UC-NRLF 
 
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 1 866. 
 
Ccl. GEORGE T. ROBERTS. 
 
A NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE 
 
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 OF THE 
 
 ITH REGIMENT OF VERMONT VOLUNTEERS 
 
 (VETERANS), 
 FROM 1862 TO 1866. 
 
 BY 
 
 WM, C, HDLBRDDK, 
 \ \ 
 
 Late Colonel yth Vt. Veteran Vols. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 American Bank Note Company, Commercial Department, 53 Broadway. 
 
 1882. 
 
533 
 .5 
 
 7 
 
 TO THE SURVIVING OFFICERS 
 
 AND ENLISTED MEN OF THE SEVENTH- REGIMENT 
 
 OF VERMONT VOLUNTEERS (VETERANS) THIS VOLUME IS 
 
 DEDICATED, WITH A COMRADE S KINDLY 
 
 REMEMBRANCE. 
 
 Copyrighted by WM. C HOLBBOOI:, 1833. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I HE history of the Seventh Vermont Regiment during 
 the late war has never been written, and to this day the 
 services which that gallant regiment rendered, and the se 
 vere experiences through which it passed, are not, I am 
 persuaded, fully understood or appreciated by those not con 
 nected with it. 
 
 It was, unfortunately, the fate of the regiment, during its 
 entire service, to operate in fields far distant from Vermont, 
 and, except for a brief period, shortly after its departure 
 from the State, to be isolated from all other Vermont regi 
 ments, and for the most part from all other Eastern troops. 
 Its history, therefore, is separate and distinct. Most, if not 
 all, of the other Vermont regiments, at one time or another, 
 were brigaded or attached to the same armies, and have, to 
 a large extent, a common history. The duties performed by 
 the Seventh from the early part of 1863 to the fall of 1864 
 were of such a nature that the more prominent features of 
 its career are made up entirely of the individual achievements 
 of its officers or detached portions of the regiment. After 
 the return of the Seventh to New Orleans in the Autumn of 
 1864, it served continuously as a regiment until it was dis 
 banded in April, 1866. 
 
 At the request of Hon. G. G. Benedict, State Military 
 Historian, and at the solicitation of several members of the 
 regiment, I have been induced to prepare the following nar 
 rative, in the hope that I may thereby set forth more clearly 
 
 M145778 
 
IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 than has heretofore been done some of the important events 
 which occurred in its long term of service, and at the same 
 time contribute my testimony to the conspicuous fortitude 
 and patriotism of the brave officers and men who composed 
 the Seventh. 
 
 I have been very much aided in this undertaking by ma 
 terial and data furnished me by Colonels Peck and Porter, 
 Surgeon Blanchard, Captains Morse, Kilburn, Clark, Stowell, 
 Woodman, Moseley and Stearns, and Lieutenants Gates and 
 Murdick, and Messrs. Royce, Brooks and Cook, all of the 
 Seventh, and by a sketch of the late Capt. Young, kindly 
 obtained and sent me by Col. Samuel E. Pingree, formerly of 
 the 3d Vermont Regiment. 
 
 I have also derived valuable information from letters writ 
 ten from the regiment cotemporaneously with the events 
 which they chronicle, and published in the Rutland Herald. 
 Among these are important communications from Lieut. -Col. 
 Fullam, Captains Dutton, Hitchcock and others. So much of 
 my statement as relates to the battle of Baton Rouge, and 
 the atrocious treatment which the regiment received at the 
 hands of Gen. Butler, is made up from the official reports of 
 the commanding officers of the respective regiments and 
 batteries that were stationed at that place at the time of the 
 action, and from the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, 
 and from my own recollections of personal interviews with 
 Gen. Butler, and from public proceedings at the time, and 
 from other sources. I have also availed myself of the ex 
 cellent annual reports of the late Gen. Peter T. Washburn, 
 the lamented and efficient Adjutant and Inspector-General 
 of the State from which I have obtained statistics that have 
 greatly aided me. The Campaign of Mobile, by Brevet 
 
INTRODUCTION. V 
 
 Major-Gen. C. C. Andrews, I have also found of service, 
 and have quoted extensively therefrom. 
 
 I have prepared this work in the midst of a busy life, 
 and regret that my engagements have prevented my giving 
 that time to it which its importance demands. I have 
 long wished that a connected and continuous history of 
 the regiment might be written, and I very much hoped 
 that some more competent person would undertake its com 
 pilation. But as no one has come forward for that pur 
 pose, I offer the following narrative, well knowing that it 
 does but faint justice to the many noble acts and achieve 
 ments of the gallant officers and enlisted men of that veteran 
 regiment. 
 
 I trust, however, that from this statement the Military his 
 torian of the State will derive information that will enable 
 him to record the services and experiences of the Seventh 
 in an appropriate manner, conscious as I am that its career 
 for bravery and faithful performance of duty is second to 
 none of the regiments sent forth by Vermont during the 
 War of the Rebellion. 
 
 WM. C. HOLBROOK. 
 
 New York, August 16th, 1882. 
 
 "^ Z* * >~< . +- 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 21, line 4, furthest instead of "fartherest." 
 " 21, " 27, />w;/ instead of "in." 
 48, " 22, when instead of "where." 
 
 49, lines 13 to 20 should not be in quotation. 
 " 97, line 26, no comma after Major. 
 107, " 25, page 47 instead of page 7. 
 " 123, " 4, was scarcely instead of " scarcely was. 
 " 144, " 4, way instead of "ways." 
 153, " 18, April instead of "March." 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Departure from the State. Voyage to Ship Island. Fort Pike. 
 New Orleans. Carrolton. Death of Capt. Ruggles. Baton 
 Rouge, .... . . . . . . . ... I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Vicksburg Campaign. Grand Gulf. Experience of Col. Roberts 
 and Lieut. Clark in ascending the River. Butler s Ditch. 
 Exposure and Sickness of the Regiment. Death of Capt. 
 Brooks. Return to Baton Rouge, . . . . . .16 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Condition of the Regiment. Death of Lieut. Cull. Battle of 
 Baton Rouge. Death of Col. Roberts. Return to Carrolton. 
 Changes and Promotions, . . , . . . 37 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Gen. Butler and the Seventh, 60 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Camp Williams. Increased Mortality in the Regiment. Camp 
 Kearny. New Orleans. Departure for Florida. Experience 
 on Steamer Nassau. Arrival at Pensacola. Gen. Neal Dow. 
 Billy Wilson s Zouaves. Advantages of Pensacola as a Sani 
 tary Post. Curious Defences ., .112 
 
2 DEPARTURE FROM RUTLAND. 
 
 assigned to General Butler s Division, and so originally fell 
 under the command of that vindictive and unjust officer.* 
 
 On the 10th of March the regiment left Rutland for New 
 York City, where the right wing, under Colonel Roberts, 
 embarked on the ship " Premier," and the left wing, under 
 Lieut.-Col. Fullam, on the ship " Tammerlane," with sealed 
 orders to proceed to sea. We were detained at Sandy Hook 
 
 * By an Act of the Legislature of Vermont, approved November i2th, 1861, the 
 Governor was authorized to recruit and organize a regiment of infantry to serve for 
 three years from June ist, 1861, to be attached to the Division which the Secretary of 
 War had authorized Gen. Butler to raise in the New England States, which regiment 
 was to be armed and equipped at the expense of the United States 
 
 And by another Act, approved November i6th, 1861, the Governor was further 
 authorized to recruit, organize, arm and equip an additional regiment of infantry to 
 serve for the State " in the army of the United States" for three years from June ist, 
 1861. 
 
 And by another Act, approved November 2ist, 1861, the Governor was further 
 authorized to raise one or more batteries of light artillery, to be attached to Gen. 
 Butler s Division, which batteries were also to be armed and equipped at the expense 
 of the United States. 
 
 It will be seen that under these Acts it was not contemplated that but one regiment 
 of infantry should be furnished Gen. Butler. About this time he visited Montpelier 
 and personally urged that the regiment authorized to be raised under the above Act of 
 November i6th might also be assigned to his Division, but the State authorities were 
 not disposed to comply with his wishes, prefering that the regiment should 
 be sent to join the other Vermont regiments in the Army of the Potomac. It 
 is said that Gen. Butler was much provoked because greater deference was not paid 
 to his importunities. It seems that of the two regiments thus authorized to be raised, 
 the Eighth was first selected for service in Gen. Butler s Division, and the knapsacks 
 and equipage of that regiment were originally marked with the initials N. E. D., in 
 dicating that it belonged to the New England Division. This was not the case with 
 the Seventh, and none of its equipments were ever so marked. How it happened that 
 the Seventh was ordered to Gen. Butler s command I have not been able definitely to 
 ascertain, but it is quite likely after his failure to obtain the acquiescence of the State 
 authorities to the regiment being attached to his Division, that Gen. Butler applied to 
 and interceded with the War Department to bring about the result he desired, and 
 meeting with better success thus obtained orders directing the Seventh to report to 
 him at Ship Island. However the matter was brought about, it was most un 
 fortunate for the regiment that it was sent to Gen. Butler, for almost immediately 
 on its arrival at Ship Island he began quarreling with some of the officers, and kept 
 up hostilities until his anger culminated in the gross and unwarranted attack which 
 he subsequently made upon the honor of the regiment for the part it took m the 
 battle of Baton Rouge. Many of the officers and men to this day entertain the 
 belief that in this monstrous effort to hvmiliate and degrade the regiment and State 
 Gen. Butler was actuated to a considerable degree by the ill-feeling which he cherished 
 for the State authorities in refusing to give their consent that the Seventh should 
 attached to his Division, on the occasion of his visit to Montpelier. Be this as it may, 
 there can be no doubt had the regiment been under the command of a just and fair- 
 minded officer, the assault made upon its valor and soldierly conduct would never 
 have occurred. 
 
VOYAGE TO SHIP ISLAND. 3 
 
 for several days waiting for favorable weather to continue 
 our voyage to Ship Island, which, about this time, we ascer 
 tained was our destination. 
 
 On leaving our anchorage, the two ships parted com 
 pany and neither saw anything of the other until we reached 
 Ship Island. The " Premier " and " Tammerlane " were both 
 old-fashioned sailing ships built for the Merchant service, and 
 hence were ill-adapted and poorly arranged to properly ac 
 commodate the large number of men with which each was 
 crowded. 
 
 The voyage was long and uncomfortable. The weather, 
 at first, was heavy ancl tempestuous, particularly " off Hat- 
 teras," ancl as few, if any, of us had ever before been upon 
 the ocean, during the season of March" gales, we suffered 
 more or less from sea sickness. By the time we reached the 
 Florida coast however, we began to be favored with pleasant 
 weather and smooth seas which continued for the remainder 
 of the trip, and the voyage thereafter became more enjoy 
 able. 
 
 On the 5th of April the " Premier " reached Ship Island 
 which, when first sighted, we discovered was a low and 
 narrow strip of sand of uncommon whiteness and brilliancy 
 and which in the distance resembled the snow covered fields 
 we had left behind us. Our disappointment as we neared 
 this desolate island was very great, for we had looked for a 
 far more beautiful and attractive country. As there was no 
 alternative left us however, we suppressed our wrath at being 
 sent to so bleak a spot and concluded after all, that anything 
 that could be called terra firma was preferable to life on a 
 
4 SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 troop ship, improvised as ours had been from a weather 
 beaten and not over savory merchantman, and so we disem 
 barked and pitched our tents in the sand of Ship Island, con 
 soling ourselves with the reflection that we had at least 
 escaped the enemy s cruisers and the perils of the sea. 
 
 On the 10th of April, the " Tammerlane " with the left 
 wing on board joined us, having been delayed by rough 
 weather and adverse winds. An incident here occurred 
 which illustrates the unfair treatment which we had to ex 
 pect from the commanding General, and is thus referred to 
 by Lieut.-Col. Fullam in a letter dated September 23d, and 
 published in the Rutland Herald on the 26th of September, 
 1862. * * * * * " On my arrival (with left wing) 
 " commenced that series of abuses to which the regiment has 
 " been subject up to the present time. Upon reporting my 
 " command to Col. Roberts, our regimental Quartermaster 
 " caused the tents and baggage of the left wing to be disem- 
 " barked with the men when, as it seemed, Gen. Butler s 
 11 order only mentioned the landing of the troops. The 
 " Quartermaster was innocent of any intentional excess of 
 " orders, but supposed that an order for the disembarkment 
 11 of troops upon a desert island where there was not even 
 " the shelter of a friendly tree to protect them from the fre- 
 " quent storms and burning sun of the climate, implied the 
 11 taking with them of such articles as were absolutely nec- 
 " essary to make them comfortable. Although the landing 
 " of the baggage did not occupy the " Saxon " (the boat used 
 " for the purpose) much longer than would have been re- 
 " quired for landing the troops alone, Gen. Butler wanted 
 
SHIP ISLAND. 5 
 
 " her and was in a great rage at the delay, and declared 
 11 somebody should lose his commission for it, and put the 
 " Quartermaster under arrest where he was kept for some 
 " days. * * * The conduct of the Quartermaster 
 " saved the soldiers from much suffering, for a storm of great 
 " fury arose in the night and threatened the destruction of 
 " our camp by blowing down our tents and deluging us with 
 " water. It was impossible for us to bring from the Tam- 
 " merlane the remainder of our camp equipage for several 
 " days, and but for the tents and means of preparing food 
 " much distress would have been caused among the men so 
 " long and so closely confined on ship-board." 
 
 The Lieut, Colonel might well have stated the facts in much 
 stronger language. To have landed five hundred men on this 
 barren island at that season of the year, or indeed at any time, 
 without cooking utensils or shelter would have been grossly 
 cruel and inhuman, and the action of the Quartermaster was 
 entirely justifiable and correct. The storm above alluded to, 
 or some other unknown cause, apparently softened the obdu 
 rate heart of the Major-General commanding, and in due time 
 Capt. Morse, with whom the whole regiment sympathized, 
 was released from arrest. 
 
 Each wing lost one enlisted man by death during the voy 
 age, which were the only serious casualties that took place 
 during the passage. 
 
 While on Ship Island but little occurred to break the 
 monotony of our life which was entirely of a routine charac 
 ter. We lived almost wholly upon salt rations seasoned, 
 when the wind was high, with a liberal portion of sand which 
 
6 FORT PIKE. 
 
 persistently adhered to pots and kettles and intermixed with 
 food in a way not at all to our liking, and although it was 
 claimed that our grit was thereby increased, we should have 
 much preferred working it up by some other process. Our 
 time was devoted mainly to drilling and perfecting the knowl 
 edge of the men in company and regimental duties. We 
 were not able, however, to accomplish as much in the way of 
 executing battalion manoeuvres as we desired, owing to the 
 loose sand which not only made the footing insecure, but ren 
 dered marching as difficult and fatiguing as plodding through 
 the deep snows of Vermont, and the fear of increasing the 
 cases of hernia, several of which had already been occasioned 
 by these exercises, prevented our doing as much in this direc 
 tion as we otherwise should. Then too, early in May the 
 regiment was broken up in consequence of an order directing 
 me to proceed with a portion of it to take possession of Fort 
 Pike. 
 
 In compliance with this order, Companies B, C, and about 
 thirty men of Company D, commanded respectively by Cap 
 tains Cronan, Porter and Lieut. Thrall were detailed for that 
 purpose and on the 3d of May we embarked on the gun boats 
 " New London " and " Calhoun " and proceeded to that fort 
 which, on our arrival, we found had just been deserted and 
 all the guns spiked. This fort is situated on the " Eigolets " 
 and commands the entrance to Lake Ponchartrain from the 
 direction of Mississippi Sound, and was considered one of the 
 important defences to New Orleans. ^Ve found it a substan 
 tial and regularly bastioned and casemated fort surrounded 
 by a deep water moat and capable, had it been properly de- 
 
FORT PIKE VOYAGE TO NEW ORLEANS. 7 
 
 fended, of resisting any attack which we, with our small 
 force, could have made. We at once set about putting the 
 fort in order, and in less than forty-eight hours we had re 
 moved the spikes from the guns and were ready to meet any 
 attack that might be made. But the enemy saw fit not to 
 molest us and the only blood spilt was in repelling the as 
 saults of an exceedingly fierce and athletic race of gallinip- 
 pers whose domain it seems we had invaded.* 
 
 On the 1st of May, New Orleans was occupied by our 
 forces and shortly afterwards that portion of the regiment 
 left on Ship Island was ordered there, and accordingly em 
 barked on the steamer " Whitman " a Mississippi river boat 
 of the " high pressure " pattern. Before they had proceeded 
 far it was discovered that the engineer had matured plans to 
 blow up the vessel. The affair is thus described by one of 
 the men on board in a letter to the Rutland Herald. * * * 
 
 * Shortly after our arrival at Fort Pike I was aroused early one morning by 
 the announcement that a flag of truce was flying just over the rushes on the 
 further side of the " Rigolets." Upon investigation it was found that two negroes 
 desired to come within our lines. I ascertained by interrogating them that they had 
 left their masters for cruel and inhuman treatment, and one of them, Emund Randolph^ 
 showed the stripes and cuts upon his back, from which it was patent tfiat ne had been 
 most brutally flogged. His pitable appearance and sad story strongly appealed to my 
 sympathy and I resolved to give protection to the fugitives. Just before this an order 
 had been issued by the War Department authorizing the commanders of Posts in their 
 discretion to receive escaping negroes within their lines and when any were so 
 received they were under no circumstances to be surrendered to their former masters. 
 A few days later the masters of Edmund and his comrade made their appearance and 
 arrogantly demanded a return of their slaves. Great was their disappointment and 
 dismay on being informed that their wishes and demands would not be complied with, 
 and the disgust depicted upon their countenances when they found they must depart 
 without these, their "human chattels," led us to believe that their love for "Abe 
 Lincoln and his Yankee myrmidons" was not thereby increased. This incident led 
 to quite a long correspondence between Gen. Claibourn, ex-member of Congress from 
 Mississippi, and myself, wherein he endeavored to convince me that the U S. Govern 
 ment had no right to receive and retain fugitive slaves within its military lines. That 
 such an interference with the " divine institution of slavery" could not be justified by 
 the laws of either God or man. Finding that his arguments were of no avail, he finally 
 subsided. I gave Edmund employment as one of my personal attendants and he 
 proved a faithful and excellent servant. He now resides at Vernon, Vermont, and is 
 much respected by all in the neighborhood. 
 
ti 
 
 ft 
 
 HIGH PRESSURE BOATS. 
 
 It was midnight when we left Ship Island. "We sailed 
 three hours at the rate of ten miles per hour when it was 
 ascertained that something was wrong with the engine, 
 and upon an investigation of the matter it was found that 
 we were being escorted by a rebel engineer with more than 
 double the amount of steam allowed, and who had let 
 nearly all the water out of the boiler, and having launched 
 a small boat for his own escape, was just ready to let in a 
 stream of cold water. It was discovered by the assistant 
 engineer just in time to communicate the fact to Col. Rob 
 erts who caused the immediate arrest of the engineer. 
 Had this villainous plot succeeded, every commissioned 
 " officer would have been blown into the heavens as they 
 " were just over the boiler. I was about ten feet from one 
 " end of the boiler asleep. Col. Pvoberts ordered the boat 
 " back to Ship Island where the rebel engineer was placed 
 " in the fort for safe keeping and a trusty one secured when 
 " we again started." 
 
 The " Whitman " was a fated craft for a few months later 
 she took fire through the carelessness of her officers and was 
 sunk in the Mississippi river and a large number of sick and 
 wounded soldiers who were on board lost their lives in con 
 sequence. 
 
 We subsequently had a good deal of experience upon ves 
 sels of this description. As a rule they were manned with 
 inadequate crews, and inefficient and often times untrustworthy 
 officers. At best they were dangerous to travel upon, and it 
 is a wonder, with the engineers we had, that we were not 
 blown up, as we came so near being several times. The boilers 
 
DEATH OF CAPT. RUGGLES CARROLTON GENL. PHELPS. 9 
 
 were so exposed as to furnish a conspicuous target for the 
 enemy s guns and on more than one occasion we were obliged 
 to stand helplessly by under a heavy artillery fire, expecting 
 every moment to be sent skyward by the explosion of the 
 boilers from some well directed shot. On the departure of 
 the regiment from Ship Island those of the sick who were 
 unable to accompany it were left there, and among others left 
 behind was Capt. Charles C. R.uggles of Company I. He 
 was subsequently sent to the hospital at Carrolton, and as 
 soon as he was able to do so resumed command of the conva 
 lescent soldiers in camp. But from over zeal and actuated 
 by a desire to do even more than his lull share of duty, he 
 unfortunately received a sun stroke from the effects of which, 
 in his then weakened condition, he died on the 24th clay of 
 July, 1862. His untimely death was much deplored in the 
 regiment. He was a favorite officer and much esteemed by 
 all who knew him.* 
 
 On the arrival of the regiment at New Orleans, Col. Rob 
 erts was directed to report, with his command, to Brig. -Gen. 
 J. W. Phelps at Carrolton some eight miles from the city, 
 which point was reached about the 16th of May. It was 
 exceedingly gratifying to the officers and men to be placed 
 under Gen. Phelps command for whom we all entertained 
 the greatest respect and in whose military skill we reposed 
 the utmost confidence. Many of the officers and men of the 
 Seventh belonged to, and accompanied the First Vermont 
 
 *His remains were sent home, and were buried at Poultney, with impressive civic 
 and masonic ceremonies, participated in by his own lodge and several others from the 
 adjoining towns. 
 
10 GENERAL PHELPS. 
 
 Eegiment during its three months term of service at the out 
 break of the Rebellion. Gen. Phelps, who was then Colonel 
 of the First, was universally respected and beloved by the 
 officers and men of his regiment. Being a graduate of the 
 Military Academy at West Point, and having for many pre 
 vious years served in the regular army with credit and dis 
 tinction, and possessing great personal dignity of manner and 
 courage, allied with the most unswerving honesty and recti 
 tude of purpose, it was not strange that he won the confidence 
 and esteem of his command. Probably no single regiment 
 contained so many of the officers and men of the First Regi 
 ment as did the Seventh. Indeed it may almost be said that it 
 was a reorganization of the First, and when it was ascertained 
 that we were to be sent to Ship Island about the only conso 
 lation we had was the thought that we were to serve with 
 Gen. Phelps, under whose immediate command we expected 
 to be placed. As it turned out, however, our friendship for 
 him and his for us, was of no avail. Shortly after our arrival 
 at Ship Island, a controversy sprang up between Gen. Butler 
 and Gen. Phelps relative to the expediency of emancipating 
 and arming the negroes. The views of the latter on these 
 questions, as is well known, were radical and pronounced, 
 and as some thought too advanced, but in a short time his 
 sentiments were substantially adopted by the government, 
 and Gen. Butler very speedily resorted to the very measures 
 he had suggested touching the formation of colored regiments. 
 This dispute led to a voluminous correspondence which occa 
 sioned such bitterness of feeling that Gen. Phelps was finally 
 constrained to resign. Many of the officers and men of the 
 
GENERAL PHELPS. 11 
 
 Seventh concurred with Gen. Phelps as to the policy of or 
 ganizing and arming the blacks, and generally sided with 
 him instead of with Gen. Butler, whose motives they dis 
 trusted, and whose conduct of the controversy seemed to be 
 marked with his characteristic unfairness and acrimony, and 
 who it was apparent sought to so shape it that whatever 
 credit might result should redound to his glory rather than to 
 that of Gen. Phelps. The government, at this time, for some 
 unknown reason, seemed to stand in mortal dread of Gen. 
 Butler and hence favored him and utterly ignored the mili 
 tary suggestions advanced by Gen. Phelps relative to the 
 questions at issue. Chagrined at such a slight from the gov 
 ernment he had so long and faithfully served, and provoked 
 by the taunts and injustice of the political demagogue under 
 whom he was obliged to serve, this gallant officer was at last 
 forced to resign. No doubt this step on Gen. Phelps part 
 caused Gen. Butler unmixed pleasure. But whatever may 
 have been his feelings I believe the loss to the country was 
 very great, and that Gen. Phelps services should have been 
 retained even had it involved the removal of a dozen such 
 men as Butler. Every one who knows Gen. Phelps must 
 admit his eminent purity of character and intelligence ; as a 
 soldier he was as simple in habit and as unostentatious 
 as the heroic and lamented Sedgwick, and had he been 
 placed in the command of troops in the field I believe his 
 career would have been characterized by great good to the 
 service and much glory to himself. At no time and in no place 
 were such officers more needed than in the Department ot 
 the Gulf at the period when Gen. Phelps, with seeming indif- 
 
12 GENEEAL PHELPS. 
 
 ference on the part of the government, was suffered to sheathe 
 his sword and retire to the walks of civil life. 
 
 At the height of this contention Gen. Butler, evidently for 
 his own glorification, conceived the idea of issuing his in 
 famous order relative to the conduct of the Seventh at Baton 
 Eouge. As soon as I became aware of his intention I called 
 upon Gen. Phelps, who, as might have been expected, warmly 
 espoused our cause, and unhesitatingly denounced Butler s 
 fell design as utterly unworthy of a commander inspired 
 either with patriotism, fairness or decency. Whether or not 
 Gen. Phelps well known interest in the regiment operated 
 to incite Gen. Butler to persist in his malicious purpose I 
 know not, but from the vindictiveness of his character it 
 would not be strange if it was an element which, in his foot 
 ings of a grand total for a cause of offence, was not entirely 
 overlooked. Gen. Phelps views as to Gen. Butler s conduct 
 in this particular are well illustrated by the following extracts 
 from a letter I recently received from him: * * * * 
 " The general (referring to Butler) who gave a fatal impres- 
 " sion of trade and politics to his command instead of stimu- 
 " lating their patriotism and soldiership, began quarreling 
 " with officers of the Seventh almost before it had fairly 
 " landed at Ship Island, and he seems to have kept it up to 
 " the last, pursuing the Seventh through the strife and havoc 
 " of battle, where he was not personally present, and under 
 " circumstances of difficulty, crowned with success, where a 
 " generous spirit would have been disposed to overlook minor 
 " faults, even if they had been committed. What his 
 " motives were for thus pursuing the Seventh, and seeking 
 
GENERAL PHELPS CARROLTON. 13 
 
 " to incite variance between that regiment and the Twenty - 
 " first Indiana regiment, I cannot say, but it is evident that 
 " if he (Butler) were to run for the Presidency in the en- 
 " suing election of 1864, the large electoral vote of Indiana 
 " might be of great moment to him, and that it would be a 
 " good bargain to win it even at the expense of losing the 
 " Whig vote of Vermont. But whatever the objects of Gen. 
 " Butler may have been, they were little in accord with the 
 " occasion that called for military service in the Southwest 
 " in 1862, which was the most important theatre of action 
 " of the whole war. He gave a very unfortunate direction 
 " to the service there which the government subsequently 
 " endeavored to remedy by sending to that quarter general 
 " after general and commission after commission with but 
 " little effect. I can hardly think that it was necessary for 
 " the government to make such disastrous concessions to the 
 " Democracy as to employ Gen. Butler in the Southwest at 
 " that period. He exacted from the government terms 
 " altogether too advantageous to himself and party, as an 
 " old Democrat, to be compatible with a proper final settle- 
 11 ment of the war issues before the country. I doubt if 
 " there was an officer, even of the rebel army, who has occa- 
 " sioned the Republic so much injury as he has done" 
 
 It is much to be regretted that General Phelps was not as 
 signed to the command of the troops on active duty in the field. 
 Had he been sent to the front I believe the outcome of our 
 subsequent operations on the river would have been far more 
 glorious, and I am confident our regiment would have had ac 
 corded to it the commendation and praise which it so justly 
 
14 CARROLTON DEPARTURE FOR BATON ROUGE. 
 
 earned, and which its faithful and heroic services so richly 
 merited. 
 
 While at Carrolton, owing to the nature of the country, it 
 was impossible to do very much drilling. Lieut.-Col. Fullam 
 in his letter above referred to, speaking of the experience of 
 the regiment there says. * * * * "The small space 
 " of ground appropriated to the troops gave us no oppor- 
 " tunity for drill in battalions, which we never had while 
 " there. Soon after our arrival the rising water from a 
 " crevasse in the levee made it necessary for us to spend our 
 " time in trying to protect our camp from its incursions ; we 
 " succeeded in this but the stench from decomposing animal 
 " and vegetable matter left by the water when it receded 
 11 produced much sickness among us and we were finally 
 " forced to move our camp and occupy a much smaller space 
 " nearer the river. May 22d, Col. Roberts was taken sick 
 " * * * * which left me in command." And in speak 
 ing of the circumstances attending the departure of the regi 
 ment for Baton Rouge he says. .****** This 
 " state of affairs continued until the 6th of June when I re- 
 " ceived an order from Gen. Butler to prepare the regiment 
 " to embark immediately on board the steamer Herville with 
 " the tents of the regiment, and officers baggage, limited to a 
 11 valise, bag or knapsack to each. I prepared the regiment 
 " immediately according to the order, and the next morning 
 " was ready, but after waiting for the boat until the morning 
 11 of the 15th, I went to New Orleans to see Gen. Butler to 
 " represent to him the condition of the regiment, ascertain 
 " our destination and if possible obtain leave to take more 
 
AREIVAL AT BATON ROUGE. 15 
 
 " baggage than allowed by the order, in which I thought 
 " there must be some mistake, since the trip was to be made 
 " by steamer, and our baggage could have as well been taken 
 " as left behind. I was at Gen. Butler s office when he 
 " entered it in the morning, sent in my name immediately, 
 " requesting that I might see him a moment, but was forced 
 " to return to camp at night without having obtained an in- 
 " terview. When I arrived at camp I found the Iberville 
 " had been sent up during the day with an order to embark 
 " the troops immediately ; everything was nearly ready and 
 " hastily preparing myself I went on board without any order 
 " written or oral where I was to go, or what I was to do. 
 
 * * * * * " We proceeded up the river, and in the 
 " afternoon of the next day the Iberville stopped at Baton 
 " Rouge. Knowing that Gen. Williams was in command of 
 " our forces I went to his quarters, and informed him that 
 " although I had received no orders to report to him, the 
 " regiment was there, and I should be happy to receive orders 
 " from him. He said he had been informed that we were 
 " coming, and directed me to disembark the troops." 
 
 About this time I was ordered to join the regiment at 
 Baton Eouge, and accordingly left Fort Pike taking with me 
 Company B, Capt. Cronan, leaving C and a portion of D com 
 pany to garrison that post under the command of Capt. 
 Porter. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN. GRAND GULF. EXPERIENCE OF COL. 
 
 ROBERTS AND LIEUT. CLARK IN ASCENDING THE RIVER. 
 " BUTLER S DITCH." EXPOSURE AND SICKNESS 
 
 OF THE REGIMENT. DEATH OF CAPT. BROOKS. 
 RETURN TO BATON ROUGE. 
 
 1BE2, 
 
 the 19th of June the regiment was ordered to em- 
 bark on transports, to take part in an expedition 
 against Vicksburg under Gen. Williams. 
 
 A few weeks before, Gen. Williams, with about 1,500 men, 
 acting in conjunction with the naval forces under Admiral 
 Farragut, had ascended the river as far as Vicksburg on a 
 reconnoissance, and on his return had reported that he saw 
 no chance of taking the place with the troops at his disposal, 
 even with the aid of the navy, as it was heavily fortified and 
 manned, and the enemy, in addition to the regular garrison, 
 had at least 30,000 men within an hour s call. 
 
 Notwithstanding this adverse report we were expected, 
 with a land force of not exceeding 3,500 men, to take Vicks- 
 
REPORTS CONCERNING AND DEPARTURE FOR VICKSBURG. 17 
 
 burg 7 an undertaking, as was subsequently demonstrated, 
 wholly beyond our power, for the place was substantially as 
 strong then, as it afterwards proved to be when attacked by 
 Gen. Sherman with a very much larger command, and later 
 when besieged by Gen. Grant with his formidable army. 
 
 The utter absurdity and futility of this enterprise is also 
 illustrated by the observations of Admiral Farragut, who, in 
 speaking ot Vicksburg at this time, in a letter dated June 
 29tli, after our arrival there, among other things says : 
 * * * * "It seems to me that any man of common 
 " sense would know that this place cannot be taken with our 
 " present force, when the army in its rear consists of ten or 
 " fifteen thousand men." And in a report dated July 2d, he 
 further says : * * * * " Gen. Williams has with him 
 " about 3,000 men. * * * * The army officers gen- 
 " erally have shown a great anxiety to do everything in their 
 " power to help us, but their force is too small to attack the 
 " town, or for any other purpose than a momentary assault 
 11 to spike guns, should such an opportunity offer. * * * * 
 " I am satisfied it is not possible to take Vicksburg without 
 11 an army of twelve or fifteen thousand men" (See Life 
 and Letters of Farragut by his son, pp. 279 to 283.) 
 
 Gen. Williams command consisted of the following troops, 
 viz.: the Ninth Connecticut, Thirtieth Massachusetts, Fourth 
 Wisconsin, eight companies Seventh Vermont, and Nim s 
 Light Battery (Mass). Our regiment left Baton Kouge 
 without any camp equipage save a few cooking utensils, and 
 with only ten days rations, and about a week s supply of 
 medical stores. Our eight companies, including the field, 
 
18 GRAND GULF. 
 
 staff and other commissioned officers, numbered not far from 
 800 men. We were assigned to the transports " Ceres " and 
 " Morning Light," two Mississippi steamers of the pattern to 
 which I have already alluded. The expedition was convoyed 
 by Farragut s entire fleet. 
 
 As we approached Grand Gulf, where the previous ex 
 pedition had been fired into, we made a landing, and several 
 companies of our regiment, under Lieut.-Col. Fullam were 
 sent to make a detour for the purpose of capturing any hos 
 tile force that might still be lingering in the place. Lieut.- 
 Col. Fullam thus speaks of the movement: * * * * 
 " The march was commenced about mid-day, and the heat 
 " was intense, producing great suffering among both officers 
 " and men, many of them falling insensible in the road, or 
 " fainting by the wayside from exhaustion. * * * * In 
 " spite, however, of these difficulties, and the want of water 
 " which was severely felt on the way, all the men came in 
 " together at Grand Gulf, where we again went on board the 
 " transports." 
 
 No signs of any considerable number of the enemy, how 
 ever, were discovered, although a few stray shots were fired 
 at our troops from some of the houses in the suburbs. 
 
 By way of retribution for the attack made from this place 
 upon the previous expedition, and as a warning to other 
 towns along the river of the punishment that would be ad 
 ministered if, from under their cover, our forces were again 
 assailed, orders were issued to burn the entire village. 
 Accordingly the torch was applied to it, and in a short time 
 every house was in flames, and by the light of the conflagra- 
 
COL. EGBERTS AND LIEUT. CLARK S EXPERIENCE. 19 
 
 tion, which wholly destroyed the place, we proceeded on our 
 course. 
 
 Although Col. Koberts and some of our men were subse 
 quently fired into at this point, the effect of the severe ex 
 ample thus made was that but few, if any more attacks 
 were made upon our forces from inhabited towns. But in 
 stead masked batteries were planted by the enemy in the 
 heavy forests which lined the shores oi the river at numer 
 ous points, and frequently, when we least expected it, we 
 were pelted with shot and shell from these batteries concealed 
 in the woods. On these occasions, unless one of our gun 
 boats was near at hand, we were completely at the mercy of 
 the enemy, for on the transports there was no artillery, and 
 the calibre of our muskets was too light to successfully cope 
 with rifled cannon ; nevertheless we invariably returned the 
 fire with our small arms, without, however, inflicting any 
 thing like the injury and loss we sustained. The character 
 of these attacks is well illustrated in an account furnished 
 me by Capt., (then Lieut.,) Charles Clark, descriptive of his 
 trip up the river in company with Col. Roberts and others. 
 who joined the regiment after its arrival at Vicksburg, and 
 is as follows: "Col. Roberts and I were in the hospital at 
 " Carrolton too ill to leave with the regiment when it was 
 ordered up the river. It was some little time before we 
 " were able to follow. We first proceeded to Baton Rouge, 
 " where we waited several days for transportation. At last 
 " a steamer came along with a bark alongside with naval 
 " stores for the fleet. There were a few officers and men on 
 " board the steamer, also proceeding to join their regiments, 
 
20 ARRIVAL AT VICKSBUEG. 
 
 11 and about twenty sailors as a guard, and one small brass 
 " howitzer mounted on the hurricane deck. The pilot house 
 " was protected as much as possible by mattrasses. The 
 11 bark carried four guns. As we approached Grand Gulf 
 " we observed that fortifications had been erected and guns 
 " mounted. Before we came in range ; muskets were dis- 
 " tributed. Directly a solid shot came booming toward us, 
 11 and as we neared a sharp turn in the river we came within 
 " range of other guns. The enemy s batteries were so 
 11 located that they could command our boats long before 
 " we could utilize our guns. As soon as we got the bark 
 " abreast of the fortifications we were able to return an 
 " effective fire, and succeeded in dismounting one or two of 
 " the rebel pieces and killing and wounding several men, as 
 " we were afterwards informed. Neither our muskets nor 
 " the howitzer were of any practical benefit, as we could not 
 " bring them within range. We were under fire for nearly 
 " an hour, and at one time our vessels were raked fore and 
 11 aft, several shots passing entirely through the transport, 
 " the cabins and staterooms of which were greatly riddled 
 " and shattered. We were struck thirty times. One or two 
 " sailors were wounded, and we all had a very narrow escape." 
 
 The regiment reached Vicksburg June 25th. Col. Eoberts 
 arrived and took command on the 8th of July. The trans 
 ports, upon which we were quartered, were made fast to the 
 river bank a little below the main batteries, but not out of 
 range of the enemy s guns. 
 
 The course of the river at this point was such as to form 
 opposite Vicksburg a cone-shaped peninsula or tongue of low 
 
OPPOSITE VICKSBURG. 21 
 
 land, from four to five miles in length, and at its base from a 
 mile to a mile and a half in width. This peninsula was par 
 tially protected from overflow by levees built along the shore 
 furtherest from Vicksburg ; but, nevertheless, a considerable 
 portion of it was annually, and sometimes oftener, submerged 
 for weeks at a time, especially after any unusual rise in 
 the river. The soil consequently was largely alluvial, the 
 upper stratum of which consisted of a thick layer of cohesive 
 earth, made up principally of decayed and decomposing 
 animal and vegetable matter. 
 
 At the time we reached Vicksburg the river was still high 
 from the spring freshets, but it soon commenced to fall at the 
 rate of nearly a foot per day, and before we left the water 
 was fifteen or twenty feet below the top of the banks. We 
 found the surface of the soil, in some places, in a compar 
 atively dry state ; but there remained here and there, large 
 pools of water left from the last overflow, which had become 
 stagnant, and were covered with a thick green scum, com 
 posed, as Dr. Blanchard expresses it, "of the concentrated 
 " essence of malaria, and containing as much death to the 
 " square inch as it would be possible for the laboratory of 
 " nature to compound," and from which much offensive 
 effluvia was emitted. The surrounding country too, as a 
 general rule, was low and swampy, so that at night and until 
 after sunrise in the morning we were enveloped in a thick 
 mist of intense humidity, surcharged with poisonous exhal 
 ations emanating in these cesspools and swamps, which liter 
 ally reeked with miasmatic elements. 
 
ZZ OPPOSITE VICKSBUEG. 
 
 In a short time sickness made its appearance in the entire 
 command, which was greatly aggravated by the want of 
 wholesome food, and from an entire lack of suitable medi 
 cines and appliances for the proper care and comfort of the 
 sick. We had no vegetables, and scarcely any fresh meat, 
 and the rations furnished were of a poor quality. We were 
 obliged to use the muddy and impure water of the Missis 
 sippi both for cooking and drinking purposes, having no 
 means of clarifying it. The small stock of medical stores 
 with which we 4eft Baton Rouge soon became exhausted, and 
 we were entirely without medicines, except such as Dr. 
 Blanchard and Capt. Morse, our Quartermaster, were able 
 to get from the fleet surgeons, who generously supplied us 
 with all they could spare, but as the sickness among the 
 sailors was steadily increasing, they could not furnish us 
 with anything like the quantity which our necessities re 
 quired. We were imperfectly supplied with camp equipage, 
 having no tents, and consequently the men remainel on 
 board the transports until the number of sick became so 
 great as to require all the available room, when the few men 
 fit for duty were directed to encamp on the shore. We 
 managed to get a few shelter tents, and with the aid of 
 boughs and stray pieces of lumber succeeded in erecting a 
 covering to crawl under at night, but which afforded little or 
 no protection against the deadly night damps, and, sleeping 
 as we were obliged to, on the poisonous ground, it is not 
 strange that the malarial disorders increased at an alarming 
 rate. 
 
23 
 
 The sickness in the army was also greatly augmented by 
 the work which the men were compelled to perform during 
 the day. Immediately upon our arrival Gen. Williams, who 
 was a great martinet, ordered daily drills with knapsacks.* 
 In addition to these duties, the men were set to work in the 
 broiling sun digging a canal across the peninsula, which was 
 designed to divert and wholly change the course of the river. 
 It was claimed that by digging through a thin upper crust 
 of earth a substratum of quicksand would be reached, and it 
 was then proposed to let in the current of the river, the force 
 of which, it was expected, would cut through the sand and 
 form a new channel, and Vicksburg would thereby be made 
 an inland city, and rendered wholly useless as an objective 
 point. 
 
 This colossal piece of folly, according to Parton, seems to 
 have been conceived by Gen. Butler, for in his book relating to 
 Gen. Butler s career in New Orleans (pp. 5 54-5) ; after referring 
 to the fact that Admiral Farragut and Genls. Williams and 
 Weitzel had expressed the opinion that Vicksburg could not 
 be taken with less than 10,000 men, he says : * * * * 
 " This opinion being communicated to Gen. Butler, he de- 
 " voted the spare hours of a week to the study of the position. 
 Many plans, measurements, natives of the town, engineer 
 " officers, and even works on geology were examined. The 
 " conception of the celebrated cut-off was the result of his 
 " cogitations. It was truly an ingenious and most plausible 
 " scheme. Such a canal cut across almost any other bend of 
 
 * For the reason, as was alleged, that he was distrusted that a few of the men suc 
 cumbed to the intense heat during the useless and fruitless march around Grand Gulf, 
 and he proposed in this wiy to toughen and accustjm ihem to the sun. 
 
2-i " BUTLER S DITCH." 
 
 " the river would have answered the purpose intended. But 
 " nature had concealed under the soft surface of that par- 
 " ticular piece of land a bed of tough clay which baffled the 
 11 progress of diverting the course of the river. It happened 
 " also that the force of the stream at that point tends to the 
 " opposite shore, and could not be persuaded to co-operate 
 " effectually with the canal cutters. Consequently the Father 
 " of Waters kept to his ancient bed, and Vicksburg remained 
 " a river town." 
 
 The only merit this wonderful scheme had, as Mr. Parton 
 truly says, was that it was " most plausible." It sounded 
 well and superficially had the ring of a great military stroke, 
 so much so, that some few sanguine souls predicted it would 
 prove to be an achievement well worthy of a great master in 
 the art of war. But to those who had to do with the prac 
 tical part of it, and who imperiled their lives in the hopeless 
 task of trying to make it a success, the undertaking from the 
 start was regarded as an utterly chimerical one, and for that 
 reason it was denominated " Folly Creek " or " Butler s Ditch." 
 It was not strange that such a project should have been the 
 coinage of the brain of the hero of Bermuda Hundred and of 
 the Fort Fisher Petard, but it is strange that so absurd an ex 
 periment should afterward have been persisted in. Its failure 
 is a matter of history, and it is now apparent that it was 
 never practicable and at no time was there any possibility 
 that it would prove a success. Of course had Gen. Butler 
 triumphed in this scheme there would have been no limit to 
 the degree of credit which he would have claimed and the 
 occasion would have enabled him to issue a series of buncomb 
 
" BUTLER S DITCH" AND ITS ABANDONMENT. 25 
 
 orders celebrating the wonderful achievements of a handful of 
 New England men who had opened to the Northwest the 
 lower half of its great water course to the sea. It was 
 the boast of Gen. Jackson that he had opened this highway 
 to the Northwest, and had Butler succeeded in reducing 
 Vicksburg, which at that time was the only important forti 
 fied point on the river not controlled by our forces, he could, 
 and undoubtedly would have claimed a higher meed of praise 
 than was awarded to the redoubtable Jackson. 
 
 After a majority of our entire command had been brought 
 down with malarial diseases, from inhaling the fumes and 
 vapors which arose from the soil as it was excavated and 
 exposed to the air and sun, a large auxilary force of negroes, 
 gathered from the surrounding country, was set to work. 
 But notwithstanding, the expedient was a failure. The river 
 persisted in falling, and we were not able to dig fast enough 
 to keep pace with it, and so, much to our relief, we were 
 ordered to abandon the enterprise. 
 
 Gen. Grant afterwards attempted to finish the job but met 
 with no success. Personally he seems to have had no confi 
 dence in it, and it eventually culminated in a stupendous 
 fizzle. 
 
 Badeau in his Military History of Grant thus refers to it. 
 
 * * * "As early as the 20th of January, (1863) 
 " Gen. Grant had instructed McGlernand to enlarge the 
 " canal. He had been ordered by Halleck to direct his atten- 
 " tion particularly to this undertaking, as the President 
 " attached much importance to it. It was a scheme Badeau 
 " says of magnificent proportions, but more likely to attract 
 
26 
 
 " an imagination like Lincoln s, than to strike favorably a 
 " purely military mind. * * * On the 4th of Feb- 
 " ruary he (Grant) reported to Halleck that he had lost all 
 " faith in the practicability of the scheme. The canal " he 
 said " is at right angles with the thread of the current at 
 " both ends, and both ends are in an eddy, the lower coming 
 " out under bluffs completely commanding it. Warren- 
 " ton, a few miles below, is as capable of as strong de- 
 " fence as Vicksburg." (pp. 163-4, vol. I.) Gen. Badeau 
 then says. * * * ":AJB constructed by Gen. Williams, 
 " the canal was ten feet wide and six feet deep, but his 
 " excavations did not extend through the stratum of 
 " black alluvial soil to the sandy substratum ; and in 
 " 1862, when the water rose so as to run through there 
 " was no enlargement. * * * The result was a total 
 "failure, although Grant s men worked at it two months 
 " and finally when a rise in the river took place, instead of 
 " the water cutting under, it broke through the levees of the 
 " canal itself, and came near drowning all the army engaged 
 " in its enlargement. * * * The troops were obliged 
 11 to flee for their lives. Horses were drowned, implements 
 " were broken and borne away by the current, and all the 
 " labor of many weeks lost." (p. 166, vol. I.) 
 
 In addition to the depression caused by the rapidly increas 
 ing sickness and frightful mortality in the command, our 
 position was a perilous one. We were frequently subjected 
 to heavy cannonades from the enemy s guns, and on one or 
 two occasions were obliged to change our position to avoid 
 the effect of their shells. 
 
PROTECTING MORTAR BOATS LIEUT. PARKER. 27 
 
 Some of our mortar boats anchored near to the Vicksburg 
 shore were much annoyed by attacks made upon them from 
 behind the cover of the thickly wooded banks by the rebel 
 sharpshooters and infantry, and it was feared that an effort 
 might be made to capture these vessels, as they lay quite 
 close to the shore. For their better protection, and to pre 
 vent a surprise, a detail from our regiment, under Lieut. 
 Jackson V. Parker, of Company B, with other troops, was 
 sent across the river. After throwing out a cordon of pickets, 
 the balance of this small force encamped in the swamps a 
 short distance from the bomb-boats, which, in the meantime, 
 had received additional armament in the shape of ship 
 howitzers, and which were so planted that our troops, if 
 attacked, could retire to their cover. The rebels seem not 
 to have been aware of the arrangements thus made for their 
 reception, for in a few days they sallied forth to effect the 
 capture, not only of the entire guard, but, as some of the 
 prisoners afterwards informed us, they " started in " with 
 the expectation of taking a " blacksmith s shop " or two, such 
 being the name given by them to the mortar vessels, on ac 
 count of the quantity of iron disseminated from the shells 
 they dropped. 
 
 The attack was made with an overpowering force, and our 
 men were forced back to the very edge of the stream, closely 
 followed by the " Johnnies," but as the latter emerged from 
 the woods, they were met with such a shower of grape and 
 canister from the howitzers that they were only too glad 
 to beat a hasty and precipitate retreat, which shortly became 
 a perfect rout and stampede. Many of them were killed and 
 
28 OUTPOST SERVICE INCREASED SICKNESS. 
 
 wounded, and for days^ afterwards our men gathered up 
 swords, muskets and cartridge-boxes discarded by them in 
 their flight, to say nothing of the harvest of boots and shoes 
 they left sticking in the mud as they hurriedly wended their 
 way homeward through the swamps. No further attempts 
 were made to molest either our men or the " blacksmith 
 shops," further than to practice upon the former the art of 
 sharpshooting from behind trees. Lieut. Parker and his men 
 spent about ten days in this dangerous position. Much of 
 the time they were stationed under the very shadow of the 
 enemy s fortifications, and were continually exposed to the 
 musketry fire incidental to outpost service. 
 
 By the middle of July so many men were prostrated by 
 disease that it was with difficulty that we could furnish our 
 complement of soldiers for necessary guard duty. 
 
 In our regiment, after the first fortnight, there was not at 
 any one time over three or four officers and from ninety to 
 one hundred men fit for duty. Hardly a day passed but one 
 or two men died, and on one occasion three men from one 
 company died within the rise and set of the sun. We had 
 not men enough off duty to form a funeral escort even for an 
 enlisted man, and those who died were necessarily buried 
 without any ceremony, and generally in such covering as 
 they had about them at the time of their death, and which 
 consisted of nothing but their clothing and an army blanket. 
 
 " No useless coffin enclosed their breasts 
 Nor in sheet, or in shroud we wound them." 
 
 A special correspondent of the New York Tribune in a 
 letter dated July 19th ; thus refers to the general condition of 
 
INCREASED SICKNESS AND MORTALITY DR. BLANCHARD. 29 
 
 both the army and navy. " The sickness on the fleet and in 
 " Gen. Williams command is steadily increasing and the 
 " deaths augmenting. The weather is conducive to disease, 
 " being of the hottest, most sultry and enervating character. 
 " The land forces are suffering greatly, and day before yes- 
 " terday seven men died in one regiment. Some ascribe the 
 " sickness largely to the water. * * * The surgeons 
 " have exhausted nearly all their stock of medicines and in 
 " numerous instances are unable to prescribe what is needed." 
 And in another letter dated July 21st he says : 
 " The sickness on the Flotilla continues to increase and 
 " nearly every vessel bears the appearance of a hospital. 
 "_**.* The weather is so hot and sultry that no 
 " one can sleep under cover, and when men lie in the open 
 " air they incur disease from the malaria in the atmosphere. 
 " One-half to two-thirds of all the persons on the Flotilla are 
 " ill and unfit for duty, while Gen. Williams troops have 
 " suffered terribly as many graves on the Louisiana peninsula 
 " attest. Swamp fever, ague, dengue, dysentery, with gene- 
 " ral debility are the principal complaints." (See N. Y. 
 Tribune, August 2d, 1862.) 
 
 This was no fancy sketch, as those of us who were present 
 can testify. The condition of the command was pitiable. 
 The surgeons, with the limited means at their command had 
 done all that lay in their power, and Dr. Blanchard, then 
 assistant surgeon of our regiment, and the only physician we 
 had with us, although very much affected himself with mal 
 aria, was untiring in his devotion to the sick, and deserves 
 the greatest credit for the patience and skill he displayed. 
 
30 KEBEL RAM " ARKANSAS " EEMOVAL OF THE SICK. 
 
 On the morning of the 15th of July the rebel ram " Arkan 
 sas " after running through Admiral Davis fleet of iron 
 clads at, and below, the mouth of the Yazoo river, succeeded 
 also in running through that portion of Farragut s fleet, 
 which had previously passed Vicksburg and was lying at 
 anchor in the stream on the opposite side of the peninsula, 
 and in a short time was safely moored under the enemy s 
 batteries. Our position, unprotected as we were, by any 
 adequate force, was consequently greatly endangered, and a 
 good deal of consternation prevailed. Had this formidable 
 boat attacked us then, we could have offered no successful 
 resistance, and our transports might easily have been de 
 stroyed. 
 
 Apprehending an onset, orders were received from head 
 quarters to disembark the sick, and move them across 
 the peninsula so that they might be under the protection 
 of the fleet. The execution of this unnecessary and inju 
 dicious order is referred to by Dr. Blanchard, as follows : 
 " By some means, I hardly know how, we got three 
 11 hundred sick and helpless men over to the levee 
 " opposite Vicksburg, without tents or blankets, and with- 
 " out food or medicines. Just at night it began to rain 
 " in a drizzling sort of way, I managed to get a limited 
 11 supply of crackers and tea, and spent the night wading 
 u through the mud distributing these articles of nourishment 
 11 which was all I could obtain. The next morning we receiv- 
 " ed orders to return to the transports." 
 Farragut, nettled by the fact that the " Arkansas " had 
 safely run through his squadron, resolved that very night 
 
ADMIRAL FARRAGUT DEATH OF CAPT. BROOKS. 31 
 
 to re-run the rebel batteries and resume his original posi 
 tion below Vicksburg. About nine o clock at night his 
 ships got under weigh and shortly afterward the mortar 
 boats and our own batteries opened a furious bombard 
 ment. The enemy anticipating Farragut s movement, at 
 once set fire to numerous tar barrels and other combus 
 tibles, which cast a very bright illumination over the river 
 in their immediate front, and as the vessels of the fleet 
 came within range of the rebels guns a terrific cannonade was 
 begun. For over two hours the roar of three hundred pieces 
 of the heaviest ordnance was continuous. By midnight the 
 entire squadron had passed the batteries, and was safely 
 anchored nearly opposite our transports. It was a most 
 brilliant exploit, and an achievement well worthy of the 
 heroic commander who conceived it. 
 
 Although the fleet was not seriously damaged, it was felt 
 that our position was an untenable and exceedingly hazardous 
 one ; we were practically surrounded ; our supplies were 
 .nearly exhausted, and it was with the greatest difficulty and 
 danger that our line of communication was kept open. No 
 vessel could reach us except under the convoy of one or two 
 gun-boats, and it was finally determined that we should re 
 turn to Baton Rouge. 
 
 One incident occurred at this time which greatly enhanced 
 the general gloom and sorrow, and was occasioned by the 
 tragic death of Capt. Lorenzo Brooks, of Company F, who 
 was killed on the transport " Geres," while in command of a 
 -party of soldiers who had been sent to return the negroes em 
 ployed in the work upon " Butler Ditch." The " Ceres " was 
 
32 DEATH OF CAPT. BROOKS. 
 
 one of our hospital boats, and was selected for the purpose 
 on account of her large deck space. Quite a number of our 
 sick, including several disabled officers, were on board and 
 preferred to remain rather than incur the risk of passing the 
 night on shore in our pedtilential encampment. Among the 
 officers who accompanied the expedition were Col. Roberts, 
 Capt. D. B. Peck (afterwards Colonel), Capts. Salmon, Button, 
 John L. Moseley, and Lieuts. Harris and R. C. Gales, the 
 names of the others I do not recall. The negroes were em 
 barked about dark, and the " Ceres " started down the river. 
 The result of her trip was thus described by a correspondent 
 of the New York Times : "On the 22d of July the < Ceres 
 " was sent to a point about twelve miles below Vicksburg, 
 " with three or four hundred negroes who had been in the 
 " employ of the government for the purpose of returning them 
 " to their owners. After landing them, and while returning, 
 " the Ceres was fired into by field artillery, stationed 
 " along the shore, thirty-two shots being fired in quick suc- 
 " cession, consisting of grape, six pound shot and shells. 
 "Eight shots passed through the boat; one charge of grape 
 " lodged in the hull ; one six pound round shot went through 
 " the hull, six inches below the water line ; six shots passed 
 " through between the upper and lower decks, and one 
 " through the cabin, killing Capt. Brooks." (See N. Y. Times, 
 August llth, 1862). This account is substantially corrobo 
 rated by Col. Peck, who speaks of the affair as follows : 
 * * * I remained on board with the other sick 
 " officers. The negroes were safely delivered about mid- 
 " night, * * * and we were within about five miles. 
 
DEATH AND BUEIAL OF CAPT. BROOKS. 33 
 
 " of our camp, on our return, when ( the rebels opened fire 
 " upon us from a light battery placed where the river made 
 " a sharp bend, and the current ran very strong. The second 
 " shot struck the rail of the cabin deck and glanced upward, 
 " killing Capt. Brooks. * * * Owing to the curve 
 " in the river we were necessarily within range for a long 
 " distance, and it is not surprising that we were struck twenty - 
 " three times out of thirty-two shots ; eleven of these were 
 " in the hull, and five of them below the water line. The 
 " third shot struck the starboard engine, stopping it and of 
 " course leaving us turning round in the face of the battery. 
 " Fortunately for us it was nothing more serious than the 
 " knocking of the eccentric lever rod out of place, and this 
 " being promptly put back in position we soon passed out of 
 " range. Our worst leaks were stopped by tearing up mat- 
 " trasses and clothing and stuffing up the holes. We had no 
 " means of replying to the fire, except with muskets which 
 " were of no use." 
 
 It seems the enemy had observed the embarkation on, and 
 departure of, the " Ceres" without an escort, and so ran a 
 light battery down from Vicksburg and planted it at the 
 point indicated by Col. Peck, with a view, no doubt, of sink 
 ing the transport on her return. But for the darkness of 
 the night, and the fact that the lights were extinguished as 
 soon as the firing began, the " Ceres " would probably have 
 been totally destroyed, and all on board would have been 
 killed or lost. Capt. Brooks was an efficient and popular 
 officer, and his loss was severely felt. He was buried with 
 military honors at Baton Eouge on the return of the regi- 
 
34 SENDING SICK TO BATON ROUGE CAPT. KILBURN. 
 
 ment to that place, and subsequently his body was removed 
 to his native place. The next day after this sad occurrence 
 the entire command embarked upon the transports, and 
 accompanied by the whole fleet proceeded down the river to 
 Baton Rouge. 
 
 ^ A few days before, a portion of the sick had been placed 
 on board the steamer " Morning Light," under the command 
 of Capt. John B. Kilburn of Company D, who furnishes me 
 with the following statement : 
 
 " Some four days previous to the abandonment of Vicks- 
 " burg, I was detailed to take the sick of our regiment to 
 " Baton Kouge. On my going aboard the "Morning Light" 
 " I found the sick were being removed from where the upper 
 " fleet lay to the boat. The day was consumed in getting 
 " the sick and necessary subsistence on board. I was di- 
 " rected to proceed down the river without a convoy or even 
 " a hospital flag. On reporting my readiness to leave, how- 
 " ever, I was instructed to wait further orders. We were 
 " detained three days, and much suffering ensued, many of 
 " the men dying. Just before the expedition started on its 
 " return a gunboat was assigned to act as my escort, and 
 " I was directed to keep far enough ahead of the fleet so 
 " that the sick would not be disturbed by the guns, and not 
 " to use our cannon except for protection. There were three 
 " hundred and fifty of the sick from our regiment, and a few 
 " from other regiments on board. Every available place on 
 " the boat was occupied. The weather was intensely hot, 
 " and much discomfort and suffering was experienced from 
 41 the crowded condition of the vessel. We left Vicksburg 
 
HOSPITAL BOAT AND ITS ARRIVAL AT BATON ROUGE. 35 
 
 " on the morning of the 24th, and I ordered the officers of 
 ." the boat to proceed with the utmost speed consistent with 
 " safety. Ahout eleven o clock p. M. I retired, but was soon 
 " aroused by the scraping of the keel and the stoppage of 
 " the ship. On reaching the deck I found both the " Morn- 
 " ing Light" and our convoy were fast aground. This was 
 " about one o clock A. M. We worked all night trying to 
 " get afloat, but without success. In the meantime two of 
 " our men died, and we dug a trench on the shore, burying 
 " them in their blankets. About ten o clock in the fore- 
 " noon we were overtaken by the advance vessels of the fleet, 
 " and with their assistance were dragged out of the mud and 
 " proceeded on our journey. Dr. Blanchard was on board, 
 " but was not able to do much for the sick, as he had no 
 " medicines. We reached Baton Kouge that evening, and 
 " took possession of a hotel as a temporary hospital, and 
 " began at once to remove the men. We succeeded in get- 
 ting them ashore during the night, but six died in the re- 
 " moval. As to the boat running aground there was but one 
 " way of accounting for it, and that was that we had a rebel 
 " for a pilot." 
 
 Dr. Blanchard, whose attention to the sick had. been un 
 remitting, was finally obliged to succumb to the malarial 
 trouble from which, for some time, he had been suffering, and 
 which was greatly aggravated by the anxiety and responsi 
 bility which had devolved upon him. Fortunately, under 
 the judicious and careful treatment which he received he was 
 soon restored to duty, and afterwards rendered most excellent 
 and efficient service in the line of his profession. 
 
36 RETURN TO BATON ROUGE. 
 
 The main body of the expedition left Vicksburg on the 
 evening of the 24th, our regiment forming the rear guard. 
 We reached Baton Eouge without important incidents on the 
 26th of July, and thus ended, after the sacrifice of many 
 valuable lives, an expedition which, had the advice of military 
 men of experience been followed, would never have been un 
 dertaken. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONDITION OF THE REGIMENT DEATH OF LIEUT. CULL- 
 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE DEATH OF COL. EGBERTS 
 RETURN TO CARROLTON CHANGES AND PROMOTIONS. 
 
 1BB2, 
 
 our return to Baton Rouge the regiment was in a de- 
 plorable condition. Just thirty-six days before we had 
 set forth from that rendezvous nearly eight hundred strong, 
 buoyant with hope and eager for active service. In that 
 short space of time, disease and death had so reduced our 
 ranks as to leave us with less than one hundred enlisted men 
 fit for duty. At a review which occurred a few days before 
 the battle, two or three companies of our regiment were not 
 represented, their services being required to bury the dead. 
 Among those who fell a victim to disease, occasioned by our 
 terrible exposure, was Lieut. Richard T, Cull of Company E, 
 a most faithful officer. He died at Baton Eouge, and was 
 buried there with military honors. Some days before the 
 engagement we were joined by Capt. Porter with his company, 
 and the men of D Company who had been left to garrison 
 Fort Pike, numbering, in all, about one hundred men. 
 
38 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE PRELIMINARIES. 
 
 The battle of Baton Rouge was fought on the 5th of 
 August. On the morning of the 4th I was detailed as field 
 officer of the day. I was not relieved from duty until the 
 evening of the 5th, and therefore was not with the regiment 
 during the fight, and saw it but once during the progress of 
 the action. Hence, in narrating the part which the regi 
 ment took in this battle, I am obliged to base my statements 
 upon reports of those who participated in, and who were 
 eye witnesses of, its movements during the day, and from 
 such other materials and data as I gathered at the time and 
 afterwards verified. 
 
 As the action was opened under my own observation I de 
 sire for the purpose of illustration briefly to refer to my 
 personal experience prior to, and during the early part of the 
 engagement. 
 
 On reporting to Gen. Williams on the morning of the 4th, 
 I was instructed to carefully inspect the picket line and out 
 posts as he was in receipt of information which led him to 
 expect an attack from Gen. Breckenridge s army, which for 
 several days had been hovering in our immediate front. Our 
 picket line was a good deal extended, and formed almost a 
 semi-circle, and in executimg my orders I was engaged the 
 better part of the day. 
 
 About dusk on the evening of the 4th I was apprised, by 
 Gen. Williams, that his scouts had brought him intelligence 
 which strongly indicated that the long looked for attack 
 would take place either that night or in the early morning, 
 and I was charged to direct our outposts and pickets to be 
 especially vigilant, and to take every possible precaution 
 
BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE COMMENCEMENT. 39 
 
 against a surprise. I accordingly started at once to make a 
 second tour of inspection, accompanied by Lieut. Charles 
 Clark of our regiment and a mounted orderly. The night 
 was intensely black, and the fog so dense as to greatly im 
 pede our progress. It was nearly two o clock A. M. before 
 we completed the rounds. Everything at that time being 
 quiet, Lieut. Clark returned to his quarters. I had dis 
 mounted and was engaged in getting some refreshments, 
 preparatory to making another tour, when a few straggling 
 shots were fired from a direction immediately in front of our 
 regiment. I hurried to the spot with my orderly, but in the 
 darkness and fog rode through and beyond our line until I 
 encountered the rebel skirmishers, who, after sharply calling 
 a halt, fired a volley, by means of which I discovered my 
 mistake and at once retraced my steps ; but on approaching 
 our line, being mistaken for the enemy, our men opened fire, 
 and for a short time we were exposed to the bullets of both 
 friend and foe. Fortunately the fog was so thick that our 
 exact position could not be distinguished, and we thereby 
 escaped any serious consequences. 
 
 I had scarcely time to deploy my skirmishers before a 
 furious onset was made upon our position on the Greenwell 
 Spring road, and about the same time another assault followed 
 on the Clinton road some distance to the left. Our men 
 fought well, but we were outnumbered, and gradually driven 
 from one stand to another, until at last we were obliged to 
 fall back upon the main body when the action became general. 
 
 In the meantime Gen. Williams, to whom I had previously 
 communicated the situation of affairs, rode up with a portion.. 
 
40 BATTLE OF BATON EOUGE COMMENCEMENT. 
 
 of his staff. He seemed to have no particular scheme of 
 defence in mind, and was apparently at a loss what instruc 
 tions to give, but finding that the picket line could no longer 
 successfully resist the enemy s advance, he ordered me to 
 proceed to the line further on the right, which, at that time, 
 had not been driven in, and to superintend operations there, 
 and if forced back to the supporting columns I was directed 
 to at once assume command of the pickets on the flanks rest 
 ing on the river, which latter positions I was instructed to 
 hold at all hazards, giving timely notice of any serious attack 
 from that quarter. The General was extremely apprehensive 
 of an attack on our left flank as he had been informed that 
 the ram " Arkansas " was to descend the river and assail us 
 from that point simultaneouly with the assault which the 
 rebel army was to make in our front. This seems to have 
 been a part of the enemy s plan, but happily for us, it failed, 
 in that the " Arkansas " did not make her appearance until 
 the next day when finding our gun-boats were moving for 
 ward to encounter her she was grounded and destroyed by 
 her own commander. 
 
 In proceeding to the picket line on the right I passed our 
 regiment which at that time was in line of battle in front of its 
 camp. I stopped for a moment to give Col. Roberts the 
 point of attack, whom I found had received no specific in 
 structions as to what he was to do, and while we were con 
 versing a spent shot from one of the rebel batteries ploughed 
 up the earth near us, glanced over our heads and struck one 
 of the men of D Company knocking him down and causing 
 serious injury. I saw nothing more of the regiment until 
 
BATTLE OF BATON EOUGE CONDITION OF REGIMENT. 41 
 
 the engagement was over. Lieut.-Col. Fullam, in the letter 
 to which I have adverted, thus refers to the condition of the 
 regiment, and to the state of affairs before and on the day of 
 the battle. " * * * The day before the fight our 
 " morning report showed 18 officers and 293 enlisted men 
 " 311 in all for duty. Of this number, 1 officer and 42 
 " enlisted men were on guard duty, leaving 268 to engage 
 " in the battle. * * * There were nearly 300 sick in 
 " camp, many of whom and several from hospital, although 
 " unfit for duty, joined our ranks during the action, prefer- 
 " ring to share the dangers of their comrades to remaining 
 " in security and inactivity. * * * Out of the 118 days 
 " since our arrival at Ship Island we had not been able to 
 V drill as a battallion more than thirty times, and never to 
 " any effect since May 14th. * * * From the occupa- 
 " tion of Baton Rouge, about the middle of May, up to the time 
 " of the battle, although it was well understood that our 
 " troops were liable to attack, the earth had not been broken, 
 " nor had a single tree been felled to prepare defences, and 
 " we found ourselves on the day of the engagement weakened 
 " by disease, and almost in a state of disorganization, in a 
 " position in which our gun-boats could not aid us, and with- 
 " out so much as a rifle pit to obstruct the enemy who 
 "greatly outnumbered us. * * * Gen. Williams 
 " directed that in case of attack the regiment should be 
 " formed in front of the camp and wait orders, but if there 
 " should be sharp firing in any direction, Col. Roberts might, 
 " if he thought best, move to such spot. There was no posi- 
 " tion assigned us other than this, nor did I ever learn that 
 
42 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE NO PLAN OF DEFENSE. 
 
 " any of the regiments were better informed in relation to 
 11 their duties."* 
 
 While the regiment was waiting for definite orders, the 
 firing became very heavy on the left, at a point which, in my 
 conversation with Col. Roberts, I had indicated as one from 
 which I thought an attack would be made. Col. Roberts, in 
 accordance with the general nature of his instructions, very 
 
 *As pointed out by Col. Fullam, not a step was taken from the time we occupied 
 Baton Rouge, early in May, toward the erection of any kind of fortifications to repel 
 an attack, notwithstanding the post was constantly threatened by the rebels ; and it 
 was not until after the battle that intrenchments were thrown up. General Williams, 
 although a brave and gallant officer, seemed to think it wholly unnecessary to make 
 any preparations for defence, preferring to rely upon such fortuitous plans as should 
 occur to him in the heat of action. Even on the eve of the engagement no proper or 
 definite disposition of his troops had been made, and but few, if any, of the regimen 
 tal commanders at the front knew what they were to do, or what positions they were 
 to maintain. It is true the general tenor of their instructions were to form in front of 
 their respective camps and wait orders ; but they were also enjoined, if the firing was 
 heavy at any other given point, to move thither. Of course, under such directions, 
 with a dense fog prevailing and sharp firing going on at an opposite or different quir- 
 ter, it was difficult to decide what to do. Whether to move or not was a question 
 which necessarily occasioned much perplexity, especially as the position of many of 
 the regiments was unknown, and could only be determined in a conjectural way. The 
 result was that more or less confusion prevailed. Our own troops frequently fired into 
 each other, as was the case when the 4th Mass. Battery fired at the Seventh, mistaking 
 it for the enemy, and as also happened when the Indiana regiment ran under the fire 
 of the Seventh, which was directed, as was supposed, toward the rebels. Other of our 
 regiments had a similar experience, and the Indian<ans, therefore, were not the only 
 ones who suffered from the lack of an orderly and perfected plan of general operations. 
 Indeed, during the early part of the engagement there was not the slightest pretense 
 to either concert or unity "of action. Each regimental commander was given dis 
 cretionary power to do as he pleased, and was left to fight wherever in his indi 
 vidual judgment he could do the most good. The consequence was that many 
 of the regiments were continually changing positions and scurrying about hither 
 and thither all over the field, rendering it impossible to avoid mistakes, and the 
 only wonder is that more serious blunders were not committed. While much 
 of the disorder which ensued was due to the heavy fog, yet it would hardly have 
 been possible, even with such an element to obscure the vision, that so much con 
 fusion should have prevailed, had proper precautions been taken in the first instance. 
 1 have been told by an officer of high rank, who knew Gen. Williams well, that 
 he was courageous, but constitutionally rash and impulsive, and was far more apt 
 to rush into action without any preconceived plan as to what he would do, than he was 
 to block-out in advance a wise and judicious scheme of attack. While this " press- 
 where-you-see-my-white-plume-wave " style is sometimes effective in the hurly-burly 
 of an assault, it is rarely ever the part of wisdom to resort to it in defending a city, 
 and certainly in this instance it was wholly unjustifiable. It was entirely practicable 
 to have thrown up earthworks and to have so disposed of the troops as to have 
 accomplished harmony of action instead of bringing about confusion and disorder. 
 Had this been done we should have inflicted much greater damage to the enemy with 
 far less loss to ourselves. 
 
BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE FOG AND SMOKE. 43 
 
 properly moved the regiment in that direction, and took up 
 a position where he supposed the regiment would be able to 
 render effective service. At this time the fog and smoke was 
 so thick that it was next to impossible to distinguish friend 
 from foe. Col. Fullam, who had gone forward to reconnoiter, 
 and to ascertain, if possible, the position of the 21st Indiana, 
 was unable to locate it with certainty, and could only learn 
 that it had moved further to the right. About this time 
 some of Manning s guns went into battery in rear of the regi 
 ment and opened an indiscriminate fire which greatly en 
 dangered its position. A round shot, followed by a shell, 
 struck the ground between Lieut. Jackson V. Parker and 
 Sergeant-Major George Brown, covering both of them with 
 dirt ; thereupon Col. Fullam was sent to the officer in charge 
 of these pieces to acquaint him with the position of our regi 
 ment. Finding the men were so exposed as to be subjected 
 to a heavier fire from our own troops behind, than from the 
 enemy in front, Col. Roberts moved the regiment back to its 
 original position in front of the camp. Col. Fullam says: * 
 * * " As soon as I had executed this order (referring to his 
 " instructions to go back to the officer in charge of the guns) 
 " I attempted to rejoin the regiment. On the way I met and 
 11 caught the horse of Col. Eoberts, and was leading him up 
 " the road when I was assailed by a shower of bullets. The 
 11 Colonel s horse was frightened and broke away from me, 
 " while my own was seriously wounded; and, judging it im- 
 " possible to reach the regiment by that route, I took another 
 " and came in through the right of our camp. * * * 
 " From this time I was constantly with, and in command of 
 
44 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE FALL OF COL. ROBERTS. 
 
 " the regiment, and during the day, while exposed to the 
 " enemy s fire, we several times changed positions without 
 " disorder in any case." 
 
 During the absence 01 Col. Fullam, our heroic and ever- 
 to-be-lamented Colonel was borne from the field, in the thick 
 est of the fight, mortally wounded. 
 
 " Right in the van, 
 
 " he fell 
 
 " Foeward. as fits a man." 
 
 When the regiment resumed its original position the ac 
 tion was raging with great fury directly in front of our camp 
 and that of the 21st Indiana. Owing to the fog, which had 
 not yet lifted, and to the smoke which was constantly increas 
 ing, objects could not be distinguished ten yards ahead. 
 Although the regiment was under a terrible fire, Col. Roberts 
 wisely hesitated to give the order to commence firing as he 
 was apprehensive that the Indiana regiment might be in his 
 front. At this moment Gen. Williams rode up and peremp 
 torily, and in an excited, and somewhat brusque, manner, in 
 structed him to open fire. The Colonel was, of course, 
 obliged to give the order, but did so very reluctantly. 
 
 Before many vollies had been discharged, an officer appeared 
 and exclaimed that the fire of the Seventh was affecting the 
 Indianians. The Colonel promptly gave the order to cease 
 firing. This was his last command, for he immediately fell 
 from a severe wound in the neck. While being carried to 
 the rear he was again hit in the thigh by a Minie ball. Dr. 
 Blanchard soon reached the spot to which the Colonel had 
 been removed, and gave him all the medical aid possible. 
 
BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE DEATH OF COL. ROBERTS. 45 
 
 Having no ambulance, a one-horse cart or dray was obtained, 
 in which uncomfortable conveyance, on a thin litter of hay, he 
 was taken to the hospital. I met him on the way, as I was 
 returning from the picket line on the right flank. He was 
 cheerful and bright, although seemingly suffering some pain. 
 
 I expressed much sorrow that he, of all others, should have 
 been stricken. He replied that he did not consider his 
 wounds serious, and hoped soon to be on duty again. The 
 wound in the thigh proved fatal, the ball having glanced up 
 wards, penetrating the vital organs. Two days afterwards 
 he quietly, and apparently painlessly, passed from among the 
 living. 
 
 On the fall of Col. Roberts the regiment was temporarily 
 left without a field officer, and until the return of Col. Fullam 
 the command devolved upon Capt. (afterward Major and 
 Colonel) Porter, who displayed great coolness and courage, 
 and whose conduct was highly praiseworthy, and far more 
 deserving of credit and notice in General Orders than that 
 of some others whom Gen. Butler saw fit to eulogize. From 
 this time on, and until the close of the action, the regiment 
 bore its full part of the brunt of it. Col. N. A. M. Dudley, 
 who commanded the right wing, which embraced our regi 
 ment, in his official report among other things says : * * * 
 " It cannot be expected that I should mention the brave 
 
 II exploits of persons, or even regiments, particularly when 
 " all did so well. On no occasion did I see a single regiment 
 " misbehave, all seemed to act with a coolness and determin- 
 " ation that surprised even ourselves after the excitement 
 "was over. * * * Under a close and severe fire 
 
46 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE COMPLIMENTARY REPORTS. 
 
 ." Mannings Battery was compelled to fall back, which it did 
 11 with considerable confusion, leaving behind one piece and 
 " a caisson. * * * * Capt. Manning quickly rallied 
 " his men, and went into battery on the right of the Indiana 
 ." 21st, well supported on the right by the Vermont 7th 7 
 " Lieut. -Col. Fullam (Col. Roberts having been mortally 
 " wounded). * * * * In the meantime the enemy 
 " appeared in strong force directly in front of the Indiana 
 " 21st, Vermont 7th, and Massachusetts 30th. At one time 
 11 these three brave regiments stood face to face with the enemy, 
 11 within forty yards, for full one hour. The contest for this 
 " piece of ground was terrific. 11 
 
 Col. Cahill, 9th Connecticut, who succeeded to the com 
 mand of the entire force, on the death of Genl. Williams, in 
 his official report to Genl. Butler among other things said : 
 
 *.**. The officers commanding regiments and 
 " corps may well say for themselves that more undaunted 
 " bravery, coolness and skill in the handling of their com- 
 " mands has not been displayed on any battle field than that 
 " of Baton Rouge. * * * Colonel Roberts of the 7th 
 " Vermont fell mortally wounded and has since died. He 
 " was a gentleman of a generous nature and of a cultured 
 " mind." 
 
 Gen. Weitzel, chief of staff to Gen. Butler, being sent to 
 Baton Rouge after the battle to ascertain the condition of 
 affairs reported to Gen. Butler in substance. * * * 
 " That his troops had won a glorious victory. That one-half 
 " of the men who left the hospitals to fight could not march 
 " over a mile. That their conduct was magnificent as well as 
 
BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE COMPLIMENTARY REPORTS. 47 
 
 " that of all our officers and soldiers. That the attack was 
 " undoubtedly made upon the strength of representations of 
 " rebels within our lines that our troops were all sick and 
 " demoralized." 
 
 Lieut.-Col. Fullam speaking of some of the incidents of the 
 engagement among other things says. * * * "I sent a 
 " sergeant and twenty-nine men at the request of an officer 
 " of Manning s Battery to bring off a caisson. * * * 
 "Several men -were wounded. One corporal of the color 
 " guard lost an arm. Our national flag, (we not being 
 " allowed to take the State flag into action) was borne by 
 " Color-Sergeant Parkhurst from the time the line was 
 " first formed in the grey light of the morning until after the 
 1 fight was ended, and most gallantly did he bear it, his tall 
 " form nobly erect amid the smoke and blaze of battle while 
 " the troops and even the color guard, were, a portion of the 
 " time, made to lie flat upon the ground to escape the deadly 
 " fire of the enemy. He did not flinch or falter and dis- 
 " charged his duty faithfully to the end." 
 
 Lieut. E. V. N. Hitchcock, of Company C, who at the time 
 of the fight was serving on the staff of Gen. Phelps, in a 
 letter published in the Kutland Herald, gives an account of 
 the action, which is in the main correct, and notwithstanding 
 he refers to me in highly flattering terms I am led to make 
 the following extracts for the reason that Gen. Butler in his 
 order No. 62 (which will hereafter be adverted to) sought to 
 convey the impression that none of the officers or men of the 
 Seventh were much more than casually engaged in the fight, 
 and that none of them were entitled to any credit. * * * * 
 
48 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE COMPLIMENTARY REPORTS. 
 
 " Soon after the battle I was directed by Gen. Phelps to pro- 
 " ceed to Baton Eouge * * * to ascertain the condition 
 " of matters. Executing this commission, I was able to 
 " obtain a very full understanding of the whole affair. I 
 " went over the field of battle many times, and with many 
 " officers, each describing to me the operations on those parts 
 " of the field where he himself was. * * * Not only 
 " from the many careful descriptions given me on the field 
 " but from conversations with all grades, and of all corps 
 11 engaged, I take such facts as are surely attested. 
 " Col. Eoberts had received instructions from Gen. Williams 
 " to go where the enemy pressed hardest. He took the ex- 
 " treme left, but subsequently moved back to his original 
 " position which had now become the hottest part of the field. 
 " The enemy were pressing vigorously and the tents of the 
 " Seventh were riddled with bullets and grape. Col. Eoberts 
 " here fell. * * * Twas now that twenty-one brave 
 " men felt the rebel lead. * * * All this happened in a 
 " few moments. Lieut.-Col. Fullam had not yet returned 
 " from what proved a rather adventurous reconnoissance. 
 " The command devolved on Capt. Porter, who moved the 
 " regiment back the width of the camp were the line was formed 
 " on^he new base already taken by other corps. 
 " After this retrograde movement, Lieut.-Col. Fullam assumed 
 " command. * * * Color-Sergeant Parkhurst held the 
 " colors firmly. His giant form stood firm as a rock amidst 
 " the iron hail, even when the regiment was ordered to he 
 " down. He ever kept the colors in their place, and a 
 "prouder place to stand I know not than near that color 
 
BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE COMPLIMENTARY REPORTS. 49 
 
 " guard. * * * * Capt. Peck, and many other officers 
 " and privates, left the hospital to fight. I could tell of the 
 41 many expressions of admiration for Col. Roberts cool self- 
 " possession, and of the many soldier hearts who mourn, as 
 41 only soldiers mourn who see their leader fall. Lieut.-Col. 
 41 Fullam showed himself to be as cool and collected in battle 
 41 as anywhere. A volley discharged for his sole benefit 
 " wounded his horse, but he miraculously escaped. Major 
 41 Holbrook held nearly the most important position of the 
 41 day. He had command of the guards and outposts. Prob- 
 41 ably no officer was so actively and constantly engaged. 
 Flying from picket to picket, keeping the enemy s advance 
 " in check, conveying information of the direction, nearness 
 " and even strength, of the enemy s different columns. The 
 4t great task of doing everything but actually leading on our 
 41 men, belonged to the field officer of the day, and right 
 4{ nobly did he do it. It is a wonder that he was not taken 
 " off by sharp-shooters, and that the storm of shot avoided 
 41 him. I know of nothing but the faithful performance of 
 41 duty by all the officers of the line. I have heard men of 
 " Company C express their highest admiration of Capt. Por- 
 41 ter s bravery, and of that of Lieut. Dickinson. I could 
 " mention many names of men who showed themselves deserv- 
 41 ing of commissions, but I intended this account to be brief. 
 The surgeons, Drs. Kelley, Blanchard and Green, had a 
 41 severe trial, not more of skill than of endurance, and all give 
 4{ them honor." 
 
 In addition to these statements, I know that many officers 
 and men left their sick beds and made every endeavor to 
 
50 BATTLE OF BATON ROUGE DEATH OF JACK RUSSELL. 
 
 join the regiment. Capt, Peck, who was seriously ill, made 
 great efforts to get to his company, but was too weak to reach 
 it in time to take part in the action. 
 
 Among others killed was my faithful attendant Jack Rus 
 sell. He was a bright, intelligent lad from Bellows Falls- 
 who accompanied me on the departure of the regiment from 
 the State. Being too young to enlist, but wishing " to go to 
 the war " I accepted his services as my personal attendant. 
 On the morning of the engagement he made an effort to join 
 me, and knowing I was on the picket line he made his way 
 thither under a very heavy fire with an additional revolver 
 which he thought I might need. His body, pierced with 
 balls, was found the next day at the extreme front surrounded 
 by the dead of both sides and a broken musket lying near 
 him. The intrepid boy was drawn into the thickest of the 
 fray and nobly sacrificed his life in his endeavor to render 
 me a personal service. 
 
 " The broken gun beside him all his life s 
 
 Short story told ! 
 
 How he did his duty bravely till the death tide 
 O er him rolled." 
 
 The report of Gen. Weitzel above alluded to was dated 
 August 7th. On the 9th the following order was promul 
 gated by Gen. Butler, which although addressed to the 
 " Soldiers of the Army of the Gulf" was evidently meant to 
 be specially and equally applicable to the several regiments 
 which participated in the battle of Baton Rouge as their 
 conduct was the theme which occasioned the issuance of this 
 unique and bombastic mandate. 
 
GES. BUTLER S ORDER NO. 57. 51_ 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 "NEW ORLEANS, August gth, 1862. 
 
 General Order No. 57. 
 ** Soldiers of tJie Army of the Gulf : 
 
 " Your successes have heretofore been substantially bloodless. 
 
 "Taking and holding the most important strategic and commercial 
 "positions with the aid of the gallant navy, by the wisdom of your 
 "combinations and the moral power of your arms, it has been left for 
 " the last few days to baptize you in blood. 
 
 "The Spanish conqueror of Mexico won imperishable renown by 
 " landing in that country and burning his transport ships to cut off all 
 "hope of retreat. You, more wise and economical, but with equal 
 " providence against retreat, sent yours home. 
 
 "Organized to operate on the sea coast, you advanced your outposts 
 "to Baton Rouge, the capital of Louisiana, more thai two hundred and 
 " fifty miles into the interior. 
 
 "Attacked there by a division of our rebel enemies, under com- 
 "mand of a Major-General, recreant to loyal Kentucky, whom some of 
 "us would have honored before his apostacy, of doubly superior 
 "numbers, you have repulsed in the open field his myrmidons, who- 
 "took advantage of your sickness, from the malaria of the marshes of 
 " Vicksburg, to make a cowardly attack. 
 
 "The Brigade at Baton Rouge has routed the enemy. 
 
 "He has lost three Brigadier Generals, killed, wounded and prison- 
 "ers ; many colonels and field officers. He has more than a thousand 
 "killed and wounded. You have captured three pieces of artillery, 
 "six caissons, two stands of colors, and a large number of prisoners. 
 
 " You have buried his dead on the field of battle, and are caring for 
 " his wounded. You have convinced him that you are never so sick as 
 "not to fight your enemy if he desires the contest. 
 
 " You have shown him that if he cannot take an outpost after weeks 
 " of preparation, what would be his fate with the main body. If your 
 ^ General should say he was proud of you, it would only be to praise 
 "himself ; but he will say he is proud to be one of you. 
 
 " In this battle the northeast and northwest mingled their blood on 
 "the field as they had long ago joined their hearts in the support of 
 "the Union. 
 
52 NOTICES OF COL. ROBERTS. 
 
 "Michigan stood by Maine, Massachusetts supported Indiana, 
 "Wisconsin aided Vermont, while Connecticut, represented bv the sons 
 "of the ever green shamrock fought as our fathers did at Boyne Waters. 
 
 "While we all mourn the loss of many brave comrades, we, who 
 " were absent, envy them the privilege of dying upon the battle field for 
 "our country, under the starry folds of her victorious flag. 
 
 " The colors and guidons of the several corps engaged in the con 
 test will have inscribed on them Baton Rouge. 
 
 " To complete the victory, the ironclad steamer Arkansas, the last 
 " hope of the rebellion, hardly awaited the gallant attack of the Essex, 
 " but followed the example of her sisters, the Merrimac, the Manassas, 
 " the Mississippi and the Louisiana, by her own destruction." 
 
 " By command of 
 
 MAJ. GEN. BUTLER. 
 R. S. DAVIS, Capt. and A. A. A. G. 
 
 The following article was published in the New Orleans 
 Delta about this time. 
 
 * * * The Seventh Vermont Regiment, which had 
 " just returned from severe service at Vicksburg participated 
 " in the battle of Baton Eouge. It is sufficient evidence that 
 " they were at their post discharging faithfully the trust re- 
 " posed in them, that their gallant Colonel, George T. Koberts, 
 " fell mortally wounded in the thickest of the fight. He was 
 " a true patriot, and an honorable, high-minded man. He 
 " first went into the service as a Lieutenant in Company A 
 " of the First Vermont Volunteers. When the Seventh was 
 " called for, he was tendered the Colonelcy and in every par- 
 " ticular has proved his selection a good one, and though 
 " dying in a glorious cause his loss will be severely felt both 
 " by his regiment and his many friends in his native State 
 " where he was so well and so favorably known. His re- 
 
NOTICES OF COL. EGBERTS. 53 
 
 brought to this city on Friday whence they 
 " will be sent home, there to sleep the honored sleep of those 
 " who die fighting for the maintenance of government and 
 " law against treason and traitors." 
 
 Col. Koberts died on the 7th of August, two days after the 
 battle. He was an eminently just and large-hearted man in 
 the truest sense, and was much respected and beloved by all 
 his men. To me personally, his death was a great affliction, 
 and to the regiment his loss was a serious calamity. Ver 
 mont never sent forth a braver or more chivalric son than 
 George T. Roberts, and his name will ever gloriously shine 
 in that niche wherein is kept " Memoria in ceterna " the list 
 of her gallant dead who laid down their lives that the Union 
 might be preserved. 
 
 The following extracts from the Rutland Herald indicate 
 the high appreciation entertained for Col. Eoberts by his 
 townsmen. 
 
 "Our community was shocked and grieved by the sad 
 " intelligence of the" death of Col. Roberts. * * * It is 
 " painful to think that this noble officer was cut off e er his 
 " career of usefulness and honor had fairly commenced. 
 " Like the lamented Ramsom in Mexico, and Baker at Ball s 
 " Bluff, he fell with his face to the foe in the fearless dis- 
 " charge of his duty. So long as heroism is admired and 
 " patriotism loved, will green garlands of affectionate remem- 
 " brance be laid upon his honored grave." 
 
 " He was buried at Rutland and his obsequies were attended 
 " by a large number of citizens from that and the adjoining 
 " towns, numbering from one to two thousand. * * * 
 
54 BURIAL OF COL. ROBERTS TESTIMONIALS. 
 
 " The Rutland Light Guards, former companions in arms of 
 " the Colonel, were present, and preceded the large concourse 
 " of citizens who followed the body to the grave. * * 
 " Thus was performed in befitting manner the last sad offices 
 " to one of the noblest and bravest of the sons of Vermont. 
 " In common with all the other conspicuous heroes, who have 
 " fallen in the deadly shock of battle, he will live in memory 
 " so long as lovers of liberty shall read the story of this 
 " great conflict for freedom." 
 
 In addition to this testimonial, the citizens of Rutland at 
 or about the same time convened in town meeting unanimously 
 adopted the following resolutions : 
 
 11 WHEREAS, We, the citizens of Rutland in Town Meeting 
 " assembled, have learned with the deepest sorrow of the 
 " death of Col. George T. Roberts, our friend and fellow 
 " townsman, while gallantly leading his regiment in the 
 " memorable battle of Baton Rouge, therefore 
 " Resolved, That in the death of Colonel Roberts, Ver- 
 " mont is called upon to mourn one of her best and bravest 
 " officers, and Rutland one of her most loved and honored 
 " citizens. 
 
 " Resolved, That the profound sympathies of this meeting 
 " are tendered to the mourning relatives of the deceased in 
 " this their deep affliction, and as our late fellow townsman 
 " has given all he had, even his life, for us and for his coun- 
 " try, we give to his memory our tears and a grateful and 
 " lasting recollection of his patriotism and gallantry." 
 
 Col. Roberts was a Green Mountain boy par excellence. 
 
COL. ROBERTS ANTECEDENTS. 55 
 
 The following sketch of his early life and antecedents has 
 been furnished me by a near relative. 
 
 " George T. Koberts was born in the town of Clarendon, 
 " Rutland County, Vermont, October 3d, 1824. He be- 
 " longed to a family of military traditions on both sides, 
 " being the third son of the late Benjamin Roberts of Man- 
 " Chester, Vermont, and a grandson of Gen. Christopher 
 " Roberts of revolutionary memory. His mother s maiden 
 " name was Sophia Hodges. She was the third daughter of 
 " Dr. Silas Hodges, who served as Surgeon in the Conti- 
 " nental Army, and who was for some time in the military 
 " family of Gen. Washington. When about four years of 
 " age his parents removed to Manchester in which town he 
 " spent most of his boyhood. He was naturally fond of 
 ".study, particularly of mathematics and astronomy, and 
 " acquired a very good education at Burr Seminary, a very 
 " popular institution of learning in Bennington County. 
 " Some years before the breaking out of the rebellion he was 
 " extensively engaged in superintending the construction of 
 " railroads in the West, and at the time of entering the ser- 
 " vice was the agent and manager of the marble quarries at 
 " West Rutland, of which his brother-in-law, Gen. H. H. 
 " Baxter, was the principal owner. In 1861, he was a Lieu- 
 " tenant in the Rutland Light Guards, which was one of the 
 " companies of the First Vermont Regiment. He served 
 " with that regiment in the field until its term of service 
 " expired. He afterwards took an active part in recruiting 
 " the First Vermont Regiment of cavalry, and was offered a 
 " position in that regiment which he declined. When the 
 
56 ABANDONMENT OF BATON ROUGE. 
 
 " Seventh was organized lie was offered its Colonelcy by 
 " Governor Holbrook, which office he accepted." 
 
 And right well did he discharge the duties of this high 
 trust, as all of those who served with, and under, him can 
 testify. He was one of the first to respond to his country s 
 call, and in the defence of its flag gallantly yielded up his life. 
 
 " Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." 
 
 "We remained at Baton Rouge daily expecting to be again 
 attacked until the 20th of August, when the Post was 
 evacuated and for a time wholly abandoned. This step was 
 taken, as we understood, because of the paucity of our force, 
 and for the reason that Gen. Butler felt uneasy about New 
 Orleans, the rebels having threatened an attack upon that 
 city, in order to wreak dire vengeance upon him for his arbi- 
 tary treatment of its citizens. This was the merest gasconade. 
 Sufficient importance however, was attached to these threats to 
 render it necessary, in his judgment, to recall us. The plan of 
 sending so small a force to open communications with the north 
 west was not wise or feasible, at the time, and was generally 
 condemned by military men. Nevertheless it would have been 
 possible with the aid of the negroes, had they been properly 
 organized, to have retained our position at Baton Eouge and 
 other points further up the river. It was a part of the 
 scheme suggested by Gen. Phelps in arming the negroes that 
 they might be formed into regiments under intelligent and 
 competent officers, and forwarded as rapidly as possible to 
 the more important strategic points along the river for gar 
 rison service. Had this suggestion been promptly acted upon, 
 with such an auxiliary force, we could have held our own on 
 
ARMING THE NEGROES. 57 
 
 the river at all salient stations below Natchez. But just 
 at that time the question of putting muskets into the hands 
 of the blacks was a mooted one. There was a great deal of 
 mawkish sentimentality on the subject at the North lest such 
 a step should unnecessarily exasperate the South. Many who 
 then halted at the expediency and propriety of arming and 
 allowing the negroes to combat our common foe, soon after 
 wards saw the folly of their scruples and learned that colored 
 men were susceptible, under proper officers, of being made fit 
 for any duty. Gen. Butler, whether because of political 
 considerations or not I do not know, did not act with that 
 promptness in utilizing the blacks which the exigencies of 
 the service required. Had he put arms in their hands and 
 sent them forward to our support, instead of frittering away 
 his time in an unnecessary epistolary warfare with Gen. 
 Phelps, we should not have seen the fruits of our three months 
 toil and exposure slipping from our grasp as we did when 
 directed to retrace our steps to New Orleans. 
 
 As soon as Gen. Butler got rid of Gen. Phelps, he began 
 forming colored regiments. But instead of seeking to pro 
 mote their efficiency, he seemed, rather, to aim to make 
 them as of little service as possible. For instance, there 
 were a large number of ex-pugilists and bullies who 
 found their way to New Orleans from Boston and New York, 
 and several of these disreputable characters applied for, and 
 received, commissions in these colored regiments. They 
 were wholly unfit to be entrusted with duties so responsible 
 and some of them, I understand, were afterwards cashiered 
 or dismissed from the service. After evacuating Baton Rouge, 
 
58 CAMP WILLIAMS CHANGES IN FIELD AND STAFF. 
 
 we returned to Carrolton, which place we reached on the 
 ,21st, and with other troops were ordered into camp near 
 Metarie Pxidge, at a point some two miles inland from the 
 river, for the better protection, as was alleged, of the City 
 of New Orleans. The locality selected for this encamp 
 ment was quite as unhealthy as that which, but a short time 
 before, we had quitted atVicksburg; and although named 
 Camp " Williams," in honor of the memory of our late com 
 mander, soon became known as the Camp of Death in conse 
 quence of the great mortality which prevailed in the entire 
 command during our sojourn there, bat more especially in 
 those regiments that had participated in the Vicksburg and 
 Baton Rouge campaign. 
 
 About this time several important changes took place 
 in the regiment among the officers of the field and 
 staff. 
 
 On the 26th of August Lieut.-Col. Fullam resigned. I 
 was made Colonel, and Captains Peck and Porter were pro 
 moted, the former being made Lieutenant-Colonel, and the 
 latter Major of the regiment. 
 
 On the 26th of August our faithful and efficient Quarter 
 master, Capt. E. A. Morse, who, up to that time, had shared 
 all our dangers and hardships, also resigned to accept pro 
 motion to the office of Captain and Assistant Quartermaster 
 of United States Volunteers, and subsequently, and until the 
 close of the war, greatly distinguished himself in the dis 
 charge of many important trusts and responsible duties ap 
 pertaining to that branch of the service. 
 
CHANGES IN FIELD AND STAFF. 59 
 
 On the 8th of September Surgeon Francis "W. Kelley also 
 resigned, and Assistant Surgeon Enoch Blan chard was pro 
 moted and commissioned as Surgeon, which office he filled 
 with much fidelity and ability until September 20th, 1865, 
 when he was honorably discharged. 
 
CHAPTER IY. 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH. 
 
 1BE2, 
 
 [A SKETCH.] 
 
 DRI-RY S BLUFF. * * * " Beauresrard attacked Smith, * * * who, 
 "although obliged to fall back, succeeded in checking the rebel onset. 
 u Butler might have redeemed the day had he moved up Gillmore, whose force had not 
 " fired a shot. * * * But instead of this, * * he directed the whole 
 
 u line to fall back to the peninsula of Bermuda Hundred, across the 
 
 " neck of which a strong line of entrenchments reached, defending him against any 
 u attack," General Grant. u His (Butler s) army, therefore, though in a position of 
 " great security, was as completely shut off from further operations against Richmond 
 " as if It had been in a bottle strongly corked." 
 
 Gen. Grant. In taking charge of a department where there are no great battles to 
 " be fought, but a dissatisfied element to control, no one could manage better than 
 " Gen. Butler. * * * If the Department of Missouri and Kansas, and the 
 " States of Illinois and Indiana could be merged, and Gen. Butler put over it, 1 think 
 " the good of the service would be subserved. 
 
 FORT FISHER. * * * " In connection with this expedition an experiment 
 " had been suggested by Gen. Butler from which he hoped important results. His 
 " idea was to blow up a vessel loaded with gunpowder in the neighborhood, 
 " with the expectation that the fort would be injured, if not destroyed, by the explosion. 
 " * * * The opinion of the engineers was adverse, and Grant did not believe 
 " a particle in it. * * * The explosion took place ; the shock was not severe, 
 "and was scarcely felt a short distance off, and to the watchers on the fleet * 
 " the report seemed no louder than the discharge of a piece of artillery. It was, how- 
 "ever, heard at Wilmington, and a telegram was sent to the rebel commander inquir- 
 " ing as ro the cause, who replied, One of the enemy s gunboats exploded. No damage 
 " of any description was done to the rebel works or forces, and the experiment was an 
 " absolute failure." 
 
 Gen. Grant * * * " I am constrained to request the removal of Major- 
 
 " Gen. Butler. * * * The good of the service requires U. * ; There 
 
 " is a lack of confidence in his military ability, making him an unsafe commander for 
 u a large army. * * * His administration of the affairs of his department is 
 " also objectionable. * * * I ask that prompt action be taken in the matter." 
 * * * On the 7th of January Butler was relieved. He never received another 
 command. 
 
 (See Badeau s Life of Grant, Index Title Butler.) 
 
GEN. BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH. 61 
 
 Upon our arrival at Camp Williams, we received intima 
 tions that statements, emanating from some of the Indiana 
 officers, had recently become current which reflected upon 
 the Seventh for the part it had taken in the battle of Baton 
 Rouge. But as the rumors that reached us were neither 
 definite or tangible in form, we paid but little attention to 
 them. On the 26th of August I was ordered to report 
 to Gen. Butler in person, and was informed that I had been 
 recommended for the vacant Colonelcy occasioned by the 
 death of Col. Roberts. It was then that I learned for the 
 first time, officially, that certain accusations had been made to 
 him to the effect that the Seventh had refused to support the 
 Indiana regiment at a critical stage of the action, and during 
 the fight not only broke in confusion, but ran away leaving its 
 colors on the field. Gen. Butler also informed me, in substance, 
 that he had, upon the strength of these charges, (which I ascer 
 tained originated chiefly from verbal complaints made by Col. 
 McMillan and other officers of the 21st Indiana), already pre 
 pared an order rebuking the regiment for, what he was 
 pleased to term, its " discreditable behavior in the face of the 
 enemy." Further than this, I was not apprised of the nature 
 of the charges or the purport of his proposed order, but I 
 then and there indignantly denied that there was anything 
 in the conduct of the officers or men which was at all de 
 serving of reproach, or which called for censure; and I re 
 pelled as forcibly as I could the imputations that the regi 
 ment had refused to support tne Indianians, or that it broke 
 in confusion, or retired from the field in disorder, or left its 
 colors thereon. I also reminded Gen. Butler that the official 
 
62 GEN. BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH. 
 
 report of Col. Cahill ; based, as it was, upon the reports of the 
 several commanding officers of regiments engaged in the 
 action, contained no allusions which, in the slightest degree, 
 reflected upon the Seventh, or which tended to support such 
 charges, but, on the contrary, that he referred to all the 
 troops in a like complimentary manner, while Col. Dudley, 
 commander of the right wing, under whose immediate obser 
 vation the regiment served through the heat of the battle, in 
 his official report, spoke of its operations in a highly flattering 
 way ; also that Gen. Weitzel, his own chief of staff, in his 
 report mentioned all participants most favorably, and that 
 he, by his own Order No. 57, had honorably noticed the 
 entire command at Baton Rouge without discrimination. 
 And I contended that to attack our regiment in the face of 
 these official statements, confirmed as they were by his own 
 order, would not only be an act of self-stultification on his 
 part, but that to condemn the regiment upon oral complaints 
 and ex parte assertions (proceeding principally from preju 
 diced persons), without giving its officers and men an oppor 
 tunity to be heard, would be a gross act of injustice, and 
 I urged him to first investigate the matter and hear our 
 proofs before committing himself to a course which was. 
 wholly unwarranted by the facts. All my efforts, however, 
 were ineffectual. 
 
 Chagrined and disgusted at the determination which Gen. 
 Butler evinced to utterly disregard anything I might say, I 
 was obliged to return to my quarters feeling that I had ac 
 complished nothing in the way of averting the dastardly as 
 sault which he contemplated making. I nevertheless called at 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH. 63 
 
 General Butler s quarters the next day, and again pressed him 
 to give us a full and fair hearing, and endeavored to dissuade- 
 him from condemning the regiment unheard. I reiterated 
 many of my statements of the previous day, and informed him 
 that in the meantime I had conferred with Col. Dudley, and 
 officers of his staff, as well as others not belonging to the 
 Seventh, and also with the officers and men of the Seventh, 
 present with it during the engagement, all of whom united 
 in saying, that there was no unusual confusion in its ranks, at 
 any time ; that it was one of the last regiments to leave the 
 field, and when doing so, retired with the main line, in per 
 fect order, and that no command or request was received to 
 support the Indianians, nor did the Seventh refuse or fail to 
 aid them. I also gave him the facts in respect to the charge 
 that the Seventh had fired into the Indiana regiment, and 
 stated that the fire complained of was opened by the express 
 personal directions of Gen. Williams, against the advice and 
 wishes of Col. Eoberts, and that if it was true that any of 
 the Indianians were injured, the fault lay with Gen. Williams, 
 and not with the officers and men of the Seventh, who had 
 simply obeyed imperative instructions. I also informed him 
 that the colors of the Seventh were not left in its camp or 
 on the field, but were borne, throughout the fight, by Color- 
 Sergeant Parkhurst, with great gallantry, and in the most 
 conspicious manner, and at no time left his hands or the cus 
 tody of the regiment. 
 
 I also reminded him that the reputation of the State was 
 involved and that to cast a stigma upon one of its regiments 
 for unmilitary behavior in battle was too serious a matter for 
 
64 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH ORDER NO. 62. 
 
 hasty or immature action, and that it seemed to me that he 
 owed a duty to the people of Vermont which made it incum 
 bent that he should first investigate the facts in order to see 
 whether the conduct of the Seventh had been such as to be 
 deserving of censure, and I besought him to convene a court 
 of inquiry to the end that all parties might be heard, and the 
 truth ascertained. This request so proper and reasonable 
 -under the circumstances was refused, and I found that I 
 could do nothing to avert the dastardly attack. On the 30th 
 of August, Gen. Butler promulgated his infamous order 
 which bore date as of a time anterior to my first interview 
 with him, from which I take the following extracts. 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF. 
 
 NEW ORLEANS, AUGUST 25TH, 1862. 
 " General Order No. 62. 
 
 " The Commanding General has carefully revised the offi- 
 4i cial reports of the action of August 5th at Baton Kouge to 
 41 collect the evidence of the gallant deeds and meritorious 
 " services of those engaged in that brilliant victory. * * * 
 " Col. Eoberts * * * fell mortally wounded, while 
 41 rallying his men." (That he fell while rallying his men 
 was a lie, as was subsequently proven.) " He was worthy of 
 " a better disciplined regiment and a better fate. 
 
 11 Glorious as it is to die for one s country, yet his regi- 
 41 ment gave him the inexpressible pain of seeing it break in 
 " confusion when not pressed by the enemy, and refuse to 
 " march to the aid of the outnumbered and almost over- 
 " whelmed Indianians." (This was another lie as was also 
 subsequently proven.) 
 
GEN. BUTLER AND THE SEVENTH ORDER NO. 62. 65 
 
 " The Seventh Vermont Regiment, by a fatal mistake, had 
 " already fired into the same regiment they had refused 
 " to support, killing and wounding several. (This was false. 
 The Seventh fired by Gen. Williams orders.) 
 
 " The Commanding General therefore excepts the Seventh 
 " Vermont from General Order No. 57, and will not permit 
 " their colors to be inscribed with a name which could bring 
 11 to its officers and men no proud thought. 
 
 " It is further ordered, that the colors of that regiment be 
 " not borne by them until such time as they shall have 
 " earned the right to them, and the earliest opportunity will 
 " be given this regiment to show whether they are worthy 
 " descendants of those who fought beside Allen, and with 
 " Stark at Bennington." 
 
 Among others whom the Commanding General noticed 
 specially in the foregoing order, was John Donaghue, of whom 
 he spoke as follows: " John Donaghue, Fourth Massachusetts 
 " Battery, who brought off from the camp of the Seventh 
 " Vermont Regiment their colors at the time of their retreat." 
 (This was false; " their colors" were brought from the field by 
 the Color Sergeant at the close of the action, and the Seventh 
 did not retreat). Not an officer or man of the Seventh 
 although many of them performed signal acts of heroism 
 was mentioned in this order, save Col. Roberts, who, had his 
 lips not been sealed in death, would have been foremost to 
 resent the foul aspersions cast upon his brave regiment. 
 
 On the day the above order was published, Gen. Butler 
 reviewed the troops at Camp Williams, and took occasion to 
 supplement his atrocious attack by inflicting upon the regi- 
 
66 
 
 APPLICATION FOR COURT OF INQUIRY. 
 
 ment an abusive harangue, which perforce, was received 
 with suppressed indignation and silent contempt. Being 
 thoroughly persuaded that it would be impossible to ol> 
 tain fair treatment at the hands of a man so blind and insen 
 sible to justice as Gen. Butler had shown himself to be, I, 
 the next day, addressed the following letter to the Adjutant- 
 General of the Army. 
 
 "CAMP WILLIAMS, LA., 
 
 " GEN. LORENZO THOMAS, " August 31st, 1862. 
 
 " Adjutant- General, 
 
 " Washington, D. C. 
 
 " SIR: In justice to the regiment which I have the honor 
 " to command the Seventh Regiment of Vermont Volun- 
 " teers I find myself under the necessity of calling for an ex- 
 " animation into the statements made by the Major-General 
 " commanding this department, in Order No. 62, dated 
 : August 25th, 1862, which is calculated, in my opinion, to 
 " bring unmerited disgrace upon the regiment and the State 
 " from which it comes. 
 
 I accordingly respectfully request that a Court of In- 
 " quiry may be assembled as soon as convenient to investi- 
 " gate and report upon the Battle of Baton Rouge, and the 
 " part taken in that engagement by my regiment, with the 
 " view that justice may be done to it and the service. 
 
 Regretting exceedingly to find myself impelled to ask 
 " for the scrutiny of a victory which should fill all generous. 
 " hearts with gratitude and pride, I have the honor to be, 
 " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "WM. C. HOLBROOK, 
 
 " Major Com d g 7th Eegt Vermont Vols." 
 
GEN. PHELPS ENDORSEMENT. 6? 
 
 This communication was forwarded through the regular 
 channel, and received the following endorsement from Gen. 
 Phelps : 
 
 " CAMP PARAPET, LA., 
 
 " September 2d, 1862. 
 
 " It is much to be regretted that a regiment in this quarter 
 " should be compelled to defend itself against unmerited 
 " dishonor from its commanding General, as well as against 
 " the enemy and extraordinary exposure and disease, but I 
 " concur with Major Holbrook in the necessity of an inspec- 
 " tion into the facts connected with the battle of Baton 
 " Rouge by a Court of Inquiry, with a view of doing justice 
 " to the Seventh Vermont Volunteers and the service. 
 
 " J. W. PHELPS, 
 
 " Brig.-Gen." 
 
 Gen. Butler transmitted this application to the Adjutant- 
 General, accompanied by the following letter : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 
 " NEW ORLEANS, LA., Sept. 14th, 1862. 
 " General: 
 
 " I enclose the somewhat anomalous application of Major 
 " Holbrook, commanding the Seventh Regiment Vermont 
 " Volunteers, with a copy of the General Order complained of. 
 
 " It will be seen that / only give the result of official re- 
 " ports, so that I do not feel personally touched by the matter 
 " or manner of the communication. 
 
 " Of the conduct of Major Holbrook there is no complaint; 
 " being Field Officer of the Day he was not in the action. 
 
68 GEN. BUTLER S LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 
 
 1 If consistent with the rules of the service to inquire into 
 " the resume by the Commanding General of the events of 
 11 an action, I should be glad to have it done, for if the regi- 
 " ment has been unjustly treated it would give no one more 
 " pleasure than myself to see it righted. As there has been 
 " some rivalry of feeling, I do not think it would be best to 
 " detail a court from the officers at Baton Rouge. I may 
 " further say that I suggested to Major Holbrook that he 
 " might select his Court of Inquiry from any officers here not 
 " of that brigade. I have the honor to be ; 
 
 Very respectfully, your ob t servant, 
 : < BRIG.-GEN. THOMAS, BENJ. F. BUTLER, 
 
 "Adjutant General Maj. G-en. Comd g." 
 
 The suggestion that I might select the officers to compose 
 a Court of Inquiry was not made until after Order No. 62 had 
 been issued. 
 
 Upon the perpetration of that gross wrong I was deter 
 mined not to accept any proposition coming from Gen. Butler 
 touching an official inquiry if an investigation could be ob 
 tained from the authorities at Washington, for the reason 
 that the officers and men of the regiment distrusted the fair 
 ness of Gen. Butler and feared the influence which he might 
 exercise upon a court drawn under his superintendence, we, 
 
 " Refused him for our judge, whom yet, 
 We held our most malicious foe, 
 And thought him not at all a friend to truth." 
 
 The fact that Gen. Butler seemed to entertain the idea that 
 his (i resume of an action," was conclusive, and could not be 
 inquired into, as revealed by one of his sentences in the 
 
MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF VERMONT. 69 
 
 above letter, confirmed the opinion which we had formed that, 
 left to himself, he would refuse to do us justice, but in a 
 purely arbitrary spirit would claim that any step once taken 
 by him ivas irreversible and final. 
 
 In due time my application was returned from Washington 
 with an endorsement to the effect that the exigencies of the 
 service were such that it was not then practicable to detail 
 officers, outside of the Department, to serve on a Court of 
 Inquiry. I have* reasons to believe, however, that the action 
 of the War Department was such as to amount to a direction 
 to Gen. Butler to see to it that an investigation was had in 
 compliance with my demand. 
 
 My reasons for this belief are based mainly upon the fact 
 that the Legislature of Vermont, alive to the injustice which 
 had been done to the regiment and State, in the meantime 
 took the matter in hand, and the Senate on the 10th of 
 October passed a resolution requesting the Governor to fur 
 nish any information he might possess touching the charges 
 made against the regiment, in response to which the following 
 message was received. 
 
 " EXECUTIVE CHAMBERS, 
 
 " MONTPELIER, Oct. 16th, 1862. 
 " To the President of the Senate : 
 
 " In reply to the resolutions of the Senate, calling on me for 
 " any information in my possession touching the alleged mis- 
 " conduct of the Seventh Eegiment of Vermont Volunteers, 
 " at the battle of Baton Eouge, I have the honor to state that 
 " the information which I possess has been received from 
 11 officers serving in the Department of the Gulf, and it is in 
 
70 JOINT RESOLUTION OF THE VERMONT LEGISLATURE. 
 
 " the shape of letters and statements, which, though not suit- 
 " able to be laid before the Senate, induce me to believe that 
 " injustice has been done to that Regiment, and that for the 
 " credit of the State, as well as the Regiment, the subject 
 " should receive thorough investigation. I herewith enclose 
 " a copy of Gen. Butler s General Order No. 62, in which the 
 " allegations of misconduct are made. As the allegations in 
 " no way comport with the history of our people, and the 
 " conduct of our soldiers in all the various conflicts in which 
 " they have been engaged, I have confidence in the belief 
 " that the sons of Vermont will, everywhere, still be found 
 " worthy descendants of those who fought beside Allen and 
 " with Stark at Bennington. 
 
 " FREDERICK HOLBROOK, 
 
 " Governor: 1 
 
 Upon receipt of this message the following joint Resolution 
 
 was passed : 
 
 41 WHEREAS, Charges of misconduct have been made by the 
 " General commanding the Department of the Gulf against 
 11 the Seventh Regiment Vermont Volunteers. And 
 " whereas, it is due to the honor and dignity of the State 
 " that such charges be fully investigated, in order that 
 " any injustice therein may be publicly declared, therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives, 
 " that the Governor be requested to demand of the President 
 " of the United States, as an act of justice to said regiment 
 " and to the State of Vermont, that a Board of Inquiry be 
 u appointed to hear and determine such charges as soon 
 
OBSERVATIONS OF SENATOR EDMUNDS. / 1 
 
 41 as may be, according to the usual course of military 
 " inquiry." 
 
 Senator George F. Edmunds, one of Vermont s present 
 distinguished United States Senators, then representing 
 the County of Chittenden in the State Senate, accompanied 
 the introduction of this Resolution with observations, thus 
 reported in Walton s Journal : 
 
 * * * " He (the senator) had good reason to believe 
 41 that the charges against the Seventh were false that 
 41 they were invented invented (and he would use the term 
 41 deliberately) by somebody. He had as good reason as any- 
 " body could have to believe that the regiment stood its 
 41 ground with orders not to fire, when they were exposed, 
 41 until the order of Gen. Williams himself, and it was 
 " in obedience to that order, that they fired as they did, 
 u so that nothing like the charges alluded to in the order 
 " of the General commanding could be the result of any 
 41 l mistake which they or their officers made. All the 
 41 testimony, aside from that, showed that the regiment 
 " behaved gallantly in every respect. It had been said that 
 41 they left their colors on the field. The identical colors 
 ft were at the Governor s room. They were a small insig- 
 41 nificant piece of bunting, which it were no surprise if they 
 " were left sticking in the mud somewhere on the battle field 
 41 where nobody could notice them, all frittered as they were 
 41 by the winds and rain of the Mississippi valley, until there 
 " was not enough silk left to make a decent pocket handker- 
 4i chief for a pauper. To him no charge could be made 
 " which awoke in his mind the spirit of indignation and 
 
72 LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR OF VERMONT. 
 
 " mortification equal to this. * * * When a man told 
 " him that a regiment of men from our green hills had been 
 " guilty of dishonor, he fairly rebelled with indignation." 
 
 The action of the Legislature, with the remarks of Mr. 
 Edmunds, the author of the Joint Resolution, were sent to 
 me by the Governor, who stated, among other things : 
 
 " There is much kind sympathy and friendly feeling ex- 
 11 pressed for the Seventh in all parts of the State. You and 
 11 your comrades need have no fear that the valor and good 
 " soldierly qualities of the officers and men of your regiment 
 " is in the slightest degree questioned in Vermont. Every- 
 11 body believes that, notwithstanding the regiment had so 
 " hard an experience at Vicksburg, and so many were en- 
 11 feebled by sickness contracted there, still the regiment did 
 " its duty manfully at Baton Piouge, and will do so every- 
 11 where else." 
 
 Although our efforts to obtain an investigation under offi 
 cers not serving under Gen. Butler failed, he was con 
 strained, on the return of my application from Washington, 
 to order, as I at first suggested, a Court of Inquiry, the pro 
 ceedings of which will presently be referred to. 
 
 Gen. Butler, in his order No. 62, by way of introduction, 
 says he has " carefully revised the official reports * * * 
 " to collect the evidence of the gallant deeds and meritorious 
 " services of those engaged," etc., and in his letter trans 
 mitting my application to the Adjutant-General of the army 
 for a Court of Inquiry, he says, alluding to the above order, 
 * * * " It will be seen I only gave the result of official 
 " reports." 
 
"OFFICIAL REPORTS." 73 
 
 I have in my possession copies of the " official reports " of 
 the commanding officers of the several regiments, batteries 
 and cavalry detachments engaged in the action, or then 
 stationed at Baton Rouge, including copies of the " official 
 reports " of Cols. Cahill and Dudley, all of which have been 
 furnished me by direction of the Secretary of War. After 
 a careful perusal of these reports, I fail to find a single refer 
 ence or word in any of them of a derogatory character to, or 
 which in any particular reflects, or which can be construed 
 to reflect, upon the Seventh, with the exception of the follow 
 ing portion of the report of Capt. Grimsley, who, for a time, 
 commanded the Twenty-first Indiana Regiment, to wit : 
 
 * * * " To add to the dangers and desperation of our 
 " situation, the Seventh Vermont, from their camp, back of 
 " us, opened a fire in the direction of all engaged, which killed 
 " many of our men outright, and wounded several more. 
 " At this we gave back, where we met" Gen. Williams, and 
 11 acquainted him with the fact ; he gave the Vermonters a 
 severe reprimand and ordered them forward to our sup- 
 " port. We reformed and moved down to our old position. 
 
 * * At the most critical period of the fight, when 
 " the Seventh Vermont which was ordered to support us, re- 
 11 fused to do so, waving his hand and cheering us on to 
 " deeds of duty, etc., Adj. Latham was killed." 
 
 And also with the exception of the following item from 
 the report of Capt. Manning of the Fourth Massachusetts- 
 Battery, viz : 
 
 * * * " Incidents * * * John Donaghue brought 
 " off from the camp of the Seventh Vermont their camp 
 
74 COMMENTS UPON GRIMSLEY s AND MANNINGS REPORTS. 
 
 " colors [not their regimental colors] at the time of the [not 
 
 their] retreat." 
 
 None of the other reports, at least none of those in writin- 
 and preserved as matters of record, contain any statements 
 derogatory to the Seventh, but on the contrary/ those which 
 allude to it at all, and particularly the report of Col. Dudley 
 Commander of the right wing, refer to its conduct in flatter 
 ing terms : 
 
 As to the extracts from Capt. Grimsley s report, above 
 sited, Gen. Butler had sufficient information from me to know 
 that the Seventh was neither guilty of, or responsible for, 
 the acts complained of. And it was subsequently shown 
 that no " reprimand " was administered to " the Vermonters," 
 nor did they even hear of any order to move " forward." 
 In respect to Capt. Manning s report it shows upon 
 face that John Donaghue simply brought off certain 
 41 camp colors " at the time of the general retreat. There is 
 nothing in the report which can be construed into a com 
 plaint of misconduct on the part of the Seventh unless the 
 accidentally leaving of guidons in camp can be so inter 
 preted. It is plain from this " official report " that Gen. 
 Butler s charge that the " colors " of the Seventh were left 
 on the field (whereby he intended to convey the impression 
 that its officers and men had deserted their regimental 
 ensign) so far as it rested upon an " official " statement (and, 
 have already shown, so far as it rested upon the facts) 
 was absolutely false. Indeed there was no foundation what 
 ever Jor the calumny. In point of fact there was nothing in 
 the "official reports," when considered in the light of my 
 
UNFAIRNESS OF GEN. BUTLER. 
 
 statements and explanations to Gen. Butler, which warranted 
 his attack upon the Seventh, and it seems to me that if he 
 had honestly and fairly revised them he would have seen 
 that there was no ground whatever for censuring the regi 
 ment. Granting, however, that upon the theory of a strict 
 onstruction of the " official reports " there was some ground 
 for a portion at least, of his order, yet for consistency s sake 
 Gen. Butler, relying, as he says he did, upon the " official 
 reports " should have included in his \iiifications not only a 
 battery of artillery from his own State, but a regiment of in 
 fantry from an adjoining State other than Vermont against 
 each of which organizations more or less damaging evidence 
 (according to Gen. Butler s standard) appears in the " official 
 reports." In my judgment the conduct of the men compos 
 ing these organizations was not materially different from that 
 of many other raw and inexperienced troops when first 
 exposed to fire, and I allude to them only for the reason that 
 the Seventh, even had Gen. Butler s charges been true, was 
 no more- deserving of censure than they were, and as tending 
 to illustrate the unfairness with which our regiment was 
 treated by the Commanding General, who while pretending to 
 be just was extremely unjust, overlooking entirely the short 
 comings of troops from other localities in order, seemingly, 
 that he might wreak his fury and vengeance upon the 
 Seventh. 
 
 By referring to Order No. 62 it will be seen that the 
 charges made by Gen. Butler against the Seventh are briefly 
 these : 
 
 1st. That Col. Eoberts fell while rallying his men. 
 
76 COL. FULLAM S COMMENTS ON ORDER NO. 62. 
 
 2d. That the regiment broke in confusion when not pressed 
 by the enemy, and refused to march to the aid of the Indi- 
 anians, who, by a " fatal mistake/ as alleged, it had already 
 fired into; and, 
 
 3d. That the regiment retreated, leaving its colors in camp 
 to be picked up and brought off by private John Donaghue 
 of the Fourth Massachusetts Battery. 
 
 Before considering the sworn testimony adduced before 
 the Court of Inquiry, I desire to call attention to the follow 
 ing statements and denials which, in my judgment, conclu 
 sively show the utter falsity of these charges. 
 
 Lieut. -Col. Fullam in his letter, herein before referred to, 
 says : * * * " Col. Roberts was not rallying his men at 
 " the time he fell, and the regiment had not broken in confu- 
 " sion, and had not refused to march to the aid of the Twenty- 
 " first Indiana, fbr no officer or soldier ever heard an order to 
 " that effect, or knew of any such request being received, nor 
 " have I been able to learn that any such order or request 
 " was ever sent." 
 
 I have already given Col. Fullam s account of the services 
 of the regiment during the action, and his warm and just 
 eulogium on the heroism of .Color Sergeant Parkhurst. But 
 the following extract from his letter, which has not been 
 given, will serve to show why some of the men fell back as 
 well as to indicate the partiality of Gen. Butler in praising 
 indiscriminately everyone save the officers and men of the 
 Seventh. * * * " There were nearly three hundred sick 
 " in camp. * * * When the engagement began our sick 
 " were much exposed, and were properly sent to the river to 
 
CAPT. BUTTON S COMMENTS UPON ORDER NO. 62. 77 
 
 " be out of danger. Their irregular appearance, as they 
 " passed through the city, might well have created an impres- 
 " sion unfavorable to the regiment." [This was no excuse, 
 however, for Gen. Butler to say that the regiment broke in 
 confusion or retreated when not pressed by the enemy.] 
 * * * "Of the regiments at Vicksburg with us only the 
 " Thirtieth Massachusetts and ours were in the fight. The 
 " other two Gen. Butler refers to by saying that although 
 " they were not brought into action they held their position 
 This allusion was evidently intended as a compliment ; and 
 as Col. Fullam well says, it would be difficult to say " that 
 " they did not hold their position as well as others would 
 " have done if not attacked." 
 
 Capt. Salmon Button, of Company G, an accomplished, 
 "brave and efficient officer, who was with the regiment all 
 through the action, in a letter dated August 30th, 1862, and 
 subsequently published in the Eutland Herald, thus referring 
 to Order No. 62, says : * * * " The allegations [as to 
 " the Seventh] are unfounded and unjust, and the disgrace 
 " is unmerited and disheartening. I assert, and upon the asser- 
 " tion stake my all, that the Seventh conducted themselves, 
 " as a regiment, creditably. The regiment is disgraced for 
 " no reason in the world but the malice and envy of those 
 " not engaged in the fight. These statements I make, and 
 " in making them speak the verdict of all the officers and 
 " men of the regiment. By reference to the order you will 
 " see that Col. Eoberts is said to have fallen while rallying 
 " his men. That he fell while giving orders to his regiment 
 " is true, having dismounted, his horse becoming unmanage- 
 
78 CAPT. BUTTON S COMMENTS UPON ORDER NO. 62. 
 
 " able, and standing near the right of Company B [which 
 " was very near Capt. Button s position] ; but wlien he fell 
 " the regiment was standing firm as a rock under a most 
 li deadly fire, without one broken file, at the same time load- 
 11 ing and firing very rapidly. 
 
 " Again it is alleged that the regiment refused to marcli 
 " to the aid of the Indianians. The Seventh never refused 
 " to so marcli, and one thing is true that every movement 
 " it executed brought us under fire from either artillery or 
 " musketry. The regiment was never ordered to support 
 " the Twenty-first Indiana. It is said we fired into the same 
 " regiment, killing and wounding several. Our regiment 
 " stood unmoved under fire without returning the same, until 
 " ordered by Gen. Williams to load and fire as rapidly as 
 " possible. That order / heard myself from the lips of 
 " Gen. Williams not twenty minutes before he fell mortally 
 " wounded. 
 
 " Again in the order it is said that John Donaghue brought 
 " off our colors. This charge is also wholly unfounded, 
 When we formed in line of battle and moved into position 
 " we took only the national flag with us. [The State colors 
 " we were instructed not to take into action.] The colors 
 " brought by John Donaghue from camp consisted of a small 
 " flag formerly used as a marker in battalion drills, and 
 " which had been used by Major Holbrook at Fort Pike as a 
 " boarding flag for vessels passing the fort, and was afterwards- 
 " used as a blotter in the adjutant s office, and had been 
 " thrown aside as worn out." 
 
COLOR SERGEANT PARKHUEST. 79 1 
 
 This is strictly true as will appear by my testimony. The-- 
 flag in question was so tattered and torn and blotted with ink 
 marks as to be scarcely recognizable as a flag. I described 
 and offered to show the rag to Gen. Butler before he issued, 
 his order, but he did not care to see it. I subsequently sent 
 it to the Governor of the State and it was on exhibition in 
 the Executive Chamber during the session of the Legislature 
 already adverted to, where it excited the greatest derision, 
 and called forth from Senator Edmunds the remark that 
 there was not "silk enough left to make a decent pocket 
 " handkerchief for a pauper." 
 
 Capt. Dutton continuing, says : * * * "So much for 
 " our colors, which we are represented as deserting. It is a 
 " falsehood no man will presume to utter to an officer of the 
 " regiment. The national flag was borne by the Color Ser- 
 " geant Parkhurst, who brought the same on to the line on 
 " which our regiment formed on that memorable morn, and 
 " by him was carried throughout the entire action, and which 
 " under a murderous fire he held aloft, and kept where the 
 " regiment could see and rally, if need be, around it. That 
 " flag was ever where it should be, and nobly did he stand 
 " by and bear the same from the field, without its once leav- 
 " ing his hands. Thus to impeach the bravery of a man 
 " who stood the test of Bull Run creditably to himself and 
 " his company as First Lieutenant, and to publish to the 
 " country that other hands than his bore our flag from the 
 " field of battle is a statement so unjust that I pray God it 
 " may never stain the annals of our history. I watched in 
 " the smoke of battle our flag, and watched him bring the. 
 
80 PRIVATE ROYCE S STATEMENT AS TO ORDER TO FIRE. 
 
 " same to where we finally halted. Our colors left us not 
 u for a moment." 
 
 Private James B. Eoyce of Company I, who was also 
 present during the entire engagement, in a letter to me, 
 thus describes the circumstances under which the Seventh 
 opened the fire complained of by the Indiana men: * * * 
 " Gen. Williams rode up to Col. Eoberts and wanted to know 
 " what that regiment [referring to the Seventh] was stand- 
 11 ing there for without firing. Col. Eoberts replied that he 
 " was waiting for orders, and Gen. Williams directed him to 
 " give the command, at once, to commence firing. Col. 
 " Eoberts hesitated, and told him the Twenty-first Indiana 
 " was in the woods and partially in our front, or at least he 
 "was afraid they were. Gen. Williams thereupon gave a 
 41 peremptory order to fire, which was obeyed. After the 
 " third volley an officer rushed out of the woods shouting to 
 "us to stop firing as we were firing into the Twenty -first 
 " Indiana." 
 
 I have given the above extracts as statements made by 
 those who were with the regiment during the battle and 
 "because the testimony, although unsworn, is corroborated by 
 that given before the Court ol Inquiry, and for the reason 
 that in the matter of such serious charges I have deemed it 
 best to omit nothing which in the slightest degree operates 
 to establish their un truthfulness, or which tends to vindicate 
 the regiment from the calumnies so unjustly circulated con 
 cerning it. 
 
 On the 21st of October, my application to the Adjutant 
 General of the Army having been returned, as already men- 
 
GEN. BUTLER S COURT OF INQUIRY TESTIMONY. 81 
 
 tioned, Gen. Butler ordered a Court of Inquiry to " examine 
 " and report upon the facts and circumstances relative to the 
 " condition, as to discipline and efficiency of the Seventh 
 " Regiment Vermont Volunteers at the time of the battle of 
 " Baton Rouge, and the conduct of the officers and men in 
 " that action." 
 
 The officers composing the court, of course, belonged to 
 Gen. Butler s command. He first selected them and then, 
 magnanimously asked me if I had any objection to the mem 
 bers. I declined to become sponsor for a court convened 
 under his direction. I did not then know, however, of any 
 personal objections to the gentlemen chosen, nor have I any 
 evidence that any of them, unless it was the Recorder, who 
 failed to record many of my questions, and the answers 
 thereto, acted otherwise than conscientiously, although I 
 differed very much, as many others did, and as, I believe, 
 many others will, from some of the conclusions at which they 
 arrived. 
 
 The following synopsis of the evidence contains all that is 
 material so far as the Seventh is concerned. 
 
 Col. McMillan, of the Twenty-first Indiana, testified : " That 
 he was not in command of his regiment at the battle of Baton 
 Rouge ; that he was in the town unwell ; that he saw 
 several men of the Seventh in the town while the fight was 
 going on; that shout fifteen minutes before the close of the 
 action he went to his regiment, passing the Seventh ; that 
 balls were flying pretty thick and the Seventh was not in line 
 of battle, but was in confusion near its camp ; that his 
 regiment was directly in front engaging the enemy from 
 
82 TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 
 
 behind trees ; that the Seventh was not engaging the enemy, 
 and the only fire it was under at that time was stray (sic) 
 shots fired at his men." 
 
 Col. McMillan admits that he was not with his regiment 
 during the action and claims that he was sick. There is 
 abundant evidence that he was not so sick, but that he could 
 have joined and taken command of it had he been anxious to 
 do so. Notwithstanding Gen. Butler says he twice " essayed 
 to join his regiment but fell from his horse from weakness." 
 He was seen by several officers during the progress of the 
 fight frantically riding about the town attempting to disperse 
 such of the " reserves " as had rallied on the grog shops. 
 And as one officer of high rank expressed it, " he seemed to be 
 having a hard, if not an agreeable task, as his face was very 
 much flushed, which he was convinced did not proceed from 
 bashfulness." Col. McMillan did not show himself at the 
 front until the action was entirely over, nevertheless he was 
 one of the most persistent and malignant defamers the Seventh 
 had, and for that reason his stories seemed to meet with 
 much favor from Gen. Butler. 
 
 Capt Frank W. Niblett, Twenty-first Indiana, testified : 
 " That near the close of the action he was informed that he was 
 senior officer of his regiment and must return to it ; that in 
 doing so he found a regiment returning from the battle field 
 which he did not recognize but was afterwards told it was 
 the Seventh Vermont ; that he asked the regiment to return to 
 the line of battle, but no reply was made to such request ; that 
 the regiment was marching off leisurely in tolerable good order 
 the officers appearing to have the men well in hand ; that the 
 
TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 83 
 
 regiment thus marching off was about a square, or one hun 
 dred yards, from the camp of the Seventh Vermont. That 
 he did not see Col. McMillan during the day until the action 
 was over." 
 
 Lieut. Walter C. Elkin, Twenty-first Indiana, testified : 
 11 That his company was on picket duty, and when driven back 
 things were so much confused he could not find his regiment : 
 that the first infantry force he met was the Seventh Vermont, 
 which was drawn up in line of battle directly in front of their 
 camp ; that Gen. "Williams rode up to the Seventh, fifteen or 
 twenty minutes after he joined it ; " he seemed very much 
 excited ; it was in the thickest of the fight ; he rode up to 
 urge these men forward ; he said the Twenty-first is holding 
 their ground, if you go forward the victory is ours." Witness 
 remembered distinctly of his saying the Twenty-first was 
 holding their ground; that just as Gen. Williams rode off from 
 the Seventh there was a tremendous volley of musketry, 
 and the whole regiment broke, and his company with them ; 
 that the officers and some of the Sergeants tried to rally them ; 
 his company fell back in confusion with the rest ; that he 
 thought Col. Roberts was shot in this same volley ; that all 
 fell back to a ravine about fifty yards from the camp ; his 
 company staid there no longer than it took him to form it, 
 when we joined the Thirtieth Massachusetts ; that at the 
 time the Seventh received the volley spoken of they fired 
 in a left oblique direction and he thought they were firing upon 
 his regiment ; he thought so from what Gen. Williams had 
 told him ; Gen. Williams told the officers the same thing he 
 had him ; he thought the Seventh made no move forward 
 
84 TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 
 
 when Gen. Williams gave the order. On cross-examination 
 witness said : His supposition that the Seventh actually fired 
 into the Twenty-first Indiana, was a matter of inference 
 arising out of what Gen. Williams told him ; the " tremendous 
 volley " of which he spoke passed almost entirely over the 
 heads of the Seventh, and should not have prevented their 
 going forward as Gen. Williams ordered; that the Seventh 
 did not get over forty paces in front of their camp from the 
 time he saw them till the close of the action." 
 
 This testimony is, in all essential particulars, contradicted 
 by the officers of our regiment, and in many respects is 
 also contradicted by Capt. Grimsley and Lieut. Henkle of the 
 Twenty-first Indiana, and by Col. Dudley and Lieut. Nor- 
 cum of the Thirtieth Massachusetts. 
 
 Lieut. John W. Day, Twenty-first Indiana, testified : 
 11 That he had occasion to observe the Seventh Vermont 
 during the battle ; that the Seventh was posted from ten to 
 fifteen paces in front of their camp, and that his regiment 
 was about one hundred and fifty yards in advance ; that there 
 was considerable fog obscuring the view and his regiment was 
 fired into from the rear; the firing coming directly from 
 in front of the camp of the Seventh, that two men were sent 
 back, who reported who they were ; about this time Gen. 
 Williams ordered his regiment to fall back in line with the 
 Seventh ; that when it had done so, he asked if it could 
 retake its position ; they said they could and were ordered to 
 to the charge ; that the Seventh at the same time fell back 
 to the Gas Works ; that the first he saw of the Seventh after 
 
TESTIMONY OF COL. CAHILL AND LIEUT. HENKLE. 85 
 
 they fell back was in the ravine ; that he did not again see 
 them until they were in camp." 
 
 This testimony is not consistent with that given by other 
 officers of the Twenty-first Indiana, and like the testimony 
 of the last witness is contradicted in so far as he charges the 
 Seventh with falling back at a critical stage of the action. 
 
 Col. Cahill, Ninth Connecticut, testified : " That he only 
 remembered seeing the Seventh once during the heat of the 
 fight; that they were in line of battle in good order; that 
 he saw some of the men, not more than twenty, straggling ; 
 that the Lieut.-Col. of the Seventh came to him during the 
 fight, and said, For God s sake don t fire into us ; that he 
 went to see where they were, so as to be sure not to fire- 
 into them. On cross-examination he said : I at no time 
 noticed anything in the conduct of the Seventh prejudicial 
 to good order or discipline ; the men of the Seventh that I 
 saw straggling said they were sick ; I saw no officers among 
 them." 
 
 Lieut. W. S. Henkle, Twenty-first Indiana, testified : " That 
 he was acting Quartermaster, and carried an order given him 
 by Lieut.-Col. Keith of his regiment requesting the Seventh 
 to come up and support it ; that he delivered the order to the 
 Major, he thought, and supposed he made himself understood, 
 and had no doubt he did; that he could not command his 
 horse so as to iv ait for a reply; that he did not have an 
 opportunity to see whether the order was obeyed ; that he- 
 witnessed the firing of Seventh into Twenty-first ; that he 
 rode back and told the officers of the Seventh that they were 
 firing into it ; that the troops were so posted that if the 
 
86 TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 
 
 Seventh was ordered to fire at all, they must fire into our 
 own troops ; that in their position it was impossible to see 
 what they were firing at ; that the enemy were firing over 
 the heads of the Twenty-first and directly into the Seventh ; 
 that the smoke and fog was very dense." 
 
 QUESTION BY THE PRESIDENT : What was the reason 
 which in your judgment justified the officers of the Seventh 
 in giving the order to fire ? 
 
 A. The fact that they were receiving the enemy s fire 
 very heavily. / do not know lohat reason they had to know 
 the position of the Indiana regiment. The firing was such 
 they had reason to suppose the enemy was immediately in 
 front of them. 
 
 To Col. Holbrook : I am pretty sure I gave the order to 
 move forward to a field officer. I think it was Col. Holbrook 
 I gave it to. I did not see any disorder in the Seventh until 
 Gen. Williams gave them an order to fall back when many of 
 the men fell out of the ranks. 
 
 This witness was clearly in error in saying he gave the 
 order to me to go forward to the support of the Twenty-first. 
 I was not with the regiment during the action. It is quite 
 likely that Lieut. Henkle, if he delivered such an order at 
 all, gave it to the wrong person or failed to make himself 
 understood. 
 
 Capt. Grimsky, Twenty-first Indiana, testified : " That he 
 commanded the Twenty-first after Lieut.-Col. Keith was 
 wounded ; that he had occasion to notice the action of the 
 Seventh Vermont during the battle; that he heard Gen. 
 Williams give an order to some officer of the Seventh to 
 
TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 
 
 87 
 
 move forward to tlie support of the Twenty-first ; that the 
 regiment moved up a short distance ; that the next he saw 
 of "them they the main portion of the regiment moved by 
 the flank to the town ; that in ten minutes from the time he 
 left them they moved in a contrary direction ; that this was 
 at 9 o clock A. M. in the hottest part of the engagement ; that 
 when they moved to the rear they seemed to be moving in 
 good order, as though they might have had an order to so move ; 
 that at one time his regiment changed its line ; at that time it 
 was partially concealed from the Seventh ; that the enemy got 
 into the camp of the Twenty-first, and for the time, seemingly 
 directed their fire upon the Seventh ; that they (the Twenty- 
 first) were directing their attention to the enemy in their camp, 
 and it was necessary to unmask themselves from the Seventh, 
 and form immediately in their front ; that by some mistake their 
 colors were not unfurled and as they passed from under the 
 cover of the fence surrounding the graveyard they received 
 two volleys from the Seventh, killing several and wounding 
 many men ; that the Seventh had a clean view of them, at 
 a distance not, exceeding two hundred yards; that they 
 were at the run and came between the enemy in their camp 
 and the Seventh ; he did not know whether the Seventh fired 
 before they unmasked themselves ; that the enemy, in their 
 camp, was firing into the Seventh; that occupying the posi 
 tion they did the Seventh had no means of knowing where 
 they, (the Twenty-first) were ; that this was not more than 
 half an hour before he saw the Seventh moving down the 
 street : that he did not think the Seventh broke in disorder 
 after firing the two volleys; that many of their soldiers 
 
TESTIMONY OF INDIANA OFFICERS. 
 
 afterwards -filled up his ranks; that Col. Keith and he went 
 to the Seventh and told them not to fire into them ; that Gen. 
 Williams was there and spoke very severely to the Command 
 ing Officer and told him to reform his line and move up to 
 the support of the Twenty-first ; that they advanced about 
 thirty yards and then fell back." 
 
 On cross-examination he said: * * * " All manner 
 of mistakes might have been made that morning on account 
 of the fog/ that he was positive that Col. Keith did not 
 send any officer to the Seventh asking them to come up ; 
 that he said, "Don t fire into us; come up and help us;" 
 he said this to a Captain who had his company drawn up in 
 line fairly as though he was going to receive the officer of the 
 day; that his impression was that when they received the 
 two volleys from the Seventh, they ran under afire already 
 going on. 
 
 The testimony of this witness, to the effect that Gen. 
 Williams gave an order to an officer of the Seventh to sup 
 port the Twenty-first, is contradicted by so many witnesses, 
 and in such a way, that it is clear Capt. Grimsley was mis 
 taken about it. No officer or man of the Seventh ever re 
 ceived such an order, nor did any member of the Seventh ever 
 hear, until Capt. Grimsley testified to it, that Gen. Williams 
 reprimanded its commanding officer for firing into the 
 Twenty-first. It will be observed that this witness s testi 
 mony is inconsistent with that given by Lieuts. Elkin, Day 
 and Henkle, and on the whole tends to exonerate the Seventh 
 from Gen. Butler s imputations. 
 
TESTIMONY OF COL. ELLIOT CLOSE OF PROSECUTION. 89 
 
 Lieut. -Col. Elliot, First Louisiana (one of the regiments 
 organized, and whose officers were commissioned by Gen. 
 Butler), testified that he served on the staff of Gen. Williams; 
 that he only knew of one instance where the Seventh showed 
 anything like cowardice, and that was when they were sub 
 jected to the severe fire in which Col. Roberts was killed, and 
 when the regiment was under the command of Lieut, -Col. 
 Fullam ; that they broke and fled, perhaps one hundred feet, 
 to the cover of some gullies ; * * * that he did not see 
 the regiment again in confusion; that he knew nothing of the 
 Seventh refusing to support the Twenty-first Indiana. 
 
 "With this witness, who seems to have been a favorite with 
 Gen. Butler, the Recorder fitly closed the case for the prose 
 cution. The Board, as will be seen hereafter, for some in 
 scrutable reason credited his testimony as against that of 
 at least seven Avitnesses who were wholly unimpeached; 
 and, notwithstanding his general narration, is inconsistent 
 with the facts. 
 
 Lieut. Fredrick J/. Norcum, Thirtieth Massachusetts, 
 testified : * * * That he was present at battle of Baton 
 Rouge, and acted as aid to Col. Dudley, and had occasion to 
 notice the conduct of the Seventh Vermont ; that there was 
 nothing unfavorable in their conduct which attracted his at 
 tention ; that he did not at any time see any disorder in 
 their ranks ; that he was generally posted near them, and 
 saw the regiment when the general order was given for the 
 whole line to fall back ; that they fell back with the rest in 
 good order one hundred and fifty yards ; that this was 
 about 8 A. M.; that the falling back was by order of Gen. 
 
90 TESTIMONY OF COL. DUDLEY AND CAPT. MANNING. 
 
 Williams to the whole right wing; that the Seventh did 
 not fall back any further than the rest of the force, but with 
 the line. 
 
 Col N. A. M. Dudley, Thirtieth Massachusetts, testified : 
 " That he was present at the battle of Baton Rouge ; that the 
 Seventh was under his command during the latter part of the 
 action, he being senior officer of the right wing ; that he saw noth 
 ing to censure in the conduct of the Seventh ; that the first he 
 saw of the Seventh was when Gen. Williams sent him an order 
 to take back his command to the neighborhood of Boulevard 
 street; that in executing this movement he found the Seventh 
 in the rear of their tents ; that he asked what they were doing 
 there, and they said they had fallen back with the rest; that he 
 then gave them the order to fall back ; that at that time there 
 were regiments in their rear the Fourteenth Maine was in 
 their rear; that the only troops in front of them was the Sixth 
 Michigan and Nim s Battery; that he gave the Seventh two 
 orders himself, both of which they obeyed; that he had no 
 knowledge of any of the orders which he sent by staff officers 
 being disobeyed; that he did not know anything of the firing 
 into the Twenty-first Indiana by the Seventh; that the 
 Twenty-first was scattered over the field very much, and it was 
 impossible to tell lohere they were, and they even complained of 
 his regiment firing into them ; that he doubted very much 
 whether they were fired into/rom the rear at all. 1 
 
 Capt. Manning, Fourth Massachusetts Battery, testified : 
 " That he did not see the Seventh to recognize it as a regiment 
 during the engagement ; that John Donaghue of his Company 
 brought off from the camp of the Seventh, at the time Col. 
 
TESTIMONY OF MAJOR PORTER. 91 
 
 Dudley ordered them to fall back, four small camp flags marked 
 Seventh Vermont, and a small American flag ; that they were 
 camp colors" 
 
 Major Henry M. Porter, Seventh Vermont, testified : "That 
 he was at the battle of Baton Kouge, and was in command of 
 the regiment after Col. Koberts fell for about twenty minutes; 
 that Col. Koberts was not killed while rallying his men; that 
 soon after the line was formed Gen. Williams rode up and 
 ordered the Seventh to commence firing; that balls were com 
 ing at it pretty fast; that the Colonel s horse became unmanage 
 able, and he dismounted, and about the same time an officer 
 from the Indiana regiment came up, saying " you are firing 
 into our men"; that the Colonel thereupon gave the order 
 to cease firing, and immediately after was wounded ; that he 
 was standing but a few feet from him at the time ; that the 
 right wing fell back through the camp, whether by orders or 
 not he did not know, as he was engaged at the instant in re 
 moving the Colonel; that he was informed that he was to take 
 command ; that he immediately formed a new line, perhaps one 
 hundred feet to the rear, and reported to Gen. Williams that 
 he was in command of the regiment, and asked for orders ; 
 that he directed him to take the regiment to the cover of an 
 embankment- that a part of the Fourteenth Maine retired 
 with them; that he remained in command until the Lieut.-Col., 
 who had been sent to see to a battery which had been firing 
 into the regiment, joined it; that he heard no request from 
 the Indiana regiment to come up to its aid, and knew of no 
 order to advance to its support; that he did not refuse to 
 obey any of the orders he received; that he thought the 
 
92 TESTIMONY OF CAPT. BARBER. 
 
 regiment had fired about three volleys when it was announced 
 that it was firing into the Indiana regiment; then the Seventh 
 fired in the direction of the Indiana camp, where it was sup 
 posed the enemy was ; that his company was Color Company; 
 that it carried only the United States flag; that the State 
 colors were not taken out on the field; that the United States 
 colors were preserved and brought off the field. 
 
 Capt David P. Barber, Seventh Vermont, testified: "That 
 he was at the battle of Baton Rouge, and saw Col. Roberts 
 when he fell; that the Colonel dismounted from his horse, 
 which was unmanageable, came to the centre of the regi 
 ment and was there struck ; that there was then no break in 
 the regiment; that his company was in the centre of the left 
 wing; that he never heard of any order for the Seventh to 
 advance to the support of the Twenty-first Indiana, and did 
 not know the position of the Indiana regiment when it fired 
 into them; that he heard Gen. Williams give the Seventh 
 the order to fire three times] that an officer came out of the 
 woods and called to the regiment to cease firing as they were 
 firing into the Indiana Regiment; that the order to cease 
 firing came down from the right; that he never heard of any 
 order being received to advance to the support of the 
 .Twenty-first; and during the action he had no means of 
 knowing their position ; that there was no unusual confusion 
 when Col. Roberts fell; that after he fell the regiment was 
 ordered to the rear; that the Seventh did not fall back until 
 it was ordered to; that at no time during the action was the 
 regiment in disorder, every order was obeyed promptly; that 
 the Seventh did not leave its colors on the field ; that he saw 
 
TESTIMONY OF LIEUTS. PARKER AND WOODMAN. 93 
 
 the " colors " said to have been brought from camp by John 
 Donaghue; that it was a small National flag called a marker, 
 and if he had seen a regiment with it he would have sup 
 posed it was some old thing which had been thrown away." 
 
 Lieut. Jackson V. Parker, Seventh Vermont, testified: 
 " That he was present at battle of Baton Rouge, and was on 
 the extreme left of the regiment. The Seventh had an order 
 from Gen. Williams to fire, and did so, and was shortly 
 told its fire was affecting the Indiana Eegiment; that an 
 order came from Col. Roberts to cease firing, and just after 
 wards he saw him fall; that the regiment then moved to 
 the rear ; that a portion of the Fourteenth Maine fell back 
 with it; that if there was any confusion in the right wing it 
 was restored immediately; that he heard no order to advance 
 to the support of the Indianians ; that he saw the colors of 
 the regiment brought off the field." 
 
 Lieut Austin E. Woodman, Seventh Vermont, testified : 
 " That he was at the battle of Baton Rouge; that Col. Roberts 
 fell near the centre of the line; that the regiment ivasnot in 
 confusion at the time he fell; that he never heard of any 
 order to advance to the support of the Twenty-first; that he 
 saw the officer who came out of the woods and asked it to 
 stop firing, but did not hear him call upon the regiment to 
 go up and help them; that he saw the colors of the Seventh 
 brought off from the field ; that Color-Sergeant Parkhurst 
 brought them off with the color company when it came off 
 with the rest; that he saw the " colors" alleged to have been 
 brought off by John Donaghue; one was a marker with a 
 
94 CAPTS. CRONAN, BUTTON, AND SERGT. PARK HURST. 
 
 figure seven on it. There was also a small United States flag 
 a fifteen or eighteen inch flag." 
 
 Capt. William Cronan, Seventh Vermont, testified : " That 
 he was at the battle of Baton Rouge; that he did not hear any 
 order or request to advance to the support of the Twenty- 
 first Indiana; that he heard Gen. Williams give the order to 
 fire at the time it fired into them. An officer came out of 
 the woods and called on it to stop firing; that he did not hear 
 him ask it to come up and help them ; that he saw our colors 
 brought off the field." 
 
 Capt. Salmon Dutton, Seventh Vermont, testified : " That 
 he was at the battle of Baton Rouge ; that the regiment re 
 ceived orders from Gen. Williams to fire, and while doing so 
 an officer came out of the woods and called on it to cease 
 firing ; that he did not hear him call upon it to go up and help 
 them ; that he heard of no order or request to support the 
 Indiana regiment; that he saw the colors of the Seventh 
 brought off the field." 
 
 Color- Sergeant Sherman W. Parkhurst, Seventh Vermont, 
 testified : " That he was present at the battle of Baton Rouge, 
 and carried the Regimental Colors ; that they did not leave 
 his hands during the engagement: that he brought them off 
 the field; that he was with the color company all the time; 
 that the colors were unfurled; that he stood erect all through 
 the engagement; that it was the United States colors he car 
 ried ; that the State flag was not taken into the field." 
 
 It will be remembered that the orders from head-quarters 
 were not to take the State flag into action. 
 
TESTIMONY OF COL. HOLBEOOK. 95 
 
 Col. William C. Holbrook, Seventh Vermont, testified : 
 " That the Seventh had about 250 men present for duty on 
 the day of the battle of Baton Rouge ; that it had about 225 
 men in line ; that it had just returned from Vicksburg, and 
 the sick f in quarters were all in camp ; that it had about 
 520 men on the sick list, of whom about 200 were in hospi 
 tal ; that he was field officer of the day, and was not with 
 the regiment, and therefore had no personal knowledge of 
 the circumstances connected with the fall of Col. Roberts, or 
 the firing into the Twenty-first Indiana, or the alleged refusal 
 to support that regiment ; that all he knew personally was, 
 that after the pickets were driven in he rode past the Seventh, 
 told Col. Roberts the point of attack, and he, Col. Roberts, 
 immediately moved the regiment to the left ; that he met 
 Gen. Williams a short distance from the regiment, who asked 
 him the point of attack, and he told him, as near as he could 
 judge, where the different columns of the enemy would come ; 
 that at this time he saw a great number of men running back 
 towards the river, and remembered very distinctly Gen. 
 "Williams ordering them to halt ; that they did not, and he- 
 rode in among them, and they stopped, saying they were 
 sick men from the Twenty-first Indiana and Fourteenth 
 Maine; that he judged there were 150 in all; that Gen. 
 Williams told them to take care of themselves if they were 
 sick ; that he was then sent by Gen. Williams to look after 
 the pickets on the right and left flanks, and to hold those 
 positions at all hazards ; that he never received an order or 
 request to support the Twenty-first Indiana; that he saio no 
 officer of that regiment until the action was over ; that the 
 
90 REPORT OF COURT OF INQUIRY. 
 
 sick men of the Seventh in camp had orders to retire to the 
 river bank, with the exception of eleven commissioned offi 
 cers, all of whom were in the engagement ; that he saw the 
 regimental colors with the regiment at the Penitentiary 
 immediately after the final falling back of the lines ; that on 
 or about Sept. 5th he received through his Quartermaster 
 four guidons, said to have been brought from the field by John 
 Donaghue; three of them were simple white flags with the 
 figure 7 inscribed on them, while the other was a small 
 United States flag, very much tattered and torn; that it had 
 been used in the Adjutant s office as a blotter ; that he heard 
 nothing of the alleged misconduct of the regiment until he 
 arrived at Camp Parapet, about the 24th or 25th of August ; 
 that just previous to the battle, the regiment had been on 
 board river transports for the better part of six weeks ; that 
 at a review, a short time before the engagement, two or 
 three companies Avere not represented, their services being 
 needed to bury the dead ; that about a week previous to the 
 battle there was but ninety-five men present for duty in the 
 entire regiment." 
 
 The report of Col. Dudley, an extract from which has been 
 given at page 45, was read by me, and offered as a part of 
 our case, at the end of my testimony. 
 
 The Court made the following report: * * * " The 
 " Board having fully weighed and considered the evidence 
 " report as follows : It appears from the evidence that when 
 " the Seventh was called upon to participate in the battle 
 " of Baton Rouge it had been very much reduced in numbers, 
 " and doubtless in morale, by the severities of the campaign 
 
REPORT OF BOARD OF INQUIRY. 97 
 
 " at Vicksburg, and by long confinement on board transports. 
 " On the morning of the battle the regiment had present for 
 " duty about 250 men, and about 520 men sick, of whom 
 " about 200 were in hospital. About 225 men were in line 
 " early in the action. 
 
 " The Commanding Officer of the regiment Col. Roberts 
 " fell under the sharpest volley that was fired that day, and 
 " shortly after his fall the regiment fled about one hundred 
 "feet to the rear and to the cover of some gullies in a disor- 
 " derly manner. About two-fifths of the men present for 
 " duty did not return to position in line of battle during the 
 " day. 
 
 11 The only evidence to sustain the finding that the regi- 
 " ment fled about one hundred feet, is that of Lieut.-Col. 
 " Elliott, which as we have seen stands alone, and came from 
 " a swift witness and is contradicted by all the officers of the 
 " regiment. The finding that two-fifths of the regiment did not 
 " return to the line, after this alleged flight, was manufac- 
 " lured. It is absolutely unsupported by evidence and I 
 " defy any one to find in the testimony any warrant for it. 
 
 " It appears that early in the action Lieut.-Col. Fullam 
 " had been dispatched by his Colonel to see to the firing of 
 " a battery which was endangering the regiment. That 
 41 Major Holbrook was field-officer of the day. Upon the fall of 
 " the Colonel, therefore, the command of the regiment devolved 
 " temporarily upon Captain, now Major, Porter, who seems to 
 " have boh&vedcreditably in a trying position. When the Lieut- 
 " Colonel returned he assumed command of the regiment." 
 
98 REPORT OF BOARD OF INQUIRY. 
 
 " So far as any evidence appears, it would seem that the 
 " line-officers behaved well during the day." 
 
 " It appears that the Seventh, or a part of it, did fire into 
 " the Twenty -first Indiana, but there is an exculpation to be 
 " found in the testimony of the commanding officer of the 
 " Indiana regiment, Capt. Grimsley, to wit: 
 
 " Occupying the position they did, the Seventh had no 
 " means of knowing where we were. My impression is, 
 " when we received the two volleys from the Seventh, we ran 
 " under a fire which was already going on." 
 
 " It appears also, from the testimony of various witnesses,- 
 " that the field loas covered by a dense fog and smoke, so 
 " that it was quite impossible to distinguish a friend from 
 ." a foe at the distance the regiments were apart ; and, more- 
 " over, that the position of the Indiana regiment was fre- 
 " quently changed." 
 
 " It does not appear that any orders were communicated 
 " to the Vermont regiment during the day which they dis- 
 " obeyed. 
 
 " It appears that the colors of the regiment were retained 
 by the color guard during the action, and ivere brought of 
 " the field by the color guard when the regiment fell back. 
 
 " It appears that the Camp Colors alleged by Capt. 
 " Manning, Fourth Massachusetts Battery, to have been 
 " brought from the camp of the Seventh by John Donaghue, 
 " were three markers in common use, and one small United 
 " States flag, which had been used for no military purpose 
 "for a long time previous! 
 
 It will be seen that the findings of the Court are all favor- 
 
COMMENTS ORDER NO. 98. 99 
 
 able to the regiment, except in two particulars, i. e. : (1) In 
 charging, that the regiment fled about one hundred feet; 
 and (2) that two-fifths of the men did not thereafter return 
 to line. It has already been pointed out that the preponder 
 ance of evidence is entirely against the first of these findings ; 
 whereas, the second was invented, there being no evi 
 dence to support it. But let us suppose that there was a 
 flight covering the enormous space of one hundred feet, and 
 that there were " some gullies" at the end of the distance, 
 was it such an uncommon incident, or was it such an heinous 
 offence as to merit condemnation in General Orders? It 
 seems to me it was not. The most experienced soldiers have 
 been known to seek shelter from a deadly fire, and frequently 
 it is the part of prudence to do so. One hundred feet, accord 
 ing to the usual measure, would be just the length of three 
 and one-third of the rails of the Central Vermont Railroad 
 surely not such a tremendous distance, and, had all the facts 
 been brought out, it would have been found that it was not 
 one-tenth the space covered in the race for security run by 
 some of the troops whom Gen. Butler saw fit to extol for 
 gallantry in Order No. 62. 
 
 Upon the findings of the Court of Inquiry, Gen. Butler, 
 with great affectation of pleasure, issued the following order : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 " NEW ORLEANS, November 20th, 1862. 
 
 " General Order No. 98. 
 
 " The Commanding General, upon the findings of the Board 
 " of Inquiry upon the conduct of the Seventh Regiment Ver- 
 
100 COMMENTS ORDER NO. 98. 
 
 " mont Volunteers at the battle of Baton Rouge, learns that 
 " he was led into a mistake by the official reports of that 
 " action, as to the loss by that regiment of its colors, it prov- 
 u ing to have been the Camp colors left in camp, and not the 
 " Regimental colors that were brought off the field by the 
 " Massachusetts Battery (sic). He therefore, has pleasure 
 " in ordering the regimental colors to be restored to the 
 " regiment, not doubting that it will, in the next action, 
 " earn for itself a position and name which will be a credit 
 " to itself, its State and country. 
 
 " By command of 
 
 " MAJ. GEN. BUTLER. 
 " GEO. C. STRONG, A. A. GEN." 
 
 This was a singular order for a General to make pretend 
 ing to the slightest degree of uprightness or fairness, Gen. 
 Butler s own court had virtually found that he had grossly 
 traduced the regiment, yet to his mind the only effect of its 
 findings seems to have been to enlighten him as to the fact 
 that " Camp Colors " when so designated, in express terms, 
 as in Capt. Manning s report they were, could not be taken 
 to mean regimental colors, a blunder, it is needless to say, 
 which the veriest tyro in military affairs, if honestly disposed, 
 would not have made. But the order was in full keeping 
 with the vindictive and malicious spirit evinced towards the 
 Seventh by Gen. Butler in his dealings with it, and hence it 
 is not strange that he should have refused to acknowledge, or 
 attempt to repair the injustice he had so deliberately done to 
 the regiment and State. I doubt if the annals of the Avar 
 
C3NDUCT UNDER DEFAMATION. 101 
 
 furnish another such instance of premeditated iniquity as 
 wa^ this monstrous attack upon our regiment. 
 
 Although such harsh and unfair treatment was well cal 
 culated to cool the ardor and utterly disgust any body ot 
 soldiers, yet the men of the Seventh bore up under it right 
 nobly. Conscious, as they were, that they had been most 
 grievously wronged and defamed, they nevertheless performed 
 their full duty under the temporary cloud of igaominy which 
 encompassed them, their courage and fidelity in the glorious 
 cause for which they were daily risking their lives never for 
 a moment flagging. 
 
 " Fear to do base, unworthy things, is valor ; 
 
 If they be done to us, to suffer them is valor, too 
 
 Most manfully did they bear their part in the long conflict 
 which followed this event, as I can personally testify, and as 
 the record of their subsequent career will fully attest. 
 
 Shortly before the expiration of their term of enlistment 
 all the surviving and undischarged enlisted men, who were 
 original menbers of the regiment, except fifty-nine, re-enlisted 
 for three years further service, or for the war, and long after 
 Gen. Butler had been retired to deserved obscurity, as a 
 military commander, the officers and men of the Seventh 
 were actively employed, and bravely performing duty on 
 " flood and field," trusted and respected by their " Command 
 ing Generals," and, because of their " discipline " and efficiency, 
 ever given the posts of greatest danger and responsibility. 
 
 There is very much that could be said by way of criticism 
 concerning Gen. Butler s unjust treatment of the Seventh. 
 But I must here limit myself to but a few reflections, and 
 
102 KEFLECTIONS. 
 
 first I would say that, in considering the charges brought 
 against it even upon the assumption of their truth there 
 was much in the state of health and physical condition of the 
 officers and men which entitled their conduct to lenient scru 
 tiny. The regiment had just returned from a trying and 
 disastrous expedition, in which it had experienced great 
 hardships and been exposed to an unusual amount ol sick 
 ness. A large number of the men had perished by disease, 
 and so many of the surviving members of the regiment were 
 impregnated with, and suffering from malarial poison, that out 
 of about 900 men not over 225 could be brought into line of 
 battle on the morning of the engagement. Of this small 
 number but about 100 the men who but a few days before 
 had joined us from Fort Pike were fresh and strong, the 
 residue being largely convalescents, and hardly fit for any 
 more severe service than light camp duty. Indeed, such 
 was the state and condition of the regiment, that even Gen. 
 Butler s Court of Inquiry was constrained to find that it was 
 u much reduced in numbers, and doubtless in morale, by the 
 " severities of the campaign at Vicksburg, and long confine- 
 " ment on transports." That this was so is not strange, 
 when the experience to which we had been subjected is taken 
 into account. The Seventh left Vermont in the preceding 
 month of March, and reached Ship Island early in April 
 following. Within less than two months thereafter the regi 
 ment was ordered to take part in the river campaign, and 
 with no opportunity to become acclimated, or even accus 
 tomed to the duties of a life entirely different from that 
 which they had led from boyhood, the men were immediately 
 
REFLECTIONS. 103 
 
 assigned to the most arduous Held service, in performing 
 which they were constantly exposed to an atmosphere charged 
 with the elements of disease, with no adequate protection 
 from the scorching rays of the sun by day, or shelter against 
 the mephitic gases and dews of the night. An experienced 
 soldier would surely have taken these circumstances into con 
 sideration in reviewing charges of misconduct in action on 
 the part of a regiment so conditioned. Not so, however, was 
 it with Gen. Butler. He seemed to think that as high a 
 degree of discipline was to be expected from a body of men 
 prostrated and demoralized by serious and depressing bodily 
 ailments, so occasioned, as from robust battalions just out of 
 garrison or camps of instruction ; and hence he sought in 
 Order No. 62 to convey the impression that the Seventh was 
 an undisciplined regiment, and that the officers were blame- 
 able therefor. The "official reports" of the commanding 
 officers under whom the regiment served, and who (unlike 
 Gen. Butler) were eyewitnesses of, and personal participants 
 with it, in its movements on the battle field, sufficiently re 
 fute this imputation, as they show conclusively that the 
 Seventh had abundant morale left to do its duty bravely, 
 notwithstanding it was handicapped with a sick list com 
 prising over two-thirds of its members. 
 
 The secret impulses which actuated Gen. Butler in pursu 
 ing the course he did toward the Seventh are, of course, known 
 only to himself. But there were many circumstances, at 
 the time, which tended to indicate that his action was in 
 spired by malice and from a desire to add to his own reputa 
 tion as a disciplinarian, and for political effect. 
 
104 REFLECTIONS. 
 
 Allusion lias already been made to the fact that the State 
 authorities were opposed to placing the Seventh under Gen. 
 Butler and to the indignation which it is said he felt in 
 consequence. Also to his quarrels with the officers soon after 
 our arrival at Ship Island and to his controversy with Gen. 
 Phelps, and the well known interest which the latter took in 
 our welfare. These things induced many of our officers and 
 men to believe, and that belief has not yet become extinct, 
 that Gen. Butler was influenced thereby to avail himself of 
 the first pretext that offered to visit his wrath upon the 
 Seventh, and his arbitrary and unjust refusal to listen to us 
 when the charges in question were made, certainly lends 
 color to the supposition that these early matters of difference 
 did form a constituent part of his motives for attacking the 
 regiment. 
 
 Gen. Butler at this time had acquired great celebrity for 
 the audacity and vigor with which he had administered affairs 
 in New Orleans, and had also achieved a factitious and less 
 enviable reputation (as dear probably to him, however, as the 
 former) for the severity with which he had waged war upon 
 the women and non-combatants of that city. Gen. Dix in a 
 moment of patriotic fervor had exclaimed, " If any man 
 attempts to haul down the American flag shoot him on the 
 spot," and Gen. Butler catching the spirit of this patriotic 
 utterance caused one Mumford who had pulled down our 
 flag to be put to a more ignominious death, and instead of 
 shooting him "on the spot " caused him to be summarily hung. 
 These and some other acts of a kindred character gave him 
 much notoriety and prestige as a bold and aggressive officer 
 
REFLECTIONS. 105 
 
 so far, at least, as dealing with rebellious subjects was con 
 cerned. No man understood better than Gen. Butler the 
 admiration which our people have for a vigorous and cour 
 ageous character, and no man at that time made greater 
 efforts to acquire that reputation than he did. He was 
 constantly posing before the public for effect and to acquire 
 conspicuity, and was willing to resort to any means to obtain 
 it and for " every deed of mischief, he had a heart to resolve, 
 a head to contrive, and a hand to execute." But as a soldier, 
 pure and simple, Gen. Butler had gained no renown and had 
 displayed no capacity either for managing or handling troops. 
 His fame consisted wholly in the prompt and fearless manner 
 in which he had discharged his duties, as a Military Dictator 
 under the dominance of martial law. The vast power with 
 which he was thus vested made him arbitrary and frequently 
 unjust, and the public service was often times prostituted and 
 made subservient to his personal ends. At this time too, 
 Gen. Butler entertained inordinate political aspirations, and 
 it was apparent that he was bending every effort to secure 
 such popularity as would lead to his being nominated for 
 President. Of course under the influence of such an ambi 
 tion he was likely to, and did, mould his actions largely 
 toward bringing about this cherished result. 
 
 Gen. Phelps, in his letter, extracts from which I have 
 heretofore given, is disposed to ascribe Gen. Butler s attack 
 upon the Seventh largely to political causes. He says, among 
 other things, * * * " It is evident if he, Butler, were 
 " to run for the Presidency in the ensuing election of 1864, 
 " the electoral vote of Indiana might be of great moment to 
 
106 REFLECTIONS. 
 
 " him, and that it would be a good bargain to win it even at 
 " the expense of losing the Whig vote of Vermont." (See p. 
 13 supra.) There is more, than may at first seem, in this 
 view. The complaints against the Seventh, it will be re 
 membered, originated wholly with the officers and men of 
 the Indiana regiment. No fault was found with the behavior 
 of our regiment by any of the other troops engaged in the 
 action. The charges against it were also pressed exclusively 
 by the Indiana officers, and in their zeal they were not con 
 tent to apply for redress through the regular channels, but 
 they appealed directly to Gen. Butler, whom they found pre 
 disposed to lend them a willing ear and hand, and who be 
 came so much enlisted in their behalf as to actually draft an 
 order censuring the Seventh without even informing one 
 of its members of his purpose. This disgraceful coup de main 
 raises a strong inference that Gen. Butler wished to curry 
 favor with the Indiana officers, even at the expense of doing 
 us a gross injustice, forasmuch as by vindicating the imag 
 inary wrongs of the Indiana regiment, he would secure the 
 friendship of its officers and men, and might possibly win the 
 suffrages of the people of that State, who would naturally stand 
 by a champion so bold and prompt in defending their soldiers. 
 Again some unfavorable comments had been circulated touch 
 ing the behavior of Indiana troops in the Mexican War, and 
 by impugning the honor of a regiment from some other State, 
 Gen. Butler could claim credit for creating an offset to these 
 unpleasant charges which might also be pleasing to the peo 
 ple of Indiana. Again it was important that he should dis 
 play his capacities as a disciplinarian and show to the world 
 
REFLECTIONS. 107 
 
 what he would do with a regiment that should presume to 
 misbehave in the face of the enemy."* 
 
 Vermont not being as important a State in a political sense, 
 as some others, it was tolerably safe to carry out this scheme 
 by making one of her regiments the victim. I don t suppose 
 there is anyone credulous enough to imagine that if the same 
 charges which brought us to grief, had been preferred against 
 a regiment from the State of New York, or for that matter, 
 against a regiment from any other large State, that the 
 course pursued toward the Seventh would have been adopted. 
 If there is anyone so minded, or who would fain believe 
 that Gen. Butler would have taken such summary action as 
 he did against the Seventh, going even to the length of 
 refusing to its officers and men the common justice of a 
 hearing, let them explain, if they can, why it was that Gen. 
 Butler did not reprove Manning s Battery from his own 
 State, in respect to whose conduct Col. Dudley, in his " Official 
 Beport," said : * * * ft was compelled to fall back, 
 " which it did with considerable disorder, leaving one piece 
 " and a caisson. * * * Lieut. Whitemore, Thirtieth 
 " Massachusetts Volunteers gallantly dashed through the 
 " smoke and succeeded in bringing off the caisson." And of 
 whom Col. Fullam said : " I sent a Sergeant and twenty-nine 
 " men at request of an officer of Manning s Battery to bring 
 " off a caisson." (See p. 7, supra.) Or why it was he did 
 not censure the Ninth Connecticut Volunteers, whose Lieu- 
 
 * It was currently reported at the time that Gen. Butler stated that as his force was 
 small he deemed it necessary to disgrace at least one regiment, that his troops 
 should know how sternly he would deal with them for misbehavor. Doubt ess he 
 intended to inspire them with the same fear and dread of him as had then siezed upon 
 the women and non-combatants of the city. 
 
108 REFLECTIONS. 
 
 tenant-Colonel in his report of its operations, among other 
 things, says : " The regiment marched along a road, * * * 
 " until coming within range of the enemy s guns, and receiv- 
 " ing a shower of grape and canister fled off and formed 
 ft line of battle in a cornfield on the right of the road." 
 These little evidences of disorder were not, I admit, under 
 the circumstances, discreditable to either Manning s Bat 
 tery, or to the Ninth Connecticut, but they were just as 
 grave offences as were those charged against our regiment, 
 and upon the strength of which Gen. Butler accused it of 
 " breaking in confusion." 
 
 It is hardly necessary to add that no sensible man, familiar 
 with the history of Vermont troops, will believe that a body 
 of Green Mountain Boys would, under any circumstances, 
 be guilty of such gross misbehavior as that imputed to the 
 Seventh by Gen. Butler. The thought that even the rem 
 nants of a sick and dispirited regiment hailing from the 
 glorious old State of Vermont would take to its heels and 
 run to the rear in battle, or would refuse to obey orders to 
 march to the aid of their sorely pressed comrades, or would 
 abandon their colors in action, is as unnatural as it is abhor 
 rent. Such conduct in no way comports with the history of 
 the people or soldiers of Vermont. The record made by 
 Vermont troops in the late war is historic and grand. The 
 officers and men who made up her battalions sprang from the 
 same common ancestry. Substantially the same physical and 
 mental qualities predominated in all the regiments. The 
 same essences of character and courage prevailed in the 
 Seventh as in the other Vermont regiments. Is there any- 
 
REFLECTIONS. 109 
 
 one who, for a moment, will contend that the Seventh con 
 tained nothing but poltroons and cowards, while all other 
 regiments drawn from the same general community, and 
 from the same general stock, were comprised only of heroes 
 and patriots? Such an idea is, of course, absurd, and yet to 
 credit the accusations made by Gen. Butler, a course of 
 reasoning equally nonsensical must be indulged in. 
 
 The fact is that Gen. Butler was egregiously in the wrong. 
 His charges with the single exception of the one relating 
 to firing into the Indiana regiment had no semblance of 
 truth as a foundation, and he was subsequently forced to 
 admit, publicly, that he had made one blunder, and had done 
 the regiment great injustice in at least one important par 
 ticular. In his General Order No. 98 he says that he was 
 " led into a mistake by the official reports * * * as to 
 " the loss by the Seventh of its regimental colors," etc. 
 
 It is said that "an honest confession is good for the soul," 
 and we were thankful that Gen. Butler could make even one 
 acknowledgment of the wrong he had done us, although had 
 he been candid he would, at the same time, have admitted, 
 as he has since informally stated, that he was in error in 
 every other respect. But for present purposes it will suffice 
 to refer to his concession in Order No. 98. It already ap 
 pears that there was no " official report " showing that the 
 Seventh had lost or left on the field its regimental colors, and 
 that the only " official report " which in any way alluded to the 
 colors of the Seventh, was that of Capt. Manning wherein he 
 speaks simply of " camp colors." Had Gen. Butler read this 
 " official report " with ordinary attention, he could not have 
 
110 PREELECTIONS GEN. SHERIDAN S VINDICATION. 
 
 failed to observe the distinction, and it therefore follows that 
 he was either very stupid or else practiced a falsification in 
 seeking to convey the impression by his Order No. 62, that 
 the Seventh had abandoned its regimental flag. 
 
 There is a maxim of the law, " Falsus in uno, falsus in 
 omnibus" False in one thing, false in everything which is 
 often applied in weighing evidence, the -rule being that where 
 one deliberately or knowingly distorts the truth as to any 
 one material fact, all his statements may be disbelieved un 
 less corroborated. This principle is applicable to the case in 
 hand; and if put to use, Gen. Butler having, by his own ad 
 mission, been caught in at least one act of falsification or 
 distortion of the truth, ought not to be believed in any par 
 ticular-. Indeed, to any fair mind it must be apparent, with 
 out invoking such a rule, that the Seventh was most unfairly 
 and unjustly dealt with by Gen. Butler; and I think, too, it 
 must be evident that had he made an impartial examination 
 of the complaints emanating from the Indiana regiment, 
 giving us a fair opportunity to be heard, before taking action 
 upon them, he would never have had occasion to censure or 
 reprimand the regiment for the part it took in the battle of 
 Baton Rouge, but on the contrary, would have found that 
 the conduct of the officers and men was highly praiseworthy 
 and commendable. There was much of the " irony of fate" in 
 our experience under Gen. Butler. But the reparation which 
 he refused to make subsequently came to us at the hands of the 
 gallant and illustrious Sheridan, who gave the regiment a 
 full vindication. A Board of Officers not convened by, and 
 not amenable to Gen. Butler, made a report concerning the 
 
GEN. SHERIDAN S VINDICATION. Ill 
 
 services of the Seventh at Baton Bouge, which led to the 
 promulgation of the following order : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE GULF, 
 " NEW ORLEANS, LA., July 10th, 1866. 
 "General Order No. 12 
 
 " In compliance with the requirements of General Order 
 " No. 19, 1862, from the War Department, and in accord- 
 " ance with the reports of Boards convened to examine into 
 " the services rendered by the troops, concerned, and by 
 " authority of the Lieutenant-General commanding the Armies 
 " of the United States. It is hereby ordered that there shall 
 11 be inscribed upon the colors of the following regiments the 
 " names of battles in which they have borne a meritorious 
 " part as hereinafter specified. 
 
 [EXTRACT.] 
 
 11 Seventh Vermont Veteran Volunteer Infantry : 
 
 " Siege of Vicksburg, Gonzales Station, 
 
 " Baton Bouge, Spanish Fort, 
 
 " Whistler, 
 
 11 By command, 
 
 " MAJ.-GEN. B. H. SHERIDAN. 
 " GEO. LEE, A. A. Gen. 
 
CHAPTER Y. 
 
 CAMP WILLIAMS INCREASED MORTALITY IN THE REGIMENT 
 
 CAMP KEARNY NEW ORLEANS DEPARTURE FOR 
 
 FLORIDA EXPERIENCE ON STEAMER NASSAU- 
 ARRIVAL AT PENSACOLA GEN. NEAL DOW- 
 BILLY WILSON S ZOUAVES ADVANTAGES 
 
 OF PENSACOLA AS A SANITARY POST 
 CURIOUS DEFENCES. 
 
 1BEZ, 
 
 4 AMP WILLIAMS, as I have already stated, was situ 
 ated in a very unhealthy locality. As Dr. Blanchard 
 describes it, the encampments were placed " upon a strip of 
 " solid ground of some few hundred yards in width on all 
 " sides of which was a formation or combination, peculiar to 
 " the lower Mississippi, of soil or black clay and water in 
 " varying proportions, whose products, both animal and veg- 
 " etable, were numerous beyond conception, and rank and 
 " offensive beyond description. Eepeated representations of 
 " the terrible effect to health and the alarmingly high and 
 " rapidly increasing rate of mortality in the command, occa- 
 u sioned by exposure to the poisonous atmosphere and deadly 
 
CAMP WILLIAMS. 113 
 
 " surroundings of this miasmatic locality, were made by the 
 11 medical officers to the Commanding General without avail, 
 " and for a month or more the men were left in these noxious 
 " encampments, exposed to the scorching heat of an August 
 " and September sun, so peculiarly intense in Louisiana, and 
 " surrounded with all this reeking rottenness and corruption, 
 " until absolute annihilation threatened us, when at last, but 
 " too late to save many valuable lives, we were ordered to 
 " an open space nearer the river." 
 
 I doubt if a more unhealthy spot could have been selected 
 for camps anywhere in the vicinity of that most unhealthy 
 of places, the city of New Orleans, and had the much dreaded 
 " yellow jack " made its appearance, I very much fear the 
 " absolute annihilation " with which we were threatened 
 would have actually been brought to pass instead of proving 
 to be but an impending danger. As it was, our experience 
 was a most severe and dreadful one. During the day the 
 atmosphere was exceedingly close and muggy, and although 
 we had frequent and often times almost a continual succession 
 of thunder storms, the air was not cooled or purified, but on 
 the contrary these rain-falls only increased its humidity and 
 heaviness. At night and in the early morning we Avere 
 enveloped, as we were at Vicksburg, in a thick watery mist, 
 and the stench from the surrounding swamps was intolerable. 
 All the drinking and cooking water was brought from the 
 Mississippi, some two and one half miles distant. But owing 
 to the condition of the direct road leading to the river, which 
 was rendered almost impassable by the heavy rains, much 
 of the water had to be transported five or six miles by cir- 
 
114 CAMP WILLIAMS. 
 
 cuitous routes, and the result was that our wants were but 
 imperfectly supplied, and not unfrequently the men were 
 obliged to use the waters from a bayou running in front of 
 our camp. As might have been expected the sick list in 
 creased with alarming rapidity and to add to the horror of 
 our situation the death rate kept at an almost even pace with 
 it. It was not an uncommon thing for men to fall dead in 
 their tracks, and numerous instances can be recalled of men 
 who fell dead on the banks of the bayou, with the fatal waters, 
 of which they had sought to quench their fevered thirst. 
 
 At the time we reached Camp Williams the seeds of disease 
 had been planted to a greater or less extent in every system, 
 and it seemed to us rather hard that our vitality should be 
 still further sapped by being sent to such an unhealthy 
 locality. Other troops who had been comfortably quartered 
 in the city and its vicinity and who had not been exposed, 
 or compelled to undergo any severe strains we thought should 
 have been selected for such service. There can be no doubt 
 had our regiment been sent to a healthy spot immediately on 
 our return from Baton Rouge, many lives would have been 
 saved and many who were obliged to return to their homes 
 shattered by disease, and disabled with chronic complaints, 
 would have been restored to health and duty. But that was 
 not to be, we were forced to remain at Camp Williams until 
 September 30th, when we moved our quarters to " Camp 
 Kearny " a short distance below Carrolton which was a 
 slightly more desirable and healthy place. On the 4th of 
 November we again moved to the city of New Orleans taking 
 up our quarters at the Jackson Cotton Press in the lower 
 
CATHOLIC HOSPITALS DEPASTURE FOR FLORIDA. 115 
 
 part of the city. We had been there but a few days when 
 we were ordered to Pensacola, Florida. In the meantime I 
 was detailed on a military commission but was almost 
 immediately taken sick with remittent fever resulting 
 from continuous exposure and arduous labors, and was 
 obliged to go to the " Hotel Dieu " where I was most 
 kindly cared for and treated by the Sisters of Charity, 
 under whose direction it was managed, and in a short 
 time recovered my health. I refer to this circumstance 
 merely for the purpose of calling attention to these hospitals. 
 Many of the officers and men, not only of our own regiment, 
 but of the entire command can testify to the excellent manner 
 in which these institutions were managed, and to the uniform 
 kindness with which these Sisters of Mercy treated our sol 
 diers while under their care. Never, to my knowledge, were 
 the doors of one of these asylums closed to any of our men, 
 however humble his rank, or whatever might be his faith or 
 creed. All were treated with equal attention and skill. The 
 attending physicians were men of experience and ability and 
 no better nurses could be found in any hospitals than were 
 these votaries of the Catholic religion. 
 
 On the 13th of November the regiment, under the command 
 of Major Porter, embarked on the steamer " Nassau," and 
 took its departure for the land of " Sun and Flowers." The 
 " Nassau " was not designed for a transport, being nothing 
 more than a large sized tug-boat. The men in consequence 
 were stowed and packed away " like herrings." Most of them 
 were obliged to stand or lie on the upper deck during the 
 entire voyage for want of sufficient space elsewhere. To add 
 
116 VOYAGE TO PENSACOLA INCIDENT. 
 
 to their discomforts they encountered wet and heavy weather 
 immediately after leaving the mouth of the Mississippi, so 
 that all hands were drenched to the skin until they reached 
 Pensacola. When off the entrance to Mobile Bay, in the 
 middle of the night, the " Nassau " was suddenly brought to 
 her bearings by a round shot, which passed just ahead of her 
 bows, and which it was discovered came from one of our own 
 gunboats. She was immediately brought to, when it was 
 ascertained that she was inside of our blockading squadron, 
 and heading directly toward Fort Morgan, then in the hands 
 of the rebels. It was at once suspected that the captain 
 was untrue, and intended running his boat under the guns 
 of the fort, where all on board would probably have fallen 
 into the hands of the enemy. The captain however pro 
 tested his innocence, claiming that in the darkness he had 
 mistaken his course. At that time there were no lights kept 
 up anywhere on the Southern coast, the rebels having either 
 demolished the light-houses or extinguished the lights, so 
 that it was not an infrequent occurrence for navigators to 
 lose their reckonings at night in dark or stormy weather. 
 There were no means of determining definitely whether the 
 captain was unfaithful or not, and so, after giving him to 
 understand that his life would pay the penalty of any 
 attempted treachery, Major Porter directed him to proceed 
 to his destination. On the morning of the 14th the " Nassau " 
 reached Pensacola, with as wet and disgusted a lot of men as 
 can well be imagined. A considerable portion of our number 
 were sick, and the severe exposure and discomforts of the trip 
 were not calculated to aid or benefit these invalids. At that 
 
FENSACOLA GEN. NEAL DOW. 11 
 
 time it was customary to issue rations of whiskey to the men 
 whenever they had been subjected to any unusual exposure 
 or toil, and accordingly, as soon as the regiment disembarked 
 and got fairly into quarters, Major Porter made requisition 
 for a suitable allowance of whiskey for his command. But the 
 Commander of the Post happened to be that redoubtable 
 warrior and sanguinary hero, Gen. Neal Dow, author of 
 the Maine Liquor Law, who utterly refused to approve of 
 the requisition, on the ground that he did not believe in 
 the efficacy of spirits in any case. The result was that the 
 men got no stimuli through the regular channel, but I have 
 reason to think a supply was obtained notwithstanding Gen. 
 Dow s compunctions. This great apostle of temperance, I 
 am happy to say, was not destined to tarry long with us, for 
 in a few weeks he was ordered to New Orleans, and assigned 
 to a command near that city, where, if reports were true, 
 his attachment for silver spoons became almost as great as 
 that which Gen. Butler is reputed to have had. 
 
 Gen. Dow, while in command at Pensacola, had discovered 
 a great fondness for pianos and miscellaneous articles of 
 furniture, of which he had a large and interesting collection 
 at his quarters. Numerous predatory raids had been made 
 into the adjoining towns; and when we reached Pensacola 
 it was said that the looting had been so effective that but 
 little if any valuable furniture was left in all Western Florida, 
 Subsequently, near Port Hudson, this pseudo General was 
 taken prisoner. It was reported that the rebels offered to 
 exchange him for six pianos, but the proposition seems not 
 to have been accepted, and he was, I believe, afterwards ex 
 changed in the regular way. 
 
118 "BILLY" WILSON S ZOUAVES. 
 
 Shortly after our arrival at Pensacola, "Billy" Wilson s 
 Zouaves, then stationed at Pensacola, were ordered to New 
 Orleans. This regiment had an unsavory reputation, and 
 was generally supposed to be made up of thieves, plug- 
 uglies and other dangerous characters gathered from the 
 slums of New York City. While there were desperate 
 men in the regiment, it contained some good material, and 
 on the whole compared favorably in discipline and esprit de 
 corps with some other regiments recruited in the large cities. 
 But little sympathy, however, existed between this regiment 
 and Gen. Dow. His temperance proclivities did rot accord 
 with the bacchanalian habits of its rank and file, and his 
 efforts to stop their "tod" was resented in a forcible and 
 outspoken manner. When the order was received for the 
 regiment to proceed to New Orleans, it was given out that 
 the men would "make Rome howl" on the night before their 
 departure. No one except Gen. Dow supposed anything 
 serious was contemplated, but he seemed to be impressed 
 with the idea that these threats would be literally executed. 
 Accordingly the men of our regiment were directed to sleep 
 on their arms. Two companies were also detailed as an ad 
 ditional guard at the General s house, and several extra 
 patrols were sent out to apprehend all roysterers and soldiers 
 outside their quarters. The night, however, was a quiet and 
 peaceful one, and the next morning "Billy Wilson" and the 
 * Bloody Sixth" departed, seemingly, to the great delight of 
 Gen. Dow. 
 
 Pensacola like most other towns on the Florida coast is 
 entirely free from malaria. The soil in the vicinity is of a 
 
PENSACOLA AS A SANITARY STATION. 119 
 
 dry sandy character, and the surrounding country is an " open 
 piney woods." The climate we found equable and generally 
 pleasant. The air was pure and, in our condition, highly 
 invigorating. The effects of this change from the malarious 
 banks of the Mississippi were decidedly favorable upon the 
 health and spirits of our men, and were perceptible at once, 
 notwithstanding for the first two or three months after our 
 arrival the death rate ran very high. This however was 
 inevitable as the serious maladies contracted by so many on 
 the river campaign would have proved fatal in any locality, 
 even could the sick have been transported to their native 
 air. The diseases most prevalent at that time were chronic 
 diarroehea, swamp fevers and pneumonia. The resinous 
 elements in the atmosphere were particularly conducive to 
 the recovery of those affected with the latter trouble. In a 
 sanitary point of view Pensacola was probably the most 
 desirable situation in the Department as a station for a 
 regiment conditioned as ours was. 
 
 The following tabular statement of deaths in the regiment, 
 and of those discharged therefrom for disability, in each year 
 from 1862 to 1866, both inclusive, shows that our ranks 
 were much more severely winnowed and decimated by death 
 and disease in 1862 than in all the other years of our service 
 put together, and also shows how rapidly the regiment im 
 proved after reaching Florida : 
 
120 
 
 TABULAR STATEMENTS. 
 
 DEATHS. 
 
 
 1862 
 
 1863 
 
 1864 
 
 1865 
 
 1866 TOTAL. 
 
 Commissioned Officers, . 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Non " " 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Company A, . 
 
 26 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 33 
 
 B, 
 
 32 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 C, . ... 
 
 U 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 D, 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 i 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 E, . 
 
 36 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 48 
 
 F, . 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 G, . 
 
 31 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 H, 
 
 44 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 57 
 
 I, . 
 
 37 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 K, 
 
 26 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 43 
 
 TOTAL, 
 
 295 
 
 3i 
 
 39 
 
 4i 
 
 I 
 
 407 
 
 And by the following Tabular Statement it will be 
 seen that more men were discharged for disability in 
 1863 than in 1862. Nearly every one of these dis 
 charges, however, was occasioned by sickness incurred in 
 1862 before we went to Florida, and hence should properly be 
 included in our losses of that year. It will also be seen that 
 in companies C and D there were fewer deaths than in the 
 other companies. None of the men of C (except I think the 
 color guard) and but a portion (a little over one-half) of D 
 
TABULAR STATEMENTS COMMENTS. 
 
 121 
 
 company took part in the expedition to Vicksburg, which, 
 probably accounts for this fact. 
 
 DISCHARGED FOR DISABILITY. 
 
 
 1862 
 
 1863 
 
 1864 
 
 1865 
 
 1866 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 Commissioned Officers, . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Non " 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Company A, . 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 2O 
 
 B, . 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 C, . 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 D, 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 E, . 
 
 12 
 
 ii 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 F, . 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 G, . 
 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 " H, . . 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 I, . 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 K, 
 
 ii 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 _^ 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 TOTAL, 
 
 94 
 
 100 
 
 !9 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 242 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 Total Number of Deaths, 
 Total Number Discharged for Disability, 
 
 407 
 242 
 
 TOTAL, . . 649 
 
 We were able also to get much more wnolesome food than 
 any with which we had been supplied since leaving Vermont. 
 Fish and game were abundant, and the beef, which was 
 brought to us on steamers direct from the North, was of a 
 
122 UNIQUE DEFENCES. 
 
 superior quality. We were also able to get fruits and vege 
 tables to a greater or less extent in their season. 
 
 At the time we reached Pensacoia, Gen. Dow was in a 
 great ferment over an anticipated attack from the enemy, and 
 as soon as we were fairly disembarked our men were set to 
 work constructing a stockade, skirted by a sort of chevaux de 
 frieze, in front of our quarters and also in completing other 
 unique barricades and defences devised by this doughty com 
 mander against a possible " surprise." A most comical affair 
 in the shape of a redoubt was built out of wood and sand near 
 the cemetery. None of us were ever able to discover the im 
 portance of fortifying this point, as the entire country in 
 its immediate front was commanded by our own artillery and 
 the guns of the fleet. But it was not for us to 
 
 " Reason why 
 
 " T was ours but to do and die." 
 
 and so the lamented Capt. Croft, I believe it was, received 
 instructions to destroy the headstones and monuments in this 
 ancient " Burial Acre," and to demolish the fences surround 
 ing it lest the enemy should be protected, or our fire ob 
 structed thereby. So unnecessary an act of vandalism 
 excited great ridicule and disgust, and the order for its exe 
 cution was never fully carried out. 
 
 On the 29th of December the regiment with other troops 
 took part in an armed reconnoisance to Oakfield, a small set 
 tlement about five miles outside our lines, under the personal 
 command of Gen. Dow. The enemy not being found there, 
 and no furniture having been discovered, the " object of the 
 expedition " was declared to have been " accomplished " and 
 we returned to our quarters without important incidents. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 DEATH OF LIEUT. FRENCH SCOUTING AND ALARMS SKIR 
 MISH AT OAKFIELD SANTA ROSA ISLAND FORT PICK- 
 ENS EVACUATION OF PENSACOLA BARRANCAS 
 
 CAMP ROBERTS PICKET DUTY CAPTURE OF 
 
 PRISONERS AT PENSACOLA BY CAPT. YOUNG 
 
 ACCIDENT AT REDOUBT YELLOW 
 
 FEVER REFUGEES AND DESERT 
 ERS ARRIVAL OF GEN. 
 ASBOTH. 
 
 1BB3, 
 
 Early in January Lieut. Henry H. French, of Company H, 
 succumbed to an attack of fever, brought on by exposure and 
 toil on the Vicksburg campaign, and on the 20th died. He 
 scarcely was twenty-one years of age, but was ambitious 
 and anxious to succeed in the profession which he had 
 adopted, and apparently had a bright and useful career before 
 him. 
 
 " Death takes us by surprise, 
 
 And stays our hurrying feet; 
 The great design unfinished lies 
 Our lives are incomplete. 
 
 His remains were sent to Vermont for interment. 
 
124 ALARMS SKIRMISH AT OAKFIELD. 
 
 About this time Major Porter was detailed on Staff duty 
 in New Orleans, and as assistant Provost Marshal received 
 much credit for his efficiency and ability. 
 
 During the months of January and the early part of Feb 
 ruary frequent scouting parties were sent out in the direction 
 of Oakfield to keep track of the enemy s movements, and 
 every night or two the " long roll " was sounded, and we 
 were routed out to take position behind the stockade. On 
 several occasions, during the day, we had sham fights, taking 
 up different positions along the line of defences, so as to 
 accustom the men to their duties in case of an attack. It 
 was evident that Gen. Dow meant to be vigilant a most 
 essential quality in a soldier. But the frequency with which 
 we were unnecessarily turned out at night, by false alarms, 
 led us to think that such persistent and oft-repeated efforts 
 to make the men prompt and watchful would have just the 
 opposite effect. Fortunately, however, for our peace of mind 
 at night, Gen. Dow, about the 23d of January, was ordered 
 to New Orleans. Before leaving us he reviewed the entire 
 command, and bade us an affectionate farewell, with the in 
 junction: "Never allow yourselves to be surprised" an 
 admonition it would have been well for him had he heeded 
 on the occasion of his capture. On the 17th of February 
 Companies B and G, under Capt. Dutton, with some other 
 troops, started on a scout. Just before reaching Oakfield 
 they were attacked by a body of rebel cavalry, and quite a 
 brisk skirmish ensued, which lasted some little time, bat 
 finally degenerated into a running fight, until Oakfield was 
 reached, when the enemy precipitately retired. Probably 
 
FLIGHT OF A CHAPLAIN ADVANTAGES OF ALPACA. 125 
 
 their retreat was not more rapid, however, than that execut 
 ed by the chaplain of one of the Maine regiments and a cler 
 ical friend from our advance at the commencement of the 
 combat. It seems these gentlemen " of the cloth" desired 
 to accompany the expedition for the novelty of the experi 
 ence, and so each had 
 
 " Buckled to his slender side 
 The pistol and the simitar," 
 
 resolved to perish, if need be, with the troops. Unfor 
 tunately, however, the first hostile shot came very close to 
 the chaplain, who felt his valor suddenly oozing out, and 
 thinking no doubt of the couplet, 
 
 " Those who fly may fight again, 
 Which he can never do that s slain," 
 
 " let out his last link " and without ado broke for our bar 
 ricades, closely followed by his friend, neither of whom 
 stopped until they were safely ensconced in camp, where 
 they immediately spread the most ridiculous reports of the 
 sanguinary character of the engagement, and of their " hair 
 breadth escape." Upon the strength of these statements re 
 inforcements were about to be sent out when a courier came 
 in with information which made that step unnecessary. 
 The Chaplain was attired in a suit of black alpaca of an ex 
 ceedingly bright and shining texture, and his account of the 
 manner in which the bullets whistled about him without 
 hitting his person, led to some speculations as to whether a ball 
 fired from a rifle would penetrate alpaca, it being contended 
 by some that the Chaplain s experience had demonstrated 
 
126 EVACUATION OF PENSACOLA SANTA ROSA ISLAND. 
 
 that it would not, but on the contrary, that it would glance 
 or fly off, from a substance so glossy, and some were inclined 
 to the belief that his life was saved by his " outward apparel." 
 Be this, however, as it may, the Chaplain was jocularly given 
 the appellation of " Old Bomb-proof," by which title he was- 
 known as long as he remained in the command. 
 
 About the middle of February, orders were received 
 to evacuate Pensacola. This was a wise and proper 
 measure, as to hold the place quite a large force 
 was required, and practically the same strategic results 
 could be accomplished by removing the troops to Barrancas, 
 which position was susceptible of being defended by a much 
 smaller number. Besides at the latter point the Navy Yard 
 at "Warrenton and Wolsey could be much better protected. 
 Pensacola harbor is very spacious, and its importance as a 
 Naval Station alone made it necessary to keep a considerable 
 number of troops stationed at and around the forts in the vicin 
 ity. The Navy Yard, although nearly destroyed by the rebels 
 early in the war, was made the Headquarters of the West 
 Gulf Blockading Squadron, as a depot for coaling, fitting-out 
 and repairing vessels. Consequently large supplies of naval 
 stores of every description were accumulated there, which 
 afforded a standing temptation to the rebels to attempt the 
 capture of the place. 
 
 The entrance to the harbor was commanded by Fort Pick- 
 ens, which is situated on the westerly extremity of Santa 
 Eosa Island. On the 20th of February we were ordered to 
 proceed to this fort, which we accordingly did, taking up our 
 quarters outside of the fort in a camp which I named in 
 
SANTA ROSA ISLAND BARRANCAS. 127 
 
 honor of Col. Stoughton, of the Fourth Vermont, under whom 
 I first served. On the 22d of March Pensaoola was wholly 
 abandoned; and on the 28th of March, companies A, D and 
 G were detailed for duty as artillerists in Fort Pickens which, 
 up to that time, had been garrisoned by regulars of the First 
 and Second Artillery, U. S. A. Several of these companies- 
 were ordered to report to Gen. Banks at New Orleans, and 
 hence it became necessary to supply their places. While on 
 Santa E,osa Island nothing of note occurred, unless the con 
 tinual skirmish we were obliged to keep up with the fleas, is 
 worthy of mention. At no place have I ever known these- 
 annoying insects so plentiful or voracious ; and we all realized 
 the truth of the lines 
 
 a flea 
 
 Has smaller fleas that on him prey ; 
 And these have smaller still to bite em, 
 And so increase ad infinitum" 
 
 Eattlesnakes, and those of the " copperhead" breed, were 
 also abundant, which did not at all add to our comfort. 
 
 On the 19th of June I was placed in command of the 
 troops in West Florida, and I removed all of the regiment, 
 except companies A, D and G, to Barrancas, where an at 
 tractive and pleasant encampment was formed, and which was 
 called Camp Roberts, in memory of our lamented and gal 
 lant Colonel. My command (the honors of which I divided 
 with Lieut.- Col. Peck), at that time consisted only of my 
 own regiment and two regular companies of the Second 
 U. S. Artillery. Afterward we were reinforced by two 
 colored regiments and a company of the Fourteenth New 
 
128 PICKET DUTY CAPT. YOUNG S SCOUT. 
 
 York Cavalry. About this time companies C and I were de 
 tailed to garrison Barrancas Hedoubt, which was situated 
 but a short distance from Fort Barrancas, then occupied by 
 Capt. Larned s company of the Second U. S. Artillery. The 
 balance of the regiment, when not performing picket duty, 
 were kept employed drilling or in perfecting their knowledge 
 in artillery exercises, which it was necessary they should be 
 familiar with, as in repelling an attack we should have been 
 obliged to rely mainly upon the batteries which we erected 
 at different points. With so many of the companies de 
 tached, the duty of guarding properly the extended line we 
 were obliged to protect was no light undertaking, and the 
 labors of the men were consequently very arduous. A good 
 deal of the time they were on the picket line every other day 
 and night, and in the interim they were frequently compelled 
 to work on the fortifications, as the rebels were quite active 
 in our front and constantly threatening us with an attack, 
 In order to follow their movements it was also necessary to 
 send out scouting parties from time to time. 
 
 In response to my urgent request we were reinforced 
 early in September by the 86th U. S. Colored Kegiment, 
 Col. Plumley commanding. Although his men were green 
 and inexperienced they relieved us of a good deal of labor. 
 But it was some little time before I deemed it safe to put 
 them in dangerous or important points on the picket line. 
 On the 6th of September I sent out a reconnoitering party 
 under Capt. Mahlon M. Young and Lieut. Jackson Y. Parker. 
 The rebel cavalry were in the habit of riding into Pensacola 
 with impunity and visiting one Morino the Spanish Counsel 
 
CAPTURE OF REBELS. 129 
 
 who resided there, and who entertained them with much hos 
 pitality and from whom they obtained valuable information 
 as to our strength and condition and as to the movements of 
 the vessels of the fleet. Morino was accredited to our gov 
 ernment, and when Pensacola was abandoned we offered him 
 every facility to remove his Consulate within our lines, but 
 being a native of Pensacola, and an arrant rebel, he preferred 
 not to give up his residence there. His reasons for this were 
 obvious. By remaining at Pensacola he was in a position to 
 gain much important intelligence concerning our plans and 
 contemplated operations which he could and did communi 
 cate to the enemy. I resolved, if possible, to put a stop to 
 these illicit practices, or at all events to make it hazardous 
 for the rebels to ride openly into the town. Capt. Young 
 was accordingly directed to " lay low " for one of these junk 
 eting parties. On reaching the outskirts of Pensacola he 
 concealed his command in the woods until after nightfall 
 when he occupied one of the redoubts thrown up by Gen. 
 Dow from which he was able to observe the approaches to 
 the town without disclosing the presence of his command. 
 The next morning he discovered a squad of the enemy s cav 
 alry approaching, consisting of two officers and six enlisted 
 men, who after examining the hollows and bushes and appar 
 ently satisfying themselves that there were no " Yanks " about 
 rode directly by his place of concealment and proceeded to 
 Morino s, where they dismounted and entered his house, without 
 taking the precaution of throwing out a single picket. This 
 enabled Capt. Young to surround the house and cut off all 
 means of retreat, which was speedily done, whereupon he 
 
130 INTERFERENCE OF SPANISH CONSUL. 
 
 suddenly appeared before the astonished rebels, and demanded 
 their instant surrender. They offered no resistance, and 
 were accordingly made prisoners. It seems, however, that 
 one Capt. Wade, a naval swab, commanding a guard boat in 
 the harbor, happened to be at the Consulate at the time- 
 under an illegitimate flag of truce, and at the instigation of 
 Morino he was induced to protest against the apprehension 
 of the rebels on the false theory that they too had entered 
 the town under a flag of truce, and were consequently en 
 titled to immunity from arrest. Capt. Young soon dispelled 
 this illusion by pointing out that, before entering the town, 
 the rebels had carefully surveyed the approaches, and then 
 carried no flag of truce. Thereupon Morino bethought him 
 self that he could secure their escape by claiming that they 
 were protected by the flag of Spain, inasmuch as they were 
 on the grounds of the Consulate when taken. Of course this- 
 was absurd, nevertheless Wade sided with Morino, and in 
 sisted that the rebels should be given up, and threatened to 
 call a boat s crew to prevent their being taken away. He- 
 had tackled the wrong man however, for Capt. Young clung 
 to and brought in his prisoners in spite of Wade s swagger. 
 In a few days I received a communication from Morino, in 
 which he claimed that the rebels should be released, and that 
 to retain them would be a gross infraction of the " law of 
 nations " and an insult to Spain, under whose flag they were 
 harbored at the time of their capture, and stated that he- 
 had laid the matter before the Spanish Embassador at Wash 
 ington. A week or so later some cavalrymen appeared in 
 front of our lines with a letter from Gen. Maury, Commander 
 
CAPT. YOUNG S PRISONERS SURRENDER DEMANDED. 131 
 
 of the Confederate forces at Mobile, wherein he peremptorily 
 demanded a return of the prisoners, on the ground that they 
 bore a flag of truce and were " under the protection of the 
 Spanish flag" when taken, and that their capture was there 
 fore in violation of the rules of " civilized warfare." I posi 
 tively refused to give up the captives, and informed both 
 Morino and Gen. Maury that a Consular Agent accredited 
 to the United States Government who persisted in remaining 
 within the lines of its enemies, could give no protection to 
 such enemies, and that his protests were entitled to no con 
 sideration whatever. I never again heard from either, nor 
 did I ever learn that the Spanish Government considered 
 either Capt. Young s act in taking, or mine in retaining the 
 prisoners, as a easus belli. I had the satisfaction, however, 
 of learning that open communications between Morino and 
 the enemy ceased from that time. 
 
 The affair greatly exasperated Col. Maury, a cavalry 
 officer and the leader of the rebel forces in our immediate 
 front, and he sent in word through Widow Nix (the charms 
 of whose daughters may still linger pleasantly in the memories 
 of many), that he intended to " gobble " from us double the 
 number taken by Capt. Young by way of retaliation, and that 
 as to any negroes that should fall into his hands he would 
 "flay them alive./ In execution of his threats, he at once 
 commenced a series of night attacks upon our outposts, 
 several of which he endeavored to capture without success. 
 Many were the nights that we stood to our guns expecting 
 something more serious than an attempt to drive in our pick 
 ets, as it was well known that Maury s command greatly out- 
 
132 COLORED PICKETS A LAUGHABLE INCIDENT. 
 
 numbered our small force. These assaults made it necessary 
 for the pickets to be extremely vigilant, and the colored 
 troops, who were inexperienced in such service, sometimes 
 allowed their imagination to get the better of their prudence. 
 An amusing incident occurred in this connection. Our 
 picket line ran along a bayou, the shores of which were 
 heavily wooded, and which, except at the mouth, could 
 not be crossed save in boats or on pontoons. Two mortar 
 schooners armed with old-fashioned 32-pounders and 10-inch 
 mortars were anchored a short distance from the mouth 
 of the bayou, and commanded the ford there situated, 
 and from which position shell could be thrown some dis 
 tance up the lagoon. At the principal picket stations a 
 quantity of pine knots had been accumulated, which it was 
 designed should be ignited in case of an attack as signals, 
 so as to disclose the enemy s position in order that the com 
 manders of the schooners might shell or rake the approaches 
 with grape and canister as circumstances would admit. These 
 stations at the time were all held by colored troops. One 
 very dark night a small party of guerillas fired across the 
 bayou at some of the men at one of these posts, who fancying 
 that a formidable assault was contemplated set off the signal 
 fires, whereupon the schooners opened an indiscriminate fire, 
 which was kept up for some minutes. The din only added 
 to the confusion of the darkies, who finally took leg-bail for 
 camp. Of course we supposed at headquarters that the 
 rebels must be attempting to cross the bayou in force and 
 that a severe contest was imminent. I dispatched Adjut. 
 Sheldon to ascertain the point and character of the attack, 
 
COLORED PICKETS ACCIDENT AT REDOUBT. 133 
 
 and made such disposition of the troops in camp as seemed 
 to be best. In the meantime one or two of the fleetest of 
 the pickets had come in and I ascertained that they had seen 
 none of the enemy crossing, or even attempting to cross the 
 bayou, and that but three or four shots had been fired at 
 them. They also stated that the signal fires had been lighted 
 that they might see " who fired dose shot." This explained 
 everything, and the officer of the day having re-established 
 the picket line, we retired to our quarters, amused in spite 
 of ourselves at the ridiculous contretemps of our " colored 
 brethren." 
 
 On the 10th of September a serious accident occurred at 
 the redoubt by the premature discharge of an eight inch sea 
 coast howitzer. Our picket line had been fired into several 
 times from the woods in front of this fort and I thought it 
 desirable that the gunners should get the exact range of the 
 edge of the woods at different points. A detachment from 
 Company I was serving the gun. The catastrophe occurred 
 in my presence and was occasioned by the carelessness of the 
 corporal, in charge of the detail, whose duty it was to prop 
 erly thumb the vent. This he did not do and by his negli 
 gence lost the middle finger of his right hand. Private 
 Eobert Ripley of Company I, had his right arm blown off 
 and sustained other injuries from which he died within a few 
 days, and Private James B. Eoyce was blown into the air and 
 picked up for dead. To the surprise of every one, however, 
 he revived and is now living, being in the service of the gov 
 ernment in the Paymaster General s office at Washington. 
 His left arm was badly shattered, being broken four times. 
 
134 YELLOW FEVER SANITARY PRECAUTIONS. 
 
 which it subsequently became necessary to amputate near the 
 shoulder. He was also badly burned and bruised about the 
 face and head, so much so that he was blind for several 
 weeks, and has never fully recovered either his eyesight or 
 hearing. 
 
 About the 1st of September a case of yellow fever was re 
 ported on a vessel lying in the harbor, which had recently 
 arrived from an infected port. Shortly afterward a few spo 
 radic cases occurred at Warrenton and Wolsey, and I at 
 once determined to take every precaution, to prevent the 
 epidemic from getting a foothold in our camps. After consult 
 ing with Dr. Blanchard and the other physicians, and with 
 Major Allen of the Second U. S. Artillery, commandant of 
 Fort Pickens, who had been through several seasons of 
 the fever in Mexico and other Southern stations, we de 
 cided to establish a line of guards midway between our 
 camp and Warrenton and Wolsey to prevent all inter 
 course and communication; and orders were issued that 
 none of our men from the one direction, and none of the 
 sailors, marines or citizens from the other, should be allowed 
 to pass this line except upon passes signed by me personally. 
 At the same time the police and sanitary regulations were 
 rigorously enforced. So strictly was this blockade kept 
 that we had not to exceed a dozen cases of the fever all told, 
 and but two of which proved fatal, although at the Navy Yard, 
 and in Warrenton and Wolsey (some two and a half miles 
 distant), the fever raged for over two months, and after the 
 first two or three weeks assumed a very malignant and fatal 
 
DEATH OF CORPORAL WILKINS AND LIEUT. GREEN. 135 
 
 form. I have forgotten the exact rate of mortality, but re 
 member that the percentage was uncommonly large. The 
 first one to be stricken with the disease in the army was 
 Corporal Lucius 0. Wilkins of company B, who was at once 
 removed to a vacant house outside of our lines, where he 
 died, Nov. 5th. The next to follow was Lieut. Rollin M. 
 Green of company H, who was taken sick on November 15th 
 and died November 17th in our regimental hospital at Bar 
 rancas. As soon as it was discovered that he was unmis 
 takably affected with yellow fever, prompt measures were 
 taken to prevent the other occupants of the hospital from be 
 coming infected with the disease. All the efforts of Dr. 
 Blanch ard and his devoted wife, who fearlessly attended and 
 nursed the dying Lieutenant during the last twenty-four 
 hours of his life, were unavailing. He died about nine 
 o clock in the evening, and as an additional precaution, 
 was buried in the Marine Cemetery about midnight by a few 
 of the officers of the regiment. Lieut. Green was a cour 
 ageous and efficient officer. No man held the honor of the 
 regiment in higher esteem, and no one displayed greater 
 alacrity than he to vindicate it when assailed. He rose from 
 the ranks and won his several promotions by meritorious 
 and gallant conduct, 
 
 " Formed on the good old plan, 
 
 A true and brave and downright honest man." 
 
 In spite of the care taken to check the spread of the fever 
 it reappeared within a few days, whereupon Dr. Blanchard 
 established a pest hospital at the house outside our lines, 
 
136 YELLOW FEVER REFUGEES AND DESERTERS. 
 
 where Corporal Wilkins died, to which all patients attacked 
 by the malady were instantly removed. We were fortunate 
 in being able to ward off the disease as long as we did. 
 Within a short time after Lieut. Green was taken sick we 
 were visited by slight frosts which had a tendency to greatly 
 mitigate the virulence of the fever, so that the cases in the 
 army, except the two I have mentioned, were of a mild type. 
 Although the quarantine hospital, where many cases were 
 treated, was established on Santa Rosa Island, some three 
 miles from Fort Pickens, no cases occurred at the latter post. 
 The same system of non-intercourse that we adopted being 
 there enforced by Major Allen. The yellow fever greatly 
 interfered with our comfort and pleasures. During the preva 
 lence of the epidemic we were practically shut off from all 
 communication with the outside world. No vessels were 
 allowed to enter the port, and we got no regular mails or 
 supplies. We could not safely fraternize with our naval 
 friends ; and our Saturday night meetings, dedicated in con 
 formity to an old custom in the navy " to sweethearts and 
 wives" had to be abandoned, and altogether we had a most 
 lugubrious experience. 
 
 About this time a great many refugees and deserters came 
 in and sought our protection. The conscript laws of the 
 Confederacy were then being stringently enforced, and all 
 males who could shoulder a musket were impressed into the 
 service. Most of the deserters had been conscripted and 
 forced into the army against their will. The refugees, on 
 the other hand, were, as a rule, composed of the "poor white 
 
AERIVAL OF GEN. ASBOTH. 137 
 
 trash/ or " Florida Crackers/ who ran away to escape con 
 scription, and generally were an ignorant, lazy and worth 
 less lot. As these fugitives accumulated they formed quite 
 a large camp, and it became something of a problem to de 
 cide what to do with them. 
 
 On the 7th of November I was relieved by Brig.-Gen. 
 A. Asboth, who assigned me to the command of the First 
 Brigade, which then consisted of the undetached companies 
 of my own regiment commanded by Lieut. -Col. Peck, and 
 two colored regiments. It was supposed, however, that 
 a considerable body of troops would soon rendezvous at 
 Barrancas and Pensacola to co-operate with Admiral Far- 
 ragut in the meditated attack upon Mobile, and we began 
 to natter ourselves that we were soon to see more active 
 service. But our expectations of participating in an attack 
 upon Mobile were not to be immediately realized. Soon 
 after Gen. Asboth s arrival he set about utilizing the 
 deserters and refugees, by attempting to form a regiment 
 of cavalry from among their number. Adjutant Sheldon of 
 the Seventh, who had seen service in the regular artillery, 
 was also authorized to recruit and organize a light battery, 
 and I believe secured men enough to man four guns. It 
 was not altogether safe, however, to rely too much upon 
 troops made up from such an element. They were not 
 entirely loyal, and hence were unreliable and untrustworthy. 
 
 Gen. Asboth was a Hungarian by birth and a compatriot 
 of Kossuth s, and came to this country with him. He was a 
 brave man, but rash and injudicious, and, like many other 
 
GEN. ASBOTH S CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 officers of foreign extraction, was prone to expose his men, 
 and sacrifice their lives unnecessarily. Still he never asked 
 his troops to go where he was not willing to lead. He was 
 -very fond of dogs and horses, and had a half-dozen or more 
 of each. 
 
CHAPTER YII. 
 
 COMBAT AT JACKSON S BRIDGE CAPTURE OF LIEUT. ROSS- 
 ARRIVAL OF RECRUITS RE-ENLISTMENT OF REGIMENT- 
 COMBAT NEAR NIX S CLEARING ORDER FOR VET 
 ERAN FURLOUGH ACTION AT GONZALES STA 
 TION RETURN TO VERMONT AND RECEP 
 TION AT BRATTLEBORO ACTION AT 
 
 MARIANA, DEATH OF CAPT. 
 
 YOUNG RETURN TO NEW 
 
 ORLEANS. 
 
 1BB4, 
 
 the 25th of January, I crossed the bayou with three 
 companies of my regiment and about twenty men of 
 the Fourteenth N. Y. Cavalry for the purpose of securing a 
 quantity of lumber which we needed. Leaving the infantry at 
 the head of the bayou to get the lumber, I started with the 
 cavalry accompanied by Capt. Young and Lieut. George Brown 
 of the Seventh, on a scouting and foraging expedition. After 
 scouring the country for several hours we returned to Jack 
 son s Bridge, which crosses a small run on the direct road to, 
 Pensacola, where we halted to water our horses and eat dinner. 
 We had dismounted and had just begun our repast, when 
 
140 COMBAT AT JACKSON S BRIDGE. 
 
 several stray shots were fired in quick succession, and directly 
 our vedettes came dashing in at a gallop, closely followed by 
 several gray-backs. We had barely time to mount and 
 wheel into position before we saw the rebels coming down 
 upon us at the charge. It was impossible to tell what their 
 force was, but as we were both about the same distance from 
 the bridge I knew if the heads of column struck there we 
 stood a pretty good show, even though they outnumbered us, 
 as our men were the best armed and mounted, so I gave the 
 order to charge, instructing the men to yell as loud as pos 
 sible, and we bore down upon our opponent with much style. 
 At this -they discharged their pistols and carbines, killing one 
 horse and slightly wounding one of our men, and then took 
 to their heels. We pursued them about a mile capturing 
 a lieutenant and nine enlisted men. Two rebels were 
 wounded. Capt. Young and Lieut. Brown behaved very 
 handsomely and with their accustomed gallantry. This fol 
 lowing so closely upon the capture by Capt. Young at Pensa- 
 cola exasperated our friend Maury still more, and he sent 
 us word that the next time we " took a gallop " outside of 
 our lines we would meet with more formidable opposition. 
 
 On the 27th of January, Lieut. George Eoss of B Company, 
 was ordered by Gen. Asboth to proceed with a detail from 
 his company to Point Washington, at the head of Chocta- 
 wotchie Bay, to protect and forward refugees wishing te 
 enier our lines and enlist in our army, and he accordingly 
 embarked on the schooner " Sarah Breeze " with seven 
 teen men for his destination. From Point Washington 
 he advanced about twenty-five miles inland, where he 
 
LIEUT. ROSS AND HIS CAPTURE RE-ENLISTING. 141 
 
 struck and surprised a camp of rebel infantry, capturing 
 three officers and forty privates, besides one or two army 
 wagons. This company, it seems, had been stationed there 
 to prevent refugees and deserters escaping to our lines. In 
 trying to bring in his prisoners and plunder he was unable 
 to make as rapid progress as he otherwise would, and before 
 he could get back to his starting point he was overtaken and 
 in turn surprised by a superior force of the enemy s cavalry 
 and after a stubborn resistance was captured with eleven of 
 his men and all his prisoners. It was reported at the time 
 that several rebels were killed and wounded before Lieut. 
 Boss was overpowered. He was a plucky officer and if he had 
 a chance I have no- doubt he made a stout fight, before giving 
 up. A few days later all of his men not taken prisoners 
 reached our lines in safety. 
 
 On the 13th of February, Lieut. Frank K Finney of D 
 Company returned from Vermont with 110 recruits which 
 we were very glad to receive. 
 
 During the same month all of the enlisted men of the 
 regiment remaining from those originally mustered in, 
 except fifty-eight, re-enlisted for three years further ser 
 vice, or for the war, the War Department having pre 
 viously decided that the original term of service of the 
 regiment would expire June 1st, 1864. By the provis 
 ions of this order the re-enlisted men were entitled to 
 return to Vermont early in April for a furlough of thirty 
 days. But owing to a series of vexatious delays we were 
 not able to embark until August 10th. From the time of 
 the re-enlistment the regiment was authorized to assume, and 
 
142 WE BECOME VETERANS COMBAT AT Nix s CLEARING. 
 
 was afterwards known, by the name of the Seventh Regiment 
 Vermont Veteran Volunteers. 
 
 On the 19th of February a serious conflagration took place 
 at Pensacola, over one-half of the town being burned to the 
 ground. The next day a scouting party was sent there to % 
 ascertain the origin of the fire. But we never knew cer 
 tainly how or by whom it was caused. About this time we 
 were ordered to participate in the Red River Campaign under 
 Gen. Banks. Happily transportation arrived too late, and 
 we escaped being mixed up in that stupendous " cotton raid." 
 
 On the 2d of April Gen, Asboth received word through 
 widow Nix that some of Col. Maury s men were at her 
 house, and he accordingly sent out Capt. Schmidt with his 
 entire troop of horse to capture them. In a short time heavy 
 firing was heard across the bayou, and all of the Seventh in 
 camp was ordered to the rescue at double quick. Before we 
 could reach the scene of action the fighting was over. But 
 we found that a serious combat had taken place near 
 Nix s clearing between Schmidt s company and a battalion 
 of rebel cavalry, in which the former had been successful. 
 His first-lieutenant, Mr. Lenike, a very gallant fellow, 
 whom I am informed was killed in the late Franco-Prussian 
 War, was wounded, and several of his men, while the rebel 
 loss was two killed and ten wounded. 
 
 On the 18th of May G Company was detailed to relieve 
 Capt. Larned s company of the Second IT. S. Artillery at 
 Fort Barrancas, and K Company was detailed to relieve 
 Major Allen s company of regulars at Fort Pickens, which 
 left but four companies of the Seventh in camp. 
 
RUMORS OF AN ATTACK RAID. 
 
 About this time rumors reached us that a combined attack 
 was to be made on the Navy Yard by a land force under 
 Maury and by the ram "Tennessee/ then lying in Mobile 
 Bay. This vessel, which was subsequently, surrendered to 
 Farragut, was probably the most formidable ironclad the 
 Confederacy ever had ; and if her commander had run suc 
 cessfully the gauntlet of our fleet he would have given us 
 very serious trouble. In anticipation of such an attack a 
 water battery, mounted with 11 and 15-inch guns, was con 
 structed on the end of Santa Kosa Island by Companies D, 
 F and K, so as to command the channel; while, on the Bar 
 rancas side, we made additional defences to meet any attack 
 from that direction. Every few nights there was picket 
 firing, and we were frequently under arms all night. In the 
 meantime Farragut s preparations for an attack upon Forts 
 Morgan and Gaines., at the entrance to Mobile Bay, were 
 being pushed steadily forward. Neither were the rebels idle. 
 They were constantly strengthening their position, Keinforce- 
 ments for the garrisons and additional supplies were being 
 brought from the interior, most of which passed over the rail 
 road running from Pollard, and beyond, to Mobile. Gen. 
 Asboth conceived a scheme for destroying this road, and 
 thus cutting off this important line of communication. 
 His idea was a good one, but, unfortunately, we had not 
 a sufficient force to carry it into effect. Nevertheless he 
 resolved to attempt its execution. Accordingly an expe 
 dition was fitted out consisting of the following troops to wit : 
 Four companies of the Seventh, (A, B, E and H,) Schmidt s 
 New York Cavalry, First Florida Cavalry, Eighty-third 
 
144 ACTION AT GONZALES STATION. 
 
 and Eighty-sixth U. S. Colored Regiments and two mountain 
 howitzers, commanded by Adjt. Sheldon, and which for 
 want of horses were dragged by mules and denominated by 
 ways of pleasantry " Sheldon s Mule Battery." On the after 
 noon of July 21st, we left Barrancas with Schmidt s cavalry 
 in advance, followed by our four companies and Sheldon s 
 guns, the other troops bringing up the rear. We were in 
 formed that a considerable force of the enemy was intrenched 
 at Gonzales Station (or as it is sometimes called the " Fifteen 
 Mile House," that being its distance from Pensacola), whom 
 we hoped to surprise, and our march was, therefore, so timed 
 as to reach that point early in the morning. This we accom 
 plished, that is to say we struck their outposts a little before 
 daylight, and were soon engaged in an exceedingly lively 
 skirmish. Deploying a portion of the Seventh I was directed 
 to take charge of the right of the line and push forward as 
 rapidly as possible. The enemy, however, contested our advance 
 very stubbornly and it was some little time before we reached 
 the clearing in front of their fortifications, which I soon per 
 ceived consisted of a square redoubt crudely made up of logs 
 and earth. It nevertheless afforded protection to their rifle 
 men and as an attempt to carry it by assault might cost 
 several lives, I deemed it best to first try the effect of a few 
 shell. Accordingly Sheldon brought up his howitzers and 
 with remarkable precision landed a half-dozen rounds of 
 spherical shot directly in the fort which caused no little 
 confusion, whereupon Capts. Darwin A. Smalley and John 
 L. Moseley of A and E companies respectively, with a portion 
 of the Seventh, very gallantly led an assault across the clear- 
 
ACTION AT GONZALE3 STATION RETfiEAT. 145 
 
 ing, and before the rebels could do more than discharge a 
 couple of volleys, they were over their works and among them 
 which led to a hasty and headlong retreat on their part. 
 They did not effect their escape, however, until several of 
 their number were taken prisoners. In the meantime, heavy 
 skirmishing was going on in front of Gen. Asboth in the 
 centre and on the left of the line, but on the fall of their fort 
 the rebels gave way, and after being pursued for some distance 
 by our cavalry, finally, in consequence of the thick woods, eluded 
 capture. Several men were killed and wounded on both 
 sides, but I don t recall the number. It was evident that the 
 enemy under-estimated our force, indeed we were informed 
 by the prisoners that .they supposed, until we opened with 
 artillery, that the attack was from but a small portion of our 
 cavalry. In the haste of their flight the rebels left us a very 
 good breakfast of " corndodgers " and bacon. Although this 
 affair can hardly be called a battle, yet for over an hour the 
 officers and men of the Seventh were exposed to a severe 
 musketry fire. No troops could have behaved better then 
 they did, and all alike were entitled to, and received from 
 Gen. Asboth much praise for their steadiness and intrepidity. 
 After a rest of several hours we again resumed our march in 
 the order I have stated, and had pushed forward some ten 
 miles when a deserter from the enemy came in and informed 
 Gen. Asboth that Col. Maury with a force of four thousand 
 men was marching toward us with a view to cutting off our 
 retreat and was only five or six miles distant. We received 
 this intelligence about dark. A hasty consultation was 
 held and it was decided to retreat, as Maury s force largely 
 
146 RETREAT FARRAGUT MOBILE BAY. 
 
 outnumbered ours, besides we were not sure how the Florida 
 battalion would behave in a pitched battle. Accordingly we 
 faced about and started for Barrancas, marching all night. 
 A hard rain storm set in, which somewhat impeded our 
 progress, but which fortunately, as it turned out, saved us 
 from a severe action, if not from capture, for Maury was 
 nearer to us than was reported, but owing to the heavy rain 
 all traces of our return were obliterated and it was not until 
 sometime in the following forenoon that he discovered our 
 retreat. It was then too late to overtake us, as we were 
 within a short distance of our lines. We reached camp with 
 our prisoners on the morning of the 24th pretty well jaded 
 and worn, having marched over fifty miles since our de 
 parture. 
 
 On the 4th of August Gen. Gordon Granger, under the 
 cover of Farragut s guns, landed with a small force on Dau- 
 phine Island, at the eastern extremity of which Fort Gaines 
 is situated, for the purpose of participating in the contem 
 plated attack upon that fort by the fleet ; and on the same 
 day Farragut wrote to his wife as follows : " I am going into 
 " Mobile Bay in the morning, if God is my leader, as I hope he 
 it - g< * * * If he thinks it is the proper place for me 
 " to die, I am ready to submit to his will." The next morn 
 ing he fought that most brilliant of all his many memorable 
 and successful naval encounters, the battle of Mobile Bay. 
 Although thirty miles distant we could distinctly hear the 
 roar of the guns. On the 7th of August Fort Gaines surren 
 dered, and Gen. Granger transferred his force to Mobile 
 Point and invested Fort Morgan. We were momentarily 
 
DEPARTURE FOR VERMONT COMPLIMENTARY ORDER. 147 
 
 expecting orders to join him, but in the meantime the 
 steamer Hudson arrived to convey us north on our long- 
 looked-for furlough, and on the 10th of August, leaving the 
 recruits behind, we left Barrancas and Fort Pickens, and 
 for the first time in nearly two and a half years turned our 
 faces homeward. Just before our departure the following 
 order was issued by Gen. Asboth : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST FLORIDA, 
 
 BARRANCAS, FLA., Aug. 9th, 1864. 
 "Special Order No. 184. 
 
 "The Seventh Vermont Veteran Volunteers being about 
 " to leave this District, the General commanding considers 
 " it his pleasant duty to express his full appreciation of the 
 " good order and discipline always maintained, and the ef- 
 " ficient service constantly rendered by them, not only as 
 " infantry at their several posts and in the field, but also 
 " most conspicuously as artillerists at the important forts of 
 " Pickens and Barrancas. The departure of this Veteran 
 11 Eegiment becomes thus a severe loss to this command, 
 " and the best wishes and warmest thanks of the General 
 " commanding follow their gallant commander, Col. W. C. 
 " Holbrook, and all the brave officers and men to their homes 
 " and wherever duty calls them. May we meet again in 
 11 better days for our beloved and common country, the great 
 " Kepublic of the World. 
 
 " (Signed), ASBOTH, 
 
 " Brig. Gen. Commanding" 
 
148 VOYAGE HOME EXPERIENCE AT FORTRESS MONROE. 
 
 The steamer Hudson must have been built about the 
 time of the Ark, for a slower boat could not well have been 
 found. Notwithstanding we had the Gulf-stream with us we 
 were ten days in reaching Fortress Monroe where we were 
 obliged to stop for coal. On reporting our arrival and mak 
 ing known our wishes for a sufficient quantity of coal to 
 enable us to reach New York, an adolescent surgeon, repre 
 senting the Health Department, was sent on board to ascer 
 tain whether there were any cases of yellow fever. On learn 
 ing that we had come from the port of Pensacola he said it 
 would be necessary for us to proceed at once to the quaran 
 tine station some miles distant, where he proposed to keep 
 us for thirty days. In vain did we protest that there 
 was no infectious sickness among the men, and that we 
 had simply touched there long enough to get a few tons of 
 coal, and that to detain a regiment of men aboard ship so 
 long would surely bring on sickness in some form. This 
 nincompoop of a doctor was deaf to all reason however, and 
 directed that we proceed at once to quarantine, saying that 
 if we wished to proceed on our course it would be necessary 
 to obtain an order from the Post Commander. Fortunately, 
 the Post Quartermaster, in compliance with our requisition, 
 had sent a couple of barges laden with coal alongside the 
 Hudson before the doctor came aboard, and upon his 
 arrival we were actually engaged transferring the coal to our 
 ship. This work we were allowed to finish. In the mean 
 time I made a written application to the Commandant of the 
 Post, setting forth the orders I had received from the quaran 
 tine physician and the circumstances of the case, and asked 
 
DRAGGING ANCHOR TO NEW YORK. 149 
 
 for leave to go to sea forthwith. To my great surprise I 
 shortly received a communication in reply, that my applica 
 tion would be forwarded to Washington for the action of the 
 authorities there, but that " in the meantime the directions 
 of the Health Officer must be complied with." We began 
 to think that the spirit of Butlerism (for we were then, I 
 believe, within the limits of Gen. Butler s command) was still 
 abroad. But, as the saying is, " where there s a will there s 
 a way," and we determined to sail for New York that very 
 night, the orders of the Health Officer and Post Commandant 
 to the contrary notwithstanding. So, as soon as we had 
 taken aboard enough coal for the trip, the captain of the 
 Hudson was instructed to drop down to Quarantine and 
 there come to anchor, banking his fires. While this was 
 being done, that I might not be guilty of direct disobedience 
 of orders (the orders having been given to me personally), 
 I went on the sick list, having been ill for some time, and 
 Lieut.- Col. Peck assumed command. As soon as it became 
 dark Col. Peck directed the captain to proceed on his voyage. 
 Accordingly anchor was weighed, and we were soon out of 
 Hampton Eoads and on our course to New York, where we 
 safely arrived some three or four days later. In exculpation 
 of the officers of the regiment for not serving out the full 
 period of quarantine probation prescribed as above, an amus 
 ing letter appeared in one of the New York papers, written 
 by Col. Plumley, of the Eighty-Sixth U. S. Colored Kegi- 
 ment, who made the trip with us from Pensacola, wherein he 
 undertook to demonstrate that the Hudson, through no fault 
 of any one, actually dragged her anchor all the way from 
 
150 ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION IN BRATTLEBORO. 
 
 Fortress Monroe to New York. Whether the Commandant 
 of the Post, or the Health Officer who had compassed our 
 detention, and to whom copies of this effusion were sent, 
 placed any credence in the reasons thus given for our sudden 
 departure from their jurisdiction I do not know. But all 
 apprehensions of any trouble which they might make were 
 dispelled three weeks later, by the return to me at Brattle- 
 boro of my application for leave, beautifully decorated with 
 red ink and favorable endorsements from the Adjutant- 
 General of the Army down to the Commandant of the Post, 
 whereby we were graciously given permission to complete 
 our voyage. We arrived at Brattleboro August 26th, where 
 we were most handsomely received by His Excellency Gov. 
 Smith and the citizens of the town, who had provided for us 
 a fine collation, which, it is needless to say, was heartily 
 enjoyed. The next day the re-enlisted men of the regiment 
 were furloughed for thirty days, and the non-re-enlisted men 
 were mustered out of the service. 
 
 To be again among our kindred and friends after the severe 
 experiences through which we had passed, was peculiarly 
 delightful. And yet there was much in this happy reunion 
 which brought back many sad and painful memories. Of the 
 comrades who left the State with us in March, 1862, we had 
 buried on the banks of the Mississippi, in Florida, and at sea, 
 over 350, and had discharged for disability upwards of 200 
 more. To a large number, therefore, the recollections re 
 called by the return of the survivors of the regiment was 
 tinged with deep sorrow. 
 
 " We welcome back our bravest and our best ; 
 Ah me ! not all ! some come not with the rest, 
 Who went forth brave and bright as an} here." 
 
CAPT. JOHN Q. DICKINSON. 151 
 
 On September 13th, Lieut. John Q. Dickinson, who for 
 some time had acted as regimental Quartermaster, was com 
 missioned as such. He discharged the duties of that office, 
 which were by no means light, very acceptably to the regi 
 ment and with much fidelity and ability. He was subse 
 quently made Captain of Company F, and was honorably dis 
 charged for disability October 10th, 1865. Upon leaving 
 the service, like many other of the Union soldiers, he elected 
 to cast his lot with the people of the South. For a time he 
 was engaged in the lumber business in Florida in partner 
 ship with Col. D. B. Peck. But after a little they relin 
 quished that business and Col. Peck returned to the 
 North. Capt. Dickinson, however, remained in Florida, and 
 entered somewhat into politics, and finally secured a public 
 office at Mariana, I believe. He was an educated gentleman, 
 and a facile and pleasing writer. In disposition he was as 
 agreeable as he was amiable, and was the last against whom 
 it would be expected that any one would harbor harsh or 
 hostile feelings. Nevertheless, it seems that his superior 
 attainments did occasion much hatred and jealousy on the 
 part of the Floridians of the neighborhood, who wanted no 
 "Yankees" to administer their affairs, or to hold office in 
 their State. A trifling newspaper article, or something ol 
 the kind, was seized upon as a pretext to inform Mr. Dickin 
 son that his presence was not wanted at Mariana, and accord 
 ingly a notice, emanating from that most fiendish and hellish 
 of all organizations, the Ku Klux Klan, was served upon 
 him in due form, whereby he was warned to depart under 
 the penalty of death. To this threat he paid no attention. 
 
152 TEAGIC DFATH OF CAPT. DICKINSON. 
 
 His friends, however, were so apprehensive of the great 
 danger he incurred, that they entreated him not to let it 
 pass unheeded, and urged him to return home. But he was 
 not willing to retire, as he expressed it, "in the face of the 
 enemy," and would not have it said that he had been driven 
 from his post by any such menaces, and he determined to 
 remain where he was, notwithstanding he received two or 
 three subsequent warnings that his life would surely be taken 
 if he did not depart. Finally, one evening, after he had 
 closed his office, a message was sent to his house that he was 
 wanted there on important business. Not suspecting danger 
 he started to comply with this request. It was then dark. 
 Shortly the report of guns was heard. Either that evening, 
 or the following morning, his dead body was found beside the 
 road riddled with bullets. He was murdered by the Ku 
 Klux. His remains were sent home, and on their arrival at 
 New York a meeting of a few of his old comrades and friends 
 was held, at which appropriate resolutions were passed. 
 Although he escaped the rebel balls on more than one battle 
 > field, he at last fell a victim to rebel hate, which was as un 
 relenting for years after the war as it was during its progress. 
 He believed that every man was privileged to reside where 
 he pleased, and that, in the South as well as at the North, 
 the right of free speech was not to be abridged or taken 
 away. In seeking to maintain these principles of liberty he 
 died. He was as much a martyr as though he had fallen 
 in full armor, and in the thickest of the fray. 
 
 While we were on furlough it was proposed by the State 
 officials to present the regiment with a new stand of colors 
 
RETURN TO THE SEAT OF WAR. 153 
 
 and on the 22d of September I received a communication 
 from Governor Smith s secretary asking me to select a day 
 for the presentation. To this I replied to the Governor sub 
 stantially as follows : "I would respectfully request that the 
 regiment be allowed to retain and carry back to the seat of 
 war the colors that have been identified with its history ever 
 since its organization. To receive from the State a token of 
 confidence and trust in our ability to maintain and support 
 the proud name she has always borne, would indeed be a 
 high honor. But, owing to circumstances well known to 
 your Excellency and the people of the State, all connected 
 with the regiment have peculiar and delicate feelings regard 
 ing the old colors, and I cannot but think that it would be 
 more gratifying to all the officers and men to return to the 
 field with them than to bear a new stand." 
 
 In accordance with our wishes we were allowed to retain 
 our old colors, which remained with the regiment until it was 
 finally disbanded in March, 1866. 
 
 On the 27th of September the regiment re-assembled at 
 Brattleboro, and on the 30th again departed, for the Depart 
 ment of the Gulf. We arrived at New York October 1st, 
 and on the 4th embarked on the steamer "Cassandra" for 
 New, Orleans, which city we reached on the 13th, and 
 immediately took up our quarters in a cotton press on 
 Annunciation Square. 
 
 On our arrival at New Orleans we received intelligence of 
 the death of Capt. Young. This gallant officer had been left 
 at Barrancas in charge of the recruits on the occasion of the 
 departure of the regiment for its veteran furlough, he having 
 
154 ACTION. AT MARIANA DEATH OF CAPT. YOUNG. 
 
 previously been in \ T ermont on recruiting service. It seems 
 Gen. Asboth learned that a body of rebels had established 
 their headquarters at Mariana with a view to intercepting 
 refugees and fugitives desirous of entering our lines, and he 
 consequently determined to break them up. Accordingly he 
 fitted out an expedition composed of all the available troops 
 lie had. Capt. Young was invited to accompany him as Chief 
 of Staff, which invitation he accepted. On reaching Mariana 
 it was found that the enemy was there in considerable force, 
 and had barricaded the streets and were waiting for the 
 attack. It turned out afterwards that nearly every man, 
 woman and child in the place was armed with some kind of 
 a weapon, the bulk of them having double barreled shot-guns 
 loaded with buckshot and slugs. With his usual rashness 
 Gen. Asboth ordered an assault instead of first making use of 
 his artillery. At the word of command a detachment of the 
 First Florida Cavalry and some of the colored troops at 
 tempted to escalade and capture the barricades, but they 
 were met with such a murderous fire that they fell back in 
 considerable disorder and were thereupon quickly rallied 
 by Capt. Young, who, with Gen. Asboth and some fresh 
 troops, led a second assault. The fire they encountered was 
 oven more severe than that from which the first assailing 
 column had recoiled, but they pressed forward into the town 
 where Capt. Young fell dead from nearly a dozen buckshot 
 and other wounds. About this time too, Gen. Asboth was 
 carried to the rear severely wounded in the face and left arm. 
 Col. Zulavsky, of the 86th U. S. Colored Eegiment, who 
 succeeded to the command, has since told me that the 
 
DEATH OF CAPT YOUNG. 155 
 
 slaughter of our men was very much greater than was neces 
 sary. That had the artillery been used in the first instance 
 in all probability but few if any lives would have been lost. 
 That the point selected for the assault was more effectually 
 barricaded than any other part of the town, and was sur 
 rounded by buildings, from the windows of which the rebels 
 were able to direct a withering fire upon our columns as they 
 came up the streets, which they could not effectually reply 
 to. That Capt. Young fell at the head of the charge, very 
 close to the obstructions which checked their advance. From 
 this position the rebels fell back to a church and there opened 
 a galling fire upon our men. It became necessary to burn 
 the church to dislodge the enemy, several of whom were 
 burned, and the balance, after a severe contest were taken 
 prisoners. A large number of men were killed and wounded 
 and the rebel loss was equally heavy. I doubt if a more des 
 perate defence, according to the number engaged, was made 
 during the war. than that at Mariana. Capt. Young was 
 buried there with the dead of both sides, including those who 
 died from burns, as well as those who perished by the sword 
 and bullet. It has been said " that in the place where the 
 tree falleth, there it should lie." From a soldier s standpoint 
 there could be no more fitting place for Capt. Young to lie 
 than the spot where he fell. 
 
 " Silent he lies on the broad path of glory, 
 Where withers ungarnered the red crop of war, 
 Grand is his couch, tho the pillows are gory 
 Mid forms that shall battle, mid guns that shall rattle 
 No more." 
 
156 CHARACTER AND ANTECEDENTS OF CAPT. YOUNG. 
 
 Capt. Young was a fine specimen of the volunteer soldier. 
 Always cool and collected, his advice was invariably sound 
 and valuable. He was courageous as a lion and was ever 
 ready to go wherever he felt his duty called him. Left to 
 himself he would never have been guilty of so reckless an act 
 as to charge into the barricaded streets of Mariana until he 
 had exhausted all other expedients, but when the order was 
 once given to execute that most unwise movement, I am con 
 fident that no man was more prompt than Capt. Young to 
 see that it was obeyed and fully carried out. 
 
 The following brief sketch of Capt. Young has been kindly 
 furnished me by Col. Samuel E. Pingree of Hartford, Vt., 
 late of the Third Vermont Volunteers, and who, it is well 
 known, was himself a most distinguished officer. 
 
 Mahlon Miner Young was a son of Jacob and Lucy ISTeal 
 Young, and was born at Eoyalton, Vt., A. D., 1841. His 
 father soon afterwards moved to Hartford, Vt. Mahlon en 
 joyed the ordinary common school opportunities (found in one 
 of the back districts) and was accounted a bright boy and a 
 good scholar for the chances he had. He worked at farm 
 labor after attaining suitable size and strength, until a 
 year or so before the war and then sought and found employ 
 ment in a chair factory at Hartford Village until the out 
 break of the Kebellion, when at nineteen years of age 
 he volunteered as a private in Company B, First Ver 
 mont Volunteer infantry, and accompanied that regi 
 ment during its three months term of service. Shortly 
 after his return to Vermont he was authorized to recruit 
 a company for the Seventh at and in the vicinity of 
 
ANTECEDENTS OF CAPT. YOUNG NEW ORLEANS. 157 
 
 Woodstock. He was made Captain of H Company, and 
 went to Ship Island with his regiment in March 1862. 
 In 1864 he returned to Vermont on recruiting service, 
 and while there married Esther Gould of Tunbridge, 
 Vt. On his return South he served in Florida until his 
 honorable and heroic death on the battlefield at Mariana, 
 September 27th, 1864. 
 
 Capt. Young, as will be seen by the above sketch, was a 
 very young man when he entered the service. Like so 
 many of the youth who rushed to the war, he was inspired 
 with the spirit embodied in the following lines of an old 
 author : 
 
 " Arouse the youth it is no human call 
 Our country s leagured haste to man the wall ; 
 Haste where the banner waves on high. 
 Signal of honored death, or victory." 
 
 As Col. Pingree well says, he met with an " honorable and 
 heroic death," although he did not live to see the final victory. 
 Gen. Asboth never fully recovered from the wounds lie 
 received at Mariana ; at the close of the war he was appointed 
 Minister to one of the South American States, and died, I 
 believe, somewhere in Brazil; his death being accelerated 
 from a fresh breaking out of the wounds he received in this 
 action. 
 
 While stationed at Annunciation Square, the regiment was 
 employed principally in performing guard duty. We had 
 not enough space to indulge much in battalion drill, but 
 company drills were gone through with every day, and we 
 also drilled extensively in Street manoeuvres and firing. Quite 
 
158 MAJ. GEN. E. E. S. CANBY. 
 
 a number of the officers were detailed for duty on Military 
 Commissions and Courts Martial. 
 
 At this time the Department of the Gulf formed a part of 
 the "Military Division of West Mississippi/ which was- 
 commanded by Major-Gen. E. E. S. Canby, a regular officer, 
 and one of the most discreet, accomplished and courageous- 
 soldiers in the army. His headquarters were at New 
 Orleans. We were shortly destined, under his leadership, 
 to participate in the Mobile campaign, which resulted in the 
 capture of the city of Mobile, and led to the surrender of 
 Gen. Eichard Taylor s army, the third largest in size in the 
 Confederacy. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DEPARTURE FOR MOBILE POINT MOBILE CAMPAIGN MARCH 
 TO AND INVESTMENT OF SPANISH FORT CAPTURE OF 
 CAPT. STEARNS AND PICKETS OPERATIONS AND TER 
 MINATION OF SIEGE INCIDENTS BLAKELY 
 OCCUPATION OF MOBILE ACTION AT 
 WHISTLER MARCH TO M lNTOSH 
 BLUFFS SURRENDER OF TAYLOR S 
 ARMY RETURN TO MOBILE. 
 
 1BBS, 
 
 EN. C. 0. ANDREWS, in his history of the Campaign 
 of Mobile,* says that " Early in January it was de- 
 " cided that operations should be undertaken against Mobile 
 " but the plan was not arranged until some time afterwards. 
 " * * * Canby s movable forces had lately been organ- 
 " ized into brigades of the Reserve Corps of the Military 
 " Division of the West Mississippi, and consisted of about ten 
 " thousand men. Subsequently other troops were added, 
 " and this Reserve Corps was merged into and organized 
 " as the Thirteenth Army Corps, comprising three divisions, 
 " of which Major-General Gordon Granger was given the com- 
 " mand. The troops constituting this corps were all veterans." 
 
 * History of the Campaign of Mobile, by Brevet Maj. Gen. C. C. Andrews, late 
 commanding zd Division, isth Army Corps. 
 
160 JOINING 1 3TH CORPS MOBILE POINT. 
 
 On the 19th of February we received orders to embark 
 on the steamer " Clinton " and report to Gen. Granger at 
 Mobile Point. We arrived there on the 21st and were as 
 signed to Brig.-Gen. Benton s Division of the 13th Corps. 
 This point of land is situated at the entrance to Mobile Bay, 
 and forms a long, low peninsular of white sand as destitute of 
 verdure and as bleak and barren as Ship Island itself, to 
 which it bears a close resemblance. Here we were stationed 
 for three weeks, living under shelter tents, and subsisting 
 upon exceedingly " short commons." Gen. Canby s theory 
 was that efficiency and mobility would be secured by 
 rejecting everything not essential to field service, 
 and he accordingly issued an order, for the campaign, 
 that clothing should be limited to the suit the soldier 
 had on, and a change of under garments and an extra 
 pair of shoes ; that coats should not be issued when 
 blouses could be supplied ; that camp equipage should be re 
 duced to the lowest possible limit, and that shelter tents only 
 would be issued ; that all cumbrous articles should be left be 
 hind ; that the equipment of officers should correspond to that 
 of the men, and everything in excess of the established 
 allowance was to be rejected by the inspectors. Sub 
 sistence also was to be limited to the essential articles of 
 bread and meat, and a reduced amount of small rations, and 
 when obtainable, "bacon and hard tack " were .to be given 
 the perference. The troops also were " habitually " to have 
 on hand three days cooked rations "so as to be in readiness 
 to move at any moment." With such a bill of fare, and under 
 such a programme it will be seen that we did not " riot in 
 
MOBILE POINT. 161 
 
 sumptuous living," nor was it possible to obtain any luxuries. 
 Sutlers, those wonderful purveyors of small comforts, were 
 rigidly interdicted, consequently all dainties from that source 
 were cut off, and so we were brought down to the rugged 
 realities of " glorious war." We had experienced, it is true, 
 greater deprivations and hardships before, but still we did not 
 find " camping out " under such circumstances altogether 
 agreeable. The periodical February and March storms were 
 not at all conducive to a comfortable life under shelter tents, 
 located as ours were, upon a promontory, across which the 
 breezes had a purchase in every direction, nor did the con 
 tinuous rains add to the felicities of the occasion. When, 
 therefore, marching orders were received there were none 
 who regretted leaving Mobile Point. 
 
 Gen. Andrews in speaking of the plan of operations says : 
 " The fortifications around Mobile were so strong that a 
 " direct movement on the place from the western shore would 
 " have encountered unequal resistance, and involved a pro- 
 " tracted siege. It was therefore determined to flank them. 
 The base would be fixed on the eastern shore, and the 
 " main army moving upon that shore, with the aid of the 
 " navy, would carry the forts on the islands and mainland, 
 " and tnen approach Mobile by the Tensas river or one of the 
 " channels coming in above. On this plan a large portion 
 11 of the troops and supplies could be moved by water into 
 : Fish -river, affording a secure base within twenty miles of 
 " Spanish fort. * * If the reduction of the eastern 
 
 " shore defences demanded too long a time, then the army 
 11 would pass them, move on to Montgomery which was 
 
162 DEPARTURE FROM MOBILE POINT. 
 
 " really the objective point leaving Mobile to fall in due 
 " time by these indirect operations." 
 
 We broke camp early in the morning of March 17th ; 
 Gen. Andrews thus describes our march : * * * " The 
 " movement [i. e., the opening of operations] was commenced 
 "by Benton s Division, 13th Corps. The first day they 
 " marched nine miles along the peninsular and went into 
 " camp in an open pine forest. On the 18th they marched 
 " thirteen miles on a good road, over a natural shell bank, 
 " and camped at 3 P. M. on Bayou Portage. On the 19th 
 " the unreliable and swampy character of the ground dis- 
 11 closed itself, the firm-appearing surface proving, when wet, 
 " to be a mere crust, under which was a bottomless quick- 
 " sand. Through this crust the wagons sank to the hubs. 
 " The head of the column passing round Bon Secours Bay 
 " moved only a few miles, and the rear guard got only a 
 " mile and a half. Large details were set at work corduroy- 
 " ing the worst places. On the 20th, starting at 9 A. M., 
 " they moved slowly, the rain falling in torrents, and the 
 " corduroy afloat, and made four miles by night. On the 
 11 morning of the 21st the rain was still pouring ; Benton s 
 " division moved on, but the train could not even get out of 
 " park. Every team seeking an untried path soon got mired, 
 " and wagons were seen in all directions sunk down to the 
 " axles. The poor animals, in their struggles to haul the 
 11 trains, half buried themselves. In this dilemma long ropes 
 " were made fast to the teams, and the soldiers, with cheer- 
 11 fulness and alacrity, hauled both animals and wagons out of 
 " the mire with a rush, and it was only their speed that saved 
 
PLEASURES OF THE MARCH ARRIVAL AT FISH RIVER. 163 
 
 " each team from again sinking at every rod. The same 
 " laborious efforts were applied to the field artillery. * * * 
 " In hauling the 26th N. Y. Battery through a bad 
 " place, where the newly-made corduroy had been washed 
 " away, the men moved some distance in mud and water 
 " Avaist deep. These labors were watched by Confederate 
 " scouts. Only about two miles were made that day. The 
 " division went into camp at 3 p. M., and made some fortifi- 
 " cations on their right. * * On the 22d the division 
 
 " went into camp near Fish Kiver, and on the 23d moved 
 " over a fair road, though hilly, six miles, to the north fork 
 " of Fish River, crossing it on a pontoon, and went into 
 " camp on the right of the Sixteenth Corps, the bands play- 
 " ing, < Oh, ain t you glad you re out of the wilderness ? " 
 
 This description of our march gives but a faint impression 
 of the obstacles and embarassments we had to overcome. 
 Officers and men were kept constantly at work with the axe 
 or spade, felling trees for roads or throwing up temporary 
 fortifications. Our artillery and trains gave us infinite 
 trouble. With roads and a soil such as Gen. Andrews has 
 described, it may be imagined that escorting and pulling 
 mule teams through the mud was not a pleasant occupation. 
 Those who have had a similar experience know how little 
 such duties tend to soften or sweeten the disposition, and I 
 fear our men, like the "Army in Flanders," frequently used 
 language more forcible than polite. While bringing up our 
 division train a squad of rebel cavalry attacked our men, 
 but they were soon dispersed without serious loss on our side. 
 We remained at Fish River until the 25th, thus having a 
 
164 SIXTEENTH CORPS. 
 
 chance to become somewhat acquainted with the men of 
 the Sixteenth Corps, which was commanded by Major- 
 General A. J. Smith. It had moved across the bay on 
 transports from Fort Gaines to Danley s ferry landing. 
 
 This corps was made up entirely of Western men, and was 
 typical of the "free and easy" discipline which pervaded 
 many of the organizations hailing from that section of the 
 country. No deference was paid to rank, and it was often 
 times impossible to distinguish an officer from a private. All 
 alike believed in the inalienable right to forage as much as 
 they pleased, and it was a common saying that after the Six 
 teenth Corps had been ten minutes in camp no chicken was 
 ever heard to crow within a circuit of five miles. Nearly 
 every organization maintained a squad of "bummers" whose 
 duty it was to scour the country and confiscate all poultry 
 and pigs for the use of the company or regimental commissa 
 riat. But few, if any, of the officers ever interfered to pre 
 vent such a system of rapine, and the practice seems to have 
 been regarded as entirely legitimate. Indeed, the reply im 
 puted to a western Colonel, to whom a southern matron is 
 said to have made a bitter complaint because some of his men 
 had made off with her hens and chickens, very well illustrates 
 the sentiments of Smith s men on this subject. As the 
 story goes, the dame upbraided the Colonel for the license 
 he allowed his men to plunder the barnyards of helpless 
 women, and insisted upon reparation being made in the form 
 of a restoration of her fowls. This demand the Colonel was 
 constrained to refuse, with the observation that the "rebellion 
 must be put down if it took every hen and chicken in the 
 
APPROACHING SPANISH FORT. 165 
 
 State of Alabama." In the Eastern regiments such forays 
 were wholly discountenanced; but in serving with troops 
 who utterly ignored the sanctity of hen-roosts and pig-stys, 
 I have no doubt our men were more or less contaminated by 
 such unmilitary behavior, and occasionally indulged (sub 
 rosa, of course,) in a dinner of fricasseed chicken or fresh 
 roast pig, although Gen. Canby s order admonished them to 
 give the preference to " bacon and hard tack." Notwith 
 standing these little idiosyncracies, the Sixteenth Corps 
 was an excellent fighting body, and with all the contempt for 
 restraint which characterized the officers and men composing 
 it, the record which it made in the field and in many hard 
 fought battles, for valor and general good soldierly qualities, 
 was second to none other in the armies of the Southwest, 
 
 " On the 25th," (Gen. Andrews says) " Canby moved for- 
 " ward twelve miles with both corps and some of the heavy 
 " artillery ; the men carrying four days rations in haver- 
 " sacks." 
 
 The next day we moved cautiously as we found indication of 
 a considerable force in our front. That night we bivouaced 
 within about three miles of Spanish Fort. More or less 
 skirmishing had been going on all day and as we were 
 then so near the main body of the Confederates, unusual 
 precautions were taken against surprise. In the course oi 
 the evening we received an order to be ready to move at day 
 light the next morning. Gen. Andrews thus describes our 
 preparations to advance : " The morning of the 27th came 
 : with a prospect of heavy rain, which to veteran soldiers 
 " was some sign of a battle. The men had taken their accus- 
 
166 SPANISH FORT CHARACTER OF FORTIFICATIONS. 
 
 " tomed breakfast of hard bread, coffee and a slice of bacon 
 " toasted on a stick as Achilles cooked the fat chime at the 
 " feast for the heroes. The usual hum of talk and specula- 
 " tion was heard around the expiring fires of the bivouacs. 
 " * * * goon was heard the spirited roll of the drum 
 " to fall in greeted by that habitual and never- to-be-for- 
 " gotten shout or cheer of the men. Then the cartridge-box 
 " with its forty rounds is buckled on ; the blanket is twisted 
 " up and thrown around the shoulders ; the intrenching tools 
 " are picked up, the muskets taken, each company is formed, 
 " the roll is called, and, at the time fixed, the regiments are 
 " in line prepared to move forward." 
 
 Before entering upon the account of the occurrences of the 
 27th, it may conduce to a better understanding of the char 
 acter of the works against which we were about to move to 
 give Gen. Andrews description of the line of field fortifica 
 tions known as Spanish Fort, which is as follows: " These 
 " defences," he says, " were on the bay shore, seven miles 
 " due east of Mobile. * * * Old Spanish Fort was a 
 " bastioned work, nearly enclosed, and built on a bluff whose 
 " shape projected abruptly to the water. Its parapet on the 
 " bay side was partly natural, being made by excavating the 
 " earth from the side of the bluff, and was thirty feet in 
 " thickness. The fort was armed with 7-inch Columbiads and 
 " 30-pounder Parrotts the latter made at Selma and was 
 " designated No. 1. Extending around that in a semicircle 
 " was a continuous line of breastworks and redoubts. The 
 " right of this line commenced 400 yards down the shore on 
 " the highest and most prominent bluff, upwards of 100 feet 
 
INVESTMENT OF SPANISH FORT. 167 
 
 " above the water, with a strong enclosed fort called McDer- 
 " mett (No. 2), and armed with ten heavy guns (10-inch 
 " Brooks rifles). The slope of the bluff toward the bay is 
 " precipitous, and from its base to the water is a marsh 200 
 " yards wide, on which the timber had been felled. To the 
 " north and left the descent was gradual, along which ex- 
 " tended a line of rifle pits, crossing a ravine and stream of 
 " water, and then up the slope from the bluff on which was a 
 " strong battery designated No. 3. From there the line of 
 " the works continued 600 yards in a northerly direction, 
 " and then turned toward the bay, striking the marsh on 
 " Bay Minette, at a point about a mile above old Spanish 
 " Fort. This outer line of works was upward of two miles 
 " in length, and the batteries were all on high and command- 
 " ing ground. The surface was covered with open pine 
 " timber, but in front of the outer line of works the trees 
 " were felled for a few hundred yards. Every ravine had 
 " borne a heavy growth of hardwood, which having been 
 " slashed, made, with the underbrush and vines, an almost 
 " impassable obstruction. The ditch in front of the breast- 
 " works was five feet deep and eight feet wide, but in front 
 " of Fort McDermett it was deeper and wider. In front of 
 " the batteries were also detached rifle pits for sharpshooters ; 
 " and along the entire front was a line of abatis fifteen feet 
 " wide." 
 
 Returning to our movements on the morning of the 27th. 
 Our division (Benton s) was massed and moved forward, each 
 regiment being in line of battle, directly toward Spanish 
 Fort proper, and, at the same time, the other divisions of the 
 
168 FIEST DAY BEFORE SPANISH FORT SEVERE FIRING. 
 
 Thirteenth Corps and the entire Sixteenth Corps also moved 
 forward, either on our right or left, the Sixteenth Corps, 
 however, being entirely on our right. After marching about 
 a mile our skirmishers met those of the enemy, whereupon 
 sharp firing commenced, and the rebels were pushed back to 
 within a short distance of their works. Our brigade (the 
 Second) was not halted until we were within 600 yards of the 
 rebel earthworks, and midway between old Spanish Fort and 
 P\,ed Fort, the guns of which commanded our position through 
 a long ravine. The men were ordered to lie down on account 
 of the heavy fire to which we were exposed, both from artil 
 lery and musketry. It was given out in the morning that 
 our division was to lead an assault, and so we waited patiently 
 all day for the order to come. Fortunately, upon a personal 
 inspection of the works, Gen. Canby saw that the chances 
 were altogether against the success of an assault, and so 
 resolved to proceed by regularly investing them. This was 
 a wise and judicious decision, for an attempt to storm these 
 formidable defences at that time would have been attended 
 with very great slaughter. The enemy s fortifications, as 
 mentioned by Gen. Andrews, were on the crest of an eleva 
 tion several hundred feet high. The side of the hill up 
 which Ave should have been obliged to move, was one con 
 tinuous mass of fallen timber, interlaced and arranged in the 
 most intricate manner, so that it would have been absolutely 
 impossible to have marched even a corporal s guard up the 
 hillside abreast. 
 
 The enemy s fire was so heavy during the day that we 
 were not able to do anything towards intrenching ourselves, 
 
CAPTS. BUTTON AND CROFT SKIRMISH LINE. 169 
 
 and until dark we lay on the ground exposed to a continuous 
 fire. The colors of the respective regiments were planted in 
 the ground and served as targets for the rebel artillerists- 
 Notwithstanding a ten inch solid shot would occasionally topple 
 over a tree, or a huge shell explode and cover us with dirt, but 
 a few of our men were injured, although in the brigade several 
 were killed and wounded during the afternoon. More danger 
 was to be apprehended from the musketry than from the artil 
 lery however, as we learned whenever it became necessary 
 to take up any other than a reclining position. The enemy 
 had an exceedingly efficient corps of sharpshooters, and any 
 conspicuous exposure of the person was a hazardous operation. 
 This state of things continued until darkness set in. The 
 engagement was general all day and extended along the 
 entire front of both corps. Soon after we halted in the morn 
 ing, pursuant to orders from Brigade Headquarters, I sent 
 forward Capt. Salmon Dutton with his company (G) to relieve 
 a portion of the Ninty-first Illinois on the skirmish line. He 
 remained out until after nightfall, expending most of his 
 ammunition and having several men wounded, whereupon 
 Capt. George E. Croft with his company, (D) were de 
 tailed to relieve him. During the night Capt. Croft suc 
 ceeded in driving back the enemy in his front and advanced 
 with his men to within ten paces of the rebel works where he 
 remained several hours harrassing them exceedingly. At 
 daylight the rebels ranged two or three field pieces upon him 
 and raked his position with canister. He remained in the 
 immediate vicinity, however, for some time, his men protect 
 ing themselves by rolling behind logs and stumps. When- 
 
170 CAPT. WOODMAN INTRENCHING SHELLING. 
 
 ever they got an opportunity his men would pick oft a Con 
 federate gunner. Capt. Croft brought in much valuable in 
 formation and was highly praised by brigade and division 
 commanders for his handsome behavior. He was relieved by 
 Capt. Austin E. Woodman, with his company (I), and by 
 company H. I don t remember who then commanded it. 
 Both companies were subjected to a severe fire during the en 
 tire day. As soon as it became dark, the Seventh and the 
 Fiftieth Indiana were set to work throwing up intrenchments. 
 So diligently and faithfully did they handle their picks and 
 spades, that in the morning they had constructed a line ot 
 earthworks sufficiently long to cover the front of two regi 
 ments, besides assisting in placing a portion of two field bat 
 teries on either flank. Soon after daylight we were relieved 
 by the Ninety-first Illinois, and started back to encamp in 
 a position near that which they had just vacated, some two 
 or three hundred yards to the rear. This movement was 
 witnessed by the enemy, who must have noted the spot 
 to which we removed, for before we had finished our 
 frugal breakfast they commenced shelling us in the most vig 
 orous manner. Their practice was perfect, and the very first 
 shell struck within a few feet of the regimental line, knock 
 ing over a stack of muskets. This was followed by a solid 
 shot from a Parrot gun which killed an orderly and his horse- 
 within a few feet of Col. Peck and myself. The orderly was 
 about mounting, having just delivered to me a written order 
 from Brigade headquarters. Finding that we could get 
 neither peace or comfort in this position, we moved some little- 
 distance to the left. About noon, however, we were again 
 
CAPTS. BULL-ARD AND STOWELL SKIRMISH LINE. 171 
 
 shelled out, the rebels having ascertained our location and 
 got our range, and were obliged to move our camp further 
 to the rear. That afternoon Gen. Benton and Col. Day 
 (Brigswie Commander) called and desired me to .accompany 
 them for the purpose of selecting a suitable place for a brigade 
 camp, it being important that the men coming out of the 
 trenches should be able to get a few snatches of sleep, un 
 disturbed by the explosion of ten-inch shells. While we 
 were upon this survey we necessarily discovered ourselves to 
 the enemy who treated us to a shotted salute from their 
 Brooks guns; but, failing to exterminate us, they turned 
 their attention to the field battery on our left flank, and 
 soon demolished a good part of our work of the previous 
 night, behind which it was located. 
 
 On the evening of the 28th, Companies F (Capt. Edgar M. 
 Bullard) and C (Capt. Henry Stowell) were sent out on the 
 skirmish line, with written orders to advance as far as pos 
 sible, intrenching themselves as they progressed. Capt. 
 Stowell has furnished me with the following account of their 
 experience : " We left camp about 8:30 P. M. I soon relieved 
 " Capt. Woodman s company, which was on the side nearest 
 u our camp, and, as the advance had already been made by 
 " the line on our right (Smith s Corps), Companies F and C 
 " advanced up the hillside without opposition, until the right 
 " struck the left of the Sixteenth Corps line, when they 
 " took more distance, and with the few spades they had (five 
 " or six) w r ent to work digging saps and rifle pits as ordered. 
 " I felt much concerned about our safety, as the other regi- 
 " ments in our brigade had failed to make their appearance 
 
172 CAPT. STOWELL S EXPERIENCE. 
 
 " on the line, and, of course, our left was wholly unpro- 
 " tected. To prevent a surprise, we put six men of F Com- 
 " pariy on the left flank, at right angles with our line. 
 " About midnight the Officer of the Day came around, but 
 " made no change in our position. He said the Western 
 " men would soon advance and join our left. This they failed 
 " to do, and at daylight (29th) I discovered their line at least 
 " fifty yards in rear of our left, which distance they kept all day. 
 ; During the night our men, by diligent use of the few spades 
 " we had, and with bayonets and cups, managed to excavate 
 " a trench about thirty-five feet long, with the necessary 
 " angles, and which afforded them considerable protection. 
 Nothing of importance transpired in our front during the 
 " day. But few of our men were wounded, and but one 
 " mortally, though, on account of our advanced position, we 
 " were in equal danger from the Western troops in our rear 
 " as from the rebels in our front. Lieut. McCormic of C 
 " Company at various times put his overcoat on a musket 
 11 and held it up to show to our friends behind where we 
 " were. At dark but few of the eighty rounds (per man) of 
 " ammunition we brought out were left, and so orders were 
 " given not to fire except in cases of necessity. As the night 
 " was intensely dark we posted a few men in advance of our 
 " pit as a precaution against surprise. We should have been 
 " relieved at 9 P. M., but as our relief did not come I sent 
 " a Corporal to Brigade Headquarters at 11 to guide the 
 " relief should they not know the way. The men had 
 " worked hard all the previous night and had been busy all 
 " day. They were out of water, and were hungry and 
 
CAPTS. STOWELL, CROFT AND PARKER TRENCHES. 173 
 
 " fatigued. At 1.20 A. M. I sent in a Sergeant, as the Cor- 
 " poral had not then returned. On his (the Sergeant s) way 
 " to camp he met Capt. Croft of D Company, who had been 
 " detailed Field Officer of the day in place of one wounded. 
 : He had with him a few men of B Company who were 
 " trying to find our line. Company B (Capt. Jackson V. 
 " Parker) having been sent out early to our relief, but on 
 " account of some heavy firing in front of the brigade on the 
 " extreme left of the line, and the many obstructions caused 
 " by the fallen trees, together with the darkness of the night, 
 " had got scattered. About 3 A. M. of the 30th, Capt. Croft 
 " and the Sergeant I had sent in, came up to our line, and 
 " shortly afterwards some of the men of B Company came up, 
 " followed directly by Capt. Parker and the balance of his 
 " men. I gave him what information I could and then started 
 " with the two companies (F and C) for camp." 
 
 On the morning of the 29th the regiment again went into 
 the trenches, where we were exposed more or less to the 
 enemy s fire. Gen. Andrews says : " the firing on both sides, 
 this day, seemed to have increased in severity." In the even 
 ing I sent forward Capt. Parker with his company (B) to re 
 lieve companies F and C on the skirmish line. In my official 
 report to Gen. Washburn, I say : "about midnight the rebels 
 " made a furious assault on our skirmishers, and succeeded 
 " in creating some little confusion without driving our men 
 " back much. There was such an intricacy of fallen timber 
 " and trees that it was with the greatest difficulty that the 
 " men could be kept well in hand, but Capt. Parker showed 
 " great skill and bravery in keeping his men together, and 
 
174 CAPTURE OF CAPT. STEARNS AND MEN OF K COMPANY. 
 
 " in rallying fugitives from other regiments, and by his 
 " personal courage soon re-established the line." The con 
 fusion to which I referred did not exist among any of the 
 men of the Seventh, but arose in some of the western 
 companies. In the darkness Capt. Parker lost his way, and 
 in attempting to find companies F and C, fell in with these 
 troops whom he aided and was largely instrumental in assist 
 ing them to reform their line. 
 
 For several days and nights we were in the trenches con- 
 tiuously, sleeping in the mud or on the ground with no cov 
 ering but our rubber blankets and constantly exposed to an 
 artillery and musketry fire. On the evening of the 30th I 
 sent Capt. Eiley B. Stearns with his company, (K) to relieve 
 Capt. Parker on the skirmish line. Col. Peck and I noticed 
 during the day that the enemy was devoting a good deal of 
 attention to Capt. Stearns and that from time to time they 
 shelled his position very vigorously. We became apprehen 
 sive for his safety and I spoke to our brigade and division 
 commanders about him, and offered to send forward some 
 men to his assistance. Neither Gen. Benton or Col. Day 
 would consent to this, however. I then asked that the guns 
 which were annoying him might be silenced, which request 
 was not complied with. Early in the afternoon the brush 
 wood and timber in the rear of Capt. Stearns was fired 
 (as we afterwards learned by the rebels) and the smoke ob 
 scured him from our view. All this time a severe cannonade 
 was kept up and I suspected some mischief was contemplated. 
 But I was powerless and could not go, or send forward others 
 
CAPT. STEARNS REPORT. 175 
 
 to Capt. Stearns relief. That evening lie was captured with 
 twenty of his men. The following is his report of the affair : 
 
 " CAMP PAROLE, NEAR VICKSBURG, Miss. 
 
 " APRIL 16th, 1865. 
 " LIEUT. GEORGE W. SHELDON, 
 
 Adjutant Seventh Vermont Veteran Volunteers. 
 " SIR : I have the honor to report, that, in obedience to 
 " instructions from Kegimental and Brigade Headquarters, I 
 " relieved Capt. Parker on the skirmish line, in front of our 
 " regiment on the evening of the 30th ult. Nothing of interest 
 " transpired during the night ; the enemy fired at our position 
 " several times, which was returned by my men. Soon after 
 " daylight on the 31st the enemy opened on me with shell 
 " from a gun on one of the inland faces of the fort on our 
 " extreme left, and I soon found that they had got our range 
 " admirably. I had, during the night, constructed rude 
 " bomb-proofs, and during the shelling ordered my men into 
 " them. The shelling soon stopped, and all was quiet on the 
 " line until about 12 M., when the same gun again opened 
 " fire. The shelling was now so terrific that I determined 
 " to fall back a short distance as soon as it became dark, and 
 " dispatched Corporal Crothers to regimental head-quarters for 
 " instructions. I sent word by him that I expected to be 
 " assaulted before dark ; and requested that the gun which was 
 " annoying me be silenced, or that the enemy s lines in my front 
 " be shelled, and I would fall back under the fire. At about 4 
 " o clock p. M. the enemy fired the slash of trees, etc., covering 
 " the ground on the right of me, and I gave the order to my 
 
176 CAPT. STEARNS REPORT. 
 
 " men to fall back singly, as I foresaw that we would be- 
 " smoked or burnt out, for there were several trees felled 
 " close to my position. As soon as the first man left I coun- 
 " termanded the order, for hundreds of bullets were sent 
 11 after him. I think, however, that he was uninjured. 
 " During the shelling many of my men, and others on the 
 " left, had left their rifle pits and fallen back. In doing this 
 " one of my men (Private Storrs) was wounded. Just before 
 " sunset the fire had extended around my rear and on my 
 " left, making so dense a smoke that our lines could not be 
 " seen. At this time the shelling was resumed, and in less 
 11 than ten minutes fifteen shells were exploded inside and 
 " directly over the pit in which myself and ten men were 
 " stationed. I had my men cover themselves as best they 
 " could, and ordered bayonets to be fixed in anticipation of a 
 " charge being made. 
 
 " At sunset the shelling suddenly ceased, and the charge 
 " was made in which myself and twenty of my men were cap- 
 " tured. The assaulting party was composed of Capt. Wilcox, 
 " (should be Watson), of Gen. Gibson s staff, a Lieutenant and 
 " thirty men, fifteen of whom were picked from the entire 
 " garrison. The remainder were volunteers. The charge 
 ".was so sudden and vigorous that we could offer but little 
 " resistance. I gave the command to fire, which was obeyed 
 " by the majority of my men, but the next instant every man 
 " had at least one musket at his head, with a summons to sur- 
 " render. I found two muskets and a revolver pointed at me r 
 " with a request to come out of the pit. I accepted the alter- 
 " native thus offered, and in a short time found myself before 
 
CAPT. STEARNS -REPORT CORPORAL CROTHERS. 177 
 
 " Gen. Gibson, C. S. A., who paid a very high tribute to the men 
 " of my command. He said he had never seen troops stand 
 "" shelling as we had that day. From him I learned the plan 
 " which resulted in my capture, which is as I have described it, 
 " The fire was kindled that the smoke might cover the as- 
 " saulting party from our batteries. Gen. Gibson informed 
 " me that no other part of the line would be molested; that 
 " mine was particularly obnoxious to them, as that forenoon 
 " we had killed his Chief of Artillery, Col. Garnet (should be 
 " Col. Burnett), and wounded several others. I was taken 
 " to Mobile the 1st, to Meridian, Miss, the 3d, where I have 
 " been confined in a stockade until three days since I came 
 " to Jackson, and from there to this place. Arrived here 
 " last evening. Appended is a list of the men captured. I 
 " do not know how many got away; think some must have 
 " been killed. 
 
 Respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 K. B. STEARNS, 
 Capt. Seventh Vt. Vet. Vols. 
 
 Corporal Crothers, of whom Capt. Stearns speaks of having 
 sent back for aid, after numerous narrow escapes succeeded 
 in reaching our lines, but it was then too late to send forward 
 re-inforcements. The cannonading just before the sortie was 
 very heavy along our entire front, and several of Capt. 
 Stearns supports had fallen back. Indeed it will be seen by 
 Gen. Andrews account of the affair, that Capt. Stearns and 
 his men were all the time in advance of the main line of 
 pickets. I am happy to give this distinguished officer s 
 
178 GEN. ANDREWS ACCOUNT OF CAPT. STEARNS CAPTURE. 
 
 version to set off the brilliancy of the exploit, as well as Capt. 
 Stearns modesty in reporting the behaviour of himself and 
 his gallant command in a most trying and dangerous position. 
 Gen. Andrews says, after referring to Capt. Stearns relieving 
 Capt. Parker on the night of the 30th in front of Confederate 
 Battery No. 3. * * * "There was but little firing 
 "during the night, and -Capt. Stearns advanced his line 
 " about twenty-five yards and dug new pits though the 
 " detail had but one spade which brought him in advance 
 " of the brigade line of skirmishers. He was within one 
 " hundred and fifty yards of the works of the garrison, 
 " and the musketry fire of his men was exceedingly trouble- 
 11 some to their gunners. Soon after noon a shot from that 
 " vicinity had instantly killed Col. Wm. E. Burnett of Texas, 
 " Confederate Chief of Artillery, and a valuable officer. 
 " He had for a moment taken a rifle in his hand, and was in 
 " the act of aiming it from behind the breastworks through a 
 " wooden embrasure. Capt. Barnes, in Battery McDermett, 
 " had been giving considerable attention to these skirmishers, 
 " and they were also subject to afire from Eed Fort. Begin- 
 " ning early in the morning, Barnes shelled the line with a 
 " 6-ponnd and a 24-pound howitzer for three or four hours, 
 " and made some of the men on Stearns left fall back 
 " into the ravine. There was now a lull, and the skir- 
 " mishers popped out their heads and did some firing them- 
 " selves, for they were fair marksmen, and had plenty of 
 "pluck. Barnes then brought out two 6-pounders from 
 " McDermett, placed them on the hilltop, and again fiercely 
 " shelled Capt. Stearns position. * * * The severe fire to 
 
SORTIE AND CAPTURE. 179 
 
 " which he was exposed had already attracted the attention 
 41 of Col. Holbrook, the commanding officer of his regiment. 
 " Arrangements were made in the garrison for a sortie. Capt. 
 Clement S. "Watson, of Gen. Gibson s staff, volunteered to lead 
 " it. The rest of the party was to consist of Lieut. A. C. ISTew- 
 41 ton, Company E, Fourth Louisiana Battalion and thirty 
 " men, fifteen of whom were picked. At two o clock in the 
 " afternoon preparatory to the sortie the garrison caused the 
 " slashing and brush on the right of Capt. Stearns to be fired, 
 " and the smoke blew over and in front of him. * * * 
 " It was now sunset. The cannonading ceased. The same 
 41 instant Capt. Watson and party were over the garrison 
 " works, and concealed by the smoke, vigorously rushed upon 
 " their expected prisoners. * * * Capt. Stearns and 
 " twenty of his men were captured. Without parley and 
 " without delay their captors received their arms and hurried 
 " them away into the garrison, none of the sortie party 
 " stopped to occupy the pits. The prisoners were rapidly 
 " taken a roundabout way to a position near the water, 
 " which appeared to be sheltered from the fire of the besiegers 
 " by artificial ravines. But no curiosity now inspired them 
 " to notice the interior of the garrison. They were confident 
 " their gallant comrades left behind, would, before many days 
 " have full possession of every thing around them ; and 
 " the regret that they could not be present to participate in 
 " the enthusiasm of victory increased that distress of mind, 
 " which is ever experienced by the patriotic prisoner. The 
 * prospect before them was dreary. 
 
180 ENTERTAINED BY GEN. GIBSON REBEL ACCOUNTS. 
 
 " Capt. Stearns was soon notified that lie was to have an 
 " interview with the General commanding the garrison, and 
 " was accordingly conducted down into a ravine, some sixty 
 " or seventy feet deep, and about thirty yards wide at the 
 " opening. The ravine was triangular with its base facing 
 " north. In the apex were two wall tents, into one of which 
 " he was taken and introduced to Gen. Gibson. There were 
 " present Capt. Watson and the Lieutenant who accompanied 
 " him. The General invited Capt. Stearns to partake of his 
 " supper, a frugal repast consisting of cold fowl, cold water, 
 11 with tin table furniture. This invitation was accepted. It 
 " was a compliment which would have been paid only to a 
 " gallant officer. The garrison had the best opportunity to 
 " judge of the courage and fortitude of their prisoners, and 
 " the General was generous in acknowledging the tenacity 
 " and courage with which, under a most severe fire, they 
 11 held to their position; and the intelligence and address of 
 " both the captors and prisoners seems to have excited mutual 
 " respect." Gen. Andrews also gives the following rebel 
 accounts : 
 
 " Heavy firing around Spanish Fort all day. Col. Burnett,. 
 " Chief of Artillery to the Major-General Commanding, 
 " killed. Picket line of the enemy on right centre dislodged 
 " and twenty-one prisoners captured." Diary of a Confed 
 erate Officer. 
 
 " Gen. Lidell to Col. Garner (Chief of Staff), Blakely, 
 " March 31st. Gen. Gibson has just telegraphed me the 
 " following: Capt. Clement S. Watson of my staff and A. C. 
 " Newton, Company E, Fourth Louisiana Battalion, led a, 
 
RUNNING- SAPS AND MAKING APPROACHES. 181 
 
 * sortie at sunset, and drove the enemy from his advance 
 " on Battery 3 ; killing a large number and capturing one 
 " Captain and twenty-one (should be twenty) enlisted men. 
 " These brave comrades deserve the thanks and have entitled 
 41 themselves to the admiration of this army." 
 
 After the capture of Spanish Fort, I went to the pit 
 occupied by Capt Stearns, with several officers of our own 
 and other regiments, and it was the opinion of all that none 
 but a hero could have held out as he did, and it was 
 conceded that his conspicuous bravery and that of his men 
 deserved the highest commendation and praise. 
 
 About the 6th of April we were detailed, with the Twenty- 
 ninth Iowa, to assist Bertram s Brigade, which held the 
 extreme left of our line, in running saps and advancing 
 our approaches to Old Spanish Fort (Battery No. 1) and to 
 McDermett (Battery No. 2), which, it will be remembered, 
 were the strongest and most heavily armed of all the enemy s 
 works, and, in some respects, were the most important, as 
 they commanded the channel. It was against these forts 
 that naval operations were directed, and, with the heavy 
 ordnance here concentrated on both sides, and the obstacles 
 to be overcome, owing to the peculiar topography of the 
 country, the work to be performed required intelligence and 
 courage. We soon found out the difference between the ex 
 plosion of a 10 and 15-inch shell and one discharged from an 
 ordinary field piece ; nor were we long in ascertaining that a 
 projectile sent from a Brooks rifle was more destructive to 
 fortifications than the small pellets fired at us from light 
 Napoleons. Gen. Granger told me that he selected our regi- 
 
182 RUNNING SAPS AND PERILS INCIDENT THERETO. 
 
 ment himself for this perilous work. That to properly con 
 duct operations against these powerful batteries it was neces 
 sary that his engineer officers should have a thoroughly dis 
 ciplined and reliable force to assist them, and for that reason 
 he picked out the Seventh and Twenty-ninth. We accord 
 ingly removed our camp to a bluff overlooking D Olieve s 
 Bay and the Apalachee Kiver, within comfortable range of 
 the enemy s guns, and at once commenced work. The regi 
 ment was divided into equal details, which alternated in 
 reporting to the Chief-Engineer, Capt. Palfrey, an accom 
 plished and courageous officer of the regular army. The 
 duties of these details consisted in putting the siege guns 
 into position, and running the zig-zag lines and approaches 
 usual in siege operations. In doing this they worked, so to 
 speak, with the spade in one hand and the musket in the 
 other. Each day brought them nearer the enemy s works and 
 increased their peril. On the day before the evacuation our 
 advance saps were within less than one hundred yards of 
 the rebel ramparts. This work was extremely difficult and 
 dangerous. Our men were under fire every moment. If a 
 man exposed any part of his person he became the target 
 for sharpshooters, and as each battery was erected the enemy 
 sought to demolish it with their heavy artillery. Day and 
 night there was the constant wailing of shells, and bombs 
 from co-horn mortars were continually dropping into the 
 saps and trenches, requiring much agility and " ground and 
 lofty tumbling " to escape the effects of their explosion. 
 At night the burning fuse disclosed their semi-circular course, 
 and we could calculate with a little certainty where they 
 
PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 183 
 
 would fall ; but, during the day, it required an acute eye to 
 see their approach, or to determine where they would light. 
 
 Gen. Andrews, in speaking of the operations of the sixth 
 day of the siege, says: "On the right, in McDermett, Capt. 
 " Barnes received from Mobile two 20-pound Parrotts and 
 " one 8-inch mortar. The latter was put in position one 
 " hundred yards inside the fort on the interior of the hill. 
 " These increased the whole number of the pieces to eighteen." 
 
 By this time we had got our siege guns into position and 
 were able to do much more effective work than during the 
 early days of the investment. Gen. Andrews, speaking of the 
 seventh day of the siege, says : " Sunday morning opened 
 " clear and mild, yet gave no pause to the roar of artillery 
 " and the screeching of shells. * * * The usual Sunday 
 11 morning inspection was observed at 8 o clock by those of the 
 " besiegers not on duty; the drum-beat all along the line gave 
 " the signals; and afterward were heard the cheering strains 
 " of the brass bands. When the garrison artillerists could 
 " do so, they were disposed to blend with this agreeable 
 " music the explosion of a shell. The two left sections of 
 " Mack s Eighteenth N. Y. Battery four 20-pounder rifles 
 " opened in Granger s front (slightly to the right of our po- 
 " sition) four hundred and fifty yards from McDermett. * * * 
 " The firing was exceedingly lively and accurate, and was 
 " ably answered by the guns under Capt. Barnes. * * * 
 " Solid shot and shell literally hailed. * * * About 
 " eleven Slocum s Washington Artillery came to the assist- 
 " ance of Fort McDermett, for the latter was receiving some 
 " heavy blows also from the First Indiana s 8-inch mortars and 
 
184 PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 
 
 41 the Massachusetts light guns on Mack s left and rear." (This 
 was at that point of the line where we were stationed and 
 the batteries engaged we supported.) " The Washington 
 " Artillery almost enfiladed Mack s position, and hurled their 
 u hideous projectiles at him from 11 o clock till one in the 
 " afternoon. Having no guns to bear on them they being 
 " too far to his right he could only increase the intensity of 
 " his fire on the guns in his immediate front. * * * Soon 
 " after 1 o clock the enemy ceased firing, but at 4 r. M. they 
 " opened again, * * and the combat continued until 
 
 " dark." 
 
 Speaking of the eighth day of the siege, Gen. Andrews says : 
 * * " The four 10-inch mortars of Company K, Sixth 
 " Michigan Heavy Artillery, were set in the rifle pits * * * 
 " close to the edge of the bluff (our position), four hundred 
 " and fifty yards from McDermett. * * * A battery of 
 11 four 8-inch howitzers of the First Indiana also took posi- 
 " tion there the same day. The first section of the mortars 
 " opened in the afternoon in a satisfactory manner in presence 
 " of Gen. Granger and several other officers. * * The 
 
 " enemy s mortars did considerable shelling during the day, 
 41 and at 3 r. M. the Washington Artillery on Mack s right 
 " again commenced throwing shells, and kept it up inces- 
 41 santly to a quarter to five P. M." Speaking of our labors at 
 this time, he says : " The toil of the besiegers was incessant 
 41 and severe. * The second parallel had been 
 
 11 opened ; in some places the third ; approaches or saps dug, 
 41 and heavy batteries from day to day being constructed. 
 " It was by no means smooth work, for in some places the 
 
PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 185 
 
 " ground was rocky, in others it was filled with stumps and 
 44 roots and covered with large logs. The details had become 
 " so wearing on the men that the officers sometimes took the 
 " muskets and went on duty themselves as sharpshooters, 
 " while the men rested and slept. Besides the work already 
 " referred to, the besiegers had, in rear of their first or outer 
 " line, constructed bomb-proof quarters. For the most part 
 " these were regular and sunk in the earth. The pits would 
 " hold from three to eight men, and were so arranged that 
 " the occupants could lie down. They were covered over 
 " with layers of logs, sometimes three thicknesses, over which 
 11 were from one to four feet of earth, varying according to 
 " the exposure of their situation and the industry of the 
 " occupants." 
 
 G-en. Andrews also gives the following account from the 
 rebels of this day s proceedings : " Gibson to Maury : We 
 " have been thoroughly shelled all night, and there is brisk 
 " musketry this morning. I never saw such digging as 
 " the enemy does he is like a mole. He is constructing 
 " heavy batteries on my extreme flanks that are going to give 
 " me great trouble. I wish I had more men and guns. We 
 " have been up all night. It is digging all night and fighting 
 " all day. Be certain to send more wooden embrasures, 
 " iron screens and the heavy guns." 
 
 Diary of Confederate Officer : " April 4th- Mortar firing 
 " going on steadily all day at Spanish Fort. The enemy s 
 " batteries are largely increased. Tremendous cannonading 
 " from 4 P. M. to 7 from thirty to forty guns and a dozen 
 "mortars. We reply from nearly the same number. One 
 "" sap roller appears in front of our left centre." 
 
186 FIRST GENERAL BOMBARDMENT. 
 
 About o o clock P. M. of the ninth day of the siege (April 4) 
 a general bombardment of the enemy s works, along our entire 
 line, was ordered, and all the troops were directed to form in 
 line of battle behind our earthworks to be ready to make 
 an assault if it should be deemed best. We took position 
 nearly in front of Old Spanish fort and McDermett, where 
 the artillery fire was very heavy for over two hours. It was 
 a grand sight and will not soon pass from the memory of 
 those who witnessed it. 
 
 Gen. Andrews thus describes this day s operations : * 
 " At this time the advance parallels of the besiegers were 
 11 within a hundred yards of the different salients of the 
 " garrison fortifications. The garrison had also extended 
 11 counter approaches and rifle pits, so that the sharpshooters 
 " on both sides were within talking distance. In 
 
 " Granger s front, Battery No. 1 on the extreme left was 
 " finished for eight pieces. * * * In anticipation of the 
 !t general bombardment that was to commence at 5 P. M., the 
 11 besieger s artillery fired but little before that hour. The 
 P 10-inch mortars * * * on the left did not, however, 
 " entirely neglect McDermett, and their fire was answered. 
 " A 24-pound shell exploded at the entrance of a magazine, but, 
 " did no harm; another shell struck among the men while at 
 " dinner, wounding a corporal and arousing an Irishman s 
 11 apprehensions for the safety of the coffee. During the day 
 " the garrison were quite annoying with their co-horn mor- 
 " tars, and troubled the infantry in their advanced pits ex- 
 11 ceedingly. The fire from small mortars was troublesome 
 " on both sides. 
 
BOMBARDMENT PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 187 
 
 " At this date we had in position thirty-eight siege guns- 
 " (including six 20 pounder rifles and sixteen mortars) and 
 " thirty-seven field guns, all of which (75) opened fire at 5 
 " P. M. and continued till 7 P. M. The orders were for each 
 " gun to fire every three minutes. There was not much re- 
 " sponse except from the guns of Old Spanish Fort. It was 
 " a well sustained and grand bombardment. The garrison 
 " sought shelter in their bomb-proofs. Clouds of dust rose from 
 " their parapets. The earth, says a correspondent, actually 
 " trembled from the effects of this mighty fire. Meanwhile 
 :i the sharpshooters in the skirmish trenches, or pits, kept up 
 " their accustomed firing." 
 
 Referring to the 10th, llth and 12th days of the siege, Gen. 
 Andrews says : " April 5th. At this stage, mortar shells 
 " were thrown into the enemy s works through the nighu 
 " at regular intervals. * * * There was a moderate 
 " amount of firing by our artillery to-day. * * * The 
 " mortars in front of McDermett were actively engaged, and 
 " disabled a 24-pounder howitzer in that fort. The enterprise 
 " of our men on the left was marked, and Gen. Gibson was 
 " apprehensive an effort would be made to turn his right. 
 " Capt. Barnes [rebel] while signalling to his 8-inch mortar, 
 " in the rear of McDermett, was struck by a musket ball 
 " and fell severely w r ounded. 
 
 " April 6th. There was but little artillery firing during 
 " the day. There was no interruption of work in the trenches. 
 " On the left some of our men established a new line, taking 
 " some rifle pits in which were found three confederate dead. 
 
188 PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 
 
 " April 7 tli. The gunboats steamed up and anchored close 
 " to the torpedo net, 5170 yards from Spanish Fort ; but did 
 "" not open fire however, on account of the presumed ex- 
 " posed condition of the land forces in their advanced rifle 
 " pits. But on the morning of the 7th, the flagship signalled 
 " the Octarora to fire, which she did. The fire continued at 
 " intervals during the day. 
 
 " Our infantry were busy still in advancing their ap- 
 11 preaches; and the sharp-shooting on both sides from the 
 " advance rifle pits rendered it unsafe for a man s head to be 
 " exposed there for a moment. In the morning there was a 
 " sharp struggle on the left to hold an advanced position our 
 " men had gained. * * * During the day the artillery s 
 " fire was light. In the afternoon there was a heavy fall of 
 " rain. We were getting ready for another bombardment." 
 
 Referring to the 13th and last day, Gen. Andrews says : 
 
 " On the morning of the 8th Gens. Gibson and Holtzclaw 
 " were of opinion it was time to evacuate. But Lieut. Col. 
 " Williams expected to finish a Battery for four 12-pounders 
 " to enfilade our left, and have them in position the ensuing 
 "" night. It was therefore concluded to hold on another day 
 " to give Williams an opportunity to try his battery. Mean- 
 * while orders were given for all the garrison artillery to 
 " open vigorously at 4 p. M. In view of the close approach 
 u of the besiegers steps were also taken to have additional 
 " torpedoes planted." 
 
 In this connection it should be mentioned that we were 
 greatly annoyed by those destructive explosives from the time 
 of leaving Fish River and several men and horses were killed. 
 
TORPEDOES FINAL BOMBARDMENT. 189" 
 
 The principal roads were strewn with loaded shell and cover 
 ed over with a thin layer of earth so as to conceal their 
 whereabouts. A very slight pressure would cause their ex 
 plosion. I recall one instance when two cavalry men and 
 their horses were killed by one of these missiles, they having 
 unconsciously ridden over the spot where it was planted. 
 
 A net work of torpedoes was also planted in front of the 
 enemy s fortifications; pathways, like walks in a garden, 
 were marked out, which were known to the rebels, whereby 
 they were able to move in front of their lines in safety, but 
 our men, not knowing the position or direction of these paths, 
 were in constant danger of being blown up. Continuing 
 his account of the last day of the siege, Gen. Andrews says : 
 :< In Bertram s front the works were carried to within one 
 " hundred yards of McDermett. There was now in position 
 " in the Minette Bay Battery (extreme right) four 30-pound- 
 " ers and two 200-pounder rifles; against Spanish Fort, fifty- 
 " three siege guns (including nine 20-pounder rifles and six- 
 " teen mortars) and thirty-seven field guns, a total of ninety- 
 " six guns. Four siege rifles. and five siege howitzers on the 
 " left center enfiladed the garrison s centre and left, and four 
 " siege howitzers close in on the extreme right enfiladed 
 " their centre. A bombardment, which proved to be the 
 " final one, opened from all these guns at 5:30 p. M., and 
 " continued till 7:30 p. M. Gen. Canby was intending to 
 " assault the garrison s works the following morning at 8 
 " o clock. * * Before the bombardment commenced 
 
 " the besiegers took the precaution to double the force of 
 " their sharpshooters and the reserves. The garrison having 
 
190 OCCUPATION OF SPANISH FORT. 
 
 " arranged for a general artillery fire, opened before the 
 . bombardment was begun. * * * The fire of so many 
 " large guns, and the loud explosion of shells, produced one 
 " of those sublime scenes which seldom occur, even in the 
 " grandest operations of war. There is scarcely anything 
 " in the phenomena of nature to which it could be compared; 
 " certainly not the distant murmur of the thunder, nor its 
 11 near and startling crash." 
 
 In the course of the evening a portion of Carr s Division 
 Sixteenth Corps effected a lodgment inside the enemy s forti 
 fications, and at 1 o clock A. M. we became aware that the 
 enemy had abandoned their works, and we immediately took 
 possession. At this time a detachment of the Seventh were 
 within less than one hundred yards of McDermett, construct 
 ing a battery. Thus after thirteen days ended the siege of 
 Spanish Fort, I have quoted quite extensively from Gren. 
 Andrews interesting history which although relating to the 
 operation of Gen. Canby s entire army gives a pretty good 
 idea of our every-day experience. It will be seen from the 
 extracts I have made, that the extreme left where we were 
 stationed was a very important position, and that the troops 
 occupying that point were exposed to constant danger, and 
 were obliged to labor incessantly. For thirteen nights and 
 days in succession there was not a moment that the Seventh 
 was not exposed to either a musketry or artillery fire, and much 
 of the time its officers and men were exposed to, and working 
 under a most severe and galling fire from both. Notwith 
 standing all this, however, there was not an instance in which 
 there was evinced the slightest disposition on the part of its 
 
INCIDENTS OF THE SIEGE. 191 
 
 members to flinch or shrink from performing any duty how 
 ever arduous or perilous. Many individual acts of heroism 
 were performed by the line officers and enlisted men, and I 
 regret that I have not the material at hand to here narrate 
 them. The Field and Staff too deserve mention. Col. Peck 
 was ever ready to perform his duty, and took his chances with 
 the rest in the trenches and at the front, as did also Adjut, 
 George W. Sheldon. 
 
 Gen. Andrews, in speaking of the incidents of the siege, 
 says : 
 
 " Eeckless exposure of life in a siege commands no part of 
 " that applause which is earned by daring in its true sense. 
 
 Yet light censure will .be cast on such examples, consider- 
 " ing the tendency of men to grow timid by long continued 
 " service in trenches. The daily history of every regiment 
 " in the siege would doubtless exhibit individual acts of gal- 
 " lantry, and even of rashness, on the part of the enlisted 
 " men. * Sometimes the firing between the Federal 
 
 " and Confederate sharp-shooters would cease and there would 
 " be some conversation between them. Conversation, when it 
 " occurred, was generally jocular and sarcastic in its character. 
 
 1 When a Federal addressed a Confederate he called out 
 " Halloo Johnnie; the Confederate answered Halloo Yank. 
 :c In Spanish Fort the artillerists named their heavy guns in 
 " honor of the ladies of their officers, with the name in laro-e 
 " letters placarded on the gun as The Lady Gibson, The 
 :c Lady Slocum, The Lady Maury, etc. The gunners spoke 
 " of them by their names instead of No. 1, 2, etc., and. were 
 " always exceeding polite and complimentary to them. They 
 
192 MARCH TO BLAKELY STEELED ASSAULT. 
 
 " also named the Federal guns, but called them Anna Maria/ 
 " Sarah Jane/ Elizabeth Ann/ etc. And when a Federal 
 " gun was fired the sentinel would say, Look out, boys, 
 " " Anna Maria " is going to speak. It would pass down 
 " the line, and all knew in advance the direction the shot 
 " would come, and get shelter. 
 
 " The effect of some of the shells was fearful. One clay a 
 11 Federal mortar shell fell inside the garrison works, plung- 
 " ing through seven feet of earth and logs, and killing. 
 " four men and wounding three, all of whom were asleep. 
 " One of the men was thrown up twenty feet into the air and 
 " came down dead, of course, for every bone in him was 
 " broken, but he was not at all torn." 
 
 At daybreak of the 9th (Sunday), we were able to look 
 over the ground embraced within the enemy s lines, for which 
 we had so earnestly contended. Early that morning I re 
 ceived orders to report back to our brigade, which I did. 
 Shortly before noon the entire Thirteenth corps, except 
 Bertram s brigade, left to garrison Spanish Fort, was on its 
 way to Blakely, which, since April 2d, had been besieged by 
 Major-General Steele s forces from Pensacola. As we drew 
 near Steele s line, towards evening, we noticed there was 
 very heavy firing going on. In a little while an order came 
 down the line for us to prepare to take part in an assault. 
 Before we could reach ground proper to form upon, Steele s 
 men had gallantly stormed and carried the rebel works, and 
 we were therefore deprived of participating in that honorable? 
 affair. 
 
TORPEDOES MARCH TO STAKK s LANDING. 193 
 
 The assaulting column suffered greatly from torpedoes. 
 The .rebels had planted them in front of their works at Blakely, 
 even more extensively than at Spanish Fort, and it was un 
 safe to approach the fortification, even during daylight. Gen. 
 Andrews says : " All the forepart of the night, there were 
 " explosions of torpedoes, and some were killed by them while 
 " searching for the dead and wounded." Here, as at Spanish 
 Fort, the enemy had pathways through these beds of explo 
 sives, regularly staked or marked out, The next morning 
 Gen. Steele very properly set the rebel prisoners at work 
 clearing the ground of these torpedoes. This was done by 
 spreading brush over the ground and setting fire to it, which 
 caused many of them to explode. As a space was burnt 
 over the prisoners would spread more brush over an equal 
 distance in front, and so on until a roadway of sufficient 
 width was obtained. Of course some of the torpedoes did 
 not go off, and it was hazardous business walking upon the 
 ground, even after it had been burnt over, and hence the rebels 
 were indignant that they should be set to do such dangerous 
 work. But Gen. Steele was inexorable, taking the ground 
 that if such a system of warfare was resorted to they should 
 be the first to suffer from it, 
 
 We remained at Blakely until the morning of the llth, 
 when our division and another of the Thirteen Corps, under 
 Granger, marched back toward Spanish Fort to Stark s Land 
 ing, where we embarked on transports. During the march 
 we received intelligence of the fall of Richmond. The next 
 day (the 12th), escorted by a fleet of tin clads and gunboats, 
 we proceeded across to the western shore of the bay, where 
 
194 MAGNOLIA POINT. 
 
 we effected a landing at a place called Magnolia Point, some 
 seven miles from the outskirts of the City of Mobile. Our 
 regiment was one of the first to disembark. We anticipated 
 some fighting before getting possession of the city, but we 
 afterwards learned that arrangements had been substantially 
 agreed upon previously between the Mayor and Gen.. 
 Granger, that the city should be turned over to him with 
 out opposition. A jovial tar Capt. Kirkland happened 
 to command the tin-clad convoying the Seventh, and just 
 before we landed he asked me if it would not be well 
 to drop a shell or two in a clump of trees near where 
 we were about to disembark to ascertain whether any of 
 the enemy were concealed or asleep there. Not having 
 been consulted by Gen. Granger or the Mayor, and being 
 ignorant of the arrangements they had entered into, I replied 
 that I thought the scheme was a good one, and so Kirkland 
 with exquisite accuracy lodged a 30-pounder Parrott shell 
 directly in the centre of this pretty little bunch of magnolias. 
 It seems some of the Peace Commissioners had assembled 
 there at a tavern concealed from our view, intending, I suppose, 
 to receive us when we landed. The result of Kirkland a 
 markmanship however, broke up the gathering rather rudely 
 and summarily, for before he could land another shell, three 
 or four carriages filled with citizens, emerged from the grove 
 and started up the shell road toward Mobile for dear life. 
 To my astonishment a huge shell was next dropped just in 
 the rear of the last vehicle, but not so as to endanger the oc 
 cupants. I asked why this was done, as the fugitives seemed 
 to be non-combatants, and received for reply, " that the 
 
OCCUPATION OF MOBILE MARCH TO WHISTLER. 195 
 
 gentlemen appeared to be without whips and it was feared 
 they would be late for dinner if the pace of their horses was 
 not accelerated.-" 
 
 The shell road was a favorite place for the " chivalry " to 
 speed their horses, and doubtless good time had been made 
 over it, but I doubt if four hacks ever made such remarkable 
 time as those containing these Peace Commissioners, spurred 
 on as they were by Kirkland s guns. 
 
 On landing we proceeded up the shell road to within 
 about a mile of the city, where we encamped for the night. 
 The Field and Staff and some of the other officers slept on the 
 soft side of the floor of a toll-house, which was the first time 
 in nearly two months that we had not lain either in sand or 
 mud. Although the orders were not to leave our posts a few 
 of us got permission to ride into the city that evening. As 
 we had not had a square meal for some time we repaired to 
 the Battle House, thinking we might there get a sumptuous 
 repast. In this however we were disappointed as about the 
 only thing in the way of food left in the city was bacon and 
 corn bread. We therefore sadly returned to our own bacon 
 and hardtack. 
 
 The next morning Benton s division was ordered in pur 
 suit of the retreating enemy, and accordingly marched 
 through the city and to a station on the Mobile and 
 Ohio Eailroad called Whistler, where the machine shops- 
 of the road were situated. The rebels had removed most of 
 the rolling stock, but it was reported that they were destroy 
 ing much valuable property, and hence we were pushed for 
 ward to intercept this work. Our brigade held the advance 
 
196 ACTION AT WHISTLER. 
 
 and shortly before we reached the town Col. Day with the 
 Ninety-first Illinois and Twenty-ninth Iowa branched off to 
 the left leaving me to march along the railroad with the Sev 
 enth and Fiftieth Indiana. In a few minutes we heard 
 rapid musketry firing from the direction taken by Col. Day, 
 who sent back word that he had encountered a large force of 
 the enemy and directing us to come to his support at once. 
 I gave the order to unsling knapsacks and we proceeded to the 
 front at double-quick, the men obeying with great spirit and 
 alacrity. We were soon under a heavy fire. Fortunately the 
 woods were very close and not as many men were injured as 
 would otherwise have been the case. The rebels had crossed 
 a run or swamp, and were posted on a slight eminence 
 but a short distance off. Across this strip of marsh 
 was a wooden bridge, which they had fired as they 
 fell back over it. The Lieut, Colonel of the Ninety-first 
 Illinois, instead of attempting to put out the fire and cross 
 on the bridge, sought to march his regiment through this 
 thick fen, in the execution of which movement he had mired 
 and entangled over two- thirds of his men, so that upon our 
 arrival they were in an unfortunate dilemma, and were in 
 danger of sustaining severe loss. Many of the men were 
 waist deep in the mud, and so completely stalled that they 
 could offer no effectual resistance to the enemy, who threat 
 ened to swoop down upon them. At this juncture I tried to 
 get the Fiftieth Indiana into line of battle (that regiment 
 being ahead of the Seventh), but without success; thereupon 
 I brought the Seventh into line, and we forged ahead under 
 a heavy fire, passing the Indianians at a run, and were soon 
 
WHISTLER. 197 
 
 up to the bridge, where from line of battle we changed to 
 close column by companies, and rushed over the bridge, which 
 was still burning, although Lieut. Milton L. Gilbert, of G 
 Company, and some others in advance, had succeeded at 
 great personal risk in abating somewhat the flames. As soon 
 as we were over the stream, we again deployed into line of 
 battle and opened fire upon the rebels, who, after discharging 
 a few volleys, beat a precipitate retreat, Capt. Croft again 
 distinguished himself on the skirmish line, as did also Lieut, 
 Gilbert, The regiment also behaved remarkably well, and 
 the steadiness displayed in the manoeuvres of changing front 
 and deploying under fire was highly satisfactory to me, and 
 reflected much credit upon the officers and men, as showing 
 the high proficiency to which they had attained in discipline 
 and in executing battalion evolutions. 
 
 According to Pollard, in his book entitled "The Lost 
 Cause," Colonel Spence of the Confederate Army, with a 
 cavalry force, was left to cover the rebel retreat from Mobile. 
 I understood at the time that the force we encountered at 
 Whistler was commanded by that officer. I refer to this be 
 cause Gen. Taylor, in his book entitled " Destruction and 
 Re-construction," * alludes to this affair as being the " last 
 engagement of the Civil War." In this I think he is mis 
 taken, for an account is given by Tomes, in his book entitled 
 "War with the South," of a combat in Texas on the llth 
 of May, at Palmetto Eanch, on the Brownsville road, about 
 fifteen miles above Brazos, between some of our cavalry 
 
 * Destruction and Re-construction, by Richard Taylor, Lieutenant-General in 
 the Confederate Army. 
 
198 M INTOSH BLUFF CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR. 
 
 under Col. Barrett and a body of rebels, which he speaks of 
 as being the last battle of the war. Pollard, in his "Lost 
 Cause/ also says "the last action of the war was a skirmish 
 near Brazos, in Texas." Although in consequence of this 
 affair we were not able to say that we were participants in 
 the very last engagement of the war, yet the action at 
 Whistler was fought near enough to the termination of hos 
 tilities to enable us to claim that we were in " at the death/ 
 Subsequently the regiment camped over night at Palmetto 
 Kanch on its march to Brownsville. 
 
 We remained at Whistler till the 19th, when the entire 
 Division marched to a place called Mclntosh Bluff, on the 
 Tombigbee River, about forty miles from Mobile, where we 
 went into camp. On the 23d we received intelligence of the 
 assassination of President Lincoln which caused the most in 
 tense horror and indignation. As soon as the news reached 
 us in the morning several southern families in the neighbor 
 hood sought our protection, fearing that the soldiers in the 
 exasperated state they were in would commit acts of violence. 
 It was but natural that such apprehensions should arise, but, 
 notwithstanding, the troops were very much moved and in 
 censed, no indignities were contemplated or offered to anyone. 
 
 It now became evident that the backbone of the Rebellion 
 was broken. Lee surrendered on the 9th of April, and 
 although we were informed that it was intended to continue 
 hostilities on the west side of the Mississippi, and that the " last 
 ditch " was to be dug there, the course of events was such 
 that in a few days it became apparent this was but an idle 
 rumor, and that the war was over. On the 27th of April 
 
SURRENDER OF GEN. TAYLOR. 199 
 
 Johnston s army capitulated to Sherman. The next to follow 
 was the army in our immediate front, commanded by Gen. 
 Taylor, from whose book " Destruction and Re-construction/ 
 above referred to, I take the following extracts of the circum 
 stances attending his surrender. After referring to the fall 
 of Mobile, and the retirement of Gen. Maury and his forces 
 to Meridian, he says : 
 
 " From the North, by wire and courier, I received early 
 41 intelligence of passing events. * * * Before Maury 
 " left Mobile I had learned of Lee s surrender, * 
 11 which left us little hope of success ; but while Johnston 
 " remained in arms we must be prepared to fight our way to 
 " him. Again, the President and civil authorities of our 
 " Government were on their way to the South, and might 
 " need our protection. Granting the cause for which we had 
 " fought to be lost, we owed it to our manhood, to the memory 
 " of the dead, and to the honor of our arms, to remain stead- 
 " fast to the last. * * * Intelligence of the Johnston- 
 u Sherman convention reached us, and Canby and I were 
 " requested to conform to its terms until the civil authorities 
 " acted. A meeting was arranged to take place a few miles. 
 " north of Mobile, where the appearance of the two parties 
 " contrasted the fortunes of our respective causes. Canby 
 " who preceded me to the appointed spot a house near the 
 " railway was escorted by a brigade with a full military 
 " band and accompanied by many officers in full fig. 
 " With one officer * * * I made my appearance on a 
 " hand-car, the motive power of which was two negroes. 
 " Descendants of the ancient race of Abraham, dealers in cast- 
 
200 SURRENDER OF GEN. TAYLOE. 
 
 " off raiment would have scorned to bargain for our rusty suits 
 " of Confederate gray. Gen. Canby met me with much 
 " urbanity. * * In a few moments we agreed upon a 
 
 " truce terminable after forty-eight hours notice by either 
 " party. Then rejoining the throng of officers, introductions 
 " and many civilities passed. * * * The party separated, 
 " Canby for Mobile, I for Meridian, where within two days 
 11 came news of Johnston s surrender, the capture of President 
 " Davis, and a notice from Canby that the truce must termin- 
 " ate as his Government disavowed the Johnston-Sherman 
 " convention. I thereupon informed Gen. Canby that I desired 
 " to meet him, for the purpose of negotiating a surrender of 
 " my forces. The military and civil authorities of the Con- 
 " federacy had fallen, and I was called to administer on the 
 " ruins as residuary legatee. It seemed absurd for the few 
 11 there present to continue the struggle. We could only 
 " secure honorable interment for the remains of our cause. 
 * At the time no doubts as to the propriety of my 
 " course entered my mind, but such has since crept in. Many 
 " Southern warriors, from the hustings and in print, have 
 " declared that they were anxious to die in the last ditch, 
 " and, by implication, were restrained from so doing by the 
 " readiness of their generals to surrender. One is not per- 
 " mitted to question the sincerity of these declarations, which 
 " have received the approval of public opinion by the eleva- 
 " tion of the heroes uttering them to such offices as the people 
 " of the South have to bestow, and popular opinion in our 
 " land is a court from whose decisions there is no appeal on 
 " this side of the grave." 
 
SURRENDER OF GEN. TAYLOR RETURN TO MOBILE. 201 
 
 After notice had been sent to Gen. Taylor that the truce 
 must end, as the Government did not approve of the Sher 
 man-Johnston armistice, we prepared to resume field opera 
 tions. On the morning of May 2d I was ordered out with 
 the Seventh and Fiftieth Indiana on a scout. We had not 
 proceeded far when we encountered a Hag of truce from the 
 enemy, informing us that negotiations for a surrender on the 
 part of Gen. Taylor had been resumed, and shortly after 
 wards we were overtaken by a courier from Gen. Benton s 
 headquarters confirming this intelligence, with an order for 
 our return. A few days later the capitulation took place, 
 and is thus described by Gen. Taylor : 
 
 " On the 8th of May, 1865, at Citronelle, forty miles north 
 " of Mobile, I delivered the epilogue of the great drama 
 " in which I had played a humble part. The terms of sur- 
 " render demanded and granted were consistent with the 
 " honor of our armies, and it is due to the memory of Gen. 
 " Canby to add that he was ready with suggestions to soothe 
 " our military pride." 
 
 This surrender included all troops east of the Mississippi 
 River. 
 
 The next day (the 9th) our entire Division returned to 
 Mobile, our regiment going down the Tombigbee river on a 
 transport. On our arrival at Mobile we went into camp a 
 short distance outside the city limits. 
 
 It was now rumored we were to form part of an expedition 
 to Texas under Gen. Sheridan, to operate against Gen. Kirby 
 Smith s army and the other Confederate forces west of the 
 Mississippi, and for a few days we indulged in the hope that wo 
 
202 SURRENDER OF GEN. KIRBY SMITH. 
 
 were to see a little field service under that dashing and bril 
 liant officer. But that was not to be. On the llth of May, 
 Gen. Jeff Thompson, commanding the rebel troops in Arkan 
 sas, surrendered on substantially the same terms as those 
 granted to Lee, Johnston and Taylor. This left only the 
 forces under Gen. Kirby Smith commanding the trans-Mis 
 sissippi Department. It would have been utterly impossible 
 for him to have successfully resisted the army then at 
 Gen. Sheridan s disposal, and so on the 26th of May he too 
 surrendered to Gen. Canby. 
 
 With the capitulation of Gen. Kirby Smith as Pollard says : 
 " the war ended, and from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, 
 " there was no longer an armed soldier to resist the author- 
 " ity of the United States." 
 
 The following extract from Gen. Taylor s book, " Destruc 
 tion and Re-construction," shows the demoralization then 
 existing in the trans-Mississippi Department, and the cir 
 cumstances attending this last surrender. " I was at New 
 " Orleans," * * * (after his surrender) "when Generals 
 " Price, Buckner and Brent came from Shreveport (Gen. 
 " Kirby Smith s Headquarters) under flag of truce and sent 
 " for me. They reported a deplorable condition of affairs in 
 " that region. Many of the troops had taken up the idea 
 " that it was designed to inveigle them into Mexico, and were 
 " greatly incensed. Some Generals of the highest rank had 
 " found it convenient to fold their tents and quietly leave for 
 il the Rio Grande ; others who remained were obliged to keep 
 " their horses in their quarters and guard them in person, 
 " and numbers of men had disbanded and gone off. By a 
 
COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION. 203 
 
 " meeting of officers, the gentlemen present were deputed to 
 " make a surrender and ask for Federal troops to restore 
 11 order. The officers in question requested me to be present 
 " at their interview with Gen. Canby, who also invited me, 
 " and I witnessed the conclusion. So, from the Charleston 
 " Convention to this point, I shared the fortunes of the Con- 
 " federacy, and can say, as Grattan did of Irish freedom, 
 " that I sat by its cradle and followed its hearse. " 
 
 On the surrender of the last Confederate Army, and peace 
 having been practically declared, I resolved to resign, I had 
 been in the service since September, 1861, and had received but 
 one furlough, to wit : when I returned to Vermont with the 
 -Seventh on veteran furlough. I accordingly tendered my 
 resignation, which was accepted by Gen. Canby, June 2d, 1865. 
 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 DEPARTURE FOR TEXAS EXPERIENCE ON THE RIO GRANDE- 
 MUSTER OUT DISBANDMENT OF THE REGIMENT. 
 
 1BE5-1BEE, 
 
 T this time Maximilian was in Mexico, and for some rea 
 sons, best known to the government, it was decided to- 
 maintain a large Army of Observation on the Eio Grande, and 
 for nearly a year after the close of the war a force of from ten 
 to twenty thousand men under the immediate command of 
 Gen. Weitzel was kept in Texas to observe and wait the 
 development of the operations of Maximilian and his French 
 allies. 
 
 The Seventh was one of the regiments designated for this 
 service, and on the 30th of May, under Lieut. Col. Peck 
 (who subsequently was commissioned Colonel, Major Porter 
 at the same time being commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel and 
 Capt. Edgar M. Bullard Major), marched to Mobile and em 
 barked on the steamer " Starlight," and proceeded down to 
 the lower bay, where they were transferred to the ocean 
 steamship "Gen. Sedgwick." On June 2d they sailed for 
 Brazos, and arrived there June 5th. The next day they dis- 
 
LIFE ON THE RIO GRANDE. 205 
 
 embarked and went into camp, where they remained until 
 June 14th, when they proceeded to the mouth of the Rio 
 Grande, near Clarksville, and went into camp at White Horse 
 Ranch, three miles up the river. About June 25th they 
 again moved their camp to a location nearer the mouth of 
 the river. Nothing of importance occurred there. The 4th 
 of July was duly observed; the Declaration of Independence 
 was read, and an oration was delivered by Gen. Cole to the 
 assembled command from the deck of a wrecked schooner at 
 the mouth of the Rio Grande. On the 14th of July the one 
 year recruits were mustered out. August 2d the regiment 
 left Clarksville and marched for Brownsville, some thirty 
 miles up the river. The first night they encamped at " Pal 
 metto Ranch," where, it will be remembered, the last action 
 of the war was fought. The next day they reached Browns 
 ville, where they went into camp on the east bank of the Rio 
 Grande, and where they remained until they were mustered 
 out in March, 1866. 
 
 On the 26th of August Colonel Peck resigned, and Lieut. 
 Col. Porter was commissioned as Colonel, Major Bullard 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, and Capt. Darwin A. Smalley Major. 
 Subsequently Major Smalley resigned and Capt. George E. 
 Croft was commissioned Major. 
 
 Life at Brownsville was monotonous and uneventful. The 
 only service then required was to watch Maximilian s forces 
 and the Mexicans. The former held Matamoras, which was 
 fortified, or partially so, and frequently the Mexicans laid 
 temporary siege to the place. The besiegers, however, never 
 got near enough to suffer seriously from the Imperialist s guns, 
 
206 MUSTER OUT AND DISBANDMENT OF REGIMENT. 
 
 and their operations were highly farcical and ridiculous. It 
 is said that some of our men amused themselves, and gained 
 more or less pecuniary advantage by letting themselves out to- 
 fight on behalf of the Mexicans for five dollars a night. I cannot 
 vouch for the truth of these reports, but I should judge from 
 the accounts I have received that the duties of our men were 
 not so arduous as to prevent, nor was the service so danger 
 ous as to deter, them from participating in a " strife " so- 
 lucrative and rapturous. About all the regiment had to do 
 was to perform guard and police duty. The principal topic 
 of conversation seems to have been in reference to the ques 
 tion as to whether the Army of Observation was to move- 
 across the river and drive out the Imperialists, and as to 
 when the regiment would be mustered out. Washington s 
 Birthday (February 22d ; 1866) was celebrated by a grand 
 ball at Brownsville. A few days later, to wit : March 14th, 
 the regiment was mustered out of the service at the same 
 place, but proceeded as a body to New Orleans, and thence- 
 direct to Brattleboro where it was disbanded. The object 
 I believe mustering out the regiment at Brownsville was 
 to enable those who wished to remain at the South to quit 
 the service there. 
 
 On arriving at Brattleboro, a grand reception was given to- 
 the officers and men; and, as I am informed a special effort 
 was made to show that the citizens of Vermont appreciated 
 the services of the Seventh. 
 
 On the 6th of April, 1866, the regiment was formally dis 
 banded, and all its arms and equipments, except such as were 
 purchased by the men, were turned over to the United States. 
 
MUSTER OUT AND DISBANDMENT OF REGIMENT. 207 
 
 authorities. The Seventh was the last volunteer regiment 
 from Vermont to be disbanded. Many of its officers and 
 men were the first to enter the service ; and during the entire 
 war I venture to say that no troops from Vermont or else 
 where acquitted themselves any more creditably than they 
 did. For their patience, fidelity and courage, the officers 
 and men of the Seventh are entitled to the thanks and esteem 
 of the people of Vermont. No more gallant regiment was 
 ever sent out by the State than the Seventh Kegirnent of 
 Vermon^ Volunteers. 
 
 FIJIIjS. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS 
 
 IX THE SEVERAL COMPANIES FROM FEBRUARY I2th, 1862, 
 TO APRIL 6th, 1866. 
 
 COMPILED HY LIEUT. OLIVER P. MURDICK. 
 
 u The muffled drum s sad roll has beat 
 
 The soldier s last tatoo ; 
 No more on life s parade shall meet 
 
 The brave and daring few ; 
 On fame s eternal camping ground 
 
 Their silent tents are spread, 
 And glory guards, with solemn round, 
 
 The bivouac of the dead." 
 
 COMPANY A. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Allen, Geo. H. . 
 
 Sept. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Archambuatt, Oliver F., 
 
 Aug. igth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Bacar, Eugen 
 
 Dec. 2gth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Brackham, Geo. M. 
 
 Sept. isth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Brour, James 
 
 Dec. 22d, 1864 
 
 Off the coast of Fla. 
 
 Brown, Wm. 
 
 Aug. I3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Burns, Daniel G. 
 
 Aug. 22d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Camell, Magney . 
 
 July 4th, 1862. 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Casey. Martin . 
 
 Oct. nth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Fort, James L. 
 
 July 22d, 1865 
 
 Philadelphia, Penn. 
 
 Frenier, Agustus 
 
 Oct. I3th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Green, Wm. . 
 
 July 2ist, 1862 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Hamelton, Thomas . 
 
 June i8th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Hicks, Myron D. . 
 
 Dec. 26th, 1864 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Hosford. Geo. B. 
 
 Sept. 22d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Lander, Peter 
 
 July I4th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Lapier, Joseph . 
 
 Nov. 2gth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 McDoraigh, John . 
 
 Sept. 28th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 209 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Mullin, James , 
 
 Aug. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Nichols, Leroy 
 
 Dec. nth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Proctor, Charles 
 
 Oct. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Perrigo, Bronson . 
 
 Oct. 3d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Page, Geo. W. . 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Page, John K. 
 
 July 2ist, 1862 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Pearl, Phinias . 
 
 Aug. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Perry, Harris 
 
 Nov. 22d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Prior, Homer . 
 
 Aug. gth, 1866 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Riley, James . 
 
 Oct. 7th, 1862. 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Smith, Geo. 
 
 June i6th, 1865 
 
 Clarkville, Texas. 
 
 Wells, Henry 
 
 Aug. gth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 White, James . , 
 
 Sept. isth, 1862 
 
 Camp Williams, La. 
 
 COMPANY B. 
 
 Allen, Wilber F. 
 
 Sept. nth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Beckhorn, Wm. 
 
 June 7th, 1862 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
 Barker, Isaac 
 
 Aug. 3d, 1862. 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Bump, Volorous S. 
 
 Aug. 24th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Burns, John . . 
 
 Nov. 28th, 1864 
 
 Andersonville Pris n. 
 
 Bolyo, Ambro 
 
 Oct. 3d, 1864 
 
 Andersonville Pris n. 
 
 Connell, Wm. . 
 
 Aug. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Combs, Harrison . 
 
 Not known 
 
 While Pris. of War. 
 
 Dinn, Edward . 
 
 Sept. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Daniels, Charles H. 
 
 Nov. 30th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Falloon, Jeremiah 
 
 Sept. I3th, 1865 
 
 Brownsville, Texas. 
 
 Foot, Levi B. 
 
 Aug. 3d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Gee, Abishia G. 
 
 Dec. 28th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Goodrich, Martin V. B. 
 
 Oct. i3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Hopkins, Elizur 
 
 Nov. 28th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lincon, Geo. M. 
 
 Dec. 3d, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lamphier, James S. . 
 
 Oct. 4th, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Morrison, James K. P. 
 
 July 3ist, i862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Morris, Thomas 
 
 Aug. 2oth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Mortrom, Geo W. . 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 McArthar, L. S. 
 
 Sept. 2ist, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Maloney, Michael . 
 
 Feb. i4th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 McDonold, James 
 
 Aug. roth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
210 
 
 LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Noice, Wallace E. 
 
 July I4th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Peters, Chas. L. . 
 
 Aug. 3d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Pel key, Wm. . 
 
 Aug 24th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Parkhurst, Arthur H. . 
 
 Sept. isth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Packard, Charles H. 
 
 Dec. ist, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Pettet, Alexander 
 
 April gth, 1864 
 
 Barrancas Fla. 
 
 Pettit, Edgar 
 
 Dec. 15th, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Rovlin, Orlando F. . 
 
 June 6th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Rugg, Nelson B. . 
 
 Aug. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La 
 
 Riley, Willson . 
 
 Sept. 15th, 1862 
 
 Camp Williams, La. 
 
 Stearns, Amasa 
 
 Aug. 23d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Stearns, Eli M. . 
 
 Aug. 24th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Stocker, John F. . 
 
 Aug. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Stocker, Henry W. . 
 
 Not known 
 
 While Pris. of War. 
 
 Tovvnson, Damon W. . 
 
 Aug. 23d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Trumbull. Stephen P. 
 
 Not known 
 
 While pris. of War. 
 
 Whitcomb, Cyrus K. . 
 
 July I3th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburgh, Miss. 
 
 Whitcomb, Geo. E. . . 
 
 Aug. 28th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Wilkins, Charles . 
 
 Sept. 2ist, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Wilkins, Lucius O. . 
 
 Nov. 5th, 1863 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 COMPANY C. 
 
 Alexander, Henry M. 
 
 Feb. 5th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Allard, Charles W. 
 
 April 8th, 1865 
 
 Lake Port, La 
 
 Arceo, Joseph . 
 
 Jan. 25th, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Billings, Bertrand W. . 
 
 Aug. 6th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Bradford, Samuel 
 
 Dec. i3th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Butler, Abren 
 
 July 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Chase, Charles W. . 
 
 Jan. 28th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 English, Samuel J. 
 
 Oct. 17th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Fassett, Francis G. . 
 
 July ist, 1865 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Farmer, Henry S. 
 
 Nov. I4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Grover, Riley L. 
 
 Jan. 2Oth, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lander, Jeremiah . 
 
 Oct. igth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Lagnee, Charles 
 
 Nov. 2oth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Leue, Jacob . 
 
 Dec. 7th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Laberty, Lewis . 
 
 Oct. i2th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Morgan, Almon S. 
 
 May lyth, 1865 
 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Page, Nelson 
 Piper, Geo. H. 
 Sellick, Jonathan 
 Ward, Charles A. B. . 
 Wescott, Charles 
 Willson, James 
 
 Nov. i8th, 1862 
 Dec. 6th, 1862 
 Feb. gth, 1863 
 July igth, 1862 
 May 15th, 1863 
 Oct. 4th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 Carrolton, La. 
 Santa Rosa Isl., Fla. 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 COMPANY D. 
 
 Buxton, Burnus AI. . 
 
 Mar. 26th, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Bishop, Smith B. . 
 
 Dec. 3d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Brown, John A. 
 
 Aug. I2th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Bull, Elisher 
 
 April 26th, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Coppins, Culmer 
 
 June 2ist, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Cheney, Geo. A. . 
 
 Dec. i4th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Champagne, Charles 
 
 Oct. ist, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Evans, Alonzo 
 
 July 22d, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Griswold, Stephen A. 
 
 Nov. 3oth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Haselton, Hiram M. 
 
 Sept. gth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Haselton, Myron 
 
 Jan. 4th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Long, Arunah A. . 
 
 Oct. ;th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Mosier, Thomas C. . 
 
 Nov. 3d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Post, Alpha C. 
 
 Aug. 27th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Peters, Henry M. 
 
 July 30th, 1865 
 
 Clarksville, Tex. 
 
 Pingury, Robins R. ; 
 
 July 27th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La, 
 
 Phillips, Josiah . , 
 
 Aug. 22d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Rowell, Cordon R. 
 
 July 2d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Smith, Geo. W. 
 
 Jan. 22d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Shepard, Dexter E. 
 
 Aug. 2d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 St. Peters, Joseph, Jr. 
 
 Nov. 22d, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Thompson, Wm. B. 
 
 Oct. 7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Vanguilder, Thomas 
 
 Feb. 4th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Wells, Marten 
 
 Sept. igth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Wood, Zeb 
 
 Dec. igth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Williard, Oliver . 
 
 Jan. loth, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Whittier, Benjamen E. 
 
 Sept. igth, 1864 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
212 
 
 LIST OF DEATHS. 
 COMPANY E. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Babcock, Marshal 
 
 July 2ist, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Baulch, Charles M. 
 
 Nov. 2Oth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Barnes, James M. 
 
 Dec. yth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Brown, Josiah 
 
 April 22d, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Cull, Richard L. 
 
 July 28th. 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Chase, Cassius M. 
 
 Nov. 2Qth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Clafflin, Horace 
 
 Oct. gth, 1862 
 
 Camp Kearny, La. 
 
 Calgrove, James . 
 
 Aug. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Davne, Oramel . 
 
 July i8th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Darwin, Orin 
 
 Sept. igth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Dumbray, Frank 
 
 Dec. 28th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Eagle, Thomas 
 
 Feb. 20th, 1865 
 
 Lost overboard. 
 
 Emons, John W. 
 
 July nth, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Fields, Joel D. 
 
 Oct. 2gth, 1862 
 
 Algiers, La. 
 
 Fletcher, Elias . 
 
 July 8th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Fuller, Alanson . 
 
 Aug. 3d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Fletcher, Henry C. . 
 
 Jan. 23d, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Gile. Albert . 
 
 Oct. nth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Hanley, Geo. W. 
 
 July 2ist, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Heath, Henry L. . 
 
 Dec. i8th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Harding, John . 
 
 May 5th, 1865 
 
 Mclntosh Bluff, Ala. 
 
 Hall, Byron S. 
 
 May 3oth, 1865 
 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 
 Irish, Harvey . 
 
 Dec. 6th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lamphier, Rufus G. 
 
 Nov. 20th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lomondy, Lewis 
 
 Sept. isth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Leach, Stephen H. 
 
 Dec. 5th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Lilley, Carlos . 
 
 Nov. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Mathews, James M. 
 
 Nov. yth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Musey, Frank . 
 
 Jan. 4th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Mclntire, David B. 
 
 Oct. 15th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Mead, Geo. D. 
 
 Aug. I3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Parront, Peter 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La, 
 
 Philbrook, David C. 
 
 Aug. 23d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Pixley, Wm. 
 
 Nov. i6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Palmen, Edward C. . 
 
 Nov. 25th, 1865 
 
 Montpelier, Vt. 
 
 Robinson, Ancil H. 
 
 July 28th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Smith, Perley . 
 
 Aug. gth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Streeter, Lucias 
 
 Sept 26th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Smead, Geo. M. 
 
 July 3d, 1865 
 
 Brazos Santiago, Tex. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 213 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Stewart, Charles W. 
 
 July isth, 1865 
 
 Clarksville, Tex. 
 
 Tillotson, Curtis 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Townson, Obert . 
 
 Nov. 2oth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Townson, M. . 
 
 Nov. 2Oth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Wilkins, Durane . 
 
 Sept. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Willson, Ebenezer 
 
 Sept. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Willey Ransalin : 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Wescott, Noel B. 
 
 Jan. i6th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Whitehill, Calvin K. . 
 
 Sept. i6th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Whitehill, Pedon C. . 
 
 Sept. 29th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 COMPANY F. 
 
 Brooks, Lorenzo D. . 
 
 July 23d, 1862 
 
 St. Albans, Vt. 
 
 Bordo, Joseph 
 
 Nov, isth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Campbell, John 
 
 Nov. 5th, 1864 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Church, Wm. 
 
 Aug. 8th, 1865 
 
 Clarksville, Tex. 
 
 Connor, Martin V. B. 
 
 Aug. 3ist, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Clark, Stephen B. 
 
 June 26th, 1862 
 
 Ship Island, Miss. 
 
 Croft, John W. 
 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Casby, Andrew A. 
 
 Nov. 2d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Dupen, Dana 
 
 July 2d, 1862 
 
 Camp Parapet, La. 
 
 Davies, Leander . 
 
 Nov. ist, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Edwards, Benjamen . 
 
 July I7th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Fitch, James L. 
 
 Oct. I4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Grimes, Rufus . 
 
 Nov. isth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Hatch, John E. 
 
 Oct. 8th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Hill, Frank 
 
 May I4th, 1865 
 
 Willets Point, N. Y. 
 
 Hagle, Henry F. . 
 
 Sept. 2oth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Jones, David N. 
 
 Mar. 2gth, 1865 
 
 Fort Gaines, Ala. 
 
 Jojal, Joseph E. 
 
 Sept. 23d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Kibbie, Henry H. . 
 
 Dec. 27th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Mason, James D. . 
 
 Oct. 25th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 McRennev, John 
 
 Sept. 22d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Mitchell, Eli B. . 
 
 June T2th, 1862 
 
 Camp Parapet, La. 
 
 Peters, Norman L. . 
 
 Dec. nth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Peters, Wm B. . 
 
 Sept. 20th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Ridgdill, John S. 
 
 Dec. 22d, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Stearns, Erastus . 
 
 Aug. 2oth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
214 
 
 LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Stearns, John M. 
 Truax, Thomas 
 Wright, Eber . 
 Washer, Benjamin 
 Wooster, B. M. 
 
 July iyth, 1862 
 July 3d, 1862 
 Aug. soth, 1862 
 Oct. 4th, 1862 
 Oct. i6th, 1864 
 
 Camp Parapet, La. 
 Camp Parapet, La. 
 Carrolton, La. 
 New Orleans, La. 
 Santa Rosa Isl., Fla. 
 
 COMPANY G. 
 
 Adams, Elmer L. 
 
 May 24th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Allen, David 
 
 Aug. nth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Alger, Seth L. . 
 
 Oct. 2gth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Burnham, Thomas F. . 
 
 July I3th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Baldwin, Geo. W. . 
 
 Aug. ist, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Barnard, Sylvanus S. 
 
 Nov. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Barker, Sewell . 
 
 Jan. I2th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Cummings, Thomas B. 
 
 Sept. 27th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Carson, Henry C. 
 
 Oct. i6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Coolbeth, Winthrop D. 
 
 Jan. gth, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Cook, Amos D. 
 
 Oct. i8th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Connell, James 
 
 Jan. 26th, 1863 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Dodge, Wesley M. . 
 
 Aug. 24th, 1864 
 
 New York Harbor. 
 
 Dodge, Daniel D. 
 
 Aug. 3d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Duncan, Fred . 
 
 Jan. 28th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Earl, Alfred S. 
 
 Aug. 2d, 1802 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Ellis, Jason 
 
 Dec. 26th, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Fuller, Geo. . 
 
 June 30th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Gibson, Albert B. 
 
 Sept, nth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Gibson, Henry H. 
 
 Jan. I2th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Holden, Hial W. 
 
 Dec. 26th, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Hoodley, Henry C. 
 
 Sept. 28th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Larkin, James H. 
 
 Oct. I5th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Miller, Fletcher W. 
 
 July 2ist, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss, 
 
 Martin, Horace H. . 
 
 Oct. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Marshal, Charles H. . 
 
 Oct. I2th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Marcy, Oliver H. 
 
 Nov. 8th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Olney, Moses 
 
 Aug. 28th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Pease, Wm. H. 
 
 Sept. I3th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Pratt, Mortimer 
 
 Oct. 7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Paine, Sewell B. 
 
 Dec. 26th, 1864 
 
 At Sea. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 215 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Page, Chancelor . 
 
 Jan. 2ist, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Picket, Lewis . 
 
 July loth, 1865 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Randall, Joseph S 
 
 July 25th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Richardson, Ebenexer 
 
 Aug. 28th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Rimley, Oetis 
 
 Oct. 2ist, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Rowe, Robert . 
 
 Jan. 26th, 1863 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Rhodes, Ebene/er 
 
 Nov. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Stevens, Henry 
 
 Sept. 23d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Thornton, Frank W. 
 
 Oct. 3d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Tarbell, Charles 
 
 Oct. i8th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Walker, Horace . 
 
 Aug. 4th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La 
 
 Wade, Stephen . 
 
 Aug. nth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Walker, H. M. . 
 
 Not Known 
 
 Island Pond, Vt. 
 
 Wallace, Geo. J. 
 
 April i6th, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 COMPANY H. 
 
 Allen, Anderson . 
 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Avery, Samuel S. 
 
 Oct. igth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Allard, Asa . 
 
 Jan. nth, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Brown, Asa O. . 
 
 July 28th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Baulch, Lenard 
 
 July 2yth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Boynton. Edward 
 
 Nov. 20th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Bogue, Oscar 
 
 Dec. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Berry, Edwin . 
 
 Dec. 6th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Barnes, Seldon 
 
 Dec. igth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Bailey, Daniel W. . 
 
 Jan. 29th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Brinn, Wm. H. 
 
 Oct. 30th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Cowen, Charles E. 
 
 Sept. 25th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Currier, Lewis 
 
 Nov. roth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Chamberlin, Franklin 
 
 Dec. 22d, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Chamberlin, Isaac 
 
 Jan. i8th, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Davis, James H. 
 
 Oct. 26th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Darbey, Royal 
 
 Jan. 6th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Dockum, Geo. F. 
 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 French, Henry H. 
 
 Jan. 2oth, 1863 
 
 Woodstock, Vt. 
 
 Flanders, Caleb 
 
 Aug. 2d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Fairbanks, Carlos F. . 
 
 Dec. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Gould, L. W. . 
 
 Nov. 29th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
216 
 
 LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 IMTERMENT. 
 
 Gray, Silas E. 
 
 Aug. 7th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Green, Rollin M. 
 
 Nov. iyth, 1863 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Hubbard, Horace . 
 
 Nov. 23d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Hutchinson, James P 
 
 Not known 
 
 Rutland, Vt. 
 
 Jackman, Edward K. 
 
 July 26th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Kelley, Edward 
 
 Nov. i6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Leuce, Wm. . 
 
 July 7th, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Morse, Chester B. 
 
 Aug. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Mitchel, James 
 
 Sept. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 McDaniels, Carlos . 
 
 Nov. 22d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Newton, Edgar S. 
 
 Nov. 2ist, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Pike, Milton E. 
 
 Aug. 2d, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Page, Charles W. . 
 
 Oct. loth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Pond, Geo. R. . 
 
 May nth, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Parmerter, Stephen M. 
 
 July nth, 1865 
 
 Bristow,Buck Co., Pa 
 
 Raymone, Geo. 
 
 Oct. i4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Raymone, Chaucey E. . 
 
 Nov. 20th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Ricker, Allen G. 
 
 July 28th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Scofield, Fred. 
 
 June 22d, 1862 
 
 Drowned in Miss. R. 
 
 Spaulding, Albert L. 
 
 Aug. 22d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Smith, Chas. A. . 
 
 Aug. 27th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Snow, Geo. P. . 
 
 Aug. 4th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Stone, Wm. E. 
 
 Sept. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Spaulding, Charles N. 
 
 Oct. 6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Smith, Fitch C. 
 
 Dec. Qth, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Stowell, Asa W. 
 
 Nov. isth, 1864 
 
 New Haven. Ct. 
 
 Trowbridge, Albert V. . 
 
 Aug. 6th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Tyrrell, Oscar A. 
 
 Nov. loth, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Tilton, Austin 
 
 Jan. loth, 1865 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Willey, Danforth 
 
 "July, 28th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Wing, Geo. L. 
 
 May 26th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Woodward, Geo B. . 
 
 Aug. I7th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 White, Silas M. . 
 
 Sept. i3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Willey, Hollis S. 
 
 Oct. 2oth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Walbridge, Dan C. 
 
 Nov. 27th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Young, Mahlon M. . 
 
 Sept. 27th, 1864 
 
 Marianna, Fla. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 217 
 
 COMPANY I. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Biglow, Amara P. . , 
 
 Oct. 7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Buttler, Edward . 
 
 Oct. i6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Batchelor, John L, 
 
 Oct. iyth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Blosom, Frederic , 
 
 Oct. nth, 1864 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Crandall, Everand 
 
 July 3ist, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Durkee. Nelson . 
 
 Oct. igth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Davis, Thomas 
 
 Oct. gth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Draper, David 
 
 Oct. 8th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Draper, Alanson L. . 
 
 Sept. roth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Furman, Aaron G, 
 
 Oct. 2d. 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Gibbs, Perry G. 
 
 Sept. sth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Goslon, Enos 
 
 April 26th, 1862 
 
 Ship Island, Miss. 
 
 Hurley, Elisha A. . 
 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Huntoon, Daniel S. . 
 
 Aug. 4th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Holdin, Hollis K. . 
 
 Oct. 3d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Hanks, Geo. G. 
 
 Oct. 2ISt, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Higgins, David E. 
 
 Nov. 26, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Halley, Nicholas . 
 
 Dec. 13th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Heap, Andrew . 
 
 Dec. 3ist, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Janbor, Henry 
 
 July 27th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Johnson, James M. . 
 
 July 2gth, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Jones, Lewis P. 
 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Larrabee, Charles 
 
 Aug. 26th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Langley, Geo. }. . 
 
 Oct. I3th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Larrabee, Samuel 
 
 Nov. I3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans. La. 
 
 Mclntyre, Thomas 
 
 Dec. 15th, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Meade, Geo. 
 
 July 3ist, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Morton, Wm. 
 
 Aug. 7th, 1862 
 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 
 Monroe, Wm. H. 
 
 Sept. I7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Puffer, Geo. L. 
 
 Aug. igth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Peters, Alfred . 
 
 Jan. 26th, 1863 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Powers, Henry C. 
 
 April 26th, 1865 
 
 Not known. 
 
 Price, Frank 
 
 April ist, 1862 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Reed, Albert J. . 
 
 Sept. I7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Ripley, Robert . 
 
 Sept. 2oth, 1863 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Ruggles, Charles C. 
 
 July 24th, 1862 
 
 Poultney, Vt. 
 
 Schyer, Warren 
 
 June 6th, 1865 
 
 Annapolis, Md. 
 
 Stutts, Geo. . 
 
 Jan. 23d, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Schryer, Geo. 
 
 Oct, 23d, 1864 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
218 
 
 .LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Sprague, James 
 Sheldon, Chaucev L. 
 Stodard, James F. 
 Willson, Samuel 
 Welles, Charles . 
 Ward, Wm. 
 
 Nov. 4th, 1862 
 Aug. 5th, 1862 
 Sept. 4th, 1862 
 June 6th, 1862 
 Sept. 2ist, 1862 
 Oct. 3d, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 Baton Rouge, La. 
 Carrolton, La. 
 Brazos Santiago, Tx. 
 New Orleans, La. 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Wheeler, Seneca . 
 Woodward, Harvey . 
 Young, Thomas . 
 
 Aug. 8th, 1862 
 Oct. nth, 1862 
 - Dec. 25th, 1862. 
 
 Not known. 
 New Orleans, La. 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 COMPANY K. 
 
 Balch, Wm. D. 
 
 Oct. I2th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Blood, Chas. W. . 
 
 Oct. 6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Call, James B. . 
 
 July 24th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Claflin, Geo. W. . 
 
 Sept. 28th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Clukey, Frank . 
 
 July 22d, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Cruss, Henry M. . 
 
 Nov. 3Oth, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Cutler, Chas. F. 
 
 Sept. 3d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Constintine, S. 
 
 Oct. I4th, 1864 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
 Duey, John 
 
 Oct. I4th, 1864 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
 Durham, Chas. E. 
 
 Dec. 22d, 1864 
 
 At sea. 
 
 Flanders, John W. . 
 
 Sept. 23d, 1862 
 
 New Orleans. La. 
 
 Freeman, Daniel C. 
 
 Feb. 3d, 1865 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Fish. Elbridge . 
 
 Aug. 6th, 1865 
 
 Brownsville, Tex. 
 
 Fit/gerals, John . 
 
 Sept. ist, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Fish, Alonzo S. 
 
 Aug. 17th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans. La. 
 
 Fowler, Lucius S. 
 
 Oct. 6th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Greenleaf, Calvin W. 
 
 Sept. 28th, 1864 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
 Hatch, Pacol 
 
 Sept. 22d, 1864 
 
 Fort Pickens, Fla. 
 
 Hallack, Stephen W. 
 
 May 30th, 1865 
 
 Fort Gaines, Ala. 
 
 Heath,. Nathan C. 
 
 Aug. iSth, 1862 
 
 New Orleans. La. 
 
 Huston, Oscar A. 
 
 Oct. I3th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Kimbol, Lelon F. . 
 
 Sept. 8th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Morfett, Henry . 
 
 Nov. i4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Morfett, Russell . 
 
 May 5th, 1863 
 
 Camp Stoughton, Fla. 
 
 Murphy, Wm. . 
 
 Dec. Sth, 1862. 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Pollard, Riley H. . 
 
 Sept. 28th, 1865 
 
 Brownsville, Tex. 
 
LIST OF DEATHS. 
 
 219 
 
 NAME. 
 
 DATE OF DEATH. 
 
 INTERMENT. 
 
 Parmerter, Rufus N. 
 
 April i6th, 1864 
 
 Barrancas, Fla. 
 
 Ouimby, Wm. 
 
 Oct. i6th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Rich, John E. . 
 
 July iSth, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Shepard, Dension B. 
 
 "Nov. lyth, 1865 
 
 Fort Gaines, Ala. 
 
 Stowers, Charles 
 
 April loth, 1865 
 
 Mobile, Ala. 
 
 Steaphens, Stilman S. . 
 
 July iyth, 1862 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss. 
 
 Sulivin, John 
 
 Sept. 4th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Sturtivens, Wm. . . 
 
 May loth, 1863 
 
 Camp Stoughton,Fla. 
 
 Willey, Geo. W. 
 
 Nov. 2oth, 1862 
 
 At Sea. 
 
 Wade, Joshua 
 
 Aug. i2th, 1862 
 
 New Orleans, La. 
 
 Williams, Frank 
 
 Sept. I3th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Welch, John . 
 
 Oct. 7th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Wing, Geo. G. . 
 
 Oct. I4th, 1862 
 
 Carrolton, La. 
 
 Woodbery, Chas. E. 
 
 Dec. 2d, 1862 
 
 Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 Company A, .... 31 
 
 B, 43 
 
 C, 
 
 D, 
 E, 
 F, 
 
 H, 
 1, 
 
 K, 
 
 22 
 
 27 
 49 
 31 
 45 
 
 58 
 48 
 40 
 
 394 
 
 NOTE. The above list is not quite accurate. The total number of 
 deaths during the period amounted to 407 (see p, 120 supra). I think, 
 however, it can be made to correspond with the tabular statement by 
 adding the field and some line officers, who died or were killed, and 
 who are not mentioned in the above list, and also adding one death 
 from A Company in 1866, 
 
 W. C. H. 
 
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