tion of the children of their employes. Ten years later the House of
Assemblv established a free school system, setting apart a sum of
money for that purpose, but little seems to have been accomplished,
and bv the time of the Union of the two colonies of Vancouver Island
and British Columbia in 1868. school affairs would appear to have
been entirely neglected. In 1872, however, the Legislative Assembly

BRITISH COLUMBIA 625

passed the "Public School Act," by which a Board was appointed
by the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Cduncil, which with the assistance of
a Superintendent of Education, was to administer the educational
affairs of the Province, to encourage the founding of schools, and to
do all in its power to promote the education of the younger popula-
tion now growing up in ignorance. This appointed Board of Educa-
tion was empowered to place and build schools, to appoint and dis-
miss teachers, and in short to control in every way the educational
affairs of the Province. It was soon seen, however, that such entire
central control was not suited to the needs of a Province of vast area,
with poor inter-communication and a population located in widely
scattered centres, ranging from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific
Ocean. In 1879, therefore, this Board of Education was finally
abolished, and the supreme control of educational affairs placed in
the hands of the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council. Local Trustees
were to be appointed with more power over matters of strictly local
interest, and especially with power of appointment and dismissal of
the Teachers in their various schools, subject to the requirement that
such Teachers should be duly qualified, and that the requirements
of tlie Department as to attendance, books and other matters relating
to ihc internal economy of the school, were obeyed. In order that
the Superintendent of Education might be fully informed on all
such points, Teachers were required to send in monthly reports of
attendance and other similar details to the Education office and to
the Trustees. From an examination of these statistics we can see
very clearly the rapid progress that was being made in education,
and also that the Government was doing all in its power to keep
pace with the now rapid growth of the population of British
Columbia.

We may briefly sketch the progress of the schools in these 20
years by the following approximate statistics: In 1872-3 there were
25 schools with an enrolment of 1,028 pupils reported; in 1882-3
there were 59 schools with an enrolment of 2,700 pupils reported,
but in 1892-3 there were 169 schools in operation with an enrolment
of 11,500 pupils reported. These increases involved necessarily a
similar increase in the expenditure for schools and the sums required
for this purpose in these years were respectively in even numbers:

626 BRITISH COLUMBIA

1872-3 $ 36,700.00

1882-3 50,800.00

1892-3 190,500.00

From the foregoing statements we see that progress of the
Province, and changes in its educational system, have both been
carried on slowly but surely. The first public schools in British
Columbia were controlled entirely by the Government, because all
salaries and expenses were paid by it: the ne.xt step forward being
the appointment of local Trustees appointed to carry out the neces-
sary details of school arrangements, and to see that the whole of its
affairs were properly conducted, it being assumed that being resi-
dents, they would necessarily take a deeper interest in the success of
the local school than could be expected from a Central Department
in a distant city. The Education Department also held annual
examinations so that dulv qualified Teachers could be provided, and
inspection of the schools was made bv the Superintendent of Educa-
tion and the members of his staff as frequently as time and distances
would permit. The qualifications of the Teachers would seem now
to have been absurdly low, but as the Certificates were issued for
one, two, three or five years only, when they had to be renewed by
another examination, it became possible to gradually raise the
standard without any change of too sudden a nature, and thus to
improve the standing of both teacher and school, by compelling the
former to keep up with the necessary studies. To encourage the
pupils, Certificates of merit were given to the best pupils in each
school, causing rivalrv and emulation to assist in obtaining progress
in education.

As soon, however, as there grew up larger centres of population
as at Victoria and New Westminster, a demand arose for some higher
education than that provided by the Common Schools, and High
Schools were established by the Government in the four cities on the
coast, namely, at Victoria, New Westminster, Nanaimo and Van-
couver. Tn these High Schools the pupils could receive a higher
standard of education: Classics, Higher Mathematics and Science
being included in their curriculum, and to ensure that pupils should
be of sufficient education to profit by such instruction, an entrance
examination was required to be passed before any pupil was eligible

ANGELA COLLEGE. VICTORIA

OENTHAL miLDIXC (i|; .\ I )M I NISII! ATK >\ lil II.DINC. NIcn'ORIA

BRITISH COLUMBIA 627

to attend thereat. This Entrance examination was held by the Edu-
cation Department in the months of June and December, and the
Department also held an annual examination of the pupils of the
High Schools, encouraging them by offering medals as prizes to
those who showed the highest proficiency.

The discovery of gold in the Cariboo country, the opening of
coal mines in several parts of the Province, the mining operations in
the Slocan and Similkameen Districts, as well as the increase of agri-
cultural areas in the Eraser Valley, Okanagan, Nicola, and other
districts, naturally had brought a large increase of population to the
Province and, consequently, after several years many of these tran-
sient settlers having become permanent residents, they demanded an
increase in school facilities. The first change was made by permit-
ting the establishment of assisted schools, at which the people pro-
vided building, furniture and fuel, the Government supplying the
salary of the teacher. This method permitted of some education
being given to children residing in outlying and sparsely settled dis-
tricts, and hence settlers were attracted to them, and induced to take
up land and clear this for farms so that in the Annual School Report
of 1896-7 we find 244 schools stated as being in operation, varying
from the assisted school with its ten children in attendance to the
large graded school or high school situated in one of the more
flourishing or more populous centres — tlic numbers being given
respectively:

Assisted and Common Schools 218

Graded Schools 22

High Schools 4

The general principles of school management in this Province
have scarcely been changed in any important particular since the
Act of 1891, the control being still vested in the Council of Public
Instruction, and the duties of the Superintendent of Education being
still the same as before. Whatever changes have taken place are all
along the one line of giving more local control in all such directions
as afifect the District alone; in other directions, such as the books
used, courses of study to be observed and matters which would
necessarily affect the children of the whole Province, the Education

628 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Department is still the supreme authority This is necessary, other-
wise there would be endless confusion in this part of the Dominion,
where so much moving and removing is constantly going on among
its population. By this means a child is hindered as little as possible
in a change of residence, and many teachers engaged in the practical
work of education have begun to feel that if all the Provinces of the
Dominion had a uniform standard in certificates, books, methods or
curricula, the cause of education in Canada would be greatly ad-
vanced, and would then be without so many of the purely Provincial
restrictions often arbitrarily imposed upon it by legal authority,
although perhaps requisite under existing circumstances.

It soon became evident that as a result of this rapid increase and
of these improvements, that some changes were necessary to render
schools more efficient, and various alterations were made in the
School Act in 1888 and 1901 by which additional power was given
to local authorities both in the cities and in the rural districts, and
finally in place of two Inspectors who had previously visited the
schools at intervals, so far as other duties permitted them, the
Province was divided into four Inspectorates, each with a resident
Inspector who was required to report regularly on all matters of
importance to the Superintendent of Education in Victoria, and the
Inspector was also enabled to visit more frequently the schools of
his District and thereby better enabled to assist Trustees and
Teachers in the discharge of their important duties.

During this decade the development of the mining industry in
the Slocan and other parts of the Interior caused the necessity for
erection of numerous schools at the newly founded towns of the
Upper Country. Some of these towns are of course, from the nature
of things, no longer in existence, while others have become perma-
nent, and are rapidly assuming all the characteristic educational
marks of Cities, having large, well built schools and numerous quali-
fied teachers. The founding of schools in these Cities was, however,
attended with great expense to the Province. Not only was the cost
of labor excessive, the difficulty in procuring materials very great,
but even the clearing of the grounds had to be accomplished often
at great expense. All of this is the inevitable cost of building a City
in a new and hitherto undeveloped country. When we look at some
of these Cities, with their well laid out and well graded streets, their

BRITISH COLUMBIA 629

handsome public and private buildings, their well built schools, it
seems almost impossible to believe that less than twenty-five years
ago these sites were inhabited only by the wild beasts of the mountain
or the forest. With these thoughts in mind, we can be more con-
siderate of the faults and failures of some of these energetic pioneers,
whether in the line of trade or of education, and we must recognize
their daring optimism and unbounded confidence in the future of
British Columbia.

By 1906 the burden of building schools and of supporting
the Educational system had become too heavy for the taxes of the
Province, and it was evident that only three courses were open to the
Government, — either to reduce these expenses below the point of
efficiency, or to increase the taxation demanded by the Central Gov-
ernment, or to raise additional funds by making local assessments in
accordance with the needs of the District. Fortunately for the cause
of education, this latter was adopted as being both in the best interest
of the pupils, and most fair to those who had to bear the additional
expenses incurred, the greater expense being borne by the better
populated District. A grant varying from $360 per Teacher
annually for a first class City to $480 annually in a Rural School Dis-
trict was given by the Legislature, any additional amount required
either for salaries, repairs or improvements being paid by the resi-
dents. One result of this alteration has been an increased interest by
the residents of many districts in the work of their schools. In other
words, that as the local taxes have increased, those who pay them
are desirous of receiving something for their money in regard to
schools, as well as to other improvements. It has also enabled the
Trustees of any District to recognize the services of an efficient
Teacher by a raise of pay, so that the rate of pay now is not a per-
quisite of the particular school, as was formerly the case, but belongs
to the individual Teacher, and may therefore be increased whenever
the Board of Trustees considers such increase deserved. To encour-
age these additions, the Legislature also grants an additional rate
up to the amount of $100 to any Teacher annually, provided a similar
amount is voted and paid by the local authorities.

In 1901 another step forward in educational progress was taken
by the establishment of a Provincial Normal School in the City of
Vancouver. Hitherto any one who desired training as a Teacher

630 BRITISH COLUMBIA

was obliged to go to some other Province to obtain it, and as the
emoluments of a Teacher's position scarcely warranted such an out-
lay of time and money, very few from British Columbia became
trained Teachers. All that was required to become a Teacher was
to pass an examination proving knowledge, thus the Teachers' posi-
tions were filled with pupils fresh from High School, none of whom
had received any further training in the Art of Teaching than they
might have retained from a recollection of how they themselves had
been taught, perhaps by those as untrained as themselves. The
natural result was that the Boards of Trustees, who were in a position
to do so, always engaged Teachers from other Provinces who had
training or experience, and consequently British Columbians were
discriminated against in such a choice. The School Board of Van-
couver generously gave use of rooms for Model School work for
several years, until in 1908 the Government undertook the erection
of a Provincial Normal School building in the City, which was
ready for occupancy in October, 1909, and which now, in 1913, has
an enrolment of 190 students and a staff of eight teachers. The
Government is also providing for a further expansion in this direc-
tion by commencing the erection of another Normal School in the
City of Victoria. As a result of this change, all Teachers on the
permanent staff of the Common Schools are required to have re-
ceived training for their work, before a Teacher's certificate is
granted, whether this training has been gained in this Province or
has been gained previous to arrival here, as Normal Diplomas of
other parts of the Empire are valid in this Province.

The schools of British Columbia have always been "conducted
on strictly secular and non-sectarian principles," the Legislature
holding that as all must perforce contribute to their support, "no
religious dogma or creed" should be taught, although it is demanded
by the same section of the Act that "the highest morality shall be
inculcated."

Attendance is compulsory between the ages of seven and four-
teen inclusive, but children can attend school free, from six to sixteen
inclusive. In Cities and Rural Municipalities attendance is required
on every school day, but in Rural and Assisted Districts the pupils
are compelled to attend for only six months in the year.

In order that the schools shall be conducted in accordance with

BRITISH COLUMBIA 631

the rules and regulations and that all possible help shall be rendered
to the Trustees and Teachers, the Province is now divided into seven
Inspectorates, together with a special Inspector for High Schools.
Over these Inspectorates one or more experienced Teachers are ap-
pointed by the Provincial Government as Inspectors, the endeavour
being to have as far as circumstances will permit, a uniform course
of study, so that pupils will be able to remove from one District to
another without loss of valuable time. To aid still further in carry-
ing out this idea, and that of free education for all, the Department
now supplies every child in the Common Schools with free text
books. Thus in every way the system of Education in this Province
may be properly characterized as "Free," — Free schooling and
books for pupils and free training for teachers. It will certainly not
be the fault of the Legislature if the future population of this Prov-
ince is uneducated. No expense is spared. It only remains for all
interested to do all their duty in their several spheres to ensure even
a greater rate of progress than has been hitherto attained.

Besides all these schemes for school education, according to the
usual acceptation of that term, the more modern ideas of Manual
Training and of Domestic Science teaching have taken practical
form by the establishment of teaching and training in these subjects
at our larger centres, so that the boys can obtain proficiency in the
use of hand as well as head by having instruction from competent
Teachers in wood work and metal work, and the girls gain a knowl-
edge of cooking and of the reasons for its multifarious operations, of
sewing and dressmaking, and of such other kindred subjects as will
be useful to them in after life.

Under the influence of the "Strathcona Trust" our Teachers are
now trained in Physical Drill and are required to use these exercises
daily, thus correcting some of the physical results of too close an
application to mere book-work, and aiding in refreshing and strength-
ening the body of the pupil as well as the mind. Nor in this connec-
tion must we forget to mention one of the most important features in
our modern changes, — the Schools Inspection Act. It is now the
duty of all otlkials. whether Teachers or Trustees, to see that the
provisions of this Act are carried out, that the schools are regularly
inspected by regularly qualified medical practitioners, and thus in
the event of any epidemic making its appearance in the District, its

632 BRITISH COLUMBIA

spread by means of the school, is prevented as far as possible, and
instruction is also given as to best means of prevention of diseases.

Further, the Education Department assists local Boards of Trus-
tees in establishing and maintaining Night Schools for continuing
the instruction of any students desirous of improving their knowl-
edge, and also for the instruction of those who may desire technical
knowledge in their various branches of daily work, such as in Build-
ing construction, Architectural and Machine drawing, Dressmaking,
and, in fact, in any branch for which a sufficient number of students
may make application.

As was remarked above, a necessity had soon arisen for a higher
education than that of the Common School. Accordingly, a High
School was opened at Victoria in 1876, at New Westminster in 1884,
at Nanaimo in 1886, and at Vancouver in 1890. Since that date
High Schools have been opened in the various Cities of the Province,
so that, according to last reports, there are twenty-six High Schools
in operation with seventy-seven rooms, thus providing higher educa-
tion for 2,151 pupils. During this present year several additional
schools have been commenced, and others have added more Teachers
to their staffs. As time went on, year by year more students were
found who looked forward to still higher educational attainments.
To help in supplying this demand, several of the Universities of
Eastern Canada held Matriculation Examinations at various local
centres, many students took advantage of this means of obtaining
University standing, and hence many students were annually induced
to leave the Province in order to prosecute their studies at Canadian
Universities, as well as at some of those in the United States, thus it
became quite evident that some steps should be taken to keep these
sons and daughters of British Columbia at home. Accordingly, as
shown by the very clear and explicit Historical sketch given in the
Calendar of McGill College, Vancouver, in 1894, ^'^ "^^e instance
of friends of higher education in the Province, who desired such
relations between local high schools and universities in other parts
of the Empire as would tend to the inception and promotion of
university work in British Columbia, legislation was passed which
empowered the affiliation of high schools to recognized universities:
and this was supplemented in 1896 bv an act providing for the incor-
poration of high schools as colleges in accordance with the charters

BRITISH COLUMBIA 633

and constitutions of such universities. Under these enactments Van-
couver High School became Vancouver College, and was admitted
to affiliation for the First Year in Arts by the Corporation of McGill
University, which had in the meantime secured such extension of
its charter powers as made possible the admission of extra-Provincial
colleges to the relation of affiliation. Work was begun under this
relation in 1889, and by 1902 the work had grown so, and was of
such a character that an extension of affiliation was granted, to cover
the second year in Arts and the University Intermediate Examina-
tion. This year Victoria College, too, applied for and obtained
affiliation covering the First Year Arts. Later the need of univer-
sity connection more intimate still and essential than that of affilia-
tion, and also of extension of the scope of work, came to be felt and
urged, and the result was the passing in 1906 of local legislation
( I ) enacting that "the Governors, Principal and Fellows of McGill
College and University may exercise and enjoy in the Province of
British Columbia all the powers, rights, privileges, and functions
conferred upon them by the charter granted to them by His Late
Majesty, King George IV., in the second year of his reign, and
amended by Her Late Majesty, Queen Victoria, in the sixteenth
vear of her reign"; and (2) authorizing the incorporation of a body
politic under the name of "The Royal Institution for the Advance-
ment of Learning of British Columbia," and empowering this body
to "undertake the conduct or administration of any part of the higher
education work now carried on bv such Boards," and also to "estab-
lish at such place in British Columbia as McGill University may
designate a College for the higher education of men and women,
such College, in respect of courses of study and examinations, to be
deemed a College of McGill University, and the instruction given
to its students to be of the same standard as that given in like subjects
at McCiill University at Montreal."

In pursuance of the objects of its foundation, the Royal Institu-
tion established in 1906 at Vancouver the McGill University College
of British Columbia (by agreement with the Board of School Trus-
tees), taking over the Arts work previously done by the Vancouver
College, increasing the number of the options allowed, and adding
two years of Applied Science. In 1908 the course was further
extended to include the Third Year in Arts.

634 BRITISH COLUMBIA

In 1907 the act was amended so as to allow of the establishment
of Colleges of the Royal Institution in other cities in the Province,
and in the following year the College at Victoria, hitherto directly
affiliated to McGill, came under the control of the Royal Institution
as a part of the McGill University College of British Columbia,
with courses in the first two years in Arts. The success which
attended the establishment of these University Courses, the ad-
vantages they placed before every student capable of profiting by
them, made it inevitable that further progress in the direction of
some complete scheme for Academic training should be taken. Even
as far back as 1872 a scheme had been planned for the formation and
endowment of a University of British Columbia, but as this was
somewhat premature, the scheme could not be carried into effect.
By the year 1890, the University graduates then resident in the Prov-
ince formed an Association for promoting the establishment of a
University, and next year powers for carrying out these plans were
obtained from the Legislature. It was soon found, however, that
the Province was not in a position financially to incur the unavoid-
able expenses which must be incurred, and also that the selection of
a site for the University was a question on which there was so much
rivalry and diliference of opinion that it was impossible at the time
to come to any arrangement which would be for the benefit of educa-
tion. By the year 1907 the Province had increased vastly in its
school population, and in its wealth, and so many of the brightest
and most ambitious of its younger population had been compelled to
go elsewhere for any higher Academic advantages, that the Govern-
ment felt called upon again to take up the question of University
establishment. Nor must it be forgotten that the number of grad-
uates had very largely increased in all the professions, that many of
those who had received their Academic training in other Provinces
were holding positions of trust and authority in British Columbia,
and that these able men and women were unanimous in their desire
for the establishment of a University in their midst, so that a public
sentiment favouring such a scheme was growing stronger year by
year. Consequently, in 1908 an Act was introduced and passed "to
establish and incorporate a University for the Province of British
Columbia." In order to avoid this time any sectional feeling in
regard to the selection of a site, the Government very wisely deter-

"l»***"^f""^»w»"T^

iMvi;itsiTv SITI-: <'OMnissio>Kus, nrtiTisii roi.i'>iiii a, uho.

Walter <". Miirrn}, >l.\., 1,1.. IK. <»»«rnr l». Skoltun. M. A., l*h.D.,

PrfHitlrnt I'ntt^rratty of Saitkalrh^tfan. I'rofrmaor of Kconoinirm, Hurrn'm I'niveraity,
Ctknvnnl Ilnnth. M.A., I>.I>., Hlclmrtl V. Wrlilon. M.A.. rh.l>.. K.<'.. M..l>.. Ocll <'. JnncH, M.A.. I,l,.n.,

ytre-Urcior. I.avnl I nivrrnity, Montreal. Itean of thr l.atp School. Itathouaie Vntvrr»ity. thancettor of the fntrrrtlty of

t hancetto

ttnmK>4ck.

BRITISH COLUMBIA 635

mined to leave this choice in the hands of men who would be quite
unprejudiced by any local predilections, and in 1910, by authority
of the Legislature, a Royal Commission was named and empowered
to select the most suitable site for the future University. This Com-
mission consisted of five members: Dr. R. C. Weldon, Rev. Canon
C. Dauth, Dr. W. C. Murray, Dr. O. D. Skelton, and Dr. Cecil C.
Jones. These Commissioners, after an exhaustive examination of
the several parts of the Province which had been suggested as suit-
able for a University site gave in the following report:

"Victoria, B. C, June 28tli, 1910.
"To His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor in Council:

"Sir: — The University Site Commission begs to submit the fol-
lowing report:

"In accordance with the provisions of the 'University Site Com-
mission Act, 1910,' your Commissioners have visited and made a
careful examination of the several cities and rural districts in the
Province suggested as suitable University sites, and have selected as
the location for the University the vicinity of the City of Vancouver.
"We have the honour to be, Sir,

"Your obedient servants,

"R. C. Weldon, Chairman,

"G. Dauth,

"C. C. Jones,

"O. D. Skelton,

"Walter C. Murray, Secretary."

Accompanying the main report was the following supplemen-
tary report:

"Victoria, B. C, June 28, 1910.
"To the Honourable H. E. Young, M. D., LL. D.,
"Minister of Education.

"Sir: — The University Site Commissioners are strongly of the
opinion that the University should not be placed on a site which
may in time be completely surrounded by a city. They respectfully
suggest that not less than 250 acres be set apart for the University
campus and 700 acres for experimental purposes in agriculture and
forestry. This is exclusive of a forest reserve for forestry operations
on a large scale.

636 BRITISH COLUMBIA

"The Commissioners are of the opinion that the most suitable
site is at Point Grey, unless the soils there and that of the delta
land adjacent are found to be unsuitable for the experimental work
of the College of Agriculture. Should Point Grey prove impossible
the Commissioners suggest: first, a site along the shore west of North
Vancouver, provided the tunnel and bridge are constructed: second,
St. Mary's Hill overlooking Pitt, Fraser and Coquitlam Rivers, pro-
vided residences are erected for the students. Central Park, though
conveniently situated, will probably be surrounded by the Cities of
Vancouver, and New Westminster, and because of this and of the
absence of outstanding scenic advantages is undesirable.

"While the Commissioners are firmly convinced that it is of the
highest importance to have all the faculties of the University doing
work of University grade located together, they believe that the
diverse conditions of agriculture in this Province make it advisable to
divide the work of agricultural education between the College of
Agriculture at the University and Schools of Agriculture of sec-
ondary grade located in difTerent centres. The College of Agricul-
ture should conduct researches, provide courses leading to a degree,
and supervise the extension work and Schools of Agriculture. These
schools should be established in conjunction with the Demonstra-
tion Farms in typical centres, and should provide short courses
(extending over the winter months) of two or three years for the
sons of farmers. Each school might specialize in one or more
branches, such as horticulture, dairying, etc.

''Similarlv, Technical Evening schools might be opened in the
different coal-mining centres for the preparation of candidates for
mining certificates, and in the metal-mining districts for the assist-
ance of prospectors and others.

"The Commissioners have been greatly impressed by the marvel-
lous richness, variety, and extent of the natural resources of this
Province, and by the very generous provision made for the endow-
ment of the University: and they are of the opinion that if the Uni-
versity adopts a policy of ofifering salaries ranging from $3800 to
$5000 to its professors, it will attract men of the highest ability, who,
by their scientific investigations, and outstanding reputations, will
not only materially aid in developing the resources of the Province,
but will also place the University on an equality with the best uni-
versities in America."

BRITISH COLUMBIA 637

Accordingly, the site at Point Grey was chosen, and later on, an
appropriation was made by the Legislature for clearing and laying
out the grounds at the point selected. In order that everything might
be done in proper form, in 1912 a list of graduates of British and
Canadian universities, who had complied with the requirements of
registration, was drawn up, and the First Convocation was duly
formed.

Immediately after the members of this Convocation had been
registered, they were called upon to elect a Chancellor of the Uni-
versity and Hon. Carter-Cotton was elected to this position of trust
and honour. A Senate was also elected by the Members of Convoca-
tion, according to the principles laid down in the /\ct, and a Board
of Governors was also appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor-in-
Council. The necessary machinery being now procured, it was requi-
site to find a president who should at once commence the labour of
organizing the departments required and who should be empowered
to make all necessary arrangements for buildings, plans, and
grounds, suitable for the various requirements of these departments,
finally Doctor Westbrook was selected by the Government as being
one conversant with all the requirements and duties of such an
office. What steps are being taken in this organization, time will
show, but we feel confident as a result of the careful and deliberately
formed plans of the President, that the University of British Colum-
bia will be one whicli will take a high standing among the universi-
ties of our empire.

The present educational system of this Province may be sum-
marized as follows:

ASSISTED SCHOOL DISTRICTS

Assisted Schools are established in outlying districts where the
number of children in attendance does not exceed nineteen pupils of
school age. These schools are erected and maintained by the resi-
dents, the salary of the teachers being fixed by the Legislature and
paid directly from the Provincial Treasury. These districts are
without any exact boundaries, and are managed by three trustees
elected by the residents of the locality. In all other respects they
are subject to the same regulations as the more completely organized
schools and districts of the Province.

638 BRITISH COLUMBIA

RURAL SCHOOL DISTRICTS

In these the number of pupils must at least be twenty. The
building is erected and maintained by the people of the district and
all expenses are paid by assessments levied by the local trustees, except
in special cases when assistance may be given, if considered neces-
sary, by the Government. The teachers are appointed by the local
Board and their salaries are paid partly by grant from the Govern-
ment and partly from the local assessments, the people having power
to fix the amount of such salary or to increase it if considered neces-
sary. Three trustees are elected by the residents at the yearly meet-
ing in July, one retiring annually. The Government makes an allow-
ance of $480 annually for each teacher.

RURAL MUNICIPAL DISTRICTS

These correspond with the municipalities and contain within
their boundaries numerous schools, according to their respective
population and requirements. The teachers are appointed and paid
by the Trustee Board, any additional sum required for this purpose
beyond that granted by the Government, being met by assessment,
and building and maintenance of the schools being also paid from
the local assessment tax. Three trustees are elected, one of whom
retires annually in rotation, they holding office for three years. To
these schools the Government makes an allowance of $480 for each
teacher.

CITY MUNICIPAL DISTRICTS

All regularly organized cities become automatically City Muni-
cipal Districts of First, Second or Third Class, according to their
population, having respectively seven, five or three trustees, these
holding office for two years. Cities of the First Class can also elect
a City Municipal Inspector, who shall have charge of the internal
conduct of the schools, subject to the requirements of the School
Act, and who shall be the advisor of the Board of Trustees in all
educational matters. To City Schools the Government allowance

BRITISH COLUMBIA 639

is $360.00, $420.00, or $465.00 for each Teacher employed according
to the class of the city.

The supreme control of Education rests with the Council of
Public Instruction, the personnel of which is the same as that of the
Executive Council. The Minister of Education is appointed from
among the members of this Council and takes the direct control of
Educational affairs. To assist him in this, and to direct more espe-
cially the professional side of his work, a Superintendent of Educa-
tion is appointed, who has control of all the various departments,
and whose additional duty it is to frame the Annual Report to the
Legislature containing information regarding all expenditures and
other details requisite for their information. In order that the
Superintendent shall be kept informed on the conditions of Educa-
tion in the Province, each Inspector sends in to the Education De-
partment a full report of the progress, conditions and requirements
of the schools in his Inspectorate when they are visited by him. This
system of reporting is also carried out by the High School Inspector,
and by the Inspector of Manual Training Schools, hence, as far as
possible, cvervthing which will advance the education of the chil-
dren in any particular district is able to be brought to the attention
of the Superintendent and of the Minister of Education.

As was remarked before, the ever-varying conditions of a West-
ern Province necessitate a constant change in boundaries of school
districts, in location of schools, in the enlarging of one staff of
teachers and the reducing of another, but the progress made is very
evident as all our statistics show. In fact, as in every other case,
life is a constant change, or rather any constant change of growth
has its origin in life itself. Evidently the school system, as well as
the school population of British Columbia, is indeed very much
alive, and we feel confident tliat as the school population makes
greater demands, whether for education or for accommodation, the
Education Department will be both able and willing to meet these
requests in the future as has been done in the past, and that any
demands the Government may make, for tliis purpose, upon the
people of the Province will he as checrfullv met in days to come as
they have been in days gone by.

A few statistical facts will show more clearly to our readers the
rapid progress of the schools during the past ten years:

640 BRITISH COLUMBIA

Expenditure

No. of Pu- Percentage for Educa-

Years. pils enrolled, of attendance, tion proper.

1902-3 23,903 66.76 $397>oo3

1907-8 33,314 69.62 464.473

1911-12 50,170 74.88 976,415

The total expenditure for maintenance of the Public Schools from
1 87 1 to 1895-6 was $3,023,595, whereas the amount expended by the
Provincial Government together with the amount of outlay by the
cities and school districts for 1911-12 alone was $3,882,488. During
this year the number of teachers employed was 1353, namely: in Col-
leges, 16; in High Schools, 77; in City Graded Schools, 580; in
Rural Municipality Schools, 314; in Rural and Assisted Schools,
366; — the cost of each pupil on enrolment amounting to $17.47 ^^^
on actual daily attendance to $23.32.

Although by the School Law of British Columbia "all public
schools shall be free, and shall be conducted on strictly secular and
non-sectarian principles," yet this requirement does not in any way
prohibit the establishment of private or denominational schools or
colleges, consequently many of these institutions have been estab-
lished in the centres of population, either as boarding schools for
younger pupils, or for carrying out the ideas of any parents who may
desire their children to receive religious instruction according to
their own beliefs, as well as secular education.

The Roman Catholic Church established in early days, Colleges
at Victoria and at New Westminster, and have Mission Schools in
many places for the teaching and training of Indians.

At New Westminster the Methodist Church has founded Colum-
bia College. In this institution pupils are boarded and are in-
structed in all subjects up to those required for University Matricu-
lation. In connection with this College higher education is carried
on, and by its affiliation with Toronto University, degrees in Arts
can be gained by those who have proceeded regularly through the
requirements of the University Course.

The Presbyterian body has established tv\^o schools at Vancouver,
Bracmar School for girls and Langara School for boys, thus pro-
viding boarding schools of a high standard for those parents who

BRITISH COLUMBIA 641

are desirous of obtaining the services of such institutions. This body
has also established a Theological College in the city of Vancouver,
namely Westminster Hall, at which young men are trained both in
ihe academic and the theological knowledge required lor the min-
istry of that church.

The Anglican Church has likewise its Theological Colleges,
Latimer and St. Marks, both situated at Vancouver.

At Summerland on Lake Okanagan the Baptists have founded a
college for education of their children.

It is impossible in the space allotted to us to explain in detail the
work being carried on by these schools and colleges; the character
and standing of their teachers are sufficient guarantee for its
excellence.

It is the intention of the denominational colleges to affiliate with
the University of British Columbia in order that all subjects of
general training may be taught by its Faculty, and yet at the same
time special subjects, peculiar to their own ideals, be taught in their
own class-rooms by their own appointed professors.

To carry out these plans the denominational colleges intend to
place their various halls on sites granted for this purpose near the
University itself, thus strengthening their courses by enabling their
students to make use of its classes, and also aiding the University by
enrolling these students among its members. The chief advantage
to these students must not be overlooked, namely, the wider view of
education that is gained by them for their work in after-life by con-
tact with men of varied opinions and whose studies have proceeded
along other lines than those of theology alone.

In concluding these remarks on the Progress of Education in
British Columbia, we can only add this further wish, that the free
education ofifered to all may aid in attracting to the Province, settlers
worthy of being the defenders of Canada's most Western Province,
in any day of need, and who will be willing at all times to lay deep
the foundation for her future prosperity by their acting out in their
life's work the ideals of true citizenship as taught in her schools.

May the educational life of British Columbia ever prove true
to the motto which surrounds her shield, "Splendor sine occasu."

CHAPTER XXI

BANKS AND BANKING

Until 1910 there did not exist within the limits of the province
of British Columbia a chartered bank having its head office therein;
hence the story of banking in this province is largely the development
of the eastern banks.

The first rude attempts at carrying on a banking business were
made by the express companies, which early extended their opera-
tions within our borders. The miners who foregathered upon the
banks of the Fraser river in the first wild rush of 1858 came from
California; and soon in their train and from the same place came
branches of Wells, Fargo & Co.'s express and Freeman's express.
Their connection with California and the eastern United States
afiforded ready facilities for the safe transport of gold dust. These
companies, especially the former, were also large purchasers of dust;
in fact, during 1858 and 1859 the greater part of the product reached
the outer world through this medium. Wells, Fargo & Co. exported
in 1858 $337, 76^; in 18159, $823,488. The total gf)ld output handled
by this company up to the end of 1862 was $5,373,21 1. This was tlie
only phase of banking which the express companies engaged in for
a considerable period, inasmuch as it could scarcely be expected that
in colonies so recently established and in such variable conditions as
existed at the time advances to merchants and traders could assume
any importance. Monevs were received on deposit and for trans-
inission, but no attempt was made to issue money. The express com-
panies always paid in the recognized currency or in drafts upon
their branches.

Wells, Fargo & Co. continued to carry on business as bankers
and express agents in the colonies of Vancouver Island and British
Columbia; but thev soon allowed the business on the mainland to
pass into the hands of Dietz & Nelson and Barnard's express (which

(i4:{

644 BRITISH COLUMBIA

will be dealt with in another place), and concentrated their efforts
in Victoria. During the early '60s, C. C. Prendergast was their
representative, but about 1866 F. Garesche became the Victoria
agent. Later this gentleman associated with himself, A. A. Green,
under the firm name of Garesche, Green & Co. This firm became
the agents of Wells, Fargo and ultimately took over the business.
The senior partner was lost on the Pacific in November, 1875. No
business house was better known in Victoria than that of Garesche,
Green & Co., which was located at the corner of Government street
and Trounce alley. Mr. Green died in 1891. In its later days the
business was carried on under the name of Green, Worlock & Co.
About 1894 the bank went into liquidation. The Hon. Robert Bea-
ven and Mr. James S. Yates were appointed as trustees to settle its
affairs. In the end the depositors received about fifty cents on the
dollar. •

The first institution to undertake banking in all its branches was
Macdonald's Bank, which was founded by Alexander D. Macdonald
in Victoria in 1859. This bank, which had its office on Yates street,
has the honour of being the first to issue paper money in British
Columbia and Vancouver Island. These notes were issued without
restriction of any kind and were absolutely unsecured. The bank had
no charter and for some time was subject to no rules or supervision.
In 1863 a branch was opened in Cariboo, and for about a year it did
a large amount of business. Its export of gold up to the end of 1862
was $1,543,035. In 1864 the bank was robbed and although Mac-
donald made a gigantic effort to overcome the loss he was unsuc-
cessful and the bank — the first bank in either colony — failed. The
details of this story will be found in a subsequent chapter. None of
the holders of Macdonald's notes received any payment after the
failure. They were simply unsecured creditors.

In 1862 an attempt was made to establish a local chartered bank
to be known as the Colonial Bank of British Columbia. The prime
movers in the scheme were Henry Holbrook, F. G. Claudet, and John
Cooper. The capital proposed was $250,000 divided into 2,500
shares of $100 each. The movement did not even reach to the extent
of obtaining a charter.

Although the bank known as the Bank of British Columbia had
its head ofl^ce in London, England, yet owing to its name, if for
no other reason, a short outline of its growth and development will
be given.

VIEW OF VA^•COL■\•L:K CITY COIXCIL, MEETIXG AFTER THE FIKE. 13T1I JUNE. 1S86

J. W. HORKE'S REAL ESTATE OFFICE, AFTER THE VANXOm^ER FIRE

BRITISH COLUMBIA 645

The Bank of British Columbia which was for a time known as
the Chartered Bank of British Columbia and Vancouver's Island,
was formed in May, 1862. Its capital was originally £250,000
divided into 12,500 shares of £20 each. The prospectus after re-
ferring to the great necessity for additional banking facilities in
these colonies and to the discovery of the wealth of Cariboo (which
it described as a field of vast extent in which the gold lay near the
surface) stated that the yield for 1861 was estimated at $6,791,409 —
figures which arc now recognized as being about three times the
actual production. It then mentioned the discovery of silver, cop-
per, and coal, the abounding wealth of the fisheries, the salubrity of
the climate, the possibilities of agricultural development, and the
rigid enforcement of English law which would insure the safety
of the fortune that the earlier-mentioned factors would provide. As
a further inducement to investors a list was subjoined of colonial
banks operating under less attractive conditions, principally in
Australia and the Orient, whose dividend rate varied from six to
si.xteen per cent.

The Bank of British Columbia was opened for business on Gov-
ernment street in Victoria in August, 1862. James D. Walker u as
its first manager, and George Cruickshank, its first accountant. It
carried on business for nearly six months before it issued any paper
money. In January, 1863, the first notes of this bank, which were of
the denomination of five dollars, were received from England and
at once placed in circulation. Thev were printed on good paper and
were rather larger than those in circulation in Canada and the I'nited
States. They bore in one corner the bust of Queen Victoria, and in
the other the figures "$5.00." On one end was the representation of
a miner at work, on the other, a ship. At the top was Britannia
bearing the national flag, beneath an arch formed by the words
"The Bank of British Columbia." The Centre or body was written
minutely over with the words "Five dollars." Tliey were dated
January 6, 1863, and bore the signature of James D. Walker.

Up to that date the only paper monev in circulation, except, of
course, foreign monev, had been Macdonald's Bank bills. These
had not been very favourably looked upon by the public. But when
the Bank of British Colinnbia issued these bills and, later, others
of different denominations they worked their wav into circulation
and as the miners became accustomed to seeing and handling paper

646 BRITISH COLUMBIA

money without loss, a sort of unreasoning faith grew up, in paper
money of any kind — men, as a whole, are undiscriminating — which
received a bad blow when Macdonald's Bank failed in the follow-
ing year.

In September, 1862, a branch of the Bank of British Columbia
was opened in New Westminster, which was then the capital of the
separate colony of British Columbia. Edwin Russell was the first
agent in charge. Of course, the mining region of Cariboo could
not be overlooked, especially as Macdonald was operating at that
point, and in May, 1863, the Bank of British Columbia established
a branch on Williams Creek (Richfield at first, but later Barker-
ville) with H. Shirley Blunt as manager and R. Fraser as clerk. Mr.
Walker retired from the management of the Victoria office in July,
1864, and removed to San Francisco. The New Westminster branch
of this bank had in the beginning a rather checkered career. It was
opened, as already stated, in September, 1862, and was closed in the
following November. During that period its rate of discount on gold
bars was being gradually raised until it reached three per cent, and
then, naturally, the buying soon ceased altogether. The branch
was scarcely closed before its re-opening began to be spoken of as
a possibility. It was actually re-opened on July 22, 1863. D. M.
Lang was the manager, after the departure of James D. Walker.
With the advent of "hard times'' in 1865-6 this branch was again
closed. In August, 1865, the Bank of British Columbia had branches
in operation at New Westminster, Yale, Quesnel Mouth, Cariboo,
Victoria, and Nanaimo. One by one they were closed, until, of
them all, only Victoria and Cariboo remained.

The Bank of British Columbia had, in 1868, branches at Vic-
toria, Cariboo, San Francisco, and Portland. Its capital had then
been increased to $2,500,000. The officers in the Victoria office were :
inspector, Alex. Watson; manager, William C. Ward; accountant,
C. S. Jones; clerks, E. H. Jackson and Isaac Birch Fisher; in Cari-
boo: agent, H. S. Blunt; clerk, R. Fraser. In 1872 Isaac B. Fisher
became manager of the Cariboo branch. From that date until 1876
— being the palmy days of Lightning Creek — Mr. Fisher remained
in charge. Soon after his removal the branch was closed, for Cariboo
had ceased to produce gold in large quantities. As if to equalize
conditions the branch at New Westminster, which had been closed
for ten years was reopened in 1878 with Mr. Fisher as manager. The

Copyrigtn, Canada, 1 » 1 2. by R. UruadbrUlei-.

HASTINGS STREET WEST FROM CAMBIE STREET, VANCOUVER

GRANVILLE STKEKP, Mkikinc XdUTII I'liOM 1)1 \s.\II II! STREET. VANCOUVER

NORTir VANCOUVER FRd.M IKKKY WHARF

VIRW OF VAXrOT'VER HARBOTTR AND SHIPPING

BRITISH COLUMBIA 647

bank was very slow to open new branches. In 1882, besides the Port-
land and San Francisco offices, it had only those in Victoria and
New Westminster. The Victoria officials, in 1884, were: W. C. ^^'ard,
manager; Charles S. Jones, assistant manager; George Gillespie,
accountant; J. K. Wilson, teller; Robert Croft, receiving teller; H.
Rhodes, George Cruickshank, J. S. Milligan, R. G. Harvey, and H.
Beaven, clerks. Eighteen years later the bank had offices in
Victoria, Vancouver, New Westminster, Nanaimo, Kamloops,
Nelson, Sandon, and Rossland. Its capital had been increased to
£600,000, and it had a reserve of £100,000. During these years
JNIr. William C. Ward, one of the most successful bankers in the
province, was the general manager.

The Bank of British Columbia ceased to exist in January, 1901.
Its shareholders had in the preceding December passed a resolu-
tion whereby it had been resolved to sell the whole assets of the bank
to the Canadian Bank of Commerce, for $2,000,000 payable in the
latter's stock. The value placed thereupon was $2,600,000; so that the
shareholders of the Bank of British Columbia obtained stock in
the purchasing bank at 1 30. The officers were provided for, as, fortu-
nately, the two banks had but rarely branches in the same places.
In order to place these persons on the same footing as their old em-
ployees the sum of about $100,000 was added to the bank's pension
fund.

The Bank of British North America was the first chartered bank
to enter into business on V\incouvcr Island. Established in 1836,
with branches in the principal cities of the Canadas and the Mari-
time Provinces, and having a capital of £1,000,000, it was in a posi-
tion to meet the demand for banking facilities which went up from
the people as soon as gold began to flow from the working of the
Eraser's bars. In t8(;9 a branch was established on Yates street, Vic-
toria. This was somewhat in the nature of an experiment. The bank
does not appear to have entered keenly into the purchasing of gold
dust. It was content, at least in the early years, to leave that to the
express companies and Macdonald's Bank. The other lines of bank-
ing business were more attractive to it. It was the bank for the city of
Victoria and for the government of the colony of Vancouver Island.
So slowly did its business grow that in the spring of 1862, the man-
ager, J. G. Shepherd, reduced the small stafif of officials to even
smaller proportions.

648 BRITISH COLUMBIA

But when both Macdonald's Bank and the Bank of British
Columbia reached out into Cariboo, this bank followed the same
policy and for some years, while Cariboo was producing millions
annually, a branch of the Bank of British North America, which
was opened in August, 1865, existed on Williams Cresk. In 1867
Robert Burrell was the agent in charge; the clerk was George Grant.
At this period the bank entered largely into the purchasing of gold
dust and for that purpose opened a fully equipped assay office in
Victoria.

In 1877 the Bank of British North America had but one oflice in
the province — viz., at Victoria. Its stafif consisted of John Goodfel-
low, manager; A. B. Ritchie, accountant; A. Maxwell, teller; M. G.
Staples, assayer; Alex. Munro, Jr., clerk; and John Hart, messenger.
Seven years later it had still only the Victoria office, with the fol-
lowing stafif: R. Burns, manager; G. H. Burns, accountant; Alex.
K. Munro, teller; H. M. Innes and D. Doig, clerks. No in-
crease was made in its offices until the city of Vancouver came
into existence, when Mr. W. Godfrey opened on its behalf a branch
there, which has been one of the most successful in the province. The
growth of the Kootenay mining region caused the Bank of British
North America to break away from its centralizing policy and in
1897 it had no fewer than five offices there, viz., at Rossland, Sandon,
Kaslo, Trail, and Slocan City.

Until the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway the Bank
of British North America, the Bank of British Columbia, and '
the private bank of Garesche, Green & Co. were in possession of the
whole field of banking in the province. But with that event and the
location of the terminus at Vancouver the banks of eastern Canada
awoke to the possibilities which the province offered for their opera-
tions. The first of these eastern institutions to cross the Rockies was
the Bank of Montreal, the oldest bank in all Canada.

In 1887, while Vancouver was yet in her swaddling clothes, Mr.
Campbell Sweeny arrived with a stafif of three assistants to open
in the Terminal city a branch of the Bank of Montreal. 'I'odav the
stafif of the principal office in Vancouver numbers forty-three. The
bank at once extended its operations. In 1888 a branch was opened
at New Westminster under the able management of Mr. George D.
Brymner. Accompanying him as his assistant was Mr. J. S. C.

»— t
J

o
o
tn

BRITISH COLUMBIA W!»

Fraser, later the manager of the bank's branch at Rossland and now
(1913) manager of the branch in Victoria.

Fully alive to the local conditions the Bank of Montreal has con-
sistently followed a policy of expansion — locating its branches in
every section of the province, and meeting in every instance all legiti-
mate requirements of the trade and manufacturing interests.

In 1897, ^^^ years after it opened for business in the province the
Bank of Montreal had seven branches in operation: Vancouver, man-
ager, Campbell Sweeny; Victoria, manager, A. J. C. Galletly;
New Westminster, manager, George D. Brymner; Rossland, man-
ager, J. S. C. Fraser; Nelson, manager, A. H. Buchanan; Vernon,
manager, G. A. Henderson; New Denver, manager, J. F. Finucane.
It maintains some twenty-six branches in British Columbia. Its
pioneer representative, Mr. Campbell Sweeny, now occupies the of-
fice of superintendent of the British Columbia branches.

Following upon the footsteps of the Bank of Montreal other
eastern banks opened branches in British Columbia. Amongst the
earliest were the Canadian Bank of Commerce (which, later, ab-
sorbed the Bank of British Columbia, as already mentioned), the
Imperial Bank of Canada, the Merchant's Bank of Halifax (which,
in January, 1901, changed its name to that of the Royal Bank of
Canada), and the Molson's Bank. These institutions together with
the Bank of Montreal, the Bank of British Columbia and the Bank
of British North America established in 1898 the Vancouver Clear-
ing House. The clearings for 1899 were $37,820,218.

In 1902 the banks operating in the province were: The Bank of
Montreal, eight branches; the Molson's Bank, three branches; the
Bank of British North America, seveii branches; the Imperial [?ank
of Canada, five branches; the Bank of Toronto, one branch; the
Canadian Bank of Commerce, twelve branches; the Kastern Town-
shirs Bank, two branches; the Bank of Hamilton, one branch; and
the Royal Bank of Canada, seven branches — a total of nine banks
with fortv-six branches. In every case these banks had an ofHce in
the city of Vancouver.

In 1906 the returns from the Vancouver Clearing House exceeded
$100,000,000. In 1911 thev had grown to the enormous sum of

One by one the other banking houses of eastern Canada became
persuaded that the held offered by British Columbia could no longer

650 BRITISH COLUMBIA

be neglected, until now (1913) besides those mentioned the follow-
ing banks have branches in this province: The Bank of Nova Scotia,
the Quebec Bank, the Northern-Crown Bank, the Merchants' Bank
of Canada, the Bank of Ottawa, the Traders' Bank of Canada, the
Home Bank of Canada, the Union Bank of Canada, the Dominion
Bank, and the Eastern Townships Bank until its absorption by the
Royal Bank of Canada.

A clearing house was established in New Westminster — where
nine banks had established branches — in 191 2.

In 1910 the first bank having its head office in the province was
incorporated. This was the Bank of Vancouver, which opened for
business in July of that year. It has an authorized capital of
$2,000,000, of which $1,169,900 has been subscribed and $830,000 paid
up. The first general manager was A. L. Dewar, who was succeeded
by L. W. Shatford. The present board of directors include the Hon.
T. W. Paterson, Lieutenant-Governor J. A. Mitchell, J. A. Harvey,
K. C, E. H. Heaps, C. S. Douglas, M. B. Carlin and A. Istel. Mr.
R. P. McLennan is the president, a position which he has occupied
from the inception of the bank.

Already the Bank of Vancouver has twelve branches, of which
four are in its natal city. The other offices are located in Vic-
toria (two branches). New Westminster, Collingwood East, Cedar
Cottage, Coquitlam, Hazelton, and Fort George. Our history,
however, and our banking system would lead one to regard as prob-
lematical the continued expansion of a local bank when in competi-
tion with other institutions having branches over all of Canada.

APPENDIX CONTAINING PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Memorial of lieutenant John Meares respecting seizure of vessels by the Spaniards at
Nootka Sound, in 1789.

2. Memorial of the Court of Spain, respecting the Nootka Affair, June 13, 1790.

3. Declaration and Counter Declaration, Nootka Sound Affair, July 24, 1790.
+. The Nootka Sound Convention, October 28, 1790.

5. Nootka Claims Convention, February 12, 1793.

6. Convention for the Mutual Abandonment of Nootka, January 11, 1794.

7. Third Article, Convention of October 20, 1818, between (ireat Britain and the United
States.

8. Fifth Article, Convention of October 20, 1818, between Great Britain and the United
States.

9. Hudson's Bay and North-West Companies' License of Exclusive Trade, 1821.

10. Convention of 1827 continuing in force Article III, Treaty of i8i8.

11. Hudson's Bay Company's License of Exclusive Trade, 1838.

12. Treaty establishing boundary west of the Rocky Mountains, June 15, 1846.

13. Royal Grant of Vancouver Island to Hudson's Bay Company, January 13, 1849.

14. An Act to provide for the administration of Justice in Vancouver Island, 1849.

65:1

APPENDIX

MEMORIAL OF LIEUTENANT JOHN MEARES, RESPECTING SEIZURE OF VESSELS
BY THE SPANIARDS AT NOOTKA SOUND, IN 1789

"The memorial of John Meares, Lieulenaiu in his Majesty's navy, most liumbly shevveth:

"That early in the year 1786, certain merchants residing in the East Indies, and under the
immediate protection of the Company, desirous of opening a trade with the north-west coast of
America, for supplying the Chinese market with furs and ginseng, communicated such design
to Sir John MacPherson, the Governor-General of India, who not only approved of the plan,
but joined in the subscription for its execution; and two vessels were accordingly purchased and
placed under the orders and command of your memorialist.

"That in the month of March, your memorialist despatched one of the said vessels, which
he named the Sea-oHer, under the command of Mr. Tipping, to Prince ^V'illiarn's Sound, and
followed her on the other ship, which he named the Nnolka.

"That on your memorialist's arrival in Prince William's Sound, in the month of September,
he found the Sea-oiler had left that place a few days before; and from intelligence he has since
received, the ship was soon after unfortunately lost ofl the coast of Kamschatkn.

"That your memorialist remained in Prince William's Sound the whole of the winter, in
the course of which time he opened an extensive trade with the natives; and having collected
a cargo of furs, he proceeded to China in the autumn of 1787.

"That in the month of January, 1788, your memorialist having disposed of the Nootka, he,
in conjunction with several British merchants residing in India, purcliased and tilted out two other
vessels, named the Fel'ue and lphii;eniii : the former your memorialist commanded, and the latter
he put under the direction of Mr. William Douglas. That your memorialist proceeded from
China to the port of N(Hitka, or King (Jeorge's Sound, which he reached in the month of May,
and the Iphigenia arrived in Cook's River in (he month of June.

"That your memorialist, immediately on his arrival in Nootka Sound, purchased from
Maquilla, the chief of the district contiguous to and surrounding that place, a spot of ground
whereon he built a house for his occasional residence, as well as for the more convenient pursuit
of his trade with the natives, and hoisted the British colours thereon; that he also erected a breast-
work which surrounded the house, and mounted one 3-pounder in the front; that having so done,
your memorialist proceeded to trade on the coast, the I'elire taking her route to the southward,
and the Iphigenia to the northward, confining themselves within the limits of 60° and 45° 30'
north, and returned to Nootka Sound in the month of September; that on your memorialist's
arrival there, his people, whom he had left behind, had nearly completed a vessel, which, previous
to his departure, he had laid down; and that the said vessel was soon after launched by your
memorialist, and called the North-II'est America, measuring about forty tons, and was eipiipped
with all expedition to assist him in his enterprizes.

"That during the absence of your memorialist from Nootka Sound, he ohtaineil from
Wicananish, the chief of the district surrounding Port Cox and Port Effingham, situated in the
latitudes 48' and 49°, in cnti'^equence of considerable presents the promise of a free and exclusive
trade with the natives of the district, and also his permission to build any storehouses or other
edifices which he might judge necessary; that he also acquired the same privilege of exclusive
trade from Tatouche, the chief of the country bordering on the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and pur-
chased from him a tract of land within the said strait, which one of your memorialist's officers
took possession of in the King's name, calling the same Tatouche, in honour of the chief.

"That the I phigenin, in her progress to the southward, also visited several ports, and in con-
sequence of presents 10 the chiefs of the country, her commander had assurances given to him
of not onlv a free access, but of an exclusi\-e trade upon that coast, no other European vessel hav-
ing been there before her.

erif)

656 APPENDIX

"That your memorialist, on the 23d of September, having collected a cargo of furs, proceeded
in the Felice to China, leaving the Iphigenia and the North-West America in Nootka Sound, with
orders to winter at the Sandwich Islands and to return to the coast in the spring. That your
memorialist arrived in China early in the month of December, where he sold his cargo and also
the ship Felice.

"Thai a few days after your memorialist's arrival in China, the ships Prince 0/ Hales and
Princess Royal, fitted out from the port of London by Messrs. John and Cadman Etches & Co.,
came to Canton from a trading voyage on the north-west coast of America ; and your memorialist,
finding that they had embarked in this commerce under licenses granted to them by the East
India and South Sea Companies, which would not expire until the year 1790, and apprehending
at the same time that the trade would suffer by a competition, he and his partners associated
themselves with the said Messrs. Etches & Co., and a formal agreement was executed in conse-
quence between your memorialist and Mr. John Etches, then Supra Cargo of the two ships, making
a joint stock of all the vessels and property employed in that trade; and under that firm they
purchased a ship, which had been built at Calcutta, and called her the Argonaut.

"That the Prince of H'ales, having been chartered to load teas for the East India Company,
soon after returned to England ; and the Princess Royal and Argonaut were ordered by your
memorialist to sail for the coast of America, under the command of Mr. James Colnett, to whom
the charge of all the concerns of the Company on the coast had been committed.

"Mr. Colnett was directed to fix his residence at Xootka Sound, and, with that view, to
erect a substantial house on the spot which your memorialist had purchased in the preceding
year, as will appear by a copy of his instructions hereunto annexed.

"That the Princess Royal and .Argonaut, loaded with stores and provisions of all descrip-
tions, with articles estimated to be sufficient for the trade for three years, and a vessel on board
in frame, of about thirty tons burthen, left China accordingly in the months of April and May,
1789. They had also on board, in addition to their crews, several artificers of different profes-
sions, and near seventy Chinese, who intended to become settlers on tlie American coast, in the
service and under the protection of the associated Compan>'.

"That on the 24th April, 1789, the Ipliigenia returned to Nootka Sound, and that the Sorth-
fVest America reached that place a few days after; that they found on their arrival in that port,
two American vessels which had wintered there; one of them was called the Columhia, the other
the Washington; that on the 29th of the same month the North-West .America was despatched to
the northward to trade, and also to explore the archipelago of St. Lazarus.

"That on the 6th of May, the Iphigenia being then at anchor in Nootka Sound, a Spanish
ship of war, called the Princessa, commanded by Don Estevan Joseph Martinez, mounting twenty-
six guns, which had sailed -from the port of San Bias in the Province of Mexico, anchored in
Nootka Sound, and was joined on the 13th by a Spanish Snow of sixteen guns, called the San
Carlos, which vessel had also sailed from the port of San Bias, loaded with cannon and other
warlike stores.

"That from the time of the arrival of the Princessa until the 14th of May, mutual civilities
passed between Captain Douglas and the Spanish officers, and even supplies were obtained
from Don Martinez for the use of the ship; but on that day he, (Captain Douglas) was ordered
on board the Princessa, and, to his great surprise, was informed by Don Martinez that he had
the king's orders to seize all ships and vessels he might find upon that coast, and that he, (the
commander of the Iphigenia) was then his prisoner; that Don Martinez thereupon instructed his
officers to take possession of the Iphigenia, which they accordingly did, in the name of his Catholic
Majesty, and the officers and crew of that ship were immediately conveyed as prisoners on
board the Spanish ships, where they were put in irons and otherwise ill-treated.

"That as soon as the Iphigenia had been seized, Don Martinez took possession of the lands
belonging to your memorialist, on which his temporary habitation before mentioned had been
erected, hoisting thereupon the standard of Spain and performing such ceremonies as your
memorialist understands are usual on such occasions; declaring at the same time that all the
lands comprised between Cape Horn and the sixtieth degree of north latitude did belong to his
Catholic Majesty; he then proceeded to build batteries, storehouses, etc., in the execution of
which he forcibly employed some of the crew of the Iphigenia, and many of them who attempted
to resist were verv severely punished.

APPENDIX 657

"That during the time the commander of the Iphigeiiia remained in captivity, he had fre-
quently been urged by Don Martinez to sign an instrument, purporting, as he was informed (not
understanding himself the Spanish language) that Don Martinez had found him at anchor in
Nootka Sound, that he was at thai time in great distress; that he had furnished him with
everything necessary for his passage to the Sandwich Islands, and that his navigation had in no
respect been molested or interrupted ; but which paper, on inspection of a copy thereof delivered
to Mr. Douglas, and hereunto annexed (No. 2) appears to be an obligation from him and Mr.
Vinania, the second captain, on the part of their owners, to pay on demand the valuation of that
vessel, her cargo, etc., in case the viceroy of New Spain should adjudge her to be lawful prize
for entering the port of Nootka without the permission of his Catholic Majesty; that Captain
Douglas, conceiving that the Port of Nootka, did not belong to his Catholic Majesty, did fre-
quently refuse to accede to this proposal; but that Don Martinez, partly by threats, and partly
by promises of restoring him to his command and of furnishing him with such supplies of stores
and provisions as he might stand in need of, ultimately carried his point; and having so done, he,
on the 26th of the same month, was restored to the command of the Ipliigenia, but restrained from
proceeding to sea until the return of the North- II' est America, insisting that he should then
dispose of her for four hundred dollars, the price which one of the .'\merican captains had set upon
her.

"That during the time the Spaniards held possession of the Iphigenia, she was stripped
of all the merchandise which had been provided for trading, as also of her stores, provisions,
nautical instruments, charts, etc., and, in short, every other article (excepting twelve bars of
iron) which they could conveniently carry away, even to the extent of the master's watch and
articles of cloathing.

"That the Commander of the Iphigenia, finding himself thus distressed, applied for relief, and
after much solicitation obtained a trifling supply of stores and provisions, for which he was called
upon to give bills on his owners. The articles so supplied were charged at a most exorbitant
price, and very unequal in quality or quantity to those which had been taken from him.

"That notwithstanding what had been insisted on by Don Martinez, respecting the sale of
the North-H^est America, he had constantly refused to dispose of that vessel on any ground,
alleging that, as she did not belong to him, he had no right to dispose of her; that the North-
West America not returning so soon as was expected, he, (Captain Douglas) was told by Don
Martinez, that on his ordering that vessel to be delivered to him for the use of his Catholic
Majesty, he should have liberty to depart with the Iphigenia; that he accordingly on the ist of
June, wrote a letter to the master of the North-II'esl America, but cautiously avoided any di-
rections to the effect desired, and availing himself of Don Martinez's ignorance of the English
language, he instantly sailed from Nootka Sound, though in a very unfit condition to proceed
on such a voyage, leaving behind him the two American vessels which had been suffered to
continue there unmolested by the Spaniards from the time of their first arrival; that the Iphigenia
proceeded from thence to the Sandwich Islands, and after obtaining there such supplies as they
were able to procure with the iron before mentioned, returneil to China and anchored there in
the month of October, 1789.

"Your memorialist thinks it necessary uptm this occasion to expiain, that in order to
evade the excessive high port charges demanded by the Chinese from all other Kuropean nations
excepting the Portuguese, that he and his associates had obtained the name of Juan Cawalho to
their firm, though he had no actual concern in their stock; that Cawalho, though by birth a Portu-
guese, had been naturalized at Bombay, and had resided there for many years under the protection
of the Kast India Company, and had carried on an extensive trade from thence to tl\eir several
settlements in that part of the world.

"That the intimacy subsisting between Cawalho and the Governor of Macao, had been the
principal cause of their forming this nominal connection, and that Cawalho ha<l in conse-
quence obtained his permission that the two ships above mentioned, in case it should be found
convenient so to do, should be allowed to navigate under, or claim any advantages granted to
the Portuguese flag.

"That this permission had answered the purpose of your memorialist, so far as respected th^
port charges of the Chinese, until the return of the Iphigenia ; but the Portuguese governor dying
soon after her departure, and Cawalho becoming a bankrupt, his creditors demanded his interest
in that ship; that your memorialist having resisted their claim, ati application was made by them

Vol. 1—42

658 APPENDIX

to the succeeding governor for possession of the ship; that the governor had, in consequence,
investigated the transaction, and finding that Cawalho had no actual concern or interest in the
property, obliged her to quit the port; that this proceeding had subjected the Iphigenia at once to
the increased port charges which were instantly demanded by and paid to the Chinese.

"Your memorialist has stated this transaction thus fully, in order to show, that the Iphigeiiin
and her cargo were actually and bona fide British property, as well as to explain the occasion
of the orders which were given to her commander extracts of which accompany this, and are
referred to in the journal of that ship, having been under the inspection of Don Martinez.

"Your memorialist further begs leave to state that after the departure of the Iphigeniii, Don
Martinez became apprized of the purport of the letter with which he had been furnished, and
that on the return of the North-lVest America off the port of Nootka, on the 9th of June, she was
boarded and seized by boats manned and equipped for war, commanded by Don Martinez; that
he did tow and convey the said vessel into the sound, and anchoring her close to the Spanish ships
of war, did then take possession of her in the name of his Catholic Majesty as good and lawful
prize; that the above mentioned vessel was soon after hauled alongside of the Spanish frigate; and
that the oHicers and men, together with the skins which had been collected, amounting to 215,
of the best quality, and also her stores, tackle and furniture, articles of trade, etc., were removed
on board the Spanish frigate; that the commander of the Norlh-U'est America, his officers and
men, were accordingly made prisoners, and Mr. Thomas Barnett, one of the officers of that vessel,
and some of her men, were, as appears by the affidavit of \\'illiam Graham, one of the seamen
belonging to that vessel hereunto annexed (No. 4) afterwards put in irons.

"That the Princess Royal arriving a few days after the seizure of the Sortli-West Amcrua,
and being allowed by Don Martinez to depart, the skins collected by the last mentioned vessel
(excepting twelve of the best quality, which Don Martinez thought fit to retain) were returned
to the master, and, with the permission of Don Martinez, were shipped on board the Princess
Royal for the benefit of the owners; and that ship, as appears by her journal, put to sea on the
2nd of July to pursue the trade upon the coast.

"That Don Martinez, after seizing the Nort/i-Il'esI America in the manner and under ihe
circumstances above stated, employed her on a trading voyage, from which she returned after
an absence of about twenty days, with seventy-five skins, obtained by British merchandize which
had either been found in that vessel at the time of her capture, or had been taken from the
Iphigenia; and that the value of the furs so collected cannot, upon a moderate calculation, be
estimated at less than $7,500, and which Don Martinez had applied to his own advantage.

"That the Argonaut arrived off the port of Nootka on or about the 3rd of July, 1789; that
Don Martinez on observing her in the offing, boarded her in his launch, and with expressions
of civility, promised Mr. Colnett, her commander, every assistance in his power; that before
the Argonaut entered the sound, Mr. Thomas Barnett (who had belonged to the North-ll'esl
America, and was then a prisoner) came off in a canoe and informed Mr. Colnett of the proceed-
ings which had taken place, and of the danger to which he was exposed; but that under the as-
surances given by Don Martinez that the Argonaut should remain unmolested, and being in want
of refreshments for the crew, Mr. Colnett proceeded into Nootka Sound.

"That, notwithstanding the assurances given by Don Martinez, he, on the next day, sent the
lieutenant of the Princessa with a military force to take possession of the Argonaut: and that
ship was accordingly seized in the name of his Catholic Majesty; the British flag was hauled
down and the Spanish flag was hoisted in its stead.

"That on the seizure of the Argonaut, her officers and men were made prisoners, and Mr.
Colnett was threatened to be hanged at the \ard-arm in case of his refusing compliance with aiiv
directions which might be given to him.

"That on the 13th of July, the Princess Royal, as is stated in her journal, again appeared off
the port of Nootka; that her commander approaching the sound in his boat in expectation of
finding there the commander of the expedition (from whom he was desirous of receiving instruc-
tions for his future proceedings), was seized and made prisoner by Don Martinez, and, under
threats of hanging him at the yard-arm forced him to send orders to his officers to deliver up
the Princess Royal without contest.

"That a Spanish officer was despatched into the offing with these orders; and that ihe ve^^el
was accordingly seized in the name of his Catholic Majesty and brought into port; that her
crew were in consequence made prisoners, and that her cargo, consisting of 473 skins, including

APPENDIX 659

203 which had been put on board her from the Sorth-H'est Ameriea, (as appears by the inclosed
receipt, No. 5) was seized.

"'niat Mr. Colnett, from the circumstances of his capture, became so deranged tliat he
attempted frequently to destroy himself; and that, according tn the last accounts received, the
state of his mind was such as tn render him unfit for the management of any business which
might have been entrusted to his care; that in this melancholy situation, however, Don Martinez,
(notwithstanding the vessel and cargo had before been formally seized) attempted to procure from
him the sale of the copper, of which a principal part of the cargo of the Princess Royal had been
composed, and that such sale would actually have taken place, had not the other officers of that
vessel, seeing C'olnett's insanity, prevented it.

"Your memorialist further begs leave to represent that the .American ship Cnlumliiii, in-
tending to proceed to China, the crew of the i\ort/t-lf'esl Imerica were ordered by Don Martinez
on board her, principally, as yo\ir memorialist understands, for the purpose of assisting her in
her navigation to China; the greater part of her own crew, as well as of her provisions, having
been previously put on board the ll'ii.</iini;lo'i in order that she might be enabled tn continue on the
coast.

"That the C.ohtmhia having reduced lier provisions considerabK from the supplies she had
spared to her consort, was furnished from the Argonaut by order of Don Martinez with wliat
was necessary for her voyage, said to be intended, however, for the supply of the crew of the Xnrl/i-
fVest /Imerica; that previous to the departure of the Columbia, ninety-six skins were also put on
board her as appears by the paper hereunto annexed No. 6, to defray the wages of the officers
and crew of the i\'ort/t-l{'esl .Imerica, under a supposition that their late emphners would be
unable to li(|uidate their demands, first deducting, however, thirty per cent from the sales, which
Don Martinez had agreed should be paid for the freight on the said skins to ihe .American
commanders.

"That the Cotumhia thus supplied, left Nootka Sound accordingly, and proceeded to tlie
southward; that a few days after she entered Port Cox, where she was joined by her consort,
the ll'as/iinxton, from whom she received a considerable number of skins, conceived to be the
whole (excepting the ninety-six before mentioned) which liad been collected by the .Americans
and Spaniards, as well as by the British traders, and with which, after sparing a further i|uaiititv
of provisions to the It'asliiti^ton, the Columbia proceeded to China, where she nrri\ed on ihe 2nd
of November, and landed the crew of the Norlh-JI'est America.

"That the crew of the North-West America previous to their leaving Nootka Sound in ihe
Columbia, saw the .Irgonaut proceed as a prize to San Bias; that her officers and men, who were
Europeans, were put on board her as prisoners; and that the Princess Royal was shortly to follow
with her crew in confinement in the same manner. The l('as/iini;ton, on joining tlie ('olumhia in
Port Cox, pave information that the Princess Royal had also sailed for San Bias.

"That Don Martinez had thought fit, however, to detain the Chinese and had compelled them
to enter into the service of Spain; and that on the departure of the Columbia tlie> were employeil
in the mines, which had then been opened on the lands which your memorialist had purchased.

"Your memorialist begs leave to annex a deposition of the officers and crew of the A'. If.
America, together with an extract of the journal of the tfiliigenia, and also some letters which he
has received from Mr. Duffin, second officer of the .lrf;onnut, which papers will serve to throw
considerable lights on the several transactions alluded to in this memorial: He also has subjoined
a statement of the actual as well as the probable losses which he and his associates have sustained
from the unwarrantable and unjustifialile proceedings of Don Martinez, in open violation of the
treaty of peace subsisting between this country and the Court of Spain, and at times aiid if> situa-
tions where, according to the common laws of hospitality, they might have expected a different
conduct.

"Your inemorialist therefore inost hiniibly begs leave to submit the ca^e of hirnselt and
his associates to the consideration of CJovernment, in full confidence that ihe proper and
necessary measures will be taken to obtain that redress, wliiih he atul his associates have. a«
British subjects, a right to expect.

"(Signed) Jon\ Mk\rf.s.

"London, jolh .April, 1790."

Message from King (Jeorge III. — "(George R. His Majesty has received information (hat
two vessels belonging to his Majesty's subjects, and navigated under the British flag, and two

660 APPENDIX

others, of which the description is not hitherto sufficiently ascertained, have been captured at
Nootka Sound, on the north-western coast of America, by an officer commanding two Spanish
ships of war; that the cargoes of the British vessels have been seized, and their officers and
crews have been sent as prisoners to a Spanish port.

"The capture of one of these vessels had before been notified by the ambassador of his
Catholic Majesty, by order of his court, who at the same time desired that measures might be
taken for preventing his Majesty's subjects from frequenting these coasts, which were alleged
(o have been previously occupied and frequented by the subjects of Spain. Complaints were
already made of the fisheries carried on by his Majesty's subjects in the seas adjoining to the
Spanish continent, as being contrary to the rights of the crown of Spain. In consequence of
this communication, a demand was immediately made by his Majesty's order, for adequate sat-
isfaction, and for the restitution of the vessel, previous to any other discussion.

"By answer from the Court of Spain it appears that this vessel and her crew had been set
at liberty by the viceroy of Me.xico ; but this is represented to have been done by him on the
supposition that nothing but the ignorance of the rights of Spain encouraged the individuals
of other nations to come to these coasts for the purpose of making establishments, or carrying on
trade, and in conformity to his previous instructions, requiring him to show all possible regard
to the British nation. No satisfaction is made or offered, and a direct claim is asserted by the
Court of Spain to the exclusive rights of sovereignty, navigation and commerce in the territories,
coasts and seas in that part of the world.

"His Majesty has now directed his minister at Madrid to make a fresh representation on
this subject, and to claim such full and adequate satisfaction as the nature of the case evi-
dently requires. And under these circumstances his Majesty, having also received information
that considerable armaments are carrying on in the ports of Spain, has judged it indispensably
necessary to give orders for making such preparations as may put it in his Majesty's power
to act with vigour and effect in support of the honour of his crown and the interests of his people.
And his Majesty- commends it to his faithful Commons, on whose zeal and public spirit he has
the most perfect reliance, to enable him to take such measures and to make such augmentation
of his forces, as may be eventually necessary for this purpose.

"It is his Majesty's earnest wish that the justice of his Majesty's demands may ensure
from the wisdom and equity of his Catholic Majesty the satisfaction which is so unquestionably
due; and that this affair may be terminated in such manner as may prevent any grounds of
misunderstanding in future, and to continue and confirm that harmony and friendship whicli
has so happily subsisted between the two courts, and which his Majesty will always endeavour
to maintain and improve by all such means as are consistent with the dignity of his Majesty's
crown and the essential interests of his subjects. G. R."

The House of Lords Approved the King's Message. — On the 26th May an "humble address
of the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in parliament assembled," was passed,
approving of his Majesty's message.

MEMORIAL OF THE COURT OF SPAIN, DELIVERED JUNE 13TH, 1790, TO MR. FITZ-
HERBERT, THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR AT MADRID.

"By every treaty upon record betwixt Spain and the other nations of Europe, for upwards
of two centuries, an exclusive right of property, navigation and commerce to the Spanish West
Indies has been universally secured to Spain, England having always stood forth in a particular
manner in support of such right.

"By Article 8th of the Treaty of Utrecht (a treaty in which all the European nations may
be said to have taken part), Spain and England profess to establish It as a fundamental principle
of agreement, that the navigation and commerce of the West Indies, under the dominion of
Spain, shall remain in the precise situation in which they stood in the reign of his Catholic
Majesty Charles 11., and that rule shall be invariably adhered to, and be incapable of infringement.

"After this maxim, the two powers stipulated that Spain should never grant liberty or per-
mission to any nation to trade or introduce their merchandise into Spanish American dominions.
nor to sell cede, or give up to any other nation, its lands, dominions or territories, or any part

APPENDIX 661

thereof. On the contrary, and in order that its territories should be preserved wliole and entire,
England ofiers to aid and assist the Spaniards in re-establishing the limits nf their American
dominions, and placing them in the exact situation they stood in the time ot his said Catholic
Majesty Charles II., if by accident it shall be discovered that they have undergone any alteration
to the prejudice of Spain, in whatever manner or pretext such alteration may have been brought
about.

"The vast extent of the Spanish territories, navigation and dominion on the Continent of
America, isles and seas contiguous to the South Sea, are clearly laid down and authenticated
by a variety of documents, laws and formal acts of possession in the reign of King Charles II.
It is also clearly ascertained, that notwithstanding the repeated attempts made by adventurers
and pirates on the Spanish coasts of the South Sea and adjacent islands, Spain has still pre-
served her possession entire, and opposed with success those usurpations by constantly sending
her ships and vessels to take possession of such settlements. By these measures and reiterated
acts of possession, Spain has preserved the dominion, which she has extended to the borders
of the Russian establishments in that part of ihe world.

"The viceroys of Peru and New Spain having been informed that these seas had been, for
some years past, more frequented tlian formerly; that smuggling had increased; that several
usurpations prejudicial to Spain and the general tranquillity had been suffered to be made, they
have orders that the western coasts of Spanish America, and islands and seas adjacent should
be more fre(iuently navigated and explored.

"They were also informed that several Russian vessels were upon the point of making
commercial establishments upon that coast. At the time that Spain demonstrated to Russia the
inconveniences attendant upon such encroachments, she entered upon the negotiation with Russia
upon the supposition that the Russian navigators of the Pacific Ocean had no orders to make
establishments within the limits of Spanish America, of which the Spaniards were the first
possessors {limits situated within Prince William's Sound), purposely to avoid all dissensions,
and in order to maintain the harmony and amity which Spain wished to preserve.

"The Court of Russia replied, that it liati alreatly given orilers that its subjects should make
no settlement in places belonging to other powers; and that if those orders had been violated, and
had been made in Spanish .America, they desired the king would put a stop to them in a friendly
maimer. To this pacific language on the part of Russia, Spain observed that she could not he
answerable for what her officers might do at that distance, whose general orders and instruc-
tions were not to permit any settlements to be made by other nations on the Continent of Spanish
America.

"Though trespasses had been made by the English on some of the islands of those coasfs,
which had given rise to similar complaints having been made to the Court of London, Spain
did not know that the English had endeavoured to make any settlements on the northern part
of the Southern Ocean, till the c<immander of a Spanish ship, in the usual tour of the coasts
of California, found two ."Xmerlcan vessels in St. Lawrence, or Nootka Harbour, where he was
going for provisions and stores. These vessels he permitted to proceed on their voyage, it
appearing from their papers that they were driven there by distress, and only came in to refit.

"He also found there the Iphigenia from Macao, under Portuguese colours, which had a
passport from the governor; and though he came manifestly with a view to trade there, yet
the Spanish admiral, when he saw his instructions, gave him leave to depart upon his signing
an engagement to pay the value of the vessel, should the Government nf Mexico declare it a
lawful prize.

"With this vessel there came a second, wliich the admiral detained, ami a few days after,
a third, named the Iri^otiaut, from the above mentioned place. The captain of this latter
was an Englishman. He came not only to trade, but brought everything with him proper to form
a settlement there and to fortify it. TTiis, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Spanish
admiral he persevered in, and was detained, together with his vessel.

".After him came a fourth English vessel, named the Princess Royiil. and evldcnllv for the
same purposes. She likewise was detaine<l and sent to Port San Bias, where the pilot of the
/Iritnninit made awav with himself.

"The vicerov, on being informed of these particulars, gave orders that the captain and vessels
should be released, and that they should have leave to refit, without declaring them a lawful
prize; and this he did, on account of the ignorance nf the proprietors, and the friendship which
subsisted between the Courts of I.ondon and Madrid.

662 APPENDIX

"He also gave them leave to return to Macao with their cargo, after capitulating with
them in the same manner as with the Portuguese captain, and leaving the affair to be finally
determined by the Count de Revillagigado, his successor, who also gave them their liberty.

"As soon as the Court of Madrid had received an account of the detention of the first Eng-
lish vessel at Nootka Sound, and before that of the second arrived, it ordered its ambassador
at London to make a report thereof to the English minister, which he did on the loth of Febru-
ary last, and to require that the parties who had planned these expeditions should be punished,
in order to deter others from making settlements on territories occupied and frequented by the
Spaniards for a number of years.

"In the ambassador's memorial, mention was only made of the Spanish admiral that com-
manded the present armament, having visited Nootka Sound in 1774, though that harbour had
been frequently visited both before and since, with the usual forms of taking possession. These
forms were repeated more particularly in the years 1755 and 1779, all along the coasts, as far
as Prince William's Sound, and it was these acts that gave occasion to the memorial made by
the Court of Russia as has been already noticed.

"The Spanish ambassador at London did not represent in this memorial at that time, that
the right of Spain to these coasts was conformable to ancient boundaries which had been guar-
anteed by England at the Treaty of Utrecht, in the reign of Charles IL, deeming it to be un-
necessary; as orders had been given and vessels had actually been seized on those coasts as far
back as 1692.

"The answer that the English ministry gave, on the 26th of February, was, that they had
not as yet been informed of the facts stated by the ambassador, and that the act of violence,
mentioned in his memorial, necessarily suspended any discussion of the claims therein, till an
adequate atonement had been made for a proceeding so injurious to Great Britain.

"In addition to this haughty language of the British minister, he further added, that the
ship must in the first place be restored; and that with respect to any further stipulations, it
would be necessary to wait for a fuller detail of all the circumstances of this affair.

"The harsh and laconic style in which this answer was given, made the Court of Madrid sus-
pect that the King of Great Britain's ministers were forming other plans; and they were the
more induced to think so, as there were reports that they were going to fit out two fleets, one for
the Mediterranean and the other for the Baltic. This of course obliged Spain to increase the
small squadron she was getting ready to exercise her marine.

"The Court of Spain then ordered her ambassador at London to present a memorial to the
British ministry, setting forth that though the Crown of Spain has an indubitable right to the
continent, islands, harbours and coasts in that part of the world, founded on treaties and im-
memorial possession, yet the viceroy of Mexico had released the vessels that were detained,
the king looked upon the affair as concluded, without entering into any disputes or discus-
sions on the undoubted rights of Spain; and desiring to give a proof of his friendship for Great
Britain, he should rest satisfied if she ordered that her subjects in future respected those rights.

"As if Spain, in this answer, had laid claim to the empire of that ocean, though she onlv
spoke of what belonged to her by treaties, and as if it had been so grievous an offence to termi-
nate this affair by restitution of the only vessel which was then known to have been taken, it
excited such clamour and agitation in the parliament of England that the most vigorous prepa
rations for war had been commenced; and those powers disinclined to peace, charge Spain with
designs contrary to her known principles of honour and probity as well as to the tranquillitv
of Europe, which the Spanish monarch had in view.

"While England was employed in making the greatest armamems and preparations, that
court made answer to the Spanish ambassador (upon the 5th of May) that the acts of violence
committed against the British flag 'rendered it necessary for the sovereign to charge his minister .
at Madrid to renew the remonstrances (being the answer of England alreadv mentioned), and
to require that satisfaction which his Majesty thought he had an itulisputable riirht to demand.'
"To this was added a declaration not to enter formally into the matter until a satisfactory
answer was obtained; 'and at the same time the memorial of Spain should not iiulude in it the
question of right,' which formed a most essential part of the discussion.

"The British administration offer, in the same answer, to take the most effectual and pacific
measures that the English subjects shall not act 'against the just and acknowledged rights of
Spain, !>ut that they cannot at present accede to the pretensions of absolute sovereignty, com-

APPENDIX 663

merce ami navigation which appeared to be tlie principal object of the memorial nf the ambas-
sador, and that the King of England considers it as a duty incumbent upon him to protect
his subjects in the enjoyment of the right of continuing their rishery in the Pacific Ocean.'

"If this pretension is found to trespass upon the ancient boundaries laid down in the reign
of King Charles II. and guaranteed by England in the Treaty of Utrecht, as Spain believes,
it appears that that court will have good reason for disputing and opposing this claim; and
it is to be hoped that the equity of the British administration will suspend and restrict it
accordingly.

"In consequence of the foregoing answer, the charge d'affaires from the Court of London
at Madrid insisted, in a memorial of the i6th of May, on restitution of the vessel detained at
Nootka and the property therein contained; of an indemnification for the losses sustained, and on
a reparation proportioned to the injury done to the English subjects trading under the British
flag, and that they have an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navi-
gation, commerce and fishery; and to the possession of such establishments as they should form
with the consent of the natives of the country not previously occupied by any of the European
nations.

"An explicit and prompt answer was desired upon this head, in such terms as might tend
to calm the anxieties and to maintain the friendship subsisting between the two courts.

"The charge d'affaires, having observed that a suspension of the Spanish armaments would
<;ontribute to tranquillity upon the terms to be communicated by the British administration, as
answer was made by the Spanish administration that the king was sincerely inclined to dis-
arm upon the principles of reciprocity, and proportioned to the circumstances of the two courts,
adding that the Court of Spain was actuated by the most pacific intentions and a desire to
give every satisfaction and indemnification, if justice was not on their side, provided England
did as much if she was fouiul to be in the wrong.

"This answer must convince all the courts of Europe, that the conduct of the king and his
administrators is consonant to the invariable principles of justice, truth and peace.

"(Signed) El, CoNDE de Fi,iiridabi..\nca."

Mr. Fit/herbert replied as follows:

"Sir, — In compliance with your Excellency's desire, I have now the honour to communicate
to you In writing what I observed to you in the conversation we had the day before yester-
day. The substance of these observations are briefly these:

"The Court of London is animated with the most sincere desire of terminating tlie differ-
ence that at present subsists between it and the court of Madrid, relative to the port of Nootka
and the adjacent latitudes, by a friendly negotiation; but it is evident, upon the clearest principles
nf justice and reason, that an equal negotiation cannot be opened (ill matters are put in their
original slate; and as certain acts have been committed in the latitudes in question belonging to
the royal marine of Spain, against several British vessels, without any reprisals having been
made, of any sort, on the part of Britain, that power is perfectly in the right to insist, as a
preliminary condition, upon a prompt and suitable reparation for those acts of violence; and in
conse<|iience of this principle the practice of nations has limited such right of reparation to
three articles, viz., the restitution of the vessels, a full indemnification for the losses sustained by
the parties injured, and, finally, satisfaction lo the sovereign for the insult offered to his flag;
so that it is evident that the actual demands of my court, far from containing anything to
prejudice the rights or dignity of his Catholic Majesty, amount to no more, in fact, than what
is constantly done by Great Britain herself, as well as every other maritime power. In similar
circutustances.

"Finally, as to the nature of the satisfaction which the Court of London exacts upon this
occasion and to which your Excellency appears to desire some explanation, I am authorized, sir,
to assure you that if his C^atholic Majesty consents to make a declaration in his name, bearing
in substance that he had determined to offer to his Britannic Majesty a just and suitable satisfac-
tion for the insult offered to his flag, such offer joined to a restitution of the vessels captured, and
to indemnify the proprietors, under (he conditions specified in the official letter of Mr. Merry on
the i6th of May, will he regarded by his Britannic Majesty as constituting in itself the satis-
faction demanded; and his said Majesty' will accept of it as such bv a counter declaration on
his pan.

664 APPENDIX

"I have to add that as it appears uncertain if the vessels, the Sorth-Wcst America, an
American vessel, and the Iphigenia, had truly a right to enjoy the protection of the British
flag, the king will with pleasure consent that an examination of the question, as well as that
relative to the just amount of the losses sustained by his subjects, may be left to the determina-
tion of the commissioners to be named by the two courts.

"Having thus recapitulated to your Excellency the heads of what I (]l)ser\ed to you in con-
versation, 1 flatter myself you will weigh the whole in your mind with that spirit of equity and
moderation which characterizes you, that I may be in a condition of sending to my court, as
soon as possible, a satisfactory answer as to the point contained in the official paper sent to i\lr.
Merry on the 4th of this month, and which for the reasons I have mentioned cannot be regarded
by his Britannic Majest>' as fulfilling his just expectations. I have the honour to be, etc.,

"AliEVNE FlTZHERBERT."

Ill

DECLARATION AND COUNTER DECLARATION, NOOTKA SOUND AFFAIR

Declaration.

His Britannic Majesty having complained of the capture of certain vessels belonging to
his subjects in the port of Nootka, situated on the Northwest Coast of .•\iTierica, by an officer
in the service of His Catholic Majesty, the undersigned counsellor and principal secretary of
state to His Majesty, being thereto duly authorized, declares in the name and by the order of
His Majesty, that he is willing to give satisfaction to His Britannic Majesty for the injury of
which he has complained, fully persuaded that His said Britannic Majesty would act in tlie
same manner toward His Catholic Majesty under similar circumstances; and His Majesty further
engages to make full restitution of all the British vessels which were captured at Nootka, and
to indemnify the parties interested in those vessels for the losses which they may have sustained,
as soon as the amount thereof shall have been ascertained. It being understood that this declara-
tion is not to prejudice the ulterior discussion of any right which His Catholic Majesty claim^^ to
form an exclusive establishment at Nootka.

In witness whereof I have signed this declaration and sealed it with the seal of my arms at
Madrid the 24th of July, 1790.

Count Fi.oridari.wca.
Counter Declaration.

His Catholic Majesty having declared tlial he was willing to give satisfaction for tlie injiirv
done to the King by the capture of certain vessels belonging to his subjects in the Bay of
Nootka; and Count Floridablanca having signed, in the name and by the order of His Catholic
Majesty, a declaration to this effect, and by which His said Majesty likewise engages to make
full restitution of the vessels so captured and to indemnify the parties interested in those vessels
for the losses which they shall have sustained, the undersigned ambassador extraordinary and
plenipotentiary of His Majesty to the Catholic King, being thereto duly and expressly authorized,
accepts the said declaration in the name of the King; and declares that His Majesty will con-
sider this declaration, with the performance of the engagements contained therein, as a fvill and
entire satisfaction for the injury of which His Majesty has complained.

The undersigned declares at the same time that it is to be understood that neither the said
declaration signed by Count Floridablanca nor the acceptance thereof by the undersigned, in
the name of the King, is to preclude or prejudice, in any respect, the rights which His Majesty
may claim to any establishment which his subjects may have formed, or mav desire to form
in the future, at the said Bay of Nootka.

In witness whereof I have signed this counter declaration and sealed it with the seal of mv
arms at Madrid the 24th of July, 1790.

Allevne Fitzherbfrt.
IV

THE NOOTKA SOUND CONVENTION

Their Britannic and Catholic Majesties being desirous of terminating, by a speedv and solid
agreement, the differences which have lately arisen between the two Crowns, have considered

APPENDIX 665

lliat tlie best way of attaining this salutary object would be that of an amicable anangeinent
which, setting aside all retrospective discussions of the rights and pretensions of the two parties,
should regulate their respective positions for the future on bases which would be conformable
to their true interests as well as to the mutual desires with which Their said Majesties are ani-
mated, of establishing with each other, in everything and in all places, the most perfect friend-
ship, harmony, and good correspondence. Willi this in view they have named and constituted
for their plenipotentiaries, to wit, on the part of His Britannic Majesty, Alleyne Fitzherbert, of
the privy council of His said Majesty in Great Britain and Ireland, and his ambassador extraor-
dinary and minister plenipotentiary to His Catholic Majesty; and on the pan of His Catholic
Majesty, Don Joseph Moiiino Coinit of Floridablanca, Knight (jrand Cross of the Royal Spanish
Order of Charles HI., counsellor of state to His said Majesty, and his principal secretary of state
and of the cabinet, who, after having communicated to each other their full powers, have agreed
on the following articles:

Article I

It is agreed that the buildings and tracts of land situated on the Northwest Coast of the conti-
nent of North America, or on islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects of His
Britannic Majesty were dispossessed about the month of April, 1789, by a Spanish officer, shall
be restored to the said British subjects.

Asncr e II

Further, a just reparation shall be made, according to the nature of the case, for every
act of violence or hostility which may have been committed since the said month of .April, 1789,
by the subjects of either of the contending parties against the subjects of the other; and in case
any of the respective subjects shall, since the same period, have been forcibly dispossessed of
their lands, buildings, vessels, merchandise, or any other objects of property on the said continent
or on the seas or islands adjacent, they shall be replaced in possession of thpm or a just compensa-
tion shall be made to them fm the losses which they have sustained.

Article III

And in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship and to preserve in the future a perfect
harmony and good understanding between the two contracting parties, it is agreed that their
respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested either in navigating or carrying on their
fisheries in the Pacific Ocean or in, the South Seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas in
places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their cominerce with the natives of
the country or of making establishments there; the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restric-
tions and provisions which shall be specified in the three following articles.

.Article I\'

His Britannic Majesty engages to employ the most effective measures to prevent the navigation
and fishery of his subjects in the Pacific Ocean or in the South Seas from being made a pretext
for illicit trade with the Spanish settlements; and with this in view it is moreover expressly stipu-
lated that British subjects shall not navigate nor carry on their fishery in the said seas within the
distance of 10 maritime leagues from any part of tlic coast already occupied bv Spain.

.Article V

It is agreed that as well in the places which are to be restored to British subjects bv virtue
of the first article as in all other parts of the Northwest Coast of North America or of the islands
adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said coast alreadv occupied by Spain, wherever
the subjects of either of the two powers shall have made settlements since the month of April,
1789, or shall hereafter make any, the subjects of the other shall have free access and shall carry
on their commerce without disturbance or molestation.

666 APPENDIX

Article VI i

it is further agreed with respect to the eastern and western coasts of South America and the
islands adjacent, that the respective subjects shall not form in the future any establishment on the
parts of the coast situated to the south of the parts of the same coast and of the islands adjacent
already occupied by Spain; it being understood that the said respective subjects shall retain the
liberty of landing on the coasts and islands so situated for objects connected with their fishery
and of erecting thereon huts and other temporary structures serving only those objects.

Article \'II

In all cases of complaint or infraction of the articles of the present convention the officers
of either party without previously permitting themselves to commit any act of violence or assault
shall be bound to make an exact report of the affair and of its circumstances to their respective
Courts, who will terminate the differences in an amicable manner.

Article V'III

The present convention shall be ratified and confirmed within the space of six weeks, to be
counted from the day of its signature, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof we, the undersigned plenipotentiaries of Their Britannic and Catholic
.Majesties, have, in their names and by virtue of our full powers, signed the present convention,
and have affixed thereto the seals of our arms.

Done at the palace of San Lorenzo the 28th of October, 1790.

Allevne Fitzherbert.
The Count of Floridablanc.a.
Secret Article

Since by article 6 of the present convention it has been stipulated, respecting the eastern
and western coasts of South America, that the respective subjects shall not in the future form
any establishment on the parts of these coasts situated to the south of the parts of the said coasts
actually occupied by Spain, it is agreed and declared by the present article that this stipulation
shall remain in force only so long as no establishment shall have been formed by the subjects
of any other power on the coasts in question. This secret article shall have the same force
as if it were inserted in the convention.

In witness whereof, etc.

Ratifications were exchanged by Floridablanca and Fitzherbert on November 22.

NOOTKA CLAIMS CONVENTION

In virtue of the declarations exchanged at Madrid on the 24th of July, 1790, and of the con-
vention signed at the Escorial on the 18th (28th) of the following October, Their Catholic and
Britannic Majesties, desiring to regulate and determine definitely everything regarding the
restitution of the British ships seized at Nootka, as well as the indemnification of the parties
interested in the ships, have named for this purpose and constituted as their commissioners and
plenipotentiaries, to wit, on the part of His Catholic Majesty, Don Manuel de Las Heras,
commissary in His said Majesty's armies, and his agent and consul-general in the Kingdoms
of Great Britain and Ireland; and on the part of His Britannic Majesty, Mr. Ralph Woodford,
Knight Baronet of Great Britain; who, after having communicated tlieir full powers, have agreed
upon the following articles:

Article I

His Catholic Majesty, besides having restored the ship Ari^onnut, the restoration nf which
took place in the port of San Bias in the year 1791 (1790), agrees to pay as indemnity to the

APPENDIX 667

parties interested in it the amount of two hundred and ten thousand hard dollars in specie, it
being understood that this sum is to serve a compensation and complete indemnification for all
their losses, whatever they may be, without any exception, and without leaving the possibility
of a future remonstrance or any pretext or motive.

Article II

Said payment shall be made on the day on which the present convention shall be signed
by the commissioner of His Catholic Majesty in the presence of the commissioner of His Britannic
Majesty, which later shall give at the same time an acknowledgment of payment consistent with
the terms enunciated in the former article and signed by the said commissioner for himself
and in the name and by the order of His Britannic Majesty and of the said interested parties.
And there shall be attached to the present convention a copy of the said acknowledgment of
payment, executed in the proper form, and likewise of the respective full powers and of the
authorizations of the said interested parties.

Article UI

The ratifications of the present convention shall be exchanged in this city of London within
a period of six weeks from the date of its signature, or before if possible.

In witness whereof we, the undersigned commissioners and plenipotentiaries of Their Catholic
and Britannic Majesties, have signed the present convention in their names and in virtue of our
respective full powers, affixing to it the seals of our arms.
Done at Whitehall, February 12, 1793.

Manuel de Las Heras.
R. Woodford.
VI

CONVENTION FOR THE MUTUAL ABANDONMENT OF NOOTKA

Their Catholic and Britannic Majesties desiring to remove and obviate all doubt and
difficulty relative to the execution of article I of the convention concluded between Their said
Majesties on the 28th of October, 1790, have resolved and agreed to order that new instructions
be sent to the officials who have been respectively commissioned to carry out the said article,
the tenor of which instructions shall be as follows:

That within the shortest time that may be possible after the arrival of the said officials at
Nootka they shall meet in the place, or near, where the buildings stood which were formerly
occupied by the subjects of His Britannic Majesty, at which time and in which place they shall
exchange mutualK- the following declaration and counter declaration;

DlXl.ARATION

"I, N N , in the name and by the order of His Catholic Majesty, by means of these

presents restore to N N the buildings and districts of land situated on the Northwest Coast

of the continent of North America, or the islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects
of His Britannic Majesty were dispossessed by a Spanish officer toward the month of April, 1789.
In witness whereof I have signed the present declaration, sealing it with the seal of my arms.
l>iMie at Nonika on the — — clay of , 179 — ."

Counter Declaration

"I, N N , in the name and by the order of His Britannic Majesty, by means of these

[iresenis declare that the buildings and tracts of land on the Northwest Coast of the continent of
North America, or on the islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects of His Britannic
Majesty were dispossessed by a Spanish officer toward the month of April, 1789, have been

restored to me by N N , which restoration I declare to be full and satisfactory. In witness

whereof I have signed the present counter declaration, sealing it with the seal of my arms. Done
tt Nootka on the day of , 179 — ."

668 APPENDIX

That then llie British othcial shall unfurl the British flag over the land so restored in sign of
possession. And that after these formalities the officials of the two Crowns shall withdraw, respect-
ively, their people from the said port of JNootka.

Further, Their said Majesties have agreed that the subjects of both nations shall have the
liberty of frequenting the said port whenever they wish and of constructing there temporary
buildings to accommodate them during their residence on such occasions. But neither of the said
parties shall form any pemianent establishment in the said port or claim any right of sovereignty
or territorial dominion there to the exclusion of the other. And Their said Majesties will mutually
aid each other to maintain for their subjects free access to the port of Nootka against any other
nation which may attempt to establish there any sovereignty or dominion.

In witness whereof we, the undersigned first secretary of state and of the Cabinet of His
Catholic Majesty, and the ambassador and plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty, in the name
and by the express order of our respective sovereigns, have signed the present agreement, sealing
it with the seals of our arms.

Done at Madrid, January ii, 1794.

The Duke of Alcijdi.*.
St. Helens.
VII

THIRD ARTICLE, CONVENTION' OF OCTOBER 20TH, 1818, BETWEEN GREAT
BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES

It is agreed, that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast
of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall together with its harbours, bays, and
creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of ten
years from date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects
of the two Powers: it being well understood, that this agreement is not to be construed to the
prejudice of any claim, which either of the uvo high contracting parties may have to any part
of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other Power or State to any
part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being
to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves.

VIII

FIFTH ARTICLE, CONVENTION OF OCTOBER 20TH, i8i8, BETWEEN GREAT
BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES

Whereas, it was agreed by the first Article of the treaty of Ghent, that "all territory, places,
and possessions whatsoever taken by either party from the other during the war, or which may
be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned, shall
be restored without delay ; and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any of the
artillery or other public property originally captured in the said forts or places which shall
remain therein upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or other private
property;" and whereas under the aforesaid article the United States claim for their citizens,
and as their private property, the restitution of, or full compensation for all slaves who, at
the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the said treaty, were in any territory, places,
or possessions whatsoever directed by the said treaty to be restored to the United States, but then
still occupied by the British forces, whether such slaves were, at the date aforesaid, on shore,
or on board any British vessel lying in waters within the territory or jurisdiction of the United
States; and whereas differences have arisen whether, by the true intent and meaning of the
aforesaid article of the treaty of Ghent, the United States are entitled to the restitution of, or
full compensation for all or any slaves as above described, the high contracting parties hereby
agree to refer the said differences to some friendly Sovereign or State to be named for that
purpose; and the high contracting parties further engage to consider the decision of such
friendly Sovereign or State, to be final and conclusive on all the matters referred.

APPENDIX 66!)

HUDSON'S BAY AND NORTH-WEST COMPANIES' LICENSE OF EXCLUSIVE

■TRADE, 1821
GEORGE R.

(L. S.)

George the Fourth, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain'
AND Ireland King, Defender of the Faith.

To all to whom these Presents shall come, greeting.

Whereas an Act passed in the second year of our reign, intituled, "."Xn Act for regulating
the Fur Trade, and for establishing a Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain parts of
North America;" wherein it is amongst other things enacted, that from and after the passing
of the said Act, it should be lawful for us, our heirs or successors, to make Grants or give our
Royal License, under the hand and seal of one of our Principal Secretaries of State, to any body
corporate or company, or person or persons, of or for the exclusive privilege of trading with the
Indians in all such parts of North America as should be specified in any such Grants or Licenses
respectively, not being part of the lands or territories heretofore granted to the Governor and
Company of Adventurers of England trading to Hudson's Bay, and not being part of any of our
provinces in North America, or of any lands or territories belonging to the United States of
America, and that all such Grants and Licenses should be good, valid and effectual, for the pur-
pose of securing to all such bodies corporate, or companies or persons, the sole and exclusive
privilege of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North .America (except as thereinafter
excepted) as should be specified in such Grants or Licenses, any thing contained in any Act or Acts
of Parliament or any law to the contrary notwithstanding; and it was in the said Act further
enacted, that no such Grant or License made or given by us, our heirs or successors, of any such
exclusive privileges of trading with the Indians in such parts of North America as aforesaid
should he made or given for any longer period than 21 years, and that no rent should
be required or demanded for or in respect of any such Grant or License, or any privileges given
thereby, under the provisions of the said Act, for the first period of 21 years; and it
was further enacted, that from and after the passing of the said Act, the Governor and Company
of Adventurers of England trading to Hudson's Bay, and every body corporate and company
and person, to whom every such Grant or License should be made or given as aforesaid, should
respectively keep accurate registers of all persons in their employ, in any parts of North America,
and should once in each year return to our Principal Secretaries of State accurate duplicates
of such registers, and should also enter into such security as should be required by us for the
due execution of all criminal processes, and of any civil process in any suit where the matter
in dispute shall exceed 200 .£., and as well within the territories included in any such Grant as
within those granted by Charter to ihe Governor and Company of Adventurers of F.nglaml
trading to Hudson's Bay, and for the producing and delivering into safe custody, for the pur-
pose of trial, all persons in their employ, or acting under their authority, who should be charged
with any criminal offence, and also for the due and faithful observance of all such rules,
regulations and stipulations as should be contained in any such Grant or License, either for
gradually diminishing and ultimately preventing the sale or distribution of spirituous liquors
to the Indians, or for promoting their moral and religious improvement ; or for any other object
which we might deem necessary for the remedy or prevention of any other evils which have
been hitherto found to exist: And whereas it was also in the said .\ct recited, that by a Con-
vention entered into between his late Majesty and the United States of America, it was
stipulated and agreed, that every country on the North-west coast of America to the westward
of the Stoney .Mountains should be free and open to the citizens and subjects of the two powers
for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of that Convention; and it was therefore
enacted, that nothing in the said Act contained should be deemed or construed lo aulhori/e any
body corporate, company or person, to whom his Majesty might, under the provisions of the
said Act, make or grant, or give a license of exclusive trade with the Indians, in such parts of
North America as aforesaid, to claim or exercise any such exclusive trade within the limits
specified in the said article, to the prejudice or exclusion of any citizens of the said UTiited States
of America who might be engaged in the said trade: Provided always, that no British subject
should trade with the Indians within such limits without such Grant or License as was by the
said Act required.

670 APPENDIX

And whereas the said Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into
Hudson's Bay, and certain Associations of persons trading under the name of the "North-west
Company of Montreal," have respectively extended the fur trade over many parts of North
America which had not been before explored : And Avbereas the competition in the said trade
has been found for some years past to be productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only
to the said Company and Associations, but to the said trade in general, and also of great injury
to the native Indians, and of other persons our subjects: And whereas the said CJovernor and
Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, and William M'Gillivray,
of Montreal, in the Province of Lower Canada, esquire, Simon M'Gillivray, of Suffolk-lane, in
the City of London, merchant, and Edward Ellice, of Spring-gardens, in the County of Middle-
sex, esquire, have represented to us, that they have entered into an agreement, on the 26th day of
March last, for putting an end to the said competition, and carrying on the said trade for
21 years, commencing with the outfit of 1821, and ending with the return* of 1841, to be carried
on in the name of the said Governor and Company exclusively:

And whereas the said Governor and Company, and William M'Gillivray, Simon M'CJillivray
and Edward Ellice, have humbly besought us to make a C>rant, and give our Royal Licen-<
to them jointly, of and for the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in North America,
under the restrictions and upon the terms and conditions specified in the said recited Act:
Now know ve. That we, being desirous of encouraging the said trade and remedying the
evils which have arisen from the competition which has heretofore existed therein, do grant
and give our Roval License, under tlie hand and seal of one of our Principal Secretaries of State,
to the said CJovernor and Company, a[id William M'Gillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward
Ellice, for the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America
to the northward and westward of the lands and territories belonging to the United States
of America as shall not form part of any of our provinces in Nortli America, or of any lands
or territories belonging to the said United States of America, or to any European government,
state or power; and we do by these presents give, grant and secure to the said Governor and
Company, and William McGillivray, Simon McGillivray and Edward Ellice jointly, the sole
and exclusive privilege, for the full period of 21 years from the date of this our Grant, of
trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America as aforesaid (except as therein-
after excepted); and we do hereby declare that no rent shall be required or demanded for or
in respect of this our Grant and License, or any privileges given therebv, for the said period of
21 years, but that the said Governor and Company, and the said William M'C;illivray,
Simon M'Gillivray and Edward Ellice shall, during the period of this our Grant and License, keep
accurate registers of all persons in their employ in aiiy parts of North America, and shall once
in each year return to our Secretary of State accurate duplicates of such registers, and shall also
enter into and give security to us, oiw heirs and successors, in the penal sum of 5000 £. for
ensuring, as far as in them may lie, the due execution of all criminal processes, and of any
civil process in any suit where the matter in dispute shall exceed 200 £., by the officers and
persons legally empowered to execute such processes within all the territories included in this
our Grant, and for the producing and delivering into safe custody, for purposes of trial, any
persons in their employ, or acting under their authority within the said terriinries, who may be
charged with any criminal offence.

And we do also hereby require, that the said (iovernor and Company, and William M'Gilliv-
ray, Simon M'Gillivray and P'dward Ellice shall, as soon as the same can be conveniently done,
make and submit for our consideration and approval such rules and regulations for the man-
agement and carrying on the said fur trade with the Indians, and the conduct of the persons
employed by them therein, as may appear to us to be effectual for gradually diminishing or
ultimately preventing the sale or distribution of spirituous liquors to the Indians, and for pro-
moting their moral and religious improvement.

And we do hereby declare, that nothing in this our Cirant contained shall be deemed or
construed to authorize the said Governor and Company, or William M'Gillivray, Simon IVTGilliv-
ray and Edward Ellice, or any person in their employ, to claim or exercise any trade with the
Indians on the north-west coast of America to the westward of the Stoney Mountains, to the
prejudice or exclusion of any citizens of the United States of America, who may be engaged
in the said trade: Provided always, that no British subjects other than and except the said
Governor and Company, and the said William M'Gillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward

APPENDIX (171

Ellice, and the persons authorized to carry on exclusive trade hy them on tirant, shall trade
with the Indians within such limits during the period of this our CJrant.

Given at our Court at Carlton-house the 5th day of December, 1821, in the second >ear
of our reign.

By his Majesty's command.

(L. S.) BMHURsr.
X

CONVENTION OF 1827 CONTINCINC IN FORCE ARTICLE III, TREATY t)F i8ig

Concluded August 6, 1827; Ratification vdvisko by the Senate Ferruary 5, 1828; Ratuted

BY the President February 21, 1828; Ratihcations e.\-ciianged April 2, 1828; Proclaimed

May 15, 1828.

The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, being equally desirous to prevent, as far as possible, all hazard
of misunderstanding between the two nations, with respect to the territory on the north-wesi
coast of America, west of the Stoney or Rocky Mountains, after the expiration of the third article
of the convention concluded between ihern on the twentieth of October, 1818; and also with a view
to give further time for maturing measures which shall have for their object a more deliniie
settlement of the claims of each party to the said territory, have respectively named their
Plenipotentiaries to treat and agree concerning a temporary renewal of the saiil article, that
is to say ;

The President of the United States of America, Albert (jallalin, their Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to His Britannick Majesty; and His Majesty the King of ilie
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Charles Grant, a member
of his said Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, a member of Parliament, and Vice-
President of the Committee of Privy Council for Affairs of Trade and Foreign Plantation^; and
Henry Unwin Addington, Esquire:

Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found to be
in due and proper form, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles:

Article I

All the provisions of the third article of the convention concluded betweei\ the United
States of America and His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland on the twentieth of October, 1818, shall be, and they are hereby, further indetinitcly
extended and continued in force, in the same niainier as if all the provisions of the said article were
herein specifically recited.

ARnci.i; II

It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think
fit, at any time after the twentieth of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the
other contracting party, to ainiul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case be
accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated, after the expiration of the said term of notice.

Ariicie 111

Nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the convention of (he iwentieih
of October, 1818, hereby continued in force, shall be construed to impair, or in any maimer affect,
ihe claims which either of the contracting parties may have to am part of the countrv westward
of ihe Sioney or Rocky Mountains.

Artici r IV

The present convention shall be ratified, anil ilie ratifications shall be exchanged in nine
months, or sooner if possible.

672 . APPENDIX

In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed
thereto the seals of their arms.

Done at London the sixth day of A\igust, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and twenty-seven.

(Seal) Albert Gallatin.

(Seal) Cha. Grant.

(Seal) Henry Unwin Addington.

CROWN GRANT OF THE HUDSOiN'S BAY COMPANY OF THE EXCLUSIVE TRADE

WITH THE INDIANS IN CERTAIN PARTS OF NORTH AMERICA, FOR A

FURTHER TERM OF TWENTY-ONE YEARS, AND UPON THE SURRENDER OF A

FORMER GRANT.

VICTORIA R.

(L. S.)

Victoria, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
Queen, Defender of the Faith.

To all to whom these Presents shall come, greeting.

Whereas, by an Act passed in the Session of Parliament holden in the fir^t and second year
of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Fourth, intituled, "An Act for regulating the Fur
Trade, and establishing a Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain parts of North America,"
it was amongst other things enacted, that from and after the passing of the said Act, it should
be lawful for his said Majesty, his heirs or successors, to make Grants, or give his or their Royal
License, under the hand and seal of one of his or their Principal Secretaries of State, to any body
corporate or company, or person or persons, of or for the exclusive privilege of trading with the
Indians in all such parts of North America as should be specified in any such Grants or Licenses
respectively, not being part of the lands and territories theretofore granted to the Governor
and Company of Adventurers of England trading to Hudson's Bay, and not being any part of any
of our Provinces in North America, or of any lands or territories belonging to the United States of
America, and that all such Grants and Licenses should be good, valid and effectual for the pur-
pose of securing to all such bodies corporate, or companies or persons, the sole and exclusive
privilege of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America (except as thereinafter
excepted) as should be specified in such Grants or Licenses, anything contained in any Act or
Acts of Parliament, or any law to the contrary notwithstanding; and it was further enacted,
that no such Grant or License made or given by his said Majesty, his heirs or successors, of any
such exclusive privileges of trading with the Indians in such parts of North America as afore-
said, should be made or given for any longer period than 21 years, and that no rent should
be required or demanded for or in respect of any such Grant or License, or any privileges
given thereby under the provisions of the said Act for the first period of 21 years; and it
was further enacted, that from and after the passing of the said Act, the Governor and Com-
pany of Adventurers trading to Hudson's Bay, and every body corporate and company and .er-
son to whom any such Grant or License should be made or given as aforesaid, should respecti-ely
keep accurate registers of all persons in their employ in any parts of North America, and should
once in each year return to the Principal Secretaries of State accurate duplicates of such registers,
and should also enter into such security as should be required for tlie due execution of all proc-
esses criminal and civil, as well within the territories included within any such Grant, as within
those granted bv Charter to the Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading to
Hudson's Bay, and for the producing or delivering into safe custody, for the purpose of trial,
all persons in their employ or acting under their authority, who should be charged with any
criminal offence, and also for the due and faithful observance of all such rules, regulations
and stipulations as should be contained in any such Grant or License, either for gradually dimmish-
ing and ultimatelv preventing the sale or distribution of spirituous liquors to the Indians, or for
promoting tlieir moral and religious improvement or for any other object which might be deemed
necessary for the remedy or prevention of any other evils which had hitherto been found to
exist: And whereas it was in the said Act recited, that by a convention entered into between
his said late Majesty and the United States of America, it was stipulated and agreed, that eve:
countrv on the North-west coasts of America to the wesnvard of the Stoney Mountains should be

APPENDIX 673

free and open to the citizens and subjects of the two powers for the term of ten years from the
date of the signature of that convention ; and it was therefore enacted, that nothing in the said
Act contained should be deemed or construed to authorize any body corporate, company or person
to whom his said Majesty might, under the provisions of the said Act, make or grant or give a
License of exclusive trade with the Indians in such parts of North America as aforesaid, to claim
or exercise any such exclusive trade within the limits specified in the said article, to the prejudice
j)r exclusion of any citizens of the said United States of America who might be engaged in the
said trade; with a proviso, that no British subject should trade with the Indians within such
limits without such (Jrant or License as was by the said Act required;

And whereas by an instrument under the hand and seal of the Right Honourable Earl
Bathurst, then one of his said late Majesty's Secretaries of State, and dated the 6th day of
December 1821, after reciting therein, as or to the efifect aforesaid, and also reciting that the
said Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading to Hudson's Bay, and certain
Associations of persons trading under the name of "The North-west Company of Montreal," had
respectively extended the fur trade over many parts of North America which had not been
before explored, and that the competition in the said trade had been found, for some \ears
then past, to be productive of great inconvenience and loss, not only to the said Company and
Associations, but to the said trade in general, and also of great injury to the native Indians and
of other persons his said Majesty's subjects; and that the said Governor and Company of
Adventurers trading to Hudson's Bay; and William M'Gillivray of Montreal, in the Province
of Lower Canada, esquire; Simon M'Gillivray, of Suffolk-lane, in the city of London, merchant;
and Edward Ellicc, of Spring-gardens, in the county of Middlesex, esquire; had represented to
his said Majesty that they had entered into an agreement, on the 26th day of March last, for put-
ling an end to the said competition, and carrying on the said trade for 21 years, commencing
with the outfit of 1821, and ending with the returns of the outfit of 1841, to be carried on in
the name of the said tJovernor and Company exclusively, and that the said Governor and
Company, and William M'CJillivray, Simon M'Cjillivray and Edward EUice had humbly besought
his said late Majesty to make a Grant and give his Royal License fo them jointly of and for the
exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in North America, under the restrictions and upon
the terms and conditions specified in the said recited Act; his said late Majesty, being desirous
of encouraging the said trade, and remedying the evils which had arisen from the competition
which had theremfore existed therein, did give and grant his Royal License, under the hand and
seal of one of his Principal Secretaries of State, to the said Governor and Company, and William
M'Gillivray, Simon M'CJillivray and Edward Ellice, for the exclusive privilege of trading with
the Indians in all such parts of North America to the northward and to the westward of the
said lands and territories belonging to the United States of America, as should not form part of
any of his said Majesty's Provinces in North America or of any lands or territories belonging to
the said United States of America, or to any European government, state or power; and his
said late Majesty did also give and grant and secure to the said Governor and Company, and
^^'illiam M'Gillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward Ellice, the sole and exclusive privilege,
fc. the full period of 21 years from the date of that Grant, of trading with the Indians
in all such parts of North America as aforesaid (except as thereinafter excepted), and did thereby
declare that no rent should be required or demanded for or in respect of that Grant and License,
or apv privileges given thereby f»r the said period of 21 years, but that the said Governor
and Company of Adventurers trading to Hudson's Bay, and the said William M'Gillivray,
Simon M'CJillivray and Edward Ellice, should, during the period of that Grant and License, keep
accurate registers of all persons in their employ in any parts of North America, and should once
in each year return to his said Majesty's Secretary of State accurate duplicates of such registers,
and enter into and give security to his said Majesty, his heirs and successors, in the penal sum
of 5,000 €., for ensuring, as far as in them might lay, or as they could by their authority over
the servants and persons in their employ, the due execution of all criminal processes, and of every
civil process in any suit where the matter in dispute shall exceed 200 .£., by the officers and persons
legally empowered to execute such processes within all the territories included in that Grant,
and for the producing or delivering into custody for purposes of trial all persons in their employ
or acting under their authority within the said territories, who should be charged with any criminal
' ffeiice : and his said Mnjesiy did thereby rei|uire that the said (Governor and Company, ami
'\'illiam M'Gillivray, Simon M'C;illivray and Edward Ellice, should, as soon as the same could
Vol. 1—43

674 APPENDIX

be conveniently done, make and submit for his said Majesty's consideration and approval, such
rules and regulations for the management and carrying on of the said fur trade with the Indians,
and the conduct of the persons employed by them therein, as might appear to his said Majesty
to be eflEectual for diminishing or preventing the sale or distribution of spirituous liquors to the
Indians, and for promoting their moral and religious improvement; and his said Majestv did
thereby declare, that nothing in that Grant contained should be deemed or construed to authorize
the said Governor and Company, and William M'Gillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward.
Ellice, or any persons in their employ, to claim or exercise any trade with the Indians on the
North-west coast of America to the westward of Stoney Mountains, to the prejudice or exclusion
of any citizens of the United States of America who might be engaged in the said trade; and
providing also by the now reciting Grant, that no British subjects other than and except the
said Governor and Company, and the said William M'Gillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward
Ellice, and the persons authorized to carry on exclusive trade by them on Grant, should trade
with the Indians within such limits during the period of that Grant:

And whereas the said Governor and Company have acquired to themselves all the rights
and interests of the said William M'CJillivray, Simon M'Gillivray and Edward Ellice, under
the said recited Grant, and the said Governor and Company having humbly besought us to
accept a surrender of the said Grant, and in consideration thereof to make a Grant to them, and
give to them our Royal License and authority of and for the like exclusive privilege of trading
with the Indians in North America, for the like period and upon similar terms and conditions to
those specified and referred to in the said recited Grant: Now know ye. That in consideration of
the surrender made to us of the said recited Grant, and being desirous of encouraging the said
trade, and of preventing as much as possible a recurrence of the evils mentioned or referred to in
the said recited Grant; as also in consideration of the yearly rent hereinafter reserved to us.
We do hereby grant and give our License, under the hand and seal of one of our Principal Secre-
taries of State, to the said Governor and Company, and their successors, for the exclusive privilege
of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America, to the northward and to the
westward of the lands and territories belonging to the United States of America, as shall not form
part of any of our provinces in North America, or of any lands or territories belonging to the
said United States of America, or to any European government, state or power, but subject never-
theless as hereinafter mentioned: And we do by these presents give, grant and secure to the said
Governor and Company, and their successors, the sole and exclusive privilege, for the full period
of 21 years from the date of this our Grant, of trading with the Indians in all such parts
of North America as aforesaid (except as hereinafter mentioned) : And we do hereby declare,
that no rent shall be required or demanded for or in respect of this our Grant and License,
or any privileges given thereby, for the first four years of the said term of 21 years; and
we do hereby reserve to ourselves, our heirs and successors, for the remainder of the said
term of 21 years, the yearly rent or sum of 5s. to be paid by the said Governor and Company,
or their successors, on the first day of June in every year, into our Exchequer, on the account
of us, our heirs and successors; and we do hereby declare, that the said Governor and Company,
and their successors, shall, during the period of this our Grant and License, keep accurate
registers of all persons in their employ in any parts of North America, and shall once in each
year return to our Secretary of State accurate duplicates of such registers; and shall also enter
into and give security to us, our heirs and successors, in the penal sum of 5,000 £., for ensuring
as far as in them may He, or as they can by their authority over the servants and persons in
their employ, the due execution of all criminal and civil processes by the officers and persons
legally empowered to execute such processes within all the territories included in this our Grant,
and for the producing or delivering into custody for the purposes of trial all persons in their
employ or acting under their authority within the said territories who shall be charged with
any criminal offence: And we do also hereby require, that the said Governor and Company, and
their successors, shall, as soon as the same can be conveniently done, make and submit for our
consideration and approval such rules and regulations for the management and carrying on the
said fur trade with the Indians, and the conduct of the persons employed by them there-
in, as may appear to us to be eflEectual for diminishing or preventing the sale or distribution
of spirituous liquors to the Indians, and for promoting their moral and religious improvement:
But we do hereby declare, that nothing in this our Grant contained shall be deemed or con-
strued to authorize the said (5overnor and Company, or their successors, or any persons in their

APPENDIX 675

employ, to claim or exercise any trade with the Indians on the North-west coast of America to
the westward of the Stoney Mountains, to the prejudice or exclusion of any of the subjects of
any foreign states, who, under or by force of any convention for the time being between us and
such foreign states respectively, may be entitled to and shall be engaged in the said trade:
Provided nevertheless, and we do hereby declare our pleasure to be, that nothing herein con-
tained shall extend or be construed to prevent the establishment by us, our heirs or successors,
within the territories aforesaid, or any of them, of any colony or colonies, province or provinces,
or for annexing any part of the aforesaid territories to any existing colony or colonies to us, in
right of our Imperial Crown, belonging, or for constituting any such form of civil government
as to us may seem meet, within any such colony or colonies, province or provinces:

And we do hereby reserve to us, our heirs and successors, full power and authority to
revoke these presents, or any part thereof, in so far as the same may embrace or extend to any
of the territories aforesaid, which may hereafter be comprised within any colony or colonies,
province or provinces as aforesaid:

It being nevertheless hereby declared, that no British subjects other tlian and except the said
Governor and Company, and their successors, and the persons authorized to carry on exclusive
trade by them, shall trade with the Indians during the period of this our Grant within the
limits aforesaid, or within that part thereof which shall not be comprised within any such
colony or province as aforesaid.

Given at our Court at Buckingham Palace, 30th day of May, 1838.

By Her Majesty's command.

(L. S.) (signed) Glenelg.

XII

TREATY ESTABLISHING BOUNDARY WEST OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, 1846

Concluded June 15, 1846; Ratification Advised by the Senate June 18, 1846; RAxinED by the
President June 19, 1846; Ratifications Exchanged Jui.y 17, 1846; Proclaimed August
5, 1846.

Articles

I. Boundary established; free navigation. IV. Property of Puget's Sound Agricultural
II. Navigation of Columbia River. Company.

III. Property rights. V. Ratification.

The United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, deeming it to be desirable for the future welfare of both countries
that the state of doubt and uncertainty which has hitherto prevailed respecting the sovereignty
and government of the territory on the northwest coast of America, lying westward of the
Rocky or Stony Mountains, should be finally terminated by an amicable compromise of the
rights mutually asserted by the two parties over the said territory, have respectively named
Plenipotentiaries to treat and agree concerning the terms of such settlement, that is to say:

The President of the United States of America has, on his part, furnished with full powers
James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, and Her Majesty the Queen of the
Uniied Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has, on her part, appointed the Right Honourable
Richard Pakenham, a member of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and Her
Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States;

Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in good
and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles:

Article I

From the point on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down
in existing treaties and conventions between the United States and Cireat Britain terminate*,
the line of boundary between the territories of the United States and those of Her Britannic Majesty
shall be continued westward along the said forty-ninth parallel of north latitude to the middle
of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island; and thence southerly
through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca's Straits, to tlie Pacific Ocean: Provided,

676 APPENDIX

however, that the navigation of the v?hole of the said channel and straits, south of the forty-
ninth parallel of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties.

Article II

From the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude shall be found to inter-
sect the great northern branch of the Columbia River, the navigation of the said branch shall
be free and open to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading vpith the
same, to the point vphere the said branch meets tlie main stream of the Columbia, and thence down
the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers,
it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described shall, in like man-
ner, be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods
and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the United States; it being,
however, always understood that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or
intended to prevent, the Government of the United States from making any regulations respect-
ing the navigation of the said river or rivers not inconsistent with the present treaty.

Article III

In the future appropriation of the territory south of the fortj-ninth parallel of north lati-
tude, as provided in the first article of this treat},-, the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bav
Company, and of all British subjects who may be already in the occupation of land or other
property lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected.

Article IV

The farms, lands, and other property of every description belonging to the Puget's Sound
Agricultural Company, on the north side of the Columbia River, shall be confirmed to the
said company. In case, however, the situation of those farms and lands should be considered
by the United States to be of public and political importance, and the United States Government
should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or of any part thereof, the property
so required shall be transferred to the said Government, at a proper valuation, to be agreed
upon between the parties.

Article V

The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty; and the ratifications
shall be exchanged at London, at the expiration of six months from the date hereof, or sooner if
possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed
thereto the seals of their arms.

Done at Washington the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and fort>'-six.

(Seal) James Buchanan.

(Seal) Richard Pakemham.

XIII

CHARTER OF GRANT OF VANCOUVER'S ISLAND TO THE HUDSON'S B.-VY
COMPANY, D.ATED 13 JANUARY, 18+9, AND CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN
THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY THEREON.
SINCE DATE OF LAST PAPERS LAID BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Vancouver's Island — Royal Grant

Victoria, by the grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
Queen, Defender of the Faith.

To all to who.vi these Presents shall come, greeting.

Whereas by the Royal Charter or Letters Patent of his late Majesty King Charles the
Second, bearing date the 2d dav of May in the 22d year of his reiffn. his said late Majesty- did

APPENDIX 677

(amongst other things) ordain and declare that the CJovernor and Company of Adventurers
of England trading into Hudson's Bay, thereby incorporated, and their successors by that name,
should at all times thereafter be personable and capable in law to have, purchase, receive, pos-
sess and enjoy and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises and heredita-
ments, of what nature or kind soever they were, to them or their successors: And also to give,
grant, demise, alien, assign and dispose lands, tenements and hereditaments, and to do and
execute all and singular other things by the same name that to them should or might appertain
to do:

And his said late Majesty did thereby for himself, his heirs and successors, give, grant and
confirm unto the said Governor and Company and their successors, the sole trade and commerce
of all those seas, straits, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they should
be, that lay within the entrance of the straits, commonly called Hudson's Straits, together with
all the lands and territories upon the countries, coasts and confines of the seas, bays, lakes, rivers,
creeks and sounds aforesaid, that were not already actually possessed by or granted to any
of his said late Majesty's subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other Christian prince
or state, with the fishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons and all other royal fishes in the seas,
bays, inlets and rivers within the premises, and the fish therein taken; together with the royalty
of the seas upon the coasts within the limits aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well then dis-
covered as not then discovered, of gold, silver, gems and precious stones to be found or dis-
covered within the territories, limits and places aforesaid, and that the said land should be
from thenceforth reckoned and reputed as one of his said late Majesty's plantations or colonies
in America :

And further, his late Majesty did thereby for himself, his heirs and successors, make, create
and constitute the said C5overnor and Company for the time being, and their successors, the true
and absolute lords and proprietors of the same territory, limits and places aforesaid, and of
all other the premises (saving always the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion due to his
said late Majesty, his heirs and successors, for the samel ; to hold, possess and enjoy the said
territory, limits and places, and all and singular other the premises thereby granted as aforesaid,
with their and every of their rights, members, jurisdictions, prerogatives, royalties and appur-
tenances whatsoever to them the said Governor and Company and their successors forever; to
be holden of his said late Majesty, his heirs and successors, as of his manor of East Green-
wich, in the county of Kent, in free and common soccage, and not ;;; capite or by knight's serv-
ice; yielding and paying yearly to his said late Majesty, his heirs and successors, for the same,
two elks and two black beavers whensoever and as often as his said late Majesty, his heirs and
successors, should happen to enter into the said countries, territories and regions thereby granted:

And whereas by an Act passed in the Session of Parliament held in the 43d year of the
reign of his late Majesty King George the Third, intituled, "An Act for extending the
Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, to the Trial
and Punishment of Persons guilty of Crimes and Offences within certain Parts of North America
adjoining to the said Provinces," it was enacted, that from and after the passing of that Act
all offences committed within any of the Indian territories or parts of America not within the
limits of either of the said provinces of Lower or Upper Canada, or of any civil government
of the United States of America, should be and be deemed to be offences of the same nature,
and should be tried in the same manner and subject to the same punishment as if the same
had been committed within the provinces of Upper or Lower Canada, and provisions were con-
tained in the said Act regulating the committal and trial of the offenders:

And whereas by an ' Act passed in the Session of Parliament holden in the first and
second years of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Fourth, intituled, "An Act for
regulating the Fur Trade, and establishing a Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain Parts
of North America," after reciting, among other things, that doubts had been entertained whether
the provisions of said Act of the 43d year of George the Third, extended to the territories
granted by charter to the said Governor and Company, and that it was expedient that such
doubts should be removed, and that the said Act should be further extended; it was enacted
(amongst other things), that from and after the passing of said last-mentioned Act, it should
be lawful for his then Majesty, his heirs and successors, to make grants, or give his royal

678 APPENDIX

license, under the hand and seal of one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, to any body
corporate or company, or person or persons, of or for the exclusive privilege of trading with
the Indians in all such parts of North America as should be specified in any of such
grants or licenses respectively, not being part of the lands or territories theretofore granted
to the said Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, and
not being part of any of his Majesty's provinces in North America, or of any lands or territories
belonging to the United States of America, subject to the provisions and restrictions in the said
Act mentioned:

And it was thereby further enacted, that the said Act of the 43d year of George the
Third, and all the clauses and provisos therein contained, should be deemed and construed, and
was and were thereby respectively declared to extend to and over, and to be in full force in and
through all the territories theretofore granted to the said Company of Adventurers trading to
Hudson's Bay:

And whereas by Our grant or royal license, bearing date the 13th day of May 1838, under
the hand and seal of one of Our then Principal Secretaries of State, We granted and gave Our
license to the said Governor and Company and their successors, for the exclusive privilege
of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America to the northward and westward of
the lands and territories belonging to the United States of America as should not form part of
any of Our provinces in North America, or of any lands or territories belonging to the United
States of America, or to any European government, state or power, subject nevertheless as therein
mentioned :

And We did thereby give and grant and secure to the said Governor and Company and
their successors, the sole and exclusive privilege, for the full period of 21 years from the
date thereof, of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North America as aforesaid, except
as therein mentioned, at the rent therein reserved, and upon the terms and subject to the qualifi-
cation and power of revocation therein contained:

And whereas by a treaty between Ourselves and the United States of America, for the
settlement of the Oregon boundary, signed at Washington on the 15th day of June 1846, it was
agreed upon and concluded (amongst other things) as follows: — That from the point of the
49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and con-
ventions between Great Britain and the said United States terminated, the line of boundary
between Our territories and those of the United States should be continued westward along the
said parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from
Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly through the middle of the said channel and of De
Fuca's Straits to the Pacific Ocean: Provided, however, that the navigation of the whole of the
said channel and straits south of the 49th parallel of south latitude should remain free and open
to both parties:

And whereas certain of Our lands and territories in North America lie to the westward
and also to the northward of the territory granted to the said Governor and, Company by the
hereinbefore recited grant or letters patent of his said late Majesty' King Charles the Second,
and which is, pursuant to the direction in that behalf contained in such grant or letters patent,
called or known as Rupert's Land, and to the eastward of the territories the boundary line of
which is defined by the hereinbefore recited treaty with the United States of North America:

And whereas under the said last-mentioned grant or letters patent, and also under our
hereinbefore recited grant or license of the 13th day of May 1838, the said Governor and Com-
pany have traded as well within as beyond the limits of the lands and territories granted to
them by the said grant or letters patent of his said late Majesty King Charles the Second, and
have, in connection with and for the protection of their trade beyond the said limits, been in the
habit of erecting forts and other isolated establishments without the said limits, and some of
such forts and establishments of the said Governor and Company are now existing in that part
of Our said territories in North America, including Vancouver's Island, the boundary line be-
tween which and the territories of the said United States is determined by the hereinbefore
recited treaty between Ourselves and the said United States:

And whereas it would conduce greatly to the maintenance of peace, justice and good
order, and the advancement of colonization and the promotion and encouragement of trade and
commerce in, and also to the protection and welfare of the native Indians residing within that
portion of Our territories in North America, called Vancouver's Island, if such island were

APPENDIX 679

colonized by settlers from the British dominions and if the property in the land of such island
were vested for the purpose of such colonization in the said Governor and Company of Ad-
venturers of England trading into Hudson's Bay; but nevertheless, upon condition that the
said Governor and Company should form on the said island a settlement or settlements, as
hereinafter mentioned, for the purpose of colonizing the said island, and also should defray
the entire expense of any civil and military establishments which may be required for the
protection and government of such settlement or settlements (except, nevertheless, during the
time of hostilities between Great Britain and any foreign European or American power):

Now know ye, that We, being moved by the reasons before mentioned, do by these presents,
for Us, Our heirs and successors, give, grant and confirm unto the said Governor and Company
of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, and their successors, all that the said
island called Vancouver's Island, together with all royalties of the seas upon the coasts within
the limits aforesaid, and all mines royal thereto belonging:

And further We do, by tliese presents, for Us, Our heirs and successors, make, create and
constitute the said Governor and Company for the time being, and their successors, the true and
absolute lords and proprietors of the same territories, limits and places, and of all other the
premises (saving always the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion due to Us, Our heirs and
successors for the same) : to have, hold, possess and enjoy the said territory, limits and places,
and all and singular other the premises hereby granted as aforesaid, with their and every of their
rights, members, royalties and appurtenances whatsoever to them, the said Governor and Com-
pany, and their successors forever, to be holden of Us, Our heirs and successors in free and com-
mon soccage, at the yearly rent of Seven shillings, payable to Us and Our successors forever, on
the First day of January in every year:

Provided always, and We declare, that this present grant is made to the intent that the
said Governor and Company shall establish upon the said island a settlement or settlements
of resident colonists, emigrants from Our United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or
from other Our dominions, and shall dispose of the land there as may be necessary for the
purposes of colonization; and to the intent that the said Company shall, with a view to the
aforesaid purposes, dispose of all lands hereby granted to them at a reasonable price, except so
much thereof as may be required for public purposes; and that all monies which shall be re-
ceived by the said Company for the purchase of such land, and also from all payments which
may be made to them for or in respect of the coal or other minerals to be obtained in the said
island, or the right of searching for and getting the same, shall (after deduction of such sums
by way of profit as shal] not exceed a deduction of lo per cent, from the gross amount re-
ceived by the said Company from the sale* of such land and in respect of such coal or other
minerals as aforesaid) be applied towards the colonization and improvement of the island; and
that the Company shall reserve for the use of Us, Our heirs and successors, all such land as may
be required for the formation of naval establishments. We, Our heirs and successors, paying a
reasonable price for the same; and that the said Company shall, once in every two years at the
least, certify under the seal of the said Governor and Company to one of Our Principal Sec-
retaries of state, what colonists shall have been from time to time settled in the said island,
and what land shall be disposed of as aforesaid:

And We further declare, that this present grant is made upon this condition, that if the
said Governor and Company shall not, within the term of five years from the date of these
presents, have established upon the said island a settlement of resident colonists, emigrants
from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or from other Our dominions; and it
shall at any time, after the expiration nf such term of five years, be certified to Us, Our heirs or
successors, by any person who shall be appointed by Us, Our heirs or successors, to inquire into,
the condition of such island, that such settlement has not been established according to the in-
tent of this Our grant, or that the provisions hereinbefore mentioned respecting the disposal
of land, and the price of lands and minerals, have not been respectively fulfilled, it shall be
lawful for Us, Our heirs and successors, to revoke this present grant, and to enter upon and
resume the said island and premises hereby granted, without prejudice, nevertheless, to such
dispositions as may have been made in the meantime by the said Governor and Company of any
land in the said island for the actual purpose nf colonization and settlement, and as shall have
been certified as aforesaid to one of Our Principal Secretaries of State:

680

APPENDIX

And We hereby declare, that this present grant is and shall be deemed and taken to be
made upon this further condition, that We, Our heirs and successors, shall have, and We ac-
cordingly reserve unto L's and them, full power, at the expiration of the said Governor and
Company's grant or license of or for the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians, to
re-purchase and take of and from the said Governor and Company the said \'ancouver's Island
and premises hereby granted, in consideration of payment being made by Us, Our heirs and
successors, to the said Governor and Company, of the sum or sums of money theretofore laid out
and expended by them in and upon the said Island and premises, and of the value of their
establishments, property and effects then being thereon.

In witness whereof, We have caused these Our letters to be made patent. Witness Our-
selves, at Westminster, the 13th day of January 1849, in the tvselfth year of Our reign.

By Writ of Privy Seal.

XIV

AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE ADMIMSTTl.'VTION OF JUSTICE IN V.-VNCOUVER'S

ISLAND

(28th July, 1849)

Where.as an Act was passed in the Forty-third Year of King George the Third, intituled
"An Act for extending the Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Lower and
Upper Canada to the Trial and Punishment of Persons guilty of Crimes and Offences within
certain Parts of North America adjoining to the said Provinces": And whereas by an Act
passed in the Second Year of King George the Fourth, intituled "An Act for regulating the
Fur Trade, and establishing Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction within certain Parts of North
America," it was enacted, that from and after the passing of that Act the Courts of Judicature then
existing or %vhich might be thereafter established in the Province of Upper Canada should have
the same Civil Jurisdiction, Power and Authority, as well in the Cognizance of Suits as in the
issuing Process, mesne and ffnal, and in all other respects whatsoever, within the Indian Ter-
ritories and other Parts of America not within the Limits of either of the Provinces of Lower
or Upper Canada or of any Civil Government of the United States, as the said Courts had or
were invested with within the Limits of the said Provinces of Lower or Upper Canada respec-
tively, and that all and every Contract, Agreement, Debt Liability and Demand whatsoever made,
entered into, incurred, or arising within the said In(iian Territories and other Parts of America,
and all and every Wrong and Injury to the Person or to Property, real or personal, committed
or done within the same, should be and be deemed to be of the same Nature, and be cognizable
by the same Courts, Magistrates, or Justices of the Peace, and be tried in the same Manner, and
subject to the same Consequences in all respects, as if the same had been made, entered into,
incurred, arisen, committed, or done within the said Province of Upper Canada, and in the same
Act are contained Provisions for giving Force, Authority, and Effect within the said Indian Ter-
ritories and other Parts of America to the Process and .*\cts of the said Courts of Upper Canada;
and it was thereby also enacted, that it should be lawful for His Majesty, if he should deem
it convenient so to do, to issue a Commission or Commissions to any Person or Persons to be and
act as Justices of the Peace within such Parts of .\merica as aforesaid, as well within any Ter-
ritories theretofore granted to the Company of .'Adventurers of England trading to Hudson's
Bay as within the Indian Territories of such other parts of America as aforesaid; and it was
•further enacted, that it should be lawful for His Majesty from Time to Time by any Commission
under the Great Seal to authorize and empower any such persons so appointed Justices of the
Peace as aforesaid to sit and hold Courts of Record for the Trial of Criminal Offences and Mis-
demeanours, and also of Civil Causes, and it should be lawful for His Majesty to order, direct,
and authorize the Appointment of proper Officers to act in aid of such Courts and Justices within
the Jurisdiction assigned to such Courts and Justices in any such Commission, provided that such
Courts should be constituted as to the Number of Justices to preside therein, and as to such Places
within the said Territories of the said Company, or any Indian Territories or other Parts of North
America as aforesaid, and the Times and Manner of holding the same, as His Majesty should
from Time to Time order and direct, but should not try any Offender upon any Charge or Indict-

APPENDIX 681

ment for any Felony made the Subject of Capital Punishment, or for any Otfence or Passing^ Sen-
tence affecting the Life of any Offender, or adjudge or cause any Offender to suffer Capital Pun-
ishment or Transportation, or take cognizance of or try any Civil Action or Suit in which the
Cause of such Suit or Action should exceed in Value the Amoimt or Sum of Two Hundred Pounds,
and in every Case of any Offence subjecting the Person committing the same to Capital Punishment
or Transportation, the Court, or any Judge of any such Court, or any Justice or Justices of the
Peace before whom any such Offender should be brought, should commit such Offender to safe
Custody, and cause such Offender to be sent in such Custody for Trial in the Court of the Province
of Upper Canada: And whereas for the Purpose of the Colonization of that Part of the said Indian
Territories called Vancouver's Island, it is expedient that further Provision should be made for
the Administration of Justice therein: Be it therefore enacted by the Queen's most Excellent
Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-
mons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same. That from and
after the Proclamation of this Act in Vancouver's Island the said Act of the Forty-third Year
of King George the Third, and the said recited Provisions of the Second Year of King George the
Fourth, and the Provisions contained in such Act for giving Force, Authority, and Effect within
the said Indian Territories and other Parts of America to the Process and Acts of the said
Courts of Upper Canada, shall cease to have Force in and to be applicable to Vancouver's
Island aforesaid, and it shall be lawful for Her Majesty from Time to Time (and as well before
as after such Proclamation) to make Provision for the Administration of Justice in the said
Island, and for that Purpose to constitute such Court or Courts of Record and other Courts, with
such Jurisdiction in Matters Civil and Criminal, and such equitable and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction,
subject to such Limitations and Restrictions, and to appoint and remove or provide for the Appoint-
ment and Removal of such Judges, Justices, and such Ministerial and other Officers, for the
Administration and Execution of Justice in the said Island, as Her Majesty sliall think fit and
direct.

2. Provided always, and be it enacted That, when and so soon as a Local Legislature has
been established in Vancouver's Island it shall be lawful for such Legislature from Time to Time,
by any Law or Ordinance made in the Manner and subject to the Conditions which may be by
Law required in respect of Laws or Ordinances made by such Local Legislature, to make such
Alterations as to such Legislature may seem meet in the Constitution or Jurisdiction of the Courts
which may be established in the said Island, and to make all such other Provisions as to such
Local Legislature may seem meet for and concerning the Administration of Justice in the said
Island.

3. Provided always, and be it enacted, That ail Judgments given in any Civil Suit in
the said Island shall be subject to Appeal to Her Majesty in Council, in the Maimer and sub-
ject to the Regulations in and subject to which Appeals are now brought from the Civil Courts
of Canada, and to such further or other Regulations as Her Majesty with the Advice of Her
Privy Council shall from Time to Time appoint.

4. And be it enacted That all such Islands adjacent to Vancouver's Island or to the
Western Coast of North America, and forming Part of the Doininions of Her Majesty, as are to
the Southward of the Fifty-second Degree of North Latitude, shall be deemed Part of Vancouver's
Island for the Purposes of this Act.

5. And be it enacted. That this Act may be amended or repealed by any .'\ct to be passed
in this Session of Parliament.

INDEX

Aberdeen, Lord, 448, 450.

Alaska purchased by United States, 69.

America, discovery of, by Buddhist priests, 12,

13-
Anderson, William, 603, 604.
Anian Regnum, 9.
Anian, strait of, 4, 8, 9, 12, 14, 20, 21-30, 79,

157, 162.
Anne, empres? of Russia, 57.
Apian map, 9.

Apocryphal voyages, Chapter II, 19-31.
Archangel, 20.
Arctic expeditons, 51-71.
Astor, John Jacob, 297, 310, 315, 320.
Astoria, 297; description of, 312; 313, 315, 316,

322, 432.

Baffin, 4.

Balboa, 4, 33.

Banks and Banking, Chapter XXI, 643-50;
early, 643-45 ; Bank of British Columbia,
645-47 ; Bank of British North America,
647, 648; Bank of Montreal, 649; clearing
house returns, 649; Bank of Vancouver,
650.

Baranoff, Alexander, 67, 68.

Barkley, Captain, 80, 119, 120, 126, 129.

Barnardo, 12, 21.

Baucanne Indians, 246.

Beaver, The, 162, 467, 471, 509.

Behaim, Martin, 9.

Benin's chart of 1748, 11.

Bering, Vitus, 10; expedition, lo-iz; 46; ex-
peditions, 50-57 ; equipment and crew,
59-61 ; died, 63.

Bering islands, 10, 61.

Bering sea, 10, 11.

Bering strait, 10, 11, 56.

Blanshard, Richard, Governor, 504, 510-28;
appointed, 510; resigns, 524-28; memorial
presented to, 524-26; resignation accepted,

528; 537- 538-
Bodega y Quadra, Don Juan Francisco de la,
42-46, 164, 166, 178, 179-197; letters to
Vancouver, 186-89.

Bolduc, J. B. Z., 470, 471.

British-Spanish negotiations at Nootka, 178-

185; concluded, 189.
Broughton, William Robert, Lieut., 157, 169,

191, 192, 312, 433, 434.
Buache, Philippe, 11, 15, 22, 79.
Buchanan's letter on Oregon question, 428.
Budget, first, of Vancouver Island, 546.
Bull of Alexander VI, 15.

Cabot, 4.

Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, 37.

Calhoun, J. C, 448, 449, 452.

Camchin, 270, 272, 274, 276.

Cameron, David, 547-51.

Camosun, 459-95.

Caraosun Indians, described by Paul Kane,
488-94.

Campbell, Robert, 368-71.

Campo, Marquis del, letter, 146, 147.

Carrier Indians, 286-306.

Carver, Jonathan, 203.

Cavendish, 28.

Chatham, The, 157, i6o, 162, 163, 168, 176,
179, 19c, 191, 192, 195; homeward bound,
197; 605.

Chinese discoveries in 499, A. D., 12, 13.

Chirikoff, Alexei, 12, 54, 58, 60, 61, 64, 65.

Cibola, 7, 36.

Clearing house, 649, 650.

Clerke, Captain, 76, 104; death, 105.

Colleges, denominational, 640, 641.

College, Physicians & Surgeons, 609-12.

Colnett, Captain, 143-45, '5°-

Columbus, 3, 5, 6, 14.

Connolly, William, 402.

Cook, Captain James, i, 14, 15, 42; Chapter
V, 73-109 ; orders of earl of Sandwich, 74,
75; beginning of voyage, 76; at Cape
Town and in Australasia, 77; at Cape
Foulweather, 78 ; naming Cape Flattery,
79; Vancouver Island, March 29, 1778, 80;
named Hope Bay, 80; discovery of Nootka
Sound, 80, 8i ; at Nootka Sound, 82-91;
with Maquinna, 83, etc.; description of

683

684

INDEX

natives, 83-90; description of Nootka
Sound, 90-92 ; naming of Nootka Sound,
92, 93; sails from Nootka, 94; smaller ex-
peditions, 94; sails for Sandwich islands,
95; Cook's death, 95; 96-103; eulogy, 103,
104; biography, 105, 106; last letter, 106-
09; 112, 114, 136, 157, 158, 603, 604.

Cornelius a Judaeis, 9.

Corrientes, 9.

Cortereal, Caspar, 4, 8.

Cortes, Hernando, 5, 6, 7, 34, 35, 36.

Cridge, Rev. Edward, 533, etc.

Crimean war measures, 534-36.

Courtenay, Captain, 380, 381, 480, etc.

Dallas, Alexander, 505, 506.

Darien, 4, 33.

Davis strait, 20.

Deans, James, 481, 482.

Dease, Peter Warren, 402.

De Fonte, Admiral (Maldonado), ii, 12, 17,

20, 21, 22, 79, 94, 158, 162, 163, 169.
De Fuca, Juan, (Apostolos Valerianos), 11, 12,

17. 23> 30. 44, 79-

Deschneflf, 10, 53, 55.

De Smet, Father, 452, 453, 582.

Disiovery, The, 76-80, 94, 97, 98; return to
England, 104, 105; 112, 113, 157, 160, 162,
163, 168, 177, 179, 185, 190, 195; home-
ward bound, 197; 230, 603, 604, 605.

Dixon, Captain George, 117-27, 156.

Douglas, Captain, 132, 136-38.

Douglas, Sir James, 14; letter to Captain Shep-
pard, 375-80; 382, 388; diary, 388, 389,
402; 456, 458, 459; journal, 460-68; report
on Indians, 468; 469-72, 479, 512, 513,
521, 529-40; reply to Labouchere, 541;
address at opening of first parliament,

542-45-
Drake, Sir Francis, i, 10, 16, 28.
Duffin's, Robert, letter to Vancouver, 181-84.
Dundas, Adam D., report, 506-09; 526.

Early British furtraders, 205-10.

Early explorations of CJreat Britain, Spain and
Russia, 2.

Early geographers, 3, etc.

Educational system of British Columbia, The,
Chapter XX, 623-41 ; McGill college, 632 ;
Victoria college, 633; university site, 634'
37; school districts, 637-39; control of
education, 639; denominational colleges,
640-41.

Electoral districts. First, 541.

1 aries, Hugh, 262, 286.

Finlayson, Roderick, 388, 454-55, 471-79, 482,
487. 491, 529-

Flattery, Cape, named, 79.

Florida treaty, 1819, 428, 433, 434.

Floridablanca, Count, 148, 151, 154; dismissed,
•55; 159-

Florez, Viceroy of Mexico, 135, 145.

Franchere, Gabriel, 313, 314.

Fraser, Simon, Chapter X, 235-82; ancestry,
239-40; leaves Fort William, 241; journal,
243-4S; at Stuart river, 249; letters to
McDougall, 252-55; letters to Stuart, 256-
60; to McDougall, 260-61 ; journal, 263-67;
at the Forks, 268 ; Lillooet, 269 ; Camchin,
270-71; leaves Camchin Indians, 274;
journal, 275-79; return journey, 280-81;
283, 284, 308, 310, 311, 321, 582.

Fraser river excitement, 561.

French-Canadian voyageurs, 300-01.

Frobisher, Martin, 4, 8, 9.

Fur-bearing animals. New Caledonia, 293.

Furlani map, 1560, 7.

Furtraders' daily routine, 472, 473.

Furtraders, The Maritime, Chapter VI, m-33;
their field, 114; feuds, 116; earliest ex-
pedition, 116; British and United States,
116, 117, etc.; Hanna's voyage, 117;
Dixon, 117, etc.; Lowrie and Guise, 117,
118; Captain Barkley, 119, etc.; Meares,
120-33; Captain Portlock, 122-27; D'xon's
journal, 124-26; Meares' house, 129; Cap-
tain Gray, 131, 132; Captain Kendrick,
132; Captain Douglas, 132.

Galiano, Dionisio, 164; journal, 166; 167, i6j,

170; journal, 170-76; 604.
Gallatin, Andrew, 438-41.
Ghent, treaty of, 1814, 434.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 4, 9, 30.
CJold in British Columbia, first, 560-62.
Goldson, William, 22.
Gordon, Captain, 453-55, 477-80.
CJray, Captain Robert, 131, 132, 137, 160-62,

167, 169, 177, 191, 238, 312, 431-33.
(irey. Earl, 497-500, 513-20; replies, 522-24,

528.

Hacamaugh nation, 271, 272, 276.
Hakhiit, Richard, 23, 26, 28.
Hanna, Captain James, 117, 156.
Hanseatics, 20.

INDEX

685

Harmon, Daniel Williams, 283-87; journal, 288,
289; 290, 294, 296, 297; journal, 298;
299-306; journal, 307; 317.

Haro, Gonzales Lopez de, 135, 142, 143.

Hearne, Samuel, 204, 205, 209.

Heceta expedition, 1775, 43-45.

Helmcken, John Sebastian, arrival, 516; ap-
pointed magistrate, 517; magistrate, 518-
21 ; resigns, 522 ; elected first speaker, 542 ;

547. 553, 6o6-

Hendry, Anthony, 201 ; journal, 201-03.

Herrera, 9.

Hippa island, 125.

Hoei-shin, Buddhist discoverer, 12, 13.

Hope bay. Cook at, 80, 81.

Hudson, Henry, 4, 143, 144, 202.

Hudson's Bay Company, 199, 203, 208, 209;
joins with N. W. Co., 321 ; Chapter XII,
327-425; charter, 327-33; Prince Rupert,
333-36; early earnings, 336-37; conciliation
with N. \V. Co., 338; George Simpson,
341-42; McLoughlin, John, 342-56; Work,
John, 363-64; forts, 367; minutes of coun-
cil, 1830, 383-87; Indians fairly treated,
387-88 ; establishments west of Rockies,
402-03 ; Sir CSeorge Simpson's report, 404-
24; relations with Russians, 416-24; 457,
497-99; royal grant, 1846, 500-03; early
officers, 503-04; charged with settlement
of colony, 505; 512-28.

Imperial Eagle, the tragedy of the, 120, 126.
Indian in medicine, the, 593-603.
Indies, Islands of the, 3.

Jefferys, Thoma>. maps, 1758 and 1764, 12; 22.
Jesuits, 49, 50.

Kane, Paul, 472, 482, 485-95.

Kcndrick, Captain, 132, 136, 137, 143, 177, 196.

King, James, I.icut., 76; account of Cook's

death, 95-103; eulogy of Cook, 103-04; H2,

113.
Kittson, Lieutenant, 351-55.
Kohl, Dr. J. Cj., 5, 6, 10, ir, 29.
Kotzebue, Otto von, 68.
Krusenslcrn expedition, 68.

Laliouchere, Henry, de«palchcs, 538, 539, 540,
545-

Land prices, early, 537.

Langford, E. E., 534, 542, 548, 551.

La Perouse, 167, 199 and others.

Lauridsen, Peter, 50, 51, 53.

Leeds, Martjuis of, reply to Del Campo, 148.

Lewis and Clark, 239, 263, 312, 313, 431.

Liquor (|uestion, 530-32.

Lok, Michael, memoir, 23-29; 79.

Louisiana Purchase, 238, 430.

Lytton, town of, 271-73.

.McDougall, James, 241, 242, 245, 247, 248, 252,
261, 2S6, 288.

Mc(;ill college, 632, 634.

McGillivray, William, 314, 339.

McKey, John, 118, 119.

McLeod, Fort, 283, 285, 286, 295, 310.

McLeod, John M., 284, 286, 367, 368, 370;
report, 389-91 ; 402.

McLoughlin, Dr. John, 342-51 ; letter to Kittson,
352-55; letter to Anderson, 355-59; mem-
orandum to Angus McDonald, 359-61; 362,
366, 367, 369, 372, 382, 403, 405, 409, 437,
452, 457. 458, 466. S'O.

.McMillan, James, 392-402.

McTavish, Dugald, 298.

McTa\'isli, Simon, 207, 237; died, 238.

Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, 192; Chapter IX,
199-233; winter quarters, 210-11; expedi-
tion to "Western Sea," 2n, etc.; discovery
of Eraser river, 217, etc.; reaches Black-
waler river, 228; last stage of journey,
228, 229; at Pacific, 229, 230; return, 231,
232; 233, 236, 243, 244, 247, 282, 310, 317.

Magellan, 4, 5, 33, 34.

Mainland in 1857, 558, 559.

Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer de, (Admiral de
Fonte) II, 12, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 79, 94,
158, 162, 163, 169 and others.

Maldonado, Pedro Nunez, 34.

Maquinna (Maquilla) 81, 82, 83, 128, 129,
132, 166, 180, 181, 197.

.Marco Polo, 3, 5, 6. •

Martinez, Don Stephen Joseph, 9, 39, 42, 131,
135, 136-38, 143-49.

Martyr's Point, named, 44.

Meares, John, voyage, 115, 120; expedition,
121, 127, 128; house at Nootka, 129; 130-
33; 137, 149, 150, 156, 157, 160, 161, 166.

Medical, Chapter X-IX, 593-622; the Indian in
medicine, 593-603; Shamanism, 594-600;
the white man in medicine, 603-22; prac-
titioners increasini', 607; medical ordi-
nance, 1867, 607-C9 ; meilical act of 1886,
609; college of plusicians and surgeons.

686

INDEX

609-12; reciprocity in medicine, 612-17;

rapid progress, 618-22.
Mendocino, 9.
Mendoza, Hurtado de, 35.
Menzies, Archibald, 161, 192, 605, 606.
Monroe, James, instructions, 434.
Moody, Lieutenant-Colonel, 278.
Mount Elias first sighted, 46, 60.
Morice, Father A. G., i, 582.
Munster, Sebastian, 9.

Natives described by Cook, 82-91.

Native races of British Columbia, the, Chapter
XVIII, 573-91 ; estimates, past and present,
577; physical characteristics, 578-80;
moral characteristics, 580-84; religious be-
lief, 584-87; social organization 587-91.

New Albion, i ; naming of, 16.

New Caledonia, i; Chapter XI, 283-325; N.
W. Co., 283-325; joins H. B. Co., 322;
described by Washington Irving, 322-24;
act Geo. IV, 325.

New Cornwall, i.

New Georgia, i.

New Hanover, i.

New world divided between Spain and Portu-
gal, 15-

Nootka Sound, 14, 41, 42; discovered, 81; 82,
91, 92, 93, 112, 117, 118.

Nootka Sound Controversy, Chapter VII, 135-
56; Spanish claims, 136; Spanish taking
possession, 139; Martinez' proclamation,
139-43; Argonaut arrives, 143; Martinez-
Colnett encounter, 144; Colnett imprisoned,
145 ; letter from Marquis Del Campo, 146-
47; Leeds' reply, 148; Spanish armaments,
148 ; British vessels liberated, 149 ; Meares'
memorial, 149; diplomatic controversy, 150,
153; British preparations for war, 150-53;
bull of .Mexaiuler \'I, 152; Spanish com-
pensation treaty signed, 156.

Nootka Sound convention, 155-56.

Norsemen's claim to discovery of America, 13.

Northwest America, Prehistoric, Chapter I, 1-17.

North West Company, the, 206-09, 237-41, 250,
255, 262, 272, 282, 283-325; joins with H.
B. Co., 322; described by Washington
Irving, 322-24; act Geo. IV, 325; 432.

Northwest passage, 4, 5, 8, 14, 19-30, 37, 43i 53>

74, 75-
Norway house, 292.

Ogden, Peter Skene, 452 and others.
Old brigade trails, 559.

Oregon question, the, Chapter VIII, 427-56;
boundary by Paris treaty, 1783, 430; line
drawn in 1818, 430; American claims,
431; British claims, 433; Meares' claim,
434 ; arguments, 434 ; Monroe's instructions,
434-35; bills in U. S. congress, 436;
negotiations of 1825, 436-37; British offer
of 1824, 437; American title, 438; instruc-
tions to Gallatin, 438-39; deadlock, 439;
senate approves treaty of 1827, 440; United
States side of dispute in 1836, 441; report
to U. S. senate, 442-43; Linn bill, 443-46;
population, 445 ; Greenhow's history, 443,
etc. ; Lord Ashburton's proposal, 446-47 ;
negotiations of Lord Aberdeen, 448 ; demo-
cratic resolution, 448 ; President Polk's
reference to Oregon, 449 ; treaty signed by
Buchanan and Pakenham, 452; U. S. Mili-
tary mission, 452 ; Captain Gordon, 453,
etc.

Oregon treaty, 1846, i, 2, 452, 476.

Ortelius, 8, 9, 52.

Pacific Fur Company, 310, etc
Pakenham, Richard, 448-50; 452.
Papal bull of Alexander VI, 427, 429.
Parliament, first of Vancouver Island, 542-45.
Pelly, Sir John, letter to Lord Glenelg, 372-74;

497-99, 509, 510, 513, 524.
Pennelossa, Don Diego, 21.
Perez, Juan, 16, 39, 40, 41, 42; claims to

prior discovery, 93, 94; 603.
Peter the Great, 51, 52, 53.
Philip n, 34.
Pizarro, 5.

Polk, President, 449, 450, 455.
Portala, Gaspar de, expedition, 38.
Portuguese, 6.

Prehistoric Northwest America, Chapter I, 1-17.
Pribyloff, 66.

Puget, Peter, 162, 169, 178, 194.
Puget Sound, named, 162.
Purchas, Samuel, 49, 159.

Queen Charlotte islands, named, 116; Indian

customs, 125-26.
Queen Elizabeth's reply to Spanish ambassador.

16.
Quesnel, Jules Maurice, 262, 263, 286.
Quivira, 6.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 28.

Representative government, Chapter XVI, 529-

INDEX

687

56; liquor question, 530-32; scliools, 532,
533; Crimean War defence measures, 534-
36; lands, 537; Labouchere, despatches,
538-40; Douglas' reply, 541; electoral dis-
tricts, 541 ; first parliament, 542 ; Douglas'
address, 542-45 ; first budget, 546 ; bills,
546-47; administration of justice, 547-51;
first settlers, 552-53; John Work's letter,
555-56.

Resolution, H. M. S., 76, 77, 78, 80, 94, 96, 98 ;
return to England, 104, 105; H2, 113, 603,
604.

Resolution cove, 81-90.

Roberts, Henry, 157.

Ronquillo, Philip de, 21.

Roque, Joseph La, 298, 316, 318.

Ross, Alexander, 318, 319.

Routine of frontier posts in New Caledonia,
298, etc.

Rupert, Prince, 327, 333-36.

Russian academy map, 1758, 12.

Russian activities in America, end of, 70.

Russian American Company, 67-69 and others.

Russian establishments, 373, 416-24.

Russian explorations, 10, ir, 37; Chapter IV,
49-71.

Russian furtraders, 66-70.

Russian operations, 428.

Ruysch map, 8.

St. James, fort, i.

Si. Peter, the, 60-64.

St. Thomas, islands of, discovered, 35.

San Lazarus, 21, 45.

Sandwich, Earl of, 74, 76.

Sandwich islands, 17; discovered, 77; Cook's

last visit to, 95-104.
Sanson, 9.
Santa Cruz, 37, 38.
Santiago, Corvette, 16, 38, 40-43, 93.
Schoner, German cartographer, 3, 4.
School districts, 637-39.
Schools, early, Si^'ii-
Schools, progress of, 625-41.
Seemann, Berthold, 482-85.
Selkirk, Earl of, 321.
Semple, Governor, 321.
Shaman, the, or medicine man, 594-600.
Sicau Indians, 288, 289.
Simpson, Sir (Jeorge, 277, 309, 340-42, 366;

letter, 371, 372; 402, 403 ; report to H. B.

Co., 404-24; 458, 465, 466, 476, 477, 497.

505.
Sitka, 67, 68.
Slacum, W. A., Lieut., 344, 441, 445, 452.

Spanish explorations. Chapter III, 33-47;

Spaniards of Queen Charlotte islands, 1774,

39.
Spanish-British negotiations at Nootka, 178-89.
Steller, CJeorg Wilhelm, to, 60.
Stuart, David, 316, 317, 319.
Stuart, John, 242, 245, 249, 251, 256, 257, 261,

263, 274, 283-85, 295-98, 308, 319, 320;

retires, 402.

Tete, Jaune Cache, 292, 317.

Thompson, David, 272, 285, 308-17.

Thorne, Jonathan, 311.

Tod, John, 391, 392.

Tolmie, Dr. W. F., 456 and others.

Tyler, message, 448.

Ulloa, Francisco de, 35, 36, 37.
V

Valdez, Don Cayetano, 164, 166, 170; journal,
170-76 ; 604.

Valerianos, Apostolos, Michael Lok's memoir,
23-30, 79.

Vancouver, George, survey, 1792-93, i; map of
1798, 17; discoveries in De Fuca strait,
93; lis, 116, 118; Chapter VIII, 157-97;
instructions, 158; additional instructions,
159, 160; Spaniards, 165; journal, 167,
168, etc.; letters to Bodega y Quadra, 185-
88; leaves Nootka, 190; description of
Indians, 193; sails for Sandwich islands,
195; state visit to Maquinna, 197; death,
197; 427, 428, 605.

Vancouver island. The colony of. Chapter XV,
497-528 ; Grey's reply to Pelly, 497-98 ;
H. B. Co's grants, 499-503 ; officers of
company, 503-04; H. B. Co. charged with
settlement, 505; Dundas' report, 506-09;
CJovernor Blanshard, 510-28; Blanshard to
Grey, 513-16; Helmcken magistrate, 517,
518; Blanshard to Grey, 518-20; Daedalus
arrives, 520-22; Blanshard to Grey, 521,
522; Earl Grey's replies, 522-24; Blan-
shard resigns, 524; memorial presented to
him, 524-26; first independent settler, 527;
Hlanshard's resignation accepted, 528.

\'ancouver island in Transformation, Chapter
XVII, 557-70; Victoria in 1857, 557; main-
land in 1857, 558, 559; old brigade trails,
559; V'ictoria, a populous center, 560-63;
gold, 560; Fraser excitement, 561; momen-

688

INDEX

tous events at Victoria, 562-69; officials of
colony, 1858, 569-70.

Vavasour, Lieutenant, 479, 480, 498.

Venegas, Miguel, 50.

Verendry, Pierre Gaultier de La, 200, 201.

Versailles, treaty of, 1783, 199.

Vespucci, Amerigo, 4.

Victoria, the founding of. Chapter XI\', 457-
96; Camosun, 459-60; locating fort, 469;
Indian troubles, 473-75 ; Fort Victoria
named, 476; Captain Gordon at Victoria,
476-78; Vavasour's report, 479-80; Courte-
nay's remarks, 480; city of, 481; Seemann's
narrative, 483-85; Paul Kane's description
of Indians, 487-95.

Victoria, founded, 529; liquor question, 530-32;
in 1857, 557-58; meteoric rise, 560-63; ex-
citing days, 562-69.

Victoria college, 633.

Vizcaino, Sebastian, 29; death, 37.

W'addington, Alfred, 560-69.
Waldseemiiller, 4.
Warre, Lieutenant, 479, 498.
Wilkes, Commander, 345-50, 452.
Work, John, 363-65, 392; letter to Edw. Erma-
tinger, 555, 556.

.\ V Company, 207, 208, 209, 237.

Vale, fort, 276.

Verba Buena (San Francisco) established, 325.

Zalteri, 8.
Zipangu, 3, 6, 9.

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