ft 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTONS 
 
 anfc 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 
 
 |0ttt0tana anfr 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 TRANSLATIONS OF ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS RELATING TO THEIR 
 DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT, 
 
 WITH NUMEROUS 
 
 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 
 
 BY B. F. FRENCH, 
 
 i \ 
 
 MEMBER OF THE LOUISIANA, PENNSYLVANIA, NEW JERSEY, NEW YORK, AND 
 MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETIES. 
 
 NEW SERIES. 
 
 J. SABIN & SONS, 84 NASSAU STREET, 
 i 869. 
 
SUBSCRIBER S COPT. 
 No. 3 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1869, by 
 
 H. B. FRENCH. 
 
 In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District ot 
 
 New York. 
 
 
 4- 
 
 BRADSTREET PRESS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 H E history of the discovery and colonization 
 of Louisiana and Florida is replete with inter 
 esting and instructive incident ; and, since 
 they have been ceded to the United States, 
 it is gratifying to perceive that, every year, 
 the events of their early history are becoming more attractive 
 to the scholar, and that portion of the public who take an 
 interest in the investigation and study of American Colonial 
 history. And, probably, at no time since their cession could 
 their history be undertaken with so many advantages as at 
 present, when the more enlightened policy of foreign govern 
 ments (especially England, France, and Spain) have thrown 
 open their national archives to the inspection of the scholar, 
 from which he may now gather materials for history without 
 official restrictions. 
 
 It is from facts that history derives its importance, and not 
 from a few striking incidents, embellished with the fascinating 
 language of the historian. With a strong desire, therefore, to 
 explore this untrodden field, and to clear up the mists that 
 hang over their Colonial history, the author of this work under 
 took, many years ago, to collect materials for a history of 
 Louisiana and Florida ; and the favor with which the First 
 Series of his u Historical Collections of Louisiana," and, inci 
 dentally, of Florida and Alabama, was received by the public, 
 
 M81212 
 
ii PREFACE. 
 
 has encouraged him to prepare a new series for the press, under 
 the title of " HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA AND 
 FLORIDA," with the hope that it will not prove unacceptable 
 to the Scholar and the Antiquarian. 
 
 In this work will be found translations of copies of original 
 historical manuscripts deposited in the archives of France, and 
 an unbroken series of important events which occurred in the 
 colonization of Louisiana, from 1698 to 1721, never before 
 printed ; also, HAKLUYT S translation of LAUDONNIERE S history 
 of the attempt of the Protestants (Huguenots) of France to 
 colonize Florida, from 1562 to 1567. 
 
 The object of this work is to trace, from historical manu 
 scripts, the gradual advance of French and Spanish colonization 
 in Louisiana and Florida, and the progressive extension of our 
 Republican institutions over the vast country acquired from 
 France and Spain, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the 
 Pacific Ocean, and its conversion from a savage wilderness to 
 a populous and highly civilized community. 
 
FACSIMILE OF ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPHS OF THE FRENCH AND 
 SPANISH GOVERNORS OF LOUISIANA : 
 
ADDRESSED TO 
 
 COUNT DE Po N T C H A R T R A I N, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 IMPORTANCE OF ESTABLISHING A COLONY IN LOUISIANA. 
 
 BY M. DE REMONVILLE, 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT DEPOSITED IN THE 
 MARINE DEPARTMENT, PARIS. 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 10, 1697, 
 
 Jttonseigneur : 
 
 H E country wherein we propose to estab- 1607, 
 lish a colony is one of vast extent, and is ~ 
 watered by the Mississippi, and its tribu 
 taries, more than sixteen hundred leagues 
 in extent. The Mississippi river has its 
 source in the north-western part of North 
 America, and its mouth in the south-west, where it empties into 
 the Gulf of Mexico. There are many large and beautiful rivers 
 which flow into the Mississippi, both on the eastern and western 
 sides, which embrace a vast extent of territory, and is now only 
 inhabited by Indians. 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1697. The estuary of the Mississippi is in about the thirtieth degree 
 
 of north latitude; and, although the climate is warm, it is very 
 salubrious in most places. The country abounds in everthing 
 necessary for the conveniences of life. It produces two crops 
 of maize, or Indian corn, annually. It is an excellent article 
 of food ; and, when one becomes accustomed to it, the corn or 
 Europe can be easily dispensed with. There are also a great 
 variety of grapes, which make excellent wines, and, we may 
 reasonably hope that, with proper culture, upon the most 
 approved plan, a sufficient quantity of wine could be produced 
 to supply the wants of all the inhabitants of that country. 
 
 A great abundance of wild cattle are also found there, which 
 might be domesticated by rearing up the young calves, besides 
 every variety of wild game. In the south-west, towards the 
 Spanish settlements of New Mexico, the country abounds in 
 wild horses, which the Indians readily exchange for articles of 
 merchandize. The greater part of European fruits which grow 
 there are of larger size and better quality. The country is 
 covered with beautiful natural meadows, affording abundant 
 pasturage, and the forests yield an abundance of building 
 material in most places, which, on account of the navigable 
 streams, could be cheaply transported, and the settlers comfort 
 ably housed in a short space of time. 
 
 The country is beautifully diversified with hill and dale ; 
 the air is pure and invigorating, and the winter is seldom felt 
 there. From these causes the colonists could subsist there 
 agreeably, easily, and abundantly. 
 
 The trade in furs and peltry would be immensely valuable 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^ 
 
 and exceedingly profitable. We could also draw from thence 1697. 
 a great quantity of buffalo hides every year, as the plains and 
 forests are filled with those animals. 
 
 The country abounds with white mulberry trees, and the 
 climate being the same as that of Sicily (Italy) and a part of 
 India, silk worms could be easily raised, and the article of silk 
 would, in time, become a source of infinite value to France. 
 There are, besides, large districts of country where iron, lead, 
 tin, and copper is found in rich deposits. There is also an 
 abundance of cedar and other wood, of variegated colors, suitable 
 for ornamental work, no less beautiful than the Brazilian wood, 
 which are articles of prime necessity for the kingdom. 
 
 Hemp is indigenous, and grows to the height of eight or 
 ten feet without cultivation. In many places the country is 
 covered with it. This article would be of great utility for 
 ropes, cables, sails, and the coarsest linen fabrics. 
 
 The oak forests are admirable for the ship-timber they pro 
 duce, and masts may there be obtained equal to those of Nor 
 way, so that the company which his Majesty might select 
 could, in a short time, construct all his vessels by simply send 
 ing over the necessary workmen. 
 
 Such are some of the advantages which may be reasonably 
 expected, without counting those resulting from every day s 
 experience. We might, for example, try the experiment of 
 cultivating fine and long staple cotton, as well as tobacco, which 
 can be produced of as good quality as any that comes from 
 Cuba or Virginia j all of which would be of great public utility, 
 and promote commerce with that country, which will be all the 
 
4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1697. more advantageous from the fact that it will not be necessary to 
 send out specie, as articles of merchandize and trinkets are all 
 that is desired by the Indians in exchange. Besides, from this 
 traffic, a vast amount of specie will be brought into the king 
 dom from foreign countries. 
 
 It is almost certain that, with good pilots, two or three con 
 venient ports on the Gulf of Mexico and in Louisiana might be 
 established, which it would be the interest of the government to 
 fortify ; and, in this manner, his Majesty could, by force or 
 arms, soon secure to himself legitimate possession of the whole 
 of Mexico and Louisiana. 
 
 SIEUR DE REMONVILLE has visited the whole of this vast 
 province as far as the Illinois, and was well acquainted with M. 
 CAVELIER DE LA SALLE,* who gave him important informa- 
 
 * The immediate result of the discoveries made in North America, by M. ROBERT 
 CAVELIER DE LA SALLE, was the colonization of the Mississippi valley by the French ; 
 and although the object of his last voyage, in 1685, was unsuccessful, yet it finally led 
 the King to send an expedition, under M. D !BERVILLE, to the Gulf of Mexico, 
 which contributed so much to the glory of France. 
 
 The particulars of the personal history of M. DE LA SALLE, previous to his voyage 
 down the Mississippi, are few. He was a native of Rouen, and of one of the most 
 distinguished families there. In early life he resolved to consecrate himself to God, 
 and entered the Society of Jesus. After passing ten years among them, he came 
 to Canada, and, under the administration of M. M. DE COURCILLES and TALON, he 
 showed his great aptitude for prosecuting discoveries, and was very early employed 
 in making explorations of the country bordering on the lakes. M. DE FRONTENAC 
 selected him to command Fort Frontenac, where he remained nearly a year. 
 
 In 1675, he returned to France, and on the I3th of May, in the same year, he 
 obtained of the King of France the government and property of Fort Frontenac, which 
 had been established under the name of Fort Cataraqui (now Kingston, in Canada 
 West), on condition that he would erect a regular stone fort, and maintain, at his own 
 expense, a sufficient garrison, and Recollect missionaries in the Indian villages around 
 it. Animated with lively hopes, he now returned to Canada, with thirty men, and 
 scrupulously fulfilled all these conditions. 
 
AND FLORIDA. ^ 
 
 tion about this country. He was a man of distinguished birth, 
 and possessed a fine estate. He proposed to me the formation 
 of a company, the establishment of which should be without 
 
 In 1677, he sailed again to France, and in the following year he was commis 
 sioned to prosecute the exploration of the Mississippi river. The letters patent ot 
 1678 [" Historical Collections of Louisiana, 1 Vol. i, p. 35] were issued to him with 
 a distinct political object. The " El Dorado " of America was possessed by Spain, 
 and France desired to seize the prize. 
 
 COLBERT thought it important, for the service and glory of France, to establish a port 
 for French vessels in the Gulf of Mexico, where the French might establish them 
 selves and harass the Spaniards, in the countries from whence they drew their wealth. 
 With these objects in view, M. DE LA SALLE undertook to descend the Mississippi 
 which MAROJJETTE and JOLIET had before explored, as far as the Arkansas river. On 
 leaving France, he had the good fortune to have had recommended to him, by the 
 Prince DE CONTI, the Chevalier HENRY DE TONTY, as a companion in his discoveries. 
 [See Memoir of M. DE TONTY in "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. i, p. 
 52.] He and his companion, M. DE TONTY, left Rochelle on the I4th July, 1678, and 
 arrived at Quebec in September following. They proceeded to Fort Frontenac, where 
 they were joined by the Recollect Fathers GABRIEL Louis HENNEPIN and ZENOBE 
 MEMBRE, members of the order of St. Francis. On the 7th of August of the 
 same year, LA SALLE set sail from Kingston, in the Griffin, the first vessel that ever 
 floated on Lake Eric, with thirty-two men and two missionaries, and in a few days 
 arrived at Detroit, the sight of which was pleasing to his companions. They were 
 delighted with the beauty of the scenery. On the 23d of August, he passed through a 
 small lake, to which he gave the name of St. Clair, and entered Lake Huron, and in 
 five days more arrived at Michilimackinac. Here he disembarked from, the Grijfin, 
 to hear mass celebrated in the chapel of the Ottaiuas, where he was received by the 
 Indians with every mark of distinction. 
 
 In the month of September, he arrived in the bay of the Puans, on the western 
 shore of Lake Michigan, and on the i8th of September the Grijfin set sail with a valu 
 able cargo of furs for Canada, but was never afterward heard of. LA SALLE, after the 
 departure of his vessel, continued his route to St. Joseph, on the borders of Lake Michi 
 gan. Here he erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Miami. On the 1st of 
 January, 1680, he reached Lake Peoria, called Pimitoni by HENNEPIN, not far from 
 which he built Fort Crevecoeur. LA SALLE now determined to return to Fort Frontenac, 
 and, before his departure, he instructed HENNEPIN to ascend the Mississippi river to its 
 source. While he was exploring the upper Mississippi, LA SALLE S affairs grew worse at 
 Crei ecceur, and he resolved to go to Montreal to put his affairs in order, in which he suc 
 ceeded. At this place he made his will. ["Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. 
 
6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 697. expense to the King, and it is in relation to this that I have 
 ~~ now the honor to address your Lordship. 
 
 M. DE LA SALLE S design was to go to Canada and take with 
 
 i, p. 51.] He abandoned his extensive plan of establishing forts at different points 
 in the west, and pursued his route to the sea. He left Fort Frontcnac on the 28th of 
 August, 1781, accompanied by M. DK TONTY, Father ZENOBE MEMBRE, twenty-two 
 Frenchmen, and eighteen savages of the Mohegan and Abenaquis tribes, the bravest in 
 America, crossed the portage at Chicagou to the Illinois river, and on the 6th February, 
 1682, he reached the Mississippi river, which he named Colbert. Like MARQUETTE, 
 he followed the course of the great river, without stopping to survey the beautiful 
 scenery of the adjoining country. As he drew near the outlets of this great inland sea, 
 he met with a number of Indian nations inhabiting its banks, such as the Tamaroas, 
 AkansaS) Chickasaiios, Taensas, Choctaius, Houmas, and the Natchez^ rendered celebrated 
 by the writings of Du PRATZ, Du MONT, CHATEAUBRIAND, and other travellers ; but, 
 being obliged to stop several times, he did not arrive at the mouth of the great river 
 until the yth of April, and on the gth he took formal possession of the country in the 
 name of Louis XIV, which he named Louisiana. After which, he ordered an authentic 
 act to be drawn up, and a leaden plate, on which was inscribed the arms of France, was 
 deposited in the earth. [" Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. i, p. 45.] Thus, 
 the discovery of the Mississippi (COLBERT) was completed by the French, from its 
 mouth to the Falls of St. Anthony, and LA SALLE retraced his steps to Canada. In 
 the following year (1683) he arrived in France, at the period when Louis XIV was 
 at the height of his glory, and was acknowledged the most powerful monarch of 
 Europe. Although the great COLBERT was no more, LA SALLE met with the warmest 
 reception by his son SEIGNELAY, who was Minister of Marine, and who could refuse 
 nothing to LA SALLE, who had endowed France with one of the finest countries in the 
 world. He presented to the Minister of Marine two memoirs, which are printed in 
 the first volume of the " Historical Collections of Louisiana." In one he gives an 
 account of the country south of the Mississippi , and in the other he urges an expedi 
 tion, by sea, to take possession, plant colonies, and confirms the statement of HENNEPIN 
 to seize the mines of St. Barbe, while, at the same time, he alludes to the possibility 
 of opening a passage to the South Sea. He proposed to his Majesty to unite Canada 
 with Louisiana, and to extend his sovereignty to the Gulf of Mexico. This prospect 
 was readily countenanced by the King, and instructions were given to his minister to 
 proceed immediately to colonize Louisiana. Four vessels were placed at the disposal of 
 LA SALLE, and two hundred and eighty persons were embarked on board, and, while 
 preparing to sail, he was joined by JOUTEL, who ultimately became the historian of the 
 expedition. [See Journal of JOUTEL, in "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. i, 
 P- 85.] 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. j 
 
 him a large number of persons of that country, and proceed to I 697, 
 the Illinois, and follow the same route he had pursued before to 
 the mouth of the Mississippi river. Having arrived there, he 
 would commence to construct forts, make a proper examination 
 
 On the Z4th of July, 1684, this little squadron, under command of M. DE BEAUJEU, 
 left Rochellc for the Gulf of Mexico. Scarcely had they set sail when a misunder 
 standing arose between DE BEAUJEU and LA SALLE, in consequence of which it led 
 to an error in navigating the vessels, and went out of the proper course, instead of 
 being at the east, they were far to the west of the mouth of the Mississippi, and, on 
 the 1 4th of February, 1685, LA SALLE landed in St. Bernard 1 s Bay, now called 
 Matagorda, in Texas, at a distance of one hundred and thirty leagues from the Missis 
 sippi. 
 
 The first object of LA SALLE was to build a fort, and, on the I4th of March, M. DE 
 BEAUJEU finally abandoned the young colony left on an inhospitable shore, and exposed 
 to the most imminent danger from the natives. When it was completed, he ascended 
 the Riviere aux loaches, to a distance of about two leagues, where he commenced, in 
 July, the erection of another fort, which he called St. Louis, in honor of the King, and 
 abandoned the old fort. This was the settlement which made Texas a part of Louisi 
 ana. LA SALLE now resolved to go in search of the Mississippi river, and, in October, 
 he left the fort, leaving JOUTEL in command. At the end of four months he returned 
 to Fort St. Louis without finding it. Another expedition was then resolved on, and the 
 fort was placed under the command of M. LE BARBIER, and, on the I2th of January, 
 1687, M. LA SALLE and his companions JOUTEL, Father ANASTASIUS DOUAY, Cavalier 
 the Priest MORANGET, DUHAUT, and others, in all, seventeen persons set out for the 
 Illinois. On the 1 6th of March they reached one of the tributaries of the Trinity River, 
 Texas. At this point of the journey, a conspiracy was formed to assassinate LA SALLE. 
 He lived about an hour after he had been wounded, and was buried on the spot where he 
 was shot, on the I9th of March, 1687. "Thus perished," says Father ANASTASIUS 
 DOUAY, "our wise conductor, constant in adversities, intrepid, generous, engaging, 
 skillful, and capable of anything. He who, during a period of twenty years, had 
 softened the fierce temper of a vast number of savage nations, was massacred by his 
 own people. He died in the vigor of life, in the midst of his career and labors, 
 without the consolation of having seen their results." [" Historical Collections of 
 Louisiana," Vol. iv, p. 2,14.] 
 
 To him must be mainly ascribed the discovery of the vast regions of the Mississippi 
 valley, and the subsequent occupation and settlement of them, while his name justly 
 holds a prominent place among those which adorn the history of cilvilization in North 
 America. 
 
8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 697. of the coasts, and upon his own account, establish necessary 
 measures for taking permanent possession of the province. 
 
 He proposed, also, to proceed there by the Gulf of Mexico 
 with two small vessels, carrying with him two or three hundred 
 men, build his forts, and send back a notification thereof; the 
 two projects he left to choice. 
 
 He supposed that, peace being established, it would only be 
 necessary to notify foreign countries of the fact of taking pos 
 session, and that, being in no danger of external trouble, other 
 matters could be arranged at leisure; not doubting fora moment, 
 that when the feasibility and healthfulness of the establishment 
 became known, a multitude of persons engaged in commerce 
 would readily join the company, and in a year or two all the 
 funds necessary for its perpetuation would be easily obtained. 
 
 The SIEUR FOUESSIN, a skillful and intelligent merchant, who 
 had the intention of joining his company, has pointed out the 
 inconvenience of these two propositions. He has represented 
 and we know the facts from other quarters that the English enter 
 tain serious ideas of forming a similar establishment. If the route by 
 Canada were taken, they would not fail to anticipate us, and if, by 
 the way of the gulf, with two small vessels, they would be endangered 
 by the English buccaneers and pirates who infest those seas, from 
 New York to Florida and Jamaica-, and, in this manner, the 
 English might cut off those two vessels, without which the 
 enterprise would be defeated. It is known that vessels clear 
 from the Thames under false pretexts ; and, moreover, the 
 Spaniards would not look quietly on and behold the French 
 settling in their neighborhood, without aiding those enemies in 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. g 
 
 a covert manner, even if they dared not commit open hostilities. 1697, 
 In a word, he does not possess sufficient prudence to succeed 
 with so small a force, and if he should miscarry, he would have 
 no means of returning. Your Lordship must know that M. 
 FOUESSIN carries on an extensive commerce with England, and, 
 besides, there are two brothers of them, one of which is now 
 actively engaged with the English, and has but a short time 
 since returned from Virginia, whilst the other is in Florida, so 
 that he is well informed of the designs of the English upon 
 Louisiana,* and of the great efforts they are making to become 
 masters of the Mississippi. 
 
 There is, besides, a rumor that Mr. WILLIAM PENN, an 
 Englishman, has sent from Pennsylvania fifty men to the Wa- 
 bash to make a settlement there, by which they can have easy 
 access by land to the Mississippi; and, although the route is long 
 and difficult, the English, who are not easily discouraged when 
 the subject of extending their commerce is in question, will, 
 without doubt, surmount all difficulties, if time is given them. 
 
 It is, therefore, important that, in forming an establishment of 
 such importance, great diligence is necessary, and forces suffi 
 cient should be provided, that the enterprise may not suffer from 
 interruption. 
 
 To insure diligence, I have already a number of persons who 
 will join the company with pleasure, provided the shares do not 
 exceed ten thousand livres each. Mr. FOUESSIN and his brother 
 will be of the number; they promise, moreover, to engage two 
 
 * See COXE S Carolana, First Series " Hist. Collections of Louisiana," Vol. n, p. 223. 
 
 2 
 
10 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1697. or three of their friends in the enterprise; and I have two or 
 three others who will enlist their friends also, provided your 
 Lordship thinks seriously of the matter, and will grant your 
 protection, and such conditions as I shall mention hereafter, 
 which will be explained in a separate schedule, article by article. 
 The persons who are desirous to join the company are, for 
 the most part, either from their own knowledge, or that of 
 others, well acquainted with the advantages which may be 
 expected from such an establishment. But, as it is impossible to 
 find a sufficient number of persons who are willing to advance 
 the funds necessary for such an undertaking with which they are 
 little acquainted or, at least, when they do not see at the head 
 of the company a man who has acquired a high reputation in 
 commercial matters, and of sufficient strength or credit. If 
 your Lordship will accelerate the enterprise by placing some 
 well-known merchant at its head, with such others as you may 
 deem proper, there will, then, be no difficulty in finding the 
 necessary funds to make the first voyage with success. Every 
 preparation should be made for the departure of the voyage by 
 the month of March, or sooner, if possible. 
 
 As there are vessels now leaving for St. Domingo, if your 
 Lordship would send an order in advance to M. DU CASSE,* 
 to fit out two small vessels, manned by twenty filibusters 
 (flibustiers\ some pilots, and an engineer, to visit all the coast 
 of the Gulf of Mexico, keep a faithful journal, and even a 
 description thereof, and especially of the rivers which have their 
 
 * Governor of St. Domingo, who succeeded M. DE CUSSY. 
 
LOUISIANA ^NI) FLORIDA. , l 
 
 outlets in the sea, with an order to send to the Court a copy 1697 
 of" said journal, and reserve another copy to give to those ves 
 sels which may be sent to found the establishment, when they 
 touch at St. Domingo, for the purpose of taking in supplies, as 
 it would greatly facilitate the enterprise. And, as it is important 
 that the expedition should be kept secret, it will be necessary 
 that sealed orders be sent to the pilots, who should be enjoined 
 not to open them until they had reached a certain latitude. 
 
 But, if your Lordship should not deem this proper, the ships, 
 upon their arrival at St. Domingo, could employ the two small 
 vessels and their crews in sounding the Gulf of Mexico, and 
 finding the mouths of the Mississippi. 
 
 In regard to resources, the shares being ten thousand livres 
 each, we reckon at least fifty shares in the commencement as 
 necessary to make up the sum of five hundred thousand livres 
 of the original stock, and the more we can obtain the better; 
 but, we maintain, to a certainty, that we can begin with this 
 amount, because his Majesty would have the kindness to relieve 
 the company of all expenses in future. 
 
 In the first place, the purchase of necessary ships would 
 absorb the greater portion of the funds of the company, if pay 
 ment were required upon the first voyage. It is for this reason 
 that we humbly beseech his Majesty to lend us two ships of 
 war, of from forty to fifty guns each, commanded by his own 
 officers, the choice of which should be left to the company, in 
 order that those dissensions, which are common among the 
 King s officers and commercial companies, may not be injurious 
 to the enterprise. 
 
I2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1697. The said vessels, armed with suitable equipage, and provi 
 
 sioned for fourteen months, to serve as a convoy, make the 
 descent, and establish the colony in the most advantageous 
 position. The supplies of stores and provisions is estimated for 
 fourteen months, because it would be necessary for the vessels 
 to remain until the fortifications should be in a condition for 
 defense. His Majesty will have the goodness, besides, to lend 
 the company two or three transports, and a corvette, to be 
 armed and equipped at their expense. The three transports 
 will serve to carry over the colonists and provisions necessary 
 to support them during the voyage and one year in the country ; 
 all the instruments and utensils necessary for artizans and labor 
 ers can be taken in them, as well as the trinkets and other 
 merchandize necessary to make as presents to the Indians. 
 They will serve, also, to bring back the returns. The corvette 
 will take its departure, with dispatches, the moment the discovery 
 and settlement shall be made. In the second place, his Maj 
 esty is humbly supplicated to grant to the company four hundred 
 (400) regular troops of the marine, commanded by their ordinary 
 officers, to be transported in the vessels of war, and landed in 
 such places as shall be deemed most convenient for the estab 
 lishment of colonies, and to remain there as a guard and pro 
 tection at the forts which may be constructed, for the space of 
 three years, during which time his Majesty will have the good 
 ness to pay them their ordinary wages; and the company will 
 obligate itself, at its own expense, to provide security for the 
 return of the said soldiers to Europe, provided his Majesty will 
 permit the soldiers and non-commissioned officers who choose 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. j-^ 
 
 to do so, to enter lands, build houses, and remain there upon 697 
 the same conditions as other colonists. 
 
 This article is of the greatest importance, in order to give 
 solidity to the colony. For, although the company which shall 
 be formed ought to conduct thither some seven or eight hun 
 dred men mechanics, artizans, laborers, and soldiers at the same 
 time nevertheless, the regular troops would be necessary; and, 
 if they had, however, to subsist at the expense of the company, 
 they would so absorb the greater part of its funds, which would 
 be of limited amount, from the short time required to organize 
 the same. On the other hand, it would cost his Majesty no 
 greater amount to subsist them in the colony than in France; 
 and, besides, this mark of protection of his Majesty would 
 attract a great number of persons who would otherwise be 
 backward in intrusting their funds in the enterprise. 
 
 Whatever company your Lordship may, however, decide 
 upon, it results, of necessity, that a large force must be sent there 
 in the first instance, and afterwards repeated, and, to this end, 
 the funds should be augumented. This may be done in two 
 ways, to wit: by leaving in the funds the profits accruing during 
 the first years, and by receiving new subscriptions to the stock, 
 which will not fail when the merchants see that the affair is 
 successful ; but, in regard to the latter, the new shares should 
 be in due proportion, not only to the first, but to the increase 
 which shall have taken place on account of the returns. In 
 whatever manner it might be obligatory upon the company to 
 manage the funds and diminish the expenses, it is necessary, at 
 all events, in order to keep the colonists within bounds, to make 
 
, 4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 697. them work, and restrain them from withdrawing themselves 
 from the country; it is important to have a sufficient number of 
 officers to establish subordination among them, and see that 
 they offer no insult to the natives, as it is necessary to deal 
 gently with them, if we wish to reap all the advantages pro 
 posed. 
 
 Upon the first voyage, grain and vegetables of every descrip 
 tion should be taken, and sown in those places best adapted 
 to their growth and culture, and, in this manner, to endeavor 
 that the first colonists shall not only provide for their own 
 sustenance, but be able to give assistance to those who shall 
 arrive thereafter; this would, subsequently, save much expense 
 to the company. 
 
 Cocoons should also be taken out for the purpose of raising 
 silk, together with persons acquainted with their management 
 and the art of silk culture; these could instruct others, and even 
 the female Indian, than which nothing could be easier. We 
 may remark, upon this article, that in lower Daupbiny, Pro- 
 vence^ and Languedoc, there are people who are much better 
 acquainted with the culture of silk than in any other portion of 
 the country. No pains should be spared to procure the most 
 skillful ; but, for the first voyage, such may be taken as could 
 be found willing to go, as there would be no time to make a 
 selection. 
 
 To render the trade in hides and wool more profitable, and 
 to provide more abundantly for the inhabitants, it would be well 
 to encourage the Indians to capture cows and lambs alive, 
 which, while of a tender age, could be easily tamed and domes- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 15 
 
 ticated. Nothing should be neglected in order to populate the 
 country. The abundance of pasturage will assist greatly to 
 that end. It would be well, even, to instruct the natives in the 
 art of raising cattle. Herds of horses might also be formed. 
 
 The greatest possible number of workmen should be trans 
 ported there ; also masons, carpenters, wood-sawyers, house- 
 joiners, locksmiths, gunsmiths, blacksmiths, and others, as 
 necessity required. There should, also, be skillful engineers to 
 plan the fortifications and houses of the inhabitants for defense. 
 Good pilots should be taken over, with small vessels, with 
 which they could make soundings along the coasts and in the 
 rivers, mark out the dangerous places, and those most con 
 venient for anchorage in the ports. If possible, ship-carpenters 
 should be of the number, with workmen to make sail-cloth, in 
 order to rig out small vessels upon the spot ; also rope-makers, 
 cannoniers, and sailors to navigate the rivers and gulf coast, and 
 for the fisheries ; and such should be selected as could serve in 
 two characters, either as soldiers or workmen. Two companies 
 of dragoons might be formed upon the spot, of fifty men each, 
 who would constitute a guard for the security of the workmen 
 and laborers when in the country ; for, whatever peace may be 
 made with the Indians, they must be always carefully watched. 
 The dragoons could be mounted on native horses. When the 
 company shall have been formed, such things as may be neces 
 sary and proper may be added; they can even decide whether it 
 would be prudent that women should be taken over during the 
 first voyage. 
 
 There are strong reasons for and against it. If they are 
 
j6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, ETC. 
 
 1697. taken, it may be the source of libertinage, debauchery, jealousy, 
 and quarrels, as it would be impossible, in the first instance, to 
 have all married men. On the other hand, women are very 
 necessary for cooking and washing for the mechanics and 
 aborers. If it should be concluded to take them, the chiefs and 
 officers should be very exact in restraining every disorder or 
 disturbance. Such women should also be selected who under 
 stand how to sew, knit, and do, also, all other kind of house 
 work. 
 
 The company should also supply the colony with all neces 
 sary medicines and refreshments for the sick : books, chapels, 
 and vestments for the priests. 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 VOYAGE MADE BY ORDER OF THE KING OF FRANCE, IN 1698, 
 TO TAKE POSSESSION OF 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 BY M. P. LE MOYNE D IBERVILLE, 
 
 COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL LETTER ADDRESSED TO 
 
 M. LE COMTE DE PONTCHARTRAIN, 
 
 DEPOSITED IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE MARINE DEPARTMENT, PARIS. 
 
EXPEDITION OF M. D IBERVILLE 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL LETTER ADDRESSED TO M. LE COMTE DE 
 PONTCHARTRAIN, DEPOSITED IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE 
 
 MARINE DEPARTMENT, PARIS. 
 
 ROCHEFORT, FRANCE, July 3, 1699. 
 
 Jttonseignnir : 
 
 HAVE the honor to inform your Lord 
 ship I arrived here, from Louisiana, on 
 the ad inst., and beg to transmit, here 
 with, a brief account of the expedition I 
 made to that country by his Majesty s 
 orders. I set sail, in company with the 
 frigate Le Marin, commanded by M. LE COMTE DE SURGERES, 
 from La Rochelle, on the 24th of September, 1698, and from 
 Brest, on Friday, October 24th. We took the route by the Cape 
 of St. Anthony, Cuba, which we doubled on the morning of the 
 J5th of January, 1699, and, on the 24th, at noon, reached the 
 
 1699, 
 
20 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1699. coast of Florida. We discovered a river, situated twenty 
 leagues to the west of a Spanish settlement, called by them 
 Apalachicola* where there are not more than five or six hun 
 dred persons, who have no other commerce with the Indians 
 than a trade in deer and bear-skins. 
 
 This river is called Indus by the natives, and only admits the 
 entrance of small vessels. From thence we sailed to the west, 
 along the coast, as far as the bay called Pensacola\ (Ocbus)^ into 
 which flows a considerable river, at a distance of thirteen leagues 
 from the Indus. On the 26th, we found in this bay two ships, 
 anchored opposite a settlement that had been formed, within 
 three months past, by the Spaniards, from Vera Cruz. There 
 are, at least, twenty-two feet of water at the entrance of the 
 harbor, which is very capacious. The fortifications, as yet, 
 consist only of palisades, of about a man s height. On the 
 goth, we weighed anchor, the wind being east-south-east, and 
 continued our route towards the west, and, upon the 3rst, 
 entered the bay of the Mobile river, where we anchored in eight 
 fathoms water. On the 4th of February, we again weighed 
 anchor, having found upon the bar, which is about a league and 
 a half from the bay, but thirteen feet of water, which afterwards 
 increases to four, five, and six fathoms. This bay is very 
 beautiful for habitation ; and a large river, with muddy waters, 
 empties into it, at about the distance of thirteen leagues from 
 
 * This was the first settlement made by the Spaniards in West Florida. It was 
 afterwards attached to the Vice Royalty of Mexico. 
 
 f This bay was first discovered by MALDONADO, an officer in the expedition of DE 
 SOTO, called by the natives Ochus, and afterwards, by the Spaniards, Saint Mary of 
 Gafoez. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 21 
 
 Pensacola. At a distance of thirteen or fourteen leagues west- 1699, 
 ward of Mobile, we found a place formed by islands and the 
 main-land, where there is good anchorage and protection to 
 ships against storms. I resolved to leave the ships there, and 
 go with the small vessels to the neighborhood of Lago de Lodo 
 (Muddy Lake), which is the name the Spaniards give to the Bay 
 of St. Esprit (Bay of the Holy Spirit). 
 
 Having no further need of the services of Mr. CHATEAU- 
 MORAND, he returned to St. Domingo.* On the 2ist, we took 
 
 * Extract from a letter, written by an officer on board the frigate Le Francois, who 
 accompanied the expedition to Louisiana from St. Domingo : 
 
 " I hope, sir, you will not find it uninteresting for me to give you some account 
 of the vogage I lately made in the ship Le Francois, commanded by the Marquis DE 
 CHATEAUMORAND, from St. Domingo to Louisiana. 
 
 "We left France on the I5th of October, 1698, with orders to rendezvous at St. 
 Domingo, where we were to open our sealed packages from the Court, in which we 
 found orders to accompany M. M. D !BERVILLE and DE SURGERES, if we found them on 
 the coast of St. Domingo, as far a? the coast of Florida, and not to leave them until they 
 were anchored in some good road, or in a port sheltered from the attacks of strangers, 
 and bad weather. Having found them, we set out together on the ist of January, 
 1699, and arrived on the coast of Florida on the 24th of the same month, the winds 
 being generally favorable, though very light. We followed the coast from Cape 
 Blanco, as far as the isle of San Diego, making continual soundings in the long-boats 
 closer to the shore, for the purpose of discovering a port 5 we, in the ships, kept 
 sounding all around us, as you will see by the plan I send you of all the lands dis 
 covered, and bays and harbors seen. Every place where we anchored was marked by 
 a buoy, together with the number of fathoms. We would not have been obliged to 
 go further than Pensacola-de-Gal vez,, had we not found the port occupied by the 
 Spaniards, who have been established there since September, 1698. They have 
 constructed a fort, mounted by seven or eight pieces of cannon, with a garrison of 
 three hundred miserable soldiers, and situated on the western side, which impedes the 
 entrance. We sounded all around. The place where we found the least water is over 
 a sand bar, that extends north and south from the fort, to the distance of about four- 
 fifths of a league. We found there more than twenty feet of water. In the port 
 there are two places where a ship can be careened in twenty-five feet of water. There 
 is also a large spring of fresh water. After having visited this port, of which we could 
 
22 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1699. our departure for Malaboucbia^ the name given to the Mississippi 
 by the Indians, and, with two row-boats, some bark canoes, and 
 fifty-three men, we entered this river (Colbert) on the night of 
 the 2d of March. I found it obstructed by rafts of petrified 
 wood, of a sufficient hardness to resist the action of the sea. I 
 found there twelve feet of water, and anchored two leagues from 
 the mouth of the river, where the depth is from ten to twelve 
 fathoms, with a breadth of from four to five hundred yards. 
 
 easily have rendered ourselves masters, if we had not had express orders not to molest 
 the Spaniards, should we find them already posted anywhere on our route, but to 
 proceed along the coast. Some leagues from Pensacola, we found a bay, called Mobile t 
 which we sounded everywhere, within and without. We found but fifteen feet of 
 water in the channel, and breakers all around. We set sail, and followed the coast 
 line, always making soundings both from the ships and long-boacs nearer the land, to 
 see what we could find. One of them, having found good bottom between some 
 islands, came to give us notice to go there and anchor, which we did. In the morn 
 ing, orders were given to the long-boats to make soundings all around in the neighbor 
 hood of the islands, in order to find some good harbor, which was accomplished the 
 next day. We succeeded in finding very good anchorage, north and south of a point 
 of the island, where we lay at anchor all that day upon the south side. The next day, 
 M. D IBERVILLE went to the north side to place his frigates in safety against dangerous 
 winds, during his absence in search of the river Mississippi in his long-boats and gun 
 boats. We remained some days at anchor upon the south side of the island, endeavoring 
 to find out something relative to this river from the natives, whilst M. D IBERVILLE was 
 engaged in moving his ships properly. He began by making peace with them after 
 the same manner as was done in Canada. They gave him a friendly reception, although 
 he did not understand their language. Three of the principal men came on board, 
 whom he treated kindly, and gave them clothing, as they had on nothing but the 
 skins of wild animals to conceal their nakedness. They made signs to him that the 
 river of Palisade must be the Mississippi, and that it was about fifteen leagues distant. 
 The place where we discovered these Indians was on the borders of the river Pas- 
 cagou/as, inhabited by four different nations. Learning that the Marin and the Badine 
 were anchored in safety, and our provisions being barely sufficient for our return to St. 
 Domingo, we parted with them on the list of February, at the place marked B on the 
 map, and arrived on the coast of St. Domingo on the 1st of April, whence we set sail, 
 May loth, for France, and, on the 23d of June, 1699, anchored in Port Louis." 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 23 
 
 On the 3d, the winds prevented me from making soundings 1699. 
 
 between the rafts and the three outlets, which extend some 
 three leagues before entering the sea. I resolved to go up as 
 far as the Bayagoulas, whom we had met with at the Bay of 
 Biloxi^ and who had given us to understand that their village 
 was at the distance of eight days travel in a canoe from the bay, 
 which w.ould be equal to about sixty leagues. As I had already 
 gone thirty leagues, and as it was necessary that I should ascend 
 the river to become acquainted with its depth, observe the places 
 proper for establishments, and visit the various Indian villages, 
 which our Frenchmen said they had seen upon its banks, in 
 ascending and descending the river. As they pretended that the 
 tjhtinmpissas were established at a distance of thirty leagues from 
 the mouth of the Mississippi, I took advantage of a favorable 
 wind from the south-west to continue my route, leaving, until 
 my return, the work of sounding the passes. 
 
 On the yth, at a distance of about thirty-five leagues up the 
 river, I met with some Indians, who told me that it was yet 
 three and a half days travel before I could reach the Bayagoulas, 
 and that theirs was the first village I should reach. I took one 
 of these Indians with me as a guide, as well as for information. 
 On the J4th, I reached the village, where I was received with 
 friendly embraces, after their manner. By exact observations, I 
 found its position was sixty-four leagues from the mouth of the 
 river. The chief of the Mongoulachas, a nation allied with the 
 Bayagoulas, had on a poitou- cloak of blue serge, which he told me 
 was presented to him by M. DE TONTY. I was, moreover, 
 confirmed with regard to his visit, by seeing in their hands axes 
 
24 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 and knives ; but, from the sea up to this village, I found no 
 other sign of the French having visited this section. I met 
 with none of the Tangipahoes nor ^ulnnipissas mentioned in the 
 narratives of the Jesuits, and concluded they must be false, as 
 well as those writings about Canada, Hudson s Bay, and the 
 return of SIEUR CAVALIER from the Bay of St. Louis. 
 
 The Bayagoulas told me that the ^uinnipissas dwelt fifty 
 leagues in the interior, and consisted of six villages. They 
 assured me that the river was never obstructed, and was navig 
 able very high up. They named all the nations that inhabited 
 its banks above. But, seeing myself so far up the river without 
 positive proof that this was the Mississippi, and that it might be 
 said in France I was deceived, not having met with any of those 
 tribes mentioned in the narratives, I concluded I ought to visit 
 the Houmas, on the east side of the river, among whom I knew 
 M. DE TONTY had been ; and believing, moreover, that in the 
 course of at least thirty leagues I must meet with that branch 
 of the river spoken of in the narratives, down which I could 
 send a chaloupe and canoe for the purpose of exploration, and 
 ascertain which of the two rivers would be most suitable for 
 settlements. I was apprehensive the Indians only desired to 
 conceal from me that branch, in order to get me to remain upon 
 theirs, as they hoped to reap some advantage thereby. 
 
 I renewed my journey, in company with the chief of the 
 Bayagoulas, who offered to go with me, with eight of his men, 
 and arrived at the village of the Houmas, distant thirty-five 
 leagues. On the morning of the 2Oth, at 10 o clock, I entered 
 the village, which is situated two leagues and a half in the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 25 
 
 interior, where I was well received; but I could learn nothing 1699. 
 more than I had been informed of before. They spoke much 
 of M. DE TONTY,* wtio had remained some time among them, 
 and made them many presents. 
 
 On the 2ist, I returned to my boats, much embarrassed as 
 to the course I should pursue, seeing that I was one hundred 
 and thirty leagues from the ships, and one hundred from the sea; 
 having procured no other provisions than Indian corn, without 
 meat and without grease, my men were fatigued with stemming 
 
 "" M. DE TONTY was the brave and confidential friend of M. DE LA SALLE, who 
 accompanied him in his exploration of the Mississippi river in 1682. In 1683, he 
 was appointed to command Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois river. On the return of M. 
 DE LA SALLE from France, in 1685, to plant a colony on the banks of the Mississippi, 
 he went at his own expense, with forty men, to join him 5 but, being unable to find 
 him, he returned to Canada, and put himself under the command of M. DE NONVILLE, 
 to engage in an attack on the Iroquois ; and, after the campaign was over, he returned 
 to Fort St. Louis, in 1689, to go in search of M. DE LA SALLE S colony in Texas, 
 which, after many months of privation and suffering, he had to abandon, through the 
 treachery and desertion of the men who accompanied him as far as Red River. He 
 again returned to Canada, and subsequently went to join M. D !BERVILLE on his arrival 
 in the Gulf of Mexico. He returned again to Canada, and was, for a short time, placed 
 in command of Fort Pontchartrain. The war between France and England, which con 
 tinued until 1713, kept him actively engaged in military duties at Detroit until peace 
 was declared. The last that we hear of M. DE TONTY is his having engaged, in 
 1717, to goon an expedition to hold a council with some distant tribes of Indians. 
 He probably died in Canada. His achievements in the exploration of the Mississippi 
 valley must always rank him next to DE LA SALLE. Whatever doubt the failure of 
 the first expedition to the Gulf of Mexico may have produced in France, must have 
 been removed by the letter he wrote to M. DE LA SALLE from the Quinnipissas village 
 in 1685, on his return up the river Mississippi to Canada. The Memoir of M. DE 
 TONTY, from 1678 to 1691, translated from the original manuscript, and published in 
 the first series of the "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. i, pp. 52-80, 1846, is 
 the only authentic work of M. DE. TONTY in print, on which was afterwards based 
 (and published) a spurious work, entitled " Dernier s Decouvertes dans TAmerique Sep- 
 tentriona/e, de M. de la Salle, par Chevalier Tonty, Gouverneur du Fort St. Louis, aux 
 Illinois. Paris. 1697." 
 
 4 
 
2 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1 699. the strong current ; and, having little hope of finding that branch 
 I was in search of, I thought the Houmas would have the same 
 motives as the Bayagoulas in concealing from me the truth. 1 
 told them I knew there was a branch, and desired to descend by 
 it to the sea with a portion of my men; that this branch ought 
 to be near a river coming from the west and falling into the 
 Malabouckia (Mississippi). They told me it was the Tassenoeo- 
 goula (Red River). Finally, I told them I would visit the 
 Natchez, or Tpelois, who are their nearest neighbors in ascending 
 the river. They offered to conduct me there, and, for this 
 purpose, gave me six men and a canoe. 
 
 I left the Houmas on the 22d, and took with me a Tensas, 
 who was acquainted with the country, and had travelled over as 
 far as the Arkansas. He spoke to me of the Sabloniere (Rea 
 River), which he called the Tassenoeogoula. He also mentioned 
 the nations dwelling upon its banks, and across which M. CAV 
 ALIER had passed upon his return from the Bay of St. Louis 
 (St. Bernard, Texas). Not doubting but that these Indians, 
 as well as the Tensas, had an understanding with each other 
 to conceal from me that which I was eagerly desirous to know, 
 in the hope that I would go to their village, near which I 
 already was, I deemed it prudent to enter into no further engage 
 ments. 
 
 Besides, it was time for me to return and look out for a 
 proper place to make a settlement, which hitherto I had been 
 unable to find. Moreover, the fleet was falling short of pro 
 visions. I retraced my steps to the Houmas, after having gone 
 beyond their village three leagues and a half, very much vexed 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 2 7 
 
 at the Recollect^ whose false narrative had deceived every one, 
 and caused our sufferings and total failure of our enterprise, by 
 the time consumed in search of things which alone existed in 
 his imagination. On the 24th, I arrived at a small river, or 
 stream, about five leagues above the Bayagoulas^ on the east side 
 of the river, which empties into the sea. This was the only 
 branch of the Malabouchla the Indians pointed out to us. I 
 descended to the sea by this stream (Manckac, now called Iber- 
 ville) in two bark canoes, with four men, and sent the chaloupes 
 down the river, with orders to sound the passes. 
 
 I entered this small river, which is not more than eight or ten 
 paces wide, and about five feet in depth in low water. It was 
 
 * The narrative of the Recollect here referred to by M. D IBERVILLE was that of the 
 mendacious Father Louis HENNEPIN, who came to Canada in the same vessel with M. 
 DE LA SALLE, in 1675, and was some time employed as a missionary at Fort Frontenac, 
 and among the Iroquois Indians. In 1680, he accompanied M. DE LA SALLE from 
 Canada to Illinois, from whence he was sent by him to explore the Mississippi to its 
 source. He proceeded as far as the Falls of St. Anthony^ and from thence returned 
 to Quebec , and, without reporting to LA SALLE, he returned to France, in 1681, and 
 published a work in Paris in 1683, entitled, "Description de la Louisiana noiwdlement 
 decou-vcrte au Sud-ouest dc la Nouvelle France" He remained some time at Chateau 
 CambrensiS) till ordered, by his superiors, to return to Canada, which he refused to do, 
 and was, in consequence, compelled to leave France. He passed over into England, 
 and entered the service of King WILLIAM III as a Spanish subject, and, in the year 
 1697, publishad, at Utrecht, a work, entitled, " Nouvelle description d"un trcs grand 
 pays situee dans rAmerique entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer Glaciale" a translation 
 of which appeared in England in 1699, and is, for the most part, a fabrication, made 
 up, in part, of reports of other writers LE CLERCO^, DOUAY, JOUTEL, and others with 
 the intention of robbing MAROJJETTE and JOLIET of the glory of having first descended 
 the Mississippi, which he pretended to have accomplished himself, and whose state 
 ments led M. D IBERVILLE to commit some delays and blunders in ascending the 
 Mississippi. Mr. SPARKS, the historian, has completely exposed the falsity and unrelia 
 bility of that part of his work in which he claims to have descended the Mississippi 
 to its mouths. He died at Utrecht, in Holland, shortly after the publication of this 
 fictitious work. 
 
2 g HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 699. full of logs, which in places totally obstructed the navigation, so 
 that in many places we were under the necessity of making 
 several portages during its entire length of eight or nine leagues. 
 After a while, other rivers fall into it, by which its volume is 
 increased, with a good depth of water at all times from two to 
 three fathoms in the river, and seven to eight in the lakes. It 
 terminates by emptying at the extremity of the Bay of Lago 
 de Lodo, eight leagues west of the place where our ships 
 were anchored. It passes through a fine country. The lake 
 I crossed was about three leagues wide, and twenty-five long. 
 Its direction runs parallel with the Mississippi, and, in many 
 places, they are separated only by a narrow strip of land, from 
 a quarter to half a league wide, for a distance of twenty-five, 
 thirty, forty, and forty-eight leagues, as far as the mouth of the 
 Malabouchia. I reached the ships upon the 3ist, finding them 
 forty-six leagues east-south-east from the entrance of the river 
 which I had descended. The route, by the way of this pass, is 
 the most convenient to reach the Bayagoulas. There is but 
 little current in the river, whilst that of the Malabouchia (Mis 
 sissippi) is very strong and rapid, and it is impossible for bateaux 
 to ascend it, without encountering floating trees and detours, 
 which compel you to wait a change of wind. 
 
 In descending, M. DE SAUVOL observed a place, thirty leagues 
 from the sea, that was not inundated.* There was another, 
 about twenty or twenty-five leagues distant, where the land 
 extended back a league or more; but he had no time to explore 
 
 * This is now the present site of the city of New Orleans, 
 
LOUISIANA AND VIA) RID A. 
 
 2 9 
 
 it; for the borders of the river are covered with such a thick 
 growth of canes, that much time is necessary to advance a 
 league in the interior, nor can much be seen immediately around 
 you. There is from eighteen to twenty fathoms of water in 
 every part of this river, from the Houmas village to its entrance 
 in the sea. 
 
 M. DE SAUVOL was prevented from making soundings of the 
 passes upon his return, on account of the strong wind blowing 
 at the time. The entrance of the middle outlet appeared to 
 him, in passing, to be obstructed the same as that to the east. 
 The wind being favorable to reach the ships, and having but 
 few provisions, which he could not obtain among the Bayagoulas, 
 he hastened his return. It appears that those Indians had 
 become displeased with our people on account of an insult 
 offered them by the Recollect, whose Breviary had either been 
 lost or stolen. He accused the Bayagoulas, whose chief ordered 
 our men to depart forthwith. Nevertheless, peace was estab 
 lished with them; but our party was obliged to depart without 
 any supply of Indian corn. 
 
 I learned, at the village of the Houmas, from the chief of the 
 Eayagoulas, that there was a paper among the Mongoulaches 
 similar to the one I left with them, which was a letter to the 
 first Frenchman they should see. This letter was placed in their 
 hands by M. DE TONTY, to be given to a captain who would 
 visit their country by the way of the sea. I did not doubt but 
 this was the letter left by M. DE TONTY for M. DE LA SALLE. 
 I gave orders to my brother to procure it in passing down, or 
 rather to purchase it, which was effected in exchange for an axe. 
 
o O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 699. It was, in fact, a letter from M. DE TONTY, written to M. 
 
 DE LA SALLE, dated at the village of the *j)ummpissas, the aoth 
 of April, 1685,* by which we see that he named the Bayagoulas 
 and Mongoulacbes, the ^uinnipissas. I do not see for what 
 reason he did so, upless it were to conceal the fact that the 
 Malabouchia was the veritable Mississippi, and to avoid the com 
 petition of the Spaniards in the neighborhood, who did not 
 regard with pleasure our approach. 
 
 After having visited several places well adapted for forming 
 establishments, our provisions rapidly falling short, we thought 
 it best to commence operations at the Bay of Biloxi, four leagues 
 north-west of the place where the ships were anchored, and 
 which could be approached at a distance of two leagues. There 
 are but seven feet of water at the entrance of this bay. We 
 made choice of this place, merely on account of the road, where 
 the small vessels can go and come at all times, and where 
 we could assist, without fear, with a portion of the crew, in 
 building the fort which I ordered to be constructed there, whilst, 
 in the meantime, the place most convenient for the colony can 
 be selected at leisure. This fortf is built of wood, with four 
 
 ~ x ~ Letter from M. DE TONTY to M. DE LA SALLE : 
 
 " VILLAGE OF THE ^)UJNNIPISSAS, 
 April zotk, 1685. 
 
 " SIR, Having found the column on which you placed the Arms of France thrown 
 down by the driftwood of the river (Mississippi), I caused a new one to be erected, 
 about seven leagues from the sea, where I left a letter suspended on a tree. All the 
 nations have sung the calumet. These people greatly fear us since your attack upon 
 their village. I close, by saying that it gives me great uneasiness to return, under the 
 misfortune of not having found you. Two canoes have examined the coast thirty 
 leagues towards Mexico, and twenty-five towards Florida." 
 
 f This fort was built on a high bluff of land, and named, by M. D !BERVILLE, Maurepas. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 31 
 
 bastions. Two are made of pieces of timber placed together, 1699. 
 one foot and a half thick, and nine feet in height. The two 
 others are made in double palisades. It is mounted with fifty- 
 four pieces of cannon, with a plentiful supply of ammunition. 
 
 I left M. DE SAUVOL, naval ensign, in command, who is a 
 man of merit, and capable of fulfilling his duty;* my brother, 
 DE BIENVILLE, as King s Lieutenant, the SIEUR LEVASSEUR, a 
 Canadian, as Major, with M. DE BORDENAC, the Chaplain of 
 the Badine, and eighty men as a garrison. f I made them sow 
 beans and Indian corn, which was growing finely at my depar 
 ture. It is believed that good crops can be raised in that 
 country, which is very temperate. On the 3d of May, M. DE 
 SURGERES and I weighed anchor and set sail from the roadstead 
 for France, by the way of the Bahama Channel. A storm from 
 the south-west separated us at the Grand-Bank, on the nth of 
 June ; but he will, no doubt, soon arrive, as our vessels were 
 about the same sailers. I beg to submit to your Lordship this 
 narrative as only a part of what transpired in the expedition to 
 Louisiana, which I had the honor to command. 
 I have the honor to be, my Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship s Obedient Servant, 
 
 D IBERVILLE. 
 
 * It may be inferred from this phraseology, that M. DE SAUVOL was not the brother 
 of M. D IBERVILLE, as heretofore published by writers on Louisiana. 
 
 t Officers and men left by M. D IBERVILLE at Fort Maurcpas, Biloxi : M. DE 
 SAUVOL DE LA VILLANTRAY, Commandant ; M. DE BIENVILLE, Lieutenant of the 
 King 5 M. LE VASSEUR DE BOUSSOUELLE, Major; DE BORDENAC, Chaplain; M. CARE, 
 Surgeon ; also, two captains, two cannoniers, four sailors, eighteen filibusters, ten 
 mechanics, six masons, thirteen Canadians, and twenty sub-officers and soldiers. 
 
ANNALS 
 
 LOUISIANA, 
 
 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST COLONY UNDER M, 
 D IBERVILLE, TO THE DEPARTURE OF THE 
 
 AUTHOR TO FRANCE, IN 1J22. 
 
 INCLUDING AN 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND RELIGION OF THE 
 NUMEROUS INDIAN TRIBES OF THAT COUNTRY. 
 
 BY M. PENICAUT. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT DEPOSITED IN THE 
 
 BIBLIOTHEOJJE DU ROI, PARIS. 
 
LOUISIANA, 
 
 FROM 1698 TO 1722. 
 
 BY M. PENICAUT. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT DEPOSITED IN THE 
 
 BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI, PARIS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 WAS born at La Rocbelle, France. 
 When I was fifteen years of age, I felt 
 a strong desire to see foreign countries ; 
 and, to gratify my passion for travelling, 
 I entered the service of his Majesty, in 
 1698, on board of the frigate Le Marin, 
 commanded by M. LE COMTE DE SURGERES, and sailed from 
 La Rochelle on the month of September of the same year, 
 in company with the flag-ship La Badine, commanded by M. 
 D !BERVILLE (who had received orders from the King to sail to 
 the Gulf of Mexico, and take possession of Louisiana), and 
 
 1698, 
 
3 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1699. from Brest on the 24th of October. We had favorable winds as 
 
 ~~ far as Cape Francois* (St. Domingo), where we remained some 
 
 days to take in fresh supplies, and sailed again, on St. Thomas 
 
 day, for the Gulf of Mexico, where we arrived on the King s 
 
 day. 
 
 The first land we discovered were two islands, to one of 
 which M. DE SURGERES gave his name. This island is five 
 leagues in length, and about a quarter of a league in width- 
 We cast anchor in the roadstead between this and the other 
 island, which M. D !BERVILLE called Cat Island, because we 
 found on it a great many cats. This island is seven leagues in 
 length, and about one quarter of a league in width, and distant 
 about one league from Surgeres Island.^ We killed, there, a 
 prodigious number of wild geese, which are called outards in 
 this country, and are of a larger size than our geese in France. 
 We found fish and oysters so abundant, that the crews of the 
 two ships were greatly incommoded by eating too much of them. 
 We saw no marks or vestiges of human habitations in either of 
 these islands. There was an abundance of fresh water, of a 
 palateable quality, although the islands are situated some five 
 leagues distant from the main-land. We embarked, Feb. 2yth, 
 about one hundred men in two long-boats and a pinnace, to 
 traverse the coast east and west, as the coast of Florida lies in 
 that direction. We found a bay (Biloxt) about two leagues in 
 
 * M. D IBERVILLE was joined here by the frigate Le Francois, commanded by the 
 Marquis DE CHATEAUMORAND, who returned to St. Domingo from Louisiana on the 
 2ist of February, 1699, without taking any further part in the expedition. 
 
 f Now called Ship Island, on account of the good anchorage it affords to ships com 
 ing from Europe. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 37 
 
 circuit, and about five leagues from the island Surgeres. Within 
 this bay there is an elevation of the land, where M. D !BERVILLE 
 conceived the idea of constructing a fort, at which we worked 
 unceasingly until it was finished. At the entrance of this bay 
 there is a small island, about a league in length and an eighth of 
 a league in width, called Deer Island, from the great number of 
 those animals we found there. We worked eight days at the 
 fort without seeing any of the natives. A party of our men 
 being out hunting, the report of their guns was heard by some 
 of them who were in the woods. They were greatly astonished, 
 and resolved, among themselves, to approach and see what it 
 could be. Perceiving some of our Frenchmen who were en 
 gaged in cutting down trees contiguous to the fort, for the 
 purpose of erecting houses they examined them for a long 
 time from their place of concealment behind the trees, won 
 dering at the color of their faces, and the manner of their 
 clothing. Some of the soldiers, seeing them, made signs with 
 their hands to approach without fear. They then spoke to them 
 in the Iroquois language as the greater portion of our men were 
 Canadians, and were familiar with the language of that nation. 
 After a long parley, they approached us, after being reassured, 
 and were conducted to M. D !BERVILLE, who received them 
 very kindly, and gave them something to eat and drink. But, 
 either their taste was not suited, or, from fear of us, they 
 refused to eat or drink anything offered to them. They appeared 
 wholly intent with gazing at us, and greatly astonished at seeing 
 people whose skin was white, wearing long beards, and some 
 without hair upon their heads, such as they saw among us, and 
 
3 8 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 so different from themselves, whose skin is of a swarthy color, 
 with heads covered with long black hair, which they are careful 
 to preserve, and without beard. This nation called themselves 
 Biloxi ; and it was for this reason that M. D !BERVILLE gave 
 the name to the fort we had built at this place (Biloxi). They 
 remained with us two days. M. D !BERVILLE gave them several 
 presents such as awls, knives, mirrors, rings, beads, and ver- 
 million. He showed them the use of these articles, which they 
 carried to their village as presents to the chief. Very soon the 
 rumor of the arrival of the French spread among the neighbor 
 ing nations; and, in about eight days, great numbers of them 
 came, with their chiefs at their head, to smoke the calumet* and 
 sing the song of peace, according to the Indian custom of treat 
 ing all strangers who arrive amongst them, and with whom they 
 desire to form an alliance and friendship. The calumet is a 
 stick, about a yard in length, or a hollow cane, ornamented with 
 the feathers of the paroquet, birds of prey, and of the eagle. 
 These feathers, arranged around the stick, resemble somewhat 
 the fans used by French ladies. At the end of this stick is a 
 pipe, to which the name of calumet is given. The chiefs of the 
 savages, composed of five different nations, called Pascagoulas, 
 Colapissas, Chicackas, Pensacolas, and Biloxis,^ came with great 
 
 * Calumet means a pipe. It is a Norman word, derived from chalumeau, which was 
 the name of a rustic pipe or musical instrument, used among the shepherds at their 
 rural feasts and dances. The name of calumet was first given to this Indian pipe by 
 the Normans, who settled in Canada at an early period, which it has ever since 
 retained. 
 
 f These tribes, as well as most of those who lived on the east side of the Mis 
 sissippi river, spoke the Mobilian language, although each tribe also conversed in 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 39 
 
 ceremony to our fort, singing, and holding out to M. D !BER- 
 VILLE the calumet, who smoked it after the manner of the 
 Indians. They then, as a mark of honor, rubbed his face with 
 white earth, as they also did the faces of the brother of M. 
 D IBERVILLE, and several other officers. The feast of the 
 calumet continued three days, during which time they danced and 
 sung three times a day. The third day they erected a post in 
 front of the gates of the fort, around which they danced ; they 
 then sought M. D !BERVILLE, who underwent the following 
 ceremony : One of the Indians having presented his back, he 
 mounted upon his shoulders, whilst another sustained his feet. 
 They carried him to the place where the post was erected, 
 keeping time to the sound of their chichicois which are large 
 gourds filled with small shells, making a rude sound, when 
 shaken, though not very loud. They have another instrument, 
 made from an earthen vessel, about the size of a small brass 
 kettle, over which is extended a deer-skin, somewhat in imita 
 tion of a drum, which they beat upon with two sticks, and which 
 gives out as much noise as do our drums. When they arrived 
 before the post, they seated M. D !BERVILLE upon a deer-skin 
 on the ground. One of the chiefs then seated himself behind his 
 back, and patted him as you would a child that you desired to put 
 asleep. They had spread upon the ground more than three hun 
 dred deer-skins, upon which the officers and soldiers were seated. 
 
 dialects peculiar to themselves. See " Gallatin s Comparative Vocabulary of fifty- 
 three Indian Nations;" " Hawkins Vocabulary of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, 
 and Cherokee Nations, in MS., in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, 
 Philadelphia;" Benj. Smith Barton s "Comparative Vocabularies of the Chickasaw, 
 Conchac, and Mobilian." 
 
4O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1699. After all were properly placed, the Indians, with their bows 
 and arrows, which they carried in bundles on their backs, and 
 wooden shields covered with beaver-skins in their right hands, 
 went, by turns, to strike the post with their shields, at the same 
 time singing over their deeds and actions in the wars in which 
 they had been engaged. It is even permitted to everybody, 
 women as well as boys, to go through the same ceremony. 
 
 The French then proceeded to the royal magazine, by order 
 of M. D IBERVILLE, and brought knives, beads, vermillion, 
 guns, lead, powder, mirrors, combs, kettles, cloaks, hats, shirts, 
 breechings, rings, etc. The breechings are made of stuff five 
 quarters of a yard, cut in two, lengthwise, passed around the 
 hips, and thus cover their nakedness. The leggings are made 
 of half a yard of cloth, cut in two, and sewed together like a 
 pair of stockings, through which they pass their legs. Pickaxes 
 and hatchets were also presented them. After which, M. 
 D IBERVILLE then returned to his lodgings, leaving the savages 
 in the square of the fort, who divided among themselves the 
 presents distributed to them, scrutinizing them all with astonish 
 ment, and but little comprehending the uses of most of them. 
 It really gave us pleasure to witness their embarrassment. 
 Some went to tell M. D IBERVILLE, who returned with the 
 other officers to the square of the fort, and who could not 
 restrain themselves from laughter. He directed that the use of 
 each article should be pointed out to them. We then showed 
 them how to wear their shirts, hats, breechings, and leggings. 
 We sewed up their breechings and leggings so that they could 
 wear them upon their hips ; for our Canadians, of whom I have 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 4! 
 
 already spoken, were au fait in these matters. We placed 
 powder in the pans of the guns which had been given to them, 
 which were then loaded, and afterwards fired ; but, when they 
 saw the flash of the powder, they let go the gun, which fell to 
 the ground, from the fear they had of them M. D !BERVILLE 
 ordered the men to fire off blank cartridges before them, which 
 reassured them ; and, as he found some among them bolder than 
 the rest, one of the Indians made a sign that he wanted the guns 
 reloaded, indicating that he would fire them. In place of leaning 
 forward, as is customary, he held the gun to his shoulder, lean 
 ing backwards; the consequence was, the concussion knocked 
 him head over heels, the gun going in one direction and the 
 Indian in another. It was some fifteen days after this acci 
 dent before any of them would again touch a gun. We fixed 
 handles in their hatchets and pickaxes, and showed them how 
 to use them. They testified to us, by signs, that they were 
 highly pleased. Nevertheless, up to that time, their canoes, 
 with which they went from place to place upon the river, were 
 made by setting fire to the foot of a cypress tree, the fire con 
 tinuing in the interior until it fell to the ground. They then 
 burned it off" at the desired length. When the tree was burned 
 sufficiently for their purpose, they extinguished the fire with 
 moist earth, and scraped it out with large shells, which are 
 very thick. They then washed them with water, in such a 
 manner as to give them a fine polish. These canoes are some 
 times twenty-five or thirty feet long, but they make them of 
 various lengths, according to the uses for which they are in 
 tended. 
 
 6 
 
42 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 When our fort was finished, M. D !BERVILLE returned to 
 France (3d of May, 1699), leaving M. DE SAUVOL in com 
 mand; M. DE BIENVILLE, King s lieutenant; M. LE VASSEUR 
 DE BOUSSOUELLE, major; DE BORDENAC, chaplain; and other 
 officers. 
 
 After the departure of M. D !BERVILLE, we made prepara 
 tions to go right and left in search of the Mississippi. We took 
 with us some Indians as guides ; coasting along in an easterly 
 direction, we found a wide bay, called the Bay of the Pascagoulas; 
 because, within this bay, there flows a river, upon the borders of 
 which the Pascagoulas are established, at a distance of about 
 twenty leagues inland, and it is from that nation the bay and 
 river take their name. This bay is about five leagues east of 
 Fort Biloxi, about one league across, and three in circuit. At 
 its entrance there is an island, about one league distant, called 
 Round Island, on account of its form. It is sterile, and unin 
 habited. Pursuing our course along the coast in an easterly 
 direction, and about a league from the bay, we -came to a small 
 river, called, at the present time, by the same name we then gave 
 it, Fish River, by reason of the great quantity of fish we found 
 there. A league from that river, we found Liveoak Point (Pointe- 
 aux-Chenes), an excellent place for the chase, as game of every 
 description abounds there. Three leagues from this point, we 
 came to a river, called Aderbane, ten leagues distant from Biloxi. 
 This name was given to it on account of a Frenchman, named 
 ADERBANE, who was lost there by drowning. It yet preserves 
 the name. Three leagues further on, we came to Oyster Point, 
 so called from the abundance of that shell-fish found there. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 43 
 
 This point is opposite to an island one league off, to which we 1699 
 crossed and landed. We were somewhat astonished to find 
 upon this island a prodigious number of human bones, forming a 
 mound of considerable elevation. We since learned that these 
 were the bones of a once numerous nation, who, being pursued 
 by their enemies, took refuge on this island, where nearly all 
 perished from some terrible disease that broke out among them; 
 their bones were brought together and heaped up, after the cus 
 tom of the Indian tribes. This nation was called Mobile^ few 
 of whom at present survive. The island is covered with two 
 species of forest trees, cedar and pine, of a very agreeable odor. 
 M. DE BIENVILLE, our commanding officer, named it Massacre 
 Island (Dauphin). It is about seven leagues long, by a quarter 
 of a league wide. Coasting along the island to return, we 
 crossed a pass, about half a league wide, at the head of which 
 was another island, called Horn Island, because one of our men 
 there lost his powder-horn. This island is about three leagues 
 from the main-land, and of the same length and width as Mas 
 sacre Island. It is barren, and is covered with the same species 
 of trees as the other. When we made the head of this island, 
 we sailed for the island Surgeres, where we had a grand hunt, 
 after which we crossed over to the fort, for the purpose of rest 
 ing for a few days. 
 
 At the end of fifteen days, we set out again, in search of a 
 pass through which we could go to discover the Mississippi river, 
 to the west of our fort. The coast, here, all along, is very flat. 
 We found a bay, about one league in width by four in circum 
 ference, forming, in shape, a half circle. We called it the Bay of 
 
44 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1699. St. Louis^ because it was on the day of St. Louis that we arrived 
 there. It is about eight leagues west of Fort Bilox i. We 
 landed, and found game of every kind in great abundance. 
 We killed, here, more than fifty deer. At the end of three 
 days, we set out again, and, at about three leagues distance, 
 found a small stream, where the tide ebbs and flows. Our 
 Indian guides told us this stream would take us into a large 
 lake; but, as we did not well understand them, we made signs 
 to them that we wanted to pass outward. At two leagues, we 
 found a small island, about a quarter of a league from the sea, 
 to which we gave the name of Heron s Pass, on account of the 
 vast number of those birds found there. We left the sea on the 
 larboard side, and, at three leagues, we came to an island, which 
 we called Pea Island, because a sack of peas was left there 
 through forgetfulness. We hurried off an hour before daylight, 
 to get rid of the annoyance of swarms of small flies, or cousins, 
 which the Indians call Maragouins, and which puncture even to 
 the drawing of blood. The stream we had met with corres 
 ponded with this place ; and, four leagues further on, we discov 
 ered a large lake, which M. DE BIENVILLE named Pontchartrain. 
 This is about twenty-eight leagues in circumference, and seven 
 wide. Its embouchure, at the entrance, is a quarter of a league 
 from one side to the other. Both sides of the pass, or entrance, 
 is covered with shells, and in such quantity that they form an 
 elevation, which was the reason it was called Pointe-aux-Coquilles. 
 When one has passed through this channel, on looking ahead, 
 you see, at the distance of a league and a half to the left, a 
 projection of land, called Pointe-aux-Herbes, where the boats 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^ 
 
 were placed under shelter; because, in this place, the water is 
 shallow, and, in heavy gales, canoes are sometimes lost there. 
 Six leagues further on is a small river, called, by the Indians, 
 Choupicatcka, which the French afterwards called Orleans (Bayou 
 St. John), because, since that time, as will be seen in its proper 
 place, the city of New Orleans was built near this river, about 
 a league from the lake. Five leagues further, turning always to 
 the left on the lake shore, we found a bay of still water, which 
 the Indians call bayou, which is a kind of drain, or gully, through 
 which the waters of the higher grounds are carried off. We 
 encamped here, as our Indian guides told us we could cross 
 over from this place to the Mississippi river.* 
 
 Next morning, having secured our boats in this cove, we 
 started on foot to go to the banks of the river. We passed, 
 three quarters of a league, through a cypress forest. These trees 
 are only found in low and swampy countries, which grow to 
 a prodigious height, and bear a fruit resembling an olive. After 
 this forest, we passed through a cane-break, which bears a kind 
 of oats, of which the Indians make bread, of an agreeable taste. 
 They also make a soup from it, which they call sagamite. 
 Having crossed these canes for a quarter of a league, we 
 arrived on the borders of the Mississippi, at which we were 
 
 * Previous to the exploration of this river by Father MARQUETTE and JOLIET, the 
 natives of the North sometimes called it Meshacebe (or Great River), Namesc-Sipon 
 (or River of the Fishes}. In some places Tapata, and, where it entered the Gulf of 
 Mexico, Ri. The Indian name, says GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, on the authority of 
 JUAN COLES, one of DE SOTA S followers, was Chucagua, and, by the GENTLEMAN OF 
 ELVAS, Rio Grande , afterwards, by the Spaniards, La Palisade and Rio Escondido ; by 
 the French, Mississippi, Colbert, and St. Louis. 
 
46 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 greatly rejoiced. We regarded this beautiful river with admi 
 ration, which is at least half a league wide at the place where 
 we first saw it, about forty leagues from its entrance into the 
 sea. The water is of a light color, very good to drink, and 
 very light. The country, on its banks, appeared to be every 
 where covered with splendid trees of every description, such as 
 oak, ash, elm, and many others, the names of which we did not 
 know. We encamped that night on the river s bank, under the 
 trees, upon which a vast number of wild turkeys roosted. We 
 killed as many of them as we wanted by moonlight, as they 
 were not in the least disturbed or afraid of the firing of our 
 guns. I can truly say, that I never saw turkeys in France so 
 fat and large as these were, as their nett weight was about thirty 
 pounds ! The next day, we returned to our boats, and our 
 companions, whom we had left as a guard, were highly delighted 
 to learn we had slept on the banks of the mighty river. We 
 continued on our way, along the borders of Lake Pontchartrain^ 
 in order to make the circuit of it, and, at thf distance of about 
 five leagues further on, encamped on the borders of a manchac, 
 which signifies, in the French language, a strait, a pass, or a 
 rivulet, flowing from the Mississippi. 
 
 Through this pass we entered another lake, a short distance 
 from the first, which is now called Lake Maurepas; it is about 
 ten leagues in circumference, and two across. The following 
 day we continued our route, coasting along the shores of Lake 
 Pontchartrain^ and, at about one league from Manchac, found 
 another river, called, by our Indian guides, Tangibao,* which 
 
 It also took its name from a tribe of Indians that lived on its banks. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 47 
 
 means white corn (bled-blanc}. The water of this river is very 1699. 
 
 agreeable. Three leagues beyond, following the same channel, 
 
 we found a bayou, or tranquil water, called Castein Bayou, which 
 
 signifies the place of the passes. Next day, five leagues from 
 
 this bayou, we came to a river falling into the lake, called, by 
 
 the Indians, Taleatcha, which signifies the River of Pearls. 
 
 Here we found those shells previously mentioned, with which 
 
 the Indians scrape out their canoes after burning. Beautiful 
 
 pearls are sometimes found in those shells. We presented some 
 
 two dozen, or more, to M. DE BIENVILLE, our commander. 
 
 This river is only about three leagues from Pointe-aux-Coquilles. 
 
 At this place we left Lake Pont char train, and ascended it for the 
 
 distance of half a league to another of its branches, which passes 
 
 Pea Island, which is about three leagues from the forks of the 
 
 river. We encamped here, by reason of the accommodations 
 
 afforded by the river, the water of which was excellent to drink, 
 
 and a great convenience to our men, as the water of Lake Pont- 
 
 cbartrain is brackish, and is affected by the ebb and flow of the 
 
 sea. 
 
 The next day we left Pea Island, and passed through the little 
 Rigolets, which lead into the sea about three leagues from the 
 Bay of St. Louis. We encamped at the entrance of the bay, 
 near a fountain of water that flows from the hills, and which was 
 called, at this time, Belle-Fountain. We hunted, during several 
 days, upon the coast of this bay, and filled our boats with the 
 meat of the deer, buffaloes, and other wild game which we had 
 killed, and carried it to the fort (Biloxi). On arriving there, we 
 gave to M. DE SAUVOL, our commander-in-chief, a detailed 
 
48 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 account of the discovery of that river, incomparably beautiful, 
 as well on account of its size as of its charming borders. M. 
 DE BIENVILLE presented to him the pearls we had found in the 
 shells of Pearl River, which he said he would give to M. D !BER- 
 VILLE ; we never afterwards heard of those pearls, and did not 
 know whether they were of a fine quality or not. Some days 
 after our return, the Indians, whom we had as guides, expressed 
 to M. DE SAUVOL a desire to return to their village, and wished 
 we would go with them. M. DE SAUVOL gave them to under 
 stand that it would give him great pleasure to comply with their 
 request. We set out in one of our long-boats, manned by ten 
 or twelve Frenchmen ; and, after leaving the fort, encamped at 
 the mouth of a river, of the same name as themselves (Pasca- 
 goulas), which empties into the bay of that name. We ascended 
 the river twenty leagues from its entrance into the sea, and, on 
 the third day, arrived at their village. As it was near the end 
 of August, and the weather very warm, all the Indians there 
 were as naked as when born that is, the men and boys ; but 
 the women and girls had a little moss fastened to their thighs, 
 which covered their nakedness, the rest of their body being 
 entirely naked. This moss is an herb of a long, fine fibre, 
 growing upon the trees, which the French of this part of the 
 country called Spanish-bear^ by way of derision, and which the 
 Spaniards, in retort, called the French-wig. We were perfectly 
 well received by their grand chief, and by all the inhabitants of 
 the village. They gave us something to eat and drink among 
 other things, bear, deer, and buffalo meat, and all kinds of fruit, 
 of which they have an abundance, such as peaches, prunes, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 49 
 
 watermelons, pumpkins, and all of an excellent flavor. The 1699. 
 pumpkins are far superior to those in France; they are cooked 
 without water, and the juice which comes from them is as sweet 
 as syrup made from sugar. As regards the watermelons, they 
 are nearly the same as in France. The fish are larger and 
 better ; but the prunes are not so good ; there are two sorts 
 white and red. They served us, also, with their sagamite, which 
 is a boiled dish, made of corn and beans. Their bread is made 
 of corn, and a species of grain, which grows upon the canes. 
 They have wooden as well as earthen plates, and we observed 
 that they were very well made.* Their women, also, make 
 earthen pots, in which they cook sagamite^ at one time, sufficient 
 for two or three families. In this manner they arrange, among 
 themselves, so as not to be obliged to cook every day, each one 
 taking turn about. Their cabins were made of earth, and of a 
 round shape, somewhat like our wind-mills, the roofs being 
 generally covered with bark; but some were covered with a 
 species of leaf, which is called, in this country, latanier (pal 
 metto), a shrub peculiar to the country. 
 
 One thing I have particularly observed among these savages, 
 to wit: that, however abundant provisions may be with them, 
 they never eat to excess ; but, very improperly, they always eat 
 with their fingers, although they have spoons made from the 
 horns of the buffalo. Their meat is generally smoked, or buc 
 caneered, as they say in that country. They have, nevertheless, 
 
 * The pottery of the Southern Indians, especially the Natchez^ was artistically 
 made. Many beautiful specimens may be found in private cabinets in the South, not 
 inferior to the best specimens of Mexican and Peruvian art. 
 
 7 
 
^o HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 a kind of gridiron, under which they kindle a slow fire, merely 
 drying the meat, the smoke contributing to this effect as much 
 as the heat of the fire. 
 
 The Indians, when they dance, beat a noise with their drums 
 and chickois, and form into bodies of twenty or thirty together. 
 A dancing-master keeps at the head of each band. At the 
 sound of a whistle, they break from their ranks, intermingling 
 with each other, always observing a particular cadence; at 
 another blow of the whistle they form into rank again, and whirl 
 around with wonderful uniformity. 
 
 We slept at the house of the grand chief, upon beds of canes 
 covered with buffalo-skins. The next day we went to visit 
 their fields, where they cultivate their corn. The women were 
 at work with the men. The Indians have flat sticks, with 
 which they break up the ground, for they do not understand the 
 mode of using utensils as we do in France. They scrape the 
 ground with a stick, and cut down the brushwood and weeds, 
 which they leave in the sun to dry, which, after a time, they 
 burn, and, after they are burnt to ashes, they take a large stick, 
 with which they dig a hole in the ground, and place seven or 
 eight grains of corn in each hole, and cover it with earth. 
 When the corn is about one foot high, they take great care of 
 it, as we do in France, and remove all the weeds, an operation 
 which is performed two or three times during the season. 
 They even, at the present time, use their wooden instruments 
 in preference to those of iron, which we have given them, 
 because they are lighter. After remaining some time in their 
 village, we returned to the fort. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 E were very impatient for the return of I7OO. 
 M. D IBERVILLE, being constantly on 
 the look-out for him at the point pro 
 jecting from the fort.* Finally, on the 
 morning of the King s day (6th Janu 
 ary, 1700), we heard the firing of can 
 non from Surgeres Island, five leagues distant from our fort, 
 announcing the arrival of M. D !BERVILLE, in command of the 
 Renommee, of fifty guns, and M. DE SURGERES of the Gironde, 
 of forty-six guns. M. DE SAUVOL also gave orders to announce 
 their arrival by a discharge of all the guns and musketry at the 
 fort (Bi/oxi). M. D IBERVILLE was received with every possible 
 demonstration of joy; but he only remained a few days at the 
 fort, at the end of which he selected sixty men to go with him 
 to the Mississippi^ among whom were his two brothers, M. M. 
 
 DE BlENVILLE and DE CHATEAUGUAY, M. M. DE BoiSBRIANT 
 
 and JUCHEREAU DE ST. DENIS, and left M. DE SAUVOL, the 
 
 * This picturesque point, or bluff, now overgrown with the magnificent live-oak and 
 forest trees of the South, is still a prominent feature of interest to the traveller and 
 antiquarian, in the landscape that surrounds the fort and Bay of Biloxi, the seat of the 
 first French colony in Louisiana. 
 
52 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. commander of the fort, in charge of the ships, who gave orders 
 to have the merchandize and ammunition placed in the King s 
 stores. We then took our departure, to ascend the Mississippi, 
 from its entrance into the sea, first making a stop at our ships, 
 to take in the necessary provisions. M. D !BERVILLE also 
 consulted with M. DE SURGERES, as to the care and security of 
 the ships during his absence. We left the ships in three long 
 boats (chaloupes), and encamped seventeen leagues west of Fort 
 Biloxi, near Point a F Assiette, thus named because M. D !BER- 
 VILLE had lost a silver plate there. Our next encampment was 
 twelve leagues further on, at a point called Trepied. The next 
 day, we landed on the banks of a small river, six leagues 
 further on, named Dog River, because one of our dogs was 
 devoured there by a crocodile ; and, six leagues from there, we 
 came to the mouth of the Mississippi, which we entered, and 
 encamped on the right bank ascending. 
 
 The entire coast, from Fort Biloxi to the entrance of the 
 river, and for eighteen leagues in ascending, the land is very 
 low, having been formed by the alluvion precipitated by the 
 waters of the Mississippi at high water. There are three passes 
 at the mouth of the river, forming two small islands. The 
 straightest of the passes, which is to the right, is the deepest, 
 although there are at times but eleven feet of water in it. We 
 entered the river on the I5th, and, after having ascended ten 
 leagues, we met with a dense forest of trees, bordering the 
 river, on the right and left. At this distance, there is a small 
 strait, or pass, through which the waters of the river enter. 
 We named it Bayou Mardi Gras, from the day on which we 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 53 
 
 passed it. Eight leagues higher up, M. D !BERVILLE observed 1 700. 
 a spot very convenient for the erection of a fort, which he re 
 solved to construct when he descended the river. Eight leagues 
 beyond is a bend in the river, three leagues around, which is 
 called the English Turn, the reason for which I will give in its 
 proper place. Twenty-four leagues higher up, on the left, is 
 a river, called ChetimackasJ* and five leagues beyond this is the 
 first Indian nation inhabiting the banks of the river, called the 
 Bayagoulas, where we arrived on the iQth February. So soon 
 as they perceived us, they fled with their women and children 
 into the woods, so that, when we entered their village, we 
 found no one there. M. D !BERVILLE was not surprised at this, 
 he believing that it was through fear of us they had aban 
 doned their houses. He immediately dispatched two French 
 men and an Indian, to assure them of our pacific intentions. 
 They ran after, and overtook them in a short time, as they were 
 impeded by their children. Our Indian spoke to them, and 
 told them we were good people, and advised them to return. 
 Although somewhat distrusting, they returned with the calumet 
 of peace in their hands. When they arrived at the village,f 
 they presented the calumet to M. D !BERVILLE, and the other 
 
 * This branch of the Mississippi (Bayou La Fourcht), is one of the principal outlets 
 of the river to the gulf. The present town of Donaldsonville is built on the site of an 
 ancient village of the Chetimachas, one of the most interesting tribes of Indians of 
 Louisiana. A vocabulary of this nation, by MARTIN DURALDE, in manuscript, is 
 deposited in the library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. J. S. 
 VATER, Analekten der Sprachenkunde. Leipzig, 1821. 
 
 f The village of the Bayagoulas was situated about twelve leagues below Baton 
 Rouge, who were much attached to the French. They cultivated tobacco and corn, 
 and were an intelligent and industrious race of Indians. 
 
5 4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. officers, to smoke. They also supplied us with flour, which is 
 diluted with water, and baked ; also with bread, fish, and meats, 
 prepared after their fashion. A little while after, they sang the 
 calumet , after the manner of the Indians.* In the evening, they 
 asked if we had eaten enough, and if we wanted a woman for 
 each man. M. D !BERVILLE showed them his hand, told them 
 their skin was red and swarthy, and should not be blended with 
 that of the French, which was white. We remained three 
 days in their village, until their calumet was finished : made 
 them presents of some bagatelles, such as mirrors, rings, pick 
 axes, etc., which they beheld with admiration, and afterwards 
 we showed them how to use them. M. D !BERVILLE told the 
 chief that he would depart in the morning, and would like some 
 fowls to take with him. The village was filled with them, 
 and they supplied us bountifully. We took four of this nation 
 as guides, and left with them a young Frenchman, to learn their 
 language. 
 
 We took our departure the next morning, and, at the distance 
 of about five leagues, in ascending on the right hand side, came 
 to the Manchac, a small stream, of which I have already spoken, 
 that empties into Lake Pont char tram. Its current is very rapid, 
 which renders the ascent difficult, besides, it is very narrow. 
 Five leagues above this stream we came to where the banks of 
 the river are very high, called in that country bluffs (ecores), and, 
 in the Indian language, Istrouma, which signifies Baton Rouge 
 
 * The ceremony of presenting the calumet is minutely described by Father MAR- 
 OJJETTE in his narrative of the diiscovery of the Mississippi river. See First Series 
 "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Nciu Tork, 1846, Vol. i, p. 290. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 55 
 
 (Red Post), because at that place there is a post painted red, 1700. 
 which the Indians have placed there to mark the boundary line 
 of the territory of the two nations the Bayagoulas, whence we 
 had come, and another Indian nation, about thirty leagues above 
 Baton Rouge, called the Oumas. So jealous were those two 
 nations of their hunting grounds, that they put to death all of 
 their neighbors whom they found trespassing beyond the limits 
 of the red post (Baton Rouge). But such is not the case at the 
 present time, as they go to the chase everywhere together, and 
 are all friends. Five leagues above this post, on the right hand 
 side, there are very high bluffs of white earth, about three 
 quarters of a league in length, at the upper part of which is a 
 neck of land, seven leagues in circuit. To avoid going round 
 this point, M. D !BERVILLE had the boats transported across this 
 neck of land, which is about a musket-shot wide, and, in a very 
 short space of time, we were on the other side of the Missis 
 sippi. Such is the rapidity of the current, that the waters soon 
 after wore a channel through this place, from which cause this 
 post took the name of Point Coup ee. 
 
 Opposite a small island, eight leagues higher up, is a portage, 
 rendered remarkable by a cross, which M. D !BERVILLE planted, 
 and where we chanted the " Vexilla Regis"* on our knees, 
 a ceremony which appeared strange to those Indians. We 
 explained to them that the cross was an emblem greatly esteemed 
 
 * " Vexilla regis prodeunt, 
 Fulgis crucis mysterium." 
 
 The Banners of Heaven s King advance, 
 The mystery of the Cross shines forth. 
 
5 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. in our religion, and that they should preserve it from being 
 thrown down. We called this place Portage de la Croix. 
 Here is the main route to the village of the Oumas In 
 dians,* which is situated two leagues inland. M. D !BERVILLE 
 and his officers landed at this place, and went to their village, 
 after giving orders to make the detour of the point with the 
 boats, where they would rejoin us. The distance around was 
 ten leagues. We discovered the mouth of a large river, called 
 Sabloniere (Red River); it falls into the Mississippi on the left 
 hand side in ascending. We will speak of this river more fully 
 hereafter. 
 
 Two leagues beyond, we found the Bay of the Oumas, in 
 front of which was a small island. We landed there on 
 the yth of March, on the borders of which is their village. 
 M. D !BERVILLE, and all the officers, had been there two 
 days. We remained three days, and, after they had finished 
 chanting the calumet, M. D !BERVILLE made them presents, as 
 he had done to the others. They gave us poultry and game, 
 which we carried to our boats; nor did we fail to take four of 
 them as guides in place of the four Bayagoulas, whom we sent 
 back. Thus, we changed from one nation to the other, in 
 order not to fatigue them; and, at the same time, in arriving 
 among them, they would have less fear and distrust by seeing 
 other Indians with us. 
 
 * The nation of the Oumas, or Houmas, occupied a district of country on the east 
 side of the river, about twelve leagues above the Bayagoulas^ and were much attached 
 to the French. They were reduced, by sickness and war, to less than a hundred war 
 riors, when Louisiana was ceded to the United States. The grant of land to the 
 Marquis D ANCENIS was situated about six leagues below this nation. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 57 
 
 Upon leaving the village of the Oumas, we kept on our 170.0, 
 upward route, fifteen leagues above. The river, here, is 
 divided into three channels, forming two islands, about half a 
 league in length ; and, one league above these, we coasted along 
 on the right hand side, where the banks are of a prodigious 
 height (Ellis Cliffs). At the head of these bluffs is a small 
 river (St. Catherine), that comes from a village four leagues dis 
 tant, and one league back from the river. We landed, in order 
 to visit the village, where we were perfectly well received. 
 These Indians are called the Natchez, and are the most civilized 
 of all the nations. They were very kind and obliging to M. 
 D !BERVILLE and his officers, who had arrived there on the 5th 
 of March, and concluded a treaty of peace. They chanted the 
 calumet of peace during three days, at the end of which we 
 departed, laden with game and poultry. M. D !BERVILLE distri 
 buted to them presents, as he had done to all the nations who 
 had chanted the calumet. In the sequel, we will speak of their 
 manners, of their religion, and of their temples. 
 
 On the 1 2th of April, we left the Natchez, and coasted along 
 to the right, where the river is bordered with high gravelly 
 banks for a distance of twelve leagues; at the extremity of 
 these bluffs is a place we called Petit Gulf, on account of 
 the whirlpool formed by the river, for the distance of a 
 quarter of a league. Eight leagues higher up, we came 
 to Grand Gulf, which we passed, a short distance above, 
 on the left hand side. We landed, to visit a village, situated 
 
 four leagues in the interior. These Indians are called the 
 
 8 
 
5 g HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. Tensas.* We were well received; but I never saw a more 
 sad, frightful, and revolting spectacle than that which happened 
 the second day (i6th of April) after our arrival in this village. 
 A sudden storm burst upon us. The lightning struck the 
 temple, burned all their idols, and reduced the whole to ashes. 
 Quickly, the Indians assembled around, making horrible cries, 
 tearing out their hair, elevating their hands to heaven, their 
 tawny visages turned toward the burning temple, invoking their 
 Great Spirit, with the howling of devils possessed, to come 
 down and extinguish the flames. They took up mud, with 
 which they besmeared their bodies and faces. The fathers and 
 mothers then brought their children, and, after having strangled 
 them, threw them into the flames. M. D !BERVILLE was horri 
 fied at seeing such a cruel spectacle, and gave orders to stop 
 it, by forcibly taking from them the little innocents ; but, with 
 all our efforts, seventeen perished in this manner; and, had we 
 not restrained them, the number would have been over two 
 hundred. 
 
 At the close of the third day of chanting the calumet of peace, 
 M. D !BERVILLE distributed his presents as usual, but in greater 
 number than he had to the other tribes. He persuaded them, 
 also, to abandon their present location, and establish themselves 
 on the banks of the Mississippi. 
 
 As the period of his return to France was rapidly approaching, 
 and the other tribes were too remote for a present visit, he 
 
 * The Tensas nation was allied to the Natchez, and spoke the French and Mobilian. 
 The Catholic missionaries never succeeded in making any converts among them. 
 They scrupulously observed all the religious rites and ceremonies of the Natchez. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 59 
 
 resolved to descend the river.* We set off the next morning, iyoo. 
 and, in the evening, arrived at the Natchez, where we encamped, 
 and met M. DE ST. COME, a Catholic missionary. Next 
 morning, the chiefs of that nation came to reconduct M. D !BER- 
 VILLE to the banks of the river. He promised to send them a 
 French lad, in order to acquire a knowledge of their language. 
 The next evening, we encamped at the Oumas, as we progressed 
 rapidly with the strong current of the river. Afterwards, we 
 went to the Portage de la Croix, and then to the Bayagoulas, where 
 we found the French boy whom M. D !BERVILLE had left in our 
 ascent, and who had already made considerable progress in the 
 knowledge of their language. M. D !BERVILLE told him to 
 remain in the village, to serve as an interpreter for those who 
 should pass this way. We next arrived at the spot that M. 
 D !BERVILLE had marked out as a suitable place for a fort,f 
 where we found a gun-boat, which M. DE BIENVILLE had 
 brought from Biloxi, with materials for its construction. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE, in descending from the Natchez on his 
 route to Biloxi, met, on the i6th of September, a small English 
 
 * On the 22d of April, 1700, M. DE BIENVILLE set out with M. DE SAINT DENY, 
 and twenty Canadians and Indians, to visit the YATASSE nation, on Red River, and, 
 on the same day, M. D !BERVILLE returned to the fleet, where M. DE BIENVILLE after 
 wards joined him. 
 
 j- This fort was built after the attempt made by the English to plant a colony on the 
 banks of the Mississippi. At the foot of the cross, erected near the fort, the follow- 
 jng inscription, on a leaden plate, was affixed, by order of M. D !BERVILLE : 
 
 D O M 
 
 The French first came here from Canada under M. DE LA SALLE, 1682,. From the same 
 place, under M. DE TONTY, in 1685. From the Sea Coast, under M. D IBERVILLE, in 
 1700, and planted this cross Feb. 14. 1700 
 
60 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 700. frigate,* careened in a bend of the river, about three leagues in 
 
 circuit. He demanded of the captain what he was doing in the 
 Mississippi, and if he was not aware that the French had already 
 established themselves in this country? The Englishman was 
 much astonished, and replied that he was ignorant of the fact, 
 and soon after retraced his steps to the sea, at the same time 
 uttering threats against M. DE BIENVILLE and the French. It 
 was from this circumstance that the bend of the river was after 
 wards called the English Turn. 
 
 M. D !BERVILLE having traced the plan and size of the fort 
 which had been commenced, he made the necessary arrangements 
 to supply it with provisions, and six cannons for the battery 
 fronting the river; and, placing his brother, M. DE BIENVILLE, 
 in command, with twenty-five men, he returned to Biloxi, fol 
 lowed by two of our long-boats, and five French Canadians, 
 who, hearing of our establishment at Biloxi, had come to trade 
 with us. 
 
 He made us row night and day till we reached our ships, 
 where he held a conference with M. DE SURGERES, relative to 
 the quantity of provisions on hand. He then went to the fort, 
 at Biloxi, to examine the amount of ammunition there, and 
 increased the garrison with the addition of sixty Canadians, 
 which he had brought with him on his first voyage with M. 
 DE SURGERES. After having taken leave of M. M. DE SAUVOL 
 
 * This frigate was commanded by Captain BARR, and was fitted out, in 1698, by 
 the English, with instructions to take possession of Louisiana, and establish a colony 
 on the banks of the Mississippi river. First Series " Historical Collections of Louisi 
 ana," Part in, p. 230. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 6 I 
 
 and DE BOISBRIANT, he set sail for France on the 3d of May, 1700. 
 1700. But, before his departure, he recommended M. DE 
 SAUVOL to place twenty men, under the command of M. LE 
 SUEUR, to go to the copper mines in the country of the Sioux, 
 about nine hundred leagues from the mouth of the river, and 
 above the Falls of St. Anthony. 
 
 I was recommended, by M. DE SAUVOL, to join this expedition, 
 because, being a ship-carpenter in his Majesty s service, my ser 
 vices would be necessary in building and repairing boats, and, 
 from this circumstance, I was an eye-witness of what I here 
 relate. After M. LE SUEUR had laid in provisions, and all the 
 necessary mining implements, he embraced M. DE SAUVOL, and, 
 at the end of April, took his departure, with one long-boat, in 
 which were twenty-five men. I will not make any unneces 
 sary description here of the country, as I have already described 
 the several places on the Mississippi as far as the Tensas. 
 We started off the next day, and were twenty-four days in 
 reaching the Tensas, on account of the current of the river, 
 which, towards the end of May, becomes very rapid, from the 
 melting of the snow in the mountains, which swells the tribu 
 taries of this river at this season of the year. 
 
 After we had passed the Tensas, ten leagues above, on the 
 right hand side, we came to a river, called the Tasous (lajoux). 
 Four leagues higher up, on the right, we found a number of 
 villages, where six nations were dwelling the Tasous, Offogoulas, 
 Tonicas,* Coroas, Bitoupas, and the Oussipes. In one of those 
 
 * The Tonicas, or Tunicas, formerly lived on the east side of the Mississippi river, 
 bove Point Coupe. They were a powerful nation, and always lived upon good terms 
 
6 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. villages, we found a French priest, who was accompanied by a 
 servant; also, a Frenchman, who showed us much kindness and 
 attention, and were delighted to meet with us. He came among 
 these Indians as a missionary, to endeavor to convert some of 
 them. The next morning, before our departure, he performed 
 mass. We told him M. D !BERVILLE had formed a French 
 establishment in the country, but he had already been informed 
 of it. After giving his benediction, he embraced us all, and, 
 accompanying us to the -boats, bade us adieu. 
 
 From this place, we ascended the river some sixty leagues to 
 a river, called Arkansas (Tonty], about half the width of the 
 Mississippi, and runs from the north and west. Eight leagues 
 above the mouth of this river, on the left, is the Arkansas nation, 
 from which the river takes its name. There are two other 
 tribes in their village, called the Tourimans and the Cappas 
 (^uawpas). They gave us a kind reception, and chanted the 
 calumet, but they could furnish us with but few provisions, as 
 the high waters had driven all their cattle and game into the 
 interior. This is a very warlike nation. They are great 
 hunters, and live entirely by the chase when the waters of the 
 Mississippi are low, for, at that time, their country is full of 
 game. This is the reason they are not fond of labor, and give 
 but little attention to the culture of their fields. Their women 
 do much more labor than the men. They are handsome, and 
 
 with the French. They assisted them in their wars with other nations, and especially 
 against the Natchez, for which the King of France presented their chief with a gold- 
 headed cane and silver medal. They spoke the French and Mobilian languages. A 
 vocabulary of their language, in manuscript, is deposited in the library of the American 
 Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 63 
 
 almost white. The men are stout, and thick-set. We found iyoo. 
 an English trader here, who was of great assistance in obtaining 
 provisions for us, as our stock was rapidly declining, which 
 caused us to hurry our departure. Twenty leagues above, we 
 found a river, which we called St. Francis, a name it retains to 
 this day. It is about a league in circumference. Twenty 
 leagues higher up, on the right hand side, the banks are very 
 elevated; a small river empties into it, called Riviere a Margot 
 (Wolf). It is by this river you go to the village of the Chica- 
 saws, distant about thirty leagues from the borders of the Missis 
 sippi. As the village was so far off, we did not visit it. Forty 
 leagues above, on the right, ascending, are the Prudhomme Bluffs, 
 so named from a French Canadian, who had built a block-house 
 fort here, in which he died, and which yet bears his name. 
 Fifty leagues above, on the same side, are the Iron Banks, or 
 bluffs, and five leagues beyond the mouth of the river Wabash 
 (Ohio), its course being from east to west, and as large as the 
 Mississippi at its mouth. In ascending this river, you can go as 
 far as Canada. Its banks abound in every species of game. 
 
 Ten leagues from the mouth of this river, another falls into 
 it, called Kasquinempas* (Tennessee). It takes its source from 
 the neighborhood of the Carolina, and passes through the village 
 of the Cberokees, a populous nation, that number some fifty 
 thousand warriors. 
 
 Fifteen leagues above the mouth of the IP abash (Ohio), on 
 the right hand side of the Mississippi, you meet with the Cape of 
 
 * This river is sometimes called the Casquinambaux, or Chcraquis y on old maps. 
 
6 4 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. St. Anthony. This is the place where the French come to get 
 millstones. Near this cape our provisions totally failed us. 
 We were obliged to remain here twenty-two days for supplies. 
 Each one of us was obliged to take our guns, and go into 
 the woods, and seek for the necessaries of life. Some of our 
 men were obliged to subsist upon the sap, young leaves, and 
 tender buds of the trees, as it was the spring time, and the 
 river s banks were already overflowed in many places. Three 
 of our comrades went on the other side of the Mississippi with a 
 canoe, where, having landed, they fastened it to a tree, and, 
 being separated in the hunt, they killed some bears, which we 
 found excellent eating. 
 
 We waited at this place for provisions, because the priest we 
 had met some days previous, opposite the Prudbomme Bluffs, 
 was on his way to the sea, to visit M. D !BERVILLE, and who, 
 having learned of his return to France, had changed his inten 
 tion. Before returning to the Illinois, he had given us all 
 the provisions he could spare, and even deprived himself of 
 those which were necessary. M. LE SUEUR begged him to 
 send us a canoe loaded with provisions, and we would await 
 him at Cape St. Anthony, for we were so feeble from want of 
 nourishment, that we could not continue our voyage. He 
 departed immediately, and promised to pursue his route day and 
 night, in order to come to our relief as soon as possible. Nor 
 did he fail in his word ; for, as soon as he returned to the Illinois, 
 he sent a canoe filled with every kind of provisions, which 
 reached us in twenty-two days, in our greatest distress. 
 
 Father LIMOGES was in this canoe, with four Frenchmen, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 65 
 
 who were to conduct him to B tloxi. We thus passed three 1700. 
 days in repairing our strength, at the end of which we again 
 took our departure. Six leagues higher up, we came to Cape 
 St. Comes, and eight leagues thence to the mouth of the Illinois. 
 
 The Kaskasklas have, within a few years, established them 
 selves in a place two leagues from this river in the interior. 
 There is a small desert island opposite the mouth of this river. 
 Ascending three leagues further, we came to Little Salt River, 
 thus called, because in the neighborhood are found two branches 
 (Gabourie and Platine] of salt water. This is the place where 
 the French, among the Illinois, come to get their salt. We 
 remained here some days to hunt deer, which are found in great 
 numbers, as those animals are very fond of salt. Eight leagues 
 higher up, we came to a small river, called Maramecq (Mara- 
 meg). It is by this route that the Indians go to the lead mines, 
 which are about fifty leagues distant up the Mississippi. Ten 
 leagues further, we came to a village of the Illinois, situated on 
 the banks of the river. We approached, with our sails up, and 
 saluted them with a voltey of a dozen muskets; these Indians 
 were much surprised, but particularly so at our long-boats, 
 as they had never before seen anything larger than bark canoes 
 from Canada, and a few pirogues from Louisiana. Several came 
 on board, together with a number of Canadian traders, who 
 were purchasing furs and skins. The French, living among the 
 Illinois, placed themselves under arms, to give a suitable recep 
 tion to M. LE SUEUR, whom they had formerly known. There 
 were, besides three French missionaries in the village, also 
 
 9 
 
66 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. M. BERGIER, the grand vicar from the Bishop of Canada, M. 
 M. BOUTEVILLE and DE ST. COME; also two Jesuits, Father 
 PINET* and Father LIMOGES. The Indians chanted the calumet 
 with M. LE SUEUR, who, in return, made them considerable 
 presents. We remained seventeen days in this village, where 
 four of our men left us to go to Canada. We took five others 
 in their place, among whom was a person named CHAPOUGAR, 
 who acted as interpreter, as he spoke nearly all the Indian 
 languages. 
 
 In front of this village of the Illinois is a small island, which 
 conceals the entrance to it. It is only by a small branch of the 
 Mississippi that it can be approached. All around and beyond the 
 village is a prairie, and, in the distance, lofty hills, which give 
 a magnificent perspective. After having taken leave of all our 
 acquaintances, we continued our route up the river. Six leagues 
 more brought us to the mouth of the Missouri. This river has 
 a very rapid current, especially in the spring of the year, when 
 the waters are high. On passing beyond the islands which it 
 inundates, it roots up the trees and drags them along in its 
 course ; it is from this cause that the Mississippi is filled with 
 floating trees during the spring floods; it also assumes its color 
 from this river, neither sources of which have ever yet been 
 discovered. The Indians dwelling on the banks of the Missis 
 sippi, when the waters are low, in the months of August and 
 December, go to the mines. I will not speak of those dwelling 
 
 * Father HUGUES PINET went to the Illinois as early as 1670, three years before 
 MAROJJETTE and JOLIET explored the Mississippi, to establish a mission among the 
 Tamaroas (Cahokias}. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 67 
 
 on the banks of the Missouri, because we have never yet I JOO. 
 
 ascended it. After having passed its mouth, we continued our 
 route up the Mississippi, and, six leagues above, came to the 
 grand river of the Illinois, on the right hand side, where we 
 were joined by three Canadian travellers, who brought M. LE 
 SUEUR a letter from Father MAREST. It is by this river you 
 go to Canada. Opposite its mouth commences a series of the 
 most beautiful and most extensive prairies in the world. Con 
 tinuing our route ten leagues higher up, we came to Bceuf River 
 (Buffalo), to the right and left of which are steep rocks. We 
 ascended this river half a league, and encamped on its banks. 
 Four of our men went out on a hunt, and killed a wild buffalo, 
 about half a league from our encampment. Immediately one of 
 the hunters came in for assistance to carry the game into camp, 
 which we did with great pleasure, as we were very hungry, 
 having had a fatiguing day s journey, with but little to eat. 
 When it was cooked, we ate a good part of it, at the same time 
 emptying several bottles of brandy, which greatly invigorated us. 
 
 Thirty-five leagues beyond this, we came to a mountain (La 
 Montague qui trempe dans feau], situated nearly in the centre 
 of the river, though a little inclined to the right side. 
 
 Sixty leagues from this, we came to a prairie, looking very 
 charming, from its beauty and size, at the upper side of which 
 passes a river, flowing into the Mississippi; we called it Moin- 
 gona (Des Moines], from the name of an Indian tribe dwelling 
 upon its banks. One league above the mouth of this river, we 
 came to a rapid, cut up into cascades. This was seven leagues 
 in length, and we were obliged to discharge our boats, get into 
 
68 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. the water, and push them along with our hands. At the end 
 
 of those seven leagues, we found the river navigable. 
 
 On the left of these rapids are open prairies, extending ten 
 leagues from and along the banks of the Mississippi. The grass 
 upon these prairies is like clover, upon which an infinite number 
 of animals brouse. After passing these rapids, we found, on 
 the right and left, mines of lead, which are called, to this day, 
 Nicholas Perrot, the name of the person who first discovered 
 them. 
 
 Twenty leagues higher up, we found the entrance of a large 
 river, called Ouisconsin,* opposite four islands, aad quite an ele 
 vated mountain, about half a league in length. By this route 
 you go to the Bay of Foxes, sixty leagues from the Mississippi. 
 This bay is only four leagues from Lake Michigan, where the 
 French cross to go to Canada upon their return from the Sioux. 
 At the distance of ten leagues above the mouth of the Ouisconsin 
 commences a prairie, extending some sixty leagues along the 
 borders of the Mississippi. It is called Winged Prairie (Prairie 
 aux Ailes)) and is terminated by high hills, that render the pros 
 pect very beautiful. Opposite Winged Prairie, to the left, is 
 another facing it, called Paquitanet, neither so large or so long. 
 Twenty leagues above this, we came to Lake Good Relief (Bon 
 Secours), about seven leagues in circumference, and one across, 
 through which the Mississippi passes. Its banks, right and left, 
 
 * It was by this river that M. LE SUEUR, for the first time, entered the Mississippi 
 river, in 1683, to visit the nations of the Sioux, among whom he resided for more 
 than seven years. It was also by this river that Father MAROJJETTE and the Sieur 
 JOLIET entered the Mississippi from the Bay of Puans (Green Bay}, to explore it to its 
 mouth, in 1673. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 69 
 
 are bordered by prairies. On the right bank is a fort, built by I JOO. 
 NICHOLAS PERROT,* and yet known by his name. At the 
 upper part of the lake is Bald Island (F Isle Pelee), so called 
 because there is not a tree standing upon it. It is upon this 
 island that the French from Canada established their fort and 
 stores, when they came to trade for furs and other merchandize. 
 They also winter here, because game is abundant in the prairies 
 on both sides of the river. 
 
 Three leagues after leaving Bald Island, we reached the River 
 Sairite Croix (Holy Cross), on the i6th of September, where there 
 is a large cross planted at its mouth, and several leagues from 
 the Falls of St. Anthony, which extend two leagues. This rapid, 
 the whole width of the Mississippi, has a perpendicular fall of 
 sixty feet, making a noise resembling thunder, which is heard 
 at a considerable distance. At this place, the boats must be 
 carried by land, in order to continue the route up the Mis 
 sissippi, which, upon reflection, we concluded not to do, and 
 
 * NICHOLAS PERROT was, says Father CHARLEVOIX, a man of talent, and belonged 
 to a respectable family. At an early period of life he acquired several Indian lan 
 guages, and, in 1665, was selected, by M. TALON, to accompany Sieur DE ST. LUSSON 
 to the Falls of St. Mary as interpreter, in persuading the numerous tribes around the 
 upper lakes to submit to the French Crown. In 1684, he was employed by M. DE LA 
 BARRE in bringing the Western tribes to his assistance against the Iroquois ; and, subse 
 quently, he performed the like service for M. DE DENONVILLE. For several successive 
 years he was employed as Indian agent. He afterwards built a fort on Lake Pepin, and 
 discovered the celebrated lead mines on the river Des Moines, in Iowa, which at one 
 time bore his name. He travelled over most of New France, and wrote an interesting 
 account of it, still in manuscript, entitled, " Mocurs, Coutumes, et Rclligion des Sauvages, 
 dans r An crique Septcntrionale," from which, as well as from the " Annals of Louisi 
 ana," by M. PENICAUT, Father CHARLEVOIX acknowledges that, " J*ai irou-ve dans 
 cet deux MSS. bicn des eclaircissemcns, que j avois en vain cherche dans Its livres im- 
 primis." Of M. PENICAUT, he says, " // entendoit prcsque toutes les langues des Sauvaget 
 de la Louisiane." CHARLEVOIX. 
 
y O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1700. returned about a quarter of a league below to the mouth of 
 a river on the left hand side, which we named St. Peter. 
 We continued our route up this river, and found another river 
 falling into the St. Peter from the left, which we entered, and 
 gave it the name of Green River (Minnesota), because the earth, 
 being blended with the copper ore falling into it, produced a 
 green tinge having now travelled from the Tamaroas* two 
 hundred and seven leagues. A league higher up this river, M. 
 LE SUEUR determined to build a fort, as it was now the end of 
 September, and ice forming rapidly ; the weather had become 
 rough and tempestuous. One half of our men went hunting, 
 while the other half worked at the fort. We killed four 
 hundred buffaloes, which served us as provisions during the 
 winter. We placed them upon scaffolds in the fort, after 
 having skinned and cut them up. We also constructed cabins 
 within the enclosure of the fort, in order to render ourselves 
 more comfortable. We were not unmindful to place our boats 
 under shelter. At the commencement of the erection of 
 the fort, seven French traders, from Canada, came there, who 
 had been robbed of all their merchandize, and stripped of their 
 clothing, by that wandering nation of savages, called the Sioux, 
 who live by pillage and rapine. Among this number, there was 
 one who was acquainted with M. LE SUEUR a Canadian gen 
 tleman whom he at once recognized, and clothed him as he did 
 the rest. They remained with us at the fort during the win 
 ter, where we had nothing to eat but buffalo meat, without salt. 
 
 * An Indian village, on the banks of the Mississippi, where the Jesuits had a mis 
 sionary establishment, and the French a settlement. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 N the third of April, 1701, we set out, 1701 
 with twelve miners and four hunters, to 
 work at the copper mine, situated about 
 a league from the fort (T Huillier), and 
 took from it upwards of thirty thousand 
 pounds of ore. We selected from this 
 
 mass about four thousand pounds of the purest and most beau 
 tiful, which M. LE SUEUR, who was skilled in the knowledge 
 of minerals, had carried into the fort, and transported to France, 
 of which I never heard the final result.* 
 
 After working twenty-two days at the mines, we returned to 
 the fort, where the Sioux, who had pillaged the Canadians, came 
 to trade with their peltries for our merchandize. They had 
 more than four hundred beaver-robes, which M. LE SUEUR 
 purchased, as well as many other skins they brought with them. 
 The cold, in this country, is more rigorous than in Canada. 
 During the winter we passed in our fort, we often heard the 
 
 * The mineral region of the north-west was very faithfully explored, at an early 
 period, by eminent French engineers sent from Canada, who made their reports to the 
 French Government. 
 
72 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 iyoi. trees snapping and cracking from the effects of the severe frost, 
 similiar to the report of fire-arms. The water in the river was 
 frozen to the bottom, and the snow covered the earth to the 
 depth of five feet on a level. The snow and ice generally melts 
 in the spring, about the month of April, which causes the 
 Mississippi to overflow its banks. In the beginning of May, we 
 drew our boats into the water, loaded them with the ore taken 
 from the mine, and the peltries we had procured. 
 
 Before taking our departure, M. LE SUEUR held a council 
 with M. D ERAQUE, the Canadian gentleman of whom I have 
 already spoken, and the three Sioux chiefs, who were brothers. 
 He told them he was obliged to go down to the sea, and begged 
 them to maintain peace with M. D ERAQUE, whom he would 
 have as governor of Fort / Huillier, with a dozen of Frenchmen. 
 He made considerable presents to those three brothers, and 
 persuaded them never to abandon the French. After this, we 
 embarked, with twelve men, whom M. LE SUEUR had selected 
 to accompany him. At parting, he promised those who were 
 left behind to guard the fort, that, so soon as he arrived among 
 the Illinois^ he would send back provisions and munitions of 
 war; which he did, for he sent back a canoe loaded with two 
 thousand pounds of powder and lead, with three of our men to 
 conduct it. We remained some days among the Illinois, to take 
 in provisions necessary for our voyage. In our descent, we 
 stopped at all the villages mentioned heretofore, and landed at 
 the fort, where M. M. DE ST. DENIS and DE BIENVILLE com 
 manded, who informed us that M. D !BERVILLE had arrived 
 within a short time since. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. j^ 
 
 These gentlemen gave us an account of a voyage they had 1 70 1 
 
 made up the Red River [Sabloniere], with a detachment of 
 twenty-five men, in search of the Spaniards on the confines of 
 Mexico. Whilst we were at the mines, they had ascended this 
 river, seventy leagues from its entrance into the Mississippi^ and 
 there met with the nation of the Natchitoches, who chanted to 
 them the calumet of peace, and, during the three days they 
 remained there, they demanded of the chiefs if they knew where 
 the Spanish settlements could be found. One of them, called 
 the WHITE CHIEF, with ten of his Indians, conducted them to 
 the village of the Cadodaquioux^ about one hundred leagues 
 above the Natchitoches. When they arrived there, they asked 
 of the Gadodaquioux, in what direction they could reach the 
 Spanish settlements ; but these Indians replied, that, for some 
 time past, none of them had dwelt in their village, and none 
 had visited it for more than two years past. This information 
 determined M. M. DE ST. DENIS and DE BIENVILLE to return 
 to their fort. The three persons whom M. LE SUEUR had left 
 
 * In the early settlement of Louisiana, the Caddos pronounced by the tribe, 
 Ca-do-ha-da-cho, and, by the French, Cadodaquioux were united to several brave and 
 warlike tribes, among whom were the Natchitoches and Assonis, who lived on the south 
 bank of Red River, in a pleasant and fertile country, several hundred miles above the 
 present town of Natchitoches. They had a tradition that the world was destroyed by a 
 flood, but the Great Spirit placed them on an eminence near a lake, and they alone 
 were saved, and from them descended all the Indians in the South. The whole 
 number of this (Caddo} nation is now reduced to less than a hundred families, who still 
 exercise a great influence over the surrounding tribes the Tattasees, Nabadachies, 
 Innies y Keychics, Adaies, Nacogdoches, and Nandakoes, all of whom speak the Caddo 
 language, and look up to them as their fathers. Specimens of the Caddo and Witchita 
 languages are to be found in MARCY S " Exploration of Red River," GALLATIN S 
 " Synopsis of the Indian Languages," and in SCHOOLCRAFT S " History of the Indian 
 Tribes of the United States." 
 
 IO 
 
74. HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1701. in charge of the canoe with munitions of war for M. D RAQUE, 
 at Fort r Huillier, arrived where we were. They astonished M. 
 LE SUEUR greatly, by the information that the canoe having 
 broken, was totally lost, with everything on board, just opposite 
 the mine of NICHOLAS PERROT. M. M. ST. DENIS and DE 
 BIENVILLE gave orders to load another canoe with munitions of 
 war and provisions, and charged them to hasten back to the fort 
 with all due diligence. As for us, after having discharged our 
 boat and canoes of the peltries for which we had trafficked with 
 the Sioux, we descended with M. LE SUEUR in a long-boat, and, 
 in a few days, arrived at the Fort of Biloxi, where we found M. 
 D IBERVILLE, who had returned within a few days, and was yet 
 busily engaged in discharging his ships. 
 
 M. D IBERVILLE having loaded two long-boats with provi 
 sions, and taken thirty men and a pilot with him, we went to 
 make the soundings around Massacre Island (Daupbine), upon the 
 report made to him by M. DE SAUVOL, that a good anchorage 
 for ships had been found there, near to which is another small 
 island, and protection sufficient for thirty ships. The pass and 
 all its environs were found to be good. From Massacre Island, 
 we sailed to a bay about five leagues wide, and not more than 
 two leagues distant ; we entered it, and, at nine leagues distance, 
 found a river, which discharges its waters to the left. Having 
 ascended this river one league, we found another confluent. 
 To the first, we gave the name of St. Martin, to the second, 
 Boutin. Twelve leagues higher up, we came to a settlement of 
 Indians, called Mobilians. They were in no way astonished at 
 seeing us, because they were already acquainted with our estab- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 75 
 
 lishment at Biloxl. They desired to sing the calumet of peace 1 70 1 
 to M. D !BERVILLE, but he told them he had not time at present 
 to remain. He made them some presents, and, on the morrow, 
 descended the Mobile River. He took with him one of their 
 chiefs, to point out to him an elevated piece of ground six 
 leagues below their village, on the right bank of the river, where 
 he desired to construct a fort, to be occupied by the French. 
 We then descended the river to the bay, to return to our fort. 
 Two leagues from Mobile River, we came to Dog River, one 
 league lower down, to Deer River, and, two leagues from the 
 latter, we came to Chicken River. We then took a direct 
 course for Biloxi, where sickness had begun to be frequent, by 
 reason of the heat of the summer, which caused M. D !BER- 
 VILLE to hasten the construction of the fort at Mobile. After 
 this, he set out again for France, accompanied by M. LE SUEUR, 
 the geologist. The ore we brought with us from the mines 
 was placed on board the ships, for the purpose of being assayed 
 in France, but we never afterwards heard what became of it. 
 
 After the departure of M. D !BERVILLE, M. DE BOISBRIANT 
 took with him sixty men, and went to Mobile to build the fort, 
 in the place marked out by M. D !BERVILLE before he sailed. 
 It was, at this time, that M. DE SAUVOL, the commander of the 
 fort at Biloxi, fell sick, and died on the 22d of August, 1701. 
 M. DE BIENVILLE, who was at the fort on the Mississippi witn 
 M. ST. DENIS, on hearing of his death, immediately descended 
 the river to the sea, and took command of the fort. Having 
 observed that the cause of the sickness was, in a great measure, 
 owing to the want of water, he hastened to have all the muni- 
 
7 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1701. tions of war and merchandize transported to the fort of Mobile, 
 where M. DE BOISBRIANT had already made the necessary 
 constructions for their reception and security. M. DE BIEN- 
 VILLE now went to Mobile to perfect the works at the fort, 
 and the residences for the Inhabitants. This fort was three 
 hundred and sixty feet square, with a battery of six pieces 
 of cannon at each of the four corners, each advancing in the 
 centre, in a semi-circle. Within were four buildings, situated 
 about fifteen feet within the curtains, and afterwards appropri 
 ated for a chapel, governor s house, and officers quarters. The 
 barracks for the soldiers were built outside of the fort, one 
 hundred and fifty paces from the fort, on the banks of Mobile 
 River. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 77 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 N the i8th of March, 1702, M. D !BER- 
 VILLE arrived in Louisiana, and anchored 
 in the roadstead, at Massacre Island. 
 He visited, soon after, Fort Louis de 
 la Mobile, which he found in excellent 
 condition. From this place he sent laborers to Massacre Island, 
 for the purpose of constructing the magazines destined to receive 
 the merchandize which he had brought with him in the two ships 
 from France, and also barracks for the soldiers, who were to 
 guard the merchandize. He returned a few days after, and 
 changed the name of Massacre to Dauphine Island,* and the 
 island of Surgeres to Ship Island, because we found there the 
 best shelter for our ships on our arrival in this country. A fort 
 was afterwards built on this island, with barracks for troops. 
 He returned again to Fort Louis de la Mobile, where he fitted out 
 several detachments, to send up the river in search of the native 
 chiefs of the surrounding country. We took some of the Mo- 
 billans as guides, who conducted a portion of our men among the 
 
 1702. 
 
 In compliment to the eldest son of the King of France. 
 
y 8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1702. Alibamons, a nation dwelling on the borders of Carolina, and the 
 rest to the Choctaws and Chicasaws, whose habitations are upon 
 the confines of the Illinois. On the 25th, the chiefs of those 
 nations, together with those of other tribes dwelling in the 
 vicinity of the Mobilians, the Thomez, and the Forks (Gens des 
 Fourcbes\ all came together to our fort, to make a treaty of 
 peace, and chanted the calumet of peace to M. DE BIENVILLE, 
 who distributed presents among them, before sending them 
 away. At the same time, he gave them an invitation, through 
 an interpreter, to visit the fort freely, and trade with the French 
 for provisions and merchandize, to which they replied, it would 
 give them pleasure to do so. 
 
 In the meantime, M. D !BERVILLE had sent a gun-boat, laden 
 with provisions and munitions of war, to M. DE ST. DENIS, 
 commanding the fort on the Mississippi river. M. D ERAQUE 
 arrived there from Fort FHuillier, with twelve Frenchmen, and, 
 a few days after, upon the return of the gun-boat, he came 
 to Fort Louis de la Mobile, where he found M. D !BERVILLE, 
 whom he saluted, and reported that M. LE SUEUR, at his depar 
 ture, left him at the fort, and had promised to send him 
 provisions and ammunition ; but, having waited a long time 
 without receiving any news from him, he had been attacked by 
 the nations of the Mascoutins and Foxes^* who had killed three 
 
 * The MascoutinS) called, by the Hurons, Assistagueronons, means the Fire Nation. 
 In the earliest accounts of the Jesuits, they are described as the dominant tribe around 
 Lake Michigan, and were constantly at war with the Ottaiuas, and other Western 
 tribes. In 1712, a band of them moved eastward, and settled on the Wabashy and 
 another on St. Josephs River, and, still later, on Rock River. Most every writer, 
 from CHAMPLIN to SCHOOLCRAFT, has described them as a brave and powerful nation. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jg 
 
 of his men, who were at work in the woods a short distance 1702, 
 from the fort. These Indians afterwards retired, and, having 
 no powder or shot to defend himself, he thought it most pru 
 dent to embark the merchandize remaining on hand, abandon 
 the fort, and descend the river with his men. That he had met 
 with M. JUCHEREAU DE ST. DENIS, of Montreal, Canada, with 
 thirty-five men, whom he was conducting to the river Wabash, 
 for the purpose of establishing a tannery, who descended with 
 him, as far as the Illinois, where he met with the canoe sent 
 by M. DE BIENVILLE, and that it was in this canoe he had 
 arrived at the establishment of M. DE ST. DENIS, on the morn 
 ing of the arrival of the gun-boat ; and, having heard of the 
 arrival of M. D !BERVILLE, he profited by the occurrence to 
 return in the gun-boat, to offer him his salutations and services. 
 M. D !BERVILLE gave him a cordial reception, and engaged him 
 to remain at Mobile. After this, he went over to visit Daupb me 
 Island, and examine the works and stores erected there for the 
 purpose of receiving his merchandize. He also visited the 
 soldiers barracks. 
 
 At the same period the Spaniards built a fort, which they 
 named Pensacola de Galvez, twelve leagues from Dauphine Island, 
 and, upon the main-land, thirty leagues east of Mobile. As we 
 
 The Foxes (Outagamis), who call themselves Musquckics, and the French, Les 
 Renards, are also described as a brave people, who were constantly at war with other 
 Indian nations. Their history, manners, and customs, have been written by the 
 Jesuit Fathers. A mission was established among them by Father ALLOUEZ, but 
 without success, as they were opposed to Christian doctrine. The Foxes spoke the 
 same language as the Kikkapocs. See GALLATIN S Synopsis, in Vol. n of " Archaeol- 
 ogia Americana," KEATING S " Expedition to St. Peter s River," Vol. i, pp. 450-9, 
 and " Reise des Prinzen Maximilien de Wiede," Vol. u, p. 522, et scq. 
 
go HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1702. W ere at peace with them, and they were upon their own ground, 
 we did not deem it proper to oppose them ; but we will see, in 
 the sequel, that this fort was the germ of a contention between 
 us, that lasted two years. Having given all necessary orders, 
 and bade adieu to his officers, M. D !BERVILLE again took his 
 departure for France in the month of June. 
 
 A few days after he had left, M. DE TONTY, governor among 
 the Illinois, came to Mobile with the Canadian merchants, think 
 ing to find M. D IBERVILLE there. He saluted M. DE BIEN- 
 VILLE, our governor, with whom he remained a long time. 
 
 About this time, five of our Frenchmen desired permis 
 sion from M. DE BIENVILLE to go and trade among the All- 
 bamons, in order to procure poultry and other provisions, of 
 which we stood in need. They took occasion to set out with 
 ten of that nation who had been trading at the fort, and wished 
 to return home. On the journey, they stopped at a village 
 about five leagues from our fort, where were assembled three 
 different nations, who were engaged in celebrating their feasts ; 
 these were the Mobilians, the Thomex, and the Naniabas. They 
 have no temple, but they have a cabin in which they perform 
 their incantations and juggleries, which they designate, in their 
 language, an invocation to their Great Spirit. 
 
 In the beginning of September, they celebrate a feast, which 
 has a considerable resemblance to that of the ancient Lacede 
 monians. Upon that day, they whip their children until their 
 backs are covered with blood. The whole village then assem 
 ble in their public square. All the children, male and female, 
 are compelled to be present, even those of the most tender age ; 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. gj 
 
 and, if the child is sick and unable to be present, the mother is 1702, 
 whipped in its stead. When this ceremony is concluded, they 
 dance all night. The chiefs and old men then deliver an exhor 
 tation to those whipped, telling them, that this is done to teach 
 them how to support and sustain the misfortunes which may 
 happen to them, should they fall into the hands of their enemies, 
 and to learn them to become good warriors, and to utter no cry, 
 nor even shed a tear when in the midst of the fire into which 
 they may be cast. 
 
 Our five Frenchmen, after having witnessed this feast, pur 
 sued their route with the ten Allbamons until they had approached 
 within ten leagues of their village. The Indians requested the 
 French to remain there until they had notified their chief, and 
 that they would return on the morrow. But, whilst they 
 remained there, the savages came stealthily during the night, 
 seized their arms, and killed four of them. The fifth escaped, 
 threw himself into the river, and, while swimming, he was 
 wounded in the shoulder by the blow of a hatchet. After some 
 days he reached the fort, having bound up his wound with the 
 gum exuding from the pine trees. It was this circumstance 
 that gave rise to the war between us and the Alibamons, which 
 continued seven years. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE immediately notified the neighboring 
 nations, the Mobiliam, the Tbomez,, the tribes of the Forks, the 
 Choctaws, and others, of this treacherous affair, who came to 
 join us to the number of eighteen hundred warriors. On our 
 side, we had seventy Frenchmen fit to bear arms. Our officers 
 
 were M. M. DE BIENVILLE, ST. DENIS, and DE TONTY, an 
 
 1 1 
 
8 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1702. ancient captain from Canada. The Mobillam served us as 
 guides. It was in the beginning of September that we all set 
 out together on the march against the Alibamons, but the greater 
 portion of the Indians deserted us at the end of four or five 
 days. They were the friends and allies of the Allbamons* 
 against whom they were leading us to war. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE, on seeing the desertion of the Indians, 
 returned to our fort, and ordered the construction of ten canoes, 
 which, as soon as completed, we received orders to embark in 
 them, both officers and men, placing himself at the head of the 
 expedition. We took our departure, secretly, at night, in order 
 to conceal our numbers from the Indians. At the end of a few 
 days journey, we arrived ten leagues from the village of the 
 Alibamons, near the spot where our four Frenchmen had been 
 killed. We saw their fires upon the river, and, at about double 
 musket-shot distance from this fire, were fourteen canoes, 
 manned by the Alibamom, who were out hunting with their 
 families. Towards evening, we ascended the river, and landed 
 on the opposite side. When their fires were extinguished, and 
 they were asleep, M. DE BIENVILLE made us advance into the 
 woods by a very bad road, keeping up a steady fire. But we 
 could not see where to direct our aim. I do not know that we 
 killed any of them. We remained masters of their cabins until 
 day-break, when we set fire to them, after taking whatever mer 
 chandize we found there, which, together with their canoes, we 
 
 * MITKRIDATES, Vol. in, pp. 292305 ; BALERS " Atlas Ethnographiquc," Tab. 41, 
 No. 789. The Mobilians occupied the territory near the mouth of Mobile River, 
 and north of the Afalachlans. DE SOTO found them a formidable enemy. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 83 
 
 brought to our fort at Mobile, where, upon our return, we found 1702, 
 a chief of the Ckickasaws^ who was waiting for M. DE BIEN- 
 VILLE, to obtain from him a French lad, whom he desired to 
 take with him to his village, to instruct in the language of 
 his nation. M. DE BIENVILLE gave him little ST. MICHEL, 
 aged fourteen years, a son of M. ST. MICHEL, captain of the 
 port of Rockefort. He took this boy with him to the nation, 
 together with the presents made to him. 
 
 A short time after the return of M. ST. DENIS to the fort 
 established on the Mississippi, he sent word to M. DE BIEN 
 VILLE that the Bayagoulas had been defeated in battle by the 
 Tensas, who had burned their villages, and that such of the 
 Bayagoulas as had escaped the disaster, had taken refuge near his 
 fort, where he had given them a place for the purpose of erect 
 ing their cabins. 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 I 73 t IEHK^SS^K3I N January, 1703, M. JUCHEREAU DE ST. 
 
 DENIS* transmitted a letter to his cousin, 
 M. DE BIENVILLE, in which he informed 
 him, that M. DE ST. COME, a mission 
 ary priest, on his way from Canada, with 
 
 three Frenchmen, had stopped at Natchez to visit that establish 
 ment, and, in descending the river, they landed for the night; 
 and, whilst encamped, were attacked by a party of eighty Cheti- 
 macbas Indians, who had come to the Bayagoulas village to make 
 war upon them, but, becoming enraged at not finding them, 
 they fell upon M. DE ST. COME and his three companions whilst 
 
 * M. JUCHEREAU DE ST. DENIS, a native of Canada, was the uncle of Madame 
 D IBERVILLE, and came to Louisiana in the frigate Renommee commanded by M. 
 D IBERVILLE in the beginning of the year 1700. He passed several years in making 
 expeditions up and down the Mississippi^ and very quickly acquired a general knowl 
 edge of several Indian languages, so as to be acknowledged their grand chief 5 and, 
 being a gentleman of education, courage, and prudence, he was employed in several 
 expeditions to Mexico, and in making with that government a treaty of commerce. 
 He afterwards returned to Louisiana, and was employed by M. DE BIENVILLE in con 
 ducting several expeditions against the Indians. He returned to Mobile in 1719, and 
 conducted an expedition against Pensacola, for which he was knighted. On the 
 retirement of M. DE BIENVILLE to France, in 1726, M. DE ST. DENIS returned to 
 Montreal (Canada), where he died. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 85 
 
 they were asleep, and assassinated them, and, that a small slave, 1703 
 who was with them, had escaped, and given him information 
 of the event. M. DE ST. DENIS added, that the death of 
 those Frenchmen must be avenged. 
 
 In reply, M. DE BIENVILLE ordered him to come immediately 
 to Mobile, and hold a council of war upon the subject. It was 
 also resolved to notify the neighboring nations, the Oumas, 
 Chaouachas,* and Bayagoulas^ who were living around the French 
 settlement on the Mississippi, to meet M. DE ST. DENIS. A 
 few days after, he assembled two hundred Indian warriors, to 
 whom he added ten Frenchmen, and twenty canoes, with provi 
 sions and ammunition. This party went up the Mississippi to 
 the entrance of the Chetimachas River (Bayou Lafourche), and, 
 during the night, arrived within three leagues of their village. 
 The Cbaouacbas, who acted as guides, and were well acquainted 
 with the country, made us keep concealed in this place during 
 the day; and, when night approached, he sent two Indians and 
 a Frenchman to reconnoitre their village. They returned to 
 camp about midnight, and reported they had discovered it upon 
 the borders of a lake, filled with Chetimackas, who had collected 
 there, for the purpose of fishing. We took up our march in 
 silence, and, arriving near their cabins, laid down flat on our 
 faces until day-break. At daylight, we gave the war-whoop (le 
 cri de mort), which greatly astonished them, who, in endeavoring 
 to find out the cause of their alarm, was fired upon by us, and 
 
 * The Chaouachas (Tchaouachas) and Ouachas lived on the west side of the Missis 
 sippi, below the English Turn-^ and the Baya-Ogoulas above the fork, on the west side, 
 twenty-five leagues above New Orleans. 
 
86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 703. fifteen of their number killed. We also captured about forty 
 prisoners, men, women, and children. Among the prisoners 
 was one we recognized as one of the murderers of M. DE ST. 
 COME and his companions, whom we ironed, and brought to 
 Mobile. M. DE BIENVILLE ordered him to be placed upon a 
 wooden horse, and his brains beaten out with clubs. His scalp 
 was cut off, and his body thrown into the river. He after 
 wards sent notice to all the nations who were in alliance with 
 us, to make war upon the Chetimackas. Twenty chiefs of the 
 Chlckasaw (TTchikasas) nation came to the fort to confer with 
 M. DE BIENVILLE upon making peace with the Choctaws (Tcbac- 
 tas), with whom they had been for a long time at war. They 
 were obliged to make a wide circuit to the fort, so as to avoid 
 meeting the Choctaws. M. DE BIENVILLE consented to mediate 
 for them, and sent M. DE BOISBRIANT, with twenty-five men 
 as a guard, to the Choctaw nation, who, after a few days con 
 sideration, agreed to make peace, and, at the same time, 
 promised to become the friends of the French. Escorted by 
 the Choctaws, M. DE BOISBRIANT returned to Mobile, satisfied 
 that he had secured the friendship of one of the most powerful 
 Indian nations of the South.* About the same time, M. DE 
 
 * The Chickasaws and Choctaius, according to tradition, were driven out of Mexico, 
 and finally settled in the wilderness east of the Mississippi river. The Chicka- 
 saius claimed all of the territory within the present States of Tennessee and Kentucky, 
 and were among the most cruel and haughty among the Southern Indians. They 
 exercised an unwonted influence over the CAoctaius, Natchez, and other tribes. They 
 numbered about forty villages, and were the constant terror of the French voyageurs 
 upon the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers. They defeated HERNANDO DE SOTO, 
 D ARTAGUETTE, and DE BIENVILLE, in several pitched battles. 
 
 The Chocktaws, at the time the French visited Louisiana, were still a powerful 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 gy 
 
 BIENVILLE sent messsengers to the river Madeline (Bayou Teche], 
 to find out what nations inhabited that part of Louisiana. They 
 returned, and reported they had found seven different nations, 
 among whom was one called the Attakapas, or man-eaters. 
 On the 2id of February, M. DE BECQUANCOURT arrived from 
 Vera Cruz with provisions, and reported that M. D ALBU- 
 QUERQUE, Viceroy of Mexico, had received orders from the 
 King of Spain to permit the French to enter his ports to pur 
 chase provisions. On the I5th of August, the Chevalier DE 
 PERROT arrived at Mobile^ with provisions for the garrison, and 
 seventeen passengers, among whom was M. DE CHATEAUGUAY, 
 the brother of M. DE BIENVILLE. On the 22d of December, 
 M. DE BIENVILLE set out from Fort Louis de la Mobile with 
 several hundred men and Indians, to punish the Alibamons, who 
 had murdered three Frenchmen. 
 
 nation, numbering, probably, fifteen or twenty thousand warriors. They successively 
 exterminated the Chochumas, Tasous, Tunicas, and several smaller tribes. They had 
 some idea of a supreme being, but the French missionaries never succeeded in convert 
 ing them to Christianity. These once powerful and warlike nations have now almost 
 disappeared from Mississippi, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana, having sold out 
 their extensive territories, and emigrated to the Indian territory west of the Arkansas, 
 where they are rapidly advancing in the arts of civilization. The Choctaivs, west of 
 Arkansas, now number (1868) about sixteen thousand, and the Chickasaius about six 
 thousand, men. They have a republican constitution, a legislature, a judicial system, 
 school-houses and churches, and have already produced great orators. There is 
 a close affinity between the Chickasaivs and Choctaws in their physical appearance, 
 their language, traditions, and laws. 
 
 The Rev. CYRUS BYINGTON wrote, some years ago, a grammar of the Choctaiv lan 
 guage ; B. SMITH BARTON, a comparative vocabulary of the Chiekasaio t Conchac, and 
 Mobilian languages; A. GALLATIN, a synopsis of fifty-three Indian languages, published 
 in the second volume of " Archaeologia Americana 5" A. WRIGHT, a Choctaiu vocabu 
 lary ; and B. HAWKINS, a vocabulary of the Chickasa c w^ Creek, Cherokee, and Choctaiu 
 languages, now in manuscript, and deposited in the library of the American Philoso 
 phical Society, Philadelphia. 
 
88 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 I73- At the expiration of ten days, we set out on our journey to 
 
 the Oumas (Houmas), thirty leagues from Baton Rouge, where 
 we met with a welcome reception ; and, from the Oumas we 
 paid a visit to the Natchez, one of the most polite and affable 
 nations on the Mississippi. We reached there in three days 
 from the Oumas, and were received with every possible manifes 
 tation of friendship and pleasure. Both the young and old made 
 it an occasion for feasting and dancing. 
 
 The Natchez inhabit one of the most beautiful countries in 
 Louisiana. It lies about a league back from the banks of the 
 Mississippi, and is embellished with magnificent natural scenery, 
 traversed with hills, covered with a splendid growth of odorifer 
 ous trees and plants, and watered with cool and limpid streams. 
 After irrigating the plains, they unite in two branches, which 
 encircle the villages,* and, finally, form a small river (St. Cath 
 erine), which flows over a gravelly bottom ; and, after meander 
 ing two leagues through a beautiful and undulating country, falls 
 into the Mississippi. One of the French missionaries, Father 
 FRANCOIS JOLIET DE MONTIGNY, visited the Natchez, to teach 
 them the Catholic religion; but, being unable to make any 
 converts, he afterwards returned to Quebec. 
 
 All the pleasures of refined society are observed by the great 
 nobles. They have none of the rude manners of the surround 
 ing nations, and possess all the comforts of life. This nation 
 is composed of thirty villages, but the one we visited was the 
 
 * Terre Blanche, or the great white apple village, was situated about one league 
 from the banks of the Mississippi, on what is called Second Creek, and where the 
 Great Chief, beneath bowers rivalling those of Arcadia, held his councils with the 
 surrounding nations, and built a fort, defended by parapets and ditches. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 8 9 
 
 largest, because it contained the dwelling of the Great Chief \ 
 whom they called the Sun^ which means noble. The men and 
 women are well made, and appropriately clothed. The women 
 among whom are many very beautiful dress in white linen 
 robes, which extend from their shoulders to their ankles, sim 
 ilar in make to the Adrienne, worn by French ladies. They 
 manufacture it from a species of plant,* and from the inner 
 bark of the young mulberry tree, after the following manner : 
 They place the bark in water, and let it soak during the space of 
 eight days, after which they dry it well in the sun, and then 
 beat it until it is reduced to flax; they afterwards wash it three 
 or four times in lye-water, until it becomes perfectly white. 
 Finally, it is spun and wove ingeniously into cloth, and manu 
 factured into clothing. 
 
 The men clothe themselves in deer-skins, from which they 
 make a kind of skirt, or jacket, descending to their knees, 
 and from thence to their ankles ; they wear leggings. Their 
 language is softer and better modulated than their neighbors. 
 The dress of the girls is different from that of the women, for 
 they are only clad with a species of skirt, fastened around the 
 waist, after the manner of our French women, who only wear 
 petticoats. The skirts worn by the girls are sewed with fine, white 
 
 * Probably the acnida cannabina (wild hemp), or the linum "virginianum (wild 
 flax), which grow luxuriantly in Mississippi, from which they spun their thread. They 
 wove sashes, belts, garters, and shot-pouches, decorated with beautiful stripes and 
 checker-work. Some of their manufactures were made in large pieces, on which 
 they would ingeniously paint, or interweave, figures of birds, animals, and plants, and 
 ornament the borders with the feathers of the paroquets and flamingoes, showing 
 their descent from the Mexican {Aztec} race. 
 
 12 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 t 
 
 1704. thread, and only cover their nakedness from their waist down 
 to their knees. They are fastened with two strings, with tassels 
 at the end of each. The front is ornamented with fringe. 
 This garment is worn by the girls until the period of nubility, 
 when they assume the women s garment. They are very 
 courteous and obliging, and fond of the French. It was really 
 charming to us to behold them dancing at their feasts, arrayed 
 in their beautiful and highly ornamented skirts, and the women 
 in their neat, white robes. Their heads are enveloped in 
 long, black hair, which fall gracefully around to their waists, 
 and, in many instances, down to their ankles. 
 
 Their dances are very graceful. The men dance with the 
 women, and the girls with the boys. The quadrilles are always 
 composed of twenty or thirty persons, with an equal number of 
 boys and girls. It is not permitted to a married man to dance 
 with a girl, nor a boy with a married woman. After having 
 lighted two large torches, cut from some old pine tree, one is 
 placed near the cabin of the chief, and the other on the opposite 
 side of the great square, when, towards sun-down, the master 
 of ceremonies enters, followed by thirty couple, in regular order, 
 who commence the dance at the tap of the drum, and the sound 
 of the voices of the spectators. Each dances, in turn, until 
 midnight, when the married men and women retire, and give 
 place to the young people, who keep up the dance until morn 
 ing. This dance has a considerable resemblance to our French 
 cotillion, with this difference, that, when a youth has danced 
 with the girl at his side, he is permitted to conduct her without 
 the village, into one of the groves on the prairie, where he 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. QJ 
 
 whispers sweet tales of love, till each grow wearied, they then 1704, 
 return to the village, and continue dancing until daylight. 
 
 When an agreement is entered into between two young people, 
 they go together into the woods, and, while the young man is 
 hunting, the young woman constructs a cabin from the boughs 
 and limbs of trees and foliage, and kindles a fire close by. If 
 the young man has killed, in the chase, a buffalo, or deer, he 
 brings one quarter to the cabin, and afterward they live together 
 for the remainder of life. They roast a piece, which they 
 eat for supper, and, upon the morrow, carry the rest to the 
 house of the girl s father and mother in the village, notifying 
 them of their intention, and, at the same time, dividing with * 
 them their game. After they dine together, the husband takes 
 his wife to his own cabin, and, from that time, she is prohibited 
 from mingling in the dance with the boys and girls, or having 
 intercourse with any other than her husband. She is obliged 
 to work within doors, and her husband may repudiate her if he 
 thinks her unfaithful, unless she has presented him with a child. 
 
 The Great Chief orders the feasts, which usually continue 
 eight or ten days. They generally take place when the chief 
 is in want of any provisions, or merchandize, such as flour, 
 bacon, beans, and other things, which are brought and placed at 
 the door of his cabin, upon the last day of the feast. He has 
 jurisdiction over all the villages, and sends his orders to 
 them by two messengers, whom he calls Oucbil-tichou. The 
 house of the Great Chief is of great extent, and can hold as 
 many as four thousand persons, over whom his power is as 
 absolute as a king. The people are not allowed to approach 
 
02 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1704. him too closely, and must not address him nearer than four 
 paces. His bed is on the right side of his cabin, composed of 
 mats of very fine canes, across which is placed a bolster of 
 feathers. The skins of deer are used for covering it in summer, 
 and those of the bear and buffalo in winter. His wife is the 
 only person who has the right to eat and sleep with him. 
 
 When he arises from his bed, his relatives approach, and, with 
 uplifted arms, utter frightful cries; but he does not even deign 
 to notice them. The Great Chief of a noble family can only 
 marry with a woman of plebeian race ; but the children born of 
 this union, whether boys or girls, are noble. 
 
 It happened, during our visit, that the Great Female Sun died, 
 and we were witnesses of her funeral obsequies, which were of 
 the most tragical character that can be imagined. She was the 
 Great Sun in her own right, and, being dead, her husband, who 
 was not of the noble family, was strangled by her eldest son, so 
 that he might bear her company to the great village whither she 
 had gone. On the outside of the cabin, where she died, they 
 placed all her effects, on a sort of bier, or triumphal car, upon 
 which was placed her body, as well as that of her husband. 
 Afterwards, they brought and placed twelve small children on 
 it, whom they had strangled. These children were brought by 
 their fathers and mothers, by the order of the eldest son of the 
 Great Female Sun, who had the right, as her successor, and, as 
 Great Chief^ to put to death as many persons as he pleased, to 
 honor the funeral of his mother. Fourteen other scaffolds were 
 afterwards erected, and decorated with branches of trees, and 
 paintings upon pieces of linen. On each scaffold they placed 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 93 
 
 one of those they had strangled, to accompany the deceased to I74- 
 the other world, and these were surrounded by their relatives, 
 dressed in fine, white robes. They then formed a procession, 
 and marched to the great square in front of the Great Temple, 
 and commenced to dance. At the end of four days, they began 
 the ceremony of the march of death. The fathers and mothers 
 of the strangled children holding them up in their arms. The 
 eldest of these unfortunate children did not appear to be over 
 three years of age. The fourteen other victims destined to be 
 strangled, were also marched in front of the Great Te?nple. 
 
 The chiefs and relatives of those who were strangled, with 
 their hair cut off, began their frightful howlings, while those who 
 were destined to die, kept on dancing and marching around 
 the cabin of the deceased, two by two, until it was set on 
 fire. The fathers, who carried their strangled children in their 
 arms, marched four paces apart from each other, and, at the dis 
 tance of about ten paces, threw them upon the ground before 
 the Great Temple, and commenced dancing around them. When 
 they deposited the body of the Great Female Sun in the tem 
 ple, the fourteen victims, who stood before the door of the 
 temple, were undressed, and, while seated on the ground, a cord, 
 with a noose, was passed around the necks of each, and a deer 
 skin thrown over their heads. The relatives of the deceased 
 then stood to the right and left of each victim, taking hold of the 
 ends of the cord around their necks, and, at a given signal, they 
 pulled it until their victim was dead.* The bones of the 
 
 * This custom of putting persons to death at the funeral of the Great Sun, or Chief, 
 is described by the historian of DE SOTO S expedition in Florida. 
 
Q4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1704. victims who had been strangled were afterwards deprived of 
 their flesh, and, when dried, were put into baskets, and placed 
 in the temple, considering it an honor and special privilege to 
 have been sacrificed, and placed there with the Great Female 
 Sun. This barbarous custom of sacrificing their children to the 
 Suns was kept up, in spite of the efforts of the French mission 
 aries to put a stop to it, except that they afterwards obtained 
 their consent to have them baptized before they were strangled. 
 
 The female posterity of the Suns always enjoy the privileges 
 of their rank. The male and female of the Suns (nobility) never 
 intermarry. Their nobility is different from that in Europe; for, 
 with us, in France, the more ancient it is, the more respect it 
 commands ; but here it ceases at the seventh generation. They 
 make it hereditary only in the female line. Their form of 
 government is despotic. The whole nation is divided into 
 nobles and common people, called stinkards (micb e-mich e quipy]. 
 They each have a language peculiar to themselves that of the. 
 nobles being much purer and more copious.* The Great Sun is 
 absolute master of the lives and property of the whole nation. 
 The houses of the Suns are built upon mounds, and are distin 
 guished from each other by their size. The mound upon 
 which the house of the Great Chief, or Sun, is built, is larger 
 than the rest, and the sides of it steeper. f 
 
 * There is no vocabulary of this remarkable people in existence, and not more than 
 a dozen words have been noted by European visitors in their accounts of them. 
 
 f The Portuguese GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS, who wrote the history of thee xpedition 
 of DE SOTO in Florida, describes the houses of the chiefs, likewise built upon mounds 
 of different heights, according to their rank, with porticoes to their doors, and their 
 villages fortified with palisades, or walls of earth, with gateways td* go in and out. See 
 First Series of the "Historical Collections of-Louisiana," Vol. n, pp. 113-220. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. g$ 
 
 The temple in the village of the Great Sun is about thirty IJO4- 
 feet high, and forty-eight in circumference, with the walls 
 eight feet thick, and covered with a matting of canes, in which 
 they keep up a perpetual fire. The wood used is of oak, or 
 hickory, stripped of its bark, and eight feet in length. Guards are 
 appointed, alternately, to watch the temple, and keep up the 
 sacred fire ; and if, by accident, the fire should go out, they 
 break the heads of the guards with the wooden clubs they keep in 
 the temple. At each new moon, an offering of bread and flour 
 is made, which is for the use of those who guard it. Every 
 morning and evening, the Great Sun and his wife enter it, to 
 worship their idols of wood and stone. 
 
 The time allowed us by M. DE BIENVILLE to return to the 
 fort having now expired, we thanked the Natchez for their kind 
 treatment, and bade them farewell. They filled our canoes with 
 an abundance of provisions for our voyage down the river, and 
 begged us to return again as soon as we could. The first day 
 after our departure from their beautiful country, we encamped at 
 Baton Rouge. We stopped, occasionally, to pay visits to the 
 nations, and reached the fort in the beginning of May, where we 
 found the ship Pelican, of fifty guns, commanded by M. Du- 
 COUDRAY DE GuiMONT, with provisions for the colony, which 
 had arrived some days before from France. He also brought 
 M. DE LA VENTE, a missionary, four priests, two grey nuns, 
 and twenty-three girls, the first that had come to Louisiana. 
 They were very modest and virtuous, and soon found husbands. 
 They were under the care of a priest, named Father HUET, who 
 remained in Lousiana to instruct the Indians in the Catholic 
 
96 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1704. faith. A great deal of sickness prevailed during the summer in 
 the colony, and M. DUCOUDRAY having lost a number of his 
 men, was compelled to select thirty men from the colonists to 
 navigate his ship back to France, with dispatches for the French 
 Government. 
 
 On the 2yth of October, 1704, a sailing boat arrived from 
 Pensacola, with news from the Spaniards, that a great fire had 
 destroyed part of the town, with a request that M. DE BIENVILLE 
 would send a vessel to Vera Cruz, to inform the Viceroy of 
 it. On the nth of December, a French brig arrived at Mobile, 
 with dispatches from Havana, informing M. DE BIENVILLE that 
 an English armament was fitting out in Carolina to attack 
 Mobile, and the settlement on the Mississippi. About the same 
 time, a deputation arrived from the Tonica (Tunica) nation, to 
 solicit M. DE BIENVILLE to intercede with Father DAVION, the 
 missionary, to return to their village, which he had left on 
 account of the death of Father FOUCAULT, who was massacred 
 by the Coroas, a savage and cruel tribe, that lived near the 
 Tasous. A few days after, M. DE BIENVILLE wrote to M. DE 
 ST. DENIS to abandon the fort on the Mississippi, and send all 
 the munitions of war and merchandize to the fort at Mobile. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 97 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 N the 2ist of January, 1705, M. DE 1705. 
 CHATEAUGUE set sail, with dispatches 
 to Vera Crux, for the Viceroy of Mex 
 ico; and, on the ist of February, a mes 
 senger arrived at the fort, to inform 
 M. DE BIENVILLE that the Chickasaws 
 had sold to the English, in slavery,* several Choctaw families, 
 who had come to visit them ; and that this treachery had 
 caused a rupture between the two nations. 
 
 On the igth of October, a ship arrived from Havana, and 
 reported that M. D !BERVILLE had sailed from France, to make 
 an attack on Jamaica, and subsequently sailed from one of the 
 West India Islands, to make an attack on Charleston, in Caro 
 lina, and had died at sea of yellow fever. This melancholy 
 news fell like a dark cloud over the colony, and destroyed, for 
 awhile, all their hopes of receiving any further assistance from 
 France, until a treaty of peace should be negotiated in Europe. 
 
 * The English traders of Carolina had not only carried on a traffic in Indians 
 with the Southern tribes, for a number of years, to work their plantations, but had also 
 imported slaves from Africa. 
 
 3 
 
gg HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1706. On the 7th of January, 1706, Don Senor GUZMAN, Gov 
 
 ernor of Pensacola, came to pay a visit to M. DE BIENVILLE at 
 the fort, where he remained four days, during which time he 
 was feasted by the French ; and, on his return to Pensacola, he 
 ordered his aid-de-camp to distribute among the soldiers of the 
 garrison a thousand dollars in presents, and requested M. DE 
 BIENVILLE, as a favor, to set at liberty all the prisoners. About 
 the same time, M. BERGIER, Grand Vicar of Quebec, arrived, 
 and reported that M. ST. COME, missionary, had been killed 
 by the Chetimackas. In the beginning of March, the Pascagoulas 
 declared war against the Ouachas, and, shortly after, all the 
 Indian tribes assembled at the fort to make war upon the Cheti 
 mackas for their cruelty and treachery. 
 
 1707. 1 February, 1707, M. DE NOYANT, uncle of M. DE BIEN 
 
 VILLE, and commander of the frigate Eagle, arrived at Mobile, 
 with dispatches, and also provisions for the garrison. This arrival 
 was very timely, as every one had been living on the products 
 of their hunting. He also brought with him two priests, M. DE 
 LA VENTE and M. DE LA CHAISE, ancient Vicar of St. Jacques 
 de la Eoncherie, of Paris, and also a number of families for the 
 concessions. On the 24th of November, M. DE BIENVILLE 
 received news that Pensacola was invested by the English and 
 Indians. He immediately set out with one hundred troops and 
 four hundred Indians for Pensacola, and arrived there on the 
 8th of December; he found the seige raised, and the English and 
 Indians had retreated. He returned to Mobile on the iQth, 
 and gave permission to several families to reside on Dauphin e 
 Island, where they built residences, and cultivated garden vege- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 99 
 
 tables, which was a great convenience to ships arriving here 
 from France. 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1708, M. DE BIENVILLE received 1708 
 dispatches from France, stating that he was superseded by M. 
 DE MUYS, as Governor, and that M. DIRON D ARTAGUETTE 
 had been appointed Intendant Commissary of the colony, to suc 
 ceed M. DE LA SALLE ; but, this news had hardly reached him, 
 when he heard of the death of M. DE MUYS, who had died in 
 Havana, on his voyage to Louisiana.* On the arrival of M. 
 D ARTAGUETTE at Mobile, in the Renomm ee, he reviewed the 
 soldiers and officers of the garrison, and asked them if they 
 were satisfied with the country, to which they replied they 
 were highly pleased with it, and assured him the soil and climate 
 was admirably adapted to agriculture, but that there were not 
 enough of horses in the colony to work the plantations, when 
 M. D ARTAGUETTE promised to order more to be sent from 
 France. This vessel sailed again early in April. Afterwards, 
 M. M. DE BIENVILLE and D ARTAGUETTE took with them six 
 teen men in a long-boat, to visit Lake Pontcbartrain and the 
 Mississippi. They stopped at Biloxi to visit M. DE ST. DENIS, 
 who gave them a cordial reception. They afterwards proceeded 
 to the Mississippi river, which they ascended, as far as the 
 Cannes Brusl es (Burnt Canes), to visit the concession made to 
 the Marquis D ARTAGUETTE. They found the borders of the 
 
 * At this dark period of the colony, it consisted of only fourteen officers, of different 
 grades, seventy-six soldiers, thirteen sailors, three priests, six mechanics, one Indian 
 interpreter, twenty-four laborers, twenty-eight women, twenty-five children, and 
 eighty Indian slaves ; the rest had been cut off by yellow fever. 
 
jOQ HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1708. river very agreeable, and made frequent landings, for the pur 
 pose of exploring the country. They also found the soil every 
 where good, and extremely fertile. Having arrived at a place 
 called le Pointe aux Cbenes (Live-Oak Point], they made a great 
 hunt for deer and ducks. On their return to Mobile, they were 
 informed that the Canadian French, living among the Illinois, 
 at Cascaskias, were exciting them to war against the neighbor 
 ing tribes, and had made several prisoners, whom they sold to 
 the English. Upon this information, M. M. D ARTAGUETTE 
 and DE BIENVILLE dispatched M. D ERAQUE, and six men in 
 a canoe, with letters to the Jesuit fathers, and presents to the 
 Indian tribes, whom they advised to make peace among them 
 selves. When M. D ERAQUE had delivered his letters, he gave 
 orders to the Canadians to cease their hostilities against the In 
 dians, and not to excite them against each other. He afterwards 
 addressed the Indians, and advised them to live in harmony with 
 each other, at the same time making them presents. He then 
 ascended the river as far up as the village of the Illinoise-Couquias 
 (Cabokias), to whom he also made presents, recommending 
 peace, and, at the same time, forbid the PVench settlers to go 
 among them. He then returned among the Jesuits and foreign 
 missionaries, and informed them of the intention of M. M. DE 
 BIENVILLE and D ARTAGUETTE to visit them with the severest 
 chastisement should the like occur again. From this place, he 
 went up the Missouri River, and exhorted the nations dwelling 
 upon its banks to abstain from war, and, after distributing the 
 usual presents among them, he returned to Mobile. 
 
 About this time, two Mobilians^ who had married in the Ali- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. IOI 
 
 bamon nation, and who lived among them with their frimiKesV ^708, 
 discovered that that nation was inimical to the Mobilians^ as 
 well as the French, and had made a league with the Ckeraquis 
 (Cherokee*),* the Abeikas, and the Conchaques, to wage war 
 against the French and Moblllans, and burn their villages around 
 our fort. On receiving this information, M. M. DE BIENVILLE 
 and D ARTAGUETTE immediately set out at the head of a strong 
 detachment, to attack them. They marched four Hays without 
 seeing them, and, falling short of provisions, returned to the 
 fort. Six weeks later, when our vigilance had considerably 
 
 * In the early settlement of Louisiana, the Cherokees, then a powerful nation, lived 
 to the south and west of the Tennessee, called by them the Cherokee River, and extend 
 ing from the head branches of the Tombigby to above the Hiwassee, east and south of 
 the Estunary, and were divided into Ottare (Mountain Cherokee}, and Ayr ate (Cherokees 
 of the Valley}. They were the neighbors of the Abeikas and Conchayues. 
 
 The native land of the Cherokee was the most inviting and beautiful section of the 
 United States, in regard to climate and productions. In the map of DE LISLE, 1712, 
 appended to the second volume, First Series, " Historical Collections of Louisiana," the 
 Tennessee River is called the Cheraquh, In like manner, the name of this nation also 
 designated the mountains near them. The Currahee is only a corruption of Cherokee, 
 and, in the maps and treaties where it is thus called, it means the mountains of the 
 Cherokees. Of the martial spirit of this nation, there is abundant evidence to be found 
 in the early history of the United States. They were constantly at war with the 
 frontier tribes, and with the French and English, who were all the time encroaching 
 upon their territory. Bat, since their removal to the Indian territory west of the 
 Arkansas, they are becoming more peaceful and civilized, and have made considerable 
 progress in literature and the useful arts. They have invented an alphabet, and print 
 papers and books. They have schools and colleges, and a constitutional government, 
 laws, and courts. They raise wheat, corn, cotton, and indigo, and manufacture cotton 
 and woolen goods. They have large stocks of horses, mules, black cattle, swine, and 
 sheep, which they carry on a considerable trade with the adjoining States. A great 
 part of the nation have adopted our mode of dress. The progress of their children in 
 their schools and colleges has been as great as any other children acquiring the 
 knowledge of letters, arts, and sciences. Nature has given them the finest forms, 
 and no man, who has had public business with them, can have a doubt of the high 
 
IO2 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 .slackened, th^ Alibamons fell suddenly upon the village of the 
 Mobilians, wnom they did not altogether surprise, as M. M. DE 
 BIENVILLE and D ARTAGUETTE had recommended them to 
 keep advanced guards some leagues distant from their village. 
 The result of this precaution was, that when they approached 
 with their allies, to the number of four thousand warriors, they 
 only effected the destruction of a few cabins, about six leagues 
 from us, and then retraced their steps in great haste. 
 
 order of their intellect. It only requires the care of government to elevate them to a 
 high standard of civilization, and protect them in their rights and property, out of 
 which they have been, in the last two centuries, most shamefully swindled. 
 
 The Cherokees universally believe in the being of a God. They also believe in a 
 future state of reward and punishment. They call God the Great Spirit, and worship 
 him with great reverence. They have no words in their language that they can combine 
 to profane his holy name. The present (1868) population, west of Arkansas River, is 
 about twenty thousand (20,000), and remnants, still residing in Tennessee, Georgia, 
 and Alabama, three thousand (3,000). The library of the American Philosophical 
 Society, Philadelphia, contain the following MSS. and books of their language, viz. : 
 Vocabularies, by Judge CAMPBELL and B. HAWKINS; Cherokee numerals, by W. BUT 
 LER; specimens of the Cherokee newspapers (the "Messenger" and "Advocate"); 
 school-books and Bibles; a grammar, by JOHN PICKERING; GALLATIN S Synopsis, in 
 Vol. ii of "Arch<xohgio Americana ," "Mithridates," Vol. in, Part in, pp. 292-305; 
 WORCESTER S and PICKERING S remarks on the principles of the Cherokee language; 
 besides a great number of public documents, selections from the Scriptures, hymns, 
 and other pieces, in the Cherokee language. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 I0 3 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 9| ARLY in the spring of 1709, Fort Louis 
 de la Mobile^* and all the houses of the 
 inhabitants in the vicinity, were inun 
 dated by a rise of the river, and none 
 escaped, except those that stood upon 
 high ground. M. DE BIENVILLE happened to be at the fort 
 at this time, and, seeing this might frequently occur, resolved 
 to move the fort nearer the sea. He, accordingly, selected a place 
 where the nation of the Chatots^ were residing, and gave them, 
 in exchange for it, a piece of territory fronting on Dog River, 
 
 1709, 
 
 * This fort was built by the French, about twelve leagues above the present city of 
 Mobile, on the west bank of the river, in 1702, and was, for a long time, the chief 
 settlement of the colony. It formed a good barrier, and served to protect the colony 
 from the attacks of the Choctaivs, Chickasaius, and other Indian nations in Carolina. 
 The French also built a fort (Z0/oi), eighty leagues higher up, on the Tombeebe 
 (Tombigby} Ri-ver, which served, also, to protect them from the incursions of the 
 Cherokees, Creeks, and other Indian nations. 
 
 f The Chatot and Thome tribes were allied to the Choctaius, and spoke the French 
 as well as the Choctaiv languages. They lived south of Fort Louis de la Mobile, and 
 were instructed in the Roman Catholic faith. The French, in Louisiana, used the 
 Choctaiv ( Tchactai] language for their communication with other Indian tribes. See 
 BAUDRY DES LOZIERE S " Voyage a la Louisianc" 1794, and LUIGI CASTIGLIONI S 
 " Viaggio ntgli Stati Uniti del I" 1 America" etc., 1790. 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 two leagues further down. He, afterwards, directed M. PAIL- 
 LOUX, aid-major, and several other officers, to proceed to mark 
 out a place for a new fort and barracks, with ground sufficient 
 for each family, to whom he gave lots of seventy-two feet front 
 by one hundred and fifty feet in depth. He also gave the 
 priests a square of ground for a Catholic church. Shortly after, 
 M. DE LA VIGNE VOISIN, commander of a French frigate, 
 arrived from St. Malo, and anchored off Dauphine Island. He 
 came to Mobile to ask M. DE BIENVILLE S permission to build 
 a fort and church on Daupbine Island, which was granted ; and, 
 on his return to his ship, he commenced immediately to con 
 struct a fort, with embrasures, which he mounted with cannon. 
 He also erected a church on a hill overlooking the harbor, so 
 that the crews of vessels arriving there could attend mass. 
 These improvements had a most useful effect, in causing many 
 of the colonists to cross over from the main-land to settle on the 
 island; and, about this time, the Oumas also removed their chief 
 village to the banks of the Mississippi river. The works of the 
 new fort,* in the meantime, progressed rapidly. 
 
 I7IO. The scarcity of provisions had become so great, that M. DE 
 
 " BIENVILLE, who had acted in the capacity of governor since the 
 
 death of M. DE MUYS, informed the minister that he was 
 
 compelled to scatter his men among the Indians for subsistence. 
 
 * This fort was afterwards called Conde. It was reconstructed with brick, after the 
 manner of Vauban, with bastions, half-moons, deep ditches, covered way, and glacis, 
 with houses for the officers, and barracks for the soldiers, and was mounted with six 
 teen cannon. The remains of this fort, which have now been removed, were, for 
 many years, an object of great interest to the antiquarian who would sometimes visit 
 its ruins, as well as those of Si/oxi, Dauphinc, and Ship islands. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 The new fort and barracks being now partly finished, M. DE IJIO. 
 BIENVILLE ordered all the ammunition, cannon, and merchan 
 dize, to be sent to it, which had hardly been done when the 
 frigate Renommee, commanded by M. DE REMONVILLE,* arrived 
 at Daupbine Island, with reinforcements and provisions for the 
 colony. M. BLONDEL, lieutenant of infantry, was ordered to 
 go, with thirty soldiers, to live among the Choctaws ; and, 
 M. DE WALIGNY, with twenty-five men, accompanied by 
 eighteen Apalacbe Indians, to reside on Mobile Bay, near Fish 
 River. This nation (the Apalacbe], professed to be Roman 
 Catholics, and had been living in Spanish territory. Their 
 village having been destroyed by the Alibamons, they came to 
 establish themselves among the Thome and Mobilians. The 
 men and women go properly dressed to church. The men wear 
 long coats, and the women dress in cloaks, and silk petticoats, 
 after the fashion of the French ; and wear their hair plaited in 
 two tresses, after the Spanish fashion. When mass is con 
 cluded, the men, women, and children, return home, and 
 disguise themselves, and pass the evening in dancing with the 
 French, who go to visit them. They are very partial to the 
 French, and speak both the French and Spanish languages. f 
 
 * Author of the " Memoir Addressed to Count de Pontchartrain, on the Import 
 ance of Establishing a Colony in Louisiana." See pp. I 1 6 of this volume. 
 
 f The Apalachc Indians are described by the historian of HERNANDO DE SOTO S 
 expedition into Florida as a brave and numerous people, spread over the plains and 
 morasses to the south, and along the Gulf of Mexico. They appreciated their inde 
 pendence too much, and refused to become the slaves of NARVAEZ and DE SOTO. But 
 few words of their language are preserved. This nation resided, in former times, in 
 the region of country between the Su-wanee and Apalachicola rivers, from which they 
 were finally driven out by the Alibamons and Creeks. 
 
 14 
 
J0 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1710. M. DE BIENVILLE has built himself a beautiful country house 
 
 on the sea shore, about a league from the fort, which he has 
 ornamented with a grove of orange trees, where he resides, most 
 of the year, for his health. In the month of September, an 
 English corsair made a descent upon Dauphine Island, destroyed, 
 and carried off more than sixty thousand livres of property. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 
 
 I0 7 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ARLY in January, 1711, M. DIRON 
 D ARTAGUETTE, intendant commissary 
 of the colony, arrived at Mobile^ and 
 entered upon the duties of his office. 
 In the month of May, the Chickasaws 
 declared war against the Choctaws. Several Canadian traders 
 came from the Illinois- Caskaskias, with letters from Father 
 MAREST to M. DE BIENVILLE and D ARTAGUETTE, in which 
 he begged them to send an officer, with a detachment of troops, 
 to restrain the Canadians from committing scandalous crimes 
 with the daughters and wives of the Illinois, and thus preventing 
 them from being converted to the Roman Catholic faith. 
 These Indians are industrious and skillful in cultivating their 
 lands, breaking them up with the plough, which they owe to 
 the Jesuits, who have resided among them more than sixty 
 years. This country is one of the most beautiful in all Louisi 
 ana. Every kind of grain and vegetables are produced here in 
 the greatest abundance. It is in this country that you may 
 behold the most magnificent prairies in the world. They have 
 
 1711 
 
IO8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1 7 1 1 . horses, which they purchase from the Cadadoquioux for merchan 
 dize, and pasture them here. They have, also, large numbers 
 of oxen, cows, sheep, etc., upon the prairies. Poultry is abun 
 dant, and fish plentiful. So that, in fact, they lack none of the 
 necessaries or conveniences of life. 
 
 Near their village are three mills for grinding grain one 
 wind-mill, owned by the Jesuits, and two horse-mills, belonging 
 to the Illinois. The Caskaskias women are very skillful. They 
 generally sew together the buffalo-skins, which have wool as 
 fine as that of English sheep, with thread of a fine, white qual 
 ity. With this material they also manufacture garments, dyed 
 with black, yellow, and red colors. These they make similar 
 to those worn by our women of Brittany, or the loose wrappers 
 of our French ladies. They add to this a head-dress. They 
 also wear petticoats. They use a thread in sewing their clothes, 
 made from the nerves, or tendons of the deer, which is prepared 
 after the following manner: when the nerves, or tendons, of 
 this animal are stripped, they are exposed to the sun, twice 
 every twenty-four hours, after which, they are beaten, and draw 
 from it a thread as fine and white as the most beautiful Mallne 
 thread of France. 
 
 The Illinois are very fond of good living, and have frequent 
 feasts among themselves. Their choicest meats are the flesh 
 of dogs, or wolves, which are brought up and fattened in their 
 village. They are, for the most part, Catholics, and have a 
 very large church in their village, which is well arranged in the 
 interior. Besides the baptismal fonts, there are three chapels, 
 ornamented with a bell and belfrey. They regularly attend the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 I0 9 
 
 services, which the Jesuits have translated from the Latin into ijll 
 their own language.* 
 
 * The Illinois Indians, a tribe of the great Algonquin stock, were once powerful 
 on the northern shores of the lakes. Their manners, customs, and religion, have been 
 frequently described by travellers and the Jesuit fathers. In a letter from Father 
 MAREST to Father GERMON, from " the village of the Immaculate Conception of the 
 Holy Virgin, Caskaskias, Novembar 12, 1712," he says: "The Illinois are much less 
 barbarous than the other Indians. Christianity, and their intercourse with the French 
 have, by degrees, civilized them. This is particularly remarked in our village, of 
 which the inhabitants are almost all Christians, and has brought many French to 
 establish themselves here, three of whom have married Illinois women. We find in 
 the women a docility and ardor for the practice of the Christian virtues. This mission 
 owes its establishment to the late Father GRAVJER. The following is the order we 
 observe, each day, in our mission : 
 
 " Early in the morning, we assemble the Catechumens at the church, where they 
 have prayers, they receive instruction, and chant canticles. When they have retired, 
 mass is said, at which all the Christians assist the men placed on one side and the 
 women on the other. Then they have prayers, which are followed by giving them a 
 homily, after which each one goes to his labor. We then spend our time in visiting 
 the sick, to give them the necessary remedies, and to console those who are laboring 
 under any affliction. 
 
 " In the afternoon, all assemble, Christians and Catechumens, men and children, 
 young and old, to whom questions are put by the missionary. In the evening, all 
 assemble again at the church, to hear instruction, say prayers, and sing hymns. On 
 Sundays and festivals, we add to the ordinary exercises instructions, which are given 
 after the vespers. These hymns are their best instructions, which they retain more 
 easily, since the words are set to airs, with which they are taught, and which pleases 
 them. They often approach the sacraments; and the custom among them is to 
 confess, and to communicate, once a fortnight." 
 
 Father GRAVIER was the first who investigated the principles of their language, and 
 reduced them to grammatical rules. See GALLATIN S "Vocabulary of Fifty-three 
 Indian Languages, and Comparative Vocabulary of Sixteen Tribes," in " Archaologio 
 Americana" Vol. n ; " Transactions of the American Ethnological Society ; " " Com 
 parative Vocabulary of the Lenni-Lenape and Algonquin MS.," in the library of the 
 American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; B. SMITH BARTON S "Comparative 
 Vocabularies 5" " Mithridates," Vol. HI, Part in, pp. 343, 346, 416,417, from LA 
 HONTAN, SMITH, BARTON, LONG, and MACKENZIE; DUPON^EAU S " Memoir -e snr le 
 Sy stemc Grammatical des Langues de quelques Nations Indiennes de / A merique du Nord. 
 Paris, 1838." 
 
IIO HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1711. They sing, alternately, with the French, the latter, in French, 
 
 ~ and the former, in their own language. When a Frenchman 
 
 wishes to marry one of their daughters, he sends a present, in 
 
 proportion to his fortune, to the brother of the girl ; for neither 
 
 the father nor mother trouble themselves about it. 
 
 If the brother receives the present, it is understood he gives 
 his consent, and he invites the father and mother to his house? 
 and he consults with them. If they find him an ho/iest and 
 proper person, the son then divides the present with his parents ; 
 and, on their part, they give, in return, more valuable presents 
 than they receive, which are sent by the son to his intended 
 brother-in-law. The next day, the suitor visits the brother and 
 parents of the girl, whom he salutes, when all of them at once 
 proceed to the Jesuit fathers, who inscribe the marriage agree 
 ment in their registers. 
 
 The bans are then published, during three consecutive 
 weeks, when, if no objection is made, the marriage takes place 
 as in France. The wedding usually takes place at the house 
 of the bridegroom, which is attended by all the relatives, who, 
 after church service in the morning, send to his house the 
 necessary provisions for the occasion. They then conduct the 
 married couple home, where a repast is prepared, and, after 
 that, dancing begins, and is continued until evening. 
 
 This nation is very brave in war. They use both the gun, 
 bow, and arrow, and are not so inhuman as other tribes. The 
 children taken by them in war are saved, brought up, and 
 educated by the Jesuit fathers ; but the men, and old people, 
 who are capable of doing an injury, are put to death with a club. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. JIT 
 
 In September, the frigate Renommee, commanded by M. DE 17 1 
 
 REMONVILLE, arrived at Dauphine Island, with provisions for the 
 colony. He also brought M. DE SAINTE HELENE, midshipman, 
 to serve as aid-de-camp to M. DE BIENVILLE, his uncle. In 
 November, M. D ARTAGUETTE, an accomplished gentleman 
 and scholar, returned to France, carrying with him the sincere 
 regrets of the colony. 
 
112 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1712, 
 
 N January, 1712, M. DE SAINTE HELENE 
 sailed for Vera Cruz, to purchase provi 
 sions for the colony, and, while at anchor 
 in the roadstead, his vessel encountered a 
 violent storm, which drove it ashore, and, 
 very soon after, it went to pieces. The 
 Viceroy of Mexico (the Duke DE LINARES, who succeeded the 
 Duke D ALBUQUERQUE), on hearing of this disaster, sent imme 
 diately a vessel to take M. DE SAINTE HELENE and his crew 
 back to Louisiana, with letters for M. DE BIENVILLE. In 
 March, a frigate, commanded by M. DE LA VIGNE VOISINJ 
 arrived in Mobile Bay, with letters from M. DUCASSE, Governor 
 of St. Domingo, to the Viceroy of Mexico. 
 
 On the i yth of March, 1713, it was announced, by the firing 
 of a salute, that the frigate Baron de la Fosse, commanded by M. 
 DE LA JONQUIERE, had arrived in Mobile Bay, with news that a 
 peace had been concluded at Utrecht. Among the passengers 
 who came over, were M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC,* the new 
 
 * M. ANTOINE DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC was born in Gascony (France) ; and, before 
 he came to Louisiana, had served, with distinction, as an officer in Canada. In 1712; 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. l jo 
 
 Governor-General of Louisiana, Mde. DE LA MOTTE, her sons 
 and daughter, and servants; besides, twenty-five young girls 
 from Brittany, who came with the expectation of finding hus 
 bands in the colony. M. DUCLOS, intendant commissary, in 
 place of M. D ARTAGUETTE, who had returned to France; M. 
 LE BAS, comptroller of finances ; M. DE RICHEBOURG,* and M. 
 M. DIRIGOIN and LA LOIRE DES URSINS, as agents and direc 
 tors of M. CROZAT, Marquis DE CHATEL,! to whom the King 
 had granted a charter of Louisiana, by letters patent ; and M. 
 DE BIENVILLE retained as lieutenant-governor of the colony. 
 At the time of the transfer, there was in the colony about four 
 hundred persons, including twenty negroes. The same ship 
 also brought over a large supply of provisions and ammunition, 
 which was deposited in the magazines and public stores at 
 Mobile and Daupbine Island. A few days after the arrival of 
 M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC, he received orders from M. 
 CROZAT to send out detachments among the Spaniards, for 
 
 he was appointed Governor of Louisiana, and arrived there in May, 1713. Being a 
 partner of M. DE CROZAT, they obtained the exclusive privilege of the commerce of 
 that vast country for fifteen years. He visited the Illinois country, and established a 
 post in Alabama. He ordered a fort to be built at the Natchez, which he called Fort 
 Rosalie, in compliment to Mde. DE PONTCHARTRAIN, and another at Natchitoches, to 
 prevent the Spaniards approaching too closely the French colony. He administered 
 the government of Louisiana till the gth of March, 1717, when he resigned, and 
 returned to France, where he died in the following year. 
 
 * Author of "Memoire sur la Premiere des Natchez,," First Series " Historical Col 
 lections of Louisiana," Vol. in, pp. 241252. 
 
 f M. CROZAT, Marquis DE CHATEL, was one of the bankers and great financiers 
 who figured in the reign of Louis XIV, and who accumulated a large fortune out of 
 the East India trade. He died June 7, 1738. 
 
 J See Letters Patent, First Series, " Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. in, pp. 
 38-42. 
 
 5 
 
II4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1713. the purpose of trade, and to the Illinois, for the same purpose, 
 ~ and also to discover mines. M. DE LA JONQUIERE, and M. 
 DIRIGOIN, the director, was also ordered to proceed to Vera 
 Cruz, and exchange some of the merchandize brought from 
 France, for cattle and horses, of which we were greatly in need, 
 and, if possible, to establish a free trade between the two coun 
 tries, to which the Viceroy of Mexico refused to give his 
 consent. He would only give them permission to purchase 
 some cattle and provisions, which were delivered to them in the 
 roadstead, with orders to weigh anchor, and depart immediately. 
 M. JUCHEREAU DE ST. DENIS, a brave and enterprising officer, 
 was called to Mobile by M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC, and, 
 after his arrival, he made him a proposition to go to Natcbitoches, 
 and from thence by land to Mexico, to establish commercial 
 relations with that country, which he accepted, and took ten 
 thousand livres worth of merchandize from the public stores, 
 and loaded it in five canoes ; and, provided with a passport to 
 the Spanish Governor, he set out from the fort, and, accom 
 panied by twenty men, of which I was one of the number, we 
 proceeded on our expedition to Mexico. We stopped at Biloxi, 
 where M. DE ST. DENIS resides. From there, I set out in a 
 canoe, with two Indians, to go to the Colapissas, to bring back 
 some of the Natcbitoches* Indians and their families to Biloxi, in 
 order that they might accompany us up the Red River, as far as 
 their first village. 
 
 Upon my arrival among them, the next day, I was well 
 
 * A small number of the Natchitoches nation was domesticated with the Co/af>rssas, on 
 the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jjr 
 
 received by both nations; but, upon the following day, when I 1713* 
 
 was preparing to depart, jealousy, or rage, took possession of the 
 
 Colapissas^ who fell upon the Natchitoches, and attacked them 
 
 with guns and arrows, and, despite of all my efforts to restrain 
 
 them from fighting, seventeen of the Natchitoches were killed ; 
 
 and it was with extreme danger and difficulty that I was able to 
 
 save the chief, by covering him with my own body. The 
 
 Colapissas seized upon more than fifty of the Natcbitoches women 
 
 and girls; the remainder of the men dispersed themselves in the 
 
 woods, and, when evening came, they joined me like a flock of 
 
 scattered sheep. I conducted them to M. DE ST. DENIS, who 
 
 was greatly surprised at this tragical event, and promised that 
 
 they should be avenged, and the Colapissas should be compelled 
 
 to return to them all their women and children. 
 
 We remained some time at Biloxi, for the purpose of collect 
 ing all we could of the Natcbitoches, and succeeded in obtaining 
 about thirty more. We then transported our merchandize to 
 the banks of the Mississippi, and proceeded from thence, in our 
 canoes, to the Red River. 
 
 We ascended the Mississippi to Pass-Manchac, where we killed 
 fifteen buffaloes. The next day, we landed again, and killed 
 eight more buffaloes, and as many deer. We then proceeded 
 directly to the village of the Tonicas, two leagues beyond the 
 mouth of Red River, to obtain all the provisions we possibly 
 could. M. DE ST. DENIS held an interview with the chief of 
 the Tonicas, and engaged him to accompany us, with fifteen of 
 his men, it being understood that they would be remunerated for 
 their services. We then entered the mouth of the Red River 
 
U6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 (formerly called the Oumas, or Sabloniere, also, the river of the 
 Natchitoches), which empties into the Mississippi from the west, 
 its course being from the north-west. At a distance of eight 
 leagues in ascending, on the right hand side, we came to a river 
 which empties into Red River, called the Ouachitas (Black 
 River). Five leagues higher up, we came to a large prairie, and 
 four leagues further, came to Saline, or Salt River. Six leagues 
 above Saline River, we arrived at a small stream, upon the banks 
 of which dwells a nation, called Tassenogoula, which., in French, 
 signifies the Nation of the Rocks. Their village is situated at the 
 base of a chain of hills, running north and south. Their cabins 
 are constructed and covered in the same manner as those of the 
 Natchez; their manners, religion, and customs, being the same, 
 as they lived a long time with that nation, from which they 
 separated, on account of the perpetual wars among them. 
 
 Nine leagues higher up, we came to the falls, extending the 
 whole width of the river. Here it became necessary for us to 
 make a portage of our canoes and merchandize, to the head of 
 the falls, and, one league above, we encountered another fall, 
 where we were obliged to perform the same operation. Three 
 leagues beyond this, we entered a branch of the Red River, 
 twelve leagues in extent, the terminus of which leads into a 
 small lake, about two leagues in length, and about half a league 
 in width. On the right of this lake, the land is quite elevated. 
 Two leagues further on, we came to another lake, eight leagues 
 in circuit, and two leagues wide, through which this branch of 
 Red River passes ; and, ascending five leagues more, came to a 
 hill, called I Ecore a la Croix (the B "luff of the Cross). Near this 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. uj 
 
 place, we met the rest of the Natchitocbes, who had come by 1 7 1 3 
 land, and arrived here before us. They were accompanied by 
 another nation of Indians, called the Doustionis, numbering about 
 two hundred men. They followed us to the village of the 
 NatcbitocbeS) nine leagues higher up, which is situated upon an 
 island, formed by the separation of Red River into two branches. 
 As soon as M. DE ST. DENIS arrived there, he assembled the 
 chiefs of the two nations, and, in the presence of the chief of 
 the Tonicas, told them they must begin to cultivate their lands, 
 that he was about to distribute to them the corn and grain he 
 had brought with them for that purpose. And, moreover, they 
 would always have the French among them, whom it would be 
 necessary to supply with the means of subsistence. He recom 
 mended them to go to work immediately, telling them they 
 would have nothing to fear from hostile nations, so long as they 
 continued united among themselves. 
 
 We distributed among them pickaxes, hoes, and axes. They 
 cut down the trees, with which we constructed two houses in 
 their villages, for lodging and storing our merchandize. After 
 remaining here six weeks, we set out, on the 23d of August, to 
 explore the Spanish territory,* taking with us twelve French 
 men, fifteen Yonicas^ and as many of the Natchitoches as guides. 
 
 * In this expedition, M. DE ST. DENIS was instructed to explore the country west 
 ward, and to observe the movements of the Spaniards on the Rio del Nortc, and to see 
 if they had advanced into Louisiana, now Texas. No settlement had then been made 
 by them east of that river 5 but they claimed jurisdiction over all that country to Red 
 River, under the name of the province of " Texas" The more effectually to hold 
 this country, the French, afterwards, established a mission and fort on the upper tribu 
 taries of the Sabine, which was held until the treaty of 1763, when Louisiana was 
 ceded to Spain. 
 
jjg HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1714. Ten Frenchmen were left to guard the merchandize in the Nat- 
 chitockes village, with the injunction to keep close watch over it. 
 I was one of those who accompanied M. DE ST. DENIS. We 
 went, by land, to the village of the Assinahy because the river, 
 above Natchitoches, is impeded by timber. After a march of 
 twenty- two days, we arrived among the Assinais* During the 
 entire route, we had lived on the products of our hunting. Our 
 rations consisted of an ear of corn, and a piece of buffalo meat. 
 The Assinais were astonished at seeing us, as they had never 
 before seen any French, and had only seen some half-naked, half- 
 civilized Spaniards, who, for five years past, had ceased to visit 
 them. They chanted the calumet of peace to M. DE ST. DENIS, 
 who gave them presents, and employed them as guides in search 
 of the Spaniards. 
 
 In their village, we found a woman, named ANGELICA, who 
 had been baptized by the Spanish priests. She spoke Spanish 
 very well ; and, as M. DE ST. DENIS was familiar with that 
 language, he made use of her as the chief interpretess. We took 
 but few provisions with us, as we could not obtain any among 
 the Assinais, and were compelled again to subsist by hunting. 
 Despite, however, of want and fatigue, we were sustained by 
 the hope of soon being recompensed by the discoveries which 
 awaited us. We pursued our journey, in this way, for the 
 
 * The name of this nation is written in different ways, by travellers, since the time 
 of LA SALLE. Cenis, Assinais^ Assonys, a numerous and powerful nation, made up of 
 many different tribes, who roamed over the whole country of Texas, from the Bay of 
 St. Bernard (St. Louis ) to the Red River, the customs, manners, and religion of which 
 were not different from other tribes in the West. But few words of this nation are 
 found in early writers. 
 
L UISIANA AND FLOR IDA. j l g 
 
 distance of one hundred and fifty leagues, and, at the end of a I 7 I 4 < 
 month and a half, reached the first Spanish village, called El 
 Presidio del Norte (the village of the River of the North), which 
 is situated on the banks of the river of that name. 
 
 As soon as we arrived there, Don Senor RAIMOND, a captain 
 of Spanish cavalry, came to speak with M. DE ST. DENIS, and 
 learn the object of his visit, and what he wished. M. DE ST. 
 DENIS told him that he had been sent there by the Governor of 
 Louisiana, for the purpose of opening commercial relations with 
 the Spaniards. The captain, who was a man of good sense, 
 replied, that he had no authority in the premises, but would 
 write to the Governor of Caouis, and give him an answer, when 
 the orders of his superior were received. He then provided lodg 
 ings for the soldiers, and invited M. DE ST. DENIS to his own 
 house, accompanied by a surgeon, JALOT, his valet, and myself. 
 We waited full six weeks without receiving an answer from the 
 Governor of Gaouis, as he, in turn, had sent a similar message to 
 the Governor of Paraille, a small town about thirty leagues from 
 Caouis* for his advice. These towns are about sixty leagues 
 distant from the River of the North (Rio del Norte). Mining, and 
 coining silver, are carried on by the inhabitants of both places. 
 
 At length, Don GASPARDO ANAYA, the Governor of Caouis, 
 sent an officer and twenty- five cavalry to the village where we 
 were, with an order to bring M. DE ST. DENIS before him. He 
 told us, upon his departure, to wait his return in this village, 
 where he would direct his order and information. We remained 
 there over a month I at the house of the captain, and the 
 
 * The town of Caouis is about seven hundred and fifty miles from Mexico. 
 
I2O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 I7 I 4- soldiers and Indians at their several lodgings, until we received 
 the order from M. DE ST. DENIS to return to Natchitoches ; 
 because the Governor of Caouis^ after an examination of the 
 passport of M. DE ST. DENIS, resolved to send him to Mexico, 
 three hundred leagues distant, where he arrived on the 25th of 
 June, and did not return until the following year (1715). 
 
 The rest of us had to depart, immediately, upon the reception 
 of our orders, which we did, with the greatest reluctance ; for 
 the Spanish damsels of that village were very agreeable to us, 
 and were themselves vexed at our departure. I gave the captain 
 at whose house M. DE ST. DENIS and I had lodged my 
 most sincere thanks for his kindness and hospitality. His name 
 was Don PEDRO DE VILLESCAS. He had two daughters, one of 
 whom (Donna MARIA) was subsequently married to M. DE ST. 
 DENIS, upon his return from Mexico. We set off upon our 
 journey with great regret, and few provisions, and were two 
 months in reaching the village of the Assinais, as we were often 
 obliged to stop and hunt, in order to obtain subsistence. 
 
 At the village of the Asslnais, we stopped for repose and pro 
 visions. There were but few Indians in the village at the time, 
 as they were out upon a war expedition against the Kitatsechis 
 (Keeckies).* They make war quite different from the Indians on 
 the banks of the Mississippi. They are all mounted on horse 
 back, with quivers fastened behind, rilled with arrows. They 
 carry a bow, and small shield made of buffalo-hide, which is 
 held in the left hand, and is intended to protect them from the 
 
 * Keechiesy a tribe of Indians, related to the Panis or Pawnees, living on the 
 Canadian River. See WHIPPLE S Vocabulary ; Railroad Reports, Vol. n. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 Ill 
 
 arrows of their enemies. They have no other curb or bridal 
 for their horses than a piece of hair-rope ; their stirrups are 
 made of the same material, which are fastened to deer-skin, 
 three or four in thickness, thus forming their saddle. 
 
 The Assinais returned from their expedition the day after we 
 * arrived in their village, forming a body of one hundred and fifty 
 armed and mounted men, who were all excellent horsemen. 
 Of six prisoners whom they captured, only two were brought to 
 their village, the others having been killed and eaten by them 
 during the journey. They exposed these two unfortunate pris 
 oners upon the public square, with their hands tightly bound 
 behind their backs, and guarded by twelve men, to prevent them 
 from entering into any of the cabins ; for if, by any ruse or 
 force, a prisoner can take refuge in one of their cabins, he is a 
 precious morsel, to be eaten by their women and children. 
 After this repast is over, they untie their prisoners from the 
 frames, cut them up in pieces, which is served up to each family, 
 and cooked in a pot. During the operation of cooking, these 
 cannibals (anthropophagi] keep up a dance while eating them. 
 
 Their neighbors, with whom they were at war, were called the 
 Aquodoces (Nacogdoches), residing about ten leagues from their 
 village, the Cadodaquioux, about forty leagues off to the north, 
 and the Three Canes^* about one hundred leagues in a northern 
 
 * The Three Canes, or Taivakenoes, lived on the head-branches of the Rio Brazos, 
 towards Santa Fe, about two hundred miles from Nacogdoches. They spoke the same 
 language as the Panis or Toiviaches, a warlike tribe on the banks of the Platte, Kansas, 
 and head-waters of the Red Ri-ver. See SAY S " Vocabulary of Indian Languages," 
 8vo, Philadelphia, i8aa; GALLATIN S "Synopsis;" BALBI S " Atlas Ethnographiefuc" 
 Tab. 41, No. 738. 
 
 16 
 
I2 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1714. direction. All those nations make war on horseback ; and each 
 warrior possesses from three to four of those animals. 
 
 Upon leaving them, we passed through a village of Indians, 
 called the Yatasees,* whom we persuaded to come with us, and 
 live among the Natchitoches^ where we conducted them, with 
 
 4 
 
 their women, children, and cattle. They have resided together, * 
 ever since, in perfect harmony and good feeling. 
 
 On our return to Natchitocbes^ we found the twelve French 
 men whom we had left to guard the merchandize, and told them 
 that we had orders from M. DE ST. DENIS to wait here for him. 
 The Tonisas left us here, and returned to their homes. 
 
 * There are but few of this tribe now living. Their village, a few years ago, was in 
 the district of the Natchitochcs, where the French had a station. They speak the 
 Caddo language. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 I2 3 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 W A S yet among the Natchitocbes, await 
 ing the return of M. DE ST. DENIS; but, 
 seeing that we were getting short of pro 
 visions, I descended the river in a canoe, 
 with six of my comrades, to obtain food 
 among the Natchez, where I met the Messrs. DE LA LOIRE 
 DES URSINS, who informed me of their intentions. 
 
 I found, among the Natchez, some slaves belonging to the 
 nation of the Chaouanons (Shawanees), who had been captured by 
 a strong party of Chicachas, Yazous, and Natchez, who, under the 
 pretext of visiting their village for the purpose of dancing* the 
 calumet of peace, had attacked them in the most base and treach 
 erous manner, and killed their Grand Chief, with most of his 
 
 * This dance of the calumet of peace is a solemn ceremony, and different from the 
 dance of the calumet of war, which they only perform on important occasions, such as 
 to confirm an alliance, or make peace with their neighbors. They also perform it 
 when they come to pay a visit to a nation, on which occasion they get up a grand 
 entertainment. The calumet is made like a common tobacco pipe, but larger, and is 
 fixed to a hollow reed, to hold it for smoking. The head is made of baked clay, or 
 red stone, to look like the head of a bird, or animal, and very much ornamented with 
 feathers of different colors. 
 
 1714, 
 
124 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1714. family, took eleven prisoners, among whom was the wife of the 
 
 chief, and brought them to the Natchez. 
 
 I used all the efforts in my power to have them liberated, but 
 was unsuccessful. I was very much astonished to meet three 
 Englishmen there, who had come with the intention of pur 
 chasing them as slaves. They are the cause of exciting those 
 savages to war with each other, as it enables them to purchase 
 a large number of slaves, whom they convey into Carolina to 
 work on their plantations. 
 
 In the meantime, M. DE LA LOIRE DBS URSINS received 
 orders from M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC to arrest a certain 
 English officer, or lord, who had come to Louisiana for the 
 purpose of tampering with the tribes dwelling upon the borders 
 of the Mississippi. He was then among the Natchez. 
 
 After sending off the canoe, loaded with flour, to my com 
 rades, who were waiting for it at the Natckitocbes , I, with two 
 Frenchmen, remained to assist M. DE LA LOIRE in the execution 
 of the orders he had received. We dared not arrest him in the 
 village of the Natchez for fear of giving offence, and of opposition, 
 on their part, to the measure. But, not doubting that he would 
 descend the river, we determined to waylay him on his journey. 
 Before leaving the village, M. DE LA LOIRE resolved, however, 
 to have an interview with him, in order to discover his designs. 
 Having approached him, he asked him if he had come to make 
 any purchases among the Natchez. He replied, very frankly, 
 that he, with two other Englishmen, had visited the Natchez, 
 for the purpose of purchasing peltries, and that it was his inten 
 tion to go among the Colapissas^ on his way down the river, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 125 
 
 thence among the Choctaws, where he had a depot of merchan- I 7 I 4- 
 
 dize and peltry, and from thence would return, by land, into 
 Carolina, in company with the other Englishmen, who were, like 
 himself, engaged in traffic with the Indians. 
 
 After this conversation, M. DE LA LOIRE DES URSINS rejoined 
 us. I advised him to let him take his departure first, so that 
 he would not distrust us, and that, should he get in advance a 
 day, I was sure we could overtake him. M. DE LA LOIRE 
 took my advice, and permitted him to depart. 
 
 The next day, twelve of us descended the river, in two 
 canoes. We learned, from some Indian hunters, the English 
 man was at the village of the Tonkas, which nation were chant 
 ing to him the calumet, a circumstance that obliged us to pass 
 lower down, and wait for him at Manchac, where we found the 
 Taensas, who had abandoned their village on account of the 
 continual wars waged against them by the Oumas. We pre 
 vailed upon them to accompany us to Mobile, where land would 
 be given them to cultivate, which offer they accepted. 
 
 We landed near an encampment of Indians, whom we desired 
 to awaken us, should they see a canoe passing in which there 
 was an Englishman. The chief showed us the presents he 
 had given him, and told us he had crossed over to the other 
 side of the river, where he had stopped for the purpose of 
 passing the night. We took with us two Tensas chiefs as 
 guides, and crossed the river. We found him occupied in 
 sketching, and he was much surprised to see us approach, armed 
 with muskets, and, yet more, when M. DE LA LOIRE informed 
 him that he had an order to arrest and conduct him to Mobile. 
 
126 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1714. He observed that the two nations were at peace, that they could 
 find nothing to reproach him for, and that if it were exacted of 
 him to go, it must be done by force. M. DE LA LOIRE, who 
 had orders to take him, dead or alive, replied, that he arrested 
 him in the name of the King, and, at the same time, seized 
 hold of him. He endeavored to make some resistance, but 
 uselessly. We embarked him in one of our canoes, and the 
 fifteen Ckoctaws who accompanied him followed us, as did also 
 the Taensas, to whom we abandoned the merchandize found in 
 the canoe of the Englishman, and conducted him to Mobile, 
 without stopping, where we delivered him up to M. DE BIEN- 
 VILLE, as M. DE LA MoTTE CADILLAC had gone up the river 
 among the Illinois. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE gave to the Tae.nsas the place formerly 
 occupied by the Ckaouanons (Sbawanees), and Taouatcbas, two 
 leagues distant from the fort. The English officer remained at 
 Mobile but three days, where he was very kindly treated by M. 
 DE BIENVILLE. He was then set at liberty, and profitted by it 
 to visit Pensacola, where he was also kindly received, and treated 
 by the Spanish Governor, DON GUZMAN. He left Pemacola to 
 visit the Atibamons, but, having fallen upon a party of Thames 
 hunters, he was captured and slain. We heard of this accident 
 some two months after. M. DE BIENVILLE sent home the 
 fifteen Choctaws who had accompanied the English lord in his 
 voyage down the Mississippi. Upon their arrival at their village, 
 they did not fail to tell that the Englishman had been captured 
 by the French; whereupon, the Choctaws killed all the English 
 dwelling among them, and pillaged their merchandize. The 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I2 J 
 
 other nations imitated their example, so that the evils which the I 7 I 4- 
 English had planned to inflict upon the French reacted upon 
 themselves. 
 
 The Cboctaws were not alone in committing hostilities against 
 the English, for the Cherokees, the Abel has, and the Alibamons, 
 who live in the vicinity of Carolina, went, to the number of 
 three thousand warriors, to invade Carolina, where they burned 
 and pillaged a great number of dwellings, made many prisoners 
 of men and women, as well as negroes, and brought them all to 
 their villages. When M. DE BIENVILLE received this informa 
 tion, he immediately provided for the redemption of all the 
 English men, women, and children, and sent every one, who 
 desired it, back to their homes. M. DE LA LOIRE DES URSINS 
 then reascended the river to the Natchez. M. DE LA MOTTE 
 CADILLAC returned at the end of the year from the mines in 
 Illinois, and afterwards sent fifty miners there to commence 
 mining operations. 
 
 The twelve Frenchmen who remained among the Natchi- 
 toches, tired of waiting the return of M. DE ST. DENIS, and, 
 falling short of provisions, came to Mobile, with the merchandize 
 entrusted to their care. The Grand Chief of the Indians, who 
 dwelt upon the borders of Carolina, and who had the title of 
 Emperor, came to Mobile with the chiefs of the other nations, 
 to chant the calumet of peace with M. DE LA MOTTE CADIL 
 LAC. The principal chief of the Alibamons, in company with 
 the Emperor, proposed to M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC to 
 make peace, and construct a fort among them, at the expense of 
 his nation such a one as the French should desire. He took 
 
I 2 8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1714* him at his word, and sent Captain DE LA TOUR, two lieu 
 tenants, and one hundred men, to their country, and selected 
 an elevated spot, upon the banks of the Coosa River, at double 
 the distance of musket-shot from their village, where the Indians 
 helped them to construct a fort, about three hundred feet square, 
 with lodgings for both officers and soldiers, and a large magazine 
 for ammunition and provisions.* We have always, since, pre 
 served this fort, which we called Fort Toulouse, and kept it 
 constantly garrisoned with troops and munitions of war, because 
 it is situated in the direct route in going to, and returning from, 
 Carolina and Georgia. As yet, no permanent settlement was 
 made at the Natchez. 
 
 * This fort was built on the east bank of the Coosa, four miles above the junction 
 of that river with the Tallapoosa. After the peace of 1762, it was occupied by the 
 English. In the war of the United States with Great Britain, in 1812, General JACK 
 SON built a new fort on its ruins, which took his name. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 I2 9 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 T the end of the year 1714, M. DE 1714 
 TISSENET, from Canada, arrived at Mo- ~ 
 bile, to enter the service of M. CROZAT. 
 He brought with him some specimens 
 of minerals (lead) from the mines in the 
 neighborhood of Caskaskias, that had 
 been given him by some Canadians, in which M. DE LA MOTTE 
 CADILLAC discovered some silver, and concluded to visit 
 them privately. He set out, accordingly, for the Illinois, in 
 January, 1715, to explore the lead mines fourteen leagues to 17 1C. 
 the west of the Mississippi, and, after his departure, M. DE ~ 
 BIENVILLE took measures to put a stop to the English trad 
 ing with the Choctaws, and other Indian nations in the neigh 
 borhood of the French, and on the Mississippi. In July, a 
 boat arrived at the fort, and reported that several Indian tribes 
 had fallen upon the English trading in their villages, and had 
 massacred a number of them. 
 
 On the 1 5th of August, a brig of war, the Dauphine, com 
 manded by M. BERRANGER, arrived at Dauphine Island, with 
 provisions for the colony, and two companies of infantry, com- 
 
 7 
 
J 3 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1715. manded by M. M. BAJOT and MARIGNY DE MANDEVILLE.* 
 In the same vessel also came M. ROGOEN, to relieve M. DIRI- 
 GOIN, one of M. CROZAT S directors. After landing the troops 
 and provisions, the Dauphin returned to France with M. DIRI- 
 GOIN, and dispatches for M. CROZAT. 
 
 In the meantime, M. DE BIENVILLE received orders from the 
 King to commence an establishment at the Natchez. The news 
 that four Canadians, descending the Mississippi from the Illinois, 
 had been assassinated by the Natchez, caused M. DE BIENVILLE 
 to hasten his departure for their country. He had ordered 
 one company of infantry to be sent there, to make it his head 
 quarters. He set out, accordingly, and arrived at the fort on the 
 Mississippi, where he found M. M. DE PAILLOUX and DE 
 RICHEBOURG with the provisions he had sent from Mobile, and 
 ordered them to proceed to the Tonicas, a post which had 
 been established some time before, two leagues above the mouth 
 of Red River, on the borders of a lake, where they arrived on 
 the 23d of April. M. DAVION, the missionary at the Tonicas, 
 warned M. DE BIENVILLE to be upon his guard with the Tonicas. 
 A short time after, M. DE LA LOIRE DES URSINS, the elder, 
 descended from the Natchez to Mobile, and, on his way down, 
 he met a canoe, with four Frenchmen, who were ascending the 
 river to the Illinois, for the purpose of traffic. Upon their arrival 
 at the Natchez, they engaged four of that nation to assist them 
 on their voyage up the river, as the current was, at that time, 
 
 * This officer, whose descendants still reside in Louisiana, and who are among the 
 most distinguished families there, afterwards wrote a " Memoire sur la Louisianej" which 
 was published in Paris, 1759. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I^j 
 
 very rapid. Upon reaching Petit Gulf, they encamped for the 1716. 
 night, and, while asleep, the Indians killed them, and threw 
 them into the river, and then descended the river with the mer 
 chandize to their village, where they made a division of it. 
 
 I was at the Natchez when this occurred. M. DE BIENVILLE 
 rejoined them at the Tunicas, and sent a Frenchman to inform 
 the Natchez that he was coming to form a settlement among 
 them. After receiving the calumet from the Tonicas, he en 
 camped upon an island, where he had ordered an entrenchment 
 to be made, and barracks for the provisions and ammunition he 
 brought with him. On the 2/th of April, three Natchez chiefs 
 arrived, and presented the calumet, which M. DE BIENVILLE 
 rejected, until satisfaction was rendered for the Frenchmen they 
 had killed. They were confounded at this reply, and the Little 
 Chief lowered his calumet, and raised his eyes and arms to the 
 Sun, and invoked the forgiveness of M. DE BIENVILLE. He 
 then presented the calumet again, which M. DE BIENVILLE 
 refused, until the White Chief and accomplices of the murder 
 should be given up, and placed in irons. As the water of the 
 Mississippi continued to rse, it caused a great deal of sick 
 ness, and obliged him to send the sick to the village of the 
 Tunicas, which was upon high ground, where they remained 
 until they got well. On the lyth of May, the prisoners pro 
 posed to M. DE BIENVILLE to send two of their chiefs to the 
 Great Chief of the Natchez, for the heads of the murderers. 
 They brought him, at last, the head of the brother of the Great 
 Chief, called the Arrow, who was one of the murderers, and had 
 been a great disturber of the public peace. The punishment 
 
732 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1716. of this chief restored peace, and it was now stipulated that the 
 Natchez should furnish the lumber to build a fort in their 
 country for the safety of the French. Thus ended the first 
 war, or difficulty, with the Natchez. The work was now 
 commenced on the fort, under the direction of M. DE PAIL- 
 LOUX, who was appointed, by M. DE BIENVILLE, commandant. 
 On the 22d of July, M. DE BIENVILLE having been informed 
 that the fort was almost finished, he ordered the chief of the 
 Tunicas to furnish him with thirty men to aid him in ascending 
 the river, which was still very rapid, as he had but six men 
 remaining in health. On the 26th, we arrived at the Natchez, 
 and the Great Chief furnished him with one hundred men to 
 remove his effects from the canoes to the fort. The next day, 
 we placed the few soldiers who remained in health to work 
 upon the fort until the 2d of August, when it was entirely 
 inclosed ; and the Natchez covered the barracks, store-house, 
 guard-house, and magazine with bark, which was finished on 
 the 5th. On the 25th, about thirty Tasous and six hundred 
 Natchez, without arms, came to dance the calumet before the 
 fort, to show their joy at having the French established among 
 them. On the 28th, M. DE BIENVILLE seeing that all was 
 tranquil, and had nothing to fear from the Natchez, gave 
 instructions to M. DE PAILLOUX what to do, and took his 
 departure, the next day, for Mobile, where he had to render an 
 account to M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC. 
 
 On the 4th of October, he arrived at Fort Louis de la Mobile, 
 where he found an order from the King, appointing him com- 
 mander-in-chief of the colony, during the absence of M. DE 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. l ^ 
 
 I/EPINAY, who had been appointed governor in place of M. DE 1716. 
 LA MOTTE CADILLAC. 
 
 In October, M. M. DE ST. DENIS, LE ROY, LA FRENIERE, 
 and BEAULIEU freres^ formed a commercial partnership, and 
 purchased, from the store of M. CRO/.AT, sixty thousand livres 
 worth of merchandize to sell to the Spaniards in the kingdom 
 of New Leon, and, on the loth of October, they set out from 
 Mobile to go to Mexico. 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER X 1 I . 
 
 1717 
 
 N the gth of March, 1717, three of M. 
 DE CROZAT S ships arrived in the roads, 
 off Dauphine Island, from France. The 
 Duclos, commanded by M. DE GOL- 
 VILLE, the Paon, by M. DUSANT-SAN- 
 TILLE, and the Peace, by M. JARY. They brought over M. 
 DE L EPINAY, the new governor, and M. HUBERT, Intendant 
 Commissary,* to succeed M. DUCLOS ; also, M. M. D ARTA- 
 
 GUETTE, GOURIS, DuBREUIL, GuENOT, ARUTHS DE BoNIL, 
 
 TREFONTAINE, and MOSSY, who came to establish settlements 
 in Louisiana. Having heard of their arrival, M. DE BIENVILLE 
 went to pay his respects to them, when the new governor pre 
 sented him with the Cross of St. Louis, which his Majesty had 
 sent him as a reward for his distinguished service in the 
 colony. The arrival of the new governor caused much dis 
 satisfaction at first, as he wished to enforce new regulations. 
 On the 25th of August, M. DE ST. DENIS returned to Mobile 
 from his voyage of discoveries. 
 
 * The Commissaire Ordonnateur, or Intendant Commissary, was an officer who had, 
 in colonial times, an extended authority, civil and military, but subordinate to that of 
 the Governor. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^5 
 
 M. M. DE L EPINAY and DE BIENVILLE, seeing there was no I 7 I 7 c 
 good anchorage for ships coming from France, ordered a new 
 fort to be built upon the main-land, opposite Ship Island. The 
 place selected was one league west of Old Biloxi, opposite the 
 anchorage of Ship Island, which was afterwards called New 
 Biloxi. The transport ship Dauphine, commanded by M. BER- 
 RANGER, having arrived, and brought a great number of car 
 penters and masons, they were put to work on the new fort. 
 Afterwards, the attention of the colonists was also directed to 
 the choice of a location for a city, on the right bank of the 
 Mississippi, which M. DE BIENVILLE had reported to the new 
 governor as the most favorable location for a great commercial 
 emporium. 
 
 In the month of August, 1717, a company was formed in 
 France, under the title of the Western Company of the Indies,* 
 and M. CROZAT S charter was, at his request, revoked, as he 
 
 * The plan of this company was not unlike that of the British East India Company, 
 and possessed powers and privileges nearly equal. But the plunder of a savage wil 
 derness could not yield such immense revenues as an ancient, wealthy, and effeminate 
 empire; hence, the reason it failed. The charter had a legal existence of twenty-five 
 years. It was authorized to monopolize the commerce of all the colonies in Neiv 
 France ; to make treaties with the Indian tribes; to declare and prosecute war agains t 
 them in defence of the colony; to grant lands, erect forts, levy troops, raise recruits, 
 and to open and work all mines of precious metals which might be discovered. It 
 was permitted, and authorized, to nominate and present men for the office of governor, 
 and for commanders of troops, and to commission the latter, subject to the King s 
 removal; to remove inferior judges and civil officers; to build and equip ships of war. 
 The King also granted, for the use of the company, all the forts, magazines, guns, 
 ammunition, and vessels, pertaining to the province of Louisiana. Among the obliga 
 tions imposed upon the company was the stipulation to introduce into Louisiana six 
 thousand white persons, and three thousand negro slaves, and to protect the colonists 
 from Indian outrages. See Letters Patent, granted to this company, First Series " His 
 torical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. in, pp. 49-50,. 
 
136 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1717* had expended large sums of money without deriving any profits, 
 although the colony had increased in population, and several 
 forts had been erected. In the meantime, however, the Span 
 iards had advanced from the west to the east side of the Rio 
 Bravo del Norte.* By this arrangement, made with the Western 
 Company, the province of Louisiana reverted solely into the 
 hands of the King of France. 
 
 * In the last two years of Mr. CROZAT S administration, the Spaniards had advanced 
 from the mission of " St, John the Baptists," on the east side of the Rio Bravo del 
 Norte, to the mission of " San Antonio de Bcxar," on the west side of that river, and 
 north-east side of San Antonio River. Advancing still further, they established a 
 mission at La Bahia, thirty miles north of the Bay of St. Bernard (Matagorda}, which 
 they designated " Espiritu Santo" near the present town of Goliad, to establish their 
 claims, by occupation (primo occupante}, to the province of Texas. They were, how 
 ever, a few years too late, as the French had already, under M. DE LA SALLE, in 
 1685, built a fort on St. Bernard s Bay, and took possession of the country of Texas, 
 with the usual formalities, which gave a complete title to France. These are the 
 oldest towns in Texas, now one of the largest States in the American Union. Subse 
 quently, however, and during the Spanish dominion over Louisiana, after the treaty of 
 Fontainebleau, in 1762, they established the mission of " San Miguel de Linarez" 
 upon the banks of the Adaies, now called Spanish Lake $ also, several missions among 
 the Assinais (Cents) Indians, about one hundred and forty miles west of Red River, in 
 the region designated by them as New Philippine. The French kept a jealous eye 
 towards these encroachments, but they were too feeble to resist them although, for 
 more than thirty years before the arrival of the Spaniards, they kept up a military force, 
 and claimed possession. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA 
 
 1.37 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 N the gth of February, 1718, three ships 1718, 
 of the Western Company, the Daupkine, 
 the Vigilant, and the Neptune, com 
 manded by M. M. DUPUIS, ARNAUDIN, 
 and BERRANGER, arrived at Daupbine 
 Island, and brought over M. DE Bois- 
 BRIANT the King s lieutenant, and a commission for M. DE 
 BIENVILLE, as governor.* This appointment gave general sat- 
 
 * Sieur LEMOYNE DE BIENVILLE, the second Royal Governor, was the brother of 
 PIERRE LEMOYNE D !BERVILLE, the first Royal Governor of Louisiana, and was born at 
 Montreal, Canada, in 1672.. He entered the military service of France at an early 
 age, and distinguished himself as a brave and efficient officer in the capture of Fort 
 Nelson (Bourbon] by M. D !BERVILLE, and afterwards in a brilliant naval engagement 
 with the English, in Hudson s Bay, in which his brother, with a single frigate of fifty 
 guns, sunk an English frigate of fifty-two guns, took a frigate of thirty-two guns, and 
 put to flight one of thirty guns, in September, 1697. In this engagement he was 
 severely wounded, and, shortly after, sailed for France, to recruit his health, where he 
 joined the expedition, under the command of M. D !BERVILLE, to colonize Louisiana. 
 
 After a prosperous voyage, the fleet arrived in the Gulf of Mexico in January, 1699. 
 In company with M. M. D !BERVILLE, DE SAUVOL, and Father ANASTASE, he set out 
 a few days after, in two boats, in search of the Mississippi river, which they entered, 
 and explored, as far as the Portage de la Croix. On their return to the fleet, M. 
 U IBERVILLE ordered a fort to be built at (Old] Biloxi, the command of which he 
 
 18 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 isfaction, as no one better knew the wants and resources of 
 the colony. The first act of his administration was to make 
 arrangements to remove the head-quarters of the colonial gov 
 ernment from the sterile lands of Biloxi, Mobile, and St. Louis 
 Bays, to the rich country bordering on the Mississippi, the site 
 for which he had selected, and sent workmen and laborers 
 
 gave to M. DE SAUVOL DE LA VILLANTRAY, a young and accomplished officer, who had 
 accompanied the expedition. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE was appointed second in command, with orders from his brother, 
 on his return to France, to visit the numerous Indian tribes on the rivers, bays, and 
 lakes of Louisiana, and secure their friendship by making them presents. 
 
 In August, 1701, M. DE SAUVOL died of yellow fever, and was succeeded by M. DE 
 BIENVILLE. A war broke out, soon after, between France, Spain, and England, which 
 left, for a while, the colony unprotected 5 and the King ordered the head-quarters of 
 the colony at Biloxi to be removed to Fort Louis de la Mobile. 
 
 The long absence of M. D !BERVILLE from the Gulf of Mexico, who was ordered to 
 attack the English towns on the Atlantic coast, left the colony unprotected and em 
 barrassed. The government of M. DE BIENVILLE, which encouraged the hostility of 
 his enemies, and being without the powerful support of his brother at the Court of 
 France, they pushed their intrigues so persistently, that they caused his removal from 
 office in 1707. His successor (M. DE MUEYS) did not, however, live to reach the 
 colony, and M. DE BIENVILLE continued in command till the transfer of Louisiana to 
 M. CROZAT. On the arrival of the new governor (M. DE LA MOTTE CADILLAC), M. 
 DE BIENVILLE was retained as lieutenant-governor, and was ordered to form settle 
 ments on the Mississippi river ; and, having built a fort at Natchez, he returned to 
 Mobile. 
 
 In 1717, M. DE L EPINAY, the new governor, arrived from France, and brought M. 
 D BIENVILLE the decoration of the Cross of St. Louis, and a royal patent, conceding 
 to him Horn Island, on the coast of Louisiana, as a reward for the eminent services 
 he had rendered the colony. In 1718, he succeeded M. DE L EPINAY, and laid out 
 New Orleans as the future capital of Louisiana. In the meantime, the Spaniards had 
 quietly advanced from Mexico to the east side of the Rio Grande, and took possession 
 of the country now known as the State of Texas. It was impossible for him to check 
 this encroachment of the Spaniards, in consequence of the feeble condition of the 
 colony, till the winter of 1719-20, when he dispatched M. DE LA HARPE to build a 
 fort at Natchitoches. On peace being restored, M. DE BIENVILLE, in 1722, removed 
 his head-quarters to Neiv Orleans, and emigrants from France and Germany began to 
 
LOU IS I A NA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 j 30, 
 
 there the year before, to lay the foundation of the future 
 capital of Louisiana. They removed the trees and bushes, 
 traced the streets and squares, and dug drains around each, 
 to carry off the waste water from the overflowings of the 
 river in high water; and also threw up an embankment in 
 front and around the city, to protect it from inundation. After- 
 
 arrive in great numbers. The Indians, however, began to be very troublesome, and 
 threatened the colonists with extermination. The forts on the Yazoo and Mississippi 
 rivers were attacked in large force, and so complete was the massacre, that but few of 
 the colonists reached Neiv Orleans. 
 
 The clamor of the colonists was so great against M. DE BIENVILLE, that his enemies 
 succeeded in having him recalled to France. He was succeeded by M. PERIER, who 
 prosecuted the war against the Indians until they were subdued. But it involved the 
 Western Company in an enormous debt, which following so closely upon the failure of 
 the financial schemes of JOHN LAW, that they surrendered their charter to the Crown, 
 which was finally accepted in 17325 and the King, seeing the precarious situation of 
 Louisiana, reappointed M. DE BIENVILLE, who was then in France, Governor, and, 
 early in the autumn of 1734, he arrived in New Orleans, where he was received with 
 acclamations of joy. 
 
 He immediately organized an army to punish the Chickasaivs, and attacked them; n 
 their strongholds, but was repulsed, with considerable loss. He returned to Neiv 
 Orleans, and, in the spring of 1737, led another expedition against them, in which he 
 was more successful. They sued for peace, agreeing to drive out the English traders 
 from among them. This campaign closed his military and civil career in Louisiana. 
 He returned to France under a cloud of censure from his government, although he 
 had faithfully served his country, in Louisiana, for more than forty years. In the 
 twenty-five years he resided in France, he never, however, for a moment lost sight of 
 the interests of the colony. He sympathized with her misfortunes, and rejoiced in 
 her prosperity ; and, when the French King ceded Louisiana to Spain, in 1762, he did 
 not cease to implore his Majesty, with tears in his eyes, not to place his subjects in the 
 hands of the tyrannical Spaniards. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE died in Paris, on the 7th of March, 1767, and was buried with 
 military honors in the cemetery of Montmartre. And, although more than a century 
 and a half has elapsed since he founded the city of Neiv Orleans, no monument, not 
 even of the smallest dimension, has yet been erected to his memory, nor portrait placed 
 in the capitol of that gallant State, to remind the present and future generations of one 
 of the bravest, best, and purest men that ever governed Louisiana. 
 
j^O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 17 J 8. wards, agreeably to instructions from the Western Company, 
 M. DE BIENVILLE sent a detachment of fifty soldiers, under 
 command of his brother, M. DE CHATEAUGUE, to take posses 
 sion of St. Joseph s Bay, and to construct a fort there, which he 
 left in command of M. DE GOUSY, and, afterwards, set out to 
 visit the place, on the banks of the Mississippi, which he had 
 selected for his head-quarters, which he named New Orleans. 
 The Dauphine, Vigilant, and Neptune, returned to France, and, 
 on the 6th of March, the ships Duchess de Noailles, and the 
 Marin, commanded by M. M. DE LA SALLE and JAPY, arrived at 
 Ship Island, and brought over five hundred persons to estab 
 lish themselves on the concessions. The first of those conces 
 sions (grants of land) was that of M. PARIS DU VERNAY, under 
 the direction of M. DUBUISSON, who brought over with him his 
 brother, two sisters, and twenty-five persons. This concession 
 was located twenty-eight leagues above New Orleans, on the 
 site of the old Baya-Ogoulas village. Besides the cultivation of 
 the land, the raising of silk-worms and manufacture of silk was 
 to be established ; to accomplish which, they brought over a 
 large number of mulberry trees. 
 
 The next concession was that of M. DE MUEYS, which was 
 placed under the direction of his two nephews, M. M. DE LA 
 LOIRE DES URSINS, and two other persons, named CHASTAN 
 and ROUE, together with eighty laborers and servants, and 
 located on the site of the old Tensas village. Messieurs BROS- 
 SART BROTHERS, merchants of the city of Lyons, came over to 
 locate a settlement among the Natchitoches, on Red River, called 
 the St. Jerome, or Natchitoches River. M. BENARD DE LA 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 14 T 
 
 HARPE, of St. Malo, also came over, with twenty-live persons, 1718. 
 to settle in the village of the Cadodaquioux, one hundred leagues 
 above Natchitoches. M. DE LA HOUSSAYE, a gentleman of 
 Picardy, France, with fifteen persons, also came over to settle 
 on a concession, near the great village of the Natchez (twelve 
 miles east of the present city of that name), on a little river (St. 
 Catherine s Creek], which now belongs to the author of these 
 annals, who purchased it of them. M. DE CHANTOUS, and M. 
 M. LE PAGE, DU PRATZ, and LEGRAS, also brought over eight 
 persons each, to settle on the site of the old Choupitoulas village 
 above New Orleans, on the same side of the river. 
 
 M. DE BOISBRIANT, who arrived in the Duchess de Noallles, 
 brought over commissions from his Majesty, conferring on M. 
 PAILLOUX the rank of major, and to DIRON, the brother of M. 
 D ARTAGUETTE, the rank of captain of a company of troops 
 destined for the Illinois, and, before his departure, M. DE BOIS 
 BRIANT was made a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, and 
 Governor of Illinois. In the beginning of October, M. DE 
 BOISBRIANT set out, with several officers, to go to the Illinois. 
 At the same time, M. DE LA HARPE embarked, with fifty men, 
 for his conncession on Red River, with orders to establish a post 
 there, and ascertain the number of Indian tribes in the country. 
 M. BARNAVAL went up with him as far as Natchez, to take 
 the place of M. BLONDEL, who had been ordered to Natchi 
 toches to relieve M. DE TISSENET, the latter being ordered to 
 join M. DE BOISBRIANT at the Illinois. M. DE LA LOIRE 
 accompanied them as director of the bureau and stores of the 
 company. 
 
j^2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 718. At the same time, M. DE BIENVILLE sent M. DE LA Bou- 
 
 LAYE, lieutenant, with thirty men, to establish a fort among the 
 Yasous. Upon his arrival there, he selected an elevated situa 
 tion, about four leagues from the mouth of that river, on the 
 right hand side ascending, and only a short distance from their 
 village, where he built a fort. Some days after the departure of 
 M. PIERRE DUGNE DE BOISBRIANT for the Illinois, the two 
 ships, the Duchess de Noailles and Marin, returned to France, 
 taking with them M. M. DE I/EPINAY and D ORTUS. 
 
 M. DE BIENVILLE received a letter from M. DUBUISSON, 
 who was in charge of the concession of M. PARIS DU VERNAY, 
 established at the village of the Bayagoulas, that there was no 
 safety upon the concession, so long as the French were at war 
 with the Chetimaches. Upon this information, M. DE BIEN 
 VILLE sent the author of the annals of Louisiana among the 
 Chetimaches to negotiate a peace. Although this commission 
 was a perilous one, I, nevertheless, accepted it, because I spoke 
 their language very well, and was acquainted with their chiefs. 
 I did not go directly to their village, but went to the Oumas 
 first, where I expected to meet some of the Chetimaches, who 
 often came there. Nor was I disappointed in my conjec 
 tures, for I met three there, and informed them that I had 
 instructions from Governor DE BIENVILLE to make a treaty of 
 peace with them. They appeared delighted with this informa 
 tion, because, during their war with the French, they were 
 treated as enemies by all the other nations, who every day sent 
 out parties against them, and destroyed them in great numbers. 
 They did not hesitate to follow me to the concession of M. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 143 
 
 PARIS DU VERNAY, whither I conducted them, about seven 1718 
 leagues distant. When we arrived there, M. DUBUISSON gave 
 them some presents for their chief, and supplied them with 
 provisions for their journey, with orders to return within ten 
 days, at the same time giving them a bundle of sticks to count 
 the nights, whilst we counted the days. 
 
 They did not fail to return at the time agreed on, but they 
 remained upon the banks of their river, which is five leagues 
 from the concession. Only three envoys came to the planta 
 tion, and reported that the principal chief, with his wife and 
 forty Chetimaches, were waiting to consult with me at that 
 place. I hesitated a little about going there alone; but, seeing 
 that no one would accompany me, I determined upon my course, 
 and set off with the three envoys. As soon as I arrived upon 
 the borders of their river, and was perceived by them, they set 
 up a most frightful yelling. I then began to suspect treason, 
 and that my last hours had come. But this yelling proved to be 
 a mark of joy ; for the Grand Chief gave me a friendly recep 
 tion, assuring me that it afforded him great pleasure to see me, 
 and that he and all his nation were sincerely desirous to make a 
 lasting peace with the French. I told him, to arrive at that, it 
 would be necessary to go to New Orleans^ and chant the calumet 
 of peace to the governor, to which they gave their consent. 
 We stopped at the plantation of M. DUBUISSON for a supply of 
 provisions, and remained here all night, and, next morning, 
 we set off before daylight, and descended the river to New 
 Orleans, where we remained eight days, waiting for a reply 
 from M. DE BIENVILLE, who was absent, and sent word to 
 
! 4 4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 M. PAILLOUX to conclude a peace with them, on the following 
 terms : 
 
 ist. That we should not restore the slaves which we had 
 taken during the war ; but that they should deliver up all the 
 French whom they had captured, or who might be found in 
 their villages. 
 
 id. That they should abandon the villages where they now 
 reside, and establish themselves upon the Mississippi river, in a 
 place designated for them, one league above the concession of 
 M. PARIS DU VERNAY. 
 
 They accepted these terms, which they faithfully fulfilled ; 
 and, in fifteen days after, they came with their families, cattle, 
 and effects, to the place designated for them. Before leaving 
 the city, M. PAILLOUX distributed among them the presents set 
 apart by M. DE BIENVILLE, with which they were highly 
 pleased. 
 
 This arrangement with the Chetimacbes was the cause of 
 other changes being made among the Indian tribes, who came 
 afterwards to settle on the banks of the Mississippi. Among 
 the first were the Chaouacbas, who dwelt about twenty leagues 
 from the river, who came and established themselves three 
 leagues above New Orleans, on the right bank ascending. The 
 Colapissas, who inhabited the northern shore of Lake Pontcbar- 
 train, also crossed over to the banks of the Mississippi, and 
 settled thirteen leagues above New Orleans. Those nations are 
 very industrious, and have been of great service to our colonists. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. - 
 
 N the lyth of March, 1719, the ship of 
 war, le Comte de Toulouse, arrived at Dau- 
 pbine Island, with one hundred passen 
 gers, among whom was M. DE LARCHE- 
 BAULT, director-general. On the 24th, 
 M. DE ST. DENIS arrived from Mexico, 
 where he went, two years before, to recover his merchandize, 
 which had been seized by Don Senor RAIMOND, a captain in 
 the service of the Viceroy of Mexico. The Marquis of VAL- 
 LERO, who had succeeded the Duke DE LINAREZ, received him 
 courteously, and promised they should be restored, which was 
 done; but, soon after, Don MARTIN D ALACORNE, Captain- 
 General of the province of Lastekas (Texas), reported that he had 
 passed through the province without reporting himself; that the 
 merchandize did not belong to him, and that he was a suspicious 
 character. The Viceroy ordered him, therefore, to be imme 
 diately arrested, and confined in prison, until some of his wife s 
 relations hearing of it, assisted him to make his escape from 
 Mexico. 
 
 1719, 
 
146 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1719. On the igth of April, the ships Marechal de Villars, Count 
 
 de Toulouse, and the Phillip, under the command of M. DE 
 SERIGNY, the brother of M. DE BIENVILLE, arrived at Daupbine 
 Island. They brought over M. M. VILLARDEAU, LE GAC, and 
 L ARCHEMBAULT, who succeeded M. DE RAGOEN, as directors, 
 and one hundred and thirty colonists. Among the passengers 
 were M. DE MONTPLAISIR, who came, with thirty persons, to 
 establish a tobacco manufactory, and an Irish gentleman, who 
 brought with him sixty men, to establish a concession on the 
 Ouachita River, eight leagues above its mouth, in ascending 
 from Red River, called the St. Jerome, or Natchitoches. M. 
 CARTIER DE BEAUME, who had received the appointment of 
 procureur-general to the colony, brought with him all his family, 
 and thirty persons, to make a settlement on Bayou Choupic (St. 
 John s], near the city of New Orleans. M. M. PELLERIN and 
 BELLECOURT also came with a number of persons to make a 
 settlement near the village of the Natchez*, on the banks of the 
 little river (St. Catherine s) which falls into the Mississippi. M. 
 DE SERIGNY brought over on his ship a large number of soldiers 
 and workmen, with two hundred and fifty negroes,* who were 
 sent to Daupbine Island, and distributed among the concessions; 
 
 * This was the first large importation of Africans made into Louisiana; but, for 
 several years afterwards, the Western Company continued to send from three to five 
 hundred annually, to be distributed among the concessions, as they were the only labor 
 that could stand the heat of the climate. It had been successfully employed by the 
 English in Carolina and the West India Islands, in the cultivation of sugar, rice, and 
 cotton. In order to regulate the treatment of slaves among the planters, the Gover 
 nor (BIENVILLE) drew up a code of laws, especially in reference to them, which he 
 promulgated in 1724.. See " Black Code," published in First Series " Historical 
 Collections of Louisiana," Vol. in, pp. 89-94. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 47 
 
 also the news that war had been declared by France, on the 1719* 
 9th of January, 1719, on the refusal of the King of Spain 
 to sign the triple alliance. M. DE BIENVILLE immediately 
 called a council of war, who agreed to make an attack on Pen 
 sacola, and notified the colonists to hold themselves in readiness 
 for the expedition, and also sent messengers to all the Indians 
 around Mobile. As soon as these orders were carried out, the 
 governor, and his brother, M. DE CHATEAUGUE, repaired to 
 Mobile, placed themselves at the head of eight hundred French 
 men and Indians, and marched, by land, to Pensacola, while 
 M. DE SERIGNY, with four ships, sailed for Pensacola, and 
 invested it on the I4th of May. The Spaniards made but a 
 slight resistance, and soon surrendered their fort on conditions, 
 that all their arms, and munitions of war, cannon, balls, powder, 
 muskets, and provisions, should remain in the fort.* The gov- 
 
 * The news of the surrender of Pensacola created a great sensation in Spain and 
 Mexico. The Viceroy immediately dispatched a squadron of twelve ships of war, 
 carrying eight hundred and fifty men, under the command of Don ALPHONSO CARRAS- 
 COSA, to invest the town j and, at sight of the Spanish fleet entering the harbor, a 
 part of the. garrison deserted, which compelled the commander to surrender without 
 firing a gun. After this victory, the Viceroy of Mexico (the Marquis of VALLERO), 
 resolved to drive the French out of Louisiana, and dispatched a fleet, under the com 
 mand of Don CARRASCOSA to attack Mobile and Dauphine Island, but, finding the 
 brave M. DE SERIGNY, who commanded the forts and troops on that island, prepared to 
 receive his attack, after a few days bombardment, abandoned the enterprise, and 
 returned to Pensacola, and M. DE BIENVILLE again invested Pensacola by land, and the 
 brave Count DE CHAMPMESLIN, with his fleet, attacked it by sea. The French 
 frigates poured a brisk cannonade into the Spanish fleet, and, in a short time, they 
 surrendered. M. DE BIENVILLE, in the meantime, attacked the town, captured it, 
 and took twelve hundred men prisoners of war, dismantled the fortifications, and 
 returned to Mobile. The contest was now over. Peace was declared on the lyth of 
 February, 1720, and the contending parties laid down their arms in the Eastern and 
 Western hemispheres, and Pensacola again became a part of the Spanish possessions 
 in North America. 
 
j 4 8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 7 T 9* ernor then returned to Mobile, and left M. DE CHATEAUGUE in 
 command, with three hundred Frenchmen. The Indian allies 
 were sent home with presents, and M. M. DE BIENVILLE and 
 SERIGNY sailed back in the Marecbal de Villars, commanded by 
 the Chevalier DE GRIEUX, with the rest of the troops, in trans 
 ports, to Mobile and Daupbine Island. The war continued to rage 
 between France and Spain, and the province in Louisiana became 
 involved in hostilities with the settlements of the Spaniards in 
 the Gulf of Mexico. M. DE CHATEAUGUE held possession of 
 Pensacola but a short time, when a powerful Spanish arma 
 ment appeared before the city, and compelled him to surrender. 
 They afterwards blockaded Daupbine Island with a large squad 
 ron, and made an attempt to land, but M. DE BIENVILLE had 
 foreseen this event, and provided against it, by erecting batteries, 
 and sending for his Indian allies to come to his assistance. M. 
 DE ST. DENIS being at Biloxi, brought over a great number, and 
 many also came from the concessions on the Mississippi river, 
 so that the Spaniards, during the twelve consecutive days they 
 made an attempt to land on the island, were repulsed. A Span 
 ish gun-boat landed at a place in Mobile Bay, called Miragouin, 
 where they plundered a quantity of merchandize, but, returning a 
 second time to the place, a party of Mobile Indians attacked them 
 and slew thirty of the Spaniards, and took seventeen prisoners, 
 whom they took to Mobile and clubbed to death, and threw 
 their bodies into the bay. The Spaniards, now finding their 
 enterprise unsuccessful, returned to Pensacola. On the 6th of 
 June, two ships, the Duke of Maine, and Aurora, arrived at Ship 
 Island, from the coast of Guinea, with five hundred negroes, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. i^g 
 
 who were sold to the concessionaires. On the 1st of Sep- 17 1 o. 
 tember, the King s squadron, of four ships of the line, com 
 manded by M. DE CHAMPMESLIN, consisting of the Hercules of 
 sixty guns, the Mars of fifty-six guns, the Triton of fifty-four 
 guns, and the Union of forty-eight guns, besides, a smaller vessel 
 arrived in the roads, off Dauphine Island, which brought eight 
 hundred and thirty men and officers to remain in Louisiana. 
 He immediately notified M. DE SERIGNY, who commanded the 
 forces on the island, to assemble his troops. On the 2d, M. 
 M. DE SERIGNY, DE VILLARDEAU, and LE GAC, repaired on 
 board the admiral s ship, and, after several conferences, it was 
 agreed to attack Pensacola before the Spanish squadron from 
 Vera Cruz could reach there. 
 
 M. DE SERIGNY immediately advised Governor BIENVILLE of 
 the plan of the French admiral to attack that city, and to assem 
 ble his troops, and march by land to assist in the seige. On 
 the 1 5th, the squadron set sail for Pensacola, and, on the same 
 day, the governor set out for Perdido Bay, in a shallop, where 
 four or five hundred Indians had assembled, under the command 
 of M. DE ST. DENIS, who took up their march on the arrival of 
 the governor. On the next day, they invested the fort at Pen 
 sacola, and, at the same time, M. DE CHAMPMESLIN entered the 
 port. The forts kept up a brisk firing, but when he arrived 
 before the large fort, it offered no resistance, and surrendered. 
 The commander of the Spanish squadron, soon after, went on 
 board the admiral s ship, and surrendered his sword, which was 
 courteously returned him ; but the Spanish Governor of Mata- 
 moras, who went on board, was not so courteously treated. 
 
j^O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 He was immediately disarmed by a sailor, for which he was 
 reprimanded by the French commander. M. DE CHAMPMESLIN 
 finding but fifteen days provisions in the place, immediately 
 shipped the Spanish prisoners to Havana, so as to economize 
 the provisions, and to recompense the Indians for their services, 
 he permitted them to plunder the two forts, after which, they 
 were totally dismantled. M. DE ST. DENIS gave an enter 
 tainment to the admiral and officers of the French squadron, 
 before whom he made the Indians exhibit their war dances. 
 He addressed them in their own language, and exhorted them 
 to remain faithful to the French. After this, M. DE CHAMP 
 MESLIN distributed among them numerous presents, with which 
 they were delighted. M. M. DE BIENVILLE and DE ST. 
 DENIS returned thanks to their Indian allies, and, afterwards, 
 set out for Mobile and Dauphine Island. As the forts at Pen- 
 sacola were now demolished, and it was only a frontier post, 
 they only left a sergeant s guard there, to give notice of the 
 approach of vessels from sea. On the i6th, M. DE CHAMP 
 MESLIN ordered his squadron to get ready to sail, and, on the 
 2yth, after firing a salute, they put to sea. On the next day, 
 they anchored off Dauphine Island, and, on the 2Qth, the squad 
 ron set sail for France, followed by the Mar echal de Villars, 
 and the Comte de Toulouse. A few days after, the transport 
 ship Maria arrived at Dauphine Island, with PHILIP FRANCIS 
 RENAULT, son of PHILIP RENAULT, of Consobre, France, and 
 two hundred and fifty miners, together with several com 
 panies of soldiers, ammunition, and merchandize, for the colony. 
 The captain also brought letters to M. DE BIENVILLE, with 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR IDA. 
 
 j 5 j 
 
 instructions to order a number of flat-bottomed boats to be 
 built, to convey a large number of persons to the mines in the 
 Illinois, as soon as they arrived. 
 
 In October, the ship Two Brothers, commanded by Sieur 
 FRERET, arrived at Ship Island, with a number of Germans, 
 loaded with every kind of merchandize and implements of agri 
 culture, which were removed to New Biloxi. This was the 
 first instalment of twelve thousand Germans purchased by the 
 Western Company, from one of the princes of Germany, to 
 colonize Louisiana. By this ship, M. DE CHATEAUGUE received 
 the appointment of lieutenant of the King, M. DIRON D ARTA- 
 GUETTE, inspector-general, and M. PAILLOUX, major-general. 
 They also received the news that the Eastern and Western 
 Companies were united in one, by an edict, dated I2th of May, 
 1719. M. D ARTAGUETTE was ordered, by the governor, to 
 remove the colony from Dauphine Island and New Biloxi, to the 
 Mississippi, as it was impossible to improve the sterile lands of the 
 coast. On the 22d of November, M. DU TISSENET wrote M. 
 DE BIENVILLE a letter from Caskaskias, giving an account of his 
 expedition to the villages of the Osages and the Panis (Pawnees). 
 He described the country as beautiful and well timbered, and 
 that the two rivers from the west, the Osage and Blue Rivers, 
 emptied into the Missouri. In travelling west, he crossed a 
 great many streams that fell into the Missouri. The Osages* 
 
 * From the earliest times, the principal part of the great Osage nation have lived on 
 the Osage River^ and were well known to the French. They are now divided into 
 the Great and Little Osage nation. Their primitive name is Bar-har-cha, and are 
 also known as the JVa-ivha, Hu-z-xau, or Ous, about the Arkansas and Osage Rivers. 
 The Little Osage nation formerly resided on the south-west side of the Missouri River, 
 
152 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 17 1 9. are stout, well made, and great warriors, and lead mines are 
 abundant in their counry. The distance from the Osage villages 
 to the Panis (Pawnees}* villages is more than forty leagues, 
 in a north-west direction, and he had to pass over prairies filled 
 with the buffalo ; and, in fifteen days from thence, he reached 
 the PadoucasJ( also a brave and warlike nation. Here M. 
 
 near the mouth of Grand River, but, being reduced by continual wars, they were 
 compelled to seek protection in the Great Osage nation, with whom they now reside. 
 They are a remarkably tall and manly-looking race, erect and well proportioned. 
 Their complexion is between an olive and copper color, with noses large and aqui 
 line. They are fond of dress, wear ornaments in their ears and on their arms, and 
 gracefully cover their shoulders with a buffalo robe, and wear moccasins and leggins. 
 They are next to the Sioux in population, and are a remarkably brave people. A 
 MS. vocabulary of their language, by Dr. MURRAY, is deposited in the American 
 Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. VICTOR TEXIER has published a glossary of their 
 language in his " Voyage aux Prairies Osage en Louisiane et Missouri" Paris, 18445" 
 " Reise des Prinzen Maximilian zu Weide in Amcrika," Vol. u, p. 6375 J. S. 
 VATER S " Analekten, der Sprachenkunde" pp. 5362 ; BALBI S " Atlas Ethnographique" 
 Tab. 415 " Archaeologia Americana" Vol. n, pp. 3053675 TONTY S "Memoir 
 Addressed to the French Government 5" "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. 
 i, pp. 52-80. 
 
 * The Panis (Pawnees), formerly a numerous and warlike nation, now reside on 
 the Platte, Kansas, and Arkansas rivers. They were divided into three bands, and car 
 ried on a brisk trade in buffalo robes with the French and Spaniards. They pass most 
 of their time on the prairies in hunting buffalo. See SAY S Vocabulary, p. 42; GAL- 
 LATIN S Synopsis, in " Archaologia Americana" Vol. n, p. 3055 "Transactions of 
 the American Ethnological Sotiety," Vol. n ; BALBI S " Atlas Ethnographique" Tab. 
 41; " Reise des Prinzen Maximilian zu WeidcJ Vol. n, pp. 630-632; "Historical 
 Collections of Louisiana," First Series, Vol. in, pp. 5962. 
 
 j- The Padouca Indians, in the early settlement of New Mexico, were a powerful 
 and numerous nation, but had almost disappeared when the French came to Louisiana. 
 They laid claim to a large tract of country (according to DE L !SLE S map of 1712, 
 drawn up from original memoirs and narratives of early explorers in the country east 
 of the Rio Bravo del Norte) now included in Texas and New Mexico. They lived in 
 great villages, on the head-waters of the Arkansas, Red River, and the Colorado, and 
 could, at that time, bring into the field upwards of two thousand mounted men. They 
 were a formidable enemy to DE SOTO and Moscoso, in attempting to reach the Rio 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR IDA. j 5 3 
 
 DU TISS^NET took possession of the country, and erected a I 7 I 9 < 
 column, with the arms of the King placed upon it, 2yth of Sep 
 tember, 1719. 
 
 Bra<vo del Norte. They seem to have given their name to one of the branches of the 
 Missouri, which is still called the Padouca fork, and to a flourishing town on the Ohio 
 river, below the mouth of the Tennessee. They were the Arabs of the plains, and 
 being constantly at war with other nations, they became very much reduced in num 
 bers. Most of them removed to the upper part of the river Platte, where they had 
 but little intercourse with other tribes. They afterwards divided into small bands, 
 which took the names of the sub-divisions of the Padouca nation, and are now 
 known only under the appellation of Wetepahatoes, Kiaiuas, and Kattekas, who still 
 inhabit the country over which the Padoucas wandered. Previous to the visits of 
 the French among them, they had no fire-arms, but fought on horseback, with 
 shields, and bows, and arrows. They visited the Spanish mining settlements in New 
 Mexico, on the Rio Grande, and exchanged their buffalo robes and peltries for 
 gold and silver coin, of which they knew the use, and also for gold and silver orna 
 ments for their arms and necks, to which they were appended with silver chains. 
 They had a great attachment for the French, with whom they made several treaties, 
 and preferred them to the Spanish. They exhibited nothing barbarous, or cruel, in 
 their disposition, but were kind and magnanimous. Their religion, manners, and 
 customs, were similar to the other tribes of the west. They believed in a Great Spirit, 
 and future state of reward and punishment. When a Padouca chief died, he was buried 
 in a mound, or on the summit of a high hill, in a sitting posture, with a buffalo robe 
 thrown around him. After death, the relatives and friends of the chief would assem 
 ble, every morning and evening, to howl and lament his loss, and the women would 
 crop their hair, as a token of their mourning. They believed that, after death, they 
 would go to the spirit world, where there was plenty of buffalo, and where they would 
 be supremely happy. No vocabulary exists of this once-powerful nation. A few 
 words only have been noted by writers on Indian languages. See B. SMITH BARTON S 
 " Comparative Vocabularies ;" T. SAY S " Vocabularies of Indian Languages ;" BALBI S 
 " Atlas Ethnographiqut ," J. S. VATER S "Analckten der Sprachcnkundc," Leipzig, 
 1821 ; " Mithridates," Vol. in, p. 304. 
 
 20 
 
154 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1720. ^^p^^^3J| FTER peace had been concluded between 
 
 France and Spain,- there arrived at Ship 
 Island, in February, 1720, over five hun 
 dred emigrants, who were distributed 
 among the concessions, with great prom 
 ises of wealth held out to them, to induce further emigration. 
 M. HUBERT, the director-general of the province, now aban 
 doned his residence near New Orleans, and went, with all his 
 family, and sixty laborers and domestics, whom he had brought 
 with him from France, to locate himself on land at the 
 Natchez. On his arrival there, he, and all his family, took 
 lodgings with M. DE LA LOIRE DES URSINS, director of the 
 company. The next day, he loaded one of his largest batteaux 
 with merchandize and ammunition, and dispatched it to M. 
 PIERRE DUGUE DE BOISBRIANT at the Illinois. After he had 
 rested himself, he visited the lands on the borders of the little 
 Natchez River (St. Catherine j), where he located his concession, 
 and erected a large dwelling-house. The land was about a 
 league from Fort Rosalie, and extended into the prairies, which 
 he ploughed up, and sowed with french wheat. He afterwards 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. j^r 
 
 erected a grist-mill, a forge, and machine shops, to manufac- 1720. 
 ture arms and agricultural implements. He allowed M. DE 
 MONTPLAISIR to locate himself also on land about a league from 
 his own, for the purpose of planting tobacco, which succeeded 
 admirably after the first year. On their route up the river, they 
 met with M. DE LA HARPE, who was descending the Mississippi 
 from the Cadodaquloux, on Red River, where he had been to 
 establish his concession. He had previously visited this coun 
 try, in 1719, and built a fort on the right bank of Red River 
 (Natchitoches], in latitude 33 55 , as a sign of the jurisdiction of 
 France, which he named Fort St. Louis de Carlorette. Having 
 now nothing to fear from the Spaniards, he believed it to be to 
 the interest of the Western Company to explore the country 
 which had been pointed out to him, to the west and south 
 west, and, by this means to effect an entrance, by treating with 
 the Indians, into New Mexico. He had visited the prin 
 cipal chiefs of the Heitans (southern Comanckes], Tankaways, 
 Tachies, and Assinais^ who still lived in a state of nature, and 
 
 * These tribes still roam over the prairies of Texas to this day. With the exception 
 of the Dacotas or Sioux, the Comanches are the most numerous and troublesome in that 
 State. They are divided into three grand divisions, or tribes, and are designated as 
 the Tankaivays, TTamparacks, and Comanches, and these are again divided into smaller 
 bands. The division known as the "Southern Comanches, permanently reside in 
 Texas, and live by hunting and plunder. Their range extends from the Red River to 
 the Colorado. They number about fifteen hundred warriors, and are constantly in the 
 saddle. They never remain in the same place more than a few days, but follow the 
 buffalo. They generally kill them with a spear, which they throw with unerring aim. 
 They are good horsemen, and select them, for their fleetness, from droves of wild 
 horses, which cover the plains. They have tents made of neatly-dressed buffalo-skins, 
 fashioned in the form of a cone, sufficiently large to accommodate fifty or sixty persons. 
 When they stop, they pitch them in exact order, so as to form squares and streets, 
 which have the appearance of a town. 
 
i 5 6 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 720. by hunting, used the buffalo-skin for a covering. In general, 
 he found them much more athletic and better formed than those 
 tribes living on the Mississippi river. 
 
 Their native language, in sound, differs from the language of any other nation, and 
 no one can easily learn to speak it. They have also a language of signs, by which 
 they converse among themselves. They are also called Hietans, Jetans, and Padoucas. 
 A Comanche vocabulary has been collected by the Hon. J. R. BARTLETT, also by J. 
 CHISHOLM, a Cherokee, and by R. S. NEIGHBOURS. Colonel MARCY also collected a 
 vocabulary in his expedition to the Red River country. Dr. H. BERGHAUS " Uber die 
 Vcr-wandtschaft der Schoschoncn, Komantshen, und Apachcn in : Physickalischer Atlas , 
 Geographisches Jahr buck" 1851. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 57 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 N the 3d of January, 1721, the ships La 1721 
 Gironde and La Volage arrived at Ship 
 Island with about three hundred persons 
 for the concessions of M. LE BLANC 
 and Count BELLEVILLE, on the Tazoo 
 River, and Mme. MEZIERES, on the 
 
 Bay of St. Louis, and Mme. CHAUMONT, on Pascagoula Bay. 
 On the 5th, the ship La Baleine also arrived with a number of 
 passengers, and eighty young women, who were sent over at the 
 request of the directors, who thought it was impossible to make 
 a solid establishment without them. They were selected by the 
 bishop from one of the public institutions of Paris, and had been 
 brought up and educated there from their childhood. They 
 were placed by him under the charge of three nuns Sisters 
 GERTRUDE, LOUISE, and BERGERE. Each one was provided 
 with a marriage outfit, and was not to marry without the con 
 sent of Sister GERTRUDE. In a short time after their arrival, 
 they were disposed of to good advantage, with a request from 
 the colonists, that the company would continue their favors. 
 On the yth, the ship Seine arrived, with sixty persons, for the 
 
158 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 721. concession of the Marquis D ANCENIS, at the Houmas. A few 
 days after, the governor dispatched M. DE LA HARPE, in an 
 armed vessel, to the river Madeline, with soldiers, workmen, 
 merchandize, and provisions, to make a settlement, and build a 
 fort on that river.* On arriving there, he found a large body 
 of natives entrenched on its banks, and opposed to his landing, 
 although he assured them, through an interpreter, that he came 
 there to be their friends. They replied, that they were satisfied 
 with their condition, and did not wish to make any alliance. 
 At length, he prevailed upon some of them to go with him to 
 Biloxi, to see the governor, who made them some presents, and 
 afterwards returned to their homes. 
 
 On the 3d of February, the frigate La Mutine, commanded 
 by the Sieur DE MARTONNE, arrived at Ship Island, with three 
 hundred and forty-seven Swiss troops, who were distributed 
 among the different posts. f By this ship, M. DE BIENVILLE 
 received a letter, which had been written by the Western Com 
 pany, on the 3 ist of October, 1720, informing him that "It 
 was with regret they had heard of a disagreement between him 
 
 * Probably the Sabine, which now divides the States of Texas and Louisiana. See 
 " Carte de la Lo uisiane, 1712, dresse sur un grand nombre de Memoire par Guillaume de 
 risle de r Academic Royale des Sciences," in "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. 
 n. Philadelphia, 1850. 
 
 f At this period, Louisiana was divided into nine civil and military posts, or dis 
 tricts, viz. : Biloxi, Mobile, Alibamons, Natche-z, Tasos, Natchitochcs, Nciv Orleans, 
 Arkansas, and Illinois, over which a commander and a judge was appointed, and three 
 ecclesiastical districts. The first was entrusted to the Capuchins, and extended from 
 the mouth of the Mississippi to the Illinois , the second, the Carmelites, whose juris 
 diction extended from Mobile to the Alibamons ; and the third, to the Jesuits, whose 
 jurisdiction extended over the immense territory washed by the Ohio, Illinois, Missis 
 sippi, and its tributaries. 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR ID A. j 5 g 
 
 and the director-general of the company, and that the King 1721 
 believed him to be in fault. It was, however, contemplated to 
 appoint another director, which they hoped would prevent any 
 future disagreement in regard to the government of the prov 
 ince." M. LE BLANC, minister-of-war, wrote him, also, at the 
 same time, another letter of the same purport, which so cha 
 grined him, that he immediately wrote, in reply, that the condi 
 tion of the affairs of the province was not his fault, but he hoped 
 the new appointment of a director would make everything work 
 better. The governor also received news from France of the 
 failure of the great financier and banker, JOHN LAW, the comp 
 troller-general of finances of France, who had left the kingdom.* 
 On the 1 4th of February, the frigate Mar echal d* Estrees 
 arrived at Ship Island, with one hundred and seventy-five negro 
 men, women, and children, from Africa, who were landed at 
 
 * The failure of LAW S financial scheme fell heavily upon Louisiana. The rapid 
 expansion of the circulating medium throughout the province during the first three 
 years of his banking operations in France, and the consequent sudden prostration of 
 all business in Louisiana, brought ruin upon the province, and checked its advance 
 ment. The remote settlements in upper and lower Louisiana were, in a great meas 
 ure, deserted by the starving colonists, and, from time to time, they returned to 
 France, or made settlements nearer Neiv Or/cans. The extensive grant of M. LAW on 
 the Arkansas River, principally settled by Germans, was soon deserted ; and, to induce 
 them not to leave the province, land was allotted to them on both sides of the Missis 
 sippi above Nc<w Orleans, which, to this day, is known as the German Coast of Louisi 
 ana. Concerning the modus operandi of LAW S celebrated financial system, which 
 brought ruin on France as well as Louisiana, as a whole, consult the works of LAW; 
 DUTOT S " Reflexions politiques sur les finances, et le commerce. Histoire du Systems des 
 Finances en 17191720;" Louis BLANC S "Histoire de la Revolution fran$aise," Vol. 
 i, Book u, Chap, vii, which is an eloquent panegyric on the system and its author; 
 A. THIERS (the French historian) memoir of LAW and the Mississippi bubble, which 
 is one-sided and partial ; FORBONNAIS " Recherche* et considerations sur les finances des 
 France. 
 
j6o HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 IJ21. Biloxi, and afterwards distributed among the concessions and 
 inhabitants of New Orleans. On the lyth, the frigate f Afri- 
 cane, and, on the 23d, the frigate Le Due de Maine arrived, with 
 over six hundred negroes, which were distributed among the 
 concessionaires (grantees), and sent up the Mississippi river to 
 the concessions. M. DE PAUGER, the engineer, who had 
 returned from the mouth of the Mississippi river, reported that 
 he had found a bar of soft mud across one of its mouths, which 
 was formed by the meeting of the tide of the sea and current of 
 the river, which is here Very sluggish, and proposed to establish 
 a fort on the island,* at the Belize, where large ships could 
 anchor in safety. 
 
 M. HUBERT, desiring to resign his office and return to 
 France, sold his concession (grant) of land at the Natchez to 
 M. DUMANOIR, who purchased it for M. COLIS, and retained 
 the workmen upon it on the same terms paid by M. HUBERT. 
 On the 24th of May, M. DUGUE DE BOISBRIANT, commandant 
 at the Illinois, wrote to M. DE BIENVILLE, that he had been 
 informed that three hundred Spaniards had left Santa F e, New 
 Mexico, for the purpose of driving the French out of Louisiana, 
 but they were attacked by the Osage and Pants Indians, and 
 driven back to Santa F e. On the 25th, the ships La Ealelne, 
 La Gironde, Le Due de Maine, and f Africalne, sailed for France. 
 A number of passengers returned to France on the Baleine, 
 among whom was Sister GERTRUDE, who was so much pleased 
 
 * This island was called Toulouse, on which M. DE BIENVILLE afterwards ordered a 
 fort to be built, which is now about three miles from the mouth of the Mississippi, 
 showing, in the last hundred and fifty years, a gradual encroachment of land upon the 
 Gulf of Mexico. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. j6l 
 
 with finding husbands for so many young women, that she 1721 
 promised those who could not obtain a wife, to return soon 
 again on the same mission.* 
 
 On the 1 5th of July, the frigate La Venus, commanded by 
 M. DUMOULEN, arrived at Ship Island, with M. DUVERGIER, 
 director-general, M. DE LA HARPE, and M. DE LA GRAVE, 
 director of the concessions of M. LE MARQUIS DE MEZIERES. 
 She also brought the Cross of St. Louis for M. M. DE 
 CHATEAUGUE and DE BOISBRIANT. 
 
 It was, at this period, the author of these annals was attacked 
 with inflammation of the eyes, and partially lost his sight, and, 
 having tried every means to effect a cure, he was advised by the 
 governor-general of the province, M. DE BIENVILLE, to go to 
 France for medical treatment. He, accordingly, took his passage 
 on board the ship Mar ecbal d Estrees, and sailed for France on 
 the 6th of October, 1721. f 
 
 * We do not hear of Sister GERTRUDE again ; but an agreement was subsequently 
 entered into with the Ursuline nuns of Paris, and the Company of the Indies, in 
 1727, to come to Ne c w Orleans, to reside permanently, for a different purpose. They 
 agreed to take charge of the Charity Hospital, and establish a convent for the instruc 
 tion of females. This ancient building was occupied for more than a century, when a 
 more splendid and commodious convent was erected, three miles below the city, on 
 the bank of the river, where every branch of female education is well taught. See 
 First Series " Historical Collections," Vol. m, pp. 79-83. 
 
 f As we hear no more of M. PENICAUT after he arrived in France, it is probable 
 that he died there under medical treatment. The " Annals of Louisiana," which he 
 left behind in manuscript, found its way into the King s library, and is an important 
 record of what took place in that country for more than twenty years after the arrival 
 of the expedition of D !BERVILLE. CHARLEVOIX refers to it in his travels in New 
 France as a work of merit, and affording him important information which he could 
 not obtain elsewhere. 
 
 21 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1721. To all those who read these "Annals," it will appear that 
 
 GOD, in his wisdom, had designed Louisiana for the French, to 
 show forth the power of the holy Catholic religion, and to estab 
 lish a French empire in America, where the glory of his most 
 Christian Majesty might be displayed. GOD was wearied with 
 the exhibition of the unheard-of cruelties of the natives, which 
 they inflicted on each other in their wars, and he wished to 
 place Christian rulers over them to arrest their wickedness. 
 Since, therefore, we cannot but recognize the hand of GOD in 
 what he has done in Louisiana, we will now close these "An 
 nals" in the language of the prophet: 
 
 be tije name of tf)e iLortr our (Sotr 
 toijo alone ijas fcone all tijese toonierful toorfcs ; 
 mag ijis name be praiseir for eber anlr eber ; anir 
 mag tfje tofjole eartlj be tilled totrtj Jjts lots." 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 
 
 RELATING TO THE 
 
 FIRST DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 FLORIDA, 
 
 WITH HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 
 
FIRST ATTEMPT OF THE FRENCH 
 
 (The Huguenots} 
 TO 
 
 COLONIZE THE NEWLY DISCOVERED COUNTRY OF 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 
 BY RENE LAUDONNIERE 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 HAT part of the earth which we, at this 11:62. 
 day, call the fourth part of the world, in "~ 
 America, is rather the West Indies, was 
 unknown unto our ancestors, by reason 
 of the great distance thereof. In like 
 manner, all the Western Islands and Fortunate Isles, were not 
 discovered but by those of our age. Howbeit, there have been 
 
 NOTE. This " History of the First Attempt of the French (the Huguenots) to 
 Colonize the Newly Discovered Country of Florida," was translated by RICHARD 
 HAKLUYT, in his quaint English, from a work entitled, " Histoire notable de la Floride 
 situee en Indes occidentals ; contenant les troys -voyages fails, icelles par certains cafitaines 
 
j66 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. some which have said that they were discovered in the time of 
 AUGUSTUS CJESAR, and that VIRGIL hath made mention, thereof, 
 in the first book of his " ^Eneid," when he saith, "there is a land 
 beyond the stars, and the course of the year and of the sun, where 
 Atlas, the porter of heaven, sustaineth the pole upon his shoulders." 
 Nevertheless, it is easy to judge that he meaneth not to speak 
 of this land, whereof no man is found to have written before his 
 time, neither yet above a thousand years after. CHRISTOPHER 
 COLON did first light upon this land in the year 1492; and, five 
 years after, AMERICUS went thither, by the command of the 
 King of Castile, and gave unto it his own name, whereupon, 
 afterward, it was called America.* This man was very well 
 seen in the art of navigation and in astronomy, whereby he 
 
 et pilotes Francois descrits far Ic Capitaine RENE LAUDONNIERE, qui y a command s 
 respace d*un an troys moys j a laauelle a este adjoust e un quatriemc voyage par le 
 Capitaine GOURGUES. Mise en lumiere par MARTINE BASANIER." Paris, 1586. 
 " The translation of this history into English," says the old chronicler and anti 
 quarian, ANTHONY WOOD, author of " Historia et Antiquitates Uni-versitatis Oxoniensis^ 
 " is an honor to the realm of England, because, possibly, many ports and islands in 
 America that are bare and barren, and only bear a name for the present, may prove 
 rich places in future time." 
 
 If the old antiquarian could now but throw off the cerements of the grave, and 
 behold the forty millions of prosperous and independent people of different races who 
 fill the sea-ports, islands, cities, towns, and country, from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
 shores of the North American continent, he might, indeed, claim the credit of 
 being a prophet, which no one would dispute. 
 
 * The first land discovered by CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, in 1492, was the Island of 
 San Salvador (Guanahani^, one of the West India group. It was not until his third 
 voyage, in 1498, that he discovered the main-land of the continent of South America, 
 one year after the CABOTS had coasted the shores of the North American continent, and 
 explored Newfoundland. In 1501, AMERICUS VESPUCIUS discovered the main-land of 
 the South American continent, and, in 1512, JUAN PONCE DE LEON discovered 
 Florida, which he took possession of in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. See 
 GOMARA S " Hist, de las Indias Occidental S," Chap. 45, p. 32. 
 
L U IS I AN A AND FL OR IDA. l 6 7 
 
 discovered, in his time, many lands unknown unto the ancient 1562. 
 geographers. This country is named, by some, the land of 
 Brazil, and the land of Parots. It stretcheth itself, according 
 unto POSTELL, from the one pole to the other, saving at the 
 Straits of iMagellan, whereunto it reacheth fifty-three degrees 
 beyond the Equator. 
 
 I will divide it, for the better understanding, into three prin 
 cipal parts; that which is toward the pole, Artie, or the north is 
 called New France, because, that in the year 1524, JOHN VER- 
 RAZZANO, a Florentine, was sent, by King FRANCIS I, and by 
 Madam the Regent, his mother, unto these new regions, where 
 he went on land and discovered all the coast which is from the 
 Tropic of Cancer, to wit : from the eight-and-twentieth unto 
 the fiftieth degree, and farther unto the north. He planted, in 
 this country, the ensigns and arms of the King of France; so 
 that the Spaniards themselves, which were there afterward, have 
 named this country Terra Francesca. The same then extendeth 
 itself in latitude from the twenty-fifth degree unto the fifty- 
 fourth, toward the north, and in longitude from 210 unto 330. 
 The eastern part, thereof, is called, by the late writers, "The 
 land of Norumbega," which beginneth at the Bay of Gama, 
 which separateth it from the Isle of Canada, whither JACQUES 
 CARTIER sailed the year 1535. About the which there are 
 many islands, among which is that which is named Terra de 
 Labrador, stretching toward Greenland. In the western part, 
 there are many known countries, as the regions of tjtuivira^ 
 Civola, Astatlan, and Terlichichmici. The southern part is called 
 Florida, because it was discovered on Palm-Sunday, which the 
 
]68 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. Spaniards call Pascha Florida. The northern part is altogether 
 unknown. 
 
 The second part of all America is called New Spain. It 
 extendeth from the Tropic of Cancer, in twenty-three degrees 
 and a half, unto the ninth degree. In the same is situated the 
 city of Themistitan ; and it hath many regions, and many islands 
 adjoined unto it, which are called the Antilles, whereof the most 
 famous and renowned are Hispaniola and Isabella, with an infinite 
 number of others. All this land, together with the Bay of 
 Mexico, and all the islands aforesaid, have not in longitude past 
 seventy degrees, to wit : from the two hundred and fortieth unto 
 three hundred and ten ; it is also long and narrow, as Italy. 
 
 The third part of America is called Peru. It is very great, 
 and extendeth itself in latitude from the tenth degree unto the 
 fifty-third, beyond the Equator, to wit, as I have before said, 
 unto the Straits of Magellan. It is made in fashion like an 
 egg, and is very well known upon all sides. The part where 
 it is largest hath three-score degrees, and from thence it waxeth 
 narrower and narrower toward both the ends. In one part of 
 this land, VILLEGAGNON planted right under the Tropic of Cap 
 ricorn, and he called it France-Antarctic, because it draweth 
 toward the Antarctic, as our France doth to the Arctic. 
 
 New France is almost as great as all our Europe. Howbeit, 
 the most known and inhabited part thereof is Florida, whither 
 many Frenchmen have made divers voyages at sundry times, 
 insomuch that now it is the best known country which is in all 
 this part of New France. The cape, thereof, is, as it were, a 
 long head of land, stretching out into the sea an hundred 
 
L U I SI AN A AND FL OR I DA. r o g 
 
 leagues, and runneth directly toward the south. It hath, right 1562. 
 
 over against it, rive-and-twenty leagues distant, the Isle of 
 otherwise called Isabella; toward the east, the Isles of Bahama 
 and Lucaya, and, toward the west, the Bay of Mexico. The 
 country is flat, and divided with divers rivers, and, therefore, 
 moist, and is sandy toward the sea shore. There groweth, in 
 those parts, great quantity of pine trees, which have no kernels 
 in the apples which they bear. Their woods are full of oak, 
 walnuts, black cherry trees, mulberry trees, lentisks and chest 
 nut trees, which are more wild than those in France. There is 
 great store of ceders, cypresses, bays, palm trees, hollys, and 
 wild vines, which climb up along the trees, and bear good 
 grapes. There is a kind of medlars, the finest whereof is better 
 than that of France, and bigger. There are also plum trees, 
 which bear very fair fruit, but, such as is, not very good. There 
 are raspasses, and a little berry, which we call among us, blues, 
 which are very good to eat. There grow, in that country, a 
 kind of root, which they call, in their language, basex, whereof, 
 in necessity, they make bread. There is also there the tree 
 called esqume, which is very good against the small-pox, and 
 other contagious diseases. The beasts best known in this coun 
 try are stags, hinds, goats, deer, leopards, dunces, lucerns, 
 divers sorts of wolves, wild dogs, hares, cunnies, and a certain 
 kind of beast that differeth little from the lion of Africa. The 
 fowls are turkeycocks, partridges, parrots, pigeons, ringdoves, 
 turtles, blackbirds, crows, tarcels, falcons, layuerds, herons, 
 cranes, storks, wild geese, malards, cormorants, hernshaws 
 white, red, black, and gray and an infinite sort of all wild fowl. 
 
 22 
 
jyO HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. There is such abundance of crocodiles, that oftentimes, in swim 
 ming, men are assailed by them ; of serpents, there are many 
 sorts. There is found, among the savages, good quantity of 
 gold and silver, which is gotten out of the ships that are lost 
 upon the coast, as I have understood by the savages themselves. 
 They use traffic, thereof, one with another. And that which 
 maketh me the rather believe it, is, that on the coast toward the 
 cape, where commonly the ships are cast away, there is more 
 store of silver than towards the north. Nevertheless, they say, 
 that in the mountains of Appalatcy, there are mines of copper, 
 which I think to be gold. There is, also, in this country, great 
 store of grains and herbs, whereof might be made excellent 
 good dyes, and paintings of all kind of colors \ and, in truth, the 
 Indians, which take pleasure in painting of their skins, know 
 very well how to use the same. The men are of an olive 
 color, of great stature, fair, without any deformity, and well- 
 proportioned. They cover their privities with the skin of a 
 stag, well dressed. The most part of them have their bodies, 
 arms, and thighs, painted with very fair devices, the painting 
 whereof can never be taken away, because the same is pricked 
 into their flesh. Their hair is very black, and reacheth even 
 down to their hips; howbeit, they truss it up after a fashion that 
 becometh them very well. They are great dissemblers and 
 traitors, valiant of their persons, and fight very well. They 
 have none other weapons but their bows and arrows. They 
 make the string of their bow of the gut of the stag, or of a 
 stag s skin, which they know how to dress as well as any man 
 in France, and with as different sorts of colors. They head 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jyj 
 
 their arrows with the teeth of fishes and stone, which they work 1562, 
 very finely and handsomely. They exercise their young men 
 to run well, and they make a game, among themselves, which 
 he winneth that hath the longest breath. They also exercise 
 themselves much in shooting; they play at the ball in this man 
 ner: they set up a tree in the midst of a place, which is eight 
 or nine fathoms high, in the top whereof there is set a square 
 mat, made of reeds, or bullrushes, which whosoever hitteth in 
 playing thereat winneth the game. They take great pleasure 
 in hunting and fishing. The kings of the country make war, 
 one against another, which is not executed but by surprise, and 
 they kill all the men they can take; afterwards, they cut off 
 their heads, to have their hair, which, returning home, they carry 
 away, to make thereof their triumph when they come to their 
 houses. They save the women and children, and nourish them, 
 and keep them always with them. Being returned home from 
 the war, they assemble all their subjects, and, for joy, three 
 days and three nights, they make good cheer, they dance and 
 sing; likewise, they make the most ancient women of the coun 
 try to dance, holding the hairs of their enemies in their hands, 
 and, in dancing, they sing praises to the sun, ascribing unto 
 him the honor of the victory. They have no knowledge of 
 God, nor of any religion, saving of that which they see, as the 
 sun and the moon. They have their priests, to whom they give 
 great credit, because they are great magicians, great soothsayers, 
 and callers upon devils. These priests serve them instead of 
 physicians and chirurgians; they carry always about with them 
 a bag full of herbs and drugs, to cure the sick diseased, which, 
 
I j 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 562. for the most part, are sick of the pox, so they love women and 
 maidens exceedingly, which they call the daughters of the Sun, 
 and some of them are sodomites. They marry, and every one 
 hath his wife, and it is lawful for the king to have two or three, 
 yet none but the first is honored and acknowledged for queen, 
 and none but the children of the first wife inherit the goods and 
 authority of the father. The women do all the business at 
 home. They keep not house with them after they know they 
 be with child. And they eat not of that which they touch as 
 long as they have their flowers. There are, in all this country, 
 many hermaphrodites, which take all the greatest pain, and bear 
 the victuals when they go to war. They paint their faces 
 much, and stick their hair full of feathers, or down, that they 
 may seem more terrible. The victuals, which they carry with 
 them, are of bread, of honey, and of meal, made of maize, 
 parched in the fire, which they keep without being marred a 
 long while. They carry, also, sometimes fish, which they cause 
 to be dressed in the smoke. In necessity, they eat a thousand 
 rifraffs, even to the swallowing down of coal, and putting sand 
 into the pottage that they make with the meal. 
 
 When they go to war, their king marcheth first, with a club 
 in one hand, and his bow in the other, with his quiver full of 
 arrows. While they fight, they make great cries and exclama 
 tions. They take no enterprize in hand, but first they assemble 
 oftentimes their council together, and they take very good 
 advisement before they grow to a resolution. They meet 
 together every morning in a great common house, whither their 
 king repaireth, and setteth him down upon a seat, which is 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jyo 
 
 higher than the seats of the others ; where all of them, one after 1 562 
 another, come and salute him; and the most ancient begin their 
 salutations, lifting up both their hands twice as high as their 
 face, saying, " Ha, he, ha!" and the rest answer, "Ah, ah!" 
 As soon as they have done their salutation, every man sitteth 
 him down upon the seats which are round about in the 
 house. If there be anything to entreat of, the king calleth the 
 lawas, that is to say, their priests and the most ancient men, 
 and asketh them their advice. Afterward, he commandeth cas- 
 sine to be brewed, which is a drink made of the leaves of a 
 certain tree. They drink this cassine very hot; he drinketh 
 first, then he causeth to be given thereof to all of them, one 
 after another, in the same bowl, which holdeth well a quart- 
 measure of Paris. They make so great account of this drink, 
 that no man may taste thereof, in this assembly, unless he hath 
 made proof of his valor in the war. Moreover, this drink hath 
 such a virtue, that, as soon as they have drank it, they become 
 all in a sweat, which sweats being fast, it taketh away hunger 
 and thirst for twenty four-hours after. When a king dieth, 
 they bury him very solemnly, and, upon his grave, they set the 
 cup wherein he was wont to drink; and round about the said 
 grave, they stick many arrows, and weep and fast three days 
 together, without ceasing. All the kings which were his 
 friends make the like mourning; and, in token of the love 
 which they bare him, they cut off more than the one half of 
 their hair, as well men as women. During the space of six 
 moons (so they reckon their months), there are certain women 
 appointed which bewail the death of this king, crying, with a 
 
jy^ HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. loud voice, thrice a day, to wit: in the morning, at noon, and at 
 evening. All the goods of this king are put into his house, and, 
 afterwards, they set it on fire, so that nothing is ever more after 
 to be seen. The like is done with the goods of the priests; and, 
 besides, they bury the bodies of their priests in their houses, and 
 then they set them on fire. They sow their maize twice a 
 year, to wit: in March and in June, and all in one and the same 
 soil. The said maize, from the time that it is sowed until the 
 time that it be ready to be gathered, is but three months on the 
 ground; the other six months, they let the earth rest. They 
 have also fine pumpkins, and very good beans. They never 
 dung their land, only when they would sow ; they set the weeds 
 on fire, which grow up the six months, and burn them all. 
 They dig their ground with an instrument of wood, which is 
 fashioned like a broad mattock, wherewith they dig their vines 
 in France; they put two grains of maize together. When the 
 land is to be sowed, the king commandeth one of his men to 
 assemble his subjects every day to labor, during which labor the 
 king causeth store of that drink to be made for them whereof 
 we have spoken. At the time when the maize is gathered, it is 
 all carried into a common house, where it is distributed to every 
 man, according to his quality. They sow no more but that 
 which they think will serve their turn for six months, and that 
 very scarcely. For, during the winter, they retire themselves 
 for three or four months in the year, into the woods, where 
 they make little cottages of palm-boughs for their retreat, and 
 live there of maste, of fish which they take, of disters, of stags, 
 of turkeycocks, and other beasts which they take. They eat 
 
L UISIANA AND FLOR IDA. j y 5 
 
 all their meat broiled on the coals, and dressed in the smoke, 1562 
 which, in their language, they call boucanet. They eat, will 
 ingly, the flesh of the crocodile; and, indeed, it is fair and white, 
 and, were it not that it savored too much like musk, we would 
 oftentimes have eaten thereof. They have a custom among 
 them, that when they find themselves sick where they feel the 
 pain, whereas we cause ourselves to be let blood, their physi 
 cians suck them until they make the blood follow. The women 
 are, likewise, of good proportion, tall, and of the same color 
 that the men be of, painted as the men be; howbeit, when they 
 are home, they be not so much of an olive color, and are far 
 whiter. For the chief cause that maketh them to be of this 
 color proceeds of annointings of oil which they use among 
 them ; and they do it for a certain ceremony which I could not 
 learn, and because of the sun which shineth hot upon their 
 bodies. The agility of the women is so great, that they can 
 swim over the great rivers, bearing their children upon one of 
 their arms. They climb up, also, very nimbly upon the highest 
 trees in the country. 
 
 Behold, in brief, the description of the country, with the nature 
 and customs of the Inhabitants, which I was very willing to write, 
 before 1 entered any further into the discourse of my history, to the 
 end, that the readers might be better prepared to understand that 
 which I mean, hereafter, to entreat of. 
 
JEAN RIBAULT S FIRST VOYAGE 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 
 BY RENE LAUDONNIERE 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 asparlr Ire ffioligng,* M y Lord Ad- 1562, 
 
 miral of Chastillon^ a nobleman more 
 desirous of the public than of his private 
 benefit, understanding the pleasure of 
 the King, his prince, which was to dis 
 cover new and strange countries, caused 
 vessels, fit for his purpose, to be made ready, with all diligence, 
 and men to be levied meet for such an enterprize ; among 
 
 * GASPARD DE COLIGNY, Admiral of France, and one of the high officers of the 
 Crown, in the reign of CHARLES IX, was born at Chastillon stir Loin%, on the i6th of 
 February, 1516. At the death of HENRY II, he espoused the cause of the Calvinists 
 against the Guises, who represented the Roman Catholics of France j and, during the 
 
 23 
 
jyg HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. whom he chose Capt. JOHN RIBAULT, a man, in truth, expert in 
 sea causes ; which, having received his charge, set himself to sea 
 the year 1562, the i8th of February, accompanied only with 
 two of the King s ships, but so well furnished with gentlemen 
 (of whose number I myself was one), and with old soldiers, that 
 he had means to achieve some notable thing, and worthy of 
 eternal memory. Having, therefore, sailed two months, never 
 holding the usual course of the Spaniards, he arrived in Florida, 
 landing near a cape or promontory, which is no high land, be- 
 
 religious civil war that drenched that country in blood, he distinguished himself as an 
 able commander in the battles of Dreux, St. Denis, Jarnac, and Montcontour. Peace, 
 at last, having put an end to the war, and anxious to settle the disputes between the 
 Roman Catholics and the Calvinists (Huguenots), he presented a petition to the 
 French monarch in behalf of the oppressed Calvinists, and obtained permission from 
 him to plant a colony of them in Florida. He, accordingly, ordered an expedition of 
 two ships to be fitted out, at the expense of the Crown, and gave the command of it 
 to JOHN RIBAULT, a distinguished officer of the marine. 
 
 Accompanied by M. LAUDONNIERE the historian of the expedition and several of 
 the young nobility of France, he set sail for Florida on the i8th of February, 1562, 
 and arrived there in May. He was hailed with pleasure by the natives, took posses 
 sion of the country, and planted a colony. COLIGNY now appeared at Court, and was 
 regarded as the great peace-maker between the Catholics and the Protestants (Hugue 
 nots). The King, however, under the guise of great friendship, praised and flattered 
 him, but, at the same time, perfidiously planned to have him assassinated, and secretly 
 proposed to the Duke of GUISE to have all the Calvinists in France massacred. 
 COLIGNY was the first who fell on the fatal day of St. Bartholomew, 24th of August, 
 1572. He was killed by a hired assassin, in his own house, his head cut off, and his 
 body thrown out of the window into the court below, where it was insulted by the 
 populace. His head was sent by CATHERINE DE MEDICIS, the Queen-mother, as a 
 present to the Roman Pontiff, who approved of the massacre of the Protestants, and 
 ordered a painting of it to be executed and hung up in the Vatican, over which the exul 
 tation was immense. Medals, representing the massacre, were struck off, and distri 
 buted among the populace, and sent to the courts of Europe. One of them represented 
 Religion, placing a crown on the head of the King of France, who leaned upon a 
 rudder-head, trampling heresy under foot, with this legend : " Ob -vicies centena millia 
 Calvinianorum ad ecclesiam re<vocata MDCLXXXV." 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 1 79 
 
 cause the coast is all flat, but only rising, by reason of the high 156: 
 woods, which, at his arrival, he called Cape Francis, in honor of 
 our France. This cape is distant from the Equator about thirty 
 degrees. Coasting from this place towards the north, he dis 
 covered a very fair and great river, which gave him occasion to 
 cast anchor, that he might search the same the next day, very 
 early in the morning; which, being done by the break of day, 
 accompanied with Capt. FIQUINVILLE, and divers other soldiers 
 of his ship, he was no sooner arrived on the brink of the shore, 
 but straight he perceived many Indians, men and women, which 
 came of purpose to that place, to receive the Frenchmen with 
 all gentleness and amity, as they well declared by the oration 
 which their king made, and the presents of chamois-skins 
 wherewith he honored our captain, who, the day following, 
 caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the said river, 
 and not far from the mouth of the same, upon a little sandy 
 knappe, in which pillar the arms of France were carved and 
 engraved.* This being done, he embarked himself again, to the 
 end always to discover the coast toward the north, which was 
 his chief desire. After he had sailed a certain time, he crossed 
 once to the other side of the river, and then, in the presence of 
 certain Indians, which of purpose did attend him, he commanded 
 his men to make their prayers, to give thanks to God, for that 
 of his grace he had conducted the French nation unto these 
 strange places without any danger at all. The prayers being 
 
 * After a most diligent search made by American antiquarians for this engraved 
 pillar, planted upon a hillock, at the mouth of the river May, it has not been found. 
 It is probable that it was removed or destroyed by the Spaniards. 
 
jgo HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. ended, the Indians, which were very attentive to harken unto 
 them, thinking, in my judgment, that we worshipped the sun, 
 because we always had our eyes lifted up toward heaven, rose 
 all up, and came to salute the captain (JoHN RIBAULT), promis 
 ing to show him their king, which rose not up as they did, but 
 remained still sitting upon green leaves of bay and palm trees, 
 toward whom the captain went and sat down by him, and heard 
 him make a long discourse, but with no great pleasure, because 
 he could not understand his language, and much less his mean 
 ing. The king gave our captain, at his departure, a plume, or 
 fan, of hernshaw feathers, dyed red, and a basket made of palm- 
 boughs, after the Indian fashion, and wrought very artificially, 
 and a great skin painted and drawn throughout with pictures of 
 divers wild beasts so lively drawn and portrayed, that nothing 
 lacked but life. The captain, to show himself not unthankful, 
 gave him pretty tin bracelets, a cutting-hook, a looking-glass, 
 and certain knives, whereupon the king showed himself to be 
 very glad, and fully contented. 
 
 Having spent the most part of the day with these Indians, the 
 captain embarked himself to pass over to the other side of the 
 river, whereat the king seemed to be very sorry. Nevertheless, 
 not being able to stay us, he commanded that, with all diligence, 
 they should take fish for us, which they did with all speed ; 
 for being entered into their weares, or inclosures, made- of 
 reeds, and framed in the fashion of a labyrinth, or maze, they 
 loaded us with trout, great mullets, plaice, turbots, and mar 
 vellous store of other sorts of fishes, altogether different from 
 ours. This done, we entered into our boats, and went toward 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ,8, 
 
 the other shore; but, before we came to the shore, we were 1562. 
 saluted with a number of other Indians, which, entering into the 
 water to their armpits, brought us many little baskets full of 
 maize, and goodly mulberries, both red and white. Others 
 offered themselves to bear us on shore, where, being landed, we 
 perceived their king, sitting upon a place dressed with boughs, 
 and under a little arbor of cedars and bay trees, somewhat 
 distant from the water side. He was accompanied with two of 
 his sons, which were exceeding fair and strong, and with a troop 
 of Indians, who had all their bows and arrows in marvellous 
 good order. His two sons received our captain very graciously; 
 but the king, their father, representing I wot not what kind of 
 gravity did nothing but shake his head a little; then the captain 
 went forward to salute him, and, without any other moving of 
 himself, he retained so constant a kind of gravity, that he made 
 it seem unto us that, by good and lawful right, he bare the title 
 of king. Our captain knowing not what to judge of this man s 
 behavior, thought he was jealous because we went first unto 
 the other king, or else, that he was not well pleased with the 
 pillar, or column, which he had planted. While thus he knew 
 not what hereof to think, our captain showed him, by signs, 
 that he was come from a far country to seek him, to let him 
 understand the amity which he was desirous to have with them; 
 for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out of a budget 
 certain trifles, as certain bracelets, covered, as it were, with 
 silver and gold, which he presented him withal, and gave his 
 sons certain other trifles, whereupon the king began, very lov 
 ingly, to entreat both our captain and us; and, after these gentle 
 
!g 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 I 562. entertainments, we went ourselves into the woods, hoping there 
 ~~ to discover some singularities, where were great store of mul 
 berry trees, white and red, on the tops whereof there was an 
 infinite number of silk-worms. Following our w<iy, we discov 
 ered a fair and great meadow, divided, notwithstanding, with 
 divers marshes, which constrained us, by reason of the water 
 which environed it about, to return back again toward the river 
 side. Finding not the king there, which by this time was gone 
 home to his house, we entered into our boats, and sailed toward 
 our ships, where, after we arrived, we called this river the 
 River of May, because we discovered it the first day of the said 
 month. 
 
 Soon after we returned to our ships, we weighed anchor, and 
 hoisted our sails, to discover the coast further forward, along the 
 which we discovered another fair river, which the captain him 
 self was minded to search out, and having searched it out with 
 the king and inhabitants thereof, he named it Seine, because it is 
 very like unto the river of Seine, in France. From this river, 
 we returned unto our ships, where, being arrived, we trimmed 
 our sails to sail further toward the north, and to descry the 
 singularities of the coast. But we had not sailed any great way 
 before we discovered another very fair river, which caused us to 
 cast anchor over against it, and to trim our two boats to go to 
 search it out. We found there an isle, and a king no less 
 affable than the rest; afterward, we named this river, Somme. 
 From thence we sailed about six leagues, after we discovered 
 another river, which, after we had viewed, was named by us by 
 the name of Loire; and, consequently, we there discovered five 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR IDA. l g 3 
 
 others, whereof the first was named Charente ; the second, Gar- 1562. 
 onne ; the third, Gironde ; the fourth, Belle; the fifth, Grande* 
 which, being very well discovered, with such things as were in 
 them, by this time in less than the space of three-score leagues, 
 we had found out many singularities along nine rivers. Never 
 theless, not fully satisfied, we sailed yet further toward the 
 north, following the course that might bring us to the River 
 of Jordan, one of the fairest of the rivers of the north, and, hold- 
 
 ing our wonted course, great fogs and tempests came upon us, 
 which constrained us to leave the coast, to bear toward the 
 main sea, which was the cause that we lost the sights of our 
 pinnaces a whole day and a night, until the next day, in the 
 morning, which time the weather being fair and the sea calm, 
 we discovered a river, which we called Bellevoir. After we had 
 sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our pinnaces, 
 which came straight toward us, and, at their arrival, they 
 reported to the captain, that, while the foul weather and fogs 
 endured, they harbored themselves in a mighty river, which, in 
 bigness and beauty, exceeded the former ; wherewithal the cap 
 tain was exceeding joyful, for his chief desire was to find out an 
 haven to harbor his ships, and there to refresh ourselves awhile. 
 Thus, making thitherward, we arrived athwart the same river 
 (which, because of the fairness and largeness thereof, we named 
 
 * The rivers discovered by RIBAULT, in Florida, and named by him because of their 
 resemblance to the rivers in France, correspond with those known to us at the present 
 day in American geography, viz. : MAY, to the St. Johns (the St. Matheo of the Span 
 iards) ; LOIRE, to the Altamaha ; CHARANTE, to the Newport ; GARONNE, to the 
 Ogechef ; GIRONDE, to the Savanna; BELLEVOIR, to the May, in South Carolina; 
 GRANDE, to the Broad; JORDAN, to the Combahee ; PORT ROYAL, to Port Royal. 
 
184 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. Port Royal), struck our sails, and cast anchor at ten fathoms 
 of water ; for the depth is such, namely, when the sea beginneth 
 to flow, that the greatest ships of France, yea, the argosses of 
 Venice, may enter in there. Having cast anchor, the captain, 
 with his soldiers, went on shore, and he himself went first on 
 land, where we found the place as pleasant as was possible ; for 
 it was all covered over with mighty high oaks, and infinite store 
 of cedars, and with lentiskes growing underneath them, smell 
 ing so sweetly, that the very fragrant odor only made the place 
 to seem exceeding pleasant. As we passed through these 
 woods, we saw nothing but turkeycocks flying in the forests, 
 partridges, gray and red, little different from ours, but chiefly 
 in bigness. We heard, also, within the woods, the voices of 
 stags, of bears, of lucernes, of leopards, and divers other sorts 
 of beasts unknown to us. Being delighted with this place, we 
 set ourselves to fishing with nets, and we caught such a number 
 of fish that it was wonderful ; and, amongst others, we took a 
 certain kind of fish, which we call sallicoques, which were no less 
 than crevisses, so that two draughts of the net were sufficient to 
 feed all the company of our two ships for a whole day. The 
 river, at the mouth, thereof, from cape to cape, is no less than 
 three French leagues broad ; it is divided into two great arms, 
 whereof the one runneth toward the west, and the other toward 
 the north, and, I believe, in my judgment, that the arm which 
 stretcheth toward the north runneth up into the country as far 
 as the river ^Jordan , the other arm runneth into the sea, as it 
 was known and understood by those of our company which 
 were left behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 i8 5 
 
 two great leagues broad, and, in the midst of them, there is an 1562. 
 isle, which is pointed towards the opening of the great river, in 
 which island there are infinite numbers of all sorts of strange 
 beasts. There are simples growing there of so rare properties, 
 and in so great quantity, that it is an excellent thing to behold 
 them. On every side, there is nothing to be seen but palm 
 trees, and other sorts of trees, bearing blossoms and fruits of 
 very rare shape, and very good smell. But, seeing the evening 
 approach, and that the captain determined to return unto the 
 ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night in this place. 
 In our absence, the pilots and these mariners advised the captain 
 that it was needful to bring the ships further up within the river, 
 to avoid the dangers of the winds which might annoy us, by 
 reason of our being so near to the mouth of the river, and, for 
 this cause, the captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, 
 we sailed three leagues further up within the river, and there we 
 cast anchor. A little while after, JOHN RIBAULT, accompanied 
 with a good number of soldiers, embarked himself, desirous to 
 sail further up into the arm that runneth toward the west, and 
 to search the commodities of the place. Having sailed twelve 
 leagues at the least, we perceived a troop of Indians, which, as 
 soon as ever they espied the pinnaces, were so afraid that they 
 fled into the woods, leaving behind them a young lucerne which 
 they were turning upon a spit, for which cause the place was 
 called Cape Lucerne. Proceeding forth on our way, we found 
 another arm of the river, which ran towards the east, by which 
 the captain determined to sail, and to leave the great current. 
 A little while after, they began to espy divers other Indians, 
 
 24 
 
1 86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. both men and women, half hidden within the woods, who, 
 knowing not that we were such as desired their friendship, were 
 dismayed at first, but, soon after, were emboldened, for the 
 captain caused store of merchandize to be showed them openly, 
 whereby they knew that we meant nothing but well unto them ; 
 and then they made a sign that we should come on land, which 
 we would not refuse. At our coming on shore, divers of them 
 came to salute our general, according to their barbarous fashion. 
 Some of them gave him skins of chamois ; others, little baskets 
 made of palm-leaves ; some presented him with pearls, but no 
 great number. Afterwards, they went about to make an arbor, 
 to defend us, in that place, from the parching heat of the 
 sun. But we would not stay as then, wherefore the captain 
 thanked them much for their good will, and gave presents to 
 each of them, wherewith he pleased them so well before he 
 went thence, that his sudden departure was nothing pleasant 
 unto them. For, knowing him to be so liberal, they would 
 have wished him to have stayed a little longer, seeking by all 
 means to give occasion to stay, showing him, by signs, that he 
 should stay but that day only, and that they desired to advise 
 a great Indian lord, which had pearls in great abundance, and 
 silver also, all which things should be given unto him at the 
 king s arrival ; saying, further, that, in the meantime, while that 
 this great lord came thither, they would lead him to their 
 houses, and show him there a thousand pleasures in shooting; 
 and seeing the stag killed, therefore, they prayed him not to deny 
 them their request ; notwithstanding, we returned to our ships, 
 where, after we had been but one night, the captain, in the morn- 
 
LOU LSI AN A AND FLORIDA. ^n 
 
 ing, commanded to put into the pinnace a pillar of hard stone, 1562. 
 fashioned like a column, wherein the arms of the King of France 
 were graven, to plant the same in the fairest place that he could 
 find. This done, we embarked ourselves, and sailed three 
 leagues towards the west, where we discovered a little river, up 
 which we sailed so long, that, in the end, we found it returned 
 into the great current, and, in his return, to make a little island, 
 separated from the firm land, where we went on shore; and, by 
 commandment of the captain, because it was exceeding fair and 
 pleasant, there we planted the pillar, upon a hillock, open round about 
 to the view, and environed with a lake, half a fathom deep, of very 
 good and sweet water. In which island we saw- two stags, of 
 exceeding bigness, in respect of those which we had seen before, 
 which we might easily have killed with our harquebuses, if the 
 
 captain had not forbidden us, moved with the singular fairness 
 
 i 
 and bigness of them ; but, before our departure, we named the 
 
 little river which environed this isle, the River of Liborne. 
 Afterward, we embarked ourselves to search another isle, not 
 far distant from the former, wherein, after we had gone aland, 
 we found nothing but tall cedars, the fairest that were seen in 
 this country. For this cause, we called it the Isle of Cedars, so 
 we returned into our pinnace, to go towards our ships. 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 562. 
 
 FEW days afterwards, JOHN RIBAULT 
 determined to return once again towards 
 the Indians which inhabited the arm or 
 the river which runneth towards the 
 west, and to bring with him good store 
 of soldiers ; for his meaning was to take two Indians of this place 
 to bring them into France, as the Queen had commanded him. 
 With this deliberation, we again took our former course, so far 
 north, that, at the last we came to the self-same place where at 
 the first we found the Indians ; from thence, we took two 
 Indians, by the permission of the king, who, thinking they 
 were more favored than the rest, thought themselves very happy 
 to stay with us. But, these two Indians seeing we made no show 
 at all that we would go on land, but rather that we followed 
 the midst of the current, began to be somewhat offended, and 
 would, by force, have leaped into the water ; for they are so 
 good swimmers, that immediately they would have gotten into 
 the forests. Nevertheless, being acquainted with their humor, 
 we watched them narrowly, and sought, by all means, to appease 
 them, which we could not by any means do for that time, 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR IDA. , g g 
 
 though we offered them things which they much esteemed, 1562. 
 which things they disdained to take, and gave back again what 
 soever was given them, thinking that such gifts should have 
 altogether bound them, and that, in restoring them, they should 
 be restored unto their liberty. In fine, perceiving that all they 
 did availed them nothing, they prayed us to give them those 
 things which they had restored, which we did incontinent. 
 Then they approached, one toward the other, and began to sing, 
 agreeing so sweetly together, that, in hearing their song, it 
 seemed that they lamented the absence of their friends. They 
 continued their songs all night, without ceasing ; all which time 
 we were constrained to lie at anchor, by reason of the tide that 
 was against us ; but we hoisted sail the next day, very early in 
 the morning, and returned to our ships. As soon as we were 
 come to our ships, every one thought to gratify these two 
 Indians, and to show them the best countenance that was pos 
 sible, to the intent that, by such courtesies, they might perceive 
 the good desire and affection which we had to remain their 
 friends in time to come. Then we offered them meat to eat, 
 but they refused it, and made us understand that they were 
 accustomed to wash their faces, and to stay until the sun were 
 set before they did eat, which is a ceremony common to all the 
 Indians of New France. Nevertheless, in the end, they were 
 constrained to forget their superstitions, and to apply themselves 
 to our nature, which was somewhat strange unto them at the 
 first. They became, therefore, more jocund every hour made 
 us a thousand discourses, being marvellous sorry that we could 
 not understand them. A few days after, they began to bear so 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. good will towards me, that, as I think, they would rather have 
 perished with hunger and thirst than have taken their refection 
 at any man s hand but mine. Seeing this, their good will, I 
 sought to learn some Indian words, and began to ask them 
 questions, showing them the thing whereof I desired to know 
 the name, how they called it. They were very glad to tell it 
 me ; and, knowing the desire that I had to learn their language, 
 they encouraged me, afterward, to ask them anything ; so that, 
 putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indian 
 speech, I was able to understand the greatest part of their dis 
 courses. Every day they did nothing but speak unto me of the 
 desire that they had to use me well, if we returned unto their 
 houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasures that they could 
 devise, as well in hunting as in seeing their very strange and 
 superstitious ceremonies at a certain feast, which they call Toy a 
 which feast they observe as strictly as we observe the Sunday. 
 They gave me to understand that they would bring me to see 
 the greatest lord of this country, which they called CHIGOULA, 
 which exceedeth them in height (as they told me) a good foot 
 and a half. They said unto me, that he dwelt within the land, 
 in a very large place, and inclosed exceeding high, but I could 
 not learn wherewith. And, as far as I can judge this place 
 whereof they spake unto me, was a very fair city, for they said 
 unto me that, within the inclosure, there was a great store of 
 houses, which were built very high, wherein there was an 
 infinite number of men like unto themselves, which made none 
 account of gold, of silver, nor of pearls, seeing they had thereof 
 in abundance. I began, then, to show them all the parts of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. Io/ i 
 
 heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they dwelt; and, 1562. 
 
 straightway, one of them stretching out his hand, showed me 
 
 that they dwelt toward the north, which makes me think that it 
 
 was the river Jordan. And now, I remember, that, in the reign 
 
 of the Emperor CHARLES V, certain Spaniards, inhabitants of St. 
 
 Domingo, which made a voyage to get certain slaves to work in 
 
 their mines, stole away, by subtlety, the inhabitants of this river, 
 
 to the number of forty, thinking to carry them into their New 
 
 Spain ; but they lost their labor, for, in despite, they died all for 
 
 hunger, saving one that was brought to the Emperor, which, a 
 
 little while after, he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own 
 
 name, and called him CHARLES OF CHIGOULA, because he spoke 
 
 so much of this Lord of CHIGOULA, whose subject he was; also, 
 
 he reported continually, that CHIGOULA made his abode within 
 
 a very great inclosed city. Besides this proof, those which were 
 
 left in the first voyage, have certified me, that the Indians 
 
 showed them, by evident signs, that further within the land 
 
 toward the north, there was a great inclosure, or city, where 
 
 CHIGOULA dwelt. After they had staid awhile in our ships, 
 
 they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when they 
 
 should return. I made them understand that the captain s will 
 
 was to send them home again, but that first he would bestow 
 
 apparel of them, which, a few days after, was delivered unto 
 
 them. But, seeing he would not give them licence to depart, 
 
 they resolved, with themselves, to steal away by night, and to 
 
 get a little boat which we had, and, by the help of the tide, to 
 
 sail home toward their dwellings, and by this means to save 
 
 themselves, which thing they failed not to do, and put their 
 
!0 2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. enterprise into execution, yet leaving behind them the apparel 
 which the captain had given them, and carrying away nothing 
 but that which was their own, showing well, hereby, that they 
 were not void of reason. The captain cared not greatly for 
 their departure, considering they had not been used otherwise 
 than well, and that, therefore, they would not estrange them 
 selves from the Frenchmen. Captain RIBAULT, therefore, 
 knowing the singular fairness of this river, desired, by all means, 
 to encourage some of his men to dwell there, well foreseeing 
 that this thing might be of great importance for the King s 
 service, and the relief of the commonwealth of France. There 
 fore, proceeding on with his intent, he commanded the anchors 
 to be weighed, and to set things in order to return unto the 
 opening of the river, to the end that, if the wind came fair, he 
 might pass out to accomplish the rest of his meaning. When, 
 therefore, we were come to the mouth of the river, he made 
 them cast anchor, whereupon we stayed, without discovering 
 anything all the rest of the day. The next day he commanded 
 that all the men of his ship should come up on deck, say 
 ing, that he had somewhat to say unto them. They all came 
 up, and immediately the captain began to speak unto them, in 
 this manner: 
 
 " I think there is none of you that is ignorant of how great 
 consequence this our enterprise is, and, also, how acceptable it 
 is unto our young King; therefore, my friends (as one desiring 
 your honor and benefit), I would not fail to advise you all of 
 the exceeding goodhap which should fall to them, which, as 
 men of valor and worthy courage, would make trial in this, our 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 X 93 
 
 first discovery, of the benefits and commodities of this new 
 land, which should be, as I assure myself, the greatest occasion 
 that ever could happen unto them, to arise unto the title and 
 degree of honor, and, for this cause, I was desirous to propose 
 unto you, and set down before your eyes, the eternal memory 
 which of right they deserve; to which, forgetting both their 
 parents and their country, have had the courage to enterprise a 
 thing of such importance, to which even kings themselves, 
 understanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnan 
 imity and increase of their majesties, do not disdain so well to 
 regard, that, afterwards employing them in matters of weight 
 and high enterprise, they make their names immortal forever. 
 Howbeit, I would not have you persuade yourselves, as many 
 do, that you shall never have such good fortune, as not being 
 known neither to the King nor to the princes of the , realm ; 
 and, besides, descending of so poor a stock, that few, or none, 
 of your parents, having ever made profession of arms, have been 
 known unto the great estates. For, albeit, that, from my tender 
 years, I, myself, have applied all my industry to follow them, 
 and have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the service of 
 my prince, yet could I never attain thereto (not that I did not 
 deserve this title and degree of government), as I have seen it 
 happen to many others, onlv because they descend of a noble 
 race, since more regard is had of their birth than of their virtue. 
 For, well I know, that if virtue were regarded, there would 
 more be found worthy to deserve the title, and, by good right, 
 to be named noble and valiant. I will, therefore, make suf 
 ficient answer to such propositions and such things as you may 
 
 25 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 562. object against me, laying before you the infinite examples which 
 we have of the Romans, which, concerning the point of honor, 
 were the first that triumphed over the world. For how many 
 find we among them, which, for their so valiant enterprises, not 
 for the greatness of their parentage, have obtained the honor to 
 triumph. If we have recourse unto their ancestors, we shall 
 find that their parents were of so mean condition, that, by labor 
 ing with their hands, they lived very basely. As the father of 
 ^ELius PERTINAX, which was a poor artisan, his grandfather, 
 likewise, was a bondsman, as the histographers do witness; and, 
 nevertheless, being moved with a valiant courage, he was 
 nothing dismayed for all this, but rather desirous to aspire unto 
 high things. He began, with a brave stomach, to learn feats of 
 arms, and profited so well therein, that, from step to step, he 
 became, at length, to be Emperor of the Romans. For all this 
 dignity, he despised not his parents ; but contrariwise, and, in 
 remembrance of them, he caused his father s shop to be covered 
 with a fine wrought marble, to serve for an example to men 
 descended of base and poor lineage, to give them occasion to 
 aspire unto high things, notwithstanding the meanness of their 
 ancestors. I will not pass over in silence the prowess of the 
 valiant and renowned AGATHOCLES, the son of a simple potter, 
 and, yet forgetting the contemptible estate of his father, he so 
 applied himself to virtue in his tender years, that, by the favor 
 of arms, he came to be King of Sicily, and, for all this title, he 
 refused not to be counted the son of a potter. 
 
 " But^ the more to eternize the memory of his parents, and to 
 make his name renowned, he commanded that he should be served at 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jg^ 
 
 the table in vessels of gold and silver, and others of earth ; declaring, I 562, 
 thereby, that the dignity wherein he was placed, came not to him by 
 his parents, but by his own virtue only. 
 
 " If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you only RUSTEN 
 BASSHA, which may be a sufficient example to all men; which, 
 though he were the son of a poor herdsman, did so apply his youth in 
 all virtue, that, being brought up in the service of the great Turk, % 
 he seemed to aspire to great and high matters, in such sort, that, 
 growing in years, he increased also in courage, so far forth, that, in 
 fine, for his excellent virtues, he married the daughter of the great 
 Turk, his prince. How much, then, ought so many worthy examples 
 to move you to plant here ? Considering, also, that hereby you shall 
 be registered, forever, as the first that inhabited this strange country. 
 I pray you, therefore, all to advise yourselves thereof, and to declare 
 vour minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your 
 name in the King s ears, and the other princes, that your renown 
 shall hereafter shine unquenchable through our realm of France " 
 
 He had scarcely ended his oration, but the greatest part of 
 our soldiers replied: That a greater pleasure could never betide 
 them, perceiving well the acceptable service, which, by this 
 means, they should do unto their prince, besides, that this thing 
 should be for the increase of their honors ; therefore, they 
 besought the captain, before he departed out of the place, to 
 begin to build them a fort, which they hoped, afterward, to 
 finish, and to leave them munition necessary for their defense, 
 showing, as it seemed, that they were displeased that it was 
 so long in doing. Whereupon, JOHN RIBAULT, being as glad 
 as might be to see his men so well willing, determined, the next 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. day, to search the most fit and convenient place to be inhabited. 
 Wherefore, he embarked himself, very early in the morning, 
 and commanded them to follow him that were desirous to 
 inhabit there, to the intent that they might like the better of the 
 place. 
 
 Having sailed up the great river (Broad River) on the north 
 side, in coasting an isle which endeth with a sharp point toward the 
 mouth of the river, having sailed awhile, he discovered a small river, 
 which entered into the island, which he would not fail to search out. 
 Which done, and finding the same deep enough to harbor therein 
 galleys and galliots in good number, proceeding further, he found 
 a very open place, joining upon the brink thereof, where he went on 
 land ; and, seeing the place fit to build a fortress on, and commo 
 dious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved, inconti 
 nent, to cause the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. 
 And, considering that there stayed but six-and-twenty there, he 
 caused the fort to be made, in length, but sixteen fathoms, and 
 thirteen in breadth, with flanks, according to the proportion 
 thereof. The measure being taken by me and Captain SALLES, 
 we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pick 
 axes, and other instruments necessary to make the fortification. 
 We labored so diligently, that, in a short space, the fort was 
 made, in some sort, defensable. In which, meantime, JOHN 
 RIBAULT caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought 
 for the defense of the place. After he had furnished them with 
 all such things as they had need of, he determined to take his 
 leave of them ; but, before his departure, he used this speech 
 unto Captain ALBERT, which he left in this place: 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. jg 
 
 "Captain ALBERT, I have to request you, in the presence of I 5" 2< 
 these men, that you would quit yourself so wisely in your charge, and 
 govern so modestly your small company which I leave you, which with 
 so good cheer remaineth under your obedience, that I never occasion 
 but to command you, and to recount unto the King (as I am desirous) 
 the faithful service which, before us all, you undertake to do him in 
 his New France. And you, companions (quoth he to the soldiers), 1 
 beseech you also to esteem of Captain ALBERT, as if he were myself 
 that stayed here with you, yielding him that obedience which a true 
 soldier oweth unto his general and captain, living as brethren, one 
 with another, without all dissension ; and, in so doing, GOD w ill 
 assist you and bless your enterprises" 
 
 Having ended his exhortations, we took our leaves of each of 
 them, and sailed towards our ships, calling the fort by the name 
 of Charles Fort,* and the river by the name of Chenonceau. The 
 next day, we determined to depart from this place, being as well 
 contented as was possible that we had so happily ended our 
 business, with good hope, if occasion would permit, to discover 
 perfectly the River of "Jordan (the Combahee, of South Carolina). 
 For this cause, we hoisted our sails, about ten of the clock in 
 the morning; after we were ready to depart, Captain RIBAULT 
 commanded to shoot off our ordnance, to give a farewell unto 
 our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on their part. 
 This being done, we sailed toward the north, and then we 
 
 * It was named in compliment to CHARLES IX, king of France, who had given the 
 Huguenots permission to effect a settlement in Florida. All the explorations hereto 
 fore made concur in placing this fort between Broad River and North Edisto, in South 
 Carolina, and on the site of the present town of Beaufort. The Grande Ri-viere of th 
 French is no other than the Broad River of South Carolina. 
 
T g8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. named this river Port Royal, because of the largeness and excel 
 lent fairness of the same. After that we had sailed about fifteen 
 leagues from thence, we espied a river, whereupn we sent our 
 pinnace thither to discover it. At their return, they brought us 
 word that they found not past half a fathom water in the mouth 
 thereof, which, when we understood, without doing anything 
 else, we continued our way, and called it the Base, or Shallow 
 River. As we still went on sounding, we found not past five 
 or six fathoms water, although we were six good leagues from 
 the shore. At length, we found not past three fathoms, which 
 gave us occasion greatly to muse, and, without making any 
 further way, we struck our sails, partly because we wanted 
 water, and partly because the night approached. During which 
 time, Captain JOHN RIBAULT bethought with himself, whether 
 it were best for him to pass any farther, because of the immin 
 ent dangers which, every hour, we saw before our eyes, or 
 whether he should content himself with that which he had cer 
 tainly discovered, and, also, left men to inhabit the country. 
 Being not able, for that time, to resolve with himself, he referred 
 it until the next day. The morning being come, he proposed to 
 all the company what was best to be done, to the end that, 
 with good advisement, every man might deliver his opinion. 
 Some made answer, that, according to their judgment, he had 
 occasion fully to content himself, considering that he could do 
 no more; laying before his eyes, that he had discovered more 
 in six weeks than the Spaniards had done in two years in the 
 conquest of their New Spain, and that he should do the King 
 very great service, if he did bring him news, in so short a time, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I( ^ 
 
 of his happy discovery. Others showed unto him the loss and 1562. 
 spoil of his victuals, and, on the other side, the inconvenience 
 that might happen by the shallow water that they found con 
 tinually along the coast. Which things being well and at large 
 debated, we resolved to leave the coast, forsaking the north, to 
 take our way toward the east, which is the* right way and course 
 to our France, where we happily arrived the 2Oth day of July, 
 1562. 
 
200 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1562. 
 
 U R men, after our departure, never 
 rested, but, night and day, did fortify 
 themselves, being in good hope that, 
 after Charles Fort was finished, they 
 would begin to discover farther up 
 within the river. It happened, one 
 
 day, as certain of them were cutting of roots in the groves, 
 that they espied, on the sudden, an Indian that hunted the deer, 
 which, finding himself so near upon them, was much dismayed, 
 but our men began to draw near unto him, and to use him so 
 courteously, that he became assured, and followed them to 
 Charles Fort^ where every man sought to do him pleasure. 
 Captain ALBERT was very joyful of his coming, which, after he 
 had given him a shirt, and some other trifles, he asked him of 
 his dwelling; the Indian answered him, that it was farther up 
 within the river, and that he was vassal of King AUDUSTA; he 
 also showed him, with his hand, the limits of his habitation. 
 After much other talk, the Indian desired leave to depart, 
 because it drew toward night, which Captain ALBERT granted 
 him very willingly. Certain days after, the captain determined 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2OI 
 
 to sail towards Audusta, where, being arrived, by reason of the 1562, 
 honest entertainment which he had given to the Indian, he 
 was so courteously received, that the king talked with him of 
 nothing else but of the desire which he had to become his 
 friend, giving him, besides, to understand, that he, being his 
 friend and ally, he should have the amity of four other kings, 
 which, in might and authority, were able to do much for his 
 sake. Besides all this, in his necessity, they might be able 
 to succor him with victuals. One of these kings was called 
 WAYON, another, HOYA, the third, TOUPPA, and the fourth, 
 STALAME. He told them, moreover, that he would be very 
 glad when they should understand the news of his coming, and, 
 therefore, he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The 
 captain willingly consented unto him, for the desire that he had 
 to purchase friends in that place. Therefore, they departed the 
 next morning, very early, and first arrived at the house of King 
 TOUPPA, and, afterwards, went into the other kings houses, 
 except the house of King STALAME. He received, of each of 
 them, all the amiable courtesies that might be; they showed 
 themselves to be as affectioned friends unto him as was possible, 
 and offered unto him a thousand small presents. After that he 
 had remained by the space of certain days with these strange 
 kings, he determined to take his leave, and, being come back to 
 the house of AUDUSTA, he commanded all his men to go aboard 
 their pinnaces, for he was minded to go towards the country of 
 King STALAME, which dwelt toward the north, the distance of 
 fifteen great leagues from Charles Fort. Therefore, as they sailed 
 
 up the river, they entered into a great current, which they fol- 
 
 26 
 
202 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. lowed so far, till they came at the last to the house of STALAME, 
 which brought him into his lodging, where he sought to make 
 them the best cheer he could devise. He presented, imme 
 diately, unto Captain ALBERT, his bows and arrows, which is a 
 sign and confirmation of alliance between them. He presented 
 him with chamois-skins. The captain, seeing the best part of 
 the day was now past, took his leave of King STALAME to 
 return to Charles Fort, where he arrived the day following. 
 By this time, the friendship had grown so great between our 
 men and King AUDUSTA, that, in a manner, all things were 
 common between him and them, in such sort, that this good 
 Indian king did nothing of importance but he called our men 
 thereunto; for, when the time drew near of the celebrating the 
 feasts of Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he 
 sent ambassadors to our men, to request them, on his behalf, to 
 be there present. Whereupon they agreed, most willingly, for 
 the desire that they had to understand what this might be. 
 They embarked themselves, therefore, and sailed towards the 
 king s house, which was already come forth on the way towards 
 them, to receive them courteously, to bid them welcome, and 
 bring them to his house, where he sought to entreat them the 
 best he might. In the meanwhile, the Indians prepared them 
 selves to celebrate the feast the morrow after, and the king 
 brought them to see the place, wherein the feast should be kept, 
 where they saw many women round about, which labored, by 
 all means, to make the place clean and neat. This place was 
 a great circuit of ground, with open prospect, and round in 
 figure. On the morrow, therefore, early in the morning, all 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 20 3 
 
 they which were chosen to celebrate the feast, being painted and 1562. 
 trimmed with rich feathers, of divers colors, put themselves on 
 the way to go from the king s house toward the place of Toya; 
 whereunto, when they were come, they set themselves in order, 
 and followed three Indians, which, in painting and in gesture, 
 were differing from the rest ; each of them bear a tabret in their 
 hand, dancing and singing a lamentable tune, when they began 
 to enter into the midst of the round circuit, being followed of 
 others which answered them again. After that they had sung, 
 danced, and turned three times, they fell on running, like un 
 bridled horses, through the midst of the thickest woods. And 
 then the Indian women continued, all the rest of the day, in 
 tears as sad and woeful as was possible, and, in such rage, they 
 cut the arms of the young girls, which they lanced so cruelly 
 with sharp shells of mussels, that the blood followed, which they 
 flung into the air, crying out, three times, "He Toya!" 
 
 The King AUDUSTA had gathered all our men into his house, 
 while the feast was celebrated, and was exceedingly offended 
 when he saw them laugh. This he did, because the Indians are 
 very angry when they are seen in their ceremonies. Notwith 
 standing, one of our men made such shift, that, by subtle 
 means, he got out of the house of AUDUSTA, and secretly went 
 and hid himself behind a very thick bush, where, at his pleasure, 
 he might easily descry the ceremonies of the feast. They three 
 that began the feast, are named lawas, and they are, as it were, 
 three priests of the Indian law, to whom they give credit and 
 belief, partly because, that, by kindred, they are ordained to be 
 over their sacrifices, and partly, also, because they be so subtle 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. magicians, that anything that is lost is straightway recovered by 
 their means. Again, they are not reverenced for these things, 
 but, also, because they heal diseases by I wot not what kind of 
 knowledge and skill they have. Those that ran so through the 
 woods, returned two days after; after their return, they began 
 to dance with a cheerful courage, in the midst of the fair place, 
 and to cheer up their good old Indian fathers, which, either by 
 reason of their too great age, or by reason of their natural indis 
 position and feebleness, were not called to the feast. When all 
 these dances were ended, they fell to eating with such a greedi 
 ness, that they seemed rather to devour their meat than to eat it, 
 for they had neither eaten nor drank the day of the feast, nor the 
 two days following. Our men were not forgotten at this good 
 cheer, for the Indians sent for them all thither, showing them 
 selves very glad of their presence. While they remained a cer 
 tain time with the Indians, a man of ours got a young boy, 
 for certain trifles, and enquired of him what the Indians did in 
 the woods during their absence, which boy made him under 
 stand, by signs, that lawas had made invocations to Toya, and 
 that, by magical characters, they had made him come that they 
 might speak with him, and demand divers strange things of him, 
 which, for fear of the lawas, he durst not utter. They have, 
 also, many other ceremonies, which I will not here rehearse, 
 for fear of molesting the reader with a matter of so small 
 importance. When the feast, therefore, was finished, our men 
 returned unto Charles Fort, where, having remained but awhile, 
 their victuals began to wax short, which forced them to have 
 recourse unto their neighbors, and to pray them to succor them 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 2 C5 
 
 in their necessity, which gave them part of all the victuals l $6~ 
 which they had, and kept no more unto themselves than would 
 serve to sow their fields. They told them, further, that, for 
 this cause, it was needful for them to retire themselves into the 
 woods, to live on mash and roots until the time of harvest, 
 being as sorry as might be that they were not able any further 
 to aid them. They gave them, also, counsel to go toward the 
 countries of King COUEXIS, a man of might and renown in this 
 province, which maketh his abode toward the south, abounding, 
 at all seasons, and replenished with such quantity of mill, corn 
 and beans, that, by his only succor, they might be able to 
 live a very long time. But, before they should come into his 
 territories, they were to repair unto a king, called OUDE, the 
 brother of COUEXIS, which, in mill, corn, and beans, was no less 
 wealthy, and, withal, is very liberal, and which would be very joy 
 ful if he might but once see them. Our men, perceiving the 
 good relation which the Indians made them of those two kings, 
 resolved to go thither, for they felt already the necessity which 
 oppressed them. Therefore, they made request unto King 
 MACCOA, that it would please him to give them one of his 
 subjects to guide them the right way thither, whereupon he 
 condescended, very willingly, knowing that, without his favor, 
 they should have much ado to bring their enterprise to pass. 
 Wherefore, after they had given orders for all things necessary 
 for the voyage, they put themselves to sea, and sailed so far, 
 that, in the end, they came into the country Ouade, which they 
 found to be in the river Belle* Being there arrived, they 
 
 The river Belle, of the French commander, is now the river May, of South Carolina. 
 
206 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. perceived a company of Indians, which, as soon as they knew 
 of their being there, came before them. As soon as they 
 were come near them, their guides showed them, by signs, 
 that OUDA was in this company, wherefore, our men Set for 
 ward to salute him. And then, two of his sons, which were 
 with him, being goodly and strong men, saluted them again 
 in very good sort, and used very friendly entertainment on their 
 part. 
 
 The king immediately began to make an oration, in his Indian 
 language, of the great pleasure and contentment which he had to 
 see them in that place, protesting that he would become so loyal 
 a friend of theirs hereafter, that he would be their faithful 
 defender against all them that would offer to be their enemies. 
 After these speeches, he led them towards his house, where he 
 sought to treat them very courteously. His house was hung 
 around with tapestry of feathers, of divers colors, the heighth of 
 a pike. Moreover, the place where the king took his rest was 
 covered with white coverlets, embroidered with devices of very 
 witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round about with a 
 fringe, dyed in the color of scarlet. They advertised the king, 
 by one of the guides which they had brought with them how 
 that (having heard of this great liberality) they had put to sea to 
 come to beseech him to succor them with victuals in their great 
 want and necessity; and that, in so doing, he should bind them 
 all, hereafter, to remain his faithful friends and loyal defenders 
 against all his enemies. This good Indian, as soon ready to do 
 them pleasure as they were to demand it, commanded his sub 
 jects that they should fill our pinnaces with mill and beans. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2O7 
 
 Afterward, he caused them to bring him six pieces of his 1562, 
 tapistry, made like little coverlets, and gave them to our men, 
 with so liberal a mind, as they easily perceived the desire which 
 he had to become their friend. 
 
208 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 I r 62. Igpf^^^^^^^l N recompense of all these gifts, our men 
 
 gave him two cutting-hooks, and certain 
 other trifles, wherewith he held himselt 
 greatly satisfied. This being done, our 
 men took leave of the king, which, for 
 
 their farewell, said nothing else but that they should return if 
 they wanted victuals, and that they might assure themselves of 
 him, that they should never want anything that was in his power. 
 Wherefore, they embarked themselves, and sailed towards Charles 
 Fort, which, from this place, might be some five-and-twenty 
 leagues distant. But, as soon as our men thought themselves 
 at their ease, and free from the dangers whereunto they had 
 exposed themselves, night and day, in gathering together of 
 victuals here and there ; lo ! even as they were asleep, the fire 
 caught in their lodgings with such fury being increased by the 
 wind that the room that was built for them before our men s 
 departure, was consumed in an instant, without being able to 
 save anything, saving a little of their victuals. Whereupon our 
 men, being far from all succors, found themselves in such 
 extremity, that, without the aid of Almighty God, the only 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA 
 
 2C>9 
 
 searcher of the hearts and thoughts of men, which never for- 
 saketh those that seek him in their affliction, they had been 
 quite and clean out of all hope. For, the next day, betimes in 
 the morning, the King AUDUSTA and King MACCOU came 
 thither, accompanied with a very good company of Indians, 
 which, knowing the misfortune, were very sorry for it ; and 
 then they uttered unto their subjects the speedy diligence which 
 they were to use in building another house, showing unto them 
 that the Frenchmen were their loving friends, and that they had 
 made it evident unto them by the gifts and presents which they 
 had received; protesting that whosoever put not his helping 
 hand unto the work with all his might, should be esteemed as 
 unprofitable, and as one that had no good part in him, which the 
 savages fear above all things. This was the occasion that every 
 man began to endeavor himself in such sort, that, in less than 
 twelve hours, they had begun and finished a house, which was 
 very near as great as the former. Which, being ended, they 
 returned home, fully contented with a few cutting-hooks and 
 hatchets, which they received from our men. Within a small 
 while after this mischance, their victuals began to wax short, 
 and, after our men had taken good deliberation, thought and 
 bethought themselves again, they found that there was no better 
 way for them than to return again to the King OUADE, and 
 COUEXIS, his brother. Wherefore, they resolved to send thither 
 some of their company the next day following, which, with an 
 Indian canoe, sailed up into the country about ten leagues; 
 afterward, they found a very fair and great river, of fresh water, 
 
 which they failed not to search out ; they found, therein, a great 
 
 27 
 
2io HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1502. number of crocodiles, which, in greatness, pass those of the 
 river Nilus (Nile). Moreover, all along the banks thereof, there 
 grow mighty high cypresses. After they had staid a small 
 while in this place, they purposed to follow their journey, help 
 ing themselves so well with the tides, that, without putting 
 themselves in danger of the continual perils of the sea, they 
 came unto the country of OUADE, of whom they were most 
 courteously received. They advertised him of the occasion 
 wherefore they came again to visit him, and told him of the 
 mischance which happened unto them since their last voyages ; 
 how they had not only lost their household stuff by casuality of 
 fire, but also their victuals which he had given them so bounti 
 fully ; that, for this cause, they were so bold as to come once 
 again unto him, to beseech him to vouchsafe to succor them in 
 such need and necessity. 
 
 After that the king had understood their cause, he sent mes 
 sengers unto his brother COUEXIS, to request him, upon his 
 behalf, to send him some of his mill and beans, which thing he 
 did, and, the next morning, they were come again with victuals, 
 which the king caused to be borne into their canoe. Our men 
 would have taken their leave of him, finding themselves more 
 than satisfied with their liberality ; but, for that day, he would 
 not suffer them, but retained them, and sought to make them 
 the best cheer he could devise. The next day, very early in the 
 morning, he took them with him to show them the place where 
 his corn grew, and said unto them, that they should not want 
 as long as all that mill did last. After that, he gave them a 
 certain number of exceeding fair pearls, and two stones of fine 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 211 
 
 crystal, and certain silver ore. Our men forgot not to give him 1562. 
 certain trifles in recompense of these presents, and inquired of 
 him the place whence the silver ore and the crystal came. He 
 made them answer, that it came ten days journey from his 
 habitation, up within the country ; and that the inhabitants of 
 the country did dig the same at the foot of certain high moun 
 tains, where they found of it in very good quantity. Being 
 joyful to understand so good news, and to have come to the 
 knowledge of that which they most desired, they took their 
 leave of the king, and returned by the same way by which they 
 came. 
 
 Behold, therefore, how our men behaved themselves very 
 well hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. 
 But misfortune, or rather the just judgment of GOD would have 
 it, that those which could not be overcome by fire nor water, 
 should be undone by their own selves. This is the common 
 fashion of men, which cannot continue in one state, and had 
 rather to overthrow themselves, than not to attempt some new 
 thing daily. We have infinite examples in the ancient histories, 
 especially of the Romans, unto which number this little handful 
 of men, being far from their country, and absent from their 
 countrymen, have also added this present example. They 
 entered, therefore, into partialities and dissensions, which began 
 about a soldier, named GUERNACHE, which was a drummer of 
 the French bands, which, as it was told me, was very cruelly 
 hanged by his own captain, and for a small fault ; which captain 
 also using to threaten the rest of his soldiers which staid behind 
 under his obedience, and, peradventure (as it is to be presumed), 
 
212 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. were not so obedient to him as they should have been, was the 
 cause that they fell into a mutiny, because that, many times, he 
 put his threatenings in execution, whereupon they so chased 
 him, that, at last, they put him to death. And the principal 
 occasion that moved them thereunto was because he degraded 
 another soldier, named LE CHERE (which he had banished), 
 and because he had not performed his promise; for he had 
 promised to send him victuals, from eight days to eight days, 
 which thing he did not, but said, on the contrary, that he would 
 be glad to hear of his death. He said, moreover, that he would 
 chastise others also, and used so evil-sounding speeches, that 
 honesty forbiddeth me to repeat them. The soldiers, seeing his 
 manners to increase from day to day, and fearing to fall into the 
 dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. Having executed 
 their purpose, they went to seek the soldier that was banished, 
 which was in a small island, distant from Charles Fort about 
 three leagues, where they found him almost half dead for 
 hunger. When they were come home again, they assembled 
 themselves together, to choose one to be governor over them, 
 whose name was NICHOLAS BARRE, a man worthy of commen 
 dation, and one who knew so well to quit himself of his charge, 
 that all rancor and dissension ceased among them, and they lived 
 peaceably, one with another. During this time, they began to 
 build a final pinnace, with hope to return into France, if no 
 succors came unto them, as they expected from day to day. 
 And though there were no man among them that had any skill, 
 notwithstanding, necessity, which is the mistress of all sciences, 
 taught them the way to build it. After that it was finished, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 213 
 
 they thought of nothing else saving how to furnish it with all 1562. 
 things necessary to undertake the voyage. But they wanted 
 those things, that, of all others, were most needful, as cordage 
 and sails, without which the enterprise could not come to effect. 
 Having no means to recover these things, they were in worse 
 case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into despair; but 
 that good GOD, which never forsaketh the afflicted, did succor 
 them in their necessity. 
 
 As they were in these perplexities, King AUDUSTA, and 
 MACCOU, came to them, accompanied with two hundred Indians, 
 at the least, whom our Frenchmen went forth to meet withal, 
 and showed the king in what need of cordage they stood, who 
 promised them to return within two days, and bring as much as 
 should suffice to furnish the pinnace with tacking. 
 
 Our men being pleased with these good news and promises, 
 bestowed upon them certain cutting-hooks, and shirts. After 
 their departure, our men sought all means to recover rosin in 
 the woods, wherein they cut the pine trees round about, out of 
 which they drew sufficient reasonable quantity to bray the 
 vessel. Also, they gathered a kind of moss, which groweth on 
 the trees of this country, to serve to caulk the same withal. 
 There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their 
 own shirts, and of their sheets. Within a few days after, the 
 Indian kings returned to Charles Fort, with so good store of 
 cordage, that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small 
 pinnace. One man, as glad as might be, used great liberality 
 towards them, and, at their leaving of the country, left them all 
 the merchandize that remained, leaving them, thereby, so fully 
 
214 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 562. satisfied, that they departed from them with all the contentation 
 of the world. They went forward, therefore, to finish the 
 brigantine, and used so speedy diligence, that, within a short 
 time afterward, they made it ready furnished with all things. 
 In the mean season, the wind came so fit for their purpose, that 
 it seemed to invite them to put to the sea, which they did with 
 out delay, after they had set all things in order; but, before they 
 departed, they embarked their artillery, their forage, and other 
 munitions of war, which Captain RIBAULT had left them, and 
 then as much mill as they could gather together. But, being 
 drunken with the too excellent joy which they had conceived 
 for their returning into France, or rather, deprived of all fore 
 sight and consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the 
 winds, which changed in a moment, they put themselves to sea, 
 and, with so slender victuals, that the end of their enterprise 
 became unlucky and unfortunate. For, after they had sailed 
 the third part of their way, they were surprised with calms, 
 which did so much hinder them, that, in three weeks, they 
 sailed not above five-and-twenty leagues. During this time, 
 their victuals consumed, and became so short that every man 
 was constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by the day, 
 which may be in value as much as twelve pesos. Yea, and 
 this felicity lasted not long, for their victuals failed them alto 
 gether at once, and they had nothing for their more assured 
 refuge but their shoes and leather jerkins, which they did eat. 
 Touching their beverage, some of them drank the sea-water, 
 others did drink their own brine, and they remained in such 
 desperate necessity a very long space, during the which part of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 them died for hunger. Beside this extreme famine which did 1 562. 
 so grievously oppress them, they fell, every minute of an hour, 
 out of all hope ever to see France again, insomuch that they 
 were constrained to cast the water continually out, that, on all 
 sides, entered into their bark. And, every day, they fared 
 worse and worse ; for, after they had eaten up their boots and 
 their leather jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind, and so 
 contrary to their course, that, in the turning of a hand, the 
 waves rilled their vessels half full of water, and bruised it upon 
 the one side. 
 
 Being now more out of hope than ever to escape out of this 
 extreme peril, they cared not for the casting out of the water, 
 which now was almost ready to drown them. And, as men 
 resolved to die, every one fell down backward, and gave them 
 selves over altogether unto the will of the waves. Whereas 
 one of them, a little having taken heart unto him, declared 
 unto them how little way they had to sail, assuring them that if 
 the wind held, they should see land within three days. This 
 man did so encourage them, that, after they had thrown the 
 water out of the pinnace, they remained three days without eat 
 ing or drinking except it were of the sea-water. When the 
 time of his promise was expired, they were more troubled than 
 they were before, seeing they could not descry any land ; 
 wherefore, in this extreme despair, certain among them made 
 this motion: that it was better that one man should die, than 
 that so many men should perish. They agreed, therefore, that 
 one should die, to sustain the others which thing was executed 
 in the person of LE CHERE, of whom we have spoken hereto- 
 
2i 6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. fore, whose flesh was divided equally among his fellows a thing 
 so pitiful to recite, that my pen is loth to write it. 
 
 After so long time and tedious travels, GOD, of his goodness, 
 using his accustomed favor, changed their sorrows into joy, and 
 showed unto them the sight of land ; whereof they were so 
 exceeding glad, that the pleasure caused them to remain a long 
 time, as men without sense, whereby they let the pinnace float 
 this and that way, without holding any right way or course. 
 But a small English bark boarded the vessel, in the which there 
 was a Frenchman which had been in the first voyage into 
 Florida, who easily knew him, and spake unto them, and after 
 ward gave them meat and drink. Incontinently, they recovered 
 their natural courage, and declared unto him, at large, all their 
 navigation. The Englishmen consulted a long while what were 
 best to be done; and, in fine, they resolved to put on land 
 those that were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the 
 Queen of England, which purposed at that time to send into 
 Florida. Thus, you see, in brief, that which happened to them 
 which Captain JOHN RIBAULT had left in Florida. 
 
 And, now, will I go forward with the discourse of mine own 
 voyage. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 2I 7 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SECOND EXPEDITION. 
 
 F T E R our arrival at Dieppe, at our 
 coming home from our first voyage 
 (which was the 2Oth of July, 1562), 
 we found that civil war had begun, 
 which was, in part, the cause why our 
 men were not succored, as Captain JOHN RIBAULT had prom 
 ised them ; whereof, it followed that Captain ALBERT was 
 killed by his soldiers, and the country abandoned, as heretofore 
 we have sufficiently discoursed, and as it may more at large be 
 understood by those men which were there in person. After 
 the peace was made in France, my Lord Admiral DE CHAS- 
 TILLON showed unto the King, that he heard no news at all of 
 the men which Captain JOHN RIBAULT had left in Florida, and 
 that it were a pity to suffer them to perish. In which respect 
 the King was content he should cause three ships to be fur 
 nished the one of six-score tons, the other of one hundred, 
 and the third of sixty, to seek them out, and to succor them.* 
 
 * On the return of M. RIBAULT to France, in 1562., to obtain supplies and rein 
 forcements for the colony he had established in Florida, he found the kingdom in 
 such a distracted condition, that it was impracticable to return. The death of the 
 
 28 
 
21 8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1562. My Lord Admiral, therefore, being well informed of the faith 
 
 ful service which I had done as well unto his Majesty as to his 
 predecessors, Kings of France, advised the King how able I 
 was to do him service in this voyage, which was the cause that 
 he made me (RENE LAUDONNIERE)* chief captain over these 
 three ships, and charged me to depart with diligence to perform 
 his commandment, which, for mine own part, I would not gain 
 say, but rather thinking myself happy to have been chosen out 
 of among such an infinite number of others, which, in my judg 
 ment, were very well able to have acquitted themselves in this 
 charge. 
 
 I embarked myself at New Haven, the 22d of April, 1564, 
 and sailed, so that we fell near upon the coast of England; and 
 then I turned towards the south, to sail directly to the Fortunate 
 Islands, at this present time called the Canaries, one of which, 
 called the Isle Savage (because, as I think, it is altogether with- 
 
 Duke of GUISE, soon after, restored peace to France, and Admiral COLIGNY seized the 
 opportunity to urge upon the King the importance of sending immediate relief to the 
 colony 5 and, as the civil war had thrown upon the kingdom a great number of idle 
 persons who were anxious to emigrate, the King ordered another expedition to be fitted 
 out, and gave the command of it to M. LAUDONNIERE, who had accompanied M. 
 RIBAULT in the first expedition. On the 22d of June, 1564, he arrived on the coast 
 of Florida, and, on the 25th, landed at the mouth of the river May (now called St. 
 Johns}. He afterwards proceeded up the river, to a place now called St. Johns Bluff^ 
 and built a fort 5 on the right was the bluff, on the left a marsh, in front of the 
 river, and, in the rear, extensive forests of the indigenous trees of the country. The 
 remains of this fort are still to be traced, and was named Caroline. It was the second 
 fort built by the French in Florida, as a sign of the jurisdiction of France in North 
 America, forty-three years before the first settlement of the English at James Town, 
 Virginia, and sixty-six years before the English Puritans arrived in the May Floiver, 
 at Plymouth, Massachussets. 
 
 * CHARLEVOIX describes M. LAUDONNIERE as " Un gentlehomme de merite bon 
 officier de marine et qui avoit meme servi sur terre avec distinction." 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 2 JQ 
 
 out inhabitants), was the first that our ships passed. Sailing, 
 therefore, on forward, we landed the next day in the Isle of 
 Teneriffa, otherwise called the Pike, because that, in the midst, 
 thereof, there is an exceeding high mountain, near as high as 
 that of Etna, which riseth up like a pike, into the top whereof 
 no man can go up, but from the midst of May until the midst 
 of August, by reason of the over great cold which is there all 
 the year, which is a wonderful strange thing, considering that it 
 is not past twenty-seven and a half degrees distant from the 
 Equator. We saw it all covered over with snow, although it 
 were then but the fifth of May. The inhabitants in this isle, 
 being, heretofore, pursued by the Spaniards, retired themselves 
 into this mountain, where, for a space, they made war with 
 them, and would not submit themselves to their obedience, 
 neither by foul nor fair means; they disdained so much the loss 
 of their island. For those which went thither, on the Spaniard s 
 behalf, left their carcasses there, so that not so much as one of 
 them returned home to bring the news. Notwithstanding, in the 
 end, the inhabitants, not able to live in that place according to 
 their nature, or for want of such things as were necessary for 
 the commodity of their livelihood, did all die there. After I 
 had furnished myself with some fresh water very good and 
 excellent, which sprang out of a rock at the foot of this moun 
 tain I continued my course toward the west, wherein the 
 winds favored me so well, that, fifteen days after, our ships 
 arrived safe and sound at the Antilles; and, going on land at the 
 Isle of Martinlca one of the fiist of them the next day we 
 arrived at Dominica, twelve leagues distant from the former. 
 
22O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. Dominica is one of the fairest islands of the west, full of hills, 
 
 and of very good smell, whose singularities desiring to know as 
 we passed, and seeking, also, to refresh ourselves with fresh 
 water, I made the mariners cast anchor; two Indians (inhabitants 
 of that place) sailed toward us, in two canoes, full of fruit of 
 great excellence, which they call ananas. As they approached 
 unto our bark, there was one of them, which, being in some 
 misdoubt of us, went back again on land, and fled his way with 
 as much speed as he could possibly, which our men perceived, 
 and entered with diligence into the other canoe, wherein they 
 caught the poor Indian, and brought him unto me. But the 
 poor fellow become so astonished in beholding us, that he knew 
 not which way to behave himself; because that (as afterward 
 I understood) he feared that he was fallen into the Spaniard s 
 hands, of whom he had been taken once before, and which, as 
 he showed us, had cut off his stones. At length, this poor 
 Indian was secure of us, and discoursed unto us of many things, 
 whereof we received very small pleasure, because we understood 
 not his mind but by his signs. Then he desired me to give 
 him leave to depart, and promised me that he would bring me 
 a thousand presents, whereunto I agreed, on condition that he 
 would have patience until the next day ; when I purposed to 
 go on land, where I suffered him to depart, after I had given 
 him a shirt, and certain small trifles, wherewith he departed, 
 very well contented, from us. 
 
 The place where we went on shore was hard by a very high 
 rock, out of which there ran a little river of sweet and excellent 
 good water, by which river we staid certain days, to discover 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 221 
 
 the things which were worthy to be seen, and trafficked daily 
 with the Indians, which, above all things, besought us that none 
 of our men should come near their lodgings, nor their gardens, 
 otherwise that we should give them great cause of jealousy, 
 and that, in so doing, we should not want of their fruit, which 
 they call ananas, whereof they offered us very liberally, receiv 
 ing, in recompense, certain things of small value. This, not 
 withstanding, it happened, that, on a day, certain of our men, 
 desirous to see some new things in these strange countries, 
 walked through the woods, and, following still the little river s 
 side, they spied two serpents, of exceeding bigness, which went 
 side by side athwart the way. My soldiers went before them, 
 thinking to let them from going into the woods; but the ser 
 pents, nothing at all astonished at these gestures, glanced into 
 the bushes with fearful hissings ; yet, for all that, my men drew 
 their swords and killed them, and found them, afterward, nine 
 great feet long, and as big as a man s leg. During this combat, 
 certain others more indiscrete, went and gathered ananas in the 
 Indians gardens, trampling through them without any discre 
 tion; and not, therewithal, contented, they went toward their 
 dwellings, whereat the Indians were so much offended, that, 
 without regarding anything, they rushed upon them and dis 
 charged their shot, so that they hit one of my men, named 
 MARTINE CHAUEAU, which remained behind. We could not 
 know whether he were killed on the place, or whether he 
 were taken prisoner, for those of his company had enough 
 to do to save themselves, without thinking of their companion. 
 Whereof Monsieur DE OTTIGNI, my lieutenant, being adver- 
 
222 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. tised, sent unto me to know whether I thought good that he 
 should lay an ambush for the Indians, which had either taken 
 or killed our man, or whether he should go directly to their 
 dwellings to know the truth. I sent unto him, after good 
 deliberation hereupon, that he should not attempt anything, and 
 that for divers occasions; but, contrariwise, that he should 
 embark himself with all diligence, and consequently all they 
 that were on land, which he did with speed. But, as he sailed 
 toward our ships, he perceived, along the shore, a great number 
 of Indians, which began to charge them with their arrows; he, 
 for his part, discharged store of shot against them, yet was not 
 able to hurt them, or, by any means, to surprise them, for 
 which cause he quite forsook them, and came unto our ship. 
 While staying until the next day morning, we set sail, follow 
 ing our wonted course, and, keeping the same, we discovered 
 divers isles, conquered by the Spaniards, as the Isles of St. Chris 
 topher^ and of the Saints of Montserrate, and La Redonda. After 
 ward, we passed between Angullla and Anegarda, sailing toward 
 New France, where we arrived fifteen days after, to wit : on 
 Thursday, the 22d of June, about three of the clock in the 
 afternoon, and landed at a little river, which is thirty degrees 
 distant from the Equator, and ten leagues above Cape Francois, 
 drawing toward the south, and about thirty leagues above the 
 River of May. 
 
 After we had struck sail and cast anchor athwart the river, 
 I determined to go on shore to discover the same. Therefore, 
 being accompanied with Mons. DE OTTIGNI, with M. ARLAC, 
 mine ensign, and a certain number of gentlemen and soldiers, I 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 22 3 
 
 embarked myself about three or four of the clock in the even- 
 ing. And being arrived at the mouth of the river, I caused the 
 channel to be sounded, which was found to be very shallow, 
 although that, further within the same, the water was there 
 found reasonable deep, which separateth itself into two great 
 arms, whereof one runneth toward the south, and the other 
 toward the north. Having thus searched the river, I went 
 on land to speak with the Indians, which waited for us upon 
 the shore, which, at our coming on land, came before us, crying, 
 with a loud voice, in their Indian language, Antipola Bonassou! 
 which is as much as to say, brother, friend, or some such like 
 thing. After they had made very much of us, they showed us 
 their paracoussy that is to say, thejr king, or governor, to whom 
 I presented certain toys, wherewith he was well pleased. And, 
 for mine own part, I praised GOD, continually, for the great love 
 which I have found in these savages, which were sorry for 
 nothing, but that the night approached, and made us retire unto 
 our ships. For, though they endeavored, by all means, to make 
 us tarry with them, and showed, by signs, the desire that they 
 had to present us with some rare things, yet, nevertheless, for 
 many just and reasonable occasions, I would not stay on shore 
 all night, but, excusing myself for all their offers, I embarked 
 myself again, and returned toward my ships. Howbeit, before 
 my departure, I named this river, the River of Dolphins, because 
 that, at mine arrival, I saw there a great number of dolphins, 
 which were playing in the mouth thereof. The next day, the 
 23d of this month (because that, toward the south, I had not 
 found any commodious place for us to inhabit and to build a 
 
224 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 564 fort), I gave commandment to weigh anchor, and to hoist our 
 sails to sail toward the River of May, where we arrived two 
 days after, and cast anchor. Afterward, going on land with 
 some number of gentlemen and soldiers, to know for a certainty 
 the singularities of this place, we espied the paracoussy of the 
 country, which came toward us (this was the very same that we 
 saw in the voyage of Captain JOHN RIBAULT), which, having 
 espied us, cried, very far off, ^ntipola ! Antipola! and, being so 
 joyful that he could not contain himself, he came to meet us, 
 accompaned with two of his sons, as fair and mighty persons as 
 might be found in all the world, which had nothing in their 
 mouths but this word amy, amy ; that is to say, friend, friend; 
 yea, and knowing those which were there in the first voyage, 
 they went principally to them to use this speech unto them. 
 There was in their train a great number of men and women, 
 which still made very much of us, and, by evident signs, made 
 us understand how glad they were of our arrival. 
 
 This good entertainment past, the paracoussy prayed me to go 
 see the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of JOHN RIBAULT 
 (as we have declared heretofore}, as a thing which they made great 
 account of. Having yielded unto him, and being come to the place 
 where it was set up, we found the same crowned with crowns of bay, 
 and, at the foot thereof, many little baskets full of mill, which they 
 call, in their language, tapaga tapola. Then, when they came 
 thither, they kissed the same with great reverence, and besought us 
 to do the like, which we would not deny them, to the end we might 
 draw them to be more in friendship with us. This done, the para 
 coussy took me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 2 2$ 
 
 understand some great secret, and, by signs, showed me very 
 well up within the river the limits of his dominion, and said 
 that he was called Paracoussy SATOURIOUA, which is as much as 
 King SATOURIOUA. His children have the self same title of 
 paracoussy ; the eldest is named ATHORE a man, I dare say, 
 perfect in beauty, wisdom, and honest sobriety, showing, by his 
 modest gravity, that he deserveth the name which he beareth ; 
 besides that, he is gentle and tractable. After we had sojourned 
 a certain space with them, the paracoussy prayed one of his sons 
 to present unto me a wedge of silver, which he did, and that 
 with a good will, in recompense, whereof, I gave him a cutting- 
 hook, and some other better present, wherewith he seemed to 
 be very well pleased. 
 
 29 
 
226 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 564. 
 
 FTERWARD, we took our leave of 
 them, because the night approached, and 
 I then returned to lodge in our ships. 
 Being allured with this good entertain 
 ment, I failed not, the next day, to em 
 bark myself again with my lieutenant, OTTIGNI, and a number 
 of soldiers, to return toward the paracoussy of the River of May, 
 which, of purpose, waited for us in the same place, where, the 
 day before, we conferred with him. We found him under the 
 shadow of an arbor, accompanied with four-score Indians, at the 
 least, and appareled, at that time, after the Indian fashion, to 
 wit: with a great hart s skin, dressed like chamois, and painted 
 with devices of strange and divers colors, but of so lively a 
 portraiture, and representing antiquity, with rules so justly com 
 passed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could find fault 
 therewith; the natural disposition of this strange people is so 
 perfect and so well guided, that, without any aid and favor of 
 arts, they are able, by the help of nature only, to content the 
 eye of artisans, yea, even of those which, by their industry, are 
 able to aspire unto things most absolute. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 22 7 
 
 Then I advertised Paracoussy SATOURIOUA, that my desire 
 was to discover further up into the river, but that this should 
 be with such diligence, that I would come again unto him very 
 speedily; wherewith he was content, promising to stay for me 
 in the place where he was, and, for an earnest of his promise, 
 he offered me his goodly skin, which I refused then, and 
 promised to receive it of him at my return. For my part, I 
 gave him certain small trifles, to the intent to retain him in our 
 friendship. 
 
 Departing from thence, I had not sailed three leagues up the 
 river, still being followed by the Indians, which coasted me 
 along the river, crying, still, amy ! amy ! that is to say, friend, 
 friend ; but I discovered an hill of mean height, near which I 
 went on land, hard by the fields that were sowed with mill, at 
 one corner whereof there was an house built for their lodging, 
 which keep and guard the mill; for there are such numbers of 
 Cornish chough es in this country, which continually devour and 
 spoil the mill, that the Indians are constrained to keep and 
 watch it, otherwise they should be deceived of their harvest. 
 I rested myself in this place for certain hours, and commanded 
 Monsieur DE OTTIGNI, and my serjeant, to enter into the 
 woods to search out the dwellings of the Indians ; whereafter 
 they had gone awhile, they came unto a marsh of reeds, where, 
 finding their way to be stopped, they rested under the shadow 
 of a mighty bay tree to refresh themselves a little, and to resolve 
 which way to take. Then they discovered, as it were, on the 
 sudden, five Indians, half hidden in the woods, which seemed 
 somewhat to distrust our men, until they said unto them, in the 
 
228 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. Indian language, Antipola Bonassou, to the end that, understand 
 ing their speech, they might come unto us more boldly, which 
 they did incontinently. But, because they saw that the four 
 that went last bear up the train of the skin wherewith he that 
 went foremost was appareled, our men imagined that the fore 
 most must needs be some man of greater quality than the rest, 
 seeing that, withal, they called, paracoussy, paracoussy ; wherefore 
 some of our company went towards him, and, using him courte 
 ously, showed him M. DE OTTIGNI, their lieutenant, for whom 
 they had made an arbor, with bay and palm-boughs, after the 
 Indian fashion, to the end that, by such signs, the savages might 
 think the Frenchmen had companied with such as they at other 
 times. 
 
 The Indian paracoussy drew near to the French, and began 
 to make him a long oration, which tended to no other end, but 
 that he besought the Frenchmen, very earnestly, to come and 
 see his dwelling and his parents, which they granted him, and 
 straight, for pledge of better amity, he gave unto my lieutenant, 
 OTTIGNI, the very skin that he was clad with. Then he took 
 him by the hand, leading him right toward the marshes, over 
 which the paracoussy , M. DE OTTIGNI, and certain other of our 
 men, were borne upon the Indians shoulders ; and the rest, 
 which could not pass because of the mire and reeds, went 
 through the woods, and followed a narrow path which led them 
 forth until they came unto the; paracoussy s dwelling, out of 
 which there came about fifty Indians, to receive our men gal 
 lantly, and to feast them after their manner. After which, 
 they brought at their entrance a great vessel of earth, made after 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 a strange fashion, full of fountain water, clear, and very excel- 
 lent. This vessel was borne by an Indian, and there was 
 another younger, which bear of this water in another little 
 vessel of wood, and presented, thereof, to every one to drink, 
 observing, in doing the same, a certain order and reverence, 
 which he made to each of them to whom he gave drink. Our 
 thirst well quenched by this means, and our men being suf 
 ficiently refreshed, the paracoussy brought them to his father s 
 lodging, one of the oldest men that lived upon the earth. Our 
 men, regarding his age, began to make much of him, using this 
 speech, amy, amy, that is to say, friend, friend; whereat the old 
 sire showed himself very glad. Afterward, they questioned 
 with him concerning the course of his age: whereunto he made 
 answer, showing that he was the first living original, from 
 whence five generations were descended, as he showed unto 
 them by another old man that sat directly over against him, 
 which far exceeded him in age; and this man was his father, 
 which seemed to be rather a dead carcass than a living body ; 
 for his sinews, his veins, his arteries, his bones, and other parts, 
 appeared so clearly through his skin, that a man might easily 
 tell them, and discern them, one from another. Also, his age 
 was so great, that the good man had lost his sight, and could 
 only speak one word, but with exceeding great pain. M. 
 DE OTTIGNI having seen so strange a thing, turned to the 
 younger of these two old men, praying him to vouchsafe to 
 answer him to that which he demanded touching his age. Then 
 the old man called a company of Indians, and, striking twice 
 upon his thigh, and laying his hand upon two of them, he 
 
2 3 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. showed him, by signs, that these two were his sons; again 
 smiting upon their thighs, he showed him others, not so old, 
 which were the children of the first two; which he continued in 
 the same manner, until the fifth generation. But, though this 
 old man had his father alive, more old than himself, and that 
 both of them did wear their hair very long, and as white as pos 
 sible, yet it was told them, that they might yet live thirty or 
 forty years more, by the course of nature, although the younger 
 of them both was not less than two hundred and fifty years old ! 
 After he had ended his communication, he commanded two 
 young eagles to be given to our men, which he had bred up for 
 his pleasure in his house. He caused, also, little panniers, made 
 of palm-leaves, full of gourds, red and blue, to be delivered unto 
 them. For recompense of which presents, he was satisfied with 
 French toys. Their two old men caused our men to be guided 
 back again to the place from whence they came, by the young 
 paracoussy, which had brought them thither ; and, having taken 
 leave of the paracoussy, they came and sought me out in the 
 place where I staid, and rehearsed unto me all that they had 
 seen, praying me, also, that I would reward their guide, which 
 so frankly and heartily had received them into his house, which 
 I would not fail to do by any means. 
 
 Now was I determined to search out the qualities of the hill, 
 wherefore I went right to the top thereof, where we found 
 nothing else but cedar, palm, and bay trees, of so sovereign 
 odor, that balm smelleth nothing like in comparison. The trees 
 were environed round about with vines, bearing grapes in such 
 quantity, that the number would suffice to make the place 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 23! 
 
 habitable. Beside this fertility of the soil for vines, a man 
 may see esquine wreathed about the shrubs in great quantity. 
 Touching the pleasure of the place, the sea may be seen plain 
 and open from it ; and more than six great leagues off, near the 
 River Belle, a man may behold the meadows divided asunder into 
 isles and islets, interlacing one another; briefly, the place is so 
 pleasant, that those which are melancholic would be enforced to 
 change their humor. 
 
 After I had staid there awhile, I embarked again my people to 
 sail towards the mouth of the river, where we found the para- 
 coussy, which, according to his promise, waited for us. Where 
 fore, to content him, we went on shore, and did him that 
 reverence that on our parting was requisite. Then he gave 
 me the skin so richly painted, and I recompensed him, with 
 somewhat of our merchandise. I forgot not to demand of 
 him the place whence the wedge of silver came, which he 
 had given me before; whereunto he made me a very sudden 
 answer, which, notwithstanding, I understood not, which he 
 well perceived. And then he showed me, by evident signs, 
 that all of it came from a place more within the river by certain 
 day s journey from this place, and declared unto us, that all that 
 which they had thereof, they got it by force of arms, of the 
 inhabitants of this place, named by them Thimogoa, their most 
 ancient and natural enemies, as he largely declared. Where 
 upon, when I saw with what affection he spake, when he pro 
 nounced Thimogoa, I understood what he would say. And, to 
 bring myself more into his favor, I promised him to accompany 
 him with all my force, if he would fight against them; which 
 
232 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. thing pleased him in such sort, that, from thenceforth, he 
 promised himself the victory of them, and assured me that he 
 would make a voyage thither, within a short space, would cause 
 store of mill to be prepared, and would command his men to 
 make ready their bows, and furnish themselves with such store 
 of arrows, that nothing should be wanting to give battle to 
 Thimogoa. In fine, he prayed me, very earnestly, not to fail of 
 my purpose ; and, in so doing, he hoped to procure me gold and 
 silver in such good quantity, that mine affairs should take effect 
 according to mine own and his desire. 
 
 The matter thus fully resolved upon, I took my leave of him 
 to return unto my ships, where, after we had rested ourselves 
 all the night following, we hoisted sail the next day, very early 
 in the morning, and sailed toward the River of Seine, .distant 
 from the River of May about four leagues ; and there, con 
 tinuing our course toward the north, we arrived at the mouth of 
 Somme, which is not past six leagues distant from the River of 
 Seine, where we cast anchor, and went on shore to discover that 
 place as we had done the rest. There we were graciously and 
 courteously received of the paracoussy of the country, which is 
 one of the tallest men, and best proportioned that may be found. 
 His wife sat by him, which, besides her Indian beauty, where 
 with she was greatly endowed, had so virtuous a countenance 
 and modest gravity, that there was not one amongst us but did 
 greatly commend her; she had in her train five of her daughters, 
 of so good grace and so well brought up, that I easily persuaded 
 myself that their mother was their mistress, and had taught 
 them well and straightly to preserve their honesty. After that 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA 
 
 2 33 
 
 the paracoussy had received us, as I have said, he commanded his 1564. 
 wife to present me with a certain number of bullets of silver ; 
 for his own part, he presented me with his bow and arrows, as 
 he had done unto Captain JOHN RIBAULT, in our first voyage, 
 which is a sign of perpetual amity and alliance with those which 
 they honor with such a kind of present. 
 
234 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1564. [PPICTByy^PPPP^l N our discoursing with one another, we 
 
 entered into speech as touching the ex 
 ercise of arms. Then the paracoussy 
 caused a corselet to be set on end, and 
 prayed me to make a proof of our har 
 quebuses and their bows; but this proof 
 
 pleased him very little; so, as soon as he knew that our harque 
 buses did easily pierce that which all the force of their bows 
 could not hurt, he seemed to be sorry, musing with himself how 
 this thing might be done. Nevertheless, going about to dis 
 semble in his mind that which his countenance could not do by 
 any means, he began to fall into another matter, and prayed 
 us, very earnestly, to stay with him that night in his house, or 
 lodging, affirming that no greater happiness could come unto 
 him than our long abode, which he desired to recompense with 
 a thousand presents. 
 
 Nevertheless, we could not grant him this point, but took our 
 leave of him to return to our ships, where, soon after, I caused 
 all my company to be assembled, with the masters and pilots of 
 my ships, to consult together of the place whereof we should 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 235 
 
 make choice to plant our habitation. First, I let them under- 
 stand how none of them were ignorant, that the part which 
 was toward the Cape of Florida, was altogether a marsh country, 
 and, therefore, unprofitable for our inhabitation: a thing which 
 could neither yield profit to the King, nor any contentment or 
 pleasure to us, if, peradventure, we would inhabit there. On 
 the other side, if we passed further toward the north to seek out 
 Port Royal, it would neither be very profitable nor convenient; 
 at the least, if we should give credit to the report of them 
 which remained there a long time, although the haven were 
 one of the fairest of the West Indies; but that, in this case, 
 the question was not so much of the beauty of the place, 
 as of things necessary to sustain life. And that for our inhab 
 iting, it was much more needful for us to plant in places 
 plentiful of victuals, than in goodly havens, fair and deep, and 
 pleasant to the view. 
 
 In consideration, whereof, that I was of opinion, if it seemed 
 good unto them, to seat ourselves about the River of May, 
 seeing, also, that, in our first voyage, we found the same only 
 among all the rest to abound in maize and corn, besides the 
 gold and silver that was found there: a thing that put me in 
 hope of some happy discovery in time to come. After I had 
 proposed these things, every one gave his opinion thereof; and, 
 in fine, all resolved, namely, those which had been with me in 
 the first voyage, that it was expedient to seat themselves rather 
 on the River of May, than on any other, until they might hear 
 news out of France. This point being thus agreed upon, we 
 sailed toward the river, and used such diligence that, with the 
 
2 3 6 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. favor of the winds, we arrived there the morrow after, about the 
 break of day, which was on Thursday, 2gth of June. 
 
 Having cast anchor, I embarked all my stuff, and the soldiers 
 of my company, to sail right toward the opening of this river, 
 wherein we entered a good way up, and found a creek, of a 
 reasonable bigness, which invited us to refresh ourselves a little, 
 while we reposed ourselves there. Afterward, we went on 
 shore, to seek out a place, plain, without trees, which we per 
 ceived from the creek. But, because we found it not very 
 commodious for us to inhabit there, we determined to return 
 unto the place which we had discovered before when we had 
 sailed up the river. 
 
 This place is joining to a mountain, and it seemed unto us 
 more fit and commodious to build a fortress than that where we 
 were last. Therefore, we took our way towards the forests, 
 being guided therein by the young paracoussy which had led us 
 before to his father s lodging. Afterward, we found a large 
 plain, covered with high pine trees, distant a little from the 
 other, under which we perceived an infinite number of stags, 
 which brayed against the plain, athwart the which we passed; 
 then we discovered a little hill adjoining unto a great vale, very 
 green, and, in form, flat j wherein were the fairest meadows of 
 the world, and grass to feed cattle. Moreover, it is environed 
 with a great number of brooks of fresh water, and high woods, 
 which make the vale more delectable to the eye. After I had 
 taken the view, thereof, at mine ease, I named it, at the request 
 of our soldiers, the Vale of Laudonnure. Thus, we went for 
 ward: anon, having gone a little forward, we met an Indian 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 237 
 
 woman, of tall stature, which also was an hermaphrodite, who 
 came before us with a great vessel, full of clear fountain 
 water, wherewith she greatly refreshed us : for we were exceed 
 ing faint by reason of the ardent heat, which molested us as we 
 passed through those high woods. And, I believe, that without 
 the succor of that Indian hermaphrodite, or rather, if it had not 
 been for the great desire which we had to make us resolute of 
 ourselves, we had taken up our lodging in the woods. Being, 
 therefore, refreshed by this means, we gathered our spirits 
 together, and, marching with a cheerful courage, we came to 
 the place which we had chosen to make our habitation in : 
 whereupon, at that instant, near the river s brink, we strewed a 
 number of boughs and leaves, to take our rest on them the night 
 following, which we found exceeding sweet, because of the pain 
 which before we had taken in our travel. 
 
 On the morrow, about break of day, I commanded a trumpet 
 to be sounded, that, being assembled, we might give GOD thanks 
 for our favorable and happy arrival. Then we sang a psalm of 
 thanksgiving unto GOD, beseeching him that it would please him 
 of his grace to continue his accustomed goodness toward us, his 
 poor servants, and aid us in all our enterprises, that all might 
 turn to his glory and the advancement of our King. The prayer 
 ended, every man began to take courage. 
 
 Afterward, having measured out a piece of ground, in the 
 form of a triangle, we endeavored ourselves of all sides some 
 to bring earth, some to cut faggots, and others to raise and make 
 the rampart ; for there was not a man that had not either a 
 shovel, or cutting-hook, or hatchet, as well to make the ground 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. plain by cutting down the trees, as for the building of the fort, 
 which we did hasten, in such cheerfulness, that, within a few 
 days, the effect of our diligence was apparent ; in which mean 
 space the Paracoussy SATOURIOUA, our nearest neighbor, and on 
 whose ground we built our fort, came, usually accompanied 
 with his two sons, and a great number of Indians, to offer to do 
 us all courtesy. And I, likewise, for my part, bestowed divers 
 of our trifles frankly on him, to the end he might know the 
 good will we bare him, and thereby make him more desirous of 
 our friendship, in such sort, that, as the days increased, so our 
 amity and friendship increased also. 
 
 After that our fort was brought into form, I began to build 
 a grange, to retire my munitions and things necessary for the 
 defence of our fort, praying the paracoussy to command his sub 
 jects to make us a covering of palm-leaves, and this to the 
 end that when that was done, I might unfreight my ships, and 
 put under coverture those things that were in them. Suddenly, 
 the paracoussy commanded, in my presence, all the Indians of 
 his company to dress, the next day morning, so good a number 
 of palm-leaves, that the grange was covered in less than two 
 days. So that business was finished ; for, in the space of those 
 two days, the Indians never ceased from working some in 
 fetching palm-leaves, others in interlacing them, in such sort, 
 that their king s commandment was executed as he desired. 
 
 Our fort was built in the form of a triangle: the side toward the 
 west, which was toward the land, was inclosed with a little trench, 
 and raised with turns made in form of a battlement, of nine feet 
 high ; the other side, which was toward the river, was inclosed with 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 239 
 
 a palisade of planks of timber, after the manner that gabions are 1564- 
 
 made. On the south side, there was a kind of bastion, within which 
 
 I caused an house for the munition to be built; it was all builded 
 
 with faggots and sand, saving about two or three feet high, with 
 
 turf, whereof the battlements were made. In the midst, I caused a 
 
 great court to be made, of eighteen paces long and broad, in the midst 
 
 whereof, on the one side drawing toward the south, I builded a corps 
 
 de gard, and an house on the other side, toward the north, which I 
 
 caused to be raised somewhat too high, for, within a short while 
 
 after, the wind beat it doivn ; and experience taught me that we 
 
 may not build with high stages in this country, by reason of the 
 
 winds whereunto it is subject. One of the sides that enclosed 
 
 my court, which I made very fair and large, reached unto the 
 
 range of my munitions, and, on the other side, towards the river, 
 
 was mine own lodging, round about which were galleries, all 
 
 covered. One principal door of my lodging was in the midst of 
 
 the great place, and the other was toward the river. A good 
 
 distance from the fort, I built an oven, to avoid the danger 
 
 against fire, because the houses are of palm-leaves, which will 
 
 soon be burnt after the fire catcheth hold of them, so that, with 
 
 much ado, a man shall have leisure to quench them. Lo, here, 
 
 in brief, the description of our fortress, which I named Caroline, 
 
 in honor of our prince, King CHARLES. 
 
240 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 1564. 
 
 F T E R we were furnished with that 
 which was most necessary, I would not 
 lose a minute of an hour without em 
 ploying of the same in some virtuous 
 exercise : therefore, I charged Monsieur 
 DE OTTIGNI, my lieutenant, a man in 
 
 truth, worthy of all honor for his honesty and virtue, to search 
 up within the river, what this Thimogoa might be, whereof the 
 Paracoussy SATOURIOUA had spoken to us so often at our 
 coming on shore. For execution hereof, the paracoussy gave 
 him two Indians for his guides, which, taking upon them to 
 lead him in this voyage, seemed to go unto a wedding, so 
 desirous they were to fight with their enemies. 
 
 Being embarked, they hoisted sail, and, having sailed about 
 twenty leagues, the Indians, which still looked on this side and 
 that side to espy some of their enemies, discovered three canoes, 
 and immediately they began to cry, Thimogoa! Thimogoa! and 
 spake nothing else, but to hasten forward to fight with them, 
 which the captain seemed to be willing to do, to content them. 
 When they came to board them, one of the Indians got hold of 
 
L U IS I AN A AND FL OR IDA. 24 1 
 
 an halbert, another of a cutlass, in such a rage, that he would 
 have leaped into the water to have fought with them alone. 
 Nevertheless, OTTIGNI would not let them do it; for while he 
 deferred to board them, he gave the others respite to turn the 
 prows of their canoes toward the shore, and so to escape into 
 the woods. Again, the meaning of OTTIGNI was not to make 
 war upon them of Thimogoa, but rather to make them friends, 
 and to make them, thenceforth, to live in peace, one with 
 another, if it were possible, hoping, by this means, to discover, 
 daily, some new thing, and, especially, the certain course of the 
 river. For this purpose, he caused the bark to retire, wherein 
 were the two Indians (his guides), and went with his men toward 
 the canoes, which were on the river s side. Being come unto 
 them, he put certain trifles into them, and then retired a good 
 way from them, which thing caused the Indians which were 
 fled away, to return to their boats, and to understand, by this 
 sign, that those of our bark were none of their enemies, but 
 rather come only to traffic with them. Wherefore, being thus 
 assured of us, they called to our men to come near unto them ; 
 which they did incontinently, and set foot on land, and spake 
 freely unto them, with divers ceremonies over long to recount. 
 In the end, OTTIGNI demanded of them, by signs, if they had 
 any gold or silver among them ; but they told him they had 
 none, as then; and that, if he would send one of his men with 
 them, they would bring him, without danger, into a place where 
 they might have some. OTTIGNI seeing them so willing, 
 delivered them one of his men, which seemed very resolute, to 
 undertake this voyage: this fellow staid with them until ten of 
 
 3 1 
 
24.2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. the clock next morning, so that Captain OTTIGNI, somewhat 
 offended with his long stay, sailed ten great leagues further up 
 the river, although he knew not which way he should go, yet 
 he went so far up, that he espied the boat wherein his soldier 
 was : which reported unto him, that the Indians would have 
 carried him three great days journey further, and told him that 
 a king, named MAYARA, rich in gold and silver, dwelt in those 
 quarters, and that, for small quantity of merchandise, enough 
 might be had of him, yet that he would not hazard himself 
 without his leave; and that he brought him a very little gold. 
 This being done, our men returned toward our fort (Fort Car 
 oline), after they had left the soldier with the Indians, to 
 inform himself more and more of such things as he might 
 discover more at leisure. 
 
 Fifteen days after this voyage to Tkimogoa, I dispatched Cap 
 tain VASSEUR, and my serjeant also, to return again into this 
 country, and to seek out the soldier which remained there in 
 the former voyage. Being, therefore, embarked, they sailed 
 two whole days, and, before they came to the dwelling of the 
 Indians, they found two of them on the river s side, which were 
 expressly sent unto that place to descry whether any of their 
 enemies were come to that part, with intention to surprise them, 
 as they did usually. When they perceived Captain VASSEUR, 
 they knew, incontinently, that he was none of their enemies, 
 and, therefore, made no difficulty to come near unto the bark, 
 and showed him, by signs, that the soldier, which they sought, 
 was not in that place, but was at that present time in the house 
 of King MOLLOUA, which was vassal unto another great king, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 243 
 
 named by them, OLATA OUAE UTINA, and, if the Captain 
 would sail thitherward, he should come thither very quickly, 
 wherewith he was content, and caused his men to row to that 
 part which the Indians showed him : whereat they were so glad 
 that they came quickly before, by land, to declare his arrival, 
 which was at the lodging of King MOLLOUA, after he had rowed 
 not past half a league. While King MOLLOUA had ended enter 
 taining Captain VASSEUR and his men, the soldier came in with 
 five or six pounds weight of silver, which he had trucked and 
 trafficked with the Indians. This king caused bread to be 
 made, and fish to be dressed, after the Indian fashion, to feast 
 our men; to whom, while they were at meat, he made a dis 
 course of divers other kings, his friends, and allies, reckoning 
 up to the number of nine of them, by name, to wit: CADECHA, 
 CHILILI, ECLAUOU, ENACAPPE, CALANY, ANACHARAQUA, OMI- 
 TIAQUA, ACQUERA, MoQiioso, all which, with him, to the 
 number of more than forty, he assured us, to be the vassals 
 of the most renowned OLATA OUAE UTINA. 
 
 This done, we went about, likewise, to discover the enemies 
 of OLATA OUAE UTINA, in which number he placed, as the 
 first, the Paracoussy SATOURIOUA, monarch of the confines of 
 the River of May, which hath, under his obeisance, thirty other 
 paracoussies, whereof there were ten, which were all his breth 
 ren, and that, therefore, he was greatly esteemed in those parts ; 
 then he named three others, no less puissant than SATOURIOUA, 
 whereof the first dwelt two days journey from his lord, OLATA 
 OUAE UTINA, and ordinarily made war upon him, whose name 
 was POTANOU, a man cruel in war, and pitiful in the execution 
 
244 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. of his fury. P or he took the prisoners to mercy, being content 
 to mark them on the left arm, with a great mark like unto a 
 seal, and so imprinted as it had been touched with an hot iron ; 
 then he let them go without any more hurt. The two others 
 were named ONATHEAQUA and HOUSTAQUA, being great lords, 
 and abounding in riches; and principally ONATHEAQUA, which 
 dwelt near unto the high mountains, wherein there was abun 
 dance of many rare things, and infinite quantity of a kind of 
 flat stone, wherewith they made wedges to cleave their wood. 
 The occasion which, as he said, moved POTANOU to wage war 
 against OLATA OUAE UTINA, was the fear that he had, least he 
 and his companions should get of that hard stone in his country, 
 wherewith they headed their arrows, and could not get it in any- 
 nearer place. 
 
 Besides all this, MOLLOUA recited to Captain VASSEUR, that 
 the king s allies, the vassals of the great OLATA, armed their 
 breasts, arms, thighs, legs, and foreheads, with large plates of 
 gold and silver; and that, by this means, the arrows that were 
 discharged upon them could do them no manner of hurt at all, 
 but rather were broken against them. Hereupon, Captain 
 VASSEUR inquired whether the kings (ONATHEAQUA and Hous- 
 TAQUA) were like unto us ; for, by the description that they 
 made of them, he began to doubt whether they were Spaniards 
 or not; but MOLLOUA told him that they were not, but that 
 they were Indians, like the rest, saving that they painted their 
 faces with black, and that the rest, as MOLLOUA, painted them 
 with red. Then my lieutenant (VASSEUR), and my Serjeant, 
 promised him that, one day, I should march with my forces 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 245 
 
 into those countries, and that, joining myself with his lord 
 (OLATA), I would subdue the inhabitants of the highest of those 
 mountains. He was very glad of this speech, and answered, 
 that the least of these kings which he had named should present 
 unto the general of these the height of two feet of gold and 
 silver, which, by force of arms, they had already gotten of those 
 two kings (ONATHEAQUA and HOUSTAQUA). 
 
 The good cheer being done, and the discourses ended, my 
 men embarked themselves again, with intention to bring me 
 those good news unto the Fort Caroline-, but, after they had 
 sailed a very long while down the river, and were come within 
 three leagues of us, the tide was so strong against them that 
 they were constrained to go on land, and to retire themselves, 
 because of the night, unto the dwelling of a certain paracoussy, 
 named MOLONA, which showed himself very glad of their arri 
 val ; for he desired to know some news of Thimogoa, and 
 thought that the Frenchmen went thither for none other oc 
 casion, but for to invade them. Which Captain VASSEUR 
 perceiving, dissembled so well, that he made him believe that 
 he went to Thimogoa with none other intention but to subdue 
 them, and to destroy them with the edge of the sword, without 
 mercy ; but that their purpose had not such success as they 
 desired, because that the people of Thimogoa^ being advertised of 
 this enterprise, retired into the woods, and saved themselves by 
 flight ; that, nevertheless, they had taken some as they were 
 fleeing away, which carried no news thereof unto their fellows. 
 
 The paracoussy was so glad of this relation, that he interrupted 
 him, and asked VASSEUR of the beginning and manner of his 
 
246 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. execution, and prayed him that he would show him, by signs, 
 how all things passed. Immediately, FRANCIS LA CAILLE, the 
 serjeant of my band, took his sword in his hand, saying, that, 
 with the point thereof, he had thrust through two Indians, which 
 ran into the woods ; and that his companions had done no less 
 for their parts; and that, if fortune had so favored them that 
 they had not been discovered by the men of Thimogoa^ they had 
 a victory most glorious and worthy of eternal memory. Here 
 upon the paracoussy showed himself so well satisfied, that he 
 could not devise how to gratify our men, which he caused to 
 come into his house, to feast them more honorably ; and, having 
 made Captain VASSEUR to sit next him, and in his own chair 
 (which the Indians esteem for the chiefest honor), and then, 
 underneath him, two of his sons, goodly and mighty fellows, he 
 commanded all the .rest to place themselves as they thought 
 good. This done, the Indians came, according to their good 
 custom, to present their drink (cassine] to the paracoussy, and 
 then to certain of his chiefest friends, and the Frenchmen. 
 Then, he which brought it, set the cup aside, and drew out a 
 little dagger, stuck up in the roof of the house, and, like a mad 
 man, he lifted his head aloft, and came apace, and went and 
 smote an Indian which sat alone in one of the corners of the 
 hall, crying, with a loud voice, Hyou! the poor Indian stirring 
 not at all for the blow, which he seemed to endure patiently. 
 
 He which held the dagger, went quickly to put the same in 
 its former place, and began again to give his drink as he did 
 before; but he had not long continued, and had scarce given 
 three or four thereof, but he left his bowl again, took the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 247 
 
 dagger in his hand, and quickly returned unto him which he 
 had stricken before, to whom he gave a very sore blow on the 
 side, crying, Hyou! as he had done before, and then he went to 
 put the dagger in its place, and set himself among the rest. A 
 little while after, he that had been stricken, fell down back 
 wards, stretching out his arms and legs, as if he had been ready 
 to yield up the latter gasp. And then, the younger son of the 
 paracoussy, appareled in a long, white skin, fell down at the feet 
 of him that was fallen backward, weeping bitterly ; half a quar 
 ter of an hour after, two others of his brethren, clad in like 
 apparel, came about him that was so stricken, and began to sigh 
 pitifully. Their mother, bearing a little infant in her arms, 
 came from another part, and, going to the place where her sons 
 were at the first, she used infinite numbers of outcries, then 
 one, while lifting up her eyes to heaven, another, while falling 
 down unto the ground ; she cried so dolefully, that her lament 
 able mournings would have moved the most hard and stony 
 heart in the world with pity. Yet this sufficed not, for there 
 came in a company of young girls, which did never leave weep 
 ing, for a long while, in the place where the Indian was fallen 
 down, whom afterward they took, and, with the saddest gestures 
 they could devise, carried him away into another house, a little 
 way off from the great hall of the paracoussy^ and continued 
 their weepings and mournings for the space of two long hours, 
 in which, meanwhile, the Indians ceased not to drink cassine, 
 but, with such silence, that one word was not heard in the parlor. 
 VASSEUR being grieved that he understood not these ceremonies, 
 demanded of the paracoussy what these things meant; which 
 
24.8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. answered him slowly, Thimogoa, Thimogoa, without saying any 
 more. Being more displeased than he was before with so slight 
 an answer, he turned unto another Indian, the paracoussy s 
 brother, who was a paracoussy as well as his brother, called 
 MALICO, which made him a like answer as he did at the first, 
 praying him to ask no more of these matters, and to have 
 patience for that time. The subtle old paracoussy prayed him, 
 within awhile after, to show him his sword ; which he would 
 not deny him, thinking that he would have beheld the fashion 
 of his weapons ; but he soon perceived that it was to another 
 end ; for, the old man, holding it in his hand, beheld it a long 
 while on every place, to see if he could find any blood upon 
 it, which might show that any of their enemies had been 
 killed ; for the Indians are wont to bring their weapons where 
 with their enemies have been defeated, with some blood upon 
 them, for a token of their victories. But, seeing no sign 
 thereof, upon it, he was upon the point to say unto him, that he 
 had killed none of the men of Tbimogoa; whereas VASSEUR, 
 preventing that which he might object, declared and showed 
 unto him, by signs, the manner of his enterprise, adding, that 
 by reason of the two Indians which he had slain, his sword was 
 so bloody, that he was enforced to wash and make it clean a long 
 while in the river ; which the old man believed to be like to be 
 true, and made no manner of reply thereto. 
 
 VASSEUR, LA CAILLE, and their other compatriots, went out 
 of the hall to go unto the room whither they had carried the 
 Indian. There they found the paracoussy sitting upon tapestries 
 made of small reeds, which was at meat, after the Indian 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 249 
 
 fashion, and the Indian that was smitten, hard by him, lying 1564. 
 upon the self-same tapestry ; about whom stood the wife of 
 the paracoussy^ with all the young damsels, which before bewailed 
 him in the hall, which did nothing else but warm a great deal 
 of moss, instead of napkins, to rub the Indian s side. Here 
 upon, our men asked the paracoussy, again, for what occasion 
 the Indian was so persecuted in his presence : he answered, 
 that this was nothing but a kind of ceremony, whereby 
 they would call to mind the death and persecutions of the 
 paracoussies, their ancestors, executed by their enemy, Thim- 
 ogoa ; alleging, moreover, that as soon as he, himself, or any 
 of his friends and allies returned from the country, without 
 they brought the heads of their enemies, or without bringing 
 home some prisoner, be used for a perpetual memory of all his 
 predecessors, to beat the best beloved of all his children with 
 the self-same weapons wherewith they had been killed in times 
 past, to the end that, by renewing of the wound, their death 
 should be lamented afresh. Now, when they were- thus in 
 formed of those ceremonies, they thanked the paracoussy for their 
 good entertainment, which they had received ; and so, setting 
 sail, they came to me unto the fort, where they declared all 
 unto me, as I have recited it heretofore. On the 28th of July, 
 our ships departed to return into France ; and, within awhile, 
 about two months after our arrival in Florida, the Paracoussy 
 SATOURIOUA sent certain Indians unto me to know whether I 
 would stand to my promise, which I had made him at my first 
 arrival in that country : which was, that I would show myself 
 
 friend to his friends, and enemy unto his enemies ; and, also, to 
 
 32 
 
2 5 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. accompany him with a good number of harquebuses, when he 
 should see it expedient, and should find a fit occasion to go to 
 war. Now, seeing that he rested upon his promise, he prayed 
 me not to defer the same. Seeing, also, that making that 
 account thereof, he had taken such good order for the execution 
 of his enterprise, that he was ready, and was furnished with all 
 things that were necessary for the voyage, I made him answer, 
 that, for his amity, I would not purchase the enmity of the 
 other ; and that albeit I would, yet, notwithstanding, I wanted 
 means to do it ; for it behoved me, at that present time, to make 
 provision of victuals and munition for the defense of my fort. 
 On the other side that my barks were nothing ready, and that 
 this enterprise would require time ; moreover, that the Paracoussy 
 SATOURIOUA might hold himself ready to depart within two 
 months, and that, then, I would think of fulfilling my promise 
 to him. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 251 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 H E Indians carried this answer to their 
 paracoussy,* which was little pleased with 
 it, because he could not defer his exe 
 cution or expedition, as well because all 
 his victuals were ready, as also because 
 ten other paracoussies were assembled with him for the perform 
 ance of this enterprise. The ceremony which this savage used, 
 before he embarked his army, deserveth not to be forgotten ; 
 for, when he was sitting down by the river s side, being com 
 passed about with ten other paracoussies^ he commanded water to 
 be brought him speedily. This done, looking up into heaven, 
 he fell to discourse of divers things, with gestures that showed 
 him to be in exceeding great choler, which made him one while 
 shake his head hither and thither ; and, by and by, with, I wot 
 not what fury, to turn his face towards the country of his 
 enemies, and to threaten to kill them. He oftentimes looked 
 upon the sun, praying him to grant him a glorious victory of his 
 enemies ; which, when he had done, by the space of half an hour, 
 
 * A generic appellation of the chiefs from Maryland to Florida. 
 
 1564. 
 
252 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564- he sprinkled, with his hand, a little of the water, which he held 
 in a vessel, upon the heads of the paracoussies^ and cast the rest, 
 as it were, in a rage and despite, into a fire, which was there 
 prepared for the purpose. This done, he cried out, thrice, He 
 Thimogoa ! and was followed with five hundred Indians, at the 
 least, which were there assembled, which cried, all with one 
 voice, He Thimogoa! This ceremony, as a certain Indian told 
 me, familiarly, signified nothing else but that SATOURIOUA 
 besought the Sun to grant unto him so happy a victory, that 
 he might shed his enemies blood, as he had shed the water, 
 at his pleasure. Moreover, that the paracoussies, which were 
 sprinkled with a part of . that water, might return with the 
 heads of their enemies, which is the only, and chief, triumph 
 of their victories. 
 
 The Paracoussy SATOURIOUA* had no sooner ended his cere 
 monies, and had taken a view of all his company, but he 
 embarked himself, and used such diligence with his almadles^ or 
 boats, that, the next day, two hours before the sun set, he 
 arrived on the territories of his enemies, about eight or ten 
 leagues from their villages. Afterward, causing them all to go 
 on land, he assembled his counsel, wherein it was agreed, that 
 five of the paracoussies should sail up the river with half of the 
 troops, and, by the break of day, should approach into the 
 
 * SATOURIOUA (SATORIVA) was a powerful chief, claiming the territory around the 
 mouth of the St. Johns, and northward along the coast nearly as far as the Savannah ; 
 and his influence extended to a considerable distance inland. "He showed himself an 
 implacable enemy of the Spaniards. In 1567, he assisted DOMINGUE DE GOURGUES to 
 destroy their settlements on the St. Johns River, the St. Matheo of the Spaniards." 
 BRINTON S Notes on Florida. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 253 
 
 dwelling of their enemies. For his own part, that he would 
 take his journey through the woods and forests, as secretly as 
 he could ; and that when they were come thither, as well they 
 that went up by water as he which went by land, should not 
 fail, by the break of the day, to enter into the village, and cut 
 them all in pieces, except the women and little children. 
 
 These things, which were thus agreed upon, were exe 
 cuted with as great fury as was possible ; which, when they 
 had done, they took the heads of their enemies which they 
 had slain, and cut off their hair, round about, with a piece of 
 their skulls; they took also twenty-four prisoners, which they 
 led away, and retired themselves immediately into their boats, 
 which waited for them. Being come thither, they began to sing 
 praises unto the Sun, to whom they attributed their victory. 
 And, afterwards, they put the skins of those heads on the end 
 of their javelins, and went, altogether, toward the territories of 
 Paracoussy OMOLOA, one of them which was in the company. 
 Being come thither, they divided their prisoners, equally, to each 
 of the paracoussies, and left thirteen of them to SATOURIOUA, 
 which straightway dispatched an Indian, his subject, to carry 
 news before of the victory, to them which staid at home to 
 guard their houses, which immediately began to weep. But, as 
 soon as night was come, they never left dancing, and playing a 
 thousand gambols, in honor of the feast. 
 
 The next day, the Paracoussy SATOURIOUA came home, who, 
 before he entered into his lodging, caused all the hair-skulls of 
 his enemies to be set up before his door, and crowned them with 
 branches of laurel showing, by this glorious spectacle, the 
 
254 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. triumph of the victory which he had obtained. Straightway 
 began lamentation and mourning, which, as soon as the night 
 began, were turned into pleasures and dances. 
 
 After that I was advised of these things, I sent a soldier unto 
 SATOURIOUA, praying him to send me two of his prisoners ; 
 which he denied me, saying, that he was nothing beholding unto 
 me, and that I had broken my promise against the oath which I 
 had sworn unto him at my arrival. Which, when I understood 
 by my soldier, which was come back with speed, I devised how 
 I might be revenged of this savage, and to make him know how 
 dearly this bold bravado of his should cost him ; therefore, I 
 commanded my serjeant to provide me twenty soldiers, and go 
 with me to the house of SATOURIOUA. Where, after I was 
 come, and entered into the hall without any manner of saluta 
 tion, I went and sat me down by him, and staid a long while 
 without speaking a word unto him, or showing him any sign of 
 friendship, which thing put him deeply in his dumps; besides, 
 that certain soldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had given 
 express commandment to suffer no Indian to go forth. Having 
 stood still about half an hour, with this countenance, at length 
 I demanded where the prisoners were, which he had taken at 
 Thimogoa, and commanded them presently to be brought unto 
 me. Whereupon, the paracoussy, angry at the heart, and aston 
 ished wonderfully, stood a long while without making any 
 answer; notwithstanding, at last, he answered me very stoutly, 
 that, being afraid to see us coming thither in such warlike 
 manner, they fled into the woods, and that, not knowing which 
 way they were gone, they were not able, by any means, to 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 255 
 
 bring them again. Then I seemed to make as though I under- 1564. 
 stood not what he had said, and asked for his prisoners again, 
 and for some of his principal allies. Then SATOURIOUA com 
 manded his athore to seek out the prisoners, and to cause them 
 to be brought into that place; which thing he did, within an 
 hour after. 
 
 After they were come to the lodging of the paracoussy, they 
 humbly saluted me, and, lifting up their hands before me, they 
 would have fallen down prostrate, as it were, at my feet ; but I 
 would not suffer them, and, soon after, led them away with me 
 unto my own fort. The paracoussy being wonderfully offended 
 with this bravado, bethought himself, by all means, how he 
 might be revenged of us. But, to give us no suspicion thereof, 
 and the better to cover his intention, he sent his messengers, 
 oftentimes, unto us, bringing always with them some kind of 
 presents. Among others, one day, he sent three Indians, which 
 brought us two baskets full of great pumpions, much more 
 excellent than those which we have in France, and promised 
 me, in their king s behalf, that, during mine abode in that 
 country, I should never want victuals. I thanked them for 
 their king s good will, and signified unto them the great desire 
 which I had, as well for the benefit of SATOURIOUA as for the 
 quiet of his subjects, to make a peace between him and those of 
 Thimogoa; which thing could not choose but turn to their great 
 benefit, seeing that being allied with the kings of those parts, he 
 had an open passage (ONATHEAQUA, his ancient enemy), which, 
 otherwise, he could not set upon. 
 
 Moreover, that OLATA OUAE UTINA was so mighty a para- 
 
256 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. coussy^ that SATOURIORA was not able to withstand his forces; 
 but, being agreed together, they might easily overthrow all their 
 enemies, and. might pass the confines of the farthest rivers that 
 were towards the south. The messengers prayed me to have 
 patience until the morrow, at what time they would come again 
 unto me, to certify of their lord s inclination, which they failed 
 not to do; advertising me that Paracoussy SATOURIOUA was the 
 gladdest man in the world to treat of this accord (although., 
 indeed, he was quite contrary), and that he besought me to be 
 diligent therein, promising to observe and perform whatsoever 
 I should agree upon with those of Thimogoa ; which things the 
 messengers also rehearsed unto the prisoners which I had led 
 away. After they were departed, I resolved, within two days, 
 to send back again the prisoners to OLATA OUAE UTINA, 
 whose subjects they were; but, before I embarked them, I gave 
 them certain small trifles, which were little knives, or tablets 
 of glass, wherein the image of King CHARLES IX was drawn, 
 very lively, for which they gave me very great thanks, as also 
 for the honest entertainment which was given at Fort Caro 
 line. After this, they embarked themselves, with Captain VAS- 
 SEUR, and with M. DE ARLAC,* mine ensign, which I had sent 
 of purpose to remain a certain time with OUAE UTINA, hoping 
 that the favor of this great paracoussy would serve my turn 
 greatly, to make any discoveries in time to come. I sent with 
 him, also, one of my Serjeants, and six gallant soldiers. 
 
 * This name, which often occurs, should be spelt " D RLACH." " Ce Gentil- 
 homme," says CHARLEVOIX, " etoit Suisse, et il n y a point de maison de Suisse plus 
 connue que celle D ERLACH." 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 Thus things passed on in this manner, and the hatred of Para- 1564. 
 coussy SATOURIOUA against me did still continue, until that, on 
 the 29th of August, a lightning from heaven fell within half a 
 league from our fort; more worthy, I believe, to be wondered 
 at, and to be put in writing, than all the strange signs which 
 have been seen in times past, and whereof the histories have 
 never been written. For, although the meadows were, at that 
 season, all green, and half covered over with water, neverthe 
 less, the lightning, in one instant, consumed about five hundred 
 acres therewith, and burned, with the ardent heat, thereof, all the 
 fowls which took their pastime in the meadows; which thing 
 continued for three days space which caused us not a little to 
 muse, not being able to judge whereof this fire proceeded. For 
 one while, we thought that the Indians had burnt their houses, 
 and abandoned their places, for fear of us ; another, while we 
 thought that they had discovered some ships on the sea, and 
 that, according to their custom, they had kindled many fires, 
 here and there, to signify that their country was inhabited ; 
 nevertheless, being not assured, I determined to send to Para- 
 coussy SERRANAY to know the truth thereof. But, even as I 
 was upon the point to send one by boat, to discover the matter, 
 six Indians came unto me from Paracoussy ALLIMACANY, which, 
 at their first entry, made unto me a long discourse, and a very 
 large and ample oration (after they had presented me with 
 certain basketsful of maize, of pumpions, and of grapes) of the 
 loving amity which ALLIMACANY desired to continue with me, 
 and that he looked, from day to day, when it would please me 
 to employ him in my service. Therefore, considering the ser- 
 
 33 
 
258 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. viceable affection that he bare unto me, he found it very strange 
 that I thus discharged mine ordinance against his dwelling, 
 which had burnt up an infinite sight of green meadows, and 
 consumed even down unto the bottom of the water; and came 
 so near unto his mansion, that he thought he saw the fire in his 
 house; wherefore, he besought me, most humbly, to command 
 my men that they would not shoot any more towards his 
 lodging, otherwise that, hereafter, he should be constrained to 
 abandon his country, and to retire himself into some place 
 further off from us. 
 
 Having understood the foolish opinion of this man, which, 
 notwithstanding, could not choose but be very profitable for us, 
 I dissembled what I thought thereof for that time, and answered 
 the Indians with a cheerful countenance, that the relation which 
 they made unto me of the obedience of their paracoussy did 
 please me right well, because that, before, he had not behaved 
 himself in such sort towards me, especially when I summoned 
 him to send me the prisoners of great OLATA OUAE UTINA, 
 which he detained; whereof, notwithstanding, he made no great 
 account, which was the principal cause wherefore I had dis 
 charged mine ordnance against him ; not that I meant to reach 
 unto his house (as I might have done easily, if it had pleased 
 me), but that I was content to shoot the half way, to make him 
 know my force; assuring him, furthermore, that, on condition 
 that he would continue in his good affection, no more ordnance 
 should be discharged against him hereafter; and, besides, that I 
 would become his faithful protector against his greatest enemies. 
 
 The Indians, contented with mine answer, returned, to assure 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 259 
 
 their paracoussy^ which, notwithstanding the assurance, withdrew 1 564. 
 
 himself from his dwelling twenty or twenty-five leagues ofF, and 
 
 that for the space of more than two months. After that three 
 
 days were expired, the fire was quite extinguished; but, for two 
 
 days after, there followed such an excessive heat in the air, that 
 
 the river, near unto which we planted our habitation, became so 
 
 hot, that I thought it was almost ready to seethe. For there 
 
 died so great abundance of fish, and that of so many divers 
 
 sorts, that, in the mouth of the river only, there were found 
 
 dead enough to have loaded fifty carts, whereof there issued a 
 
 putrefaction in the air, which bred many dangerous diseases 
 
 amongst us, insomuch, that most of my men fell sick, and 
 
 almost ready to end their days. Yet, notwithstanding, it pleased 
 
 our merciful GOD so to provide, by his providence, that all our 
 
 men recovered their health, without the loss of any one of them. 
 
260 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1564. RBP^fOPij fltt^Ut Ire EtlaC, Captain VASSEUR, 
 
 and one of my Serjeants, being em 
 barked, with their ten soldiers, about 
 the loth of September, to carry back 
 the prisoners unto UTINA, sailed so far 
 up the river, that they discovered a 
 
 place called Maqarqua, distant from our fort about four-score 
 leagues, where the Indians gave them good entertainment, and 
 in many other villages which they found. From this place, 
 they rowed to the dwelling of Paracoussy UTINA,* which, after 
 he had feasted them, according to his ability and power, prayed 
 M. DE ARLAC, and all his soldiers, to stay awhile with him, to 
 
 * Modern antiquarians have located the territory and residence of OLATA OUTINA on 
 the banks of the River May (St. Johns)) near the northern extremity of Lake George. 
 Among the tributaries of this great chief (paracoussy], were CADECHA, CHILILI, ENCAPPE, 
 CALANY, ANACHARQUA, ACQUERRA, and Moquoso. The warriors of OUTINA covered 
 their breasts, arms, thighs, and legs, with plates of gold and silver. He was the rival 
 monarch of SATOURIOUA (SATORIVA), whose territory also extended along the River 
 May. Other kings and chiefs lived farther south on that river, whose country 
 abounded in gold and silver, from which M. LAUDONNIERE S officers procured large 
 quantities in bars, supposed to have been taken from Spanish galleons, wrecked on the 
 coast of Florida. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2 6l 
 
 aid and assist him in battle against one of his enemies, called 1564. 
 POTANOU; whereunto M. DE ARLAC consented willingly. And, 
 because he knew not how long he might have occasion to stay 
 in these parts, he sent me (Captain VASSEUR) and the bark back 
 again, which brought home only five soldiers with him. 
 
 Now, because the custom of the Indians is always to wage 
 war by surprise, UTINA resolved to take his enemy, POTANOU, 
 in the morning, by the break of day. To bring this to pass, he 
 made his men to travel all the night, which might be in number 
 two hundred persons , so well advised, that they prayed our 
 French shot to be in the fore front, to the end (as they said), 
 that the noise of their pieces might astonish their enemies; not 
 withstanding, they could not march so secretly but that those 
 of the village of POTANOU, distant from the dwelling of UTINA 
 about twenty-five leagues, were aware of them ; which suddenly 
 employed and bestowed all their endeavor to defend their village, 
 inclosed all with trees, and issued out in great companies; but, 
 finding themselves charged with shot (a thing wherewith they 
 never had been acquainted), also beholding the captain of the 
 band fall down dead, in the beginning of their skirmish, with a 
 shot of an harquebuse, which struck him in the forehead, dis 
 charged by the hand of M. DE ARLAC, they left the place; and 
 the Indians of UTINA got into the village, taking men, women, 
 and children, prisoners. 
 
 Thus, Paracoussy UTINA obtained the victory by the aid of our 
 men, which slew many of his enemies, and lost, in this conflict, 
 one of their companions, wherewith UTINA was very much 
 grieved. Eight or ten days after, I sent Captain VASSEUR back 
 
2 62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. again, with a bark, to fetch home M. DE ARLAC and his soldiers, 
 which, at their return, brought me certain presents from UTINA, 
 as some silver, and a small quantity of gold, painted skins, and 
 other things, with a thousand thanks, which the paracoussy gave 
 me, and which promised, that if, in any enterprise of import 
 ance, I should have need of his men, he would furnish me with 
 three hundred and above. 
 
 While I thus travelled, to purchase friends, and to practice 
 one while with one here, and another while with another there, 
 certain soldiers of my company were suborned, underhand, 
 by one named LA ROQUETTE, of the country of Perigott, which 
 put in their heads that he was a great magician, and that, by 
 the secrets of art-magic, he had discovered a mine of gold and 
 silver, far up within the river, whereby (upon the loss of his 
 life) every soldier should receive, in ready bullion, the value of 
 ten thousand crowns, besides and above fifteen hundred thou 
 sand, which should be reserved for the King s Majesty ; where 
 fore they allied themselves with LA ROQUETTE and another of 
 his confederates, whose name was LE GEURE, in whom, not 
 withstanding, I had great affiance. This LE GUERE,* exceed 
 ing desirous to enrich himself in those parts, and, seeking to 
 be revenged, because I would not give him the carriage of the 
 packet into France, secretly informed the soldiers that were 
 already suborned by LA ROQUETTE, that I would deprive them 
 of this great gain, in that I did set them daily on work, not 
 sending them on every side to discover the countries ; therefore, 
 
 * This name is sometimes, written " LE GENRE, a lieutenant who was somewhat 
 in the confidence of M. LAUDONNIERE. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2 6? 
 
 that it were a good deed, after they had made me understand so 1564. 
 much, to seek means to dispatch me out of the way, and to 
 choose another captain in my place, if I would not give them 
 victuals, according to their disordinate appetite. He also brought 
 me word here of himself, making a large discourse unto me of 
 the good affection of the soldiers, which all besought me that 
 I would conduct them to the countries where the mine was. 
 I made him answer, that all could not go thither, and that it 
 was necessary, before their departure, to settle our fortress in 
 such estate, that those which were to stay at home behind 
 should remain in security against the Indians which might sur 
 prise them. 
 
 Furthermore, that their manner of proceeding seemed strange 
 unto me; for that they imagined that the King s Majesty was, 
 at the charges of our voyage, for none other end, but only to 
 enrich them at their first arrival, inasmuch as they showed 
 themselves much more given unto covetousness than unto the 
 service of their prince. But, seeing mine answer tended unto 
 none other end but to make our fortress strong and defensible, 
 they determined to travel in the work, and made an ensign of 
 old linen, which, ordinarily, they bore upon the rampart when 
 they went to work, always wearing their weapons, which I 
 thought they had done to encourage themselves to work the 
 better. But, as I perceived, afterwards, and that, by the con 
 fession of GEURE, sent me in letters which he wrote to me of 
 that matter, these gentle soldiers did the same for none other 
 end but to have killed me, and my lieutenant also, if, by chance, 
 I had given them any hard speeches. 
 
264 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. About the 2Oth of September, as I came home from the 
 
 woods and coppices, to finish the building of my fort (and 
 that, according to my usual manner, I marched first to give 
 encouragement unto my soldiers), I chafed myself in such sore 
 and grievous sickness, whereof I thought I should have died ; 
 during which sickness, I called LE GEURE often unto me, as 
 one that I trusted above all others, and of whose conspiracies I 
 doubted not any whit at all. In this, meanwhile, assembling 
 his accomplices, sometimes in his chamber, and sometimes in 
 the woods, to consult with them, he spake unto them to choose 
 another captain, besides me, to the intent to put me to death ; 
 but, being not able, by open force, to execute his mischievous 
 intention, he got him unto mine apothecary, praying him in 
 stantly to mingle in my medicine, which I was to receive one 
 or two days after, some drug that should make me fritch over 
 the perch, or, at the least, he would give me a little arsenic, or 
 quicksilver, which he himself would put into my drink. But 
 the apothecary denied him, as did, in like manner, Master S., 
 which was master of the fire-works. Thus, wholly disap 
 pointed of both his means, he, with certain others, resolved to 
 hide a little barrel of gunpowder underneath my bed, and, by 
 a train, to set it on fire. 
 
 Upon these practices, a gentleman, which I had dispatched to 
 return into France, being about to take his leave of me, "adver 
 tised me, that LE GEURE had given him a book, full of all kind 
 of lewd invectives and slanders against me, against Monsieur 
 DE OTTIGNI, and against the principal of my company ; upon 
 which occasion, I assembled all my soldiers together, and Capt. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 265 
 
 BOURDET, with all his ; which, on the 4th of September, arrived 
 in the road, and were come into our river. In their presence, I 
 caused the contents of the book to be read aloud, that they 
 might bear record of the untruths that were written against M. 
 LE GEURE, which had gotten him into the woods, for fear of 
 being taken (where he lived for awhile after with the savages, 
 by my permission), wrote unto me often, and, in many of his 
 letters, confessed unto me, that he had deserved death, con 
 demning himself so far forth, that he referred all to my mercy 
 and pity. 
 
 34 
 
1564. 
 
 266 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 N the ;th or 8th day of November, 
 after I had caused sufficient provision 
 of such victuals as were needful to be 
 made, I sent two of my men, to wit : 
 LA ROCHE FERRIERE, and another, to 
 ward King UTINA, to discover, every 
 
 day, more and more of the country where he was the space of 
 five or six months, during which he discovered many small 
 villages, and, among others, one named Hostaque the king, 
 whereof, being desirous of my friendship, sent unto me a quiver, 
 made of a lucern s skin, full of arrows, a couple of bows, four 
 or five skins, painted after their manner, and a chain of silver, 
 weighing about a pound weight. In recompense of which 
 presents, I sent him two whole suits of apparel, with certain 
 cutting-hooks, or hatchets. 
 
 After these things, therefore, in this sort, passed, about the 
 loth of this month, Captain BOURDET determined to leave me, 
 and to return into France. Then I requested him yea, rather 
 was exceeding importunate with him to carry home with him 
 some six or seven soldiers, whom I could not trust, by any 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2 6j 
 
 means : which he did, for my sake, and would not charge him 
 self with LE GUERE, which offered him a great sum of money, 
 if it would please him to carry him into France : he transported 
 him only to the other side of the river. Three days after his 
 departure, thirteen mariners, which I had brought out of France, 
 suborned by certain other mariners, which Captain BOURDET 
 had left me, stole away my barks, in manner following : These 
 mariners of Captain BOURDET put mine in the head, that if 
 they had such barks as mine were, they might gain very much 
 in the isles of the Antilles, and make an exceedingly profitable 
 voyage. Hereupon, they began to devise how they might steal 
 away my barks, and consulted, that when I should command 
 them to go unto the village of Sarauahi, distant about a league 
 and a half from our fort, and situated upon an arm of the river 
 (whither, according to my manner, I sent them daily to seek 
 clay, to make brick and mortar for our houses), they would 
 return no more, but would furnish themselves with victuals, as 
 well as they might possibly, and then would embark themselves, 
 all in one vessel, and would go their way as, indeed, they did. 
 And, that which was worse, two Flemish carpenters, which the 
 said BOURDET had left me, stole away the other bark, and, 
 before their departure, cut the cables of the bark, and of the 
 ship-boat, that it might go away with the tide, that I might not 
 pursue them ; so that I remained without either bark or boat, 
 which fell out as unluckily for me as possible; for I was 
 ready to embark myself, with all speed, to discover as far up 
 our river as I might, by any means. Now, my mariners (as I 
 understood afterwards) took a bark, that was a passenger of the 
 
2 68 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. Spaniards, near the Isle of Cuba^ wherein they found a certain 
 quantity of gold and silver, which they seized upon. And, 
 having this booty, they lay awhile at sea, until their victuals 
 began to fail them ; which was the cause that, oppressed with 
 famine, they came unto Havana, the principal town of the Isle 
 of Cuba; whereupon proceeded that mischief, which, hereafter, 
 I will declare more at large. When I saw my barks returned 
 not at their wonted hour, and suspecting that which fell out, 
 indeed, I commanded my carpenters, with all diligence, to make 
 a little boat, with a flat bottom, to search those rivers for some 
 news of these mariners. The boat, dispatched within a day 
 and a night by reason that my carpenters found planks and 
 timber ready sawed to their hands, as, commonly, I caused my 
 sawyers to provide it I sent men to seek some news of my 
 thieves ; but all was in vain. Therefore, I determined to cause 
 two great barks to be built, each of which might be thirty-five 
 or thirty-six feet long in the keel. And now that the work was 
 very well forward, which I had set my workmen about, when 
 ambition and avarice (the mother of all mischief) took root in 
 the hearts of four or five soldiers, which could not away with 
 the work and pains-taking; and which, from thenceforward 
 (namely, one FOURNEAUX, and one LA CROIX, and another, 
 called STEVEN LE GENEUOIS, the three principal anthors of the 
 sedition), began to practice with the best of my troop, showing 
 them that it was a vile thing for men of honest parentage, as 
 they were, to turmoil themselves thus with abject and base 
 work, seeing that they had the best occasion in the world offered 
 them to make themselves all rich; which was to arm the two 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 269 
 
 barks which were in building, and to furnish them with good 
 men ; and thereto sail into Peru, and the other isles of the 
 Antilles, where every soldier might easily enrich himself with 
 ten thousand crowns. And, if their enterprise should be mis- 
 liked, withal, in France, they should be always able, by reason 
 of the great wealth that they should gain, to retire themselves 
 into Italy, until the heat were overpast, and that, in the mean 
 season, some war would fall out, which would cause all this to 
 be quite forgotten. 
 
 This word of riches, sounded so well in the ears of my 
 soldiers,, that, in fine, after they had oftentimes consulted of 
 their affairs, they grew to the number of three-score and six ; 
 which, to color their great desire which they had to go on 
 stealing, they caused a request to be presented unto me, by 
 FRANCIS DE LA CAILLE, serjeant of my company, containing, 
 in sum, a declaration of the small store of victuals that was 
 left to maintain us, until the time that ships might return from 
 France ; for remedy, whereof, they thought it necessary to send 
 to New Spain, Peru, and all the isles adjoining, which they 
 besought me to be content to grant. But, I made them answer, 
 that, when the barks were finished, I would take such good 
 order in general, that, by means of the King s merchandise, 
 without sparing mine own apparel, we would get victuals of the 
 inhabitants of the country ; seeing, also, that we had enough to 
 serve us for four months to come; for I feared greatly that, 
 under pretense of searching for victuals, they would enterprise 
 somewhat against the King of Spain s subjects, which, in time 
 to come, might justly be laid to my charge, considering that, at 
 
270 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. our departure out of France, the Queen had charged me, very 
 expressly, to do no kind of wrong to the King of Spain s 
 subjects, nor anything whereof he might conceive any jealousy. 
 They made as though they were content with this answer; but, 
 eight days after, as I continued in working upon our fort, and 
 on my barks, I fell sick. Then, my seditious companions, for 
 getting all honor and duty, supposing that they had found good 
 occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise, began to practice, 
 afresh, their former designs, handling their business so well, 
 during my sickness, that they openly vowed that they would 
 seize on the guard du corps^ and on the fort ; yea, and force me, 
 also, if I would not consent unto their wicked desire. My 
 lieutenant being, hereof, advertised, came and told me that he 
 suspected some evil practice; and, the next day, in the morning, 
 I was saluted at my gate, with men in complete harness, what 
 time my soldiers were about to play me a shrewd trick; then I 
 sent to seek a couple of gentlemen, whom I most trusted, 
 which brought me word that the soldiers were determined to 
 come to me, to make a request unto me. But, I told them, 
 this was not the fashion to present a request unto a captain, in 
 this manner; and, therefore, they should send some few unto 
 me, to signify unto me what they would have. 
 
 Hereupon, the five chief authors of the sedition, armed with 
 corselets, their pistols in their hands, already bent, pressed into 
 my chamber, saying unto me, that they would go to New Spain, 
 to seek their adventure. 
 
 Then I warned them to be well advised what they meant to 
 do; but, they forthwith replied, that they were fully advised 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2 J 1 
 
 already, and that I must grant them this request. Seeing, then, 1564. 
 quoth I, that I am enforced to do it, I will send Captain VAS- 
 SEUR, and my Serjeant, which will make answer, and give me 
 an account of everything that shall be done in this voyage ; and, 
 to content you, I think it good that you take one man out of 
 every chamber, that they may accompany Captain VASSEUR and 
 my serjeant. Whereupon, blaspheming the name of GOD, they 
 answered, that they must go thither; and that there lacked 
 nothing, but that I should deliver them the armor, which I had 
 in my custody; for fear least I might use them to their disad 
 vantage (being so villainously abused by them), wherein, not 
 withstanding, I would not yield unto them. But they took all 
 by force, and carried it out of my house; yea, and after they 
 had hurt a gentleman in my chamber which spake against their 
 doings, they laid hands on me, and carried me, very sick as I 
 was, prisoner into a ship which rode at anchor in the midst of 
 the river; wherein I was the space of fifteen days, attended 
 upon with one man only, without permission of any of my 
 servants to come to visit me ; from every one of whom, as also 
 from the rest that took my part, they took away their armor. 
 And they sent me a passport to sign, telling me, plainly, after I 
 had denied them, that, if I made any difficulty, they would all 
 come and cut my throat in the ship. Thus was I constrained 
 to sign their passport ; and, forthwith, to grant them certain 
 mariners, with TRENCHANT, an honest and skillful pilot. 
 
 When the barks were finished, they armed them with the 
 King s munition, with powder, with bullets, and artillery, as 
 much as they needed, and chose one of my Serjeants for their 
 
272 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. captain, named BERTRAND CONFERRENT; and, for their ensign, 
 one named LA CROIX. They compelled Captain VASSEUR to 
 deliver them the flag of" his ship; then, having determined to 
 sail unto a place of the Antilles, called Lauguane, belonging 
 unto the King of Spain, and there to go on land, on Christmas 
 night, with intention to enter into the church while the mass 
 was said, after midnight, and to murder all those that they found 
 there, they set sail on the 8th of December. But, because the 
 greatest part of them, by this time, repented them of their 
 enterprise, and that they now began to fall into mutinies among 
 themselves when they came forth of the river, the two barks 
 divided themselves the one kept along the coast unto Cuba, to 
 double the cape more easily, and the other went right forth to 
 pass athwart the Isles of Lacy a ; by reason, whereof, they met 
 not until five weeks after their departure. During which time, 
 the bark that took her way along the coast, wherein one of 
 the chief conspirators, named DE ORANGE, was captain, and 
 TRENCHANT, his pilot, near unto a place, called Arcbaka, took 
 a brigantine, laden with a certain quanity of cassavi which is a 
 kind of bread, made of roots, and yet, nevertheless, is very 
 white, and good to eat and some little wine, which was not 
 without some loss of their men; for, in one assault that the 
 inhabitants of Arcbaha made upon them, two of their men 
 were taken, to wit: STEPHEN GOUDOU, and one named GRAND 
 PRE, besides two more that were slain in the place, namely, 
 NICOLAS MASTER, and DOUBLET; yet, nevertheless, they took 
 the brigantine, wherein they put all their stuff that was in 
 their own bark, because it was of greater burthen, and better 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 273 
 
 of sail than their own. Afterward, they sailed right unto the 1 564. 
 Cape of Santa Maria, near to Leauguane, where they went on 
 land, to caulk and braye their ship, which had a great leak. In 
 this, meanwhile, they resolved to sail to Baracou, which is a 
 village of the Isle of Jamaica, where, at their arrival, they found 
 a caravel, of fifty or three-score tons burthen, which they took, 
 without anybody in it ; and, after they had made good cheer in 
 the village, the space of five or six days, they embarked them 
 selves in it, leaving their second ship; then they returned to the 
 Cape of Tiburon, where they met with a patach, which they took 
 by force, after a long conflict. In this patach > the Governor of 
 Jamaica was taken, with great store of riches, as well of gold 
 and silver as of merchandise and wine, and many other things ; 
 wherein our seditious companions, not content, determined to 
 seek more in their caravel, and their Governor of Jamaica, also. 
 After they were come to Jamaica, they missed of another 
 caravel, which did save itself in the haven. The governor, 
 being fine and subtle, seeing himself brought unto the place 
 which he desired, and where he commanded, obtained so much 
 by his fair words, that they, which had taken him, let him put 
 two little boys, which were taken with him, into a little cock 
 boat, and sent them to his wife into the village, to advertise 
 her that she should make provision of victuals to send unto him. 
 But, instead of writing unto his wife, he spake unto the boys 
 secretly, that, with all diligence, she should send the vessels 
 that were in the havens near that place, to succor and rescue 
 him. Which she did, so cunningly, that, on a morning, about 
 the break of the day, as our seditious companions were at the 
 
 35 
 
274 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. haven s mouth (which reacheth above two leagues up within the 
 land), there came out of the haven a malgualire, which maketh 
 sail both forward and backward, and then two great ships, 
 which might be, each of them, of four-score or an hundred tons 
 apiece, with good store of ordnance, and well furnished with 
 men ; at whose coming our mutinous fellows were surprised, 
 being not able to see them when they came, as well because of 
 the darkness of the weather, as, also, by reason of the length of 
 the haven; considering, also, they mistrusted nothing. True 
 it is, that five or six-and-twenty that were in the brigantine 
 discovered these ships when they were near them, which, seeing 
 themselves pressed for want of leisure to weigh their anchor, 
 cut their cable, and the trumpeter, which was in it, advertised 
 the rest; whereupon the Spaniards, seeing themselves descried, 
 discharged a volley of cannon-shot against the Frenchmen, 
 which they followed, by the space of three leagues, and recovered 
 their own ships. The brigantine, which escaped away, passed 
 sight of the Cape des Aigrettes, and the Cape of St. Anthony, 
 situate in the Isle of Cuba, and, from thence, passed within the 
 sight of Havana. But, TRENCHANT, their pilot, and the trum 
 peter, and certain other mariners of this brigantine, which 
 were led away by force in this voyage (as elsewhere we have 
 declared), desired nothing more than to return to me; where 
 fore, these men agreed together (if, peradventure, the wind 
 served them well) to pass the channel of Bahama while their 
 seditious companions were asleep; which they did accomplish 
 with such good success, that, in the morning, toward the break 
 of day, about the 25th of March, they arrived upon the coast of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 275 
 
 Florida; where, knowing the fault which they had committed, l 
 in a kind of mockery, they counterfeited the judges; but they 
 played not this prank until they had tippled well of the wine 
 which remained yet in their prize. One counterfeited the 
 judge, another personated my person ; one other, after he had 
 heard the matter pleaded, concluded thus: "Make you your 
 causes as good as it pleaseth you ; but if, when you come to 
 Fort Caroline, the captain cause you not to be hanged, I will 
 never take him for an honest man." Others thought that, my 
 choler being passed, I would easily, forget this matter. Their 
 sail was no sooner descried upon our coast, but the king of the 
 place, named PATICA, dwelling eight leagues distant from our 
 fort, and being one of our good friends, sent an Indian to adver 
 tise me that he had descried a ship upon the coast, and that he 
 thought it was one of our nation. Hereupon, the brigantine, 
 oppressed with famine, came to an anchor at the mouth of the 
 River of May, when, at the first blush, we thought they had 
 been ships come from France, which gave us occasion of great 
 joy. But, after I had caused her to be better viewed, I was 
 advertised that they were our seditious companions that were 
 returned. Therefore, I sent them word, by Captain VASSEUR 
 and my serjeant, that they should bring up their brigantine 
 before the fortress, which they promised to do. Now, they were 
 not above two leagues distance from the mouth of the river, 
 where they cast anchor, unto the fortress. The next day, I 
 sent the same captain and serjeant, with thirty soldiers, because 
 I saw they much delayed their coming. Then they brought 
 them ; and, because certain of them had sworn, at their de- 
 
276 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 parture, that they would never come again within the fort, I 
 was well pleased that they should keep their oath. For this 
 purpose, I waited for them at the river s mouth, where I made 
 my barks to be built, and commanded my Serjeant to bring the 
 four chief authors of the mutiny on shore, whom I caused, 
 immediately, to be put in fetters ; for my meaning was not to 
 punish the rest, considering that they were suborned, and 
 because my council, expressly assembled for this purpose, had 
 concluded that these four only should die, to serve for an 
 example to the rest. In the same place, I made an oration 
 unto them, in this manner: 
 
 " My friends, you know the cause why our King sent us unto 
 this country; you know that he is our natural prince, whom we 
 are bound to obey, according to the commandment of GOD, in 
 such sort that we ought neither to spare our goods, or lives, 
 to do those things that concern his service; ye know, or, at 
 least, you cannot be ignorant, that, besides this general and 
 natural obligation, you have this also joined thereunto; that, 
 in receiving of him reasonable pay and wages, you are bound to 
 follow those whom he hath established over you, to be your 
 governors, and to command you, in his name ; having, for this 
 purpose, given him an oath of fidelity, which you cannot, by 
 any means, revoke for any fair appearance which you have to 
 do the contrary ; for this is reason, that seeing you live upon 
 his charges, upon this condition (this is reason, I say) that you 
 should be faithful unto him. Notwithstanding you have had 
 more regard unto your unbridled affections than unto virtue, 
 which invited you to the observance of your oath, in such sort 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 that, being become contemners of all honesty, you have passed 1564. 
 your bonds, and thought that all things were lawful for you. 
 Whereupon, it is fallen out, that while you thought to escape 
 the justice of men, you could not avoid the judgment of GOD, 
 which, as a thing by no means to be avoided, hath led you, and, 
 in spite of you, hath made you to arrive in this place, to make 
 you confess how true his judgments are, and that he never 
 suffereth so foul a fault to escape unpunished." 
 
 After that I had used unto them these, or the like speeches, 
 following that which we had agreed upon in council in respect 
 of the crimes which they had committed, as well against the 
 King s Majesty as against me, which was their captain, I com 
 manded that they should be hanged. Seeing, therefore, that 
 there was no starting-hole, nor means at all to save themselves 
 from this arrest, they took themselves unto their prayers; yet, 
 one of the four, thinking to raise a mutiny among my soldiers, 
 said thus unto them: "What, brethren and companions, will 
 you suffer us to die so shamefully ?" And, taking the words 
 out of his mouth, I said unto him: "That they were not com 
 panions of authors of sedition, and rebels unto the King s 
 service." Hereupon the soldiers besought me not to hang 
 them, but rather let them be shot through, and then, afterward, 
 if I thought good, their bodies might be hanged upon certain 
 gibbets along the haven s mouth, which I caused presently to be 
 put in execution. So, here, what was the end of my mutinous 
 soldiers, without which I had always lived peaceably, and 
 enjoyed the good desire, which I had, to make an happy and 
 quiet voyage ? But, because I have spoken of nothing but their 
 
278 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. accidents and adventures which happened unto them after their 
 departure, without making any mention of our fort, I will return 
 to the matters from which I digressed, to declare that which fell 
 out after their departure. First, I began to consider I might 
 confirm and make myself more constant in mine affliction, that 
 these murmurers could not ground their sedition upon want of 
 victuals ; for, from the time of our arrival, every soldier, daily, 
 unto this day, and, besides, until the 28th of February, had a 
 loaf of bread, weighing twenty-two ounces. Again, I recounted, 
 with myself, that all new conquests, by sea and by land, are, 
 ordinarily, troubled with rebellions, which are easy to be raised, 
 as well in respect of the distance of place as in respect of the 
 hope that the soldiers have to make their profits, as we may 
 be well informed, both by ancient histories, and also by the 
 troubles which lately happened unto CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 
 after his first discovery, to FRANCIS PIZARRO, and DIEGO DE 
 ALMAGRO, in Peru, and to FERNANDO CORTEZ. An hundred 
 thousand other things came unto my mind to encourage and 
 confirm me. My lieutenant, OTTIGNI, and the Serjeant of my 
 band, came to seek me in the ship, where I was prisoner, and 
 carried me from thence in a bark, as soon as our rebels were 
 departed. After I was come unto the fort, I caused all my 
 company that remained to be assembled in the midst of the 
 place, before the corps de garde, and declared unto them the 
 faults which they, that had forsaken us, had committed, praying 
 them to bear them in memory, to bear witness, thereof, when 
 need should require. Forthwith, I ordained new captains to 
 command the troops, and prescribed them an order, according 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 279 
 
 whereunto they were to govern themselves from henceforth, and 15^4* 
 to enter into their watch ; for the greatest part of the soldiers, 
 of whom I had the best opinion, were gone away with them. 
 My declaration ended, they all promised me, with one accord, 
 to obey me most humbly, and to do whatsoever I should com 
 mand them, though it were to die at my feet, for the King s 
 service; wherein, assuredly, they never after failed, so that, I 
 dare say, after the departure of my mutinous companions, I was 
 as well obeyed as ever was captain in place where he com 
 manded. The next day, after my return unto the fort, I 
 assembled my men together again, to declare unto them that 
 our fort was not yet finished, and that it was needful that all of 
 us should put, thereto, our helping hands, to assure ourselves 
 against the Indians; wherein, having willingly agreed unto me, 
 they raised it all with turf from the gate unto the river, which 
 is on the west side. This done, I set my carpenters on work 
 to make another bark, of the same bigness that the others were 
 of; I commanded the sawyers that they should prepare planks, 
 the smiths to prepare upon nails, and, certain others, to make 
 coal, so that the bark was finished in eighteen days. After 
 wards, I made another, less than the first, the better to discover 
 up the river. In this mean space, the Indians visited me, and 
 brought me, daily, certain presents as fish, deer, turkey-cocks, 
 leopards, and little bears, and other things, according to the 
 place of their habitation. I recompensed them with certain 
 hatchets, knives, beads of glass, combs, and looking-glasses. 
 Two Indians came unto me one day, to salute me, on behalf of 
 their king, whose name was MARRACOU, dwelling from the 
 
280 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. place of our fort some forty leagues toward the south, and told 
 me that there was one in the house of King ONATHAQUA, 
 which was called BARBU, or the bearded man; and, in the 
 house of King MATHIACA, another man, whose name they 
 knew not, which was not of their nation ; whereupon, I con 
 ceived that these might be some Christians. Wherefore, I sent 
 to all the kings, my neighbors, to pray them, that, if there were 
 any Christians dwelling in their countries, they would find 
 means that he might be brought unto me ; and that I would 
 make them double recompense. They, which love rewards, 
 took so much pains, that the two men whereof we have spoken, 
 were brought unto the fort unto me. They were naked, wear 
 ing their hair long unto their hams, as the savages used to do, 
 and were Spaniards born ; yet, so well accustomed to the fashion 
 of the country, that, at the first sight, they found our manner 
 of apparel strange. After that I had question of certain matters 
 with them, I caused them to be appareled, and to cut their hair, 
 which they would not loose, but lapped it up in a linen cloth, 
 saying, that they would carry it into their country, to be a testi 
 mony of the misery that they had endured in the Indies. In 
 the hair of one of them was found a little gold hidden, to the 
 value of five-and-twenty crowns, which he gave unto me. 
 And, examining them of the places where they had been, and 
 how they came thither, they answered me, that, fifteen years 
 past, three ships, in one of which they were, were cast away 
 over against a place, named Calos,* upon the flats, which are 
 
 * This word," says BRINTON, " is still preserved in the Seminole appellation of the 
 Sanybal River (Ca/oosa-HatcAic), and in that of the Bay of Carlos, corrupted by the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 2 8l 
 
 called The Martyrs, and that the King of Calos* recovered the I 564. 
 greatest part of the riches which were in the said ships; travel 
 ling in such sort, that the greatest part of the people were saved, 
 and many women, among which number there were three or 
 four married women, remaining there yet, and their children 
 also, with this King of Calos. I desired to learn what this king 
 was; they answered me, that he was the goodliest and the 
 tallest Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, and 
 having many subjects under his obedience. They told me, 
 moreover, that he had great store of gold and silver, so far forth ; 
 that, in a certain village, he had a pit-full thereof, which was, 
 at the least, as high as a man, and as large as a ton, all which 
 wealth the Spaniards fully persuaded themselves that they could 
 cause me to recover, if I were able to march thither with a 
 hundred shot, besides that which I might get of the common 
 people of the country, which had also great store thereof. 
 They further, also, advertised me, that the women, going to 
 dance, did wear, about their girdles, plates of gold as broad as a 
 saucer, and, in such number, that the weight did hinder them 
 to dance at their ease, and that the men wear the like also. 
 The greatest part of these riches was had, as they said, out of 
 the Spanish ships, which, commonly, were cast away in this 
 strait; and the rest, by the traffic which this King of Calos had 
 with the other kings of the country. Finally, that he was had 
 
 English to Charlotte Harbor, both on the south-western coast of the Peninsula, near 
 north latitude twenty-six degrees forty minutes." 
 
 * "Ce Calos ou Callos sont anthropophages, et fort cruel, ils demeurent dans une baye 
 qu il porte egalement leur nom et celui de Ponce de Leon." CHARLEVOIX. 
 
 36 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. in great reverence of his subjects, and that he made them 
 believe that his sorceries and charms were the causes that made 
 the earth bring forth her fruit ; and, that he might the easier 
 persuade them that it was so, he retired himself, once or twice a 
 year, to a certain house, accompanied with two or three of his 
 most familiar friends, where he used certain enchantments ; and, 
 if any man intruded himself to go to see what they did in this 
 place, the king, immediately, caused him to be put to death. 
 
 Moreover, they told me, that, every year, in the time of 
 harvest, this savage king sacrificed one man, which was kept 
 expressly for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the 
 Spaniards, which, by tempest, were cast alway upon that coast. 
 One of these two declared unto me, that he had served him a 
 long time for a messenger, and that, oftentimes, by his com 
 mandment, he had visited a king, named ONATHAQUA, distant 
 from Calos four or five days journey, which always remained his 
 faithful friend; but that, in the midway, there was an island, 
 situate in a great lake of fresh water, named Sarrope,* about 
 five leagues in bigness, abounding with many sorts of fruits, 
 especially in dates, which grow on the palm trees, whereof they 
 make a wonderful traffic; yet not so great as of a kind of root 
 whereof they make a kind of meal, so good to make bread of, 
 that it is impossible to eat better; and that, for fifteen leagues 
 about, all the country is fed therewith, which is the cause that 
 the inhabitants gain of their neighbors great wealth and profit, 
 for they will not part with this root without they be well paid 
 
 * Supposed to be Lake Wart, in Marion County. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 283 
 
 for it. Besides that, they are taken for the most warlike men 
 of all that country, as they made good proof when the King of 
 Calos, having made alliance with ONATHAQUA, was deprived 
 of ONATHAQUA S daughter, which he had promised to him in 
 marriage. 
 
 He told me the whole matter, in this sort: As ONATHAQUA, 
 well accompanied with his people, carried one of his daughters, 
 exceeding beautiful, according to the color of the country, unto 
 King CALOS, to give her unto him for his wife, the inhabitants 
 of this isle, advertised of the matter, laid an ambush for him in 
 a place where he should pass, and so behaved themselves, that 
 ONATHAQUA was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse 
 taken, and all the damsels that accompanied her, which they 
 carried within the isle, which thing, in all the Indian s country, 
 they esteem to be the greatest victory; for, afterward, they 
 marry these virgins, and love them above all measure. The 
 Spaniards that made this relation told me, that, after this defeat, 
 he went to dwell with ONATHAQUA, and had been with him 
 full eight years, even until the time that he was sent unto me. 
 The place of Calos is situated upon a river, which is beyond the 
 Cape of Florida, forty or fifty leagues toward the south-west ; 
 and the dwelling of ONATHAQUA is on this side of the cape, 
 toward the north, in a place which we call, in the chart, CAN- 
 NAVERAL, which is in twenty-eight degrees. 
 
284 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1564. ^Sl^SlP^i BOUT the 25th of January, Paracoussf 
 
 K^^^^MBP^%ffl? : JK 
 
 SATOURIOUA, my neighbor, sent me cer 
 tain presents, by two of his subjects, 
 to persuade me to join with him, and 
 to make war upon OUAE UTINA, which 
 
 was my friend : and further sought me to retire certain of 
 my men, which were with UTINA for whom, if it had not 
 been, he had oftentimes set upon him, and defeated him. He 
 besought me, herein, by divers other kings, his allies, which, 
 for three weeks or a month s space, sent messengers unto me, 
 to this end and purpose ; but I would not grant unto them that 
 they should make war upon him : yea, rather contrariwise, I 
 endeavored to make them friends; wherein they condescended 
 unto me, so far forth, that they were content to allow of any 
 thing that I would set down ; whereupon, the two Spaniards 
 which, of long time, knew well the nature of the Indians 
 
 * " Amoug the Ca/oosas, the paracoussy, or king, was considered of divine nature, 
 and believed to have the power to grant or withhold seasons favorable to the crops, 
 and fortune in the chase. In war, the paracoussy led the van and, in peace, sat in 
 the council house to receive the homage of his inferiors, and advise with his coun 
 selors on points of national interest." BRINTON S Notes on Florida. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 285 
 
 warned me that, in any case, I should not trust unto them ; 
 because that, when they showed good countenance, and the 
 best cheer unto men, then was the time that they would 
 surprise and betray them ; and that, of their nature, they were 
 the greatest traitors, and most deep dissemblers of the world. 
 Besides, I never trusted them but upon good ground, as one 
 that had discovered a thousand of their crafts and subtleties, as 
 well by experience as by reading of the histories of late years. 
 
 Our two barks were not so soon finished, but I sent Captain 
 VASSEUR to discover along the coast lying toward the north, 
 and commanded him to sail unto a river, the king whereof was 
 called AUDUSTA, which was lord of that place where those of 
 the year 1562 inhabited. I sent him two suits of apparel, with 
 certain hatchets, knives, and other small trifles, the better to 
 insinuate myself into his friendship. And, the better to win 
 him, I sent in the bark, with Captain VASSEUR, a soldier, called 
 AIMON, which was one of them which returned home in the 
 first voyage, hoping that King AUDUSTA might remember 
 him. But, before they were embarked, I commanded them to 
 make inquiry what was become of another, called ROUFFI, 
 which remained alone in those parts, when NICHOLAS MASON, 
 and those of the first voyage, embarked themselves to return 
 into France. They understood, at their arrival there, that a 
 bark, passing that way, had carried away the same soldier; and, 
 afterward, I knew, for a certainty, that they were Spaniards 
 which had carried him to Havana. The King AUDUSTA sent 
 me back my bark full of mill, with a certain quantity of beans, 
 two stags, some skins (painted after their manner), and certain 
 
2 86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. pearls, of small value, because they were burnt; and sent me 
 word, that, if I would dwell in his quarters, he would give me 
 a great country, and that, after he had gathered his mill, he 
 would spare me as much as I would have. In the meanwhile, 
 there came unto our fort a flock of stock-doves, in so great 
 number, and that for the space of seven weeks together, that, 
 every day, we killed, with harquebuse-shot, two hundred in 
 the woods about our fort. After that Captain VASSEUR was 
 returned, I caused the two barks to be furnished again with 
 soldiers and mariners, and sent them to carry a present from me 
 unto the widow of HIOCAIA, whose dwelling was distant from 
 our fort about twelve leagues northward. She courteously 
 received our men, sent me back my barks full of mill and 
 acorns, with certain baskets-full of the leaves of cassine, where 
 with they make their drink. And the place where this widow 
 dwelleth, is the most plentiful of mill that is in all the coast, and 
 the most pleasant. It is thought that the queen is the most 
 beautiful of all the Indians, and of whom they make most 
 account ; yea, and her subjects honor her so much, that always 
 continually they bear her on their shoulders, and will not suffer 
 her to go on foot. Within a few days after the return of my 
 barks, she sent to visit me by her biatiqui^ which is as much as 
 to say, as her interpreter. Now, while I thought I was furnished 
 with victuals until the time that our ships might come out of 
 France (for fear of keeping my people idle), I sent my two 
 barks to discover, along the river, and up toward the head, 
 thereof, which went so far up that they were thirty leagues good 
 beyond a place, named Matkiaqua; and there they discovered 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 the entrance of a lake, upon the one side, whereof no land 1564. 
 
 could be seen, according to the report of the Indians, which 
 
 had, oftentimes, climbed on the highest trees in the country to 
 
 see land, and, notwithstanding, could not discern any, which 
 
 was the cause that my men went no further, but returned back; 
 
 and, in coming home, went to see the Island of Edelano, situated 
 
 in the midst of the river as fair a place as any that may be 
 
 seen through the world ; for, in the space of some three leagues 
 
 (that it may contain in length and breadth), a man may see an 
 
 exceedingly rich country, and marvelously peopled. At the 
 
 coming out of the village of Edelano, to go unto the river s side, 
 
 a man must pass through an alley, about three hundred paces 
 
 long and fifty paces broad, on both sides, whereof, great trees 
 
 are planted, the boughs, whereof, are tied together like an arch, 
 
 and meet together, so artificially, that a man would think it 
 
 were an arbor, made of purpose, as fair, I say, as any in all 
 
 Christendom, although it be all natural. 
 
 Our men, departing from this place, rowed to Eneguape, then 
 to Chilily, from thence to Patica; and, lastly, they came unto 
 Goya where, leaving their barks, in a little creek of the river, 
 with men to guard them, they went to visit UTINA, which 
 received them very courteously ; and, when they departed from 
 his house, he entreated them so earnestly, that six of my men 
 remained with him of which number there was one gentle 
 man, named GROUTALD, which, after he had abode there about 
 two months, and taken great pains to discover the country, with 
 another which I had left a great while there to that intent, came 
 unto me to the fort, and told me that he never saw a fairer 
 
288 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. country. Among other things, he reported unto me, that he had 
 seen a place, named Hostaqua : and that the king, thereof, was 
 so mighty, that he was able to bring three or four thousand 
 savages to the field ; with whom, if I would join, and enter 
 into league, we might be able to reduce all the rest of the 
 inhabitants unto our obedience. Besides, that this king knew 
 the passages unto the mountain of Apalatci, which the French 
 men desired so greatly to attain unto, and where the enemy 
 of HOSTAQUA made his abode, which was easy to be subdued, 
 if so be we would enter into league together. The king sent 
 me a plate of a mineral that came out of this mountain out 
 of the foot, whereof, there runneth a stream of gold or copper 
 (as the savages think), out of which they dig up the sand, 
 with an hollow and dry cane or reed, until the cane be full ; 
 afterward they shake it, and find that there are many small 
 grains of copper and silver among this sand, which giveth them 
 to understand that some rich mine must needs be in the moun 
 tain ; and, because the mountain was not past five or six days 
 journey from our fort, lying toward the north-west, I deter 
 mined, as soon as our supply should come out of France, to 
 remove our habitation unto some river more toward the north, 
 that I might be nearer thereunto. 
 
 One of my soldiers, whose name was PETER GAMBY, which 
 had remained a long space before in this country, to learn the 
 language and traffic with the Indians, at the last, came to the 
 village of Edelano, where, having gotten together a certain 
 quantity of gold and silver, and purposing to return unto me, 
 he prayed the king of the village to lend him a canoe (which 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 289 
 
 is a vessel made of one whole piece of wood, which the Indians 
 used to fish, withal, and to row upon the rivers), which this lord 
 of Edelano granted him. But, being greedy of the riches which 
 he had, he commanded two Indians, which he had charged to 
 conduct him in the canoe, to murder him, and bring him 
 the merchandise and the gold which he had which the two 
 traitors villainously executed; for they knocked him on the 
 head with an hatchet, as he was blowing the fire, in the 
 canoe, to seethe fish. 
 
 37 
 
290 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1 $64- SSSBBSHI H E Paracoussy UTINA sent, certain days 
 
 afterward, to pray me to lend him a dozen 
 or fifteen of my shot to invade his enemy, 
 POTANOU ; and sent me word, that, this 
 enemy once vanquished, he would make 
 
 me passage; yea, and would conduct me unto the mountains, 
 in such sort, that no man should be able to hinder me. Then 
 I assembled my men to demand their advice, as I was wont to 
 do in all mine enterprises. The greater part was of opinion that 
 I should do well to send succor unto this paracoussy ; because 
 it would be hard for me to discover any further up into the 
 country without his help, and that the Spaniards, when they 
 were employed in their conquests, did always enter into alliance 
 with some one king to ruin another. Notwithstanding, because 
 I did always mistrust the Indians, and that the more after the 
 last advertisement that the Spaniards had given me, I doubted 
 lest the small number which UTINA demanded might incur 
 some danger, wherefore I sent him thirty shot, under the charge 
 of Lieutenant OTTIGNI, which staid not above two days with 
 UTINA, while he prepared victuals for his voyage, which, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 291 
 
 ordinarily, and, according to the custom of the country, are 1564. 
 carried by women and young boys, and by hermaphrodites. 
 UTINA, setting forward with three hundred of his subjects, 
 having, each of them, their bow and quiver full of arrows, 
 caused our thirty shot to be placed in the forward, and made 
 them march all the day, until that, the night approaching, and 
 having not gone past half the way, they were enforced to lie 
 all night in the woods, near a great lake, and there to encamp 
 themselves. They separated themselves by six and six, making, 
 each of them, a fire about the place where their king lay, for 
 whose guard they opened a certain number of those archers in 
 whom he put most confidence. As soon as day was come, the 
 camp of the Indians marched within three leagues of POTANOU ; 
 there, King UTINA requested my lieutenant to grant him four 
 or five of his men to go and discover the country, which 
 departed immediately, and had not gone far but they perceived, 
 upon a lake, distant about three leagues from the village of 
 POTANOU, three Indians, which fished in a canoe. Now, the 
 custom is, that, when they fish in this lake, they have always 
 a company of watchmen, armed with bows and arrows, to 
 guard the fishers. Our men being, hereof, advertised by those 
 of the company, durst not pass any further, for fear of falling 
 into some ambush, wherefore, they returned towards UTINA, 
 which suddenly sent them back, with a greater company, to 
 surprise the fishers before they might retire and advertise their 
 king (POTANOU) of the coming of his enemies, which they 
 could not execute so politely, but that two of them escaped ; 
 the third, also, did the best he could to save himself by swim- 
 
2Q2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. mtng, in which, meanwhile, he was slain with shot of arrows; 
 and they drew him back, stark dead, unto the bank-side, where 
 our Indians flayed off the skin of his head, and cut off both his 
 arms, in the highway, reserving his hair for the triumph, which 
 their king hoped to make, for the defeat of his enemy. UTINA, 
 fearing lest POTANOU, advertised by the fishers which were 
 escaped, should put himself in arms to withstand him valiantly, 
 asked counsel of his lawa (which is as much as to say, in their 
 language, as his magician), whether it were best to go any 
 further; then this magician made certain signs, hideous and 
 fearful to behold, and used certain words ; which, being ended, 
 he said unto his king, that it was not best to pass any further, 
 and that POTANOU, accompanied with two thousand Indians, at 
 the least, staid in such and such a place for him, to bid him 
 battle ; and, besides this, that all the said Indians were furnished 
 with cords to bind the prisoners, which they made full account 
 to take. 
 
 This relation caused UTINA to be unwilling to pass any 
 further ; whereupon my lieutenant, being as angry as ever he 
 might be, because he had taken so great pains, without doing 
 anything of account, said unto him, that he would never think 
 well of him, nor of his people, if he would not hazard himself; 
 and that, if he would not do it, at the least, that he would give 
 him a guide to conduct him and his small company to the place 
 where the enemies were encamped. Hereupon UTINA was 
 ashamed, and, seeing the good affection of M. DE OTTIGNI, 
 determined to go forward, and he failed not to find his enemies 
 in the very place which the magician had named, where the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 293 
 
 skirmish began, which lasted three long hours; wherein, with- 1564. 
 out doubt, UTINA had been defeated, unless our harquebuses 
 had not borne the burthen and brunt of all the battle, and slain 
 a great number of the soldiers of POTANOU, upon which occa 
 sion they were put to flight. Wherewithal, UTINA, being 
 content, for the present, caused his people to retire, and return 
 homeward, to the great discontentment of M. DE OTTIGNI, 
 which desired nothing more than to pursue his victory. After 
 he was come home to his house, he sent messengers to eighteen 
 or twenty villages of other kings (his vassals), and summoned 
 them to be present at the feasts and dances, which he purposed 
 to celebrate, because of his victory. In the meanwhile, M. DE 
 OTTIGNI refreshed himself for two days, and then, taking his 
 leave of the paracoussy^ and leaving twelve of his men to see 
 that POTANOU, bethinking himself of his late loss, should come 
 to burn the houses of UTINA, he set forward on his way to 
 come unto me, unto our fort, where he up and told me how 
 everything had passed; and, withal, that he had promised the 
 twelve soldiers that he would come back again to fetch them. 
 Then the kings, my neighbors, all enemies to UTINA, being 
 advertised of the return of my lieutenant, came to visit me, 
 with presents, and to inquire how things had passed, praying 
 me, all, to receive them into my favor, and to become enemy to 
 UTINA; which, notwithstanding, I would not grant them, for 
 many reasons that moved me. 
 
 The Indians are wont to leave their houses, and to retire 
 themselves into the woods, the space of three months, to wit : 
 January, February, and March, during which time, by no 
 
2Q4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. means, a man can see one Indian; for, when they go on 
 hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, whereunto 
 they retire themselves, living upon that which they take in 
 hunting. This was the cause that, during this time, we could 
 get no victuals by their means ; and, had it not been that I had 
 made good provision, thereof, while my men had store, until 
 the end of April (which was the time when, at the uttermost, 
 we hoped to have had succor out of France), I should have 
 been greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the 
 soldiers took no great care to look well unto their victuals, 
 although I divided, equally among them, that which I could 
 get abroad in the country, without reserving unto myself any 
 more than the least soldier of all the company. The month 
 of May approaching, and no manner of succor come out of 
 France, we fell into extreme want of victuals constrained to 
 eat the roots of the earth, and certain sorrel, which we found 
 in the fields ; for, although the savages were returned by this 
 time into their villages, yet they succored us with nothing 
 but certain fish, without which, assuredly, we had perished with 
 famine. Besides, they had given us, before, the greatest part of 
 their maize, and of their beans, for our merchandise. This 
 famine held us from the beginning of May until the midst of 
 June, during which time the poor soldiers and handicraftsmen 
 became as feeble as might be, and, being not able to work, did 
 nothing but go, one after another, in sentinel, unto the cliff of 
 an hill, situate very near unto the fort, to see if they might 
 discover any French ship. In fine, being frustrated of their 
 hope, they assembled, all together, and came to beseech me to 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 295 
 
 take some order that they might return unto France, consider- 
 ing that, if we let pass the season to embark ourselves, we were 
 never like to see our country ; where it could not be chosen 
 but that some troubles were fallen out, seeing they had broken 
 their promise made unto us, and that no succor was come from 
 thence. Thereupon, it was consulted and resolved, by all the 
 company, that the bark Breton should be trimmed up, whereof 
 Captain VASSEUR had charge. But, because the ship was not 
 big enough to receive us all, some thought good to build the 
 brigantine two decks higher, which our mutinous soldiers had 
 brought back, and that twenty-five men should hazard them 
 selves, to pass therein, into France; the rest, being better 
 advised, said, that it should be far better to build a fair ship, 
 upon the keel of the galiot which I had caused to be made, 
 promising to labor courageously thereupon. Then I inquired 
 of my shipwrights to know in what space they could make this 
 ship ready. They assured the whole company, that, being fur 
 nished with all things necessary, they would make it ready by 
 the 8th of August. Immediately, I disposed of the time to 
 work upon it. I gave charge to M. DE OTTIGNI, my lieuten 
 ant, to cause timber, necessary for the finishing of both the 
 vessels, to be brought; and, to M. DE ARLAC, my standard- 
 bearer, to go with a bark, a league off from the fort, to cut 
 down trees, fit to make planks, and to cause the sawyers, 
 which he carried with him, to saw them ; and, to my serjeant 
 of the company, to cause fifteen or sixteen men to labor, in 
 making coal; and, to Master HANCE, keeper of the artillery, 
 and, to the gunner, to gather store of rosin to bray the ves- 
 
296 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. sels ; wherein he used such diligence, that, in less than three 
 weeks, he gathered two hogsheads of the same together. There 
 remained, now, but the principal, which was to recover victuals 
 to sustain us while our work endured, which I undertook to 
 do, with the rest of my company, and the mariners of the ship. 
 To this end, I embarked myself, making up the thirtieth, in 
 my great bark, to make a voyage of forty or fifty leagues, 
 having with us no provision at all of victuals, whereby, it may 
 easily be gathered, how simply those of our fort were provided. 
 True it is, that certain soldiers, being better husbands than 
 the rest, and having made some provision of mast, sold a little 
 measure, thereof, for fifteen or twenty sous^ unto their com 
 panions. During our voyage, we lived on nothing else but 
 raspices^ of a certain round grain, little and black, and of the 
 roots of palmettos, which we got by the river sides ; wherein, 
 after we had sailed a long time, in vain, I was constrained to 
 return unto the fort, where the soldiers, beginning to be weary 
 of working, because of the extreme famine which did consume 
 them, assembled themselves, and declared unto me that, seeing 
 they could get no victuals of the Indians, it was expedient, for 
 the saving of their lives, to seize upon the person of one of the 
 kings of the country, assuring themselves that, one being taken, 
 the subjects would not suffer our men to want victuals. 
 
 I made them answer, that this enterprise was not rashly to 
 be attempted ; but that we ought to have good regard unto the 
 consequence that might issue thereof. Hereupon, they replied 
 unto me, that, seeing the time was past of our succor from 
 France, and that we were resolved to abandon the country, and 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 297 
 
 that there was no danger to constrain the savages to furnish us 
 with victuals ; which, for the present, I would not grant unto 
 them, but promised them, assuredly, that I would send to 
 advertise the Indians that they should bring me victuals for 
 exchange of merchandise and apparel ; which they also did, 
 for the space of certain days, during which they brought of their 
 mast, and of their fish ; which, these Indians being traitorous, 
 and mischievous of nature, and, knowing our exceeding strange 
 famine, sold us at so dear a price, that, for less than nothing, 
 they had gotten from us all the rest of our merchandise which 
 remained. And, which was worse, fearing to be forced by 
 us, and, seeing that they had gotten away all from us, they 
 came no nearer to our fort than the shot of an harquebuse. 
 Thither they brought their fish, in their little boats ; to which 
 our poor soldiers were constrained to go ; and, oftentimes, as I 
 have seen, to give away the very shirts from their backs to get 
 one fish. If, at any time, they showed unto the savages the 
 excessive price which they took, these villians would answer 
 them roughly and churlishly; "if thou make so great account 
 of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish." Then 
 fell they out a-laughing, and mocked us with open throat. 
 Whereupon our soldiers, becoming utterly impatient, were often 
 times ready to cut them in pieces, and to make them pay the 
 price of their foolish arrogance. Notwithstanding, considering 
 the importance, hereof, I took pains to appease the impatient 
 soldiers ; for I would not, by any m eans, enter into question 
 with the savages, and it sufficed me to delay the time. Where 
 fore, I devised to send unto UTINA, to pray him to deal, so far 
 
 38 
 
298 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 564. forth, with his subjects, as to succor me with mast and maize ; 
 which he did, very sparingly, sending me twelve or fifteen 
 baskets of mast, and two of pinocks, which are a kind of little 
 green fruit, which grow among the weeds, in the river, and 
 are as big as cherries. Yea, and this was not but by giving in 
 exchange twice as much merchandise and apparel as they were 
 worth ; for the subjects of UTINA perceived, evidently, the 
 necessity wherein we were, and began to use the like speech 
 unto us, as the others did, as it is commonly seen that need 
 altereth men s affections. 
 
 While these things were in doing, a certain breathing-space 
 presented itself; for UTINA gave me to understand that there 
 was a king, his subject, whose name was ASTINA, which he 
 determined to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his dis 
 obedience; that, for this cause, if I would give him aid, with 
 a certain number of my soldiers, he would bring them to the 
 village of ASTINA, where there was means to recover mast and 
 maize. In the mean season, he excused himself unto me, 
 because he had sent me no more maize, and sent me word 
 that the little store that he had left was scarcely sufficient for 
 his seed-corn. Now, being somewhat relieved, as I thought, 
 by the hope which I had of this offer, I would not fail to send 
 him the men which he desired of me, which, nevertheless, were 
 very evil entreated ; for he deceived them, and, instead of 
 leading them against ASTINA, he caused them to march against 
 his other enemies. My .lieutenant, which had charge of this 
 enterprise, with Captain VASSEUR and my serjeant, was deter 
 mined to be revenged of UTINA, and to cut him in pieces, and 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 299 
 
 his people; and, had it not been that they feared to do any- 1564. 
 thing against my will, without all doubt they would have put 
 their enterprise into execution. Therefore, they would not 
 pass any further without advertising me thereof. Wherefore, 
 being come back again into the fort, angry, and pricked deeply 
 to the quick for being so mocked, they made their complaints 
 unto me, declaring unto me that they were almost dead for 
 hunger. While they told the whole matter to the rest of the 
 soldiers, which were very glad that they had not entered into 
 that action, and resolved, assembling themselves again together, 
 to let me understand that they did persist in their first delibera 
 tion, which was, to punish the boldness and maliciousness of 
 the savages, which they could no longer endure, and were 
 determined to take one of their kings prisoner ; which thing I 
 was enforced to grant unto them, to the end to avoid a greater 
 mischief, and the sedition which, I foresaw, would ensue, if I 
 had made refusal thereof; for, said they, what occasion have 
 you to deny us, considering the necessity wherein we are, and 
 the small account that they make of us ? Shall it not be law 
 ful for us to punish them for the wrongs which they have done 
 unto us? Besides, that we know, apparently, how little they 
 respect us, is not this sufficient, although there were no neces 
 sity at all, since they thus delude us, and have broken promise 
 with us? After, therefore, I had resolved with them, to seize 
 on the person of UTINA, which, besides that he had given us 
 occasion hereof, was also most able to help us to recover 
 victuals, I departed, with fifty of my best soldiers, all embarked 
 in two barks, and arrived in the dominions of UTINA, distant 
 
300 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. from our fort about forty or fifty leagues; then, going on shore, 
 we drew towards his village, situated six great leagues from the 
 river, where we took him prisoner howbeit, not without great 
 cries and alarms and led him away in our barks, having first 
 signified unto his father-in-law, and his chief subjects, that, in 
 that I had taken him, it was not for any desire that I had to do 
 him any harm, but only to relieve my necessities and want of 
 victuals, which oppressed me, and that, in case they would help 
 me to some, I would find means to set him again at liberty; 
 that, in the mean space, I would retire myself into my barks 
 (for I feared lest they would there assemble themselves to 
 gether, and that some mischief might thereof ensue), where I 
 would stay for him two days to receive his answer, notwith 
 standing that, my meaning was, not to have anything without 
 exchange of merchandise. This they promised they would do; 
 and, in very deed, the very same evening, his wife, accom 
 panied with all the women of the village, came unto the river s 
 brink, and cried unto me to enter into the bark, to see her 
 husband and her son, which I held both prisoners. I dis 
 covered, the next day, five or six hundred Indian archers, 
 which drew near unto the river side, and came to me, to signify 
 unto me how that, during the absence of their king, their 
 enemy, POTANOU, being thereof advertised, was entered into 
 their village, and had set all on fire. They prayed me that I 
 would succor them ; nevertheless, in the meanwhile, they had 
 one part of their troop in ambush, with intent to set upon me 
 if I had come on land which was easy for me to discern; for, 
 seeing that I refused to do so, they greatly doubted that they 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^ OI 
 
 were discovered, and sought, by all means, to remove out of 1564. 
 my mind that evil opinion which I had conceived of them. 
 They brought me, therefore, fish, in their little boats, and of 
 their meal of mast \ they made, also, of their drink, which they 
 called cassine, which they sent to UTINA and me. 
 
3 02 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1564. 
 
 O W, albeit that I had gotten this point 
 of them, that I held their king prisoner, 
 yet, nevertheless, I could not get any 
 great quantity of victuals, for the present. 
 The reason was because they thought 
 that, after I had drawn victuals from 
 them, I would put their king to death ; for they measured my 
 will according to their custom, whereby they put to death all 
 the men-prisoners that they take in war. And thus, being out 
 of all hope of his liberty, they assembled themselves in the 
 great house, and, having called all the people together, they 
 proposed the election of a new king, at which time the father-in- 
 law of UTINA set one of the king s young sons upon the royal 
 throne, and took such pains, that every man did him homage 
 by the major part of the voices. This election had like to have 
 been the cause of great troubles among them ; for there was a 
 kinsman of the king, near adjoining, which pretended a title 
 to the kingdom and, indeed, he had gotten one part of the sub 
 jects. Notwithstanding this enterprise could not take effect- 
 forasmuch, as by a common consent of the chiefs, it was con- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 303 
 
 suited (and concluded) that the son was more meet to succeed 1564. 
 the father than any other. Now, all this while, I kept UTINA 
 with me, to whom I had given some of mine apparel to 
 clothe him, as I had likewise done unto his son. But his sub 
 jects, which, before, had an opinion that I would have killed 
 him, being advertised of the good entertainment which I used 
 toward him, sent two men, which walked along the river, 
 and came to visit him, and brought us some victuals. These 
 two men, at their coming, were received by me with all 
 courtesy, and entertained according to the victuals which I had. 
 While these things passed, there arrived, from all quarters, many 
 savages of the country adjoining, which came to see UTINA, and 
 sought, by all means, to persuade me to put him to death 
 offering, that if I would do so, they would take order that I 
 should want no victuals. There was, also, a king, my neigh 
 bor, whose name was SATOURIOUA a subtle and crafty man, 
 and one that showed, by proof, that he was greatly practised in 
 affairs. This king sent, ordinarily, messengers unto me, to 
 pray me to deliver UTINA unto him ; and, to win me the more 
 easily, he sent, twice, seven or eight baskets of maize or of 
 mast, thinking, by this way, to allure me, and to make me 
 come to composition with him. In the end, notwithstanding, 
 when he saw he lost his time, he ceased to visit me with 
 embassies and victuals. In the meanwhile, I was not able, 
 with the same store of victuals which I had, so well to pro 
 portion out the travel upon the ships which we built to return 
 into France; but that, in the end, we were constrained to 
 endure extreme famine, which continued among us all the 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. month of May, for, in this latter season, neither maize, nor 
 beans, nor mast, was to be found in the villages, because they 
 had employed all for to sow their fields, insomuch that we were 
 constrained to eat roots, which the most part of our men 
 pounded in the morters (which I had brought with me to beat 
 gunpowder in), and the grain which came to us from other 
 places. Some took the wood of esquine, beat it, and made 
 meal thereof, which they boiled with water, and eat it ; others 
 went, with their harquebuses, to seek to kill some fowl. Yea, 
 this misery was so great, that one was found that gathered up, 
 among the filth of my house, all the fish-bones that he could 
 find, which he dried, and beat into powder, to make bread 
 thereof. 
 
 The effects of this hideous famine appeared incontinently 
 among us, for our bones soon began to cleave so near unto the 
 skin, that the most part of the soldiers had their skins pierced 
 through with them, in many parts of their bodies, in such sort, 
 that, my greatest fear was, lest the Indians would rise up 
 against us, considering that it would have been very hard for 
 us to have defended ourselves in such extreme decay of all our 
 forces, besides the scarcity of all victuals, which failed us all 
 at once; for the very river had not such plenty of fish as it 
 was wont, and it seemed that the land and water did fight 
 against us. Now, as we were thus upon terms of despair, 
 about the end of the month of May and the beginning of June, 
 I was advertised, by certain Indians, that were my neighbors, 
 that, in the high country above the river, there was new maize, 
 and that that country was most forward of all. This caused 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 305 
 
 me to take upon me to go thither with a certain number of 1564- 
 my men ; and I went up the river, to a place called Enecaque, 
 where I met the sister of UTINA, in a village, where she made 
 us very good cheer, and sent us fish. We found that which was 
 told us to be true, for the maize was now ripe; but, by this 
 good luck, one shrewd turn happened unto me. For the most 
 part of my soldiers fell sick with eating more of it than their 
 weakened stomachs could digest. We had, also, been the space 
 of four days, since we departed from our fort, without eating 
 anything, saving little pinocks^ and a little fish, which we got 
 of the fishers, which we met sometimes along the river; and 
 yet, this was so little, that, certain soldiers, eat privily, little 
 whelps, which were newly whelped. The next day, I pur 
 posed to go into the Isle of Edelano, to take the king, which had 
 caused one of my men to be slain, as I have mentioned before; 
 but, being advertised of my departing out of my fort, and of 
 the way which I took up the river, he feared that I went forth 
 with a purpose to be revenged of the evil turn which he played; 
 so that, when I came thither, I found the houses empty; for he 
 was retired a little before, with all his people, and I could not, 
 by any means, keep my soldiers being angry, because they had 
 lost one of their companions, from setting the village on fire. 
 At my departure from thence, I passed back again by Enecaque, 
 where I gathered as much maize as I could possibly; which, 
 with great diligence, I conveyed to our fort, to succor my poor 
 men, which I had left in great necessity. They, therefore, 
 seeing me afar off coming, ran to that side of the river where 
 they thought I would come on land; for hunger so pinched 
 
 39 
 
306 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. them to the heart, that they could not stay until the victuals 
 were brought them to the fort. And that, they well showed, 
 as soon as I was come, and that I had distributed that little 
 maize among them, which I had given to each man before I 
 came out of the bark, for they eat it before they had taken it 
 out of the husk. But, seeing myself in this extreme need, I 
 took pains, day by day, to seek some villages where there was 
 some food; and, as I travelled, this way and that way, it hap 
 pened that two of my carpenters were killed by the two sons 
 of King EMOLA, and by one, whose name was CASTI, as they 
 went on walking to the village called Atbore. The cause of 
 this murder was, because they could not refrain themselves, as 
 they walked through the fields, from gathering a little maize, 
 which, as they were doing, they were taken in the manner, 
 whereof I was presently advertised by an Indian, which, a. little 
 before, had brought me a present from NIA CUBACANI, queen 
 of a village, and neighbor to our fort. Upon receipt of this 
 advertisement, I sent my serjeant, with a number of soldiers, 
 which found nothing else but the two dead corpses, which they 
 buried, and returned, without doing any other exploit, because 
 the inhabitants were fled away, fearing they should be punished 
 for such a foul act. As these things thus passed, and that, by 
 this time, we had almost driven out the month of May, two 
 subjects of King UTINA came unto me, with an hermaphrodite, 
 which showed me that, by this time, the maize was ripe in the 
 greatest part of their quarters. Whereupon UTINA signified 
 unto me, that, in case I would carry him home to his house, 
 he would take such good order that I should have plenty of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 maize and beans; and, withal, that the field which he had 1 564. 
 caused to be sown for me, should be reserved to my use. I 
 consulted with my men concerning this matter, and found, by 
 the advice of all my company, that it was best to grant him his 
 request, saying, that he had means to succor us, with food 
 sufficient to serve our turns for our embarkment, and that, 
 therefore, I might do well to carry him home. Wherefore I 
 caused the two barks to be forthwith made ready, wherein I 
 sailed to Patica, a place distant from his village eight or nine 
 leagues, where I found nobody, for they were gotten into the 
 woods, and would not show themselves; albeit, UTINA showed 
 himself unto them, forasmuch as they imagined that I should 
 be constrained to let him go. But, seeing nobody to show 
 themselves, I was constrained to hazard one of my men, which 
 had been acquainted with the state of the country, to whom I 
 delivered the young son of UTINA, and commanded him to go, 
 with diligence, to the village of UTINA, unto his father-in-law, 
 and his wife, to advertise them, that, if they would have their 
 king again, they should bring me victuals unto the side of the 
 little river, whither I was gone. At my man s coming, every 
 one made much of the little child, neither was there a man that 
 thought not himself well afraid to touch him. 
 
 His father-in-law and his wife, hearing of these news, came 
 presently towards our barks, and brought bread, which they 
 gave unto my soldiers. They held me there three days, and, in 
 the meanwhile, did all that they could to take me, which, pres 
 ently, I discovered, and, therefore, stood diligently upon my 
 guard. Wherefore, perceiving they could not have their pur- 
 
308 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. pose, and that they were already discovered, they sent to adver 
 tise me that, as yet, they could not help me to victuals, and 
 that the corn was not yet ripe. Thus, I was constrained to 
 return, and to carry back UTINA home, where I had much ado 
 to save him from the rage of my soldiers, which, perceiving the 
 maliciousness of the Indians, went about to have murdered him. 
 Moreover, it seemed they were content that they had gotten the 
 son, and that they cared not greatly for the father. Now, my 
 hope failing me on this side, I devised to send my men to the 
 villages where I thought the maize was, by this time, ripe. I 
 went to divers places, and continued so doing fifteen days, 
 when, as UTINA besought me, again, to send him unto his 
 village, assuring himself that his subjects would not stick to 
 give me victuals ; and that, in case they refused so to do, he 
 was content that I should do what I thought good with him. 
 I undertook this voyage the second time, with the two barks, 
 furnished as before. At my coming unto the little river, we 
 found his subjects there, which failed not to come thither with 
 some quantity of bread, beans, and fish, to give my soldiers. 
 Nevertheless, returning again to their former practice, they 
 sought all means to entrap me, hoping to cry quittance for 
 the imprisonment of their king if they might have gotten the 
 victory of me. But, after that they saw the small means 
 which they had to annoy me, they returned to entreaties, and 
 offered that, if I would give them their king, with certain or 
 my soldiers, they would conduct them unto the village, and 
 that, the subjects seeing him, would be more willing to give 
 us victuals. Which thing, notwithstanding, I would not grant 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 unto them (mistrusting their subtlety, which was not so covert 1564. 
 but that one might espy day at a little hole), until they had first 
 given me two men in pledge, with charge, that, by the next 
 day, they should bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, 
 and gave me two men, which I put in chains, for fear they 
 should escape away, as I knew well they were instructed to do. 
 
310 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1564. 
 
 OUR days were spent in these confer 
 ences, at the end, whereof, they declared 
 unto me, that they could not fully and 
 wholly perform their promise; and that 
 the uttermost that they could do, for the 
 present, was to cause each subject to bring his burthen of mill. 
 To conclude, they were content to do so, on condition that 
 I would send them their two pledges within ten days. As my 
 lieutenant was ready to depart, I warned him, above all things, 
 to take heed he fall not into the Indians hands, because I knew 
 them to be very subtle and crafty to enterprise and execute 
 anything to our disadvantage. He departed, therefore, with his 
 troop, and came to the small river whereunto we were accus 
 tomed to enter, to approach as near as we could unto the vil 
 lage of UTINA, being six French leagues distant from thence. 
 There he went on shore, put his men in good array, and drew 
 straight towards the great house that was the king s, where 
 the chief men of the country were assembled, which caused 
 very great store of victuals to be brought now one, and then 
 another; in doing, whereof, they spent, notwithstanding, three 
 
L UISIANA AND FL OR IDA. 3 j j 
 
 or four days, in which, meanwhile, they gathered men together l 
 to set upon us in our retreat. They used many means, there 
 fore, to hold us still in breath. For one, while they demanded 
 their pledges another, while (seeing my lieutenant would not 
 yield unto them until such time as they had brought the vic 
 tuals unto the boats, according to the agreement passed between 
 us) they signified unto him that the women and young children 
 were afraid, out of all measure, to see fire in their matches 
 so near their harquebuses ; and that, therefore, they most ear 
 nestly besought them to put them out ; that they might more 
 easily get people enough to carry the victuals ; and that they, 
 for their parts, would leave their bows and arrows, and would 
 be contented that their servants should carry them. This 
 second request was as flatly denied them as the former ; for it 
 was an easy matter to smell out their intention. But, while 
 these things were thus in handling, UTINA, by no means to be 
 seen, had hid and kept himself secret in a little house apart, 
 where certain chosen men of mine went to see him showing 
 themselves agrieved with him for the long delays of his subjects. 
 Whereunto he answered, that his subjects were so much in 
 censed against us, that, by no means possible was he able to 
 keep them in such obedience as he willingly would have done, 
 and that he could not hold them from waging of war against 
 M. DE OTTIGNI. That he, also, called to mind, that even 
 while he was prisoner, at what time our men led him into his 
 country to obtain some victuals, he saw, all along the highways, 
 arrows stuck up, at the ends, whereof, long hairs were fastened, 
 which was a certain sign of open war proclaimed, which arrows 
 
312 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. the captain, also, carried with him to the fort. He said, further, 
 that, in respect of the good will he bare to the captain, he fore 
 warned his lieutenant that his subjects were determined to cut 
 down the trees, and cause them to fall athwart the little river, 
 where the boats were, to keep them from departing thence, that 
 they might fight with them at their ease; and that, if it thus fell 
 out, he assured him, for his part, he would not be there to meddle 
 in the matter. And that which much more augmented the 
 suspicion of war was, that, as my messengers departed from 
 UTINA, they heard the voice of one of my men, which, during 
 the voyage, had always been among the Indians, and whom, as 
 yet, they would never render until they had gotten their pledges 
 home. This poor fellow cried out amain, because two Indians 
 would have carried him into the woods to have cut his throat, 
 whereupon he was succored, and delivered. These admonitions 
 being well understood, after ripe deliberation thereof, M. DE 
 OTTIGNI resolved to retire himself the 2yth day of July; where 
 fore, he set his soldiers in order, and delivered, to each of them, 
 a sack full of mill, and, afterward, he marched toward his barks, 
 thinking to prevent the enterprise of the savages. There is, at 
 the coming forth of the village, a great alley, about three or 
 four hundred paces long, which is covered, on both sides, with 
 great trees ; my lieutenant disposed his men in this alley, and 
 set them in such order as they desired to march ; for he was 
 well assured that, if there were any ambush, it would be at the 
 coming out of the trees. Therefore, he caused M. DE ARI.AC, 
 mine ensign, to march somewhat before, with eight harque- 
 busiers, to discover if there were any danger; besides, he com- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 313 
 
 manded one of my Serjeants and corporals to march on the 15^4- 
 outside of the alley, with four harquebusiers, while he, himself, 
 conducted the rest of his company through it. Now, as he 
 suspected, so it fell out; for M. DE ARLAC met with two or 
 three hundred Indians at the end of the alley, which saluted 
 us with an infinite number of their arrows, and, with such fury, 
 that it was easy to see with what desire they sought to charge 
 us. Howbeit, they were so well sustained in the first assault 
 which mine ensign gave them, that they which fell down dead 
 did somewhat abate the choler of those which remained alive. 
 This done, my lieutenant hastened to gain ground, in such sort 
 as I have already said. 
 
 After he had marched about four hundred paces, he was 
 charged afresh, with a new troop of savages, which were, in 
 number, about three hundred, which assailed him before, while 
 the rest of the former set upon him behind. This second 
 assault was so valiantly sustained, that, I may justly say, that 
 Monsieur DE OTTIGNI so well discharged his duty as was 
 possible for a good captain to do. And so it stood them ; for 
 he had to deal with such kind of men as knew well how to 
 fight, and to obey their head which conducted them, and which 
 knew so well to behave themselves in this conflict, as, if OT 
 TIGNI had not prevented their practice, he had been in danger 
 to have been defeated. Their manner in this fight was, that, 
 when two hundred had shot, they retired themselves, and gave 
 place to the rest that were behind; and, all the while, had their 
 eye and foot so quick and ready, that, as soon as ever they saw 
 
 the harquebuse laid to the cheek, so soon were they on the 
 
 40 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. ground, as soon up, to answer with their bows, and to fight 
 their way, if, by chance, they perceived we went about to take 
 them ; for there is nothing that they feared so much because of 
 our swords and daggers. This conflict continued, and lasted 
 from nine of the clock in the morning until the night departed 
 them. And, if OTTIGNI had not bethought himself to cause 
 his men to break the arrows which they found in the way, and 
 so to deprive the savages of the means to begin again, without 
 all doubt he should have had very much to do ; for, by this 
 means, they lacked arrows, and so were constrained to retire 
 themselves. During the time of the conflict, they cried, and 
 made signs, that they were the captain s and lieutenant s friends, 
 and that they fought for none other cause but to be revenged 
 on the soldiers, which were their mortal enemies. My lieu 
 tenant being come unto his boats, took a review of his com 
 pany, and found two men wanting, which were killed, of whom 
 the one was called JAMES SALE, and the other s name was MES- 
 UREUR. He found, moreover, twenty-two of them wounded, 
 which, with much ado, he caused to be brought unto the boats. 
 All the mill that he found among his company, came but to 
 two men s burden, which he divided equally among them; for, 
 as soon as the conflict began, every man was constrained to 
 leave his sack to put his hand to his weapon. 
 
 In this, meanwhile, I remained at the fort, and caused every 
 man diligently to travel, hoping that my lieutenant would bring 
 us victuals ; but, seeing the time consume away, I began to 
 suspect the truth of that which fell out, whereof I was assured, 
 immediately after, at their return. Seeing, therefore, mine 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 hope frustrated on that side, I made my prayer unto GOD, and 1564 
 thanked him of his grace which he had shown unto my poor 
 soldiers which were escaped. Afterward, I thought upon new 
 means to obtain victuals, as well for our return into France, as 
 to drive out the time until our embarking. I was advertised, 
 by certain of our company, which usually went on hunting into 
 the woods and through the villages, that in the village Saraurahi, 
 situated on the other side of the river, and two leagues dis 
 tant from the fort, and in the village Emola, there were fields 
 wherein the mill was very forward, and that there was, thereof, 
 in those parts, in great abundance. Wherefore, I caused my 
 boats to be made ready, and sent my Serjeant thither, with 
 certain soldiers, which used such diligence, that we had good 
 store of mill. I sent, also, to the river, which the savages call 
 Iracana, named, by Captain RIBAULT, the river of Somme, 
 where Captain VASSEUR and my Serjeant arrived, with two 
 boats, and their ordinary furniture, and found, there, a great as 
 sembly of the lords of the country, among whom was ATHORE, 
 the son of SATOURIOUA, APALOU, and TACADOCOROU, which 
 were there assembled to make merry; because that, in this 
 place, are the fairest maids and women of the villages. Where 
 upon, the boats were forthwith laden with mill, after they had 
 made our men as good cheer as they could devise. The queen 
 sent me two small mats, so artificially wrought, as it was impos 
 sible to make better. Now, finding ourselves by this means 
 sufficiently furnished with victuals, we began, each of us in his 
 place, to travel, and use such diligence as the desire to see our 
 native country might move us; but, because two of our car- 
 
316 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. penters were slain by the Indians (as heretofore I mentioned), 
 JOHN DE HAIS, master-carpenter, a man very worthy of his 
 vocation, repaired unto me, and told me that, by reason or 
 want of men, he was not able to make me up the ship against 
 the time that he had promised me, which speech caused such a 
 mutiny among the soldiers, that very hardly he escaped killing; 
 howbeit, I appeased them as well as I could, and determined to 
 work no more, from thenceforth, upon the ship, but to content 
 to repair the brigantine which I had. So we began to beat 
 down all the houses that were without the fort, and caused coal 
 to be made of the timber thereof; likewise, the soldiers beat 
 down the palisade which was toward the water-side, neither was 
 I ever able to keep them from doing it. I had also determined 
 to beat down the fort before my departure, and to set it on fire, 
 for fear lest some new-come guest should have enjoyed and 
 possessed it. 
 
 In the meanwhile, there was none of us to whom it was not 
 an extreme grief to leave a country wherein we had endured so 
 great travails and necessities, to discover that which we must 
 forsake, through our own countrymen s default. For, if we had 
 been succored in time and place, and, according to the promise 
 that was made unto us, the war, which was between us and 
 UTINA, had not fallen out; neither should we have had occa 
 sion to offend the Indians, which, with all the pains in the 
 world, I entertained in good amity, as well with merchandise 
 and apparel as with promise of greater matters ; and, with 
 whom I so behaved myself, that, although sometimes I was 
 constrained to take victuals in some few villages, yet I lost not 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 the alliance of eight kings and lords, my neighbors, which con- 1564. 
 tinually succored and aided me with whatsoever they were able 
 to afford. Yea, this was the principal scope of all my purposes, 
 to win and entertain them, knowing how greatly their amity 
 might advance our enterprise, and, principally, while I discov 
 ered the commodities of the country, and sought to strengthen 
 myself therein. I leave it to your cogitation to think how near 
 it went to our hearts to leave a place abounding in riches (as 
 we were thoroughly informed thereof), in coming whereunto, 
 and doing service unto our Prince, we left our own country, 
 wives, children, parents, and friends, and passed the perils of the 
 sea, and were therein arrived, as in a plentiful treasure of all our 
 hearts desire. As each of us were much tormented in mind 
 with these, or such like cogitations, the third of August, I 
 descried four sails in the sea as I walked upon a little hill, 
 whereof I was exceedingly well repaid. I sent, immediately, 
 one of them which were with me, to advertise those of the fort, 
 thereof, which were so glad of these news, that one would have 
 thought them to be out of their wits, to see them laugh and 
 leap for joy. 
 
 After these ships had cast anchor, we descried that they 
 sent one of their boats to land, whereupon I caused one of 
 mine to be armed, with diligence, to send to meet them, and 
 to know who they were. In the meanwhile, fearing lest they 
 were Spaniards, I set my soldiers in order, and in readiness, 
 attending the return of Captain VASSEUR and my lieutenant, 
 which were gone to meet them, which brought me word that 
 they were Englishmen ; and, in truth, they had, in their com- 
 
318 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. pany one, whose name was MARTINE ANTINAS, of Dieppe, 
 which, at that time, was in their service, which, on the behalf 
 of Master JOHN HAWKINS, their general, came to request me 
 that I would suffer them to take fresh water, whereof they 
 stood in great need, signifying unto me that they had been 
 above fifteen days on the coast to get some. He brought unto 
 me, from the general, two flagons of wine, and bread made of 
 wheat, which greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as, for seven 
 months space, I never tasted a drop of wine; nevertheless, it 
 was all divided among the greatest part of my soldiers. This 
 MARTINE ANTINAS had guided the Englishmen unto our coast, 
 wherewith he was acquainted; for, in the year 1562, he came 
 thither with me, and, therefore, the general sent him to me. 
 Therefore, after I had granted his request, he signified the same 
 unto the general, which, the next day following, caused one of 
 his small ships to enter into the river, and came to see me, in a 
 great ship-boat, accompanied with gentlemen, honorably ap 
 pareled, yet unarmed. He sent for great store of bread and 
 wine, to distribute, thereof, to every one. On my part, I 
 made him the best cheer I could possibly, and caused certain 
 sheep and poultry to be killed, which, until this present time, 
 I had carefully preserved, hoping to store the country withal ; 
 for, notwithstanding all the necessities and sickness that hap 
 pened unto me. I would not suffer so much as one chicken 
 to be killed, by which means, in a short time, I had gathered 
 together above a hundred pullets. Now, three days passed, 
 while the English general remained with me, during which time 
 the Indians came in from all parts to see him, and asked me 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 whether he were my brother; I -told them he was so, and sig- 
 nified unto them that he was come to see me, and aid me with 
 so great store of victuals, that, from thenceforth, I should have 
 no need to take anything of them. The bruit, hereof, incon 
 tinently, was spread over all the country, in such sort, as am 
 bassadors came unto me from all parts, which, on the behalf of 
 the kings, their masters, desired to make alliance with me; and 
 even they, which before sought to make war against me, came 
 to offer their friendship and service unto me, whereupon I 
 received them, and gratified them with certain presents. The 
 general immediately understood the desire and urgent occasion 
 which I had to return into France, whereupon he offered to 
 transport me and all my company home ; whereunto, notwith 
 standing, I would not agree, being in doubt upon what occasion 
 he made so large an offer; for I knew not how the case stood 
 between the French and the English ; and, although he promised 
 me, on his faith, to put me on land in France, before he would 
 touch in England, yet I stood in doubt, lest he would attempt 
 somewhat in Florida, in the name of his mistress; wherefore I 
 flatly refused his offer. Whereupon there arose a great mutiny 
 among my soldiers, which said, that I sought to destroy them 
 all, and that the brigantine, whereof I spake before, was not 
 sufficient to transport them, considering the season of the year 
 wherein we were. The bruit and mutiny increased more and 
 more ; for, after that the general was returned to his ships, he 
 told certain gentlemen and soldiers which went to see him, 
 partly to make good cheer with him; he declared, I say, unto 
 them, that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be able to 
 
320 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. pass safely in those vessels which we had, and that, in case we 
 should enterprise the same, we should, no doubt, be in great 
 jeopardy ; notwithstanding, if I were so contented, he would 
 transport part of my men in his ships, and that he would leave 
 me a small ship to transport the rest. The soldiers were no 
 sooner come home but they signified the offer unto their com 
 panions, which incontinently consented together, that, in case I 
 would not accept the same, they would embark themselves 
 with him, and forsake me, so that he would receive them, 
 according to his promise. They, therefore, assembled them 
 selves all together, and came to seek me in my chamber, and 
 signified unto me their intention, whereunto I promised to 
 answer within one hour after. In which, meanwhile, I gath 
 ered together the principal members of my company, which, 
 after I had broken the matter with them, answered me, all with 
 one voice, that I ought not to refuse this offer, nor contemn 
 the occasion which presented itself; and that they could not 
 think evil of it in France, if, being forsaken as we were, we 
 aided ourselves with such means as GOD had sent us. 
 
 After sundry debatings of this matter, in conclusion, I gave 
 my advice: that we ought to deliver him the price of the ship, 
 which he was to leave us ; and that, for my part, I was content 
 to give him the best of my stuff, and the silver which I had 
 gathered in the country. Whereupon, notwithstanding it was 
 determined that I should keep the silver, for fear lest the Queen 
 of England, seeing the same, should the rather be encouraged to 
 set footing there, as before she had desired ; that it was far 
 better to carry it into France, to give encouragement unto our 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^21 
 
 princes not to leave off an enterprise of so great importance for 1564. 
 our commonwealth ; and that, seeing we were resolved to ~~ 
 depart, it was far better to give him our artillery which, other 
 wise, we should be constrained to leave behind us, or to hide 
 it in the ground, by reason of the weakness of our men being 
 not able to embark the same. This point being thus con 
 cluded, and resolved on, I went, myself, unto the English 
 general, accompanied with my lieutenant, and Captain VER- 
 DIER, and TRENCHANT, the pilot, and my serjeant all men 
 of experience in such affairs, and knowing sufficiently how to 
 drive such a bargain. We, therefore, took a view of the ship 
 which the general would sell, whom we drew to such reason, 
 that he was content to stand to mine own men s judgment, who 
 esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns ; whereof we 
 agreed very friendly. Wherefore, I delivered him, in earnest 
 of the sum, two bastards^ two myntons^ one thousand of iron s 
 and one thousand of powder. This bargain thus made, he 
 considered the necessity wherein \ve were having for all our 
 sustenance but mill and water : whereupon, being moved with 
 pity, he offered to relieve me with twenty barrels of meal, six 
 pipes of beans, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of wax, 
 to make candles. Moreover, forasmuch as he saw my sol 
 diers go barefoot, he offered me, besides, fifty pairs of shoes, 
 which I accepted, and agreed of a price with him, and gave him 
 a bill of mine hand for the same ; for which, until this present, 
 I am indebted to him. He did more than this; for, particularly, 
 he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a 
 
 barrel of olives, and a great quantity of rice, and a barrel of 
 
 41 
 
22 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. white biscuit; besides, he gave divers presents to the principal 
 officers of my company, according to .their qualities, so that, I 
 may say, we received as many courtesies of the general as 
 it was possible to receive of any man living; wherein, doubt 
 less, he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, 
 deserving to be esteemed as much, of us all, as if he had saved 
 all our lives. Incontinent after his departure, I spared no pains 
 to hasten my men to make biscuits of their meal which he had 
 left me, and to hoop my cask, to take in water needful for the 
 voyage. A man may well think what diligence we used, in 
 respect of the great desire we had to depart, wherein we con 
 tinued so well, that, the fifteenth day of August, the biscuit, the 
 greatest part of our water, and all the soldiers stuff, was brought 
 aboard, so that, from that day forward, we did nothing but stay 
 for good winds to drive us into France, which had freed us 
 from an infinite number of mischiefs, which, afterward, we suf 
 fered, if they had come as we desired ; but it was not GOD S 
 good pleasure, as shall appear hereafter. 
 
 Being thus in a readiness to set sail, we bethought ourselves 
 that it would do well to bring certain men and women of the 
 country into France, to the end that, if this voyage should be 
 taken in hand again, they might declare unto their kings the 
 greatness of our king, the excellency of our princes, the good 
 ness of our country, and the manner of living of the French 
 men ; and that they might also learn our language, to serve our 
 turns thereby, in time to come; wherein I took so good order, 
 that I found means to bring away with me the goodliest persons 
 of all the country, if our intentions had succeeded, as I hoped 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 3 2 3 
 
 they would have done. In the mean season, the kings, my 1564. 
 neighbors, came often to see and visit me, which, after they 
 understood that I would retire into France, demanded of me 
 whether I meant to return again, or no, and whether it should 
 be in short time. I signified unto them that, within ten 
 moons (so they call their months), I would visit them again, 
 with such force, that I would be able to make them conquerors 
 over all their enemies. They prayed me that I would leave 
 them my house, that I would forbid my soldiers to beat down 
 the fort and their lodgings, and that I would leave them a boat 
 to aid them, withal, in their war against their enemies; which 
 I made as though I would grant unto them, to the end, I might 
 always remain their friend until my last departure. 
 
324 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THIRD EXPEDITION, COMMANDED BY M. RIBAULT. 
 
 1564. jjSBl S I was thus occupied in these confer 
 
 ences, the wind and the tide served 
 well to set sail which was the eighth 
 and twentieth of August ; at which in 
 stant, Captain VASSEUR, which com 
 manded in one of my ships, and Captain VERDIER, which was 
 chief in the other now ready to go forth, began to descry 
 certain sails at sea, whereof they advertised me, with diligence ; 
 whereupon I appointed to arm forth a boat, in good order, to 
 go to descry and know what they were. I sent, also, to the 
 sentinels which I caused to be kept on a little nap to cause 
 certain men to climb up to the top of the highest trees, the better 
 to discover them. They descried the great boat of the ships, 
 which, as yet, they could not perfectly discern which, as far 
 as they could judge, seemed to chase my boat, which, by this 
 time, was passed the bar of the river, so that we could not 
 possibly judge whether they were enemies, which would have 
 carried her away with them ; for it was too great a ken to 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 325 
 
 judge the truth, thereof. Upon this doubt, I put my men in 1564. 
 
 order, and in such array as though they had been enemies ; and, 
 
 indeed, I had great occasion to mistrust the same, for my boat 
 
 came unto their ship, about two of the clock in the afternoon, 
 
 and sent me no news all that day long, to put me out of doubt 
 
 who they should be. The next day, in the morning, about 
 
 eight or nine of the clock, I saw seven boats (among which 
 
 mine own was one), full of soldiers, enter into the river, having 
 
 every man his harquebuse in his hand, and morion on his 
 
 head, which marched all in battle, along the cliffs, where my 
 
 sentinels were, to whom they would make no kind of answer, 
 
 notwithstanding all the demands that were made unto them ; 
 
 insomuch as one of my soldiers was constrained to bestow a 
 
 shot at them, without doing hurt, nevertheless, to any of them, 
 
 by reason of the distance between him and the boats. The 
 
 report, hereof, being made unto me, I placed each of my men 
 
 in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend ourselves, if they 
 
 had been enemies, as, in truth, we thought them to have been ; 
 
 likewise, I caused the two small field-pieces, which I had left 
 
 me, to be trimmed, in such sort, as if approaching to the fort, 
 
 that if they had not cried out that it was Captain RIBAULT, I 
 
 had not failed to have discharged the same upon them. 
 
 Afterward, I understood that the cause why they entered in 
 this manner proceeded of the false reports which had been 
 made unto my lord admiral by those which were returned into 
 France in the first ships ; for they had put in his head that I 
 had played the lord and the king, and that I would hardly suffer 
 that any other, save myself, should enter in thither to govern 
 
326 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. there. Thus, we see how the good name of the most honest is, 
 oftentimes, assailed by such as, having no means to win them 
 selves credit by virtuous and laudable endeavors, think, by 
 debasing of other men s virtues, to augment the feeble force of 
 their faint courage, which, nevertheless, is one of the most 
 notable dangers which may happen in a commonwealth, and 
 chiefly among men of war which are placed in government; 
 for it is very hard, yea, utterly impossible that, in governing ot 
 a company of men gathered out of divers places and sundry 
 nations, and, namely, such as we know them to be in our wars 
 it is, I say, impossible but there will be always some of evil 
 conditions, and hard to be ruled, which easily conceived an 
 hatred against him, which, by admonitions and light corrections, 
 endeavoreth to reduce them to, the discipline of war ; for they 
 seek nothing else but for a small occasion, grounded upon a 
 light pretext, to sound into the ears of great lords that which, 
 mischievously, they have contrived against those whose execu 
 tion of justice is odious unto them. And, albeit, I will not 
 place myself in the rank of great and renowned captains, such 
 as lived in times passed, yet, we may judge by their examples 
 how hurtful back-biters have been unto commonwealths. I 
 will only take ALCIBIADES for witness, in the Commonwealth 
 of the Athenians, which, by this means, was cast into banish 
 ment, whereupon his citizens felt the smart of an infinite 
 number of mischiefs, insomuch, as, in the end, they were 
 constrained to call him home again, and acknowledge, at length, 
 the fault they had committed in forgetting his good services, and 
 rather believing a false report than having had regard unto so 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 327 
 
 many notable exploits which, in former time, he had achieved. 
 But that I lose not myself in digressing so far in this, my justi 
 fication, I will return again to my first course. 
 
 Being, therefore, advertised that it was Captain RIBAULT, I 
 went forth of the fort to meet him ; and, to do him all the honor 
 I could by any means, I caused him to be welcomed with the 
 artillery, and a gentle volley of my shot, whereunto he answered 
 with his. Afterward, being come on shore, and received hon 
 orably with joy, I brought him to my lodging, rejoicing not a 
 little, because that, in this company, I knew a good number of 
 my friends, which I entreated, in the best sort that I was able, 
 with such victuals as I could get in the country, and that small 
 store which I had left me, with that which I had of the English 
 general. Howbeit, I marvelled not a little, when, as all of 
 them, with one voice, began to utter unto me, these, or the 
 like speeches : " My Captain, we praise GOD that we have 
 found you alive ; and chiefly, because we know that the reports 
 which have been made of you are false." These speeches 
 moved me, in such sort, that I would needs, out of hand, know 
 more, mistrusting some evil. Wherefore, having accosted Cap 
 tain JOHN RIBAULT, and, going both of us aside out of the fort, 
 he signified unto me the charge which he had, praying me not 
 to return into France, but to stay with him, myself and my 
 company, and assured me that he would make it well thought 
 of at home. Whereupon I replied, that, out of this place, I 
 would do him all service ; that, for the present, I could not, 
 nor ought not accept this offer, since he was come for no other 
 intent than to occupy the place which I before possessed, and 
 
328 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. that I could have no credit to be there commanded; that my 
 friends would never like of it, and that he would hardly give 
 me that counsel, if, in good earnest, I should demand his advice 
 therein. He made me answer, that he would not command 
 me that we should be companions, and that he would build 
 another fortress, and that he would leave mine own unto me. 
 This, notwithstanding, I fully advertised him, that I could not 
 receive a greater comfort than the news which he brought me to 
 return into France; and, further, that, though I should stay 
 there, yet, it must needs be, that one of us both was to com 
 mand, with the title of the King s lieutenant; that this could 
 not well agree together ; that I had rather have it cast in my 
 teeth, to be the poorest beggar in the world, than to be com 
 manded in that place where I had endured so much to inhabit 
 and plant there, if it were not by some great lord or king of the 
 order; and that, in these respects, I prayed him, very heartily, 
 to deliver me the letters which my Lord Admiral had written 
 unto me, which he performed. 
 
 The contents of these letters were these : 
 
 "Captain LAUDONNIERE, because some of them which are returned from Florida 
 speak indifferently of the country, the King desireth your presence, to the end that, 
 according to your trial, he may resolve to bestow great cost thereon, or wholly to 
 leave it j and, therefore, I send Captain JOHN RIBAULT to be governor there, to whom 
 you shall deliver whatsoever you have in charge, and inform him of all things you 
 have discovered." 
 
 And, in a postscript of the letter, was thus written : 
 
 " Think not that, whereas I send for you, it is for any evil opinion, or mistrust 
 that I have for you, but that it is for your good, and for your credit j and assure your 
 self that, during my life, you shall find me your good master, 
 
 " CHASTILLON." 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 3 2 9 
 
 Now, after I had long discoursed with Captain RIBAULT, 
 Captain LA GRANGE accosted me, and told me of an infinite 
 number of false reports which had been made of me, to my 
 great hindrance ; and, among other things, he informed me that 
 my Lord Admiral took it very evil that I had carried a woman 
 with me ; likewise, that somebody had told him that I went 
 about to counterfeit the King, and to play the tyrant ; that I 
 was too cruel unto the men that went with me ; that I thought 
 to be advanced by other means than by my Lord Admiral, and 
 that I had written to many lords of the Court, which I ought 
 not to have done. Whereunto I answered, that the woman 
 was a poor chambermaid, which I had taken up in an inn, to 
 oversee my household business, to look to an infinite sort of 
 divers beasts as sheep and poultry, which I carried over with 
 me to store the country withal; that it was not meet to put a 
 man to attend this business; likewise, considering the length of 
 the time that I was to abide there, methought it should not 
 offend anybody to take a woman with me, as well to help my 
 soldiers in their sickness as in mine own, whereinto I fell after 
 ward. And how necessary her service was for us, each one, at 
 that time, might easily perceive. That all my men thought so 
 well of her, that, at one instant, there were six or seven which 
 did demand her of me in marriage, as, in very deed, one of 
 them had her, after our return. Touching that which was 
 said, that I played the king, these reports were made because I 
 would not bear with anything which was against the duty of 
 my charge, and the King s service. Moreover, that, in such 
 enterprises, it is necessary for a governor to make himself 
 
 42 
 
330 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. known and obeyed, for fear lest everybody would become a 
 master, perceiving themselves far from greater forces ; and that, 
 if the tale-tellers called this rigor, it rather proceeded of their 
 disobedience, than of my nature, less subject to cruelty than 
 they were to rebellion. For the two last points, that I had not 
 written to any of the lords of the court but by the advice and 
 commandment of my Lord Admiral, which willed me, at my 
 departure, to send part of such things as I should find in the 
 country unto the lords of the council, to the end that, being 
 moved by this means, they might deal with the Queen Mother 
 for the continuance of this enterprise; that, having been so 
 small time in the country, continually hindered with building of 
 fortresses, and unloading of my ships, I was not able to come 
 by any new or rare things to send them ; whereupon I thought 
 it best to content them, in the meanwhile, with letters, until 
 such time as I might have longer space to search out the coun 
 try, and might recover something to send them; the distribu 
 tion of which letters, I meant not otherwise but to refer to my 
 Lord Admiral s good pleasure; and that, if the bearer had forgot 
 himself so far as that he had broken the covering of the letters, 
 and presented them himself for hope of gain, it was not my 
 commandment. And that I never honored nobleman so much, 
 nor did to any man more willing and faithful service than to my 
 Lord Admiral, nor ever sought advancement but by his means. 
 You see how things passed for this day. 
 
 The next day, the Indians came in from all parts, to know 
 what people these were; to whom I signified that this was he, 
 which, in the year 1562, arrived in this country, and erected 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 the pillar which stood at the entry of the river. Some of them 1564. 
 knew him ; for, in truth, he was easy to be known, by reason of 
 the great beard which he wore. He received many presents of 
 them which were of the villages near adjoining, among whom 
 there were some that he had not yet forgotten. The Kings 
 HOMOLOA, SARAUAHI, ALIMACANI, MALICA, and CASTI, came 
 to visit him, and welcome him with divers gifts, according to 
 their manner. I advertised them that he was sent thither by 
 the King of France, to remain there in my room, and that I 
 was sent for. Then they demanded, and prayed him, if it might 
 stand with his good pleasure, to cause the merchandise that he 
 had brought with him to be delivered them; and that, in a few 
 days, they would bring him to the mountains of Apalatcy, 
 whither they had promised to conduct me; and that, in case 
 they performed not their promise, that they were content to be 
 cut in pieces. In those mountains, as they said, is found red 
 copper, which they call, in their language, Sieroa Pira, which is 
 as much as to say, red metal, whereof I had a piece, which, at 
 the very instant, I showed to Captain RIBAULT, which caused 
 his gold finer to make an essay thereof, which reported unto 
 him that it was perfect gold. About the time of these confer 
 ences, communings, and goings of the kings of the country, 
 being weakened with my former travel, and fallen into a melan 
 choly upon the false reports that had been made of me, I fell 
 into a great* continual fever, which held me eight or nine days, 
 during which time Captain RIBAULT caused his victuals to be 
 brought on shore, and bestowed the most part thereof in the 
 house which my lieutenant had built, about two hundred paces 
 
332 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. without the fort; which he did, to the end they might be the 
 better defended from the weather, and, likewise, to the intent 
 that the meal might be nearer to the bakehouse, which I had 
 built of purpose in that place, the better to avoid the danger of 
 the fire, as I said before. But, lo ! how oftentimes misfortune 
 doth search and pursue us, even when we think to be at rest ! 
 Lo! see what happened after that Capt. RIBAULT had brought 
 up three of his small ships into the river, which was the 4th 
 of September. Six great Spanish ships arrived in the road, 
 where four of our greatest ships remained, which cast anchor, 
 assuring our men of good amity. They asked how the chief 
 captains of the enterprise did, and called them all by their 
 names and sirnames. I report me to you, if it could be other 
 wise; but these men, before they went out of Spain, must needs 
 be informed of the enterprise, and of those that were to execute 
 the same. About the break of day, they began to make toward 
 our men ; but our men, which trusted them never a deal, had 
 hoisted their sails by night, being ready to cut the strings that 
 tied them ; wherefore, perceiving that this making toward our 
 men of the Spaniards was not to do them any pleasure, and, 
 knowing well that their furniture was too small to make head 
 against them, because that the most part of their men were on 
 shore, they cut their cables, left their anchors, and set sail. 
 The Spaniards, seeing themselves discovered, lent them certain 
 volleys of their great ordnance, made sail after them, and chased 
 them all day long ; but our men got way of them still toward 
 the sea. And the Spaniards, seeing they could not reach them, 
 by reason that the French ships were better of sail than theirs, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. o?o 
 
 and also, because they would not leave the coast, turned back, I 564. 
 
 and went on shore, in the river Seloy, which we call the River 
 
 of Dolphins, eight or ten leagues distant from the place where 
 
 we were. Our men, therefore, finding themselves better of 
 
 sail than they, followed them, to descry what they did ; which, 
 
 after they had done, they returned unto the River of May, where, 
 
 Captain RIBAULT having descried them, embarked himself in 
 
 a great boat, to know what news they had. Being at the 
 
 entrance of the river, he. met with the boat of Captain CONSEL S 
 
 ship, wherein there was a good number of men, which made 
 
 relation unto him of all the Spaniards doings ; and how the 
 
 great ship, named Trinity, had kept the sea, and that she was 
 
 not returned with them. They told him, moreover, that they 
 
 had seen three Spanish ships enter into the River of Dolphins, 
 
 and the other three remained in the road ; farther, that they 
 
 had put their soldiers, their victuals, and munitions on land. 
 
 After he understood these news, he returned to the fortress, 
 and came to my chamber, where I was sick ; and there, in the 
 presence of Captains LA GRANGE, ST. MARIE, OTTIGNI, VISTY, 
 YONOUILLE, and other gentlemen, he propounded that it was 
 necessary, for the King s service, to embark himself, with all 
 his forces, and, with the three ships that were in the road, to 
 seek the Spanish fleet ; whereupon, he asked our advice. I 
 first replied, and showed unto him the consequence of such an 
 enterprise, advertising him, among other things, of the perilous 
 flaws of wind that rise on this coast ; and that, if it chanced 
 that he were driven from the shore, it would be very hard for 
 him to recover it again, and that, in the meanwhile, they 
 
334 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1504. which should stay in the fort should be in fear and danger. 
 The Captains ST. MARIE and LA GRANGE declared unto him, 
 further, that they thought it not good to put any such enterprise 
 in execution ; that it was far better to keep the land, and do 
 their best endeavor to fortify themselves ; and that, after the 
 Trinity (which was the principal ship) were returned, there 
 would be much more likelihood to enterprise this voyage. This, 
 notwithstanding, he resolved to undertake it ; and that which 
 more is, after he understood, by King EMOLA, one of our 
 neighbors, which arrived, upon the handling of these matters, 
 that the Spaniards, in great numbers, were gone on shore, which 
 had taken possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most part, 
 whereof, they had placed their negroes, which they had brought 
 to labor, and also lodged themselves, and had cast divers trenches 
 about them. Thus for the considerations which he had and, 
 doubting (as he might well do) that the Spaniards would en 
 camp themselves there, to molest us, and, in the end, to chase 
 us out of the country, he resolved, and continued in his em- 
 barkment, caused a proclamation to be made, that all soldiers 
 that were under his charge should, presently, with their weap 
 ons, embark them, and that his two ensigns should march ; 
 which was put in execution. 
 
 He came into my chamber, and prayed me to lend him my 
 lieutenant, mine ensign, and my Serjeant, and to let all the 
 good soldiers which I had go with him which I denied him ; 
 because, myself being sick, there was no man to stay in the fort. 
 Thereupon, he answered me, that I needed not to doubt at all, 
 and that he would return the morrow after ; that, in the mean- 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 while, M. DE LYS should stay behind, to look to all things. I 5"4- 
 Then I showed unto him that he was chief in this country, and 
 that I, for my part, had no further authority ; that, therefore, 
 he would take good advisement what he did, for fear lest some 
 inconvenience might ensue. Then he told me that he could 
 do no less than to continue this enterprise ; and that in the 
 letter which he had received from my Lord Admiral, there was 
 a postscript, which he showed me, written in these words : 
 
 " Captain JOHN RIBAULT, as I was enclosing of this letter, I received a certain 
 advice, that Don PEDRO MELENDES departeth from Spain, to go to the coast of New 
 France. See you that you suffer him not to encroach upon you, no more than he 
 would that you should encroach upon him." 
 
 " You see," quoth he, " the charge that I have ; and I 
 leave it unto yourself to judge if you could do any less in this 
 case, considering the certain advertisement that we have, that 
 they are already on land, and will invade us." 
 
 This stopped my mouth. Thus, therefore, confirmed, or 
 rather, obstinate in this enterprise, and having regard rather 
 unto his particular opinion than unto the advertisements which 
 I had given him, and the inconveniences of the time whereof I 
 had forewarned him, he embarked himself the 8th of September, 
 and took mine ensign and thirty-eight of my men away with 
 him. I report me to those that know what wars mean, if, 
 when an ensign marcheth, any soldier that hath any courage in 
 him will stay behind to forsake his ensign. Thus no man of 
 commandment staid behind with me, for each one followed 
 him as chief, in whose name, straight after his arrival, all cries 
 and proclamations were made. Captain LA GRANGE, which 
 
336 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 liked not very well of this enterprise, was, unto the roth of the 
 month, with me, and would not have gone aboard if it had not 
 been for the instant requests Captain RIBAULT had made unto 
 him, which staid two days in the road attending, until LA 
 GRANGE was come unto him, who, being come aboard, they 
 set sail altogether, and, from that time forward, I never saw 
 them more. The very day that he departed, which was the 
 loth of September, there rose so great a tempest, accompanied 
 with such storms, that, the Indians themselves assured me, it 
 was the worst weather that ever was seen on the coast ; where 
 upon, two or three days after, fearing lest our ships might be 
 in some distress, I sent for M. DE LYS unto me, to take order 
 to assemble the rest of our people, to declare unto them what 
 need we had to fortify ourselves, which was done accordingly; 
 and then I gave them to understand the necessity and incon 
 veniences whereinto we were like to fall, as well by the absence 
 of our ships as by the nearness of the Spaniards, at whose hands 
 we could look for no less than an open and sufficient proclaimed 
 war, seeing they had taken land, and fortified themselves so near 
 unto us ; and, if any misfortune were fallen unto our men which 
 were at sea, we ought to make a full account with ourselves 
 that we were to endure many great miseries, being in so small 
 number, and so many ways afflicted as we were. Thus every 
 one promised me to take pains, and, therefore, considering that 
 their proportion of victuals was small, and that, so continuing, 
 they would not be able to do any great work, I augmented 
 their allowance ; although that, after the arrival of Captain RI 
 BAULT, my portion of victuals was alloted unto me as unto a 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 337 
 
 common soldier, neither was I able to give so much as part of 1 564. 
 a bottle of wine to any man which deserved it; for I was so far 
 from having means to do so, that the captain, himself, took two 
 of my boats wherein the rest of the meal was, which was left 
 me of the biscuits which I caused to be made to return into 
 France, so that if I should say that I received those favors at 
 the hands of the Englishmen, being strangers unto me, I should 
 say but a truth. We began, therefore, to fortify ourselves, 
 and to repair that which was broken down, principally toward 
 the water-side, where I caused three-score foot of trees to be 
 planted, to repair the palisade with the planks which I caused 
 to be taken off the ship which I had buiided. Nevertheless, 
 notwithstanding all our diligence and travail, we were never 
 able fully to repair it, by reason of the storms, which commonly 
 did us so great annoy, that we could not finish our enclosure. 
 Perceiving ourselves in such extremity, I took muster of the 
 men which Captain RIBAULT had left me, to see if there were 
 any that wanted weapons; I found nine or ten of them, whereof 
 not past two or three had ever drawn sword out of a scabbard, 
 as I think. Let them which have been bold to say that I had 
 men enough left me so that I had means to defend myself, give 
 ear a little now unto me, and, if they have eyes in their heads, 
 let them see what men I had. Of the nine, there were four 
 but young striplings, which served Captain RIBAULT, and kept 
 his dogs ; the fifth was a cook ; among those that were without 
 the fort, and which were of the aforesaid company of Captain 
 RIBAULT, there was a carpenter, of three-score years old; one, 
 a beer-brewer, one old cross-bow maker, two shoemakers, and 
 
 43 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. four or five men that had their wives, a player on the virginals, 
 two servants of M. DE LYS, one of M. DE BEAUHAIRE, one of 
 M. DE LA GRANGE, and about four-score and five or six in all, 
 counting as well lackeys as women and children. Behold the 
 goodly troop, so sufficient to defend themselves, and so courage 
 ous as they have esteemed them to be; and, for my part, I 
 leave it to others consideration to imagine whether Captain 
 RIBAULT would have left them with me, to have borrowed my 
 men, if they had been such. Those that were left me of mine 
 own company were about sixteen or seventeen that could bear 
 arms, and all of them poor and lean ; the rest were sick and 
 maimed in the conflict which my lieutenant had with UTINA. 
 This view being thus taken, we set our watches, whereof we 
 made two sentinels, that the soldiers might have one night free. 
 Then we bethought ourselves of those which might be most 
 sufficient, among whom we chose two, one of whom was named 
 M. ST. CLER, and the other, M. DE LA VIGNE, to whom we 
 delivered candles and lanterns, to go round about the fort to 
 view the watch, because of the foul and foggy weather. I 
 delivered them, also, a sand-glass, or clock, that the sentinels 
 might not be troubled more one than another. In the mean 
 while, I ceased not, for all the foul weather, nor my sickness 
 which I had, to oversee the corps de garde. The night between 
 the i Qth and 2Oth of September, LA VIGNE kept watch with 
 his company, wherein he used all endeavor, although it rained 
 without ceasing. When the day was, therefore, come, and that 
 he saw that it still rained worse than it did before, he pitied the 
 sentinals so moiled and wet, and, thinking the Spaniards would 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 3 39 
 
 not have come in such a strange time, he let them depart, and, 1564. 
 to say the truth, he went himself unto his lodging. In the 
 meanwhile, one which had something to do without the fort, 
 and my trumpeter, which went up unto the rampart, perceived 
 a troop of Spaniards which came down from a little knappe^ 
 where, incontinently, they began to cry alarm, and the trum 
 peter also, which, as soon as ever I understood, forthwith I 
 issued out, with my target and sword in my hand, and got me 
 into the midst of the court, where I began to cry upon my 
 soldiers. Some of them, which were of the forward sort, went 
 toward the breach, which was on the south side, and where the 
 munitions of the artillery lay, where they were repulsed and 
 slain. By the self-same place two ensigns entered, which im 
 mediately were planted on the walls. Two other ensigns also 
 entered on the other side, towards the west, where there was 
 another breach, and those which were lodged in this quarter, 
 and which showed themselves, were likewise defeated. 
 
340 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1564. 
 
 S I went to succor them which were 
 defending the breach on the south-west 
 side, I encountered, by chance, a great 
 company of Spaniards, which had al- 
 
 g^gggpggg^g|| ready repulsed our men, and were now 
 entered, which drove me back unto the court of the fort. 
 Being there, I espied with them, one called FRANCIS JEAN, 
 which was one of the mariners which stole away my barks, 
 and had guided and conducted the Spaniards thither. As soon 
 as he saw me, he began to say : " This is the captain." This 
 troop was led by a captain, whose name, as I think, was Don 
 PEDRO MELENDES. These made certain pushes at me with 
 their pikes, which lighted on my target. But, perceiving that 
 I was not able to withstand so great a company, and that the 
 court was already won, and their ensigns planted on the ram 
 parts, and that I had never a man about me, saving one, only, 
 whose name was BARTHOLOMEW, I entered into the yard of my 
 lodging, into which they followed me, and, had it not been for 
 a tent that was set up, I had been taken ; but, the Spaniards 
 which followed me were occupied in cutting off the cords of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. ^ 
 
 the tent ; and, in the meanwhile, I saved myself by the breach, 1564. 
 which was on the west side, near unto my lieutentant s lodging " 
 and gateway, into the woods, where I found certain of my men, 
 which were escaped, of which number there were three or four 
 which were sore hurt. 
 
 Then spake I thus unto them : " Sirs, since it hath pleased 
 GOD that this mischance is happened unto us, we must needs 
 take the pains to get over the marshes, into the ships, which are 
 at the mouth of the river." 
 
 Some would needs go to a little village, which was in the 
 woods, the rest followed me through the reeds, in the water, 
 where, being able to go no farther, by reason of my sickness 
 which I had, I sent two of my men, which were with me, 
 which could swim well, unto the ships, to advertise them of 
 that which had happened, and to send them word to come and 
 help me. They were not able, that day, to get unto the ships, 
 to certify them, thereof, so I was constrained to stand in the 
 water up to the shoulders, all that night long, with one of my 
 men, which would never forsake me. The next day morning, 
 being scarcely able to draw my breath any more, I betook me 
 to my prayers, with the soldier that was with me, whose name 
 was JOHN DU CHEMIN ; for I felt myself so feeble, that I was 
 afraid I should die suddenly ; and, in truth, if he had not 
 embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, it had not 
 been possible to save me. 
 
 After we had made an end of our prayers, I heard a voice, 
 which, in my judgment, was one of theirs which I had sent, 
 which were over against the ships, and called for the ship s 
 
342 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. boat, which was so in need; and, because those of the ships 
 had understanding of the taking of the fort, by one called JOHN 
 DE HAIS, master-carpenter, which fled unto them in a shallop, 
 
 they had set sail to run along the coast, to see if they might 
 
 
 
 save any, wherein, doubtless, they did very well their endeavor. 
 They went straight to the place where the two men were, 
 which I had sent, and which called them. As soon as they 
 had received them in, and understood where I was, they came, 
 and found me in a pitiful condition. Five or six of them took 
 me, and carried me into the shallop ; some of the mariners took 
 their clothes from their backs, to lend them me, and would 
 have carried me presently to their ships, to give me a little 
 aqua vitte. Howbeit, I would not go thither, until I had first 
 gone with the boat along the reeds, to seek out the poor souls 
 which were scattered abroad, where we gathered up eighteen or 
 twenty of them. The last that I took in was the nephew of 
 the treasurer, LE BEAU. After we were all come to the ships, 
 I comforted them as well as I could, and sent back the boat 
 again with speed, to see if they could find yet any more. Upon 
 her return, the mariners told me how that Captain JAMES Ri- 
 BAULT, which was in his ship, about two muskets-shot distant 
 from the fort, had parleyed with the Spaniards, and that FRANCIS 
 JEAN came unto his ship, where he stayed a long space, whereat 
 they greatly marvelled, considering he was the cause of this 
 enterprise, how he would let him escape. After I was come 
 into the ship, called The Greyhound^ Captain JAMES RIBAULT 
 and Captain VALUST came to see me, and there we concluded 
 to return into France. Now, forasmuch as I found the ship 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 unfurnished of captain, pilot, master, and master s-mate, I gave 
 advice to chose out one of the most able men among all the 
 mariners, and that by their own voices. I took also five men 
 out of another small ship which we had sunk, because it wanted 
 ballast, and could not be saved. Thus I increased the furniture 
 of the ship wherein I was myself embarked, and made one, 
 which had been master s-mate in the foresaid small ship, master 
 of mine. And, because I lacked a pilot, I prayed JAMES 
 RIBAULT that he would grant me one of the four men that he 
 had in his ship, which I should name unto him, to serve me for 
 a pilot. He promised to give me them, which, nevertheless, he 
 did not at the instant when we were ready to depart, notwith 
 standing all the speech I used to him, in declaring that it was 
 for the King s service. I was constrained to leave the ship 
 behind me, which I had bought of the English captain, because 
 I wanted men to bring her away; for Captain JAMES RIBAULT 
 had taken away her furniture; I took away her ordnance only, 
 which was all dismounted, whereof I gave nine pieces to JAMES 
 RIBAULT to carry into France, the other five I put into my ship. 
 The 25th of September, we set sail to return into France, 
 and Captain JAMES RIBAULT and I kept company all that day 
 and the next, until three or four of the clock in the afternoon ; 
 but, because his ship was better at bowline than ours, he kept 
 him to the wind, and left us the same day. Thus we continued 
 our voyage, wherein we had marvellous flaws of wind ; and, 
 about the 28th of October, in the morning, at the break of day, 
 we descried the Isle of Flores, and one of the Azores, where, 
 immediately upon our approaching to the land, we had a mighty 
 
344 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. gust of wind, which came from the north-east, which caused us 
 to bear against it four days ; afterwards, the wind came south 
 and south-east, and was always variable. In all the time of our 
 passage, we had none other food saving biscuit and water. 
 About the loth or nth of November, after we had sailed a 
 long time, and, supposing we were not far from land, I caused 
 my men to sound, where they found three-score and fifteen 
 fathoms of water, whereat we all rejoiced, and praised GOD, 
 because we had sailed so prosperously. Immediately after, I 
 caused them to set sail again, and so continued our way; but, 
 forasmuch as we had borne too much toward the north-east, we 
 entered into Saint George s Channel, a place much feared of by 
 all sailors, and where so many ships are cast away ; but it was 
 a fair gift of GOD that we entered in it when the weather was 
 clear. We sailed all the night, supposing we had been shot 
 into the narrow sea between England and France, and, by the 
 next day, to reach Dieppe, but we were deceived of our longing; 
 for, about two or three of the clock after midnight, as I walked 
 upon the hatches, I descried land round about me, whereat we 
 were astonished. Immediately I caused them to strike sail, and 
 sound; we found we had not under us past eight fathoms of 
 water, whereupon I commanded them to stay till break of day, 
 which being come, and seeing, my mariners, told me that they 
 knew not this land, I commanded them to approach unto it. 
 Being near thereunto, I made them cast anchor, and sent the 
 boat on shore, to understand in what country we were. Word 
 was brought that we were in Wales, a province of England. 
 I went incontinently on land, where, after I had taken the air, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 04.5 
 
 a sickness took me, whereof I thought I should have died. In 
 the meanwhile, I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of 
 a small town, called Swansea, where I found merchants of S. 
 Malo, which lent me money, wherewith I made certain apparel 
 for myself, and part for my company that was with me; and, 
 because there were no victuals in the ship, I bought two wren, 
 and salted them, and a tun of beer, which I delivered into his 
 hands which had charge of the ship, praying him to carry it into 
 France, which he promised me to do. For mine own part, I 
 purposed, with my men, to pass by land ; and, after I had taken 
 leave of my mariners, I departed from Swansea, and came, that 
 night, with my company, to a place called Morgan, where the 
 lord of the place, understanding what I was, staid me with him 
 for the space of six or seven days ; and, at my departure, moved 
 with pity to see me go on foot, especially being so weak as I 
 was, gave me a little hackney. 
 
 Thus I passed on my journey first to Bristol, and then to 
 London, where I went to do my duty to M. DE Foix, which, 
 for the present, was the King s ambassador, and helped me with 
 money in my necessity. From thence I passed to Calais, after 
 ward to Paris, where I was informed that the King was gone 
 to Moulins, to sojourn there ; incontinently, and with all the 
 haste I could possibly make, I got me thither, with part of my 
 company. Thus, briefly, you see the discourse of all that hap 
 pened in New France, since the time it pleased the King s 
 Majesty to send his subjects thither to discover those parts. 
 The indifferent and unpassionate readers may easily weigh the 
 truth of my doings, and be upright judges of the endeavor which 
 
 44 
 
346 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1564. I there used. For mine own part, I will not accuse, nor excuse 
 any; it sufficeth me to have followed the truth of the history, 
 whereof many are able to bear witness, which were there pres- 
 
 * 
 
 ent. I will plainly say one thing that the long delay that 
 Captain JOHN RIBAULT used in his embarking, and the fifteen 
 days that he spent in roving along the coast of Florida before 
 he came to our fort (Caroline), were the cause of the loss we 
 sustained; for he discovered the coast on the I4th of August, 
 and spent the time in going from river to river, which had been 
 sufficient for him to have discharged his ships in, and for me to 
 have embarked myself to have returned into France. I note 
 well that all that he did was upon a good intent; yet, in mine 
 opinion, he should have had more regard unto his charge than 
 to the devices of his own brain, which, sometimes, he printed 
 in his head so deeply, that it was very hard to put them out, 
 which also turned to his utter undoing; for he was no sooner 
 departed from us but a tempest took him, which, in fine, 
 wrecked him upon the coast, where all his ships were cast 
 away ; and he, with much ado, escaped drowning, to fall into 
 their hands, which cruelly massacred him and all his company. 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 347 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 FOURTH EXPEDITION TO FLORIDA IN 1567, COMMANDED 
 BY THE CHEVALIER DE GOURGUES. 
 
 ijebalter tre aurgues, a gentleman 
 
 born in the country, near unto Bordeaux^ 
 incited with a desire of revenge to repair 
 the honor of his nation, borrowed of his 
 friends, and sold part of his own goods, 
 to set forth, and furnish three ships, of 
 indifferent burthen, with all things necessary having in them 
 .an hundred and fifty soldiers, and four-score chosen mariners, 
 under Captain CAZENOVE, his lieutenant, and FRANCIS BOUR- 
 .DELOIS, master over the mariners. He set forth on the 22d 
 of August, 1567, and, having endured contrary winds and 
 storms for a season, he at length arrived, and went on shore in 
 the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to the Cape of St. 
 Anthony, at the end of the Isle of Cuba^ about two hundred 
 leagues distant from Florida, where the captain disclosed unto 
 them his intention, which hitherto he had concealed from them, 
 praying and exhorting them not to leave him, being so near the 
 enemy, so well furnished, and in such a cause; which they all 
 
348 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1567- sware unto him, and that with such courage, that they would 
 not stay the full moon to pass the channel of Bahama, but 
 speedily discovered Florida, where the Spaniards saluted him 
 with two cannon-shot from their fort, supposing that they had 
 been of their nation; and GOURGUES saluted them again, to 
 entertain them in this error, that he might surprise them at 
 more advantage, yet sailing by them, and making as though he 
 went to some other place, until he had sailed out of sight of the 
 place; so that, about evening, he landed fifteen leagues from 
 the fort, at the mouth of the river Tacatacouru, which the 
 Frenchmen called Seine, because they thought it to be like the 
 Seine, in France. Afterward, perceiving the shore to be cov 
 ered with savages, with their bows and arrows (besides the sign 
 of peace and amity which he made them from his ships), he 
 sent his trumpeter to assure them that they were come thither 
 for none other end but to renew the amity and ancient league 
 of the French with them. The trumpeter did his message so 
 well (by reason he had been there before, under Laudonniere), 
 that he brought back from King SATOURIOUA (the greatest of 
 all the other kings) a kid, and other meat, to refresh us, besides 
 the offer of his friendship and amity. Afterward, they retired, 
 dancing, in sign of joy, to advertise all the kings (SATOURIOUA S 
 kinsmen) to repair thither the next day, to make a league of 
 amity with the Frenchmen. Whereupon, in the meanwhile, 
 our general went about to sound the channel of the river, to 
 bring in his ships, and the better to traffic and deal with the 
 savages, of whom the chiefs, the next day, in the morning, 
 presented themselves namely, the great King SATOURIOUA, 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. . ^49 
 
 TECATACOUROU, HALMACANIR, ATHORE, HARPAHA, HELMA- 1567. 
 CAPE, HELICOPILE, MOLLOUA, and others, his kinsmen and 
 allies, with their accustomed weapons. Then sent they to 
 entreat the French general to come on shore, which he caused 
 his men to do, with their swords and harquebuses, which he 
 made them leave behind them, in token of mutual assurance, 
 leaving his men but their swords only, after that the savages, 
 complaining thereof, had left, and likewise sent away their 
 weapons at the request of GOURGUES. This done, SATOURIOUA, 
 going to meet him, caused him to sit on his right hand, in a 
 seat of wood of lentisque, covered with moss, made of purpose 
 like unto his own. Then two of the eldest of the company 
 pulled up the brambles and other weeds which were before 
 them, and, after they had made the place very clean, they all 
 sat round about them on the ground. Afterward, GOURGUES, 
 being about to speak, SATOURIOUA prevented him, declaring at 
 large, unto him, the incredible wrongs and continual outrages 
 that all the savages, their wives, and children had received of 
 the Spaniards since their coming into the country, and mas 
 sacring of the Frenchmen, with their continual desire, if we 
 would assist them, thoroughly to revenge so shameful a treason, 
 as well as their own particular griefs, for the firm good will they 
 always had borne unto the Frenchmen. 
 
 Whereupon GOURGUES, giving them his faith, and making a 
 league between them and him with an oath, gave them certain 
 presents of daggers, knives, looking-glasses, hatchets, rings, 
 bells, and such other things, trifles unto us, but precious 
 unto these kings; which, moreover, seeing his great liberality, 
 
350 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1567. demanded, each one, a shirt of him, to wear only on their 
 festival days, and to be buried in at their death. Which things, 
 after that they had received, and SATOURIOUA had given in 
 recompense to Captain GOURGUES two chains of silver grains 
 which hung about his neck, and each of the kings certain 
 deer-skins, dressed after their manner, they retired themselves, 
 dancing and very jocund, with promise to keep all things 
 secret, and to bring unto the said place good companies of 
 their subjects, all well armed, to be avenged thoroughly on 
 the Spaniards. In the meanwhile, GOURGUES very narrowly 
 examined PETER DE BREBORN, in Newkaven, which, being but 
 a young stripling, escaped out of the fort into the woods, while 
 the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, and was, after 
 wards, brought up with SATOURIOUA, which, at that time, 
 bestowed him on our general, whose advice stood him in great 
 stead ; whereupon he sent to discover the fort, and the estate of 
 the enemies, by certain of his men, being guided by OLOTA- 
 CARA (SATOURIOUA S nephew), which he had given him for 
 this purpose, and for assurance of ESTAMPES, a gentleman of 
 Cominges^ and others, which he sent to descry the state of the 
 enemies. Moreover, he gave him a son of his, stark naked, as 
 all of them are, and his wife, which he loved best of all the 
 rest, of eighteen years old, apparaled with the moss of trees, 
 which, for three days space, were in the ships, until our men 
 returned from descrying the state of the enemy, and the kings 
 had furnished their preparation at their rendezvous. 
 
 Their marching being concluded, and the savages rendezvous 
 being appointed them beyond the river Salinacani (of our men 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 35 , 
 
 called Somme), they all drank, with great solemnity, their drink, 
 called cassine, made of the juice of certain herbs (as they are 
 wont to do when they go to any place of danger), which hath 
 such force, that it taketh from them hunger and thirst for 
 twenty-four hours, and GOURGUES was fain, as though he drank, 
 thereof, for company. Afterward, they lifted up their hands, 
 and sware all, that they would never forsake him ; OLOTOCARA 
 followed him, with pike in hand. Being all met at the river 
 Sarauabi (not without great trouble, by reason of the rain and 
 places full of water, which they must needs pass, which hin 
 dered their passage), they were distressed with famine finding 
 nothing, by the way, to eat, their bark of provision being not 
 arrived, which was to come unto him from the ships, the over 
 sight and charge whereof he had left unto BURDELOIS, with the 
 rest of the mariners. 
 
 Now, he had learned that the Spaniards were four hundred 
 strong, being divided into three forts, builded and flanked, and 
 well fortified upon the River of May the great fort, specially 
 began by the French, and, afterward, repaired by them, upon 
 the most dangerous and principal landing-place, whereof, two 
 leagues lower, and nearer toward the river s mouth, they had 
 made two smaller forts, which were defended the river passing 
 between them, with six-score soldiers, good store of artillery, 
 and other munition, which they had in the same. From Sara- 
 cary, unto these small forts, was two leagues space, which he 
 found very painful, because of the bad ways and continual rain. 
 Afterward, he departed from the river Catacouru, with ten shot, 
 to view the first fort, and to assault it the next day, in the 
 
352 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 morning, by the break of day, which he could not do, because 
 of the foul weather and darkness of the night. 
 
 King HELICOPILE, seeing him out of quiet, in that he had 
 failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide him a more 
 easy way, though it were farther about ; insomuch, as leading 
 him through the woods, he brought him within sight of the 
 fort, where he discerned one quarter, which was but begun to 
 be entrenched. Thus, after he had sounded the small river 
 that falleth down thereby, he staid until ten of the clock in the 
 morning, for an ebb-water, that his men might pass over there 
 unto a place where he had seen a little grove, between the river 
 and the fort (that he might not be seen to pass, and set his 
 soldiers in array), causing them to fasten their stalks to their 
 morions, and to hold up their swords and kalivers in their hands, 
 for fear lest the water, which reached up to their girdles, 
 should not wet them, where they found such abundance of 
 great oysters and shells, which were so sharp, that many had 
 their legs cut with them, and many others lost their shoes. 
 Notwithstanding, as soon as they were passed over, with a 
 French courage, they prepared themselves for the assault, on 
 the Sunday eve next after Easter-day, in April, 1568. Inso 
 much, that GOURGUES, to employ the ardent heat of this good 
 affection, gave twenty shot to his lieutenant (CAZENOVE), and 
 ten mariners, laden with pots and balls of wild-fire to burn 
 the gate, and then he assaulted the fort on another side, after he 
 had made a short speech unto his men of the strange treasons 
 which the Spaniards had played their companions. But, being 
 descried as they came, holding down their heads, within two 
 
AND FLORIDA. 253 
 
 hundred paces from the fort, the gunner, being upon the terrace 15*67. 
 of the fort, after he had cried "Arm! arm! these be French 
 men!" discharged twice upon them a culverin, whereon the 
 arms of France were graven, which had been taken from Lau- 
 donniere; but, as he went about to charge it the third time, 
 OLOTOCARA, which had not learned to keep his rank, or, rather, 
 moved with rage, leapt on the platform, and thrust him through 
 the body with his pike, and slew him. Whereupon GOURGUES 
 advanced forward, and, after he had heard CAZENOVE cry that 
 the Spaniards, which issued out armed at the cry of the alarm, 
 were fled, he drew to that part, and so hemmed them in 
 between him and his lieutenant, that, of three-score, there 
 escaped not a man, saving only fifteen, reserved unto the same 
 death which they had put the French unto, The Spaniards of 
 the other fort, in the meanwhile, ceased not to play with their 
 ordnance, which much annoyed their assailants although to 
 answer them, they had, by this, placed, and oftentimes, the four 
 pieces found in the first fort. 
 
 Whereupon GOURGUES, being accompanied with four-score 
 shot, went aboard the bark, which met him there to good pur 
 pose, to pass into the wood near unto the fort, out of which he 
 supposed the Spaniards would issue, to save themselves, through 
 the benefit of the woods, in the great fort, which was not past 
 one league distant from the same. Afterward, the savages, not 
 staying for the return of the bark, leapt all into the water, 
 holding up their bows and arrows in one hand, and swimming 
 with the other, so that the Spaniards, seeing both the shores 
 covered with so great a number of men, thought to flee towards 
 
 45 
 
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 tne woods; but, being charged by the French, and, afterwards, 
 repulsed by the savages, towards whom they would have retired, 
 they were sooner, than they would, bereft of their lives. To 
 conclude, they all there ended their days, saving fifteen of those, 
 which were reserved to be executed for the example of others. 
 Whereupon, Captain GOURGUES, having caused all that he 
 found in the second fort to be transported unto the first, where 
 he meant to strengthen himself to take resolution against the 
 great fort, the state, whereof, he did not understand ; in fine, a 
 Serjeant of a band, one of the prisoners, assured him that they 
 might be there very near three hundred, well furnished, under a 
 brave governor, which had fortified there, attending further 
 succors. 
 
 Thus, having obtained of him the platform, the height, the 
 fortification, and passages unto it, and, having prepared eight 
 good lathers, and raised all the country against the Spaniards, 
 that he might not have news, nor succors, nor retreat, on any 
 side, he determined to march forward. In the meanwhile, the 
 governor sent a Spaniard, disguised like a savage, to spy out 
 the state of the French ; and, though he were discovered by 
 OLOTOCARA, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to 
 persuade them that he was one of the second fort, out of which 
 having escaped, and, seeing none but savages on every side, he 
 hoped more in the Frenchmen s than their mercy, unto whom he 
 came to yield himself, disguised like a savage, for fear lest, if he 
 should have been known, he should have been massacred by 
 those barbarians. But the spy, being brought face to face with 
 the serjeant of the band, and convicted to be one of the great 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 fort, was reserved until another time, after that he had assured 1567. 
 GOURGUES, that the bruit was, that he had two thousand 
 Frenchmen with him, for fear of whom the two hundred and 
 three-score Spaniards, which remained in the great fort, were 
 greatly astonished. Whereupon GOURGUES, being resolved to 
 set upon them while they were thus amazed, and, leaving his 
 standard-bearer and a captain, with fifteen shot, to keep the 
 fort and the entry of the river, he caused the savages to depart 
 by night, to lay in ambush within the woods, on both sides 
 of the river ; then he departed in the morning, leaving the ser- 
 jeant, and the spy, fast bound, along with him, to show him 
 that, indeed, which they had only made him understand before, 
 by painting. 
 
356 
 
 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 If 67. ISHBBTf^1HK SS" ^ t * ie ^ marcnec ^ OLOTOCARA, a resolute 
 
 savage, which never left the captain, 
 said unto him, that he had served him 
 faithfully, and done whatsoever he had 
 commanded him; that he was assured 
 to die in the conflict at the great fort ; 
 
 wherein, nevertheless, he would not fail, though it were to 
 save his life ; but he prayed him to give unto his wife, if he 
 escaped not, which he had meant to bestow on him, that she 
 might bury the same with him, that thereby he might be 
 better welcome unto the village of the souls, or spirits de 
 parted. To whom Captain GOURGUES answered, that he had 
 commended his faithful valor, the love towards his wife, and 
 his noble care of immortal honor; that he desired rather to 
 honor him alive than dead ; and that, by GOD S help, he would 
 bring him home again with victory. 
 
 After the discovery of the fort, the Spaniards were no niggards 
 of their cannon-shot, nor of two double culverins, which, being 
 mounted upon a bulwark, commanded all along the river, which 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 made Captain GOURGUES to get to the hill covered with wood, 1567, 
 at the foot whereof the fort beginneth, and the forest, or wood, 
 continueth and stretcheth forth beyond it, so that he had suffi 
 cient coverture to approach thereunto, without offence. He 
 purposed, also, to remain there until the morning, wherein he 
 was resolved to assault the Spaniards, by scaling their walls, on 
 the side toward the hill, where the trench seemed not suffi 
 ciently flanked for the defence of the courtains, and from whence 
 part of his men might draw them that were besieged, which 
 should show themselves, to defend the rampart, while the rest 
 were coming up. But the governor hastened his unhappy des 
 tiny, causing three-score shot to sally forth, which, passing 
 through the trenches, advanced forward, to descry the number 
 and valor of the French : whereof twenty, under the conduct 
 of CAZENOVE, getting between the fort and them, which now 
 were issued forth, cut off their repassage, while GOURGUES com 
 manded the rest to charge them in the front, but not to dis 
 charge, but near at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit 
 them that afterward, with more ease, they might cut them in 
 pieces with their swords ; so that, turning their backs as soon 
 as they were charged, and compassed in by his lieutenant, they 
 remained all slain upon the place j whereat the rest that were 
 besieged were so astonished, that they knew no other means to 
 save their lives but by fleeing into the woods adjoining ; where, 
 nevertheless, being encountered again by the arrows of the 
 savages, which lay in wait there for them (whereof one ran 
 through the target and body of a Spaniard, which therewithal 
 fell down stark dead), some were constrained to turn back, 
 
358 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 choosing rather to die by the hand of the French, which 
 pursued them assuring themselves that none of them could 
 find any favor, neither with the one nor the other nation, 
 whom they had, alike, and so out of measure, cruelly entreated 
 saving those which were reserved to be an example for the 
 time to come. 
 
 The fort, when it was taken, was found well provided of all 
 necessaries ; namely, of five double culverins, and four mynlons, 
 with divers other small pieces, of all sorts, and eighteen gross 
 cakes of gunpowder ; all sorts of weapons, which GOURGUES 
 caused, with speed, to be embarked, saving tha powder and 
 other moveables, by reason it was all consumed by fire, through 
 the negligence of a savage, which, in seething of his fish, set 
 fire on a train of powder, which was made and holden by 
 the Spaniards, to have feasted the French, at the first assault, 
 thus blowing up the storehouse, and the other houses, built 
 of pine trees. The rest of the Spaniards being led away pris 
 oners with the others, after that the general had showed them 
 the wrong which they had done, without occasion, to all the 
 French nation, were all hanged on the boughs of the same 
 trees whereon the Frenchmen hung of which number five 
 were hanged by one Spaniard ; which, perceiving himself in 
 like miserable estate, confessed his fault, and the just judgment 
 which GOD had brought upon him. 
 
 But, instead of the writing which PEDRO MELENDES had 
 hanged over them, importing these words, in Spanish: "I do 
 not this as unto Frenchmen, but as unto Lutherans" GOUR 
 GUES caused to be imprinted, with a searing iron, in a table of 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 
 
 359 
 
 firewood: " I do not this as unto Spaniards, nor as unto mariners, 1567. 
 but as unto traitors, robbers, and murtkerers" 
 
 Afterwards, considering he had not men enough to keep his 
 forts which he had won, much less to store them, fearing, also, 
 lest the Spaniards, which hath dominions near adjoining, should 
 renew his forces, or the savages should prevail against the 
 Frenchmen, unless his Majesty would send thither, he resolved 
 to raze them. And, indeed, after he had assembled, and, in the 
 end, persuaded all the savage kings so to do, they caused their 
 subjects to run thither with such effect, that they overthrew 
 all the three forts flat, even with the ground, in one day. This 
 done by GOURGUES, that he might return to his ships, which 
 were left in the River of Seine, called Tacatacourou, fifteen 
 leagues distant from thence, he sent CAZENOVE and the artil 
 lery by water; afterward, with four-score harquebusiers, armed 
 with corselets, and matches lit, followed, with forty mariners, 
 bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to have 
 in so many savages, he marched by land, always in battle array ; 
 finding the ways covered with savages, which came to honor 
 him with presents and praises, as the deliverer of all the coun 
 tries round about adjoining. An old woman, among the rest, 
 said unto him, that now she cared not any more to die, since 
 she had seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida, and the 
 Spaniards chased out. Briefly, being arrived, and finding his 
 ships set in order, and everything ready to set sail, he counseled 
 the kings to continue in the amity and ancient league which 
 they had made with the King of France, which would defend 
 them against all nations; which they all promised, shedding tears 
 
360 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF 
 
 1567- because of his departure OLOCOTARA especially; for appeasing 
 of whom, he promised them to return within twelve moons (so 
 they count the year), and that his King would send them an 
 army, and store of knives for presents, and all other things 
 necessary. So that, after he had taken his leave of them, and 
 assembled his men, he thanked GOD of all his success since his 
 setting forth, and prayed to Him for a happy return. The 3d day 
 of May, 1568, all things were made ready, the rendezvous 
 appointed, and the anchors weighed to set sail so prosperously, 
 that, in seventeen days, they ran eleven hundred leagues, con 
 tinuing which course, they arrived at Rochelle the 1st of June, 
 the thirty-fourth day after their departure from the River of 
 May, having lost but a small pinnace, and eight men in it, with 
 a few gentlemen, and others, which were slain in the assault 
 ing of the forts. 
 
 After the cheer and good entertainment which he received of 
 those of Rochelle, he sailed to Bordeaux, to inform M. MONLUC 
 of the things above mentioned; albeit, he was advertised of 
 eighteen pinnaces, and a great ship of two hundred tons, full of 
 Spaniards, which, being assured of the defeat in Florida, and 
 that he was at Rochelle, came as far as Che-de-Bois the same 
 day that he departed thence, and followed him as far as Blay 
 (but he was gotten already to Bordeaux), to make him yield 
 another account of his voyage than that wherewith he made 
 many Frenchmen right glad. The Catholic king, being after- 
 Ward informed that GOURGUES could not easily be taken, offered 
 a great sum of money to him that Could bring him his head ; 
 praying, moreover, King CHARLES to do justice on him, as of the 
 
LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. o l 
 
 author of so bloody an act, contrary to their alliance and good 
 league of friendship. Insomuch as, coming to Paris to present 
 himself unto the King, to signify unto him the success of his 
 voyage, and the means which he had to subdue this whole 
 country unto his obedience (wherein he offered to employ his 
 life and all his goods), he found his entertainment and answer so 
 contrary to his expectation, that, in fine, he was constrained to 
 hide himself a long space in the Court of Roanne, about the year 
 1570; and, without the assistance of President MARIGNY, in 
 whose house he remained certain days, and of the Receiver of 
 Vacqmeulx, which always was his faithful friend, he had been in 
 great danger; which grieved not a little DOMINIQUE DE GOUR- 
 GUES, considering the services which he had done, as well unto 
 him as to his predecessors, kings of France. He was born in 
 Mount Marsan, in Guyenne, and employed for the service of 
 the most Christian kings in all the armies made since these 
 twenty-five or thirty years. At last, he had the charge and honor 
 of a captain, which, in a place near unto Seine, with thirty 
 soldiers, sustained the brunt of a part of the Spanish army, by 
 which, being taken in the assault, and having all his men cut 
 to pieces, he was put into a galley, in token of the good war 
 and singular favor which the Spaniard is wont to show us; 
 but, as the galley was going toward Sicily, being taken by 
 the Turks, led away to Rhodes, and thence to Constantinople; 
 it was shortly afterward recovered by ROMEGUAS, commander 
 over the army of Malta. 
 
 By this means, returning home, he made a voyage on the 
 coast of Africa, whence he took his course to Brazil, and to the 
 
362 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, ETC. 
 
 1567. South Sea. At length, being desirous to repair the honor of 
 France, he set upon Florida, with such success as you have 
 heard. So that, being become, by his continual warlike actions, 
 both by land and sea, no less valiant captain than skillful mari 
 ner, he hath made himself feared by the Spaniards, and accept 
 able unto the Queen of England, for the desert of his virtues. 
 
 To conclude, the Chevalier DE GOURGUES died in the year 
 1582, to the great grief of such as knew him. 
 
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