illiiS ii lllllllill Hi I I IK ! ! 1* I ffjiljjlillipfiiililjijli'fi I ll 91 H ■HH 'i 1!f 1 I iil! !i|i|li;i;ll' | [lii!i| | « I IjlMl jj IHnHiMM ii I Sill I ijliiiipiiiiliii! ;W{ \Ph \\ ft; 11 111 Will ift i!|ji!!ftl II Ii liJ «^^^^^^^^^^^ ii I llfilllll I 111! llllll*™ I ill « i«i i I ill jli '"""' '.ll:i"::H:!!llll 1 I Ii ill ■HH I! I ''iiiiiilUl I II IIS ii !!!i!ipii;ii!|iii iiisi'i 1 '; II lllii I IP ¥ '\'4l III Ii! IB Rlillllliilli i i 1 1 illill'!ili!iip!i ! iiliiililiiiiii liiiii 1 I I I I Ii i 1 11 III I II ill I li'lli! lllli:,,,,! ■■■■IflH III ill 111 IIIIIIIIIII 1 m ft'jl;!!! 1 ■it 1 ii ii ii ii in ■ nil ■ i ? ! i -m 1 Kg 1098. TRUMBULL (Henry. Indian Wars. I fistory of the Discovery of America, of the Landing of our Forefathers, at Plymouth, and of their most remarkable engagements with the Indians in New England from their first landing in 1620 until the final subjuga- tion of the Natives in 1679. Particulars of almost every important engagement with the savages, including the defeat of Generals Braddock, Harmer and St. Clair by the In- dians, etc. 12mo, old calf, Boston 1819, JjilS.oO Contains a perfect copy of the rare coloured plate of Col. Johnson's Engagement with Tecumseh, Oct. 5th, 1812, and woodcuts by Bowen. -ian Town, October 5th, 1812. ), and encturaging them to return to the attack, ping a wounded drummer of the American Infantry, hi* cavalry, retreating to a swamp on the left. ir commander Tecumseh) returning to the attack. HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS: TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS, AND OF THE LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH, WITH THEIR MOST REMARKABLE ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE INDIANS IN NEW ENGLAND, FROM THEIR FIRST LANDING, IN 1620, UNTIL THE DEATH OF KING PHILIP, IN 1679. BY HENRY TRUMBULL TO WHICH IS NOW ADDED A HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE SUFFERINGS OF THE INHABIT- ANTS OF THE FRONTIER SETTLEMENTS BY THE SAVAGES, DURING THE FRENCH AND REVOLUTIONARY WARS; AND ALSO THE PARTICULARS OF EVERY IMPORTANT ENGAGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS, IN THE SOUTHERN AND WESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES, TO THE PRESENT TIME. A NEW EDITION, WITH AN ENTIRE NEW ARRANGEMENT, ESSENTIAL CORRECTIONS, AND LARGE ADDITIONS. " My countrymen, these things ought not to be forgotten ; for the benefit of our children, and those that follow them, they should be recorded in History."— Fraiiklin. BOSTON: PHILLIPS AND SAMPSON 1846. v Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year lb4l, BY GEORGE CLAUK, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massacnusetts. STEREOTYPED BY GEO. A. & J. CURTIS, NEW-ENGLAND TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY, BOSTON. t TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. Discovery of America by Columbus, 3 Conquest of Mexico by Cortez, 11 Conquest of Peru by Pizarro, 23 Destruction of the tribe of Indians called the Natches, 34 INDIAN WARS IN NEW ENGLAND, CHAPTER I. Commencement of Hostilities with the Natives — Destruction of the Pequots, and Death of Sasacus, their Chief— Battle between the Mohegans, under Uncas, and the Narragansetts, under Miantinomi, in which the latter is slain — Peace between the Narragansetts and the English, 47 CHAPTER II. Treaty of Peace with Philip, the celebrated Chief of the Nipnet Tribe — Treacherous Conduct of Philip, and War with him and the Narra- gansetts — Great Battle near Mount Hope, in which the Indians are defeated, 63 CHAPTER III. Philip's War, continued — Hostilities commenced by the Indians border- ing on the river Merrimack, 75 M1826 IV CONTENTS. Page. CHAPTER IV. Continuation of the War with Philip— Battle with the Narragansetts, under the command of their Queen, who is taken prisoner — Philip slain by a son of Uncas — Hostilities of the Indians on the river Kennebeck, in which a great Battle is fought, and the Indians totally defeated, which was followed by a Treaty of Peace, 86 CHAPTER V. ■ Invasion of New York and New England, and the Destruction of Sche- nectady by the French and Indians, 97 CHAPTER VI. Massacre of the Inhabitants of Deerfield, and Captivity of the Rev. John Williams and Family, by the Savages — Continuation of Indian Hostilities, 102 CHAPTER VII. Remarks relative to the State, Customs, and ludicrous Opinions of the Natives in New England, when first visited by our Forefathers, and their rapid Depopulation since that period, Ill CHAPTER VIII. Remarks on the Indian Customs and Mode of Warfare, and the Change that took place in consequence of their Intercourse with the French ; with a History of their Attacks on the Frontier Settlements during the French War — Expedition to Norridgewog, and Death of the Jesuit Ralle, and a Description of LovewelPs Fight — Brave Defence of the Fort at Charlestown by Capt. Stevens, 117 CHAPTER IX. Plan for establishing a Military Settlement on the rich Intervals of Coos — John Kilburn's brave Defence of his Garrison — Massacre of Prison- ers by the Indians at Fort William Henry — The Village of &t. Francis destroyed by Rogers' Rangers — Quebec taken by Gen. Wolf, . . . 136 CONTENTS. V Page. CHAPTER X. Remarks on Indian Hostilities at the commencement of the "War of the Revolution, and Settlement of the New Hampshire Grants in the Coos country — Battle of Bennington, with its Results — Burning of Royalton, 150 CHAPTER XI. Some Account of the different Tribes of Indians inhabiting the Western Country, . 165 CHAPTER XII. Washington's Expedition, and Defeat of Gen. Braddock by the In- dians, % 185 CHAPTER XIII. Adventures of Capt. Daniel Boon, comprising an Account of the Wars with the Indians on the Ohio, from 1769 to 1732, written by him- self, 190 CHAPTER XIV. Expedition of Gen. Harmer, and his Defeat by the Indians— Defeat of Gen. St. Clair, near the Miami village, 202 CHAPTER XV. Depredations of Indians on the Frontiers during the years 1791, 1792, and 1793, 215 CHAPTER XVI. ^ Decisive Battle gained by the American Army, under the command of Gen. Wayne, over the hostile Indians on the river Miamis, . . . 231 VI <" CONTENTS. Pag«. CHAPTER XVII. Expedition of Gen. William H. Harrison against the Savages on the River Wabash — Battle of Tippecanoe, 236 CHAPTER XVIII. Gen. Harrison's Engagements with the Indians during the late War with Great Britain— Gallant Defence of Fort Meigs— Attack on Fort Stephenson — Battle of the Thames — Death of Tecumseh, with Remarks on his Character, . . 243 CHAPTER XIX. War with the Creek Nation— Massacre at Fort Mims— Battles of Tal- lushatches, Tallegada, Antosse — Attack upon Camp Defiance, and Brilliant Victory at the Bend of the Tallapoosa, 25S CHAPTER XX. Seminole War — Indian Depredations — Capture of Fort St. Marks — Execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister — Pensacola taken by General Jackson, 273 CHAPTER XXI. Hostilities with the Indian Tribes on the Northwestern Frontiers, called Black Hawk's War, 2S9 CHAPTER XXII. Remarks on the War with the Florida Indians, or Seminoles, with its Causes — Progress of the War — Osceola's treacherous Capture — His Imprisonment and Death, 305 11 mg his mei act of seal irsued by t lied by t>. A View of Col. Johnson 1 Col. Johnson heroically defending himseli 2 The American Infantry firing upon a bod 3 A dismounted Dragoon personally engage 4 The cavalry pursuing the retreating savag nt with the Savages (commanded by Tecumseh) near tin tst the attack of an Indian Chief, le enemy on the left, i one of the enemy, oss the hills. 5 Tecumseh rallying his mei 6 A savage in the act of seal 7 The savages, pursued by t 8 The enemy (rallied by the V TO THE PUBLIC Therv, can be no subject more interesting 1 , and more important to be preserved, than what relates to the settlement of this country, with the hardships suffered and perils encountered by our forefathers. They had not only to contend against all the evils attendant upon subduing a wilderness and guarding against starvation, but to defend themselves against a numerous savage foe, who were naturally jealous of the English, and opposed to their getting possession of their country. Though they at first seemed disposed to treat them as friends, yet most of the tribes in New England afterwards became their most inveterate enemies, and a bloody war continued till they were destroyed or driven from the country. For a period of something like a century and a half, these wars continued, and formed the most important subjects of discussion both in private circles and in legislative proceedings ; during which time a great many extraordinary events took place, that were the subjects of narrative, which were published in pamphlets, or handed down from one generation to another by tradition. To preserve all that is worthy of being recorded, will be found not only interesting to the reader at the present time, but will be of the utmost importance to the forming a correct history of our country. The following work is a compilation from various sources, and, as now published, forms a pretty correct account of the Indian wars, from the first settlement of the country to the present time. Mr. Trumbull prepared, as it is understood, from papers left by his ancestors, a history of these wars, from the landing of the pilgrims to the death of King Philip ; with some account of the savage barbarities committed on our eastern and western frontiers. This, as far as it goes, is probably as correct and authentic an account of these events as can be expected to J"!!. .*:/•'. .-* T0 THE public. be obtained at the present day. He printed several largr. >;i'34/ns, which were sold throughout the country, and became universally known as " Trumbull's Indian "Wars." The popularity of the work induced .its enlargement, and additions were made from such materials as could be easily found, which swelled the bulk without much improving its value. Subsequently the copyright passed into the hands of Mr. George Clark, who, as a publisher, made the most of his bargain, by printing and supplying the market with a cheap and popular book. Still to increase the size, additions were made, from time to time, of such ma- terials as could be easily obtained to enlarge the volume, by inserting public documents, private letters, and official returns, with all their details, which were of little interest to the common reader, and of no value as to history. It was thought to be too important a work to be continued to be printed in such an irregular and imperfect manner ; and the subscriber was solicited by the proprietor to make such alterations and additions as should be deemed necessary to render it more worthy the public patronage ; which was undertaken more as a printer and corrector of the press, than as an author. The task has been attended with con- siderable labor, and whether well or ill done, must be left to the public to judge. Many things have been omitted, and others condensed, so as to make the language more uniform, and the narrative of events more intelligible to the reader. Nearly one hundred pages have been added, in which are given the most important cases of suffering by the inhabi- tants of the frontier settlements, from Indian hostilities, during the French wars, till the conquest of Canada, as also that of the Revolu- tionary war; to which has also been added the more recent Indian hostilities on our western and southern frontiers, with such particulars of the war with the Seminoles, or Florida Indians, as could be obtained. The whole has been chronologically arranged and divided into chapters, with suitable heading to each, and a table of contents pre- fixed, for the convenience of reference ; and it is confidently believed that it will be found to be a tolerably correct and faithful historical nar- rative of the wars with the aborigines of this continent, from the first discovery by Columbus to the present time. It will not be improper here to remark, that all the accounts of Indian hostilities, horrid barbarities, and savage cruelties, are given on one side ; for the poor Indian has no advocate, or any one to tell his story. No one comes forward to plead in his behalf, and state the causes that might perhaps justify him for committing these acts. Horrid acts of cruelty have been committed by civilized nations, when TO THE PUBLIC. 1 at war , but these are little thought of, and are suffered to pass off without notice. That the Indians have received great wrongs from the hands of the white man, cannot be denied ; and that they should be actuated by a spirit t>f revenge, and retaliate for these wrongs, is perfectly natural ; for they had no other means of getting any redress for their grievances. By appealing to the white man for justice, they only courted insult and greater wrongs. Dr. Franklin says, " We call them savages because their manners differ from ours, which we think the perfection of civility ; they think the same of theirs. Perhaps, if we could examine the manners of different nations with impartiality, we should find no people so rude as to be without any rules of polite- ness, nor any so polite as not to have some remains of rudeness." When this continent was discovered, it was found to be peopled by many millions of rational and intelligent beings, who were divided into nations or tribes, and had their forms of government and their laws, suitable to their condition ; and many of them had made considerable advances in what is termed civilization. They no doubt enjoyed as much happiness as falls to the lot of the inhabitants of any other part of the world. But now where are they ? It is true a few remnants of them still remain ; but it is probable, ere another century passes away, nothing will be known of them except what may be recorded in history. These things sesm mysterious ; but it would be impious to murmur at the decrees of fate. There are changes constantly going on, not only in the human family, but in the natural world. The injustice done to the original inhabitants of this country, by driving them from where the Great Spirit had placed them and given them an inheritance, can- not be atoned for by man, but must be left to the decision of a higher tribunal than can be found on earth. Much has been said, and many plans have been proposed, to better their condition, by endeavoring to induce them to adopt some more certain plan of getting a living than by hunting; but in general this has only tended to make their condi- tion worse ; for it seems evident that they must exist in 'their Datura- state, or dwindle and waste away, becoming miserable and degrade:*, outcasts. The present policy of our government is to locate all that remain of the Indian tribes in our neighborhood beyond the Mississippi. But how long will they be suffered to remain there unmolested ? The cur- rent of emigration to the West will soon come in contact with them. Their lands will be wanted by the white man ; and the same difficul- ties will again take place, and the same tragic scenes be again enacted as heretofore. Besides, they will have numerous tribes between them 1 Z TO THE PUBLIC. and the Pacific Ocean, who will naturally join with them in defending themselves against the encroachments of the wkite people. This will form a sort of new era in the history of Indian warfare ; and no perma- nent peace can be looked for until the whole Indian race shall be exterminated. It cannot be expected that an impartial history of the aborigines of America can be written during the present age. Our prejudices are so firmly fixed by the relations we have heard from our childhood of savage cruelties, that it is difficult to divest ourselves of them. The popular feeling is averse to doing them justice. But it is to be hoped that when time shall have worn away these prejudices, some future historian will rise up and do them ample justice, by giving to the world a correct and impartial history of their rise and fall. The subject is a noble one, and the materials abundant for such an undertaking. They have produced many great men and heroes, who would not suffer in comparison with those of other times who have been celebrated in history. Their perceptions in regard to moral principle, their strict regard to truth, and freedom from hypocrisy and dissimulation, place them in many respects above those nations who possess the advantages of civilization. For the present, all we can do is to record the passing events of the day, and preserve whatever is worthy of being handed down to posterity as characteristic of this peculiar people. E. G. House. Boston, May 15, 1841. DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS, To the avarice of mankind, and the enterprise of the Portuguese, we owe the present abundance of the gold, the silver, the precious stones, the silks and the rich manufactures. To that same avarice we owe the dis- covery of the New World, the idea of whose very exis- tence was for a long while held so absurd, that the love of gain itself could not prompt men to the undertaking, though the boldest navigator of all ages offered to risk his life and reputation in the attempt. Christoval Colon, or, as he is commonly called, Chris- topher Columbus, to v whom the high honor of this most important of discoveries is due, is generally held to have been a Genoese, though this has been disputed, and it has been alleged, on very plausible grounds, that he was an Englishman. Be that as it may, he was a navigator skilful and enterprising beyond his age, and a brave com- mander. Yet, at the age of forty, he was very little known to his compatriots. The idea of finding a new terrestrial hemisphere does not appear to have occurred to him, but, judging from the spherical form of the earth, he thought it practicable to reach the East-Indies by sailing directly west from Europe, an opinion that is evi- dently correct, supposing that our continent did not bar his progress. It seems singular that this idea never oc- curred to any one before him, and still more so that the most enlightened men of the age treated his proposals with contempt. As his means were small and the ex- penses of his enterprise must necessarily be great, he first submitted his views to the government of Genoa, in hope to obtain the requisite aid, but they were rejected as altogether chimerical. He next offered his service as Vg\ explorer of unknown regions to the court of Portugal ; 4 DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. but though that nation was then distinguished above all others by its spirit of enterprise, and the reigning king, John the second, was a wise and sagacious prince, the prejudice of his counsellors, to whom the project of Co- lumbus was referred, defeated his views in that quarter also. His next application was to Ferdinand and Isa- bella, reigning sovereigns of Castile and Arragon, but they were too much occupied in wresting the kingdom of Grenada from the Moors, to give his plans the con- sideration due to their importance. About the same time, he sent his brother Bartholomew to England, to solicit the assistance of Henry the seventh. That mean prince, though he rejected the proposals of the Genoese, determined to profit by them, and despatched an expedi- tion on his own sole account, on the track Columbus had marked out. The courage of its commanders fail- ed them, and they returned to England as they went. Columbus passed many years in fruitless applications to the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella, but at last, Grenada being conquered and the war with the Moors at an end, Isabella had leisure to attend to Columbus. Possessed of a mind of no common order, she was not slow to s^ee that his project was at once reasonable and of the highest importance, and she openly avowed herself his patroness. Her husband, a cautious and narrow mind- ed, though sagacious prince, would not commit himself. All the aid he lent the adventurer was the sanction of his name. It is with a woman, therefore, that the world finder must divide the fame of his discovery. Three vessels, two of them not larger than our ordi- nary fishing smacks, were thought sufficient for this im- portant expedition. Expense, had long been the sole obstacle to the success of the adventurer's solicitations, yet the whole cost of his armament when equipped, and furnished with a twelvemonth's provision, was no more than 17,600 dollars. It must be remembered, however, that the value of the dollar was much greater then than it is now. Columbus sailed from Palos, in Andalusia, on the 3d of August, 1492. He made the Canary Islands, and then stretched boldly westward into an unknown ocean, DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. 5 in latitude 28° north. From various causes, and among others a violent tempest, he made slow progress. His men were not free from the ignorance of the age, and a spirit of discontent arose among them which it required all his courage and prudence to restrain. Their ter- rors at last rose to the height of mutiny, and they talked of throwing their admiral overboard, so that he was com pelled to compromise with them. He promised to aban- don his enterprise and return home if they did not dis- cover land within three days. He could now make this promise without much danger of frustrating his main object, for from the quantities of wood and weeds on the surface of the sea, from flocks of land birds, from a carved piece of wood that was picked up and from other appearances, he was assured that the shore was at hand. On the night of the 23d of October a light was dis- covered from the mast head of the foremost vessel. The despondence of the crew was now changed to rapture. In the morning they landed at an island of surpassing beauty and abounding with inhabitants of a race wholly unknown to them. Both sexes went entirely naked, their manners were kind and gentle, and they received the Spaniards with joy and homage, taking them for celes- tial visitants. Alas ! had they believed the white race fiends from hell, the treatment they afterwards received from them would almost have justified the supposition. Columbus named the island San Salvador. It was one of the cluster since generally called the Bahamas, and is 3° 30 ! more southerly of Gommorra, that one of the Canaries at which he took leave of Europe. Colum- bus did not tarry long — he had not come in quest of islands, and he was not satisfied. His discovery only served to confirm him in his original opinion, and he firmly believed that the land before him was one of the East-India islands. Sailing southward, he soon discov- ered the islands of St. Mary of the conception, Ferdi- nand and Isabella. He next made out Cuba and anoth- er large island, which he called Espagnola, and it is still known as Hispaniola, St. Domingo and Hayti. Here he built a fort and left a small colony, after which he returned to Spain, taking with him several of the natives 6 DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. of the newly found islands. On his course he discov- ered the Carribee Islands. After having been seven months and eleven days ab- sent, Columbus arrived at the port of Palos on the I5th of March, 1493. Great rejoicings were had on his arri- val, for, from the sight of a few articles of gold he had brought from America the most extravagant ideas of the wealth of the new lands were entertained. The highest honors were paid to the intrepid mariner. The king and queen issued letters patent confirming to him and his heirs all the high privileges which had been agreed on, in case of his success before his departure, and his family were enrolled among the proudest nobility of Spain. Still neither the Spaniards nor any other European nation entertained the least doubt that the lands Colum- bus had found were parts of India, for at that time the extent of India was unknown. For this reason it was that Ferdinand and Isabella gave them the name of " Indies " in the instrument by which they ratified their agreement with Columbus, and on this account they still erroneously bear that name, and all the aborigines of the new world are called Indians. The success of Columbus had its natural effect. The whole enterprise of Spain was roused. No time was lost, no expense was spared, in equipping a fleet to accompa- ny the great mariner back to the lands he had made known. A fleet of seventeen vessels was fitted out with- in six months and manned with fifteen hundred men, among whom many of the noble and the distinguished of Spain did not disdain to enroll themselves. It was one of the popular opinions of the day that the new found land was either the Ophir of Scjomon or the Cipango of Marco Polo. Ferdinand himself caught the prevailing enthu- siasm of the day and was desirous of securing his part of the golden harvest expected to be reaped in the new world. He applied to the Pope to be invested with a right in the lands discovered, or to be discovered. A shew of a relig- ious motive was necessary, and he made his zeal to con- vert the natives to the Catholic faith the basis of his hypo- critical plea ; not without the desired effect. DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. 7 The reigning pope, Alexander the fourth, was one of the vilest of men and cared as little for the conversion of the heathen as Ferdinand. But he had the interest of his own family at heart and the friendship of the Spanish monarch was of no little importance to him. He was himself a native of Arragon. His favor and pontifical sanction only were asked, and these involved neither ex pense nor risk. He therefore made no difficulty in be- stowing upon Ferdinand and Isabella u all the countries inhabited by infidels which they had discovered." Yet it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering with one of the same character that he had made not long before to the crown of Portugal. He therefore decreed that an imaginary meridian line one hundred miles to the westward of the Azores should be the boundary between the parties. All Lands eastward of this notable boundary he conferred on the Portuguese ; all westward upon the Spaniards. Columbus sailed* on his second voyage of discovery from Cadiz, on the 25th of September 1493. On his arrival at Hispaniola he had the mortification to learn that all the colonists he had left there had been put to death by the natives, a just punishment for their lawless ravages, ty- ranny and cruelties. Nevertheless, he was not discour- aged. He laid out the plan of a large city on a plain near a capacious bay, to which hjc gave the name of Isa- bella his royal patroness and appointed his brother Diego to preside over it, as deputy Governor. He then, on the 24th of April 1494, set sail with a ship and two other small vessels in quest of new discoveries. He touched at many small islands on the coast of Cuba, and also at the great and fertile island Jamaica, which he found in- habited by a bold, warlike and ferocious race, since call- ed the Caraibs, or Caribees, radically distinct from the natives of Hispaniola, of whom they were the terror and the scourge. He then returned to Hispaniola. During his absence the Spaniards, insolent and exult- ing in the consciousness of superior power, had oppress ed and abused the innocent and gentle natives in the most wanton manner. Scarcely an injury can be con ceived that was not inflicted on them. These abuses, as 8 DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. freely bestowed as they were little deserved, had at last roused the timid natives to insubordination and ven- geance. It was now a question whether the foreigners or the rightful owners of the soil should be masters of the island. Columbus determined on war. He attack- ed the natives in the night, while they were assembled in the middle of an extensive plain, and completely routed them, without the loss of a man. It has before been hinted that this race of savages were not warlike by dis- position or habit. The thunder of the Spanish cannon, being strange was also appalling to them, and the charge of the cavalry was still more so. It is common for all nations who are unacquainted with the horse to suppose him to be a rational creature, or at least that he and his rider are parts of one and the same animal. It was so with the natives of Hispaniola. Their undisciplined masses could ill withstand the real shock and the super- stitious terror of the charge of a mounted squadron sheathed in steel from top to toe on whom their lances and arrows made not the least impression. The Span- iards had yet other and no less dreadful allies. These were bloodhounds whose ferocity nothing could quell, who fastened upon and tore them limb from limb. Un- der such circumstances it is not wonderful that a vast multitude of Indians were defeated by a small band of trained soldiers. They fled ; great numbers were slain and many more were consigned to galling and hopeless slavery. The character of Columbus stands very high and we think deservedly so in the estimation of mankind. He is justly venerated as a man whose courage, fortitude and perseverance no dangers, obstacles or sufferings could shake, and was undoubtedly a sincere and pious Chris- tian after the manner of his sect and times. Nor was he less distinguished for his private virtues and amiability of character. His severity to the natives of the New World admits of much extenuation. The Indians were not christians, and to the unchristian christian world of the fifteenth century it seemed of little consequence what sufferings might be inflicted on any men without the pale of the church. The distressed state of the Spanish DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. 9 colony, too, pleads in favor of Columbus. Unaccus- tomed to labour, and strangers to the deadly climate of the West-Indies, great numbers of the colonists fell vic- tims to disease, hardship and exposure. The rest were rapidly declining, and such had been the injuries inflict- ed by them on the natives, that no kindness on their part could have re-established confidence and friendship. It may be said, too, that Columbus treated the unhappy savages with less inhumanity than his successors in the career of discovery and conquest. Still, these matters are but extenuation, not justification of his conduct, which ought ever to be viewed with abhorrence. It is painful to detract from the character of acknowledged • and surpassing merit, yet it is the duty of the annalist to make truth the guiding star of his course, no matter who suffers. If Columbus had not formed a specific design to wage an offensive war against the natives pre- vious to his second departure from Spain, and conse- quently before he was aware of the destruction of his people whom he had left in Hispaniola, it is yet certain that the idea of being involved in hostilities with the simple Indians had entered his mind. The fact, that he carried a large number of fierce and powerful blood- hounds with him proves it. He had found the natives peaceable and friendly, and had, therefore no reason to apprehend that they would commence hostilities. The cavalry he took with him. as they were feared and reverenced by the Indians, were quite sufficient for the security of the colony, supposing that friendship with them had been an object. But it was inconsistent with the views of the Spaniards to treat them as a free people. Lust of gold was the grand in- centive of the settlers, and as some of the natives were decorated with golden ornaments, and it was supposed that the mountains of the island abounded with the pre- cious metals, great expectations had been formed by the patrons of Columbus and the nation at large. His in- terest and his ambition urged him to fulfil those expecta- tions as far as possible. Gold could not be obtained without the aid of the Indians, who were so indolent from constitution, habit and climate that nothing but 2 10 DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS. actuf I compulsion could induce them to labour. To avoid the mortification of failure, therefore, and to secure farther support, Columbus deliberately devoted a harm- less race of men to slaughter and slavery. Such as sur- vived the massacre of their first dreadful defeat, and re- tained their liberty, fled to the mountains and inaccessi- ble fastnesses of the island, which not affording them an adequate maintenance, they were obliged to purchase food of their cruel invaders with gold. The tribute im- posed on them was rigorously exacted. The wretched remains of this once free and happy people reduced from plenty to starvation, from freedom to miserable, labori- ous and hopeless slavery, gave themselves up to despair and perished miserably. Such was their invincible re- pugnance to labour, that thousands hung and otherwise destroyed themselves to avoid it. In less than half a century, a population of three millions had dwindled to a mere handful. These are historical facts, and yet Co- lumbus is extolled for his humanity ! Columbus and his companions seem to have discover- ed two distinct races of men in tlie West-Indies. The natives of Hispaniola, Cuba, the Bahamas, &c. are described as having been black, small of stature, feeble of body and mind, kind, humane, hospitable, excessive- ly indolent, averse to exertion, whether physical or men tal and in no wise addicted to, or fitted for war. The j- scourge and terror, the other race, since called the Ca- raibs or Carribees inhabited Jamaica, the Carribee and many other islands. They were a cruel, fierce and war- like people, and carried death and desolation wherever they went. They were by no means indolent : their canoes visited all parts of the West-Indian Archipelago and they were no strangers to the main land of North and South America. They did not submit tamely to the aggressions of their invaders, but met them boldly and struck them blow for blow, till they became nearly ex- tinct. A small remnant of them still survives ©n the island of St. Vincent, but so amalgamated with the ne- groes that their national character and physiognomy are almost entirely obliterated. Yet they have not lost the spirit and bravery of their ancestors. It is not a centu- CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 11 ry since they maintained themselves against aU the forces that could be detached from the other British West In- dia islands against them.* Their cause was just, for they fought for the lands of their inheritance, and after a pro- tracted struggle, the authorities made peace with them. Many tales are told of the ferocity of the Caraibs, which, as they come from their enemies must be receiv- ed w ith due allowance. Still no doubt remains but thai they were a cruel people, much like our North Amer- ican Indians, from whom no doubt they sprung. In one remarkable particular they differed from the other aborig- ines. They flattened the heads of their infants, while the skull was yet soft and plastic, between two boards, so that in manhood the forehead was flattened and depress- ed to an extraordinary degree. It is related of some of them that they could look perpendicularly upwards with- out throwing their heads back in the least. The same absurd practice prevails among the Flat Heads and oth- er tribes on the Columbia River to this day. THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO. We presume only to give a brief abstract of the most important Indian war that ever took place. The facts attending the subversion of the powerful empire of Mex- ico, are too many and two well known to need that we should dwell upon them. Diego Velasquez conquered Cuba in the year 1511, and, as well as others of the Spaniards subject to his authority, entertained the idea of making further discov- eries to the westward. With the aid of Francisco Her- nandez Cordova, a wealthy planter, he fitted out three small vessels on board of which a hundred and ten men embarked and sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 8th of February 1517. Standing directly west, they made land in twenty-one days, which proved to be the coast of Yucatan. They found the natives dressed in cotton garments, dwelling in houses of stone and otherwise exhibiting tokens of (for the age) high civilization. 1? CONQUEST OF MEXICO. They attacked the Spaniards with great bravery and wounded fifteen of them by the first flight of their arrows, bst were in their turn so astounded by the fire arms, that they fled in the utmost dismay. Cordova took two prisoners and continued along the coast to Campeachy, where, stopping to water at the mouth of a river at Potonchan, he was again furiously attacked by the natives and forty seven of his party were killed and only one of the whole body escaped unhurt. After this fatal repulse nothing remained for them but to return to Cuba. But they had discovered a populous and rich country, which was sufficient to re-awaken the cupidity of the Spaniards. Velasquez fitted out four ships, with two hundred and forty men and gave the command to Juan de Grijalva. They landed at Potonchan and defeated the Indians, who, however, fought with desperate valour. As the Spaniards sailed along the coast they had ample leisure to admire the beauty of the country, the villages and the cities. They gave the land the name of New Spain. Landing at Tabasco, they learned through the captives taken in the former expedition that they were in the dominion of a powerful prince named Montezuma. They made a very satisfactory survey of the coast, and then returned to Cuba after an absence of about six months. On his return Grijalva found an expedition fitted out for the conquest of Mexico, the command of which was ultimately given to Hernando Cortez, a Castilian of noble blood and unquestionable military abilities. They soon set sail. The fleet consisted of eleven small ves- sels, on board of which were six hundred and seventeen men, thirteen of whom only were armed with musquets, Thirty-two others carried cross-bows and the rest were armed with swords and spears. They had also sixteen horses, fourteen small field pieces. With this small force Cortez set out to make war on the monarch of dominions more extended than Spain itself. Religious fanaticism urged his soldiers on. " Let us follow the cross/ ' said they, " for under that sign we shall con (goer/- CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 13 At Tabasco the Natives gave Cortez battle, but were oeaten in several engagements with great slaughter. These disasters, together with the terror of the horses and fire arms, broke their spirit. They sued for peace, paid tribute to Cortez and acknowledged the king of Spain as their sovereign. At Tabasco, deputies from the governors (under Montezuma) of two provinces waited on Certez to know his intentions and to offer him assistance. The wily Spaniard assured them that he came in perfect friend- ship, as an ambassador from a powerful monarch, upon business of such importance as could only be entrusted to Montezuma himself. He therefore desired to be conducted to his presence. The Mexicans were much embarrassed, neither daring to offend Cortez by refusal, nor conduct the Spaniards to their king who had a sove- reign dread of them. They endeavored to temporize with the invaders and to conciliate them with rich gifts which, however, only inflamed their cupidity. In eight days an answer was received from the Indian King, accompanied by presents of great value to render it palateable. The purport of Montezuma's message was, that though he sent the Spaniards these tokens of his regard, he would not allow them to approach his capital, or even to remain in his dominions. But Cor- tez adhered to his original views, and a second message was despatched to Montezuma, reiterating his proposal. This prince, though the fiercest and most warlike who ever sat on the Mexican throne, with a vast extent of territory, millions of hardy subjects and very considera- ble revenues, was seized with a fit of irresolution, in which his people participated. It arose from an an- cient tradition that the empire was to be ruined by a race of men from the east. Nevertheless Montezuma finally made up his mind to order the strangers to leave his dominions immediately. In the meanwhile mutiny broke out in the Spanish camp. After raising Cortez to the command, Velas- quez had become jealous of him, and had used all en- deavors to make him unpopular in the army. His ad- herents, on receiving the final orders of Montezuma, 14 CONQUEST OF MEXICO. made choice of Diego de Ordaz to remonstrate with Cortez on the imprudence of attempting the conquest of a mighty empire with so small a force. Accordingly he gave orders to his troops to re-embark, which was so little to the liking of the majority of his troops, who were not in the interests of Velasquez, that they revolt- ed. The chief, therefore, feigning to yield to their wishes, which were in fact his own, rescinded his or- ders, and prepared for his career of conquest. To this 1 effect he established a form of government, and magis- trates and officers were appointed without any regard to the authority of Veksquez. Cortez himself resigned his command, and was reinvested with it, by the suf- frage of the troops, so that he no longer looked up to the governor of Cuba as the source of his authority. His next step was to arrest the most factious of the par- tizans of Velasquez and to throw them into irons. He was afterwards reconciled to them and they proved faith- ful to his interest. Soon after the inhabitants of the province of Zam- poalla offered to rebel against Montezuma, of whose tyranny and cruelty they were weary, and to assist Cor- tez. The cacique of tiuibislan followed their example, as did also the Totonaques, a fierce tribe of mountain- eers. This advantage was counterbalanced by discon- tents and conspiracies in the Spanish camp, to which Cortez put an end in a most desperate manner. He caused his ships to be broken up, and thus left his fol- lowers no choice but to conquer or die. Cortez marched from Zampoalla on the 16th of Au- gust, with five hundred men, fifteen horse and six field pieces. The cacique of Zampoalla furnished him with provisions and with two hundred men to carry them. On his arrival at Tlascala, the fierce inhabitants of that province, who had long maintained their independence against the sovereigns of Mexico, attacked him, but being worsted with great loss in several battles, they treated for peace and agreed to assist the Spaniards against Mexico. They joined the ranks of Cortez to the number of six thousand, and the united forces ad- vanced to Cholula, a place considered holy by the Mexi CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 15 cans and the sanctuary of their gods. Here Montezu- ma had given orders that the invaders should be well received, with what object the reader will presently see. It was presently discovered that the inhabitants had entered into a conspiracy to cut the Spaniards off; upon which Cortez drew up his forces and attacked them sword in hand, while the Tlascalans pressed them in the rear. The massacre lasted two days, during which every enormity* was committed. Six thousand of the Cholulans perished, before Cortez agreed to pardon the remainder. From Cholula, Cortez marched directly to Mexico, where he was received with great distinction. First came out a thousand men in garments of cotton and wearing plumes to salute him and announce the ap proach of Mcntezuma. Then appeared two hundred more, clad in uniform. After these approached an as- semblage of richly dressed nobles, in the midst of whom was the king borne in a litter on the shoulders of four of his principal subjects, with all the paraphernalia of regal splendour. Before him marched three officers with golden rods, which when they lifted, the people bowed their heads and hid their faces, as unworthy to look at so great a monarch. Cortez dismounted, and Montezuma alighted to greet him, while his attendants spread cotton cloths in the street that his feet might not touch the ground. However, nothing material passed. The king conducted Cortez and his allies to the quar- ters destined for them, which was a large building sur- rounded by a stone wall ; a very defensible position, which the Spaniards lost no time in fortifying. Mexico is situated in a large plain surrounded by mountains, and built on the shore and some small islands in a lake. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets, which were of great length. One was a mile and a half long, another three miles and a third six miles. In each of these causeways there were openings through which the water flowed, and covered with timber which could easily be removed. The tem- ples of the gods and the houses of the nobility were of great magnitude, but the common people lived in mere 16 CONQUEST OF MEXICO. huts, regularly ranged on the banks of the canals which passed through the city. The market was so spacious that forty or fifty thousand people carried on traftic in it. The whole city was estimated to contain sixty thou- sand inhabitants. Every thing gave token of a high state of civilization, and yet, strange to relate, all this splendour was achieved by a people who were stran- gers to the use of iron and who had no domestic ani- mals. In the mean while a Mexican army had marched to subdue the Indians, who had thrown off the yoke of Montezuma and the Spanish garrison which Cortez had left behind him had sallied out to the assistance of their allies. Though the Mexicans were defeated, Escalante, the Spanish commander, and seven of his men were killed. Another was taken alive and beheaded and his head was sent round to the different cities to shew the Mexicans that their invaders were not immortal, as they had believed. From this and other causes, Cortez re solved to get Montezuma into his power as a hostage for the peaceable behaviour of his subjects. At his usual hour of visiting the king, he took with him ten of his soldiers, and thirty more followed, as if by mere carelessness. On meeting, he reproached Montezuma bitterly with the late conduct of his army, and finally, compelled him to go with them to their quarters. A tumult broke out among the people at this flagrant in- sult, and the king was obliged to appease them by de- claring that he went with his captors by his own free will and consent. Though he was received and treated with respect, the king was closely watched. The general and seven of the officers of his army were given up to the Span- iards to appease their resentment, who tried them by a court-martial and sentenced them to be burnt alive, for doing their duty as brave men and loyal subjects. The Mexicans looked on and saw them die without attempt- ing to rescue them. Cortez took other measures to in- sure his safety, and built two brigantines whftsh gave him the command of the lake. All this was done in the name and with the enforced sanction of Montezuma. CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 17 Encouraged by the king's tame submission, Cortez urged him to declare himself a vassal of the king of Castile, and he was base enough to comply. The chief men of the empire were assembled, and in a set speech, but with tears and groans, he declared his submission But to allay the indignation of the people, Cortez pro claimed that his master had no intention to dethrone the king, or to alter the laws of the empire. The present made by Montezuma on this occasion, together with all the gold and silver the invaders had received from him and his subjects at other times, was melted down and amounted to six hundred pesos, exclusive of jewels and ornaments of gold and silver. About half of this treas ure was divided among the soldiery. The spirit of resistance among the Mexicans was at last roused by an attempt on the part of* Cortez to con- vert them forcibly to the christian faith. From that mo- ment they harbored the idea of revenge. An event occur- red which seemed for a time to favor their designs. Ve- lasquez fitted out an expedition to supplant Cortez. He despatched Pamphilo de Narvaez to Mexico with eighty horse, eight hundred foot, of whom eighty were musket- eers, a hundred and twenty cross-bowmen and 12 pieces of cannon. He landed in safety, interested the natives in his favor and even contrived to establish a secret cor- respondence with Montezuma, who regarded him as a deliverer. Cortez proposed terms of compromise, but they were rejected with scorn. Cortez then marched against Narvaez with two hundred and fifty men. He at- tacked the position of Narvaez in the dead of the night, obtained a complete victory and in the morning the new comers laid down their arms. Narvaez himself was taken and thrown into fetters. The prisoners, however, were treated with kindness, and such was the address of Cortez that almost all of them were induced to join his standard. But during the absence of Cortez, the Mexicans rose upon the Spanish garrison in the capital, killed and woun- ded several of them, destroyed their magazine of provis- ions and burned the two brigantines. The danger of their monarch no longer restrained them, for their fury was roused to the utmost pitch by an unprovoked massacre of 3 18 CONQUEST OF MEXICO. a great number of their people, perpetrated by the Span- iards at a religious festival. All cried aloud for ven- geance. Cortez immediately made haste towards the city with his troops and two thousand Tlascalans and arrived just in time to save the garrison from destruction. Nevertheless, the natives attacked a considerable body of the Spaniards in the market-place and defeated them with some loss. The next day they assaulted the Span- ish quarters in great numbers, in the most heroic man- ner. Though the artillery mowed them down like grass, though every blow of sword and lance fell with deadly effect on their naked bodies, the utmost efforts of the invaders were scarcely sufficient to withstand them, and they only retired when it was too dark to fight any longer. The next day Cortez made a rally, and the whole day was spent in mortal combat in the streets. Vast num bers of the natives fell and a part of the city was burned. On the other hand the Spaniards were dreadfully an- noyed by showers of stones and arrows from the house tops, and were finally compelled to retire with a loss of twelve killed and sixty wounded. Another sally met with the same success and the general himself was slightly wounded. Finding that he had underrated the Mexicans, and that he could no longer maintain himself in their capital, Cortez bethought himself that he might make use of Montezuma to overawe his subjects. On the morrow, when the Indians advanced to renew the attack, he pro- duced the captive king, clad in the robes of royalty, upon the battlements. At the sight of their sovereign, the weapons dropped from the hands of the Indians But the discourse he addressed to them, though intend- ed to sooth and persuade them to peace, only served to exasperate. They poured in such a volley of stones and arrows in the transport of their indignation, that be- fore the Spaniards had t^me to withdraw or defend the unhappy prince, he was struck by two darts, and by a stone in the temple. Then, struck with horror at their own violence, they fled. The wounds of the king prov- ed mortal. CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 19 Cortez now saw that a retreat was necessary, but this was not easj . The Indians seized a high tower that overlooked tne Spanish quarters and thence so annoyed the Spaniards, that it was found necessary to storm it. Thrice were they repulsed, and it was only when Cor- tez headed his troops in person that the Mexicans were dislodged. A dreadful carnage ensued, the natives de- fending themselves to the last with heroic valor. Two young nobles resolved to sacrifice themselves, so that they might rid their native land of its arch enemy They approached Cortez in attitudes of submission, seized him and endeavored to drag him with themselves, from the summit. In the very act of falling, the Span- ish leader shook them off, and the gallant youths were dashed to pieces. The tower being destroyed, the Spaniards prepared to retreat. They marched out upon the shortest of the causeways before mentioned in the dead of the night. They had prepared a portable bridge, by which to cross the tra- verse cuts in it and placed it across the first interstice. While they were crossing, the Mexicans hemmed them in and attacked them on every side. The bridge by some means became fast wedged where it was placed. All Mexico swarmed to the slaughter. Fresh warriors instantly filled the place of the fallen. Weary of car- nage, the Spaniards gave way before the multitude, and the confusion was soon universal. Horse and foot offi- cers and soldiers, friends and enemies were intermingled in mortal struggle. Cortez, with a few followers, forced his way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, for the bodies of the slain served him for a bridge. Having formed his men on the main land, he returned to the assistance of the main body, and finally succeeded in effecting their retreat and his own. But less than half of his army sur- vived the horrors of that dreadful night. Velasquez de Leon, the second in command, perished. All the artil- lery ammunition and baggage and the greater part of the horses were lost. Two thousand of the Tlascalan allies were also slain. 20 CONQUEST OF MEXICO As the Spaniards retreated toward Tlascala, swarms of the natives hung upon them and harrassed them at every step, and thirst and famine threatened to finish what the sword had begun. At the pass of Otumba they came upon the grand Mexican army drawn up in countless myriads to oppose their passage. Cortez alone of the whole Spanish army did not despair at the sight. He recollected that the great banner of the em- pire was always carried by the general, and that its fall was considered by the Mexicans decisive of the fate of the day. Without hesitation he led his men to the charge, aiming wholly at the sacred flag. After a des- perate conflict he slew the Indian general with his own hand, the banner fell and the countless host of natives fled in dismay. On the next day the Spaniards enter- ed the Tlascalan territories, where they were received with the greatest kindness, for hatred # of Mexico was deeply rooted in the hearts of the Tlascalans. It is inconsistent with the plan of this volume to re late how Cortez quelled mutinies among his own troops punished some disaffected native tribes and won thelov^ and confidence of others, or how he received reinforce- ments from the Spanish West-Indies. Those who would have a minute detail of his proceedings must seek it in histories of greater pretensions than this. Suffice it that six months after his disastrous retreat he again set out for Mexico with five hundred and fifty infantry, forty horse and ten thousand Tlascalans. Guatimozin, nephew of Montezuma, now filled the throne. He took every measure that wisdom and cour- age could suggest to avert the storm that threatened him, but all in vain. Cortez did not venture directly to the capital, but spent three months in reducing the neigh- boring towns and in building vessels upon the lake of Mexico. The inhabitants of many of them threw off their allegiance and joined him. What was of more im- portance a reinforcement reached him from Hispaniola, consisting of two hundred men, eighty horses, two heavy cannon and a considerable supply of arms and ammuni- tion. He now laid siege to Mexico, cut off the supplies of fresh water, and by means of his fleet so straitened CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 21 the Mexicans that the emperor gave orders to attack it. The natives attempted to board the vessels in canoes, but were repulsed with immense loss. They were more fortunate in repelling the direct attacks of the invaders. The natives defended themselves with the most desper- ate bravery. For more than a month by night and by day, by land and by water, one furious conflict succeed- ed another. Several of the Spaniards were slain, all were worn out by hardship and privation. Disconcerted at the obstinacy of the natives, Cortez resolved to set the fortune of the war on the hazard of one furious as- sault. It was unsuccessful. His troops forced their way into the city indeed, but it was only to be driven out again by the infuriated multitude. The rout was complete. Cortez himself was dangerously wounded and nigh being taken. Twenty Spaniards perished in the conflict and twenty mpre who were taken prisoners were sacrificed to the Mexican god of war within sight of their defeated companions. Nevertheless Cortez persevered, but in a more cau- tious manner. He advanced slowly upon the Mexicans, continually gaining ground and keeping what he gained. Still they defended every inch of the ground, though great numbers of them fell daily and the survivors suf- fered sorely from hunger. To fill up the cup of their misery a contagious distemper broke out among them. Guatimozin still scorned all terms of capitulation. At last the invaders had laid three fourths of the city in ruins and effected a secure lodgment in the centre of it. The remaining quarter was hard pressed. Guati- mozin was taken in an attempt to escape by water. He appeared before Cortez with great dignity. " I have done what became a king," said he. " I have defend- ed my people to the last. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger (touching the one the Spaniard wore) plant it in my breast and end a life that can no longer be of use." Resistance was now over, and Mexico was fallen, after a siege of seventy-five days. The Spaniards, how- ever, were disappointed of the spoil for which they had contended so fiercely. When his downfall became in- 22 CONQUEST OF MEXICO. evitable, the Indian emperor had ordered his treasures to be thrown into the lake. The Tlascalans carried off the greater part of the remaining spoil. The sum divided by the soldiers was so small that they became highly exasperated against Guatimozin, who still refus- ed to discover where he had hidden his treasure. En- treaties and threats were alike wasted upon him. To pacify his brutal followers the miscreant Cortez put the unhappy sovereign and his chief favorite to the torture, which they bore with inflexible fortitude, and finally stretched them upon a bed of living coals. Overcome by the extreme agony his fellow-sufferer turned an im- ploring eye upon the monarch, as if to ask permission to reveal all he knew. The royal sufferer understood it and scornfully asked " Am Ion a bed of roses ■?" The reproach was enough — the favorite was silent and expir- ed. The monarch himself was released and reserved for other indignities and sufferings. We have now done with the greatest of Indian wars. "It presents the melancholy spectacle of a powerful empire subverted, a whole nation decimated and thrown back from a high state of civilization into barbarism, and a paradise changed into a den of blight, blood and desolation — a hell upon earth and for what ? To grati- fy the lust, avarice, bigotry and ferocity of a handful of vagabonds, miscreants and bloodhounds. Have mankind been the gainers by the event. O no ! " Freedom shrieked when Guatimozin fell." May that bloodiest page in the book of History, the conquest of Mexico be forever blotted out. Or if man must still be benefitted by the accursed record, let it remain. Let the modern Spaniard blush as he reads the crimes of his countrymen. Let Cortez live in story, let his name be remembered, but only to be mentioned with abhorrence. The vagabond cut-throat who knew no iaw but that of the strongest, who acknowledged no right, who respected no tie, who possessed no virtue or kindly feeling, the invader, the robber, the murderer by wholesale, the hypocrite, the monster, may well serve as a beacon of everlasting infamy to future ages. All CONQUEST OF PERU. 23 his talents, all his fortitude, all his valor are insufficient to wipe out the shame of the least of his actions. Turn we to a brighter picture ; to the heathen and barbarian Guatimozin, who was all that Cortez was not. A wise statesman, a true patriot, a skilful general and a heroic warrior. He slew none unjustly, he robbed none, he invaded none, he oppressed none. Called to the helm at a stormy crisis, he did not shrink from it, or spare to oppose his naked breast to the mail clad Spaniards. His spirit never failed him, not even in tor- tures at which humanity shudders. The warrior and patriot king is forgotten, and his atrocious oppressor is remembered with admiration. Such is human perversity. THE CONQUEST OF PERU. In 1524, three extraordinary men lived in Panama, in New Spain, viz : Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro and Hernando Luque. Pizarro was a bastard, and in early life a swine herd, after which he became a soldier. He was a very brave man, but so ignorant that he could neither write nor read. Almagro was a foundling, and a soldier also. He was a man of intrepid valor, great activity and likewise of an open and generous character ; but he lacked the craft and cunning of Pizarro. Luque w T as a priest and school-master, and very rich withal. All of them had heard of a great and rich country on the shore of the South Sea, and they agreed to attempt the conquest of it. Pizarro engaged to command the armament, Almagro offered to conduct the supplies and reinforcements, and Luque contributed his gold. The agreement was ratified by a solemn mass, and they en- tered into a contract to commit rapine and murder in the name of the Prince of Peace. Small were the means with which this great enter- prize was undertaken. Pizarro set sail in a small ves- sel, with only a hundred and twelve men. Contrary winds kept him beating about seventy-two days, during which his scanty band suffered much from hunger, fatigue and frequent rencontres with the natives. He 24 CONQUEST OF PERU. was at last obliged to retire to Chuchama, where he was overtaken by Almagro, with seventy men, who had suf- fered as much, and from the same causes, as the follow- ers of Pizarro. Almagro himself had lost an eye, in a contest with the natives. After the meeting, Almagro returned to Panama to recruit, but with all his exertions, he could only raise eighty men. With this small rein- forcement the adventurers landed at Tacamez, on the coast of Quito, where they found the natives clad in cotton, and adorned with trinkets of gold and silver. They dared not, however, with their small force, invade so populous a country, and retired to the island of Gallo. Here an order from the governor of Panama reached them ; commanding the expedition to return. So much had the private men suffered, that they were very wil- ling to obey. Pizarro drew a line in the sand with his sword, and having declared that all who wished to leave him were permitted to do so, found himself left with only thirteen soldiers. This small band established themselves in the island of Gorgona, till at last they were joined by a small rein- forcement from Panama. They then stood to the south east, and in twenty days touched on the coast of Peru. At Tumbez, a place of some note, they first obtained an idea of the magnificence of the Peruvian empire. They beheld a thickly peopled country, well cultivated, the natives decently clothed, and farther advanced in civilization than the inhabitants of Mexico. They had even domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted their eyes, was the profusion of gold and silver. Not only were the people decorated with these metals, but even their common culinary utensils were formed of them. Pizarro ranged along the coast, keeping up a peacea- ble intercourse with the natives, for he was not strong enough to attack them. He procured some of their Lamas, or tame cattle, some vessels of gold and silver and two young men, who, he intended should serve him as interpreters, and so returned to Panama, after an ab- sence of about three years. Hence he repaired to Spain, where he had the address to secure the favor of the court Luque was nominated bishop of the country to CONQUEST OF PERU. 25 be conquered, Almagro only obtained the command of Tumbcz, and Pizarro was appointed Governor and Captain-General, with supreme civil and military au thority. In return, he engaged to raise two hundred and fifty men, and to provide ships, arms and all things necessary for the conquest of Peru. Small as the number of men he had engaged to raise and supply was, it was with great difficulty that Pizar- ro got together the half of them ; and that only by the aid of Cortez. With these, however, he landed at Nombre cle Dios and marched to Panama, accompanied by his three brothers. On his arrival, he found Almagro so exasperated at his conduct, that he refused to act longer in concert with him, and was endeavoring to get a new entcrprize on foot, to thwart and rival him, for he justly considered that Pizarro had engrossed to himself all the honors, and had left him but a very humble part to play. Thus will thieves quarrel for their booty, even before it is won. The cunning of Pizarro, however, soon brought about a reconciliation. Nevertheless, their united endeavors could only equip three small vessels and a hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty six of whom were horsemen. Leaving Almagro at Panama, Pizarro landed his handful of troops in the north of Peru in thirteen days, and immediately marched south- ward. It would be of little avail to recount the wanton outrages committed by him and his followers on the harmless Peruvians. At length, after much suffering, they reached the province of Coaque, and, having taken the principal settlement of the natives by surprise, they found themselves in possession of gold and silver to die value of thirty thousand pesos and other booty of great value. Pizarro hardly met with resistance till he reached the island of Puna, in the bay of Guyaquil ; where the in- habitants defended themselves so bravely, that it cost him six months' exertion to reduce them. Thence he proceeded to Tumbez, where the sickness of his troops compelled him to remain three months. In the mean while two reinforcements, amounting to- gether to thirty men, under two leaders of great experi 4 26 CONQUEST OF PERU. ence and reputation, joined him from Ni; aragua. With this accession of strength, he proceeded to the rive* Piura and there founded St. Michael, the first Spanish settlement in Peru. As he advanced toward the centre of the empire, he became better informed concerning its affairs. At this time the dominions of the Incas extend ed fifteen hundred miles along the coast of the Pacific ; while its breadth was much less considerable. The sove- reigns, called Incas, were revered as persons of divine origin, and ruled with despotic sway. Their blood was deemed too pure to be mingled with that of any other race and others were treated with respect almost amount- ing to adoration. Nevertheless, they were of a gentle and benevolent disposition and ruled for the good of their subjects. At the first coming of the Spaniards, Hilar* Capoc sat upon the throne. He was distinguished no less for military talent than for the pacific virtues of his race. He had subdued the kingdom of Quito, by force of arms, resided in its capital, and contrary to the cus- toms of his country, married the daughter of the van quished monarch. Atahualpa, his son, succeeded to his throne and his authority ; soon to be despoiled of both by Pizarro. Nevertheless, his title was disputed by his elder broth- er Huascar, who solicited the aid of the Spaniards, to whom this civil broil gave a manifest advantage. Piz- arro left a small garrison in St. Michael, and marched against Atahualpa with sixty-two horsemen and a hun- dred and two infantry, of whom twenty were armed with cross-bows and three with muskets. To an envoy of Atahualpa, who met him with a valuable present, and an offer of the Inca's friendship, he pretended that he came as an ambassador from a powerful monarch, to offer the Peruvian prince aid against the enemies who disputed his title. These professions, probably, induc- ed the Peruvians to suffer the invaders to advance with- out molestation to Caxamalca ; where they took pos- session of a fort and intrenched themselves. Here too, the Inca sent them new presents, and renewed his prof fers of friendship. CONQUEST OF PERU. 27 In Caxamalca Pizarro tookpossession of a large court, on one side of which was a palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the god of the Peruvians, the Sun. The whole was surrounded by a strong rampart of earth. Thus posted, he despatched Hernando Soto and his brother Ferdinand to the Inca's camp. Their embassy brought on a visit from Atahualpa to the mes- sengers of his wicked invaders. It was an unhappy courtesy : the splendour of the Inca, and the riches dis- played by his attendants served greatly to inflame the worst passions of the ravenous thieves to whom he de- signed to do honor. From the moment when, on their return to Caxamalca, they related what they had seen, Pizarro resolved to get possession of the person of the unhappy monarch. He availed himself of a promised visit from Atahual- pa to execute this treacherous design. He divided his cavalry into three squadrons, and formed his infantry in one body, excepting twenty picked men whom he kept about his own person. The artillery and the cross-bow men were stationed opposite the avenue by which the Inca was to approach. Early on that fatal morning the Peruvian* camp was in motion ; but as the Inca wished to appear in all his splendor, it was late in the day before he began his march. At last, he approached. First appeared four hundred men, and then the monarch, upon a throne adorned with plumes, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver and precious stones, carried on the shoulders of his attendants. Then" came the principal officers of his court and several bands of singers and dancers, and the whole plain was covered with the Pe- ruvian troops, amounting to upwards of thirty thousand men. As the Inca drew nigh, the Spanish chaplain, Val- verde, stepped forward with a crucifix and a breviary, and explained to him, as well as he was able, the fall of Adam, the atonement of Christ and the right of the king of Castile to the New World. In consequence of all this, he desired Atahualpa to embrace Christianity, and to acknowledge the spiritual and temporal jurisdiction 28 CONQUEST OF PERU. of the Pope and the king of Castile, promising him the protection of the Spanish Monarch if he complied, and threatening him with war in case of a refusal. Of course, this strange harrangue was incomprehen- sible to the Inca, but its arrogance he understood, and was indignant at it. He replied that his authority was his by inheritance, and that he could not conceive how a foreign priest could dispose of what did not belong to him. He had no inclination, he said, to renounce the religion of his fathers in order to worship the god of the Spaniards who was subject to death ; and as to the oth- er particulars of the priest's discourse, he desired to know where he had learned such extraordinary things. body of the British army, lay at fort Edward. Thence he detached Lieut. Col. Baum and about fifteen hundred of his German troops, with the refugees and a large body of Indians, to pervade the Grants as far as Connecticut river, with a view to plunder the country. He was to persuade the people among whom he should pass, that his detach- ment was the advanced guard of the British army, which was marching to Boston. He was accompanied by Col. Skeene, who was well acquainted with the country. The Indians who preceded this detachment, being discovered about twelve miles from Bennington, Stark detached Col. Gregg, with two Jiundred men, to stop their march. In the evening of the same day he was informed that a body of regular troops, with a train of artillery, was in full ma'-ch for Bennington. The next morning he marched with his whole brigade and some INDIAN WARS. 157 of the militia of the Grants, to support Gregg, who found himself unable to withstand the superior number of the enemy. Having proceeded about four miles, he met Gregg retreating, and the main body of the enemy pursuing, within half a mile of his rear. When they discovered Stark's column, they halted in an advan- tageous position ; and he drew up his men on an emi- nence in open view, but could not bring them to an engagement. He then marched back about a mile and encamped, leaving a few men to skirmish with them, who killed thirty of the enemy and two of the Indian chiefs. The next day was rainy. Stark kept his posi- tion, and sent out parties to harass the enemy. Many of the Indians took this opportunity to desert, because, as they said, " the woods were full of Yankees." On the following morning, Stark was joined by a company of militia from the Grants, and another from the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. His whole force amounted to about sixteen hundred. He sent Col. Nichols, with two hundred and fifty men, to the rear of the enemy's left wing, and Col. Hendrick, with three hundred, to the rear of their right. He placed three hundred to oppose their front and draw their attention. Then, sending Cols. Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred to attack the right wing, and one hundred more to reinforce Nichols in the rear of their left, the attack began in that quarter precisely at three of the clock in the afternoon. It was immediately seconded by the other detachments ; and at the same time Stark him- self advanced with the main body. The engagement lasted two hours, at the end of which he forced their breastworks, took two pieces of brass cannon and a number of prisoners ; the rest retreated. Just at this instant he received intelligence that an- other body of the enemy was within two miles of him. This was a reinforcement for which Baum had sent, when he first knew the force which he was to oppose. It was commanded by Col. Breyman. Happily, War- ner's regiment from Manchester came up with them and stopped them. Stark rallied his men and renewed the 158 INDIAN WARS. action ; it was warm and desperate ; he used with success the cannon which he had taken, and at sun- set obliged the enemy to retreat. He pursued them till night, and then halted, to prevent his own men from killing each other in the dark. He took from the enemy two other pieces of cannon, with all their baggage, wagons, and horses. Two hundred and twenty-six men were found dead on the field. Their commander, Baum, was taken, and died of his wounds ; besides whom, thirty-three officers and above seven hundred privates were made prisoners. Of Stark's brigade, four offi- cers and ten privates were killed, and forty-two were wounded. In the account of this battle which Stark sent to the committee of New Hampshire, he said, " Our people be- haved with the greatest spirit and bravery imaginable. Had every man been an Alexander, or a Charles of Sweden, they could not have behaved better." He was sensible of the advantage of keeping on the flank of the enemy's main body, and therefore sent for one thousand men, to replace those whose time had expired, but inti- mated to the committee that he himself should return with the brigade. They cordially thanked him " for the very essential service which he had done to the country/' but earnestly pressed him to continue in the command, and sent him a reinforcement, " assuring the men that they were to serve under Gen. Stark." This argument prevailed with the men to march, and with Stark to remain. The prisoners taken in this battle were sent to Boston. The trophies were divided between New Hampshire and Massachusetts. But Congress heard of this victory by accident. Having waited some time in expectation of letters, and none arriving, inquiry was made why Stark had not written to Congress. He answered that his cor- respondence with them was closed, as they had not attended to his last letters. They took the hint ; and though they had but a few days before resolved that the instructions which he had received were destructive of military subordination, and prejudicial to the common INDIAN WARS. 159 cause, yet they presented their thanks to him, and to the officers and troops under his command, and promoted him to the rank of brigadier general in the army of the United States. This victory gave a severe check to the hopes of the enemy, and raised the spirits of the people after long depression. It wholly changed the face of affairs in the northern department. Instead of disappointment and retreat, and the loss of men by hard labor and sickness, we were now convinced, not only that our militia could fight without being covered by intrenchments, but that they were able, even without artillery, to cope with regular troops in their intrenchments. The success thus gained was regarded as a good omen of further advan- tages. " Let us get them into the woods," was the language of the whole country. The inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants were relieved by this decisive battle from all fears of an in- vasion from any considerable force of the enemy. The hopes of the tories were now completely blasted, and their hopes of revenge by overrunning the country were at an end. But still they were enabled to keep the people in a constant state of alarm, by their threats to bring the savage foe in detached parties among them, to plunder the settlements, and carry into captivity such of the leading men among the patriots of the day as they considered to be the cause of their sufferings, in being forced to leave the country. This state of things continued for a considerable length of time. Small bodies of Indians were frequently known to be prowling about the settlements, concealing them- selves in the woods during the day-time, and at night committing depredations by plundering and destroying property ; but no attack was made upon the inhabitants. It was well known at the time that their principal object was to take captive and carry to Canada certain leading men, who were the most influential and active in main- taining the cause of independence, for each of whom they were to receive a large reward. Every man was obliged to keep himself well armed, and never suffer himself to 160 INDIAN WARS. sleep without a loaded gun standing by his bed ; and many of those who had reason to believe themselves to be marked as victims for captivity, dared not sleep in their own houses, but for safety were compelled to change their place of rest every night, sleeping in barns and other places of concealment. No adequate means could be adopted to guard the inhabitants against these dangers, for they were so scattered that it would be impossible to collect a num- ber sufficient to afford protection to such an extensive frontier, every point of which was equally liable to be attacked by the enemy. Each one was, therefore, obliged to depend on himself, with the assistance of his neighbors, to repel any assault that might be made upon him by the Indians. The committee of safety took every means in their power to afford assistance and protection to the inhabitants. A brigade of militia was organized of all who were able to bear arms, and the officers appointed, residing in the different towns, who had orders, whenever there should be an alarm, to muster all the force in their neighborhoods, and march immediately to the place of danger, and, as the parties arrived, the senior officer present to take com- mand, and proceed against the enemy. Gen. Jacob Bailey, of Newbury, was appointed to the command — a man of tried courage and long expe- rience, in whom the people had great confidence. Frequent attempts were made by the Indian scouts to take him prisoner, but he eluded all their stratagems and kept clear of them. On one occasion, his house was surrounded by a party of Indians in the night, and a demand made for him, with a threat, that, if he was not surrendered, they would burn the house and destroy all within. His heroic wife answered that he was not at home ; on which she was told to tell where he was, or they would commence an immediate attack on the house. Her answer was, that she knew not where he was, but she hoped he was where they would not find him ; that she was prepared for their attack, and should defend the house to the last extremity ; on which they retired. INDIAN WAliS. 161 No military event of any importance took place in the towns on the river, within the Grants, during the remainder of the war, though some towns in the neigh- borhood did not wholly escape the common calamities. In the month of October, 1780, a party, consisting of about three hundred refugees and Indians, commanded by Lieflt. Horton, an officer in the British army, made an incursion into the settlements, and destroyed Roy- alton, a flourishing town on White river, about twenty miles from its junction with the Connecticut. They plundered the inhabitants of everything valuable that they could carry off, burnt twenty-one houses, with all their barns and stacks of hay and grain, and took four- teen men prisoners, most of them heads of families ; these they carried to Canada, except two, who were found murdered and scalped in their camp, after their retreat. This event caused great alarm throughout the coun- try, and many speculative opinions were formed as to the reasons why this town should be singled out for destruction, while others were passed by the enemy and left unmolested. Subsequently a circumstance became known, which was supposed to be the cause. A gentleman had taken up his residence in that town, who was a land-owner to a considerable extent in that part of the country, and took great interest in promot- ing its prosperity. He often gave assistance to the inhabitants, who were at that time very poor. He made it his home in the family of a man whom he had often assisted, and shown many acts of kindness. When the revolutionary troubles commenced, this gen- tleman, not wishing to take a part, was proscribed as a tory ; and for safety was obliged to conceal himself in the woods, where he remained till compelled by hunger to seek some relief, for which he secretly applied to the man with whom he had resided, begged for food, and that he would afford him such assistance as would ena- ble him to make his escape. This was promised, and he was told to hide himself in the barn, while this man said he would keep him there concealed till some plan 21 162 INDIAN WARS. could be devised for his escape. Instead of this, how ever, this treacherous friend immediately informed against him to the committee, who sent a guard and took him prisoner. This gentleman was treated with great indignity, and suffered many hardships, but finally made his escape and got safe to Canada. There was no doubt at the time of this man being one of the party that attacked Royalton. One thing is a fact, that the house of his betrayer was the first that was destroyed, and the owner owed his life to a remarkable circumstance. Awaking, on the morning of the attack, a little before daylight, he thought he heard strange noises, which induced him to believe that some wild animal had got among his flock. He arose and went out to see to them, and on returning found his house on fire and surrounded by the enemy. He fled to the woods, and was closely pursued by some Indians, but was enabled to make his escape by secret- ing himself under a log, and so closely concealed him- self that some of the enemy even passed over him. No correct account has ever before been published of the measures adopted, and the conduct of those who turned out and marched against the enemy on this occasion, though a very false one was printed and cir- culated by a religious fanatic, who had no means of knowing anything more than from hearsay reports, which reflected with some severity upon those who were engaged in the expedition, because they did not pursue and kill every one of the enemy. The follow- ing particulars are made from the statements of those who were present and took an active part in the whole affair ; one of whom was the late Dr. Thomas Bald- win, who then resided in Canaan, about thirty miles from the scene of action, and who shouldered his gun, and marched with his neighbors in defence of his coun- try. The enemy encamped in a thick wood the night before the attack, about two miles from the village, and commenced their depredations at daylight in the morning. They were divided into parties, and began INDIAN WARS. 163 their assault upon the inhabitants in different parts of the village at the same time. Most of the, women, with the children, fled to the woods, and some of the young men made their escape down the river and gave the alarm. The senior officer of that section was Col. John House, who resided at Hanover, twenty-four miles distant from the scene of action. He received the news by express in the afternoon, and immediately sent runnors to all the towns in the neighborhood with the information, and orders for every man able to bear arms to repair to the place of rendezvous with all pos- sible haste. He was enabled to march with a conside- rable force the next morning at* day light, occasionally being joined by others on the route, and arrived at Royalton in the afternoon ; but the enemy had left the place a few hours before, and there was nothing to be discovered but the burning ruins of the settlement. The men were mustered and formed into companies, and everything arranged for a pursuit of the enemy. Scouts were sent out to gain information of them, but they missed their track, and did not return till the next day. No certain information could be obtained of the route they had taken, but it was determined to com- mence the pursuit in such a direction as it was thought they would be most likely to fall in with the enemy. They were fortunate enough to hit upon their trail, and followed on with all possible haste ; but they were in a thick wood, and the night was very dark, so that their progress was slow. The first discovery that they made of the enemy was by being fired on by their rear guard, by which a lieutenant was severely wounded. The party was immediately formed in order of battle, and moved on till they received the fire of the main body of the Indians, who were formed in a half circle. The fire was returned with spirit, and a sharp engage- ment commenced ; but it was soon found that the ene- my had retreated. It was so dark that nothing could be seen but the flashes from the muskets, from which the commander discovered that there was danger of the parties getting into a position which might cause 164 INDIAN WARS. them to mistake each other for the enemy ; and it was With great difficulty that he was enabled to put a stop to the firing, and to get the men into order, for the purpose of advancing against the enemy. This being effected, they pursued them, and on arriving at their encampment, found that they had left it, and made a hasty retreat, leaving a great part of their plunder behind them. Even their camp-kettles were left over the fire, in which they were cooking their breakfasts. A council of the officers was held, whose opinion was, that to pursue the enemy further would be useless, and, an arrangement being made that the property found in the camp should be restored to the owners, the men were dismissed and returned to their homes. Two circumstances occurred during the time the enemy were plundering and burning the village which are thought worthy of being stated. A Mrs. Handy had a son, ten years old, taken by the Indians, and she had the courage to attempt his liberation. To effect this, she repaired to the head-quarters of the enemy, in doing winch she had to wade across the river. She sought out the English commander, and, with the feel- ings of a mother, plead her cause so well that she effected his release ; but finding there nine other boys about the same age, and knowing all their mothers, her feelings of sympathy were too strong to permit her to leave them. She plead for them, one by one, till she obtained the release of the whole. The com- mander ordered a fire to be made, by which they could warm themselves, and gave them some food, telling her to remain there till the scouts all came in, or they might be taken again. After they came in, he made the Indians carry them on their backs across the river, and they were all landed safely on the other side. The other case was as follows : A party of Indians entered a house where there was a woman somewhat advanced in pregnancy. One of them seized hold of her with one hand, and in the other held a large knife in such a manner that she supposed his aim was to cut her threat, at which she fainted and fell to the floor. INDIAN WARS. 165 On recovering, however, she found that all the damage she had received was the loss of a string of gold beads, which was round her neck ; but the most remarkable part of the case was, that when her child was born, which was a boy, he had perfectly the fierce look and complexion of the savage. He lived to manhood, and was a respectable head of a family, but always retained this singular mark. CHAP. XL SOME ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES OF INDIANS IN HABITING THE WESTERN COUNTRY. Being about to speak of the wars with the savages in the western country, we shall commence with a description of their prevailing customs and habits. They are the descendants of those who once inhabit- ed the sea-coasts, and who were driven by the English far to the westward ; so that but few of their descend- ants are now to be found within less than two or three hundred miles of the sea ; for though many of them have been instructed in the knowledge of Christianity, and districts of land have been allotted them in several of the British colonies, where they have been formed into societies, it has been found that, in proportion as they lay by their ancient customs and conform to the manners of civilized life, they dwindle away, either because the change is prejudicial to their constitutions, or because when settled among the English they have great opportunities of procuring spirituous liquors, of which both sexes are in general inordinately fond ; very little care being ever taken to prevent those who are inclined to take advantage of this in trade from basely intoxicating them. This has a powerful effect on their constitutions, and soon proves fatal, producing 166 [NDIAN WARS. diseases to which they were formerly strangers. Thus, where a few years ago there were c6nsiderable settle- ments, their name is almost forgotten ; and those who still remain have, for the most part, joined themselves to other nations, in the interior part of the country, on the banks of the lakes and rivers. The Indians in Canada, and to the south of it, are tall and straight beyond the proportion of most other nations. Their bodies are strong, but, as has been before observed, this is a strength rather suited to endure the exercise of the chase than much hard labor. They have generally supple limbs, and the smallest degree of deformity is rarely seen among them. Their features are regular, their complexion somewhat of a copper color, or reddish brown. Their hair, which is long, black, and lank, is as strong as that of a horse. They carefully eradicate the hair from every part of the body except the head, and they confine that to a tuft at the top ; whence an erroneous idea has much prevailed, that the men of this country are naturally destitute of beards, but it is unquestionable that it is only an artificial deprivation. They generally wear only a blanket wrapped about them, or a shirt, both of which they purchase of the English traders. When the Europeans first came among them, they found some nations entirely naked, and others with a coarse cotton cloth, woven by them- selves, put round the waist ; but in the northern parts, their whole bodies were in winter covered with skins. The Huron Indians possess a very pleasant and fer- tile country, on the eastern side of the lake which bears the same name. Half a century ago, they were very numerous, and could raise six or seven hundred war- riors ; but they have suffered greatly from the attacks of neighboring tribes. They differ in their manners from any of the Indian tribes with which they are sur- rounded. They build regular houses, which they cover with bark ; and are considered as the most wealthy Indians on the continent, having not only horses, but some black cattle and swine. They like- INDIAN WARS. 167 wise raise corn, so that, after providing for their own wants, they are enabled to barter the remainder with other tribes. Their country extends one hundred and fifty miles eastward of the lake, but is narrower in the contrary direction. The soil is not exceeded by any in this part of the world. The timber is tall and beau- tiful ; the woods abound with game, and abundance of fish may be obtained from the rivers and lakes ; so that, if it were to be well cultivated, the land would equal that of any part of the sea-coast of North America. A missionary, of the order of Carthusian Friars, by permission of the bishop of Canada, resides among them, and is by them amply rewarded for his services. Those tribes of Indians who inhabit the banks of lakes Champlain, George, and Ontario, were formerly called Iroquots, but have since been known by the name of the Five Mohawk Nations, and the Mohawks of Canada. The former are called Onondagoes, Onei- das, Senecas, Tuscarories, and Troondocks. These fought on the side of the English in the contest for ter- ritory with France. The Cohnawaghas and St. Fran- cis Indians joined the French. The knowledge which we have of the Indians fur- ther to the southwest, beyond forty-five degrees north latitude, is chiefly obtained from that worthy provincial officer, Maj. Carver, who travelled into those parts in the year 1776 ; whose placid manners and artless sin- cerity could not fail of recommending 1 im to men whom nature alone had instructed. He visited twelve nations of Indians, among which the following appear to be the most considerable: the Chippeways, who dwell to the southward of lake Superior, and the Ottawas ; the Winnebagoes, to the west of lake Michigan, who, with the Saukies and Otignanmies, occupy the whole extent of country from the lake to the Mississippi, below forty-two degrees north latitude, where the Wis- consin river discharges itself. The Nandowesse, the most numerous and extended Indian nation, inhabit the country to the west of the river Mississippi, on the borders of Louisiana. 168 INDIAN WARS The Indians in general are strangers to the passion of jealousy, and the most profligate of their young men very rarely attempt the virtue of married women ; nor do such often put themselves in the way of solicitation, although the Indian women in general are amorous, and before marriage not less esteemed for gratifying their passions. It appears to have been a very preva- lent custom with the Indians of this country, before they became acquainted with the Europeans, to com- pliment strangers with their wives ; and the custom still prevails, not only among the lower rank, but even among the chiefs themselves, who consider such an offer as the greatest proof of courtesy they can give a stranger. The men are remarkable for their indolence, on which they even seem to value themselves, saying that labor would degrade them, and belongs solely to the women, while they are formed only for war, hunting, and fishing, to form their canoes and build their houses. But they frequently make the women assist them in these, besides attending to all domestic affairs and cultivating the land. They have a method of lighting up their huts with torches, made of the splin- ters cut from the pine or birch tree. The Indians have generally astonishing patience and equanimity of mind, with the command of every pasr sion except revenge. They bear the most sudden and unexpected misfortune with calmness and composure, without uttering a word, or the least change of coun- tenance. Even a prisoner, who knows not whether he may not in a few hours be put to the most cruel death, seems entirely unconcerned, and eats and drinks with as much cheerfulness as those into whose hands he has fallen. Their resolution and courage under sickness and pain are really astonishing. Even when under the shocking torture to which prisoners are frequently exposed, they will not only make themselves cheerful, but provoke and irritate their tormentors by the most severe reproaches. They are gracefrl in their deportment upon serious INDIAN WARS. 169 occasions, observant of those in company, respectful to the old, of a temper cool and deliberate, by which they are never in haste to speak before they have well thought of the matter, and sure that the person who spoke before them has finished all that he had to say. In their public councils, every man is heard in his turn, according to his years, his wisdom, or as his ser- vices to his country have ranked him. Not a whisper nor a murmur is heard from the rest while he speaks ; no indecent commendations, no ill-timed applause. The young attend for their instruction ; for here they learn the history of their nation, are animated by those who celebrate the warlike actions of their ancestors, and taught what is the mterest of their country, and how to cultivate and pursue it. Hospitality is exercised among them with the utmost generosity and good will. Their houses, their provis- ions, and even their young women, are presented to a guest. To those of their own nation they are likewise very humane and beneficent. If any of them succeed ill in hunting, if the harvest fails, or his house is burnt, he feels no other effect of his misfortune than its giving him an opportunity of experiencing the benevolence and regard of his countrymen ; who, for that purpose, have almost everything in common. But to the ene- mies of his country, or to those who have privately offended him, the native American is implacable. He never, indeed, makes use of oaths, or indecent expres- sions, but cruelly conceals his sentiments till, by treachery or surprise, he can gratify his revenge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his resentment ; no distance of place is great enough to protect the object. He crosses the steepest mountains, pierces forests, and traverses the most hideous deserts ; bearing the in- clemency of the season, the fatigues of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, and exercising upon him the most shocking barbarities. When these cannot be effected, the revenge is left as a legacy transferred from generation to generation, from 22 170 % INDIAN WARS. father to son, till an opportunity offers of taking what they think ample satisfaction. To such extremes do the Indians push their friendship or their enmity ; and such indeed is in general the character of all uncivilized nations. They, however, esteem nothing so unworthy a man of sense as a peevish temper, and a proneness to sudden and rash anger. On the other hand, they are highly sensible of the utility and pleasures of friendship ; for each of them, at a certain age, make choice of some one nearly of the same standing in life to be their most intimate and bosom friend. These two enter into mutual engage- ments, by which they oblige themselves to brave any danger, and run any risk, to assist and support each other. This attachment is even carried so far as to overcome the fear of death, which they consider as only a temporary separation ; being persuaded that they shall meet and be united in friendship in the other world, never to be separated more, and that there they shall need one another's assistance as well as here. It does not appear that there is any Indian nation that has not some sense of a Deity, and a kind of superstitious religion. Their ideas of the nature and attributes of God are very obscure, and some of them absurd ; but they conceive of him as the Great Spirit, and imagine that his more immediate residence is on the island of the great lakes. They seem to have some idea that there are spirits of a higher order than man ; and, supposing them to be everywhere present, fre- quently invoke them, and endeavor to act agreeably to their desires. They likewise imagine that there is an evil spirit, who they say is always inclined to mischief, and bears great sway in the creation. This, indeed, is the principal object of their devotion. They generally address him most heartily, beseeching him to do them no harm. But supposing the others to be propitious, and ever inclined to do good, they intreat those spirits to bestow blessings upon them, and prevent the evil spirit from hurting them. Mnj. Carver relates, that INDIAN WARS. 171 one of the most considerable chiefs among the Ottawas* with whom he remained a night, on attending him to his canoe the next morning, with great solemnity, and in an audible voice, offered up a fervent prayer, as he entered his canoe, "that the Great Spirit would favor him with a prosperous voyage ; that he would give him an unclouded sky and smooth waters by day, and that he might lie down by night on a beaver blanket, enjoying uninterrupted sleep and pleasant dreams ; and also that he might find continual security under the great pipe of peace. " To procure the protection of the Good Spirit, they imagine it necessary to distin- guish themselves, and that they must, above all other attainments, become good warriors, expert hunters, and steady marksmen. Their priests often persuade the people that they have revelations of future events, and are authorized to command them to pursue such and such measures. They also undertake to unfold the mysteries of reli- gion, and to solve and interpret all their dreams. They represent the other world as a place abounding with an inexhaustible plenty of everything desirable, where they shall enjoy the most full and exquisite gratification of their senses. This is doubtless the motive that induces the Indian to meet death with such indifference and composure ; none of them being in the least dismayed at the news that he has but a few hours or minutes to live ; but with the greatest intrepidity sees himself upon the brink of being separated from all terrestrial things, and with great serenity talks to all around him. Thus a father leaves his dying advice to his children, and takes a formal leave of all his friends. They testify great indifference for the productions of art : " It is pretty, I like to look at it ;" but express no curiosity about its construction. Such, however, is not their behavior when they are told of a person who distinguishes himself by agility in running ; is well skilled in hunting ; can take a most exact aim ; work a canoe along a rapid with great dexterity ; is 172 INDIAN WARS. skilled in all the arts which their stealthy mode of car- rying on a war is capable of; or is acute in discover- ing the situation of a country, and can without a guide pursue his proper course through a vast forest, and support hunger, thirst, and fatigue with invincible firm- ness ; — at such a relation their attention is aroused. They listen to the interesting tale with delight, and express in the strongest terms their esteem for so great and so wonderful a man. They generally bury their dead with great decency, and deposite in the grave such articles as the deceased had made the greatest use of and been most attached to — as his bows and arrows, pipes, tobacco, &c. — that he may not be in want of anything when he comes to the other country. The mothers mourn for their chil- dren a long time, and the neighbors make presents to the father, and he in return gives them a feast. Every band has a leader, who bears the name of sachem or chief warrior, and is chosen for his tried valor or skill in conducting the war. To him is en- trusted all military operations ; but his authority does not extend to civil affairs, that pre-eminence being given to another, who possesses it by a kind of heredi- tary claim, and whose assent is necessary to render valid all conveyances of land, or treaties of whatever kind, to which he affixes the mark of the tribe or nation. Though these military and civil chiefs are considered the heads of the band, and the latter is usually styled king, yet the American Indians consider themselves as controlled by neither civil or military authority. Every individual regards himself as free and independent, and would never renounce the idea of liberty ; therefore injunctions, conveyed in the style of a positive command, would be disregarded and treated with contempt. Nor do their leaders assume an ascendency repugnant to these sentiments, but merely advise what is necessary to be done, which is sufficient to produce the most -prompt and effectual execution, never producing a murmur. Their great council is composed of the heads of INDIAN WARS. 173 tribes and families, and of those whose capacity has raised them to the same degree of consideration They meet in a house built in each of their towns for that purpose, and also to receive ambassadors, to deliver them an answer, to sing their traditionary songs, or to commemorate the dead. In these coun- cils they propose all such matters as concern the state, and which have 1 already been digested in the secret councils, at which none but the head men assist. The chiefs seldom speak much themselves at these general meetings, but entrust their sentiments with a person who is called their speaker or orator, there being one of this profession in every tribe or town ; and their manner of speaking is natural and easy, their words strong and expressive, their style bold, figurative, and laconic ; whatever is told tending either to the judg- ment or to rouse the passions. When any business of consequence is transacted, they appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost the whole nation partakes. Before the entertainment is ready, the principal person begins with a song on the remarkable events of their history, and whatever may tend to their honor or instruction. The others sing in their turn. They also have dances, chiefly of a martial kind ; and no solemnity or public business is carried on without songs and dances. As the Indians are high-spirited and soon irritated, the most trifling provocations frequently rouse them to arms, and prove the occasion of bloodshed and murder. Their petty private quarrels are often decided this way, and expeditions undertaken without the know- ledge or consent of the general council. These private expeditions are winked at and excused, as a means of keeping their young men in action, and inuring them to the exertions of war. But when war becomes a national affair, it is catered upon with great deliberation. They first call an as- sembly of sachems or ^hief warriors, to deliberate upon the affair, and everything relating to it. In this gene- ral congress, among the northern Indians and Five 174 INDIAN WARS. Nations, the women have a voice as well as the men. When they are assembled, the chief sachem or presi- dent proposes the affair they have met to consult upon, and, taking up the tomahawk which lies by him, says, " Who among you will go and fight against such a nation ? Who among you will bring captives from thence to replace our deceased friends, that our wrongs may be revenged, and our name and honor maintained as long as the rivers flow, the grass grows, or the sun and moon shall endure t" Then one of the principal warriors, rising, harangues the whole assembly, and afterwards, addressing himself to the young men, inquires who will go with him and fight their enemies; when they generally rise, one after another, and fall in behind him, while he walks round the circle, till he is joined by a sufficient number. On such occasions they usually have a deer, or some other beast, roasted whole ; and each of them, as they consent to go to war, cuts off a piece and eats, saying, " Thus will I devour our enemies ;" mentioning the nation they are going to attack. The ceremony being performed, the dance commences, and they sing their war-song, which has relation to their intended expedi- tion and conquest, or to their own skill, courage, and dexterity in fighting, and the manner in which they will vanquish their enemies. Their expressions are strong and pathetic, and are accompanied with a tone that inspires terror. Such is the influence of their women in these con- sultations, that the issue depends much upon them. If any one of them, in conjunction with the chiefs, has a mind to excite one who does not immediately depend upon them to take an active part in the war, she pre- sents, by the hands of some trusty young warrior, a string of wampum to the person whose help she soli- cits, which seldom fails of producing the desired effect. But when they solicit an offensive or defensive alliance with a whole nation, they send an embassy with a large belt of wampum and a bloody hatchet, inviting them to come and drink the blood of their enemies. INDIAN WARS. 175 The wampum used on these and other occasions, before their acquaintance with Europeans, was only small shells, which they picked up by the sea-coasts and on the banks of the lakes. It now consists princi- pally of a kind of cylindrical beads, made of white and black shells, which are esteemed among them as silver and gold are among us. The black they think the most valuable. Both of them are their greatest riches and ornaments, answering all the ends of money among us. They have the art of stringing, twisting, and interweaving them into their belts, collars, blankets, &c, in ten thousand different sizes, forms, and figures, so as not only to be ornaments for every part of dress, but expressive of all their important transactions. They die the wampum of various colors and shades ; and so they are made significant of almost anything they please. By these their records are kept, and their thoughts communicated to one another, as ours are by writing. Thus the belts that pass from one nation to another, in all important transactions, are carefully preserved in the cabin of their chiefs, and serve both as a kind of record or history and as a public treasure. Hence they are never used on trifling occasions. The calumet, or pipe of peace, is of no less impor- tance, nor is it less revered among them. The bowl is made of a kind of soft red stone, easily wrought and hollowed out ; the stem is of cane or light wood, painted with different colors, and adorned with the heads, tails, and feathers of the most beautiful birds, &c. The use of the calumet is to smoke either tobacco, or some other herb used instead of it, when they enter into an alliance or any solemn engagement ; this being esteemed the most sacred oath that can be taken, the violation of which is thought to be most infamous, and deserving severe punishment in the other life. When they treat of war, the whole pipe and all its ornaments are red ; sometimes it is red only on one side, and by the disposition of the feathers, &c, a per son acquainted with their customs knows at first sight 176 INDIAN WARS. the intentions or desires of the nation which presents it. Smoking the calumet is also upon some occasions, and in all treaties, considered as a sacred oath, as a seal of their decrees, and a pledge of their performance of them. The size and decorations of their calumets are commonly proportioned to the importance of the occasion, to the quality of the persons to whom they are presented, and to the esteem and regard they have for them. Another instrument of great importance among them is the tomahawk. This is an ancient weapon, used by them in war before they were taught the use of iron or steel ; since which, hatchets have been substituted in the room of them ; but it retains its use and impor- tance in public transactions, and, like the pipe, is very significant. This instrument is formed in some re- spects like a hatchet, having a long handle ; the head, which is a round knob of solid wood, calculated to knock a man down, has on the other side a point bend- ing a little toward the handle ; and near the centre, where the handle pierces the head, another point pro- jects forward, of considerable length, which serves to thrust with, like a spear. The tomahawk is also ornamented with painting and feathers, disposed and variegated in many significant forms, according to the occasion and end for which they are used ; and on it are kept a kind of journal of their marches and most important occurrences in a kind of hieroglyphics. When the council is called to deliberate on war, the tomahawk is colored red ; and when the council sits it is laid down by the chief, and if war be concluded upon, the captain of the young warriors takes it up, and, holding it in his hand, dances and sings the war- song. When the council is over, this, or some other oae of the same kind, is sent by the hands of the same warrior to every tribe concerned ; who with it presents a belt of wampum, and delivers his message, throwing a tomahawk on the ground, which is taken up by one of the most expert warriors, if they choose to join ; if not, it is returned with a belt of their wampum, suited to the occasion. INDIAN WARS. 177 Each nation or tribe has its distinct ensign, gene- rally consisting of some beast, bird, or fish. Thus the Five Nations have the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and eagle. By these names the tribes are generally distin- guished, and the shapes of these animals are pricked and painted on several parts of their bodies. Gene- rally, when they march through the woods, at every encampment they cut the figure of their arms on the trees, especially when they have had a successful cam- paign, that travellers may know they have been there ; recording also in their way the number of prisoners and scalps they have taken. Their military appearance is very odd and terrible. They cut off all their hair, except a spot on the crown of tlieir head, and pluck out their eyebrows. The lock left upon the head is divided into several parcels, each of which is stiffened and intermixed with beads and feathers of various shapes and colors, the whole twisted and connected together. They paint themselves with a red pigment down to the eyebrows, which they sprin- kle over with white down. The gristle of their ears are slit almost quite round, and hung with ornaments that Have generally the figure of some bird or beast drawn upon them. Their noses are likewise bored and hung with beads, and their faces painted with various colors. On their breasts is a gorget or medal of brass, copper, or some other metal ; and by a string which goes round their necks is suspended that horrid wea- pon called the scalping-knife. Thus equipped, they march forth, singing their war- song till they lose sight of their village ; and are gene- rally followed by their women, who assist them in car- rying their baggage, whether by land or water, but commonly return before they proceed to action. They have in most cases one commander for ten men ; and if the number amount to one hundred, a general is appointed over the others, not for the pur- pose of command, but to give his opinion. They have no stated rules of discipline, or fixed methods of carry- ing on a war, but make their attacks in as many dif- 23 178 INDIAN WARS. ferent ways as there are occasions, but generally in flying parties equipped for that purpose. The weapons used by those who trade with the Eng- lish and French are commonly a firelock, a hatchet, and a scalping-knife ; but the others use bows, torr^a- hawks, and pikes. As the commander in chief governs only by advice, and can neither reward nor punish, every private may return home when he pleases, with- out assigning any reason for it ; or any number may leave the main body and carry on a private expedition, in whatever manner they please, without being called to account for their conduct. When they return from a successful campaign, they contrive their march so as not to approach their village till towards the evening. They then send two or three forward to acquaint their chief and the whole village with the most material circumstances of their cam- paign. At daylight the next morning, they give the prisoners new clothes, paint their faces with various colors, and put into their hands a white staff, tasselled round with the tails of deer. This being done, the war- captain sets up a cry, and gives as many yells as he has taken prisoners and scalps, and the whole village assemble at the water-side. As soon as the warriors appear, four or five of their young men, well clothed, get into a canoe, if they come by water, or, otherwise, march by land ; the two first, carrying a calumet, go out singing to search the prisoners, whom they lead in triumph to the cabin where they are to receive their doom. The owner of this cabin has the power of de- termining their fate, though it is often left to some woman who has lost a husband, brother, or son, in the war ; and when this is the case, she generally adopts him in the place of the deceased. The prisoner has victuals immediately given him, and while he is at his repast a consultation is held ; and if it be resolved to save his life, two young men untie him, and take him by the hands, leading him to the cabin of the person into whose family ke is to be adopted, and there he is received with all imaginable marks of kindness. He INDIAN WARS. 179 is treated as a friend, as a brother, or as a husband, and they soon love him with the same tenderness as if he stood in the place of one of their friends. In short, he has no other marks of captivity except his not being suffered to return to his own nation ; for his attempt- ing this would be punished with certain death. But if the sentence be death, how different their con- duct. These people, who behave with such disinter- ested affection to each other, with such tenderness to those whom they adopt, here show that they are truly savages. The dreadful sentence is no sooner passed, than the whole village set up the death-cry, and, as if there were no medium between the most generous friendship and the most inhuman cruelty, the execution of* him whom they had just before deliberated upon admitting into their tribe, is no longer deferred than whilst they can make the necessary preparations for rioting in the most diabolical cruelty. The£ first strip him, and fixing two posts in the ground, fasten to them two pieces from one to the other — one about two feet from the ground, the other about five or six feet higher — then, obliging the unhappy victim to mount upon the lower cross-piece, they tie his legs to it a little asun- der. His hands are extended and tied to the angles formed by the upper piece. In this posture, they burn him all over the body, sometimes first daubing him with pitch. The whole village, men, women, and children, assemble round him, every one torturing him in what manner they please ; each striving to exceed the other in cruelty, as long as he has life. But if none of the bystanders are inclined to lengthen out his torments, he is either shot to death, or enclosed with dry bark, to which they set fire ; they then leave him on the frame, and in the evening run from cabin to cabin, superstitiously striking, with small twigs, the furniture, walls, and roofs, to prevent his spirit from remaining there to take vengeance for the evils com- mitted on his body. The remainder of the day and the night following are spent in rejoicing. This is the most usual method of murdering their 180 INDIAN WARS. prisoners ; but sometimes they fasten them to a single stake, and build a fire around them. At other times, they cruelly mangle their limbs, cut off their fingers and toes joint by joint, and sometimes scald them to death. What is most extraordinary, if the sufferer be an Indian, there seems, during the wholegtime of his exe- cution, a contest between him and his tormentors, which shall outdo the other, they inflicting the most horrid pains, or he in enduring them. Not a groan, nor a sigh, nor a distortion of countenance, escapes him in the midst of his torments. It is even said that he recounts his own exploits, informs them what cruel- ties he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and threat- ens with the revenge that will attend his death ; that he even reproaches them for their ignorance of the art of tormenting ; points out methods of more exqui- site torture', and more sensible parts of the body to be afflicted. The scalps, those dreadful proofs of the barbarity of these Indians, are valued and hung up in their houses as the trophies of their bravery ; and they have certain days when the young men gain a new name or title of honor, according to the qualities of the persons to whom these scalps belonged. This name they think a sufficient reward for the dangers and fatigues of many campaigns, as it renders them respected by their coun- trymen, and terrible to their enemies. In the American Revolution, Britain had the inhu- manity to reward these sons of barbarity for depreda- tions committed upon those who were struggling in the cause of liberty. The widow's wail, the virgin's shriek, and the infant's trembling cry, were music in their ears. In cold blood they sunk their cruel tomahawks into the defenceless head of a Miss M'Kray, a beauti- ful girl, who was that very day to have been married. The particulars of the inhuman transaction follow : Previous to the war between America and Great Brit- ain, a British officer, by the name of Jones, an accom- plished young man, resided near fort Edward. His INDIAN WARS. 181 visits thither became more frequent, when he found himself irresistibly drawn by charms of native worth and beauty. Miss M'Kray, whose memory is dear to humanity and true affection, was the object of his pere- grinations. Mr. Jones had not taken the precaution necessary in hazardous love, but had manifested to the lady, by his constant attention, undissembled and ingen- uous demeanor, that ardent affection which a suscepti- ble heart compelled her implicitly to return. In this mutual interchange of passions, they suffered them- selves to be transported on the ocean of imagination, till the unwelcome necessity of a separation cut off every springing hope. The war between Great Brit- ain and America commenced. A removal from this happy spot was in consequence suggested to Mr. Jones as indispensable. Nothing could alleviate their mutual horror but duty ; nothing could allay their reciprocal grief, so as to render a separate corporeal existence tolerable, but solemn vows, with ideas of a future meeting. Mr. Jones repaired to Canada, where all intercourse with the Provincials was prohibited. De- spair, which presented itself in aggravated colors when Gen. Burgoyne's expedition through the States was fixed, succeeded to his former hopes. The British army being encamped about three miles from the fort, a descent was daily projected. Here Mr. Jones could not but recognise the spot on which rested all his joys. He figured to his mind the dread which his hostile approach must raise in the breast of her whom, of all others, he thought it his highest interest to protect. In spite of arrest and commands to the contrary, he found means secretly to convey a letter, entreating her not to leave the town with the family, assuring her that, as soon as the fort should surrender, he would convey her to an asylum where they might peaceably consummate the nuptial ceremony. Far from discrediting him who could not deceive her, she heroically refused to follow the flying villagers. The remonstrances of a father, or the tearful entreaties of a mother and numerous friends, could not avail ! It was enough that her lover 182 INDIAN WARS. was her friend. She considered herself protected by the love and voluntary assurances of her youthful hero. With the society of a servant-maid, she impatiently waited the desired conveyance. Mr. Jones, finding the difficulty into which he was brought, at length, for want of better convoy, hired a party of twelve Indians to carry a letter to Miss M'Kray, with his own horse, for the purpose of carrying her to the place appointed. They set off; fired with the anticipation of their pro- mised premium, which was to consist of a quantity of spirits, on condition that they brought her off in safety, which to an Indian was the most cogent stimulus the young lover could have named. Having arrived in view of her window, they sagaciously held up the let- ter, to prevent the fears and apprehensions which a savage knows he must excite in the sight of tenderness and sensibility. Her faith and expectations enabled her to divine the business of these ferocious missiona- ries, while her frightened maid uttered nought but shrieks and cries. They arrived, and, by their signs, convinced her from whom they had their instructions. If a doubt could remain, it was removed by the letter ; — it was from her lover. A lock of his hair, which it contained, presented his manly figure to her gloomy fancy. Here, reader, guess what must have been her ec- stasy. She, indeed, resolved to brave even the most horrid aspect which might appear between her and him, whom she considered already hers, without a sigh. She did not for a moment hesitate to follow the wishes of her lover, and took her journey with these bloody messengers, expecting very soon to be shielded in the arms of legitimate affection. A short distance only then seemed to separate two of the happiest of mortals. Alas ! how soon are the most brilliant pic- tures of felicity defaced by the burning hand of afflic- tion and wo ! Having risen the hill, at about equal distance from the camp and her former home, a second party of Indi- ans, having heard of the captivating offer made by Mr. INDIAN WARS. 1S3 Jones, determined to avail themselves of the opportu- nity. The reward was the great object. A clashing of real and assumed rights was soon followed by a furious and bloody engagement, in which several were killed on each side. The commander of the first party, perceiving that nought but the lady's death could appease the fury of either, with a tomahawk deliberately knocked her from her horse, and mangled her scalp from her beautiful temples, which he exult- ingly bore as a trophy of zeal to the expectant and anxious lover ! It was with the utmost difficulty that Mr. Jones could be kept from total delirium. His horror and indignation could not be appeased. His remorse for having risked his most valuable treasure in the hands of savages drove him almost to madness. When the particulars of this melancholy event reached Gen. Burgoyne, he ordered the survivors of both these parties to immediate execution. Many persons suppose that the idea that the Ameri- can Indians are descended from the ancient Jews is a novel one. This is not the fact. Many writers have suggested this opinion. Among others, James Adair, Esq., who had resided among the North American Indians forty years, and paid particular attention to their language, laws, customs, manners, dress, ceremo- nies, &,c, and whose account of them was published in London, in 1775, seems to have been fully convinced of the fact himself; and if his arguments do not con- vince others, they will at least stagger their incredu- lity. The following extract from the contents of his work will show the course he takes to establish his opinion. "Observations and arguments in proof of the Ameri- can Indians being descended from the Jews. 1., Their division into tribes. 2. Their worship of Jehovah. 3. Their notion of a theocracy. 4. Their belief in the ministration of angels. 5. Their language and dialects. 184 INDIAN WARS. 6. Their manner of counting time. 7. Their prophets and high priests. 8. Their festivals, fasts, and religious rites. 9. Their daily sacrifice. 10. Their ablutions and anointings. 11. Their laws of uncleanness. 12. Their abstinence from unclean things. 13. Their marriages, divorces, and punishment of adultery v 14. Their several punishments. 15. Their cities of refuge. 16. Their purifications and ceremonies preparatory to war. 17. Their ornaments. 18. Their manner of curing the sick. 19. Their burial of the dead. 20. Their mourning for their dead. 21. Their raising seed to a departed brother. 22. Their choice of name adapted to their circum- stances and the times. 23. Their own traditions, the accounts of our Eng- lish writers, and the testimonies which the Spanish and other authors have given concerning the primitive inhabitants of Peru and Mexico." Under each of these heads the author gives us such facts as a forty years' residence among them, at a time when their manners, customs, &c, had not been greatly corrupted or changed by intercourse with Eu- ropeans, had enabled him to collect ; and he assures us they are " neither disfigured by fable nor prejudice.' The rest of his work is taken up with accounts of the different nations among whom he had been, with occa- sional reflections on their laws, &c. ^ i The following list of names of the various Indian nations in North America, in 1794, with the number of their fighting men, was obtained by a gentleman, Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, employed in a treaty then made with them. INDIAN WARS. 185 The Choctaws or Flat Heads, 4500; Natches, 150; Chickasaws. 750 ; Cherokees, 2500 ; Catabas, 150 ; Piantas, a wandering tribe, 800; Kisquororas, 600; Hankashaws, 250 ; Oughtenons, 400 ; Kikapous, 505 ; Delawares, 300; Shawnese, 300; Miamies, 800; Upper Creeks, Middle Creeks, and Lower Creeks, 4000; Cowitas, 7000 ; Alabamas, 600; Akinsaws, 200; Ansaus, 1000; Padomas, 600; white and frec- kled Pianis, 4000; Cauzes, 1600; Osages, 600; Grand Saux, 1000; Missouri, 3000; Saux of the wood, 1800 ; Biances, or white Indians with beard, 1500; Asinbols, 1500; Christian Cauzes, 3000; Ouiscousas, 500 ; Mascotins, 500 ; Lakes, 400 ; Mu- herouakes, 230 ; Folle Avoines or Wildoats, 350 ; Puans, 700 ; Powatamig, 550 ; Missagues, a wander- ing tribe, 2000 ; Otabas, 900 ; Chiewas, 5000 ; Wi- andots, 300; Six Nations, 1500; Round Heads, 3500; Algoquins, 2000; Nepisians, 400; Chalsas, 130; Amitestes, 550; Muckniacks, 700; Abinaguis, 350 ; Consway Hurins, 200. Total, 58,780. CHAP. XII. WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION, AND DEFEAT OF GEN. BRADD0CK BY THE INDIANS. In 1753, the French and Indians began to make inroads on our western frontiers along the Ohio. Gov. Dinwiddie, of Virginia, was very desirous to get a let- ter of remonstrance to their commander in chief. He had applied to several young gentlemen of his acquain tance, but they were all so deficient in courage that they could not be prevailed on, for love or money, to venture out among the savages. Our beloved Wash- ington, happening to hear of it, instantly waited on his 24 \ 186 INDIAN WARS. , excellency, and offered his services, but not without being terribly afraid lest his want of a beard should go against him. However, the governor was so charmed with his modesty and manly air, that he never asked him a syllable about his age, but, after thanking him for his offer, calling him "a noble youth/' and insisting on his taking a glass of wine with him, slipped a com- mission into his hand. The next day, he set out on his expedition, whicn was, from start to pole, disagreeable and dangerous. Soaking rains, chilling blasts, roaring floods, pathless woods, and mountains clad in snows, opposed his course, — but opposed in vain. The glori- ous ambition to serve his country rendered him supe- rior to all difficulties. Returning homeward, he was waylaid and shot at by a French Indian, and though the copper-colored ruffian was not fifteen steps distant when he fired at him, yet not even so much as the smell of lead passed on the clothes of our young hero. On his return to Virginia, it was found that he had executed his negoti- ations, both with the French and Indians', with such fidelity and judgment, that he received the heartiest thanks of the governor and council for the very impor- tant services he had done his country. He was now (in the twentieth year of his age) ap- pointed major and adjutant general of the Virginia forces. Soon after this, the Indians continuing their encroachments, orders were given by the English gov- ernment for the colonies to arm and unite in one con- federacy. Virginia took the lead, and raised a regi- ment of four hundred men, at the head of which was placed Washington. With this handful of brave fellows, Col. Washing- ton, not yet twenty-three years of age, boldly pushed out into the Indian country, and there, for a considera- ble time, maintained the war against three times their number of French and Indians. At the Red Stones he came up with a strong party of the enemy, whom he engaged and effectually defeated, after having killed and taken thirty-one men. From his prisoners he ob- INDIAN WARS. 187 tained undoubted intelligence that the French forces on the Ohio consisted of upwards of a thousand regu- lars and many hundreds of Indians. But, notwith- standing this disheartening advice, he still pressed on undauntedly against the enemy, and at a place called the Little Meadows built a fort, which he called Fort Necessity. Here he waited, hourly and anxiously looking for succors from New York and Pennsylva- nia ; but in vain. No one came to his assistance. Not long after this, his small force, now reduced to three hundred men, were attacked by an army of eleven hundred French and Indians. Never did the true Vir- ginian valor shine more gloriously than on this trying occasion. To see three hundred young fellows, commanded by a smooth-faced boy, all unaccustomed to the terrors of war, far from home, and from all hopes of help, shut up in a dreary wilderness, and surrounded by four times their number- of savage foes; and yet, without sign of fear, without thought of surrender, preparing for mortal combat ! Scarcely since the days of Leoni- das and his three hundred deathless Spartans had the sun beheld its equal. With hideous whoops and yells, the enemy came on like a host of tigers. The woods and rocks, and tall tree-tops, (as the Indians, climbing to the tops of the trees, poured down their bullets into the fort,) were in one continued blaze and crash of fire- arms. Nor were our young warriors idle, but, ani- mated by their gallant chief, plied their rifles with such spirit that their little fort resembled a volcano in full blast, roaring and discharging thick sheets of liquid fire among their foes. For three hours, envel- oped in smoke and flame, they sustained the attack of the enemy's whole force, and laid two hundred of them dead on the spot. Discouraged by such desperate resistance, the French general, the Count de Villiers, sent in a flag to Washington, extolling his gallantry to the skies, and offering him the most honorable terms. It was stipulated that Col. Washington and his little band of heroes should march away, with all the honors 188 INDIAN WARS. of war, and carry with them their military stores and baggage. In the spring of 1755, Washington, while busied in the highest military operations, was summoned to attend Gen. Braddock, who, in the month of Febru- ary, had arrived at Alexandria with two thousand British troops. The assembly of Virginia had ap- pointed eight hundred provincials to join him. The object of this army was to march through the country, by the way of Will's Creek, to fort Duquesne, (now Pittsburgh or fort Pitt.) . As no person was so well acquainted with the frontier country as Washington, and none stood so high in military fame, it was thought he would be infinitely serviceable to Gen. Braddock. At the request of the governor and council, he cheer- fully quitted his own command to act as volunteer aid- de-camp to that very imprudent and unfortunate gene- ral. The army, near three thousand strong, marched from Alexandria, and proceeded unmolested within a few miles of fort Pitt. On the morning of the 9th of July, when they had arrived within seven miles of fort Duquesne, the pro- vincial scouts discovered a large party of French and Indians lying in ambush. Washington, with his usual modesty, observed to Gen. Braddock what sort of ene- my he had now to deal with — an enemy who would not, like the Europeans, come forward to a fair con- test in the field, but, concealed behind rocks and trees, carry on a deadly warfare with their rifles. He con- cluded with begging that Gen. Braddock would grant him the honor to let him place himself at the head of the Virginia riflemen, and fight them in their own way. And it was generally thought that our young hero and his eight hundred hearts of hickory would very easily have beaten them ; for they were not superior to the force which, with only three hundred, he had handled so roughly twelve months before. But Gen. Brad- dock, who had all along treated the American officers and soldiers with infinite contempt, instead of following this truly salutary advice, swelled and reddened with INDIAN WARS. 189 most unmanly rage. "High times, by G — d!" he exclaimed, strutting to and fro, with arms akimbo, " high times ! when a young buckskin can teach a British general how to fight !" Washington withdrew, biting his lips with grief and indignation, to think what numbers of brave fellows would draw short breath that day, through the pride and obstinacy of their comman- der. The troops were ordered to form and advance in columns through the woods. In a little time the ruin which Washington had predicted ensued. This poor devoted army, pushed on by their haughty general, fell into the fatal snare which was laid for them. All at once a thousand rifles began the work of death. The ground was instantly covered with the dying and dead. The British troops, thus slaughtered by hundreds, and by an enemy whom they could not see, were thrown irrecoverably into panic and confusion ; and in a few minutes their general, with twelve hundred of his brave but unfortunate countrymen, were killed. Poor Gen. Braddock closed the tragedy with great decency. He was mortally wounded in the beginning of the action, and Washington had him placed in a cart, ready for retreat. Close on the left, where the weight of the French and Indian fire principally fell, Washington, at the head of his Virginia riflemen, who were dressed in blue, sustained the shock. At every discharge of their rifles the wounded general cried out, " O, my brave Virginia blues ! would to God I could live to reward you for such gallantry." But he died. Washington caused him to be buried in the road, and to save him from discovery and the scalping-knife ordered the wagons on their retreat to drive over his grave. Amidst all this fearful consternation and carnage, with all the uproar and horrors of a rout, rendered still more dreadful by the groans of the dying, the screams of the wounded, the piercing shrieks of the women, and the yells of the furious assaulting savages, Washington, calm and self-collected, rallied his faithful riflemen, led them on to the charge, killed numbers of 190 INDIAN WARS. the enemy who were rushing with tomahawks, checked their pursuit, and brought off the shattered remains of the British army. With regard to our beloved Washington, we cannot but here mention two extraordinary speeches that were uttered about him at this time, and which, as things have turned out, look a great deal like prophecies. A famous Indian warrior, who assisted in the defeat of Braddock, was often heard to say, that Washington was not born to be killed by a bullet ; " for," he con tinued, " I had seventeen fair fires at him with my rifle, and after all I could not bring him to the ground." And, indeed, whoever considers that a good rifle, lev- elled by a sure marksman, hardly ever misses its aim, will readily enough conclude, with this unlettered sav- age, that some invisible hand must have turned aside the bullets. The Rev. Mr. Davis, in a sermon occasioned by Gen. Braddock's defeat, has these remarkable words : " I beg leave to point the attention of the public to that heroic youth, Col. George Washington, whom I can- not but hope Providence has preserved for some great service to his country." CHAP. XIII. ADVENTURES OF CAPT. DANIEL BOON, COMPRISING AN ACCOUNT OF THE WARS WITH THE INDIANS ON THE OHIO, FROM 1769 TO 1782 ; WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. It was on the first of May, 1769, that I resigned my domestic happiness, and left my family and peace- able habitation on the Yadkin river, in North Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucky, in company with John INDIAN WARS. 191 Finley, John Stuart, Joseph Holden, James Monay, and William Cool. On the 7th June, after travelling in a western direc- tion, we found ourselves on Red river, where John Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and from the top of an eminence saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky. For some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather. We now encamped, made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. We found abundance of wild beasts in this vast forest. The buffaloes were more numerous than cattle on our settlements, browsing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on these exten- sive plains. We saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers around the salt springs were amazing. In this forest, the habitation of beasts of every Ameri- can kind, we hunted with great success until De- cember. On the 22d December, John Stuart and I had a pleasing ramble ; but fortune changed the day at the close of it. We passed through a great forest, in which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, others rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. Here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variefy of flowers and fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavored ; and we were favored \vith num- berless animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucky river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a num- ber of Indians rushed out of a cane-brake and made us prisoners. The Indians plundered us and kept us in confinement seven days. During this time we discov- ered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious ; but in the dead of night, as we lay by a large fire, in a thick cane-brake, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me to rest, I gently awoke my companion. We seized this favorable opportunity and departed, directing our 192 INDIAN WARS. course toward the old camp ; but we found it plundered, and our company destroyed or dispersed. About this time, as my brother with another adven- turer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, were wandering through the forest, they accident- ally found our camp. Notwithstanding our unfortu- nate circumstances, and our dangerous situation, sur- rounded by hostile savages, our meeting fortunately in the wilderness gave us the most sensible satisfac- tion. Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John Stuart, was killed by the savages, and the man who came with my brother, while on a private excursion, was soon after attacked and killed by the wolves. We were now in a dangerous and helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death, among savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country but our- selves. Although many hundred miles from our families, in the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a state of indolence, but hunted every day,*,and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter. On the 1st of May, 1770, my brother returned home for a new recruit of horses and ammunition ; leaving me alone, without bread, salt, or sugar, or even a horse or a dog. I passed a few days uncomfortably. The idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety on my account, would have disposed me to melancholy if I had further indulged the thought. One day, I undertook a tour through the country, when the diversity and beauties of nature I met with, in this charming season, expelled every gloomy thought. Just at the close of the day the gentle gales ceased ; a profound calm ensued ; not a breath shook the tremu- lous leaf. I had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and looking around with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains and beauteous tracts below. On one hand I surveyed the famous Ohio, rolling in silent dignity, and marking the western boundary of Kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. At a vast INDIAN WARS. 193 distance I behold the mountains lift their venerable brows and penetrate the clouds. All things were still. I kindled a fire near a founlain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck which I had killed a few hours before. The shades of night soon overspread the hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. At a distance I frequently heard the hideous yells of savages. My excursion had fatigued my body and amused my mind. I laid me down to sleep, and awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleasing as the first ; after which, I re- turned to my old camp, which had not been disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the savages, who, I believe, frequently visited my camp, but, fortunately for me, in my absence. No populous city, with all its varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford such pleasure to my mind as the beauties of nature which I found in this country. Until the 27th of July, I spent my time in an unin- terrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. Soon after, we left the place and proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring that part of the country, and giving names to the different rivers. In March, 1771, I returned home to my family, being determined to bring them as soon as possible, at the risk of my life and fortune, to reside in Kentucky, which I esteemed a second paradise. On my return I found my family in happy circum- stances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us, and on the 25th of September, 1773, we took leave of our friends, and proceeded on our journey to Kentucky, in company with five more families, and forty men that joined us in PoweFs valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the new-settled parts of Kentucky. But this 25 194 INDIAN WARS. promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity. On the 10th of October, the rear of our company was attacked by a party of Indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. Of these, my oldest son was one that fell in the action. Though we repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle and brought us into extreme difficulty. We returned forty miles to the settlement on Clench river. We had passed over two mountains, Powel's and Walden's, and were approaching Cumberland mountain, when Mhis adverse fortune overtook us. These mountains are in the wilderness, in passing from the old settle- ment in Virginia to Kentucky ; are ranged in a southwest and northeast direction ; are of great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. Over them, nature hath formed passes less difficult than might be expected from the view of such huge piles. The aspect of these cliffs is so wild and hor- rid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. Until the 6th of June, 1774, I remained with my family on the Clench, when myself and another per- son were solicited by Gov. Dunmore, of Virginia, to conduct a number of surveyors to the falls of Ohio. This was a tour of eight hundred miles, and took sixty- two days. On my return, Gov. Dunmore gave me the command of three garrisons, during the campaign against the Shawanese. In March, 1775, at the solicitation of a number of gentlemen of North Carolina, I attended their treaty, at Wataga, with the Cherokee Indians, to purchase the lands on the south side of Kentucky river. After this, I undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlements through the wilderness to Kentucky. Having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed, I soon began this work. We proceeded until we came within fifteen miles of where Boons- borough now stands, where the Indians attacked us, and killed two and wounded two more of our party. INDIAN WARS. 195 This was on the 22d of March, 1775. Two days after, we were again attacked by them, when we had two more killed and three wounded. After this we proceeded on to Kentucky river without opposition. On the 1st of April, we began to erect the fort of Boonsborough, at a salt lick, sixty yards from the river, on the south side. On the 4th, the Indians killed one of our men. On the 14th of June, having completed the fort, I returned to my family on the Clench, whom I soon after removed to the fort. My wife and daughter were supposed to be the first white women that ever stood on the banks of Kentucky river. On the 24th of December, the Indians killed one of our men and wounded another ; and on the 15th of July, 1776, they took my daughter prisoner. I imme- diately pursued them with eight men, and on the 16th overtook and engaged them. I killed two of them, and recovered my daughter. The Indians, having divided themselves into several parties, attacked in one day all our infant settlements and forts, doing a great deal of damage. The hus- bandmen were ambushed, and unexpectely attacked, while toiling in the field. They continued this kind of warfare until the 15th of April, 1777, when nearly one hundred of them attacked the village of Boons- borough, and killed a number of its inhabitants. On the 16th, Col. Logan's fort was attacked by two hun- dred Indians. There were only thirteen men in the fort, of whom the enemy killed two and wounded one. On the 20th of August, Col. Bowman arrived with one hundred men from Virginia, with which additional force we had almost daily skirmishes with the Indians, who began now to learn the superiority of the " long knife. " They termed us the Virginians, being out- generaled in almost every action. Our affairs began now to wear a better aspect, the Indians no longer dar- ing to face us in open field, but sought private oppor- tunities to destroy us. On the 7th of February, 1778, while on a hunting 190 INDIAN WARS. excursion alone, I met a party of one hundred and two Indians and two Frenchmen, marching to attack Boonsborough. They pursued and took me prisoner, and conveyed me to Old Chilicothe, the principal Indian town on the Sciota river, where we arrived on the 18th of February, after an uncomfortable journey. On the 10th of March, I was conducted to Detroit, and while there was treated with great humanity by Gov. Hamilton, the British commander at that port, and intendant for Indian* affairs. The Indians had such an affection for me that they refused one hundred pounds sterling, offered them by the governor, if they would consent to leave me with him, that he might be enabled to liberate me on my parole. Several English gentlemen then at Detroit, sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with sym- pathy, generously offered to supply my wants, which I declined with many thanks, adding, that I never ex- pected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity. On the 10th of April, the Indians returned with me to Old Chilicothe, where we arrived on the 25th. This was a long and fatiguing march, although through an exceedingly fertile country, remarkable for springs and streams of water. At Chilicothe, I spent my time as comfortably as I could expect ; was adopted, according to their custom, into a family, where I be- came a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. I was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and contented as possible, and they put great confidence in me. I often went a hunt- ing with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. I w r as care- ful not to exceed many of them in shooting, for no people are more envious than they in this sport. I could observe in their countenances and gestures the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me, and when the reverse happened, of envy. The Shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with pro- INDIAN WARS. 197 found respect and entire friendship, often entrusting me to hunt at my liberty. I frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what I had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. My food and lodging was in common with them ; not so good, indeed, as I could desire, but neces- sity made everything acceptable. I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided giving suspicion. I continued at Chilicothe until the first day of June, when I was taken to the salt springs east of the Sciota, and there employed ten days in the manufacturing of salt. During this time, I hunted with my Indian masters, and found the land, for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil of Kentucky. On my return to Chilicothe, one hundred and fifty of the choicest Indian warriors were ready to march against Boonsborough. They were painted and armed in a frightful manner. This alarmed me, and I deter- mined to escape. On the 18th of June, before sunrise, I went ofF secretly, and reached Boonsborough on the 20th, a journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which I had only one meal. I found our fortress in a bad state, but we immediately repaired our flanks, gates, and posterns, and formed double bastions, which we completed in ten days. One of my fellow-prisoners escaped after me, and brought advice that, on account of my flight, the Indians had put off their expedition for three weeks. About the first of August, I set out with nineteen men to surprise Point-Creek Town, on Sciota, within four miles of which we fell in with forty Indians, going against Boonsborough. We attacked Ahem, and they soon gave way, without any loss on our part. The enemy had one killed and two wounded. We took three horses and all their baggage. The Indians having evacuated their town, and gone, altogether, against Boonsborough, we returned, passed them on the 6th, and on the 7th arrived safe at Boonsborough. 198 INDIAN WARS. On the 9th, the Indian army, consisting of four hun- dred and forty-four men, under the command of Capt. Duquesne, and eleven other Frenchmen and their own chiefs, arrived, and summoned the fort to surrender. I requested two days' consideration, which was granted. During this we brought in through the posterns all the horses and other cattle we could collect. On the 9th, in the evening, I informed their com- mander that we were determined to defend the fort while a man was living. They then proposed a treaty ; they would withdraw. The treaty was held within sixty yards of the fort, as we suspected the savages. The articles were agreed to and signed ; when the Indians told us it was their custom for two Indians to shake hands with every white man in the treaty, as an evidence of friendship. We agreed to this also. They immediately grappled us to take us prisoners, but we cleared ourselves of them, though surrounded by hun- dreds 5 and gained the fort safe, except one man, who was wounded by a heavy fire from the enemy. The savages now began to undermine the fort, beginning at the water mark of Kentucky river, which is sixty yards from the fort ; this we discovered by the water being muddy by the clay. We countermined them by cutting a trench across their subterraneous passage. The enemy discovering this by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted. On the 20th of Au- gust, they raised the siege, during which we had two men killed and four wounded. We lost a number of cattle. The loss^of the enemy was thirty-seven killed, and a much larger number wounded. We picked up one hundred and twenty-five pounds of their bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of the fort. In July, 1779, during my absence, Col. Bowman, with one hundred and sixty men, went against the Shawanese of Old Chilicothe. He arrived undiscov- ered. A battle ensued, which lasted until ten in the morning, when Col. Bowman retreated thirty miles. The Indians collected all their strength and pursued him, when another engagement ensued for two hours, INDIAN WARS. 199 not to Col. Bowman's advantage. Col. Harrod pro- posed to mount a number of horses, and break the enemy's line, who at this time fought with remarkable ftfry. This desperate measure had a happy effect, and the savages fled on all sides. In these two engagements we had nine men killed and one wounded. Enemy's loss uncertain. Only two scalps were taken. June 23d, 1780, five hundred Indians and Cana- dians, under Col. Bird, attacked Riddle and Martin's station, on the forks # of Licking river, with six pieces of artillery. They took all the inhabitants captives, and killed one man and two women, loading the others with the heavy baggage, and such as failed in the jour- ney were tomahawked. TJhe hostile disposition of the savages caused Gen. Clark, the commandant at the fails of Ohio, to march with his regiment and the armed force of the country against^Peccaway, the principal town of the Shawa- nese, on a branch of the Great Miami, which he at- tacked with great success, took seventy scalps, and reduced the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen men. About this time, I returned to Kentucky with my family ;. for, during my captivity, my wife, thinking me killed by the Indians, had transported my family and goods on horses through the wilderness, amidst many dangers, to her father's house in North Carolina. On the 6th of October, 17S0, soon after my settling again at Boonsborough, I went with my brother to the Blue Licks, and on our return he was shot by a party of Indians, who followed me by the scent of a dog, which I shot and escaped. The severity of the winter caused great distress in Kentucky, the enemy during the summer having destroyed most of the corn. The inhabitants lived chiefly on buffalo's flesh. In the spring of 1782, the Indians harassed us. In May they killed and scalped a woman and her two daughters near Ashton's station, and took a negro pris- oner. Capt. Ashton pursued them with twenty-five men, and in an engagement, which lasted two hours, 200 INDIAN WARS. his party were obliged to retreat, having eight killed, and four mortally wounded. Their brave commander fell in the action. August 18th, two boys were carried off from Major Hoy's station. Capt. llolden pursued the enemy vvith seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of seven killed and two wounded. Our affairs became more and more alarming. The savages infested the country, and destroyed the whites as opportunity pre- sented. In a field near Lexington an Indian shot a man, and, running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon the ground. All the Indian nations w«re now united against us. August 15th, five hundred Indians and Canadians came against Briat's station, five miles from Lexing- ton. They assaulted the fort and all the cattle round it; but, being repulsed, they retired the third day, having about eighty killed ; their wounded uncertain. The garrison had four killed and nine wounded. August 18th, Colonels Todd and Trigg, Maj. Har- land and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. They had marched beyond the Blue Licks, to a re- markable bend of the main fork of Licking river, about forty-three miles from Lexington, where we overtook them on the 19th. The savages, observing us, gave way, and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When they saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage in situation, they formed their line of battle from one end of the Licking to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. The engagement was close and warm for about fifteen minutes, when we, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners. The brave and much lamented Cols. Todd and Trigg, Maj. Harland, and my second son, were among the dead. We were after- wards informed that the Indians, on numbering their dead, finding that they had four more killed than we, four of our people they had taken were given up to INDIAN WARS. 201 their young warriors, to be put to death after their bar- barous manner. On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, who was hastening to join us with a number of well-armed men. This powerful assistance we wanted on the day of battle. The enemy said one more fire from us would have made them give way. I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene without great sorrow. A zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men, to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. The river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight, some just entering the river, some in the water, and others after crossing, in ascend- ing the cliffs. Some escaped on horseback, a few on foot ; and, being dispersed everywhere, in a few hours brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to Lexington. Many widows were now made. Tho reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding anything that I am able to describe. Being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed everywhere, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner: This mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled : some torn and eaten by wild beasts ; those in the river eaten by fishes ; all in such a putrid condition that no one could be distinguished from the other. When Gen. Clark, at the falls of the Ohio, heard of our disaster, he ordered an expedition to pursue the savages. We overtook . them within two miles of their town, and we should have obtained a great vic- tory had not some of them met us, when about two hundred poles from their camp. The savages fled in the utmost disorder, and evacuated all their towns. We burned to ashes Old Chilicothe, Pcccaway, New Chilicothe, and Wills Town, entirely destroyed their corn and other fruits, and spread desolation through their country. We took seven prisoners and fifteen 26 202 INDIAN WARS. scalps, and lost only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by ourselves. This campaign damped the enemy, yet they made secret incursions. In October, a party attacked Crab Orchard, and one of them, being a good way before the others, boldly entered a house, in which were only a woman and her children, and a negro man. The savage used no vio- lence, but attempted to carry off the negro, who, happily, proved too strong for him, and threw him on the ground, and in the struggle the woman cut off his head with an axe, whilst her little daughter shut the door. The savages instantly came up and applied their tomahawks to the door, when the mother putting an old rusty gun-barrel through the crevices, the sav- ages immediately went off. From that time, till the happy return of peace between the United States and Great Britain, the Indians did us no mischief. Soon after this, the Indians desired peace. Two darling sons and a brother I have lost by sav- age hands, which have also taken from me forty valu- able horses and abundance of cattle. Many dark and sleepless nights have I spent, separated from the cheer- ful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. CHAP. XIV. EXPEDITION OF GENERAL HARMER, AND HIS DEFEAT BY THE INDIANS.— DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR, NEAR THE MIAMI VILLAGE. Although a peace was at length happily effected between the two contending parties, Great Britain and America, in 1785, yet the savages, who had been INDIAN WARS. 203 persuaded to take a part with the former, were unwilling to bury the bloody hatchet. They had not sufficiently bathed that destructive weapon in the blood of Americans. Without any pretext whatever, they continued to exercise towards them the most wanton acts of barbarity. It appeared from respectable evidence, that from the year 1783, until the month of October, 1790, the time the United States commenced offensive operations against the Indians, that on the Ohio, and the fron- tiers on the south side, they killed, wounded, and took prisoners fifteen hundred men, women, and children, besides carrying off upwards of two thousand horses, and other property to the amount of fifty thousand dollars. The particulars of many of the instances of bar- barity exercised upon the prisoners, of different ages and sexes, although supported by indisputable evi- dence, are of too shocking a nature to be presented to the public. It is sufficient here to observe, that the scalping-knife and tomahawk were the mildest instru- ments of death ; that in some cases torture by fire, and other execrable means, were used. But the outrages which were committed upon the frontier inhabitants were not the only injuries that were sustained. Repeated attacks upon detachments of the troops of the United States were at different times made. The following, from its peculiar enormity, deserves recital. In April, 1790, Major Doughty, in the service of the United States, was ordered to the friendly Chickasaws, on public business. He per- formed his duty in a boat, having with him a party of fifteen men. While ascending the Tennessee river, he was met by a party of Indians, in four canoes, con- sisting principally of Shawanese and outcast Chero- kees. They approached under a white flag, the well- known emblem of peace. They came on board the major's boat, received his presents, continued with him nearly an hour, and then departed in the most friendly manner. But they had scarcely cleared his oars, 204 INDIAN WARS. before they poured in a fire upon his crew, which was returned as soon as circumstances would permit ; and a most unequal combat was sustained for several hours, when they abandoned their design, but not until they had killed and wounded eleven out of fifteen of the boat's crew. All overtures of peace failing, and the depredations still continuing, an attempt at coercion became indis- pensable. Accordingly, on the 30th of September, 1790, the President, with the consent and advice of the Congress of the United States, despatched Gen. Harmer, with three hundred federal troops, and eleven hundred and thirty-three militia, under his command, to their principal villages. The troops, after seventeen days' march from Miami, reached the Great Miami village, without any other molestation than that of having a number of their pack-horses stolen. On their arrival, they found the village deserted, and all the village buildings in flames, set on fire by the Indians. After a short tarry, they proceeded to the neighboring villages without molesta- tion, and destroyed five of them, and a large quantity of corn, which they found buried in different places, and very large quantities of vegetables of every kind. The first opposition that was met with, a party of about one hundred and fifty Kentucky militia, and eighty regular troops, all under the command of Col. Harding, of Kentucky, were detached from the main body, lying in the Great Miami village, to pursue the trail of a party of Indians, which had that day been discovered. After a pursuit of about six miles, they came up with and were attacked on surprise by a large body of Indians, who were concealed in the thickets on every side of a large plain ; and on the first onset, the militia, without exchanging a single shot, made a most precipitate retreat, and left the regular troops to stand the whole charge of the Indians. The conflict was short and bloody. The troops were soon overpowered by numbers, and all fell except two or three officers and two or three privates, INDIAN WARS. 205 after defending themselves at their hayonet-points with the greatest possible obstinacy. Ensign Hartshorn was one of the officers who providentially escaped, and his escape appeared to depend more on a lucky circumstance of falling over a log in his retreat, and by that means screening himself from the eyes of his pursuers, than from any other circumstance. Capt. Armstrong, who commanded the party, likewise made his escape by plunging himself into a pond or swamp, up to his neck, within two hundred yards of the field of action, where he remained the whole night, a spec- tator to the horrid scenes of the war-dance, performed over the dead and wounded bodies of the poor soldiers that had fallen the preceding day, where their shrieks, mixed with the horrid yells of the savages, rendered his situation shocking. After this, some few skirmishes succeeded, but noth- ing material, until the second capital action, which happened two days after the army left Miami village. At ten miles' distance from the town, the general ordered a halt, and detached from four to five hundred militia, and about sixty regular soldiers, under the com- mand of Major Wiley s and Col. Harding, who were ordered to march back to the town. On their first entrance, there appeared a small body of Indians, who immediately fled at the first onset, and by that means decoyed the whole body of the militia, by making their flight in different directions, and encouraging the militia to pursue. By this stratagem the few regular troops were left alone, and the Indians had effected their design, for the moment they found the small hand- ful of reguia? troops detached from the main body of the militia, they commenced the attack with their whole force, executing the flying parties that had divided the militia ; and, although they soon found some part of the militia returning, pursued their object of routing and destroying the troops, as the only sure plan of success, which, after a most bloody conflict, was effected. Nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages 206 INDIAN WARS. on this occasion. The militia they appeared to despise, and with all the undauntedness conceivable threw down their guns, and rushed upon the bayonets of the regular soldiers. A number of them fell, but being so far superior in numbers, the regulars were soon overpowered ; for while the poor soldier had his bayonet in one Indian, two more would sink their tom- ahawks in his head. The defeat of the troops was complete. The dead and wounded were left on the field of action, in possession of the savages. The regular troops, except nine, including two com- missioned officers, were killed. Among the slain was Major Wileys, and a number of brave and valuable soldiers. The Indians, it appeared, from some cause, did not think it prudent to pursue their successes from the field of action, as most of the troops that were not killed or badly wounded made their escape, which they could not have effected had the enemy pursued with their usual fury. Whole number killed, one hundred and eighty-three ; wounded, thirty-one. In the fall of 1791, Gen. St. Clair took command of the western army, and marched against the Indians, who had assembled in great force on the Miami river. He met with a total defeat. The particulars of the fight, which was very sanguinary, will be given in his own words, which is taken from his letter to the secre- tary of war. " Yesterday, the remains of the army under my com- mand got back to this place, (Fort Washington ;) and I have now the painful task to give an account of a warm and as unfortunate an action as almost any that has been fought, as every corps was engaged and worsted, except the first regiment ; this had been detached upon a service that I had the honor to inform you of in my last despatch, and had not joined me. " On the 3d inst., the army had reached a creek about twelve yards wide, running to the southward of west, which I believed to have been the river St. Mary, that empties into the Miami of the lake ; arrived at the village about four o'clock in the afternoon, having INDIAN WARS. 207 • marched near nine miles, and were immediately encamped upon a very commanding piece of ground, in two lines, having the above-mentioned creek in front. The right wing, composed of Butler, Clark, and Pat- terson's battalions, commanded by Major General Butler, formed the first line ; and the left wing, con- sisting of Bedinger and Gaither's battalions, and the second regiment, commanded by Col. Drake, formed the second line, with an interval between them of about seventy yards, which was all the ground would allow. " The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek, a steep bank, and Faulkener's corps. Some of the cavalry, and their piquets, covered the left flank. The militia were sent over the creek, and advanced about a quarter of a mile, and encamped in the same order. " There were a few Indians who appeared on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation on the advance of the militia. At this place, which I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami village, I had determined to throw up a slight work, the plan of which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson, wherein to have depo- sited the men's knapsacks, and everything else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment came up ; but they did not permit me to execute either, for on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when the men had just been dismissed from parade, (for it was a constant practice to have them all under arms a considerable time before daylight,) an attack was made upon the militia, who gave way in a very little time, and rushed into camp through Major But- ler's battalion, which, together with part of Clark's, they threw into considerable disorder, and which, not- withstanding the exertions of both these officers, was never altogether remedied. The Indians followed close at their heels ; the fire, however, of the front line checked them, but almost instantaneously a very 208 INDIAN WARS. heavy attack began upon that line, and in a few min- utes it was extended to the second likewise. The great weight of it was directed against the centre of each, where the artillery was placed, and from which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no great effect from the fire, and a confusion beginning to spread from the great number of men who were falling in all quarters, it became necessary to try what could be done with the bayonet. " Lieut. Drake was accordingly ordered to charge with a part of the second line, and to turn the left flank of the enemy. This was executed with great spirit, and at first promised much success. The Indi- ans instantly gave way, and were driven back three or four hundred yards, but for want of a sufficient num- ber of riflemen to pursue this advantage, they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in their turn. At this moment they had entered our camp by the left flank, having pursued the troops that were posted there. "Another charge was made here by the second regiment, Butler and Clark's battalions, with equal effect, and it was repeated several times, and always with success ; but in all of them many men were lost, and particularly the officers, which, among raw 7 troops, was a loss altogether irremediable. In that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment and Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell, except three, one of which, Capt. Greaton, was shot through the body. Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed, except Capt. Ford, who was badly wounded, more than half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it became necessary to attempt the regaining it and to make a retreat if pos- sible. To this purpose the remains of the army was formed, as well as circumstances would admit, towards the right of the encampment, from which, by the way of the second line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn their right flank, INDIAN WARS. 209 but it was in fact to gain the road. This was effected, and as soon as it was open the militia entered it, fol- lowed by the troops ; Maj. Clark with his battalion covering the rear. " The retreat in these circumstances was, you may be sure, a precipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight. The camp and artillery were abandoned ; but that was unavoidable, as not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But (he most disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which con- tinued about four miles, had ceased. " I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it, for, having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unattended to. " The rout continued quite to fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached a little after sunset. The action began about half an hour before sunrise, and the retreat was attempted at half past nine o'clock. " I have not yet been able to get the returns of the killed and wounded, but Major General Butler, Lieut. Colonel Oldham of the militia, Majors Ferguson, Hunt, and Clark, are among the former. M I have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale ; a tale that will be felt, sensibly felt, by every one that has sympathy for private distress, or for public misfor tune. I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops but their want of discipline, which, from the short time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have acquired, and which rendered it diffi- cult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order, and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavily upon the officers, who did every- thing in their power to effect it. Neither were my 27 210 INDIAN WARS. , own exertions wanting ; but worn down with illness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to mount or dismount a horse without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, or perhaps ought to have been. % " We were overpowered by numbers ; but it is no more than justice to observe, that, though composed of so many different species of troops, the utmost har- mony prevailed through the whole army during the campaign. " At fort Jefferson, I found the first regiment, which had returned from the service they had been sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters or meet- ing the convoy of provisions. I am not certain, sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of this regi- ment from the field of action as fortunate or other- wise. I incline to think it was fortunate ; for I very much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the for- tune of the day had been returned, and if it had not, the triumph of the enemy would have been more com- plete, and the country would have been destitute of means of defence. " Taking a view of the situation of our broken troops at fort Jefferson, and that there was no provi- sions in the fort, I called on the field-officers for their advice what it was proper further to be done ; and it was their unanimous opinion, that the addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the army on so respectable a footing as it was in the morn- ing, because a great part of it was now unarmed ; that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and should they come on, which was probable, would be found so again ; that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, because it was too small, and there was no pro- vision in it ; that provisions were known to be upon the road, at the distance of one, or, at most, two marches ; that therefore it would be proper to move, without loss of time, to meet the provisions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity of some refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be INDIAN WARS. 211 sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the fort. " This advice was accepted, and the army was put in motion again at ten o'clock, and marched all night, and the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour. Part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back to supply the army on the march to fort Hamilton, and the remainder, about fifty horse-loads, sent forward to fort Jefferson." The defeat of Gen. St. Clair took place within three miles of the Miami village. The loss on this occasion was about six hundred killed and wounded, (said to be nearly equal to Braddock's defeat,) with seven pieces of artillery and all the stores. General St. Clair had about eleven hundred men ; had reason to expect an attack, and kept his men under arms all night, drawn up in a square. The attack commenced about dawn of day on all the lines, but principally on the rear line, which was composed of the militia. The Indians gave one fire and rushed on, tomahawk in hand. The militia gave way to the centre, and before the artillery could be brought into action, the matrosses were all killed and it fell into the hands of the enemy. It was retaken, but was useless for want of men to manage the pieces. The action was continued obstinately until nine o'clock, when the troops gave way. St. Clair rallied his men, and brought them off in tolerable order, with most of the wounded, to fort Jefferson, thirty miles in the rear of the action. The enemy pursued five miles. Few officers of distinction escaped, except Gen. St. Clair, who had many narrow escapes. Eight balls passed through his clothes. The attack was conducted with astonishing intrepidity on the part of the Indians. In a few moments the general's tent was surrounded. However, he was rescued by a party of regular soldiers, who repelled the enemy with fixed bayonets. There was a party of the Chickasaw nation on their way to join Gen. St. Clair, but did not arrive in sea- son. There was but one fellow only of that nation 212 INDIAN WARS. in the action, who killed and scalped eleven of the enemy with his own hands, and engaging with the twelfth, he fell, greatly lamented by the Americans. Maj. Gen. Butler was wounded, and carried to a convenient place to have his wounds dressed ; but an Indian, having discovered the place to which he was conveyed, broke through the troops who attended him, and tomahawked and scalped the general before he was killed by the soldiers. Agreeably to the statement of the Indians, they killed six hundred and fifty of the American troops, and took seven pieces of cannon, two hundred oxen, and a great number of horses, but no prisoners, and their loss was only fifty-six warriors killed. They stated that they were four thousand strong, and were commanded by one of the Missassago Indians, who had been in the British service in the late war ; that he planned and conducted the attack, which was even contrary to the opinion of a majority of the chiefs ; and that after the Americans began to retreat, he told the Indians they had killed enough, and that it was proper to give over the pursuit, and return and enjoy the booty they had taken. He was six feet in height, about forty-five years of age, of a very sour and morose countenance, and apparently very crafty and subtle. His dress was the Indian hose and moccasons, a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs, and European waist coat and surtout. His head was bound with an Indian cap that came half way down his back, and almost entirely filled with plain silver broaches, to the number of more than two hundred. He had two ear-rings to each ear. The upper part of each was formed of three silver medals about the size of a dollar ; the lower part was formed of quarters of dollars, and fell more than twelve inches from his ears ; one from each ear over his breast, the others over his back. He had three very large nose jewels of silver that were curiously pointed. The party of friendly Chickasaws, who were on their way to join the American troops, arrived at fort Jef- INDIAN WARS. 213 ferson two days after the bloody action. They were commanded by Piomingo, or the Mountain Leader. On their way they discovered that the troops had been defeated, and saw one of the enemy, who, mistaking Piomingo's party for some of his comrades, made up to them. He perceived his mistake, but too late to retreat. He v*as accosted by Piomingo with " Rascal, you have been killing white men !" He endeavored to excuse himself, but Piomingo ordered two of his war- riors to expand his arms, and a third, an old man (for, says Piomingo, " none of my young men shall dis- grace themselves so much as to kill a wretch like thee") to shoot him through the heart, which was accordingly executed. They afterwards took off his scalp. During St. Clair's bloody engagement, Adjutant Bulgess received two wounds, the second of which proved mortal. After the receipt of the, first, he con- tinued to fight with distinguished gallantry ; the second unfortunately stopped his progress. Faint with the loss of blood, he fell. A woman who attended him, and was particularly attached to him, raised him up, and while supporting him in her arms, received a ball in her breast, which put an immediate end to her existence ! Soon after Ensign Wilson (a much-lamented youth) fell, one of the savages attempted to take off his scalp, which Colonel Drake perceiving, he hastened to the spot, and with his sword stabbed the Indian through the body. A few weeks after the defeat of the troops under Gen. St. Clair, Gen. Scott despatched from the men under his command two spies two reconnoitre the enemy, who, when they arrived at the distance of a few miles from the fatal spot where the bloody action was fought, discovered a large party of Indians, diverting and enjoying themselves with the plunder they had taken, riding the bullocks, &c, and appeared to be mostly drunk. The men returned and commu- nicated the important information to Gen. Scott, who 214 INDIAN WARS. immediately divided his troops into three divisions, and advanced on the enemy by surprise. The contest was short, but victorious on the part of the American troops. Two hundred of the enemy were killed on the spot, all the cannon and stores in their possession retaken, and the remainder of the savage body put to flight. General Scott, losing but six men, returned to head quarters in triumph, with most of the cattle, stores, &c. Gen. Scott gave the following affecting account of the appearance of the field on which the bloody action between the American troops under Gen. St. Clair and the savages was fought. li The place had a very melancholy appearance. Nearly in the space of three hundred and fifty yards lay three hundred skull-bones, which were buried by my men while on the ground ; from thence, about five miles on, the road through the woods was strewed with skeletons, muskets, &,c." On the 29th of July, 1794, Maj. M'Mahon marched with eighty riflemen, under the command of Capt. Hartshorn, and fifty dragoons, under the command of Capt. Taylor, for fort Recovery, as an escort to three hundred pack-horses, loaded with flour for the gar- rison. On the morning following, after they had deposited their loading, and were preparing to set out on their return, they were attacked by an army of twelve hundred Indians. Capt. Hartshorn, who had advanced with the riflemen about a quarter of a mile into the woods, immediately took post on a very strong, commanding piece of ground near the garrison, and with unparalleled bravery maintained the unequal fight till Major M'Mahon, who had put himself at the head of the cavalry, was killed, as was Capt. Taylor and Cornet Terry, and many of the men wounded. The enemy now put their force against Capt. Hartshorn, and in the moment when they were pushing to cut off his communication with the garrison, Lieut. Drake and Ensign Dodd sallied out at the head of twenty brave fellows, who turned out voluntarily on the occasion, and joined him after beating the enemy at the point INDIAN WARS. 215 of the bayonet At this instant, the brave Captain Hartshorn received a shot, which broke his thigh. Lieut. Craig was killed, and Lieut. Marks taken pris- oner. Lieut. Drake now ordered a retreat, and on endeavoring to hold the enemy in check so as to give the men time to save Capt. Hartshorn, he received a shot in the groin. The enemy now pressed so hard as to compel the men to leave their captain. Great numbers of the Indians must have been killed, as they came forward in solid columns up to the very muzzles of the guns. Lieut. Mitch el, who was with Capt. Hartshorn, but whom he had detached with a few active men to the flank of the enemy, was now missing ; and while their companions in the fort were deploring their fate, and had given them up as lost, they saw him and Lieut. Marks rushing through the thick of the enemy at opposite directions, and although numbers of guns were fired at them, they got in safely. Lieut. Mitchel lost every man of his party except three, and Lieut. Marks got off by knocking down the Indian who took him. The Indians were observed to carry off great num bers of killed and wounded on pack-horses. The loss of the Americans was twenty-three killed, and about forty wounded. The party commanded by Capt. Hartshorn brought in ten scalps of the enemy. CHAP. XV. DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS DURING THE YEARS 1791, 1792, AND 1793. On the 19th of December, 1791, as two men and three boys were fishing on Floyd's fork of Salt river, they were suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who 216 INDIAN WARS. killed the two men and made prisoners of the boja Soon after, they liberated one of the lads, first present ing him with a tomahawk, which they desired \im lc» carry to his friends, and inform them what had become of his companions. About, the 20th, a party of Indians attacked the house of a Mr. Chenoweth, situated near the mouth of the Wabash. They killed and scalped two of his children, and tomahawked and scalped his wife, whom they left for dead. Mr. Chenoweth, who had his arm broken by the fire of the savages, with the remainder of the family, made their escape. A sick daughter, who was confined to her chamber, and who during: the bloody affray had been forgotten by her father, remained ignorant of the horrid massacre until the suc- ceeding day, when, no one of the family coming to her assistance, she succeeded in crawling down stairs, where she was inexpressibly shocked at the sight of a beloved parent stretched upon the floor almost lifeless, and at the side of whom lay the mangled bodies of her dear brothers. Fortunately, her unhappy father returned the succeeding day to the house, and con- veyed the two surviving members of his family to the house of a friend, where they finally recovered. On the 24th, a party of Indians attacked the dwel- ling-house of a Mr. John Merrill, in Nelson county, Kentucky. Mr. Merrill, who was first alarmed by the barking of his dog, hastened to the door to discover the cause, on opening which, he received the fire of the Indians, which broke his right leg and arm. The Indians now attempted to enter the house, but were prevented by the door being immediately closed and secured by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter. The Indi- ans succeeded in hewing away a part of the door, through which passage one of them attempted to enter, but the heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe and gave the ruffian a fatal blow, after which she hauled him through the passage into the house. The others, unconscious of the fate of their companion, supposing INDIAN WARS. 217 that they had now nearly succeeded in their object, rushed forward, four of whom Mrs. Merrill in like manner despatched before the others discovered their mistake. The remaining Indians, after retiring a few moments, returned and renewed their efforts to enter the house. Despairing of succeeding at the door, they got on the top of the house and attempted to descend the chimney ; to prevent which Mr. Merrill directed his little son to empty upon the fire the contents of a feather bed, which had the desired effect, as the smoke and heat caused thereby soon b'rought down, rather unexpectedly, two of the enemy. Mr. Merrill, exert- ing every faculty at this critical moment, seized a bil- let of wood, with which he soon despatched the half- smothered Indians, while, in the mean time, his heroic wife was busily engaged in defending the door against the efforts of the only remaining one, whom she so severely wounded with an axe that he was soon glad to retire. A prisoner who escaped from the enemy soon after the transaction, informed that the wounded savage above mentioned was the only one of the party that escaped, which consisted of eight ; that on his return, being asked by the prisoner " What news V he answered, " Bad news for poor Indian. Me lose a son, me lose a brother ; the squaws have taken the breech clout, and fight worse than the ' long knives V" Copy of a letter from a gentleman residing at the westward, to a friend in New York, dated Marietta, Feb. 1, 1792. "Our prospects are much changed. Instead of peace and friendship with our Indian neighbors, a hor- rid savage war stares us in the face. The Indians, instead of being humbled by the destruction of the Shawnee towns, and brought to beg for peace, appear to be determined on a general war, in which our set- tlements are already involved. On the evening of the 2d inst., they fell on a settlement about forty miles up the Muskingum, surprised a block-house, killed four- teen persons, and carried off three others. What num- 28 218 INDIAN WARS. ber of Indians were concerned in this mischief, or from what tribe, we know not ; except it be by those Indians who till lately used to visit our settlements every day, who have withdrawn themselves entirely from our sight ever since the expedition against the Shawanese ; and there is little reason to doubt that the Delawares and Wyandots, as well as others, have had a hand in the business. " It is impossible for me to give a just idea of the distress into which this event has thrown the inhabi- tants, especially those of the out settlements. For my own part, I have for some time been of opinion that the spring would open with a general attack on the fron- tiers, in which event I did not expect we should escape, unless government should timely send troops for our protection, which we were in hopes would be the case. But it seems the enemy are determined to take advantage of our defenceless situation. I con- sider this event as the forerunner of other attacks of a more serious nature, and which may involve us in com- plete ruin, unless prevented by the government imme- diately taking measures for our protection. To their protection I conceive we always had an indisputable claim, which claim, if possible, is increased by the circumstances that have brought us under the resent- ment of the Indians, and at least in some measure produced the mischief that we are fallen into." Copy of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky to his friend in Philadelphia, dated March 3, 1792. 4 £ As to the Indians, they have been troublesome all winter. Since October last, sixty persons have been killed within the limits of this district, besides a num- ber destroyed on the Ohio, among whom is our old acquaintance Mr. John May, late of Botetoute, whose exit deserves notice, because he was actuated by mo- tives of humanity. The affair is thus related by a captive who has lately made his escape from the Indians, and who was a spectator and an unwilling instrument in the tragedy. " Mr. May, in descending the Great Kenhawa and INDIAN WARS. 219 Ohio, about the 20th of February last, discovered on the western shore of the latter, near the mouth of the Sciota, a white man, who with a plaintive voice was calling, " For God's sake, come and take a poor pris- oner on board, who is endeavoring to escape from the savages/ ' This had the desired effect. Mr. May ordered the boat towards the shore, but did not dis- cover his mistake until the Indians rose up from their ambush, shot him dead, and wounded some others of the passengers on board, who immediately endeavored to make off, but being told in the English tongue they should have good quarters, surrendered without resist- ance. The Indians, however, on boarding the boat, massacred all without discrimination. Two days after, the same party attempted to decoy three large boats ashore, that were coming down from fort Pitt, but luckily they were discovered in time, and our people sheered off. The enemy, being prepared, manned their boats with about thirty warriors, and gave chase. The crew of two of the boats, fearing they might be overtaken, quitted them, and went on board the best sailer, where they threw overboard all their horses, and some heavy articles, and plied all their oars to effect their escape. The Indians also exerted themselves in the pursuit, keeping on a steady course for about twenty miles, notwithstanding twenty-four well-armed white men were on board the American boat, with one of our colonels of militia. " Thus, for want of a little resolution and skill, a favorable opportunity was lost to destroy a number of the vile enemies of the human race. The Indians, on their return, took possession of the two boats that were abandoned, and found in them seventeen horses, five thousand dollars' worth of merchandise, and conside rable property belonging to the emigrants. " Fort M'Intosh, on the Ohio, was a short time since attacked by a party of the Indians. They secreted themselves near the fort, and succeeded in killing the sentinel on duty. They then rushed into the fort, and discharged their pieces at those within. One 220 INDIAN WARS. man only was wounded, who, in endeavoring to escape, was tomahawked by an Indian. One ball just grazed the temple of Capt. Forbes, who commanded the guard, and four others struck a log above his head, the splinters and bits of which cut his face. The garrison consisted of twenty men, and there were forty of the enemy. " Thus we find that Indian treaties do not secure our country from the depredations of the savages. Our last hope now is, that the President of the United States will, ere long, adopt such measures as will prove the efficiency of the federal government to pro- tect the citizens of the United States, however remotely situated from the seat of government. " Copy of a letter from a gentleman in South Caro- lina, to a friend in New York, dated Charleston, Aug. 6, 1792. " An express arrived from Gen. Pickens and Col. Anderson, which brings advices to the governor, stat- ing that a general Indian war on the western frontiers of the southern states seems inevitable ; that, by intel- ligence from the country of the Creeks, all the tribes except the Custawas are determined for war, urged by Galphin, the successor of M'Gillivray, and that they have already commenced hostilities within the Carolina line, a party of them having killed and scalped a man on Tugaloo. We hear that the governor has ordered one third of the militia in the upper districts to be drafted, and held in readiness for immediate service, should the savages make further depredations on the frontiers. " Yesterday evening, a gentleman arrived here from Augusta, who informed us that six of the Creek towns, with a number of the Cherokees, had declared war against the United States, and were actually marching, under the command of Bowls and Galphin, to attack the frontiers. 11 On the 22d ult., the Indians, thirty-seven in num- ber, came to the house of Mr. Richard Thresher, in Augusta, and fired upon and killed him, two children, INDIAN WARS. 221 and a negro woman. Mrs. Thresher, to avoid if pos- sible the fate with which she was threatened, fled with an infant of about five or six weeks old in her arms, and leaped into the river. The Indians pursued, shot her through each thigh and right breast, stabbed her in the left breast with a knife, cut her left arm nearly off, and then scalped her. In this horrid situation she remained until the neighbors could assemble in suffi- cient numbers to cross the river and pursue the Indi- ans. As the first canoe was crossing, she had strength enough to call for assistance. They went, found her hanging by a bush in water nearly up to her chin, her infant at the bottom of the river a few yards from her. She lived twenty-four hours, and when informed by her physician that it was impossible for her to survive much longer, she, with a fortitude that is rarely to be met with, called her friends around her, and in a calm but pathetic manner gave her hand to each one, wish- ing them a better fate than had befallen herself and family ; and after her speech had failed, as neigh- bors were continually coming in, she continued to give her hand until about five minutes before she resigned her breath, which was without a groan. " Mrs. Thresher was about twenty-five years of age, of a respectable family and elegant person, and pos- sessed an uncommon education. "On Thursday the 24th, two men were killed in Franklin, and forty horses carried off; and the people on the frontiers have retreated into forts, without arms or ammunition. At one meeting of near forty persons they could muster only five old muskets ; and to heighten the horror of their condition, the Indians were momentarily expected. "As similar murders were daily committed, it called up the spirit of nine hundred gallant fellows, who marched last week against the savages, determined to revenge the cruelties perpetrated on the infant, the mother, and the defenceless. " To see the country all in forts, breaking up, leav ing their farms, their corn, and their houses burnt up, 222 INDIAN WARS. is truly distressing. At this time, nearly half the country aye in forts. " Capt. Kenton, with about thirty-five men, who went up the Ohio, in order to intercept the Indians, who took Morgan's station, fell in with a trail of a party of Indians on the waters of Point Creek, com- ing in to the settlement. He followed them, and at night, observing he was near them, sent forward some spies to discover their fires. Unluckily the spies fell in with their camp, and before they discovered it the Indians were alarmed by a dog, which flew out at the spies, upon which the Indians fired on them. The spies returned the fire. Upon hearing the firing, the whole of the party came up, and the Indians retreated, leav- ing their baggage, among which was a quantity of powder, lead, and blankets. Kenton had one man killed. It is supposed two Indians were killed and carried off, from some discoveries that were made next morning.' ' Copy of a letter from fort Washington, dated April 20, 1792. " On Tuesday morning, the 6th inst., Maj. Adair, with one hundred and twenty volunteers from Ken- tucky, having charge of a large number of pack- horses, laden with provisions, destined for the ad- vanced posts, was most daringly attacked by nearly an equal party of Indians, although under cover of fort St. Clair; notwithstanding which, and that our people fought desperately, the Indians drove them into the fort, and carried off all their provisions and horses, both pack and cavalry, save about twenty killed and four wounded, and stripped the camp of everything, carrying the whole off with the most audacious insult and triumph. But as soon as the party were re-sup- plied with ammunition from the garrison, they sallied forth, but too late to recover the booty which the Indians had made. The courage and daring spirit of these savages were particularly conspicuous on this occasion, as they fought almost under the guns of the fort. Our loss was one captain and ten privates IJNDiAIN WARS. 223 killed, and some wounded, besides horses and provi- sions, estimated at fifteen thousand dollars. Two of the enemy were found dead a short distance from the field of action. If these Indians had writers among them, what honorable testimony and eulogy might they not give of the noble spirit and heroic bravery of the native American character* rather than depreciate it as the Europeans do. Two of our men have lately made their escape from the Miami villages, and arrived here, who give an account of a mock fight, lately exhibited by the Indians assembled there, to divert the squaws and children. It was in ridicule of Gen. St. Clair's disposition of his troops on the 4th of November last, and of his flight before the Indians, who pursued him and his army, while others plundered his camp. They have given out that they mean to celebrate this event annually by a like sham fight, and a great dance, to be called Gen. St. Clair's fight and dance. It is to be hoped we yet shall have an oppor- tunity to retaliate, and to teach our enemy to amuse themselves at our expense in a less ludicrous manner. It seems that Gen. St. Clair's field of action was on a branch of the Wabash, twenty-four leagues from the Miami towns, which are now inhabited by the hostile Indians. " A letter from a correspondent, on whose veracity we can rely, in the territory of the United States, south of the river Ohio, dated the 17th ult., states that everything wears a gloomy aspect on the western fron- tiers ; that about the last of December, the Chero- kees sent in peace talkers to Gov. Blount, which were only intended to facilitate the commission of further depredations by them, when the guards from our out- posts were withdrawn ; that from the 16th to the 26th of January, the Indians killed and wounded nineteen persons in Cumberland, among whom was Edwin Shelby, brother to the governor of Kentucky ; that four of the Chickamogga towns, and the Upper Creeks, have declared war ; that the Creeks have killed a family in the county of Georgia , that the barbarity 22'i IND'AN WAHS exercised by them in this massacre was enough to make human nature shudder at the bare recital ; — they butchered them like so many dogs, caught their blood and bowels, exposed them to view, and then gave the 3?hole to a tame bear to devour ; that the Cherokees nad killed two Creeks, wounded several, and taken two prisoners ; that the Creeks threaten to retaliate, and cut them all off; that the inhabitants of the terri- tory are waiting with impatience for the general gov ernment to afford them succor and protection ; that treaties with the savages will avail nothing, as what promise they make to-day they will not hesitate to break to-morrow.' ' Copy of a letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist minister, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated Muddy Creek, Perm., Sept. 1, 1792. " The following are the particulars of the destruc- tion of my unfortunate family by the savages. On the 10th of May last, being my appointment to preach at one of my meeting-houses, about a mile from my dwel- ling-house, I set out with my loving wife and five chil- dren for public worship. Not suspecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods, with my Bible in my hand, meditating. As I was thus employed, on a sud- den I was greatly alarmed by the frightful shrieks of my dear family before me. I immediately ran to their relief with all possible speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When within a few yards of them, my poor wife, observing me, cried out to me to make my escape. At this instant, an Indian ran up to shoot me. I had to strip, and by so doing outran him. My wife had an infant in her arms, which the Indians killed and scalped ; after which they struck my wife several times, but not bringing her to the ground, the Indian who attempted to shoot me approached her and shot her through the body ; after which they scalped her ! My little son, about six years old, they de- spatched by sinking their hatchets into his brains ! My little daughter, four years old, they in liEe manner tomahawked and scalped ! My eldest daughter at- INDIAN WARS. 225 tempted an escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree about six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observ- ing the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she delib- erately crept from the place of her concealment, when one of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground, espying her, ran up to her and with his tomahawk knocked her down and scalped her. But, blessed be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister, whom the savages in like manner tomahawked and scalped. They are mangled to a shocking degree, but the doctors think there are some hopes of their recovery. " When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to see what had become of my unfortunate family, whom, alas, I found in the situation above described. No one, my dear friend, can form a true conception of my feelings at this moment. A view of a scene so shock- ing to humanity quite overcame me ; I fainted, and was unconsciously hnrile off by a friend, who at that moment arrived to my relief. " Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful though a short narrative of the fatal catastrophe ; amidst which my life is spared, but for what purpose the Great Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise and glory of his grace, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will. The government of the world and the church is in his hands. I conclude with wishing you every b Jessing, and subscribe myself your affectionate though afflicted friend and unworthy brother in the gospel ministry. " On the 27th September, 1792, as five gentlemen were on their way to Detroit, at a place called the Burdle, on lake Erie, they were suddenly attacked by four Mahagon or Delaware Indians, armed with mus- kets and tomahawks, who fired on them and killed Mr. Taller and Mr. Barclay. They then rushed on with their tomahawks. One attacked Mr. Arnold, who, after a smart struggle, in which he received several wounds in his head, disengaged himself, and having a musket at the instant presented him by Mr. Stewart, snapped at the Indian, who immediately thereupon, 29 ' 226 INDIAN WARS. with the three others, fled to the woods. As soon as they had disappeared, Mr. Arnold and his companions hastened to the shore of the lake, in which they launched their batteau, but when about thirty rods from the shore they were hailed by Mr. Van Alstyne, who during the bloody contest had secreted himself in the bushes. He begged of his companions to return and take him in. Mr. Van Alstyne, it was supposed, misunderstanding his friend, proceeded directly up the lake, to the very spot where the Indians were then assembled, who with their tomahawks instantly des- patched him ; after which they followed the two sur- vivors, in an old canoe, two or three miles down the lake, but being unable to overtake them, discontinued the pursuit. Copy of a letter from a gentleman in Marietta to his friend in Washington, dated March 4, 1793. " About two weeks since two brothers by the name of Johnson, one twelve and the other nine years of age, were playing on the western bank of Short Creek, about twelve miles from this, skipping stones on the water. At a distance they discovered two men, who ap- peared to be settlers, being dressed with coats and hats. These men, to amuse and deceive the children, engaged in the same sport, advancing towards the boys, till by degrees they got so near that the children discov- ered them to be Indians ; but it was then too late to make their escape. The Indians seized and carried them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire and took up their lodgings for the night. Their rifles and tomahawks they rested against a tree, and then laid down, each Indian with a boy on his arm. The children, as may be supposed, kept awake. The eldest began to move, and finding his Indian sound asleep, by degrees disengaged himself and went to the fire, which had then got low, and stirred it up ; the Indian not waking, he whispered to his brother, who likewise crept away, and both of them went to the fire. " The oldest boy then observed to his brother, ' I INDIAN WARS. 221 think we can kill these Indians and get rid of them/ The youngest agreed to the proposal of attempting it. The oldest then took one of the rifles, and placing the muzzle, which he rested on a small stick that he found for the purpose, close to the head of one of the Indians, and committing the execution of this part of the busi- ness to his brother, ordered him to pull the trigger at the moment he saw him strike the other Indian with one of the tomahawks. The oldest gave the signal. The youngest pulled the trigger. The rifle shot away the lower part of the Indian's face, and left him senseless He then told his brother to lay on, for he had done the deed for his ; after which he snatched up the gun and ran. The boy with the tomahawk gave the stroke with the wrong end. The Indian started on his seat. The boy found the mistake, and turning the tomahawk in his hand, gave him another blow, which brought him to the ground. He repeated his strokes until he had despatched him, and then made the best of his way after his brother. When the boys had found the path which they recollected to have travelled the day before, the oldest fixed his hat on a bush as a directory to find the scene of action the next day. The tomahawked Indian was found near the place where the boys had left him. The other was not there, but was tracked by his blood, and although so weakened by his wounds that he could not raise his rifle to fire at the pursuers, they suffered him to escape, but it is supposed he must have died of his wounds. These two Indians were sent out to reconnoitre the best place for an attack, which was to have been made by a party of warriors waiting in the neighborhood. " Copy of a letter from Col. Robertson to Gen. Wash- ington, dated Nashville, Feb. 1, 1793. " Sir — By accounts received from the Chickasaw nation of Indians, we are informed that, at a grand council of their warriors, it was unanimously deter- mined to commence active operations against the whites. The Cherokees they expect will join them. The white inhabitants in this quarter are drawing 228 INDIAN WARS. together, and are doing everything possible for their defence ; but I fear without some timely assistance we shall all fall a sacrifice to the wanton barbarity of our savage foes, who we expect are now on their way to this place to the number of one thousand. Major Hall and his eldest son fell a sacrifice to their fury two days ago near Bedoloe's Lick. They have killed about twenty-four persons in the course of a few months in this settlement, besides a great number more who were near it. " From Burke county we learn that on the 11th instant two men, a woman, and her infant daughter, were scalped at William's swamp, on the Ogechee river, by a party of Indians. The little girl, to deter them from their cruel design, held out a bottle of honey, telling them it was rum, begging them in the mean time to spare her life. They told her they did not want rum, but her hair ! They knocked her down and scalped her, but we are happy to learn that she is in a fair way of recovery. " By a letter from Kentucky I am informed that the Indians have done more mischief in that state the present year, than for at least four years past. Scarcely a boat can pass below Limestone but what is attacked by them. Six or seven have been captured, some with very valuable lading. By a prisoner who escaped from them a short time since, we are informed that the Indians have procured a boat, or rather a kind of floating battery, with the sides built high and ren- dered bullet proof. This boat is situated near the mouth of the Great Miami. They a few days since captured a boat in which were a Capt. Ashley and his family. A son of the captain having been very spirited in the opposition, the savages immediately put him to death, cut out his heart and broiled it, which they afterwards devoured in the presence of the unhappy father, who has since made his escape." Copy of a letter from Gen. Clark to the governor of the state of Georgia, dated Long Creek, September 24th, 1793. INDIAN WARS. 22$ " Sir — I had certain information that a man was killed on the 14oon after this took place, a plan was laid to get rid of the Indians, in order to gain possession of the lands they owned and occupied. To effect this, it was necessary to gain the point either by negotiation and purchase, or by the sword. In September follow- ing, a council was held with their chiefs, and a treaty entered into by them, which was signed on the 18th by several of their principal chiefs. In this treaty it was agreed, on the part of the Indians, that they would remove to the westward after twenty years from that date. By the same treaty the American government secured to the Indians a tract of land in Florida, containing five millions of acres, for* their subsistence during the time they remained in the territory ; and agreed to pay them certain annuities, for surrendering all title to the rest of the Florida country; and the Indians engaged to confine themselves to the limits of the territory allotted to them. One article of the treaty runs as follows — " The United States will take the Florida Indians under their care and patronage, and will afford them protection against all persons whatso- ever." It was doing a great wrong, to say the least of it, for our government to bind itself to conditions that it was probable they never intended to fulfil, or that they could not carry into effect if they were ever so much disposed to do it. The consequence was, that the Indians were most shamefully robbed and plundered by a set of miscreants, who were probably sent among them, and hovered around their settlement for that purpose. Every kind of fraud was practised to cheat them out of their property. Their negroes and cattle were stolen, carried off, and sold by a set of land pirates, in defiance to all law and justice. When appeals were made to the authorities, they could get no redress, and the villains were allowed to INDIAN WARS. 307 escape. One of the chiefs had twenty slaves stolen from him, worth fifteen thousand dollars, who were carried to New Orleans and sold. An Indian woman employed a white man to recover some negroes that had been taken from her ; but, instead of giving him a power of attorney, as she supposed, for the purpose, he got her signature to a bill of sale of all her negroes. They were robbed of large sums of money by the government agents, who got their signatures to re- ceipts, under pretence that it was necessary to send them to Washington to get the money due them, and afterwards refused payment. In some cases, when their cattle were stolen, they pursued and brought them back ; when they were punished for stealing them, although they showed their own marks on the cattle. But as the Indian's evidence could not be received in a court of justice, the white man's oath would condemn him to the most cruel punishment. Numerous other such cases might be given from American writers ; but enough has been stated, we should think, to satisfy any reasonable person that these Indians were justified in defending themselves from such outrages. Could it be expected that a people would quietly submit to suffer so much op- pression and injustice without retaliating ? Can it be thought strange that they should lose all confidence in the white people, and look upon them as their ene- mies 1 Whether the government suffered all this spoliation to take place, without even an attempt to prevent it, with a view to disgust the Indians and in- cline them to remove to the westward, is not for us to say ; but after events will enable the reader the better to judge for himself. The Florida people were now subjected to retalia- tion on the part of the Indians, who, finding that they could obtain no redress, naturally took the law into their own hands, and loss of life on both sides was the consequence. Petitions from the Florida white popu- lation were sent to the government, requesting that the Indians might be moved west prior to the time stipu- 308 INDIAN WARS. lated by treaty. Col. Gadsden was appointed com- missioner to treat with the Indians, and had a meeting with Micanopah and a few other chiefs, April 8th, 1832. The chiefs appeared unwilling to agree to the removal, but were willing to abide by the former treaty. After many consultations and a delay of a month, their consent was obtained to comply with the wishes of the government, and a treaty was made for that purpose. By this treaty the Indians agreed to remove west upon being paid a certain sum for the reserved land, an annuity for a certain number of years, and other advantages therein stated. The treaty was signed by Micanopah and fourteen others ; but it was assented to upon one condition, that the Seminoles were satis- fied with the lands apportioned to them west of the Mississippi. To ascertain this, seven chiefs, were selected to explore the country, and if they were satisfied that it was equal to what was represented, the treaty was to be ratified, otherwise they were not to be bound by it. These chiefs reported unfavorably ; and the government having delayed making any appro- priation of land for the Indians for more than two years, they became dissatisfied, and the treaty was pronounced to be " a white man's treaty," which they did not any longer consider to be binding. There was another difficulty which caused strong objections to their removal to the westward. The Seminole Indians owned a large number of negroes and many cattle, which they had good reason to believe would all be taken from them by their new neighbors, the Creeks and Pawanees, who were too powerful for them to resist. Therefore, as the first would take from them all their slaves and the latter all their cattle, they considered that utter destitution would be the consequence. An American writer, treating upon this subject, says : "It was then suggested to them that by a sale of these negroes before they left Florida, they would augment their resources, and could go into their new country without the dread of exciting the cupidity of the Creeks. But these Indians have always evinced INDIAN WARS. 309 great reluctance to parting with their slaves ; indeed, the Indian loves his negro as much as one of his own children, and the sternest necessity alone would drive him to the parting. This recommendation was, there- fore, viewed with evident alarm, and as the right of retaining possession of them was guaranteed by the commissioner, strong doubts were raised of the sincerity of the pledge. "The Seminole Indians are poor agriculturists and husbandmen, and withal too indolent to till the ground, and, without their negroes, would literally starve ; besides, should they dispose of them, they could not be replenished in a new country. Again ; the opposition of the slaves themselves to being sold to the whites, would excite all their energies to prevent emigration, for they dread the idea of being transferred to sugar and cotton plantations, where they must be subject to the surveilance of the overseer. The life of a slave among the Indians, compared with that of ne- groes under overseers, is one of luxury and ease ; the demands upon him are very trifling, scarcely ever ex- ceeding eight or ten bushels from the crop, the remain- der being applied to his own profit. They live separate, and often remote from their owners, and enjoy an equal share of liberty. The negro is also much more provi- dent and ambitious than his master, and the peculiar localities of the country eminently facilitate him in fur- nishing the Indian with rum and tobacco, which gives him a controlling influence over the latter, and at the same time affords him an immense profit ; so that it can be easily imagined that the negroes would in no manner be benefited by a change. " In October, 1834, a council of Indians was again summoned by the agent, when a long talk was held with them, in which many of the chiefs expressed them- selves in the strongest manner against the removal, and gave their reasons. The agent made several proposals to them, to which he demanded an immediate answer. The chiefs retired and held a private council. It is said that Osceola, (the rising sun,) a distinguished chief of the Micosukee tribe, urged them strongly to 310 INDIAN WARS. resist going, and declared that he should consider as his enemy any one who agreed to go. Osceola had not signed the treaty, and had from the beginning showed a determined opposition fo any agreement to sell their lands, or to give up any of their natural rights. The next day the council was resumed, and the chiefs made their replies to the agent, in which they declared their determination not to go to the west till the expira- tion of twenty years, and that they should be paid their annuity agreeably to the first treaty in 1823. The agent made a long talk to them, in which he said, " I have told you that you must stand to your bargain. My talk is still the same. Your father, the President, who is your friend, will compel you to go. Therefore be not deluded by any hope or expectation that you will be permitted to remain here." The council and parties separated without coming to any agreement. The Indians, finding they had nothing to expect but oppression, laid up large stores of powder and lead, and prepared themselves for resistance. Six months elapsed, when they were informed that they were to hear the last talk of their father, the President, on this side of the Mississippi. On the 22d of April, the Indians assembled, and had the following communica- tion from President Jackson : " My Children — I am sorry to have heard that you have been listening to bad counsel. You know me, and you know that I would not deceive, nor advise you to do anything that was unjust or injurious. Open your ears and attend now to what I am going to say to you. They are the words of a friend, and the words of truth. " The white people are settling around you. The game has disappeared from your country. Your peo- ple are poor and hungry. All this you have perceived for some time. And nearly three years ago you made an agreement with your friend Col. Gadsden, acting on the part of the United States, by which you agreed to cede your lands in Florida, and to remove and join your brothers, the Creeks, in the country west of the Mississippi. You annexed a condition to this agree- ment, that certain chiefs named therein, in whom you s INDIAN WARS. 3il placed confidence, should proceed to the western coun- try, and examine whether it was suitable to your wants and habits, and whether the Creeks residing there were willing to permit you to unite with them as one people ; and if the persons thus sent were satisfied on these heads, then the arrangement with CoL Gadsden was to be in full force. " In conformity with these provisions, the chiefs named by you proceeded to that country, and having examined it, and having become satisfied respecting its character and the favorable disposition of the Creeks, they entered into an agreement with commissioners on the part of the United States, by which they signified their satisfaction on these subjects, and finally ratified the treaty made with Col. Gadsden. " I now learn that you refuse to carry into effect the solemn promises thus made by you, and that you have stated to the officers of the United States, sent among you, that you will not remove to the western country. " My Children, I have never deceived, nor will I ever deceive any of the red people. I tell you that you must go, and that you will go. Even if you had a right to stay, how could you live where you now are ? You have sold all your country. You have not a piece as large as a blanket to sit down upon. What is to support yourselves, your women, and children? The tract you have ceded will soon be surveyed and sold, and immediately afterwards will be occupied by a white population. You will soon be in a state of star- vation. You will commit depredations upon the prop- I erty of our citizens. You will be resisted, punished, perhaps killed. Now is it not better peaceably to remove to a fine, fertile country, occupied by your own kindred, and where you can raise all the necessaries of life, and where game is yet abundant ? The annuities payable to you, and the other stipulations made in your favor, will make your situation comfortable, and will enable you to increase and improve. If, there- • fore, you had a right to stay where you now are, still every true friend would advise you to remove ; but you have no right to stay, and you must go. I am very 312 INDIAN WARS. desirous that you should go peaceably and voluntarily. You shall be comfortably taken care of, and kindly treated on the road, and when you arrive in your new country, provisions will be issued to you for a year, so that you can have ample time to provide for your future support. " But lest some of your rash young men should for- cibly oppose your arrangements for removal, I have ordered a large military force to be sent among you. I have directed the commanding officer, and likewise the agent, your friend Gen. Thompson, that every reasonable indulgence be held out to you. But I have also directed that one third of your people, as provided for in the treaty, be removed during the present season. If you listen to the voice of friendship and truth, you will go quietly and voluntarily. But should you listen to the bad birds that are always flying about you, and refuse to remove, I have then directed the commanding officer to remove you by force. This will be done. I pray the Great Spirit, therefore, to incline you to do what is right." The Seminoles became divided among themselves. Some of the sub-chiefs agreed to remove ; but the prin- cipal chiefs not only refused to go, but considered all who agreed to submit as their enemies. One of the chiefs who had made arrangements to remove was shot by Osceola, and most of his warriors joined the hostile party. The agent undertook to deprive the opposing chiefs of their rank, and declared that Micanopah was no longer chief of the Seminoles ; his name, with the other chiefs who joined with him, were struck out of * the council of the nation. This caused great irritation ; and the conduct of the agent was disapproved of by the secretary of war ; but the government took no measures to remove the difficulty, or to do justice to the injured party. In June, 1836, Osceola, the chief of the Micosukees, came in to complain of the treatment his people had received from some white men, one having been' wounded. He received no redress, and, saying some- thing offensive to the agent, was thrown into prison. INDIAN WARS. 313 To obtain his liberty, it is said he signed the treaty ; but this must be considered only as an Indian strata- gem. He had been imprisoned without cause, and it may be presumed that he thought himself justified in escaping by a corresponding fraud on his part. In a month after this occurrence, some of his tribe murder- ed a government mail-carrier. This, with the killing of the friendly chief by Osceola, was the signal for the commencement of hostilities. The Indians immediately abandoned all the towns, and concealing their trails, removed their families to a place of safety, which has ever since baffled all conjecture, and been a subject of the greatest astonishment. The white population of Florida was never very numerous, and is composed of various descriptions of people, from all nations. In 1830, there were eighteen thousand whites, and sixteen thousand slaves, exclusive of the Indians. The various bands or tribes of Indians in Florida have been called Seminoles ; but there never was a tribe or nation of that name ; it is a term for runaways or wanderers ; being a compound of the old Florida Indians, two varieties of Creeks, who quitted the tribe previous to their removal west of the Missis- sippi, and negroes who are slaves to the Indians. The whole number of their warriors at the commencement of the war, was as follows : — The Micosukee Indians, of which Osceola was principal chief, four hundred ; Creek and Spanish Indians, eight hundred and fifty ; negroes, six to seven hundred; in all about nineteen hundred. It is supposed that the hostile Indians retreated to some portion of the vast swamps which surrounded the €>uithlacoochec river. Marauding parties now com- menced on the part of the Indians, who took summary vengeance on those who had robbed and maltreated them. The whole country was under conflagration, and the whites were compelled to abandon everything, and seek protection under the forts. Gen. Clinch, who commanded at fort Brooke, having been reinforced, no time was lost in preparing two companies to march 40 314 INDIAN WARS, against the enemy. On the 24th of December, 1835, a force of one hundred men and eight officers, with a field-piece, under the command of Maj. Dade, com- menced their march. On the morning of the 28th, when it had proceeded four miles from the encampment of the previous night, this force was attacked by the Indians, whose first volley was very destructive, Maj. Dade, with almost every man of the advanced guard, falling dead. The Indians were repelled by the troops under Capt. Gard- ner, upon whom the command then devolved, and the Americans proceeded to throw up breastworks ; but before they could raise them high enough for efficient protection, the Indians attacked them again. The Americans brought their field-piece into play, but the breastworks not being high enough, the Indians shot down every man who attempted to work the gun. All the officers and more than two thirds of the American troops had fallen, when the survivors found that all their ammunition was expended. The Indians, per- ceiving this, rushed in, and, with the exception of two men, who, although severely wounded, contrived to conceal themselves, and ultimately to make their es- cape, not one of the whole detachment was spared. The force of the Indians is supposed to have amounted to from three hundred and fifty to four hundred. The contest lasted six hours ; and it must be admitted that nothing could be more gallant than the defence which was made by the troops against such a superior force. On the afternoon of the same day, the Americans had to lament the loss of Gen. Thompson, the Indian agent at fort King. Imprudently strolling out about three hundred yards from the fort, he was attacked by the Indians, who laid in ambush for him, and, with Lieut. Smith and three other people belonging to the fort, was shot dead. This party of Indians was headed by Osceola, who warned Gen. Thompson that the white men should suffer for their treatment of him. His peculia'r and shrill war-yell was given as the Indian party retreated, to let the whites know to whom they were indebted for the massacre. INDIAN WARS. 315 Gen. Clinch having been reinforced at fort Brooke, where he had two hundred regular troops, with five hundred volunteers under the command of Gen. Call, now moved with the whole force of seven hundred men. On the 30th of December, as they were passing the Ouithlacoochee river, the Indians watched their oppor- tunity, and when a portion only of the troops had gained the opposite side, commenced an attack, which was vigorously and successfully resisted ; the Indians, in little more than an hour, were beaten off. The battle was however severe, and the Americans sustained a loss of sixty-three killed and wounded. The Indian force is supposed to have amounted to seven hundred men. But independent of these conflicts with the militia and regulars, the ravages of the Indians over the whole country are stated to have been most fearful. Women and children were murdered, and the hearth made desolate in every portion of the country. In the more settled parts, near St. Augustine, the sugar-cane plan- tations, with the expensive works attached to them, were destroyed, and in many cases the slaves who were on the plantations were either carried off, or, voluntarily joining the Indians, increased the strength of the enemy. More than a hundred estates were thus laid waste, the average loss upon each estate being computed, independent of the loss of the negroes, at fifty thousand dollars. On the 13th February, 1836, Gen. Gaines, having arrived at fort Brooke, reviewed the force, which amounted to between eleven and twelve hundred men, and commenced his march to relieve fort King, at which post he arrived on the 2d February, without falling in with any of the Indians. The general then made a detour in pursuit of the Indians. On the 27th, when the force was crossing the Ouithlacoochee river, it was assailed by the Indians, who retired after a skirmish of three quarters of an hour, the Americans' loss being very trifling. On the 28th, when again fording the river, the Indians made another attack, which was continued for nearly four hours, and the Americans had to lament the loss of Maj. Izard, who 316 INDIAN WARS. was killed, and two other officers were also wounded. On the 20th, the Indians again attacked, with a force of at least a thousand men, with a view of forcing the American troops from the breastwork which they had thrown up. The Indians, after about two hours' fight- ing, set fire to the high grass ; but, unfortunately for them, the wind suddenly changed, and, instead of burning out the American troops, all their own con- cealed positions were burnt up and exposed, and they were compelled to retire. The loss on the Indian side was not known, but supposed to be heavy ; that on the part of the Americans amounted to thirty-two killed and wounded. On the evening of the 5th of March, the Indian interpreter came in from the Seminoles, stating that they wished to hold a council, and did not want any more fighting. On the 6th, a truce was held, when Osceola and other chiefs made their appearance, say- ing that if the Americans would not cross the river, they would remain on their own side of it, and not commit any more ravages. This was in fact nothing but the original proposal of the Indians, that they should remain upon the land which had been assigned to them by the treaty of Camp Moultrie. The reply of Gen. Gaines was, that he was not authorized to make a treaty with them ; their arms must be given up, and they must remain on the other side of the river, until the American government sent them away west of the Mississippi. Gen. Gaines, who had heard that Gen. Scott had been appointed tQ the command in Florida, now re- signed that authority to Gen. Clarke, and on the 11th the troops arrived at fort Drane. It hardly need be observed that the treating with the Indians ended in nothing. Gen. Scott, having assumed the command, arrived at fort Drane on the 13th March, 1836. He had previously to contend with heavy rains and almost impracticable roads, and was encumbered with a heavy baggage train. His whole force amounted to nearly five thousand men. This he divided into a centre and two wings, so as to scour the whole country, and force INDIAN WARS. 317 the Indians from their retreat ; but in vain. The Indians being on the flanks of each division, occasional skirmishes took place; but when the troops arrived to where the Indians were supposed to be, not a man was to be seen, nor could they discover the retreat of their families. Occasionally the Indians attacked the out- posts with great vigor, and were bravely repulsed ; but the whole army of five thousand men did not kill and capture more than twenty Indians. The swamps ex- tended over a great surface of ground, here and there was an island on which the Indians could remain, while to attack them the troops would have to wade up to their necks for miles, and as soon as they arrived the Indians were gone. The whole of the contest with the Florida Indians has been nothing more than a sort of petty partisan warfare, a detail of the particulars of which would be of little interest to the reader. Frequent skirmishes took place between the hostile parties, without gaining much advantage on either side, or doing anything which tended in the least to bring the war to a close. Gen. Scott resigned the command, and was succeeded by Gen. Jessup, of whom much was expected by a vigorous prosecution of the war ; but he met with as little suc- cess as his predecessors. Finding there was nothing to be gained but disgrace by open and honorable warfare, a plan was adopted to effect the purposes of the govern- ment by a new system ; which was to get into their power the principal chiefs of the Seminoles by strata gem. These chiefs had always shown a readiness to meet their opponents and agree to bury the hatchet, provided they should be suffered to remain unmolested on the lands reserved to them by treaty, and be pro- tected in their rights, as had been agreed upon by the government. Osceola was known to be a brave and sagacious warrior, and was at this time the principal chief. He was viewed as the great master spirit and director of all the hostile bands of Seminole warriors. It was deemed, therefore, a great achievement by the Ameri- can general to get him into his power. Gen. Jessup 318 INDIAN WARS. found means to communicate to the Indians that it was his wish to have the chiefs come in and hold a talk, in order to come to some agreement. White flags were displayed on the fort. On the 20th of October, 1837, Osceola, accompanied by other chiefs and a few war- riors, came in agreeably to the invitation ; he, carrying a white flag in his hand, and relying on the honor of the commanding general, put himself in his power ; but instead of being received as was expected, they were immediately surrounded by bayonets, made prisoners, and confined in the fort. Whether Gen. Jessup~was alone accountable for this act of treachery, or whether he acted under orders from the President, is not known ; but the government having afterwards approved of the measure, it became their own act. Osceola was kept there a prisoner for some time, when he was, by order of the government, conveyed, under a strong guard, to Sullivan island, in the harbor of Charleston, S. C, and confined in the fort. His proud, independent spirit could not bear the confine- ment, and he gradually pined away and died in prison. Thus fell another brave Indian chieftain, though not in fair fight, but in a manner that will ever be a stigma upon our national honor. Other chiefs were kidnapped in the same treacherous manner ; but, severe as the loss must have been to the Indians, it did not appear to discourage them. The war was still carried on by those who were left, and indeed is still continued ; for the ranks of the Indians are said to be filled up by runaway slaves, and some of the Creek Indians who had not yet quitted Georgia. On the 24th of December, 1837, a severe battle was fought between the Indians and the American troops, at a spot between Pease creek and the Big Cyprus stamps. On this occasion the Americans lost Cols. Thompson and Gunty, with twenty-eight killed, and one hundred and eleven wounded. In all ages and with all nations, civilized or uncivil- ized, the flag of truce has always been regarded as an emblem of peace, and a violation of it ought to be held in detestation by every friend of humanity. It often INDIAN WARS. 319 has the effect of staying the hand of slaughter, and pre- venting the shedding of much blood, by giving time for the passions to cool and for reason to assert its empire. The Indians in their most savage state have had their tokens, by which it has always been understood that hostilities were to cease for the time, that negotiation might commence. When the pipe of peace has been held out it has always been respected. Even the wild Arab never violates his pledge of friendship, when he eats the bread and salt with the stranger, though he should be his enemy. The white flag has been adopted by all christian nations as an emblem of peace, and the Indians have been taught that it must be held sacred as such, and never to be violated ; and it is to be lamented that a nation who profess to be Christians should be the first to set the example of departing from a usage of so much importance, for the purpose of effecting by deception what they were unable to do by open and honorable warfare. It has been thought that every invention that inge- nuity could contrive had been used for the purpose of destroying the poor Indians ; but it seems that a new plan has been adopted, which puts humanity to the blush, and leaves all other means heretofore adopted far in the back-ground. Agents have been sent to Havana, to purchase a large number of blood-hounds ; these have been brought over at a great expense, "and trained to track and hunt down the Indians. Fortu- nately, however, for the cause of humanity, the experi- ment has proved to be an entire failure. The Spaniards made use of these animals in their conquests of the Indians in South America ; and it is said that they are now employed by them in their West India islands to hunt for runaway slaves, who secrete themselves in the mountains. The war in Florida having been continued for so great a length of time, and been conducted with such a variety of defeats and successes, with the many nego- tiations that have taken place, and agreements entered into, which were declared to have put an end to all fur- ther difficulties, that the subject has created very little 320 INDIAN WARS. interest in the public mind, but has bee* treated rathei as a matter for ridicule than as requiring any serious consideration. For the last two years, occasional accounts have been published in the papers of Indian murders, with now and then a skirmish, in which two or three Indians have been killed, and a few squaws and papooses taken prisoners ; but nothing has been done that in the least has changed the situation of affairs. The war has been put an end to so many times, that the phrase, " Florida war ended, " has be- come a standing joke. Yet it is a matter of the most serious nature, and our government is bound in honor, and for the cause of humanity, to take some decisive steps to do justice to the Indians, and bring about a speedy and honorable termination of all difficulties. The following extract from the writings of the Gene- vese Traveller, on the Florida war, will be thetfonclu- sion of our work. " The war was unrighteous in its commencement, and has been continued for years under circumstances the most profligate. There has not been a single campaign in which the army has not reaped a plentiful harvest of mortification and disgrace. When brought into action, both officers and men fought valiantly \ but the character of the country, its deep morasses and swamps, and the ignorance of the troops of Indian war fare, have uniformly tended to produce the most dis- astrous defeats. " There is not to be found on the page of history, in any country, an instance of a scattered remnant of a tribe, so few in number, defending themselves against the assaults of a disciplined and numerous army, with the same heroism and triumphant results, with those of the Seminoles in resisting the American troops. In every campaign the invaders have been at least ten to one against the invaded. At no period have the In- dians been able to muster more than six or eight hun- dred warriors, and it is doubtful whether they have ever had more than half that number, while the Amer- ican army, when in the field, has uniformly amounted to from six to ten thousand men." MAoUdDM GMJE1AL HA11IS©E (1773-1841) JAMES MABISON ESQ" (1751-1836) UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. Fine schedule: 25 cents on first day overdue 50 cents on fourth day overdue One dollar on seventh day overdue. 30 J 947 '50DA FEB 7 - 195 MAR 2 3 7979 0K ' 9 foW I v APR 2 7 1956 L(j 4Uk 2 1958 a a. M6l»^°*PfeB111979i , KEG LOAN DEPT LD 21-100m-12,'46(A2012si 6 )4120 RECEIVilfS&Cifc IF - L 5 r 66-lPM 0*. JAN 2 1273 "** 2 9 1979 ■ * YC 49239 ivil8£64