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THE LIFE AND CAREER 
 
 OF 
 
 MAJOR JOHN ANDRE. 
 
Si 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE AND CAREER 
 
 MAJOR JOHN ANDRE? 
 
 ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA. 
 
 BY WINTHROP SARGENT. 
 
 Truth, naked, unblushing truth, the first virtue of more serious history, must 
 be the sole recommendation of this personal history. Gibbon, Autobiography. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 TICKNOR AND FIELDS 
 
 M DCCC LXI. 
 

 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year I860, by 
 
 WINTHROP SARGENT, 
 in the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts 
 
 RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: 
 STT.HEOTYPED AND PRINTED BY il. 0. HOUGHTON. 
 
TO 1HE 
 
 HONORABLE JARED SPARKS, 
 
 AS A MEMORIAL OF 
 PUBLIC ADMIRATION AND PERSONAL FRIENDSHIP, 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 IS -RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE romantic nature of the circumstances which 
 connect the name of Major Andr with the history of 
 our Revolution induced me some time ago to inquire 
 more closely into the details of a character that seems 
 to have inspired so warm an interest in the minds of 
 all who have had occasion to observe it. In this un 
 dertaking, I am free to confess that my success in 
 obtaining information has been commensurate neither 
 with my labors nor desires. No pains indeed were 
 spared to procure intelligence concerning Andr him 
 self. Every repository that could be heard of was 
 examined ; and the old-world tales of those who 
 "mumble their wisdom o er the gossip s bowl" have 
 been carefully gathered and sifted. Thus, much curi 
 ous matter more or less relevant to his story has been 
 brought together from one quarter or another ; and 
 by joining what has hitherto scarcely been known at 
 all with what every one knows, something like a con 
 nected sketch of his career has been compiled. Sev 
 eral of the manuscript authorities that I have made 
 use of (such as the Notes of Sir Henry Clinton on 
 a copy of Stedman s American War, and the origi- 
 
VHi PREFACE. 
 
 nal Journals and papers of members of either party 
 in our Revolution) appeared to me to possess no light 
 value, and I thought it well to take advantage of an 
 opportunity to set their contents before the world ere 
 the documents themselves should perish ; for, as honest 
 old Aubrey says u tis pitie that they should fall 
 into the merciless hands of women, and be put under 
 pies." This consideration may perhaps apologize for 
 the insertion of more than one paragraph whose direct 
 connection with the subject of this volume might not 
 otherwise be very manifest. With these acquisitions, 
 however, in hand, and with such sketches of the 
 political and social condition of affairs during the 
 period as naturally followed the thread of the story, 
 the preparation of the following pages gave me a very 
 pleasant employment for some leisure country weeks. 
 Whether they will prove as easy in the reading as 
 they were in the writing is another question. If I 
 have not entirely pursued the plan commemorated by 
 Miguel Cervantes, and eked out my task with profuse 
 histories of every giant or river which crosses its path, 
 I have at least avoided pestering the reader with a 
 myriad of references and authorities. There are in 
 deed vouchers for the facts put forward : but to drag 
 them all in on every occasion great or small, would 
 too much cumber my text. As it is, I fear that the 
 critical reader will find the book amenable to the 
 censure of the nobleman in Guzman D Alfarache, 
 who, having ordered a picture of his horse, com- 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 plained that though indeed his steed was faithfully 
 enough drawn, the canvas was so loaded with other 
 objects temples, trees, and the setting sun that 
 poor Bavieca was the least prominent part of the 
 production. This is a fault of which no one is more 
 conscious than myself; yet there is room for a hope 
 that it may still find pardon, since many of the pas 
 sages which are not immediately personal to Andre 
 himself are nevertheless more or less involved with 
 the mighty events in which he was concerned, and 
 often are compiled from sources hitherto unexplored. 
 For access to many of these I am especially indebted 
 to the kindness of Mr. Sparks, Mr. Bancroft, and 
 Mr. John Carter Brown, whose American library is 
 the most admirable collection of the kind that I have 
 ever seen in private hands. To Mr. Tefft of Sa 
 vannah, Mr. Cope, Mr. Townsend Ward, and Mr. 
 Penington of Philadelphia, and to several others, I 
 am under obligations for valuable aid and friendly 
 suggestions. 
 
 The map that accompanies this volume is engraved 
 from a number of original military drawings by Ville- 
 franche and other engineers, and preserved by Major 
 Sargent of the American Army, who was stationed at 
 West Point as aide to General Howe until that of 
 ficer was relieved by Arnold. 
 
 WINTHROP SARGENT. 
 
 Adams County, Mississippi. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Andre s Parentage, Birth, and Early Life. Nicholas St. Andre". 
 Miss Seward. His Courtship. Letters to Miss Seward, . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 Failure of Andrews Courtship. Richard Lovell Edgeworth. Thomas 
 Day. Marriage and Death of Miss Sneyd, 29 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Andre* joins the Army. Visits Germany. Condition of the Service. 
 He comes to America. State of American Affairs, . . .39 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Political Condition of Massachusetts in 1774. State of Affairs at Bos 
 ton, 57 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Condition of Canada in 1775. Operations on Lake Champlain and 
 the Sorel. Fall of Fort St. John, and Capture of Andre", . . 71 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Andrews Captivity. Detained in Pennsylvania. Treatment of Pris 
 oners. Andre s Relations with the Americans. His Letters to 
 Mr. Cope. Exchange and Promotion. Sir Charles Grey. Sir 
 Henry Clinton and the Operations on the Hudson, . H3 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The British embark for Philadelphia. Brandywine, the Paoli, and 
 Germantown. Andre s Humanity. Occupation and Fortification 
 of Philadelphia. Character of the City in 1777, . . . .106 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Affairs at Philadelphia. Disorders and Discontents. Fall of Red 
 Bank. Andre" follows Grey with Howe to Whitemarsh. Charac 
 ter of Sir William Howe, ......... 123 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The British Army in Philadelphia. Features of the Occupation. 
 Sir William Erskine. Abercrombie. Simcoe. Lord Cathcart. 
 Tarleton. Andre s Social Relations in the City. Verses composed 
 by him. Amateur Theatricals. Misconduct of the Royal Arms. 
 The Mischianza. Andre s Account of it. Howe removed from 
 the Command, 143 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Evacuation of Philadelphia. Battle of Monmouth. D Estaing s Ar 
 rival. Andre" accompanies Grey against New Bedford. His Sa 
 tirical Verses on the Investment of Newport. Aide to Clinton. 
 Character of this General. Andrews Verses upon an American Duel, 182 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 New York in 1778. Andre s Political Essay. His Favor with Clin 
 ton. Receives the Surrender of Fort La Fayette. Letter to Mrs. 
 Arnold. Commencement of Arnold s Intrigue. Appointed Deputy 
 Adjutant-General. Siege of Charleston. Letter to Savannah. 
 Accused of entering Charleston as a Spy, 200 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Clinton returns to New York. Proposed Attack on Rochambeau. 
 Plans for a Loyal Uprising. Anecdotes of Andre. The Cow-Chase, 230 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Progress of Arnold s Treason. Condition of American Affairs in 1780. 
 Plans for Surrendering West Point. Letters between Andn- and 
 Arnold. An Interview Concerted. Andre s Last Hours in Ne\v 
 York, 2-"0 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 CHAPTER XIY. 
 
 Robinson sent to Communicate with Arnold. Correspondence. An 
 dre* goes to the Vulture. Correspondence with Clinton and Arnold. 
 Joshua Hett Smith selected as Arnold s Messenger, . . . 269 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Andre" leaves the Vulture. Interview with Arnold and its Results. 2So 
 Plans for Return. Sets out with Smith by Land, .... 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Andre s Journey. Westchester County. Skinners and Cow-boys. 
 Andrews Capture. Various Accounts of its Circumstances, . 302 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Andre a Prisoner in our Lines. Intercourse with American Officers. 
 Letters to Washington. Arnold s Escape, 321 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Andre" brought to West Point. Sent to Tappaan. His Case sub 
 mitted to a Court of Enquiry. Its Decision approved by Washing 
 ton, 336 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Andre s Deportment after the Death -Warrant. Letters to Clinton, 
 and between Washington and the British Generals. Plans for sub 
 stituting Arnold for Andre*. The Execution delayed, . . . 357 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Expedients of the British to procure Andrews Liberation. Their Fail 
 ure. Correspondence in the Case, ....... 373 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Andre* applies to be Shot. His Request denied. He is hanged. 
 Various Accounts of the Execution. Honors bestowed on his Mem 
 ory. His Remains removed to Westminster Abbey, . . . 390 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Considerations upon the Justice of Andrews Sentence. Conflicting 
 Opinions. Character of our Generals. Reflections on Andre s 
 Fate, 413 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. Benedict Arnold, ...... . 447 
 
 No. II. The Captors, .461 
 
 No. III. Verses connected with Andrews Execution, .... 464 
 
 No. IV. Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge to General Heath, . . . 469 
 
/fs^/tv) 
 
 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Andres Parentage, Birth, and Early Life. Nicholas St. Andre. Miss 
 Seward. His Courtship. Letters to Miss Seward. 
 
 ACCORDING to Debrett, Burke, and other genealogical 
 authorities, John Andre was descended from a French 
 refugee family, settled in England, at Southampton, in the 
 county of Hants ; but whether this descent was by the pater 
 nal or the maternal line, does not appear. His mother, whose 
 family name was Girardot, though of French parentage, was 
 born at London. His father was a native of Geneva in 
 Switzerland ; but it would seem that a very considerable 
 portion of his life must have been passed in London, where 
 he carried on an extensive business in the Levant trade, and 
 where also, in 1780, several of his brothers had their abode. 
 Of these, Dr. Andree, of Hatton Gardens, was apparently 
 the only one who preserved what is said to have been an 
 earlier method of spelling the family name. 
 
 Notwithstanding the establishment of a part of the Andre 
 family in England, its connections upon the continent would 
 appear to have been the most numerous and the most per 
 manent. Indeed, the name is not an uncommon one, and 
 the biographical dictionaries supply a numerous list of 
 persons bearing it, and distinguished in various lines. Of 
 course it is impossible to trace any relationship between the 
 majority of these and the subject of this memoir. During 
 
LIT^E ,OF MA JOB ANDRlL 
 
 her sojourn at Naples, riot long after Major Andre s death, 
 Mrs. Piozzi relates that she became acquainted with " the 
 Swedish minister, Monsieur Andre, uncle to the lamented 
 officer who perished in our sovereign s service in America : " 
 but the only result of recent inquiries, set on foot in Sweden 
 and carried as far as the isle of Gottland, in the Baltic, is to 
 discredit her assertion. There exist, indeed, in that kingdom, 
 the families of Andre and Andree, which have given to the 
 state men of high official rank ; yet there is no reason to 
 suppose that Major Andre was of the same blood. Turning 
 to Germany, however, we are more successful. Branches 
 of the stock from which he sprung have long been seated 
 at Frankfort-on-the-Maine and at Offenbach ; some of the 
 members of which are very well known to the world as 
 publishers and editors of numerous musical works, and es 
 pecially of Mozart s. The most celebrated of these was 
 Johann Andre, author of the opera of The Potter, who w r as 
 born at Offenbach in 1741, and who died in 1799. 
 
 Though as yet opportunity is wanting to verify the suppo 
 sition, there is strong reason to believe that a near connec 
 tion existed between the immediate family of Major Andre 
 and the once celebrated Nicholas St. Andre of Southampton ; 
 a character whose career is scarcely to be paralleled even 
 in the pages of Gil Bias. This person came over to England, 
 from his native Switzerland, at a very early age, and, prob 
 ably, towards the close of the seventeenth century. By his 
 own account, his origin was perfectly respectable, and even 
 distinguished ; and in his later days he would assert that by 
 right he was possessed of a title. Yet he arrived in Eng 
 land in the. train of a Jewish family, and, it is said, in a 
 menial position. H was related to a famous dancing-mas 
 ter of the same name who is mentioned in Dryden s Mac 
 Elecknoe, published in 1682: 
 
 " St. Andre s feet ne er kept more equal time; " 
 and was himself originally destined for a fencing or a danc- 
 
NICHOLAS ST. AXDR. 3 
 
 ing master. His knowledge of the French tongue extended 
 to all the provincial dialects, and it is conjectured that he 
 was, for a time, a teacher of that language ; his sister cer 
 tainly followed this occupation at a Chelsea boarding-school. 
 But being early placed with a surgeon, he rapidly acquired 
 such a considerable, though perhaps superficial, knowledge in 
 that science, that he soon rose to a conspicuous position, and 
 was among the first to deliver public lectures upon surgery. 
 To an invincible assurance he united such a variety of ac 
 complishments that we need not wonder at his receiving the 
 appointment of Anatomist to the Royal Household, and being 
 presented by George I. with the King s own sword. He was 
 singularly expert not only in manly exercises, such as fenc 
 ing, running, jumping, or riding the great horse, but also in 
 pursuits that involve the employment of mental ingenuity. 
 At chess he was an adept ; and his pretensions in botany, 
 architecture, and music, were very respectable. Indeed, his 
 skill with the viol de gambo was something remarkable. In 
 1723, he printed an account of a mysterious adventure that 
 had nearly cost him his life. His story made a great sensa 
 tion at the time, and the Privy Council offered a reward for 
 the detection of his assailants ; but it has not always encoun 
 tered implicit confidence. A little later, however, he became 
 involved in another affair by which his professional reputa 
 tion was hopelessly damaged. It seems that when the im 
 postor Mary Tofts, the rabbit-breeder of Godalming, came 
 forth with her wonderful tale, St. Andre was among the 
 readiest of her believers. He professed to have examined 
 carefully into the matter, and that the story she told was en 
 tirely faithful. It is difficult at this day to rightly estimate 
 the credulity of the English people on that occasion. High 
 and low were infected with the absurd conviction that the 
 race of rabbits were of the children of men. " The public 
 horror was so great that the rent of rabbit-warrens sank to 
 nothing ; and nobody, till the delusion was over, presumed 
 to eat a rabbit." The learned Whiston not only devoutly 
 
4 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR. 
 
 believed in the fable, but wrote a pamphlet to prove, in its 
 occurrence, the fulfilment of a prophecy in Esdras. In 
 short, as Lord Onslow wrote to the great naturalist, Sir 
 Hans Sloane, (Dec. 4, 1726,) all England was disturbed by 
 this story. But Queen Caroline having charged Dr. Ches- 
 elden to investigate the matter, the imposture was speedily 
 exposed, and they whose countenance had given it all its 
 weight were now visited with a full measure of public oppro 
 brium. Swift, and perhaps Arbuthnot, had already taken up 
 the pen against St. Andre, and now Hogarth seized on him. 
 In the print of Mary Tofts, he is introduced ; and in another 
 entitled The Wise Men of Godliman, the figure marked A 
 is designed for the court anatomist. Again, in the print of 
 The Doctors in Labor, he figures as a merry-andrew ; and 
 by a host of coarse caricatures and doggerel ballads his weak 
 ness was stigmatized and made yet more ridiculous. In De 
 cember, 1726, the affair was burlesqued upon the stage, a 
 new rabbit-scene being added to the play of The Necroman 
 cer ; and in 1727, the ballad of St. Andre s Miscarriage was 
 sung through the streets : 
 
 He dissected, compared, and distinguish d likewise, 
 The make of these rabbits, their growth and their size; 
 He preserv d them in spirits and a little too late, 
 Preserv d ( Vtrtue sculpslt) a neat copperplate." 
 
 The consequence was, that on his return to Court he was so 
 coldly treated that he would never reappear ; nor, though 
 continuing to hold his appointment till his death, would he 
 touch the official salary. A more amusing circumstance was 
 his testiness for the future upon the subject of rabbits ; abso 
 lutely forbidding any allusion, even to their name, being ever 
 again made in his presence. 
 
 On the 27th of May, 1730, St. Andre married Lady 
 Betty Molyneux, the childless widow of Samuel Molyneux, 
 M. P., who brought him, it was said, 30,000. The lady s 
 conduct was so imprudent that she was forthwith dismissed 
 by the Queen from her service. Mr. Molyneux was but re- 
 
NICHOLAS ST. ANDRE. 5 
 
 cently dead, and whispers named her as his murderer : nor 
 did her second husband escape a share of the imputation. 
 The Rev. Dr. Madden, of Dublin, however, having made 
 use of this scandal in a pamphlet, St. Andre at once prose 
 cuted him successfully for defamation. But the accusation 
 has been immortalized by Pope, in the second dialogue of 
 the Epilogue to his Satires, where " the poisoning dame " is 
 brought into discussion. St. Andre had once the good for 
 tune to attend the poet when he was upset in Lord Boling- 
 broke s coach as it returned from Dawley. His fingers were 
 incurably wounded, and this being the nearest surgeon, was 
 called in.* About 1755, he took up his permanent abode at 
 Southampton. The greater part of the property that came 
 with Lady Betty passed on her death to Sir Capel Moly- 
 neux ; and St. Andre s expensive tastes dissipated much of 
 what remained. Architecture was one of his hobbies ; and 
 large sums were squandered on a house at Chepstow. About 
 a mile s distance from Southampton, he erected a thoroughly 
 inconvenient dwelling, which he called Belle- Yue, and boasted 
 it as constructed " on the true principles of anatomy." He 
 had, however, another dwelling within the town, with a large 
 and valuable library; and here he died in March, 1776, 
 being then upwards of ninety-six years of age. 
 
 St. Andre is represented as having been loose in religion 
 and in morals ; of a vivacious and agreeable manner in con 
 versation ; his speech abounding in foreign idioms ; his coun 
 tenance fierce and muscular. In earlier life his manners 
 must have been polite and graceful, from the social positions 
 to which he rose ; but Nichols, who wrote of him after death, 
 and who characterizes him as " a profligate man of an amo- 
 
 * St. Andre" is also, truly or falsely, reported as having had a share in 
 a strange rencontre between the Earl of Peterborough and his guest, the 
 famous Voltaire, on occasion of the detection of the latter in a piece of 
 pecuniary dishonesty. The earl would have slain him but for the presence 
 of St. Andre, who held him tightly while Voltaire fled not only from the 
 house, but from the kingdom. Gent. Mag., 1797. 
 
G LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 rous constitution," declares that " no man will be hardy enough 
 to assert that the figure, manners, and language of St. Andre 
 were those of a gentleman." 
 
 Such was the character with whom, as has already been 
 observed, John Andre was probably nearly allied by blood 
 as well as by name ; though why the latter was altered to 
 Andre or Andree, we do not know. It is not likely that any 
 of the lineage now reside in England. About 1820 or 1825, 
 when a young French gentleman, M. Ernest Andre, came 
 over from Paris on a visit to the surviving sisters of Major 
 Andre, he was declared by those ladies to be their nearest 
 living relative. 
 
 Where John Andre was born, cannot with certainty be 
 stated. It may have occurred at London, where his father, 
 after the fashion of those days, had long had his dwelling and 
 his place of business under one roof, in Warnford Court, 
 Throgmorton Street. Or it may have been at Southampton, 
 since in 1780 we find his mother, then a widow and chiefly 
 residing with her brother, Mr. Girardot, in Old Broad Street, 
 London, yet still possessing a house there. We are able to 
 fix the date of his birth with more accuracy ; although, even 
 on this head, the contemporaneous accounts are conflicting : 
 one pointing to the year 1749, and another to 1752 ; while 
 Rose puts it at London, in 1750. But the monumental inscrip 
 tion in Westminster Abbey that says " he fell a sacrifice to 
 his zeal for his king and country, on the 2d of October, 1780, 
 aged twenty-nine," and which is followed by Lord Mahon, is 
 borne out by a letter of Andre s own, written in October, 
 1769, in which he speaks of himself as "a poor novice of 
 eighteen." Hence we may fairly ascribe the period of his 
 birth to the year 1751. 
 
 The very little that is known respecting Andre s earlier 
 years, renders it proper to be particular in presenting to the 
 reader such details, naked though they be, as can now be 
 laid hold of; and even these do not always agree, as they 
 come to us from his contemporaries. One story gives West- 
 
EARLY LIF. 7 
 
 minster as the scene of his education, and with a particular 
 ity that brings to mind the circumstantial evidence of Sheri 
 dan s double-letter scene, even fixes the date " near the latter 
 end of Dr. Markham s time, now Archbishop of York." In 
 this case, he might have had for school-mates Thomas and 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, so renowned afterwards in 
 the service of their country in the war that cost Andre his 
 life ; while for a master he would have had a man whom 
 Gibbon distinguished, among the whole bench of English 
 bishops, for eminent scholarship and skill in the instruction 
 of youth. This was the prelate, too, whose feelings towards 
 insurgent America are thus alluded to by Lord John Towns- 
 hend: 
 
 " To Cramner s stake be Adams ty d ; 
 Mild Markham preaching by his side 
 
 The traitor s heart will gain : 
 For if he sees the blaze expire, 
 Locke s works he 11 fling to wake the fire, 
 
 And put him out of pain." 
 
 Another account, however, says that he was first placed at 
 Hackney, under a Mr. Newcombe ; whence he was after a 
 time withdrawn, and sent for several years to Geneva to com 
 plete his education. It may be that both of these stories are 
 correct ; that from Hackney he went to St. Paul s, and thence 
 to Geneva ; but wherever he was taught, his acquirements 
 were such as to reflect honor alike on the teacher and the 
 pupil. He was master of many things that in those days 
 very rarely constituted a part of a gentleman s education, 
 and which, indeed, even in these are to be found rather in 
 exceptions than the rule. The modern European languages 
 French, German, Italian, &c. are said to have been 
 possessed by him in singular perfection ; while in music, 
 painting, drawing, and dancing, he particularly excelled. 
 When we consider that with these accomplishments was 
 joined a nature always ambitious of distinction, a mind 
 stored with the belles lettres of the day, and endowed not 
 only with a taste for poetry, but with considerable readiness in 
 
8 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDli. 
 
 its composition ; and a person which, though slender, was re 
 markably active and graceful, we need not wonder that his 
 attractions were such as to win the favor of all with whom 
 he came in contact. At the university of Geneva, he was 
 remarked for a diligent student, and for an active and in 
 quiring mind ; and in especial was distinguished by his 
 proficiency in the schools of mathematics and of military 
 drawings. To his skill in this last branch, his subsequent 
 rapid advancement in the army was in great part attrib 
 utable. 
 
 Andre s father was a respectable merchant, whose success 
 had been sufficiently great to convince him that his own pro 
 fession was the very best his son could embrace ; yet not suf 
 ficient to enable him to give that son a fortune which would 
 permit him to follow the bent of his own inclinations. In 
 this relation, it would seem as though the old gentleman had 
 pursued very much the same course as that adopted by the 
 elder Osbaldistone, in Rob Roy ; and to a certain extent the 
 consequences weje alike. Summoned home from the conti 
 nent, young Andre found a place assigned him in his father s 
 counting-house, where for some time he appears to have 
 undergone that training which it was hoped and expected 
 would enable him to carry on successfully the business that 
 had already afforded a competency to its founder. For, in 
 the process of time, his father had found himself in condition 
 to withdraw from at least the more laborious cares of his af 
 fairs, and, abandoning the residence in Throgmorton Street, 
 had removed his household to a country-seat at Clapton, 
 called The Manor House. This building, now used for a 
 school, is still standing opposite to Brook House, Clapton 
 Gate ; and the graves of several of its former occupants are 
 to be seen in Hackney churchyard, hard by the old tower. 
 
 Although at this stage in his career there is no evidence 
 that John Andre s conduct was that of 
 
 " A clerk condemned his father s soul to cross, 
 Who penned a stanza when he should engross;" 
 
EAKLY LIF& 9 
 
 yet we may fairly infer, from his own language, that the com 
 mercial line of life chalked out for him was less to his taste 
 than the profession of arms ; that, like young Frank Osbald- 
 istone, in preference to any other active pursuit, he would 
 choose the army ; and that the desk and stool " by a small coal- 
 fire in a gloomy compting-house in Warnford Court," would 
 have been joyfully exchanged for the sash and gorget, and 
 any barrack-yard in the United Kingdom. The bent of his 
 studies at Geneva must have satisfied his judgment as to the 
 sphere in which he was best calculated to attain success. 
 But his years were too few to enable him to oppose his 
 father s wishes ; and in 1767 or 1768, when about sixteen or 
 seventeen years of age, he entered the counting-house. Nor 
 did the death of his father, which occurred at the house in 
 Clapton, in April, 1769, make at the time any material dif 
 ference in the nature of his avocations. 
 
 What family was left by the elder Andre can only be 
 gathered from the fact that in 1780, besides his widow, there 
 still remained a second son, William Lewis, who was eight 
 years behind his brother ; and three daughters, Louisa Cath 
 erine, Mary Hannah, and Anne. The last is said to have 
 been distinguished for a poetical talent. In her Monody, 
 Miss Seward thus makes her hero address this little domestic 
 band on his departure for America : 
 
 " Dim clouds of Woe ! ye veil each sprightly grace 
 That us d to sparkle in MARIA S face. 
 My tuneful ANNA to her lute complains, 
 But Grief s fond throbs arrest the parting strains. 
 Fair as the silver blossom on the thorn, 
 Soft as the spirit of the vernal morn, 
 LOUISA, chase those trembling fears, that prove 
 Th ungovern d terror s of a sister s love ; 
 They bend thy sweet head, like yon lucid flow r 
 That shrinks and fades beneath the summer s show r. 
 Oh! smile, my sisters, on this destin d day, 
 And with the radiant omen gild my way ! 
 
 Of these sisters, Louisa Catherine was born about 1754, and 
 Mary Hannah about 1752, according to the inscriptions in 
 
10 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDEF.. 
 
 the churchyard at Bath- Hampton, where they are buried ; 
 the last of these two dates going far to fix that of Major 
 Andre s birth as of 1751. 
 
 In 1780 also there were yet living at London two brothers 
 of the elder Andre : Mr. David Andre* of New Broad Street, 
 and Mr. John Lewis Andre, of Warnford Court, Throgmorton 
 Street ; who were known to the community as respectable 
 Turkey merchants, and who doubtless still carried on at the 
 old place the business in which their brother had prospered 
 well, but which their nephews had declined. For it was not 
 John alone who renounced the ledger for the spontoon. Not 
 very long after he entered the army he was followed by his 
 only brother, whose years forbid the supposition that he could 
 ever have had any prolonged experience in the mysteries of 
 trade. 
 
 During some months after his father s death, John Andre 
 was probably sufficiently occupied with new and urgent cares, 
 to prevent his taking any active step towards freeing himself 
 from the chains of business. From circumstances we may 
 conclude that th*e summer of 1769 the year in which he 
 became the head of his mother s house - was passed by the 
 family at Buxton, Matlock, and other places in the interior 
 of England, whither it was customary for invalids, and per 
 sons whose health was impaired by affliction, to resort for re 
 lief and change of scene : and if it was not now that he first 
 became acquainted with Miss Seward, it is at least almost 
 certain that he formed with another lady a friendship that 
 left its coloring on the whole of his future life. 
 
 Anna Seward, the eulogist of Major Andre, was born at 
 Eyam, in Derbyshire, in 1747. The bishop s palace at 
 Lichfield, in which her father who was a canon of the 
 cathedral there resided, was the head-quarters of the lit 
 erary world of that region, and of the better classes of society 
 generally ; and we are told, by one well fitted to judge, that 
 at this period Miss Seward, by grace and beauty of person, 
 and by conversational skill, was amply qualified to maintain 
 
MISS SEWARD. 11 
 
 the attractions of the house. She was besides of an enthusi 
 astic, not to say romantic disposition, and not a little addicted 
 to the perpetration of a sort of poetry, " most of which," says 
 her friend and biographer, Sir Walter Scott, " is absolutely 
 execrable." With many virtues she appears to have pos 
 sessed a certain spice of that self-conceit which results from 
 an exaggerated opinion of one s own capacity, and in the 
 writings of her contemporaries occurs more than one sarcas 
 tic allusion, that savors rather of personal than of literary 
 animadversion. But between Andre and herself no other 
 feeling than of delicate and tender friendship seems ever to 
 have subsisted ; and the lines in which she bewailed his un 
 happy fate, were evidently the genuine expression of her sor 
 row and regret. 
 
 The character of the society at Lichfield has already been 
 referred to. The little circle that was accustomed to pay its 
 homage to Miss Seward and to receive her smiles and praises 
 in return, if not a constellation of the first magnitude, com 
 prised at least many names which in those days occupied a 
 respectable rank in the republic of letters. Foremost among 
 them was Dr. Darwin, the author of The Botanic Garden, 
 but, unless we except the lines 
 
 " Soon shall thy arm, unconquered steam, afar 
 Drag the slow barge, or drive the rapid car," 
 
 better known to this generation by Canning s sarcastic par 
 ody, The Loves of the Triangles, than by anything of his 
 own. Then follow Hayley, the author of the Triumphs of 
 Temper ; Sir Brooke Boothby ; Richard Lovell Edgeworth ; 
 the eccentric Thomas Day, whose story of Sandford and 
 Merton for a time rivalled even Robinson Crusoe in pop 
 ularity ; and others, either residents of Lichfield or sojourners 
 who had been attracted thither by " its good report." Thus 
 established the magnates of a provincial town sufficiently 
 remote from London to be beyond many of the terrors of its 
 superior authority, the cathedral critics of Lichfield lived, and 
 
12 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 wrote, and praised each other for great authors, and were we 
 may suppose as happy as this belief could make them. 
 
 A traveller in England, shortly after Major Andre s death, 
 relates that being in 1782 at Hagley, the seat of Earl Fer 
 rers and the scene of many of the younger Lyttleton s ex 
 traordinary exploits, he was assured by his lordship s brother- 
 in-law, Mr. Green, of Portugal House, Birmingham, that at 
 the very mansion they were then in he had introduced the 
 unfortunate Major Andre to Miss Seward, afterwards so well 
 known for her genius, her connection with Andre, and her 
 sorrows. We may presume that this introduction occurred 
 in the summer of 1769. 
 
 At this time the family of Mr. Thomas Seward comprised 
 not only his wife and his daughter Anna, but also a young 
 lady, Miss Flonora Sneyd, a daughter of Edward, the young 
 est son of Ralph Sneyd, Esq., of Bishton, in Staffordshire. 
 Mrs. Sneyd dying at an early period, the daughters were 
 kindly taken in charge by her friends and kindred, and the 
 care of Honora fell to the faithful hands of Mrs. Seward. 
 As nearer her own age, a greater intimacy than with Anna 
 naturally grew up between the orphan and Miss Sally Sew 
 ard, a younger sister ; but she dying when Honora was thir 
 teen, the latter was left to the immediate companionship of 
 the elder daughter, from whom she derived much of her 
 literary taste. In all respects, we are told, Miss Sneyd was 
 treated as one of Mrs. Seward s family, and it was impossible 
 to perceive that any discrimination was made by the mother 
 between her own and her adopted child. 
 
 " It was at Buxton or at Matlock," says Mr. Edgeworth, 
 " that Andre first met Honora Sneyd." Matlock Bath, about 
 two miles from the straggling little village of Matlock in 
 Derbyshire, was a favorite watering-place, where a pleasant 
 freedom of social intercourse is said to have then prevailed. 
 People coming together for the first time, and passing weeks 
 in the same house, were content to regard each other as 
 acquaintances and to have their enjoyments in common. 
 
COURTSHIP. 13 
 
 The spot itself is singularly picturesque, lying on the 
 side of the Masson Hill, to whose summit a path was con 
 trived through groves of fir-trees. On every hand, the eye 
 rests upon the lofty Tors, or hills of the region ; and the 
 Lovers Walk, by the river Derwent, was doubtless then as 
 it is now chosen for many a happy stroll. Buxton too was 
 celebrated for its medicinal wells, and was also in the Peak 
 of Derbyshire. Mr. Seward had a living in the Peak, 
 whither in his summer visits he was accompanied by his 
 daughter, and probably by others of his household, at all 
 events, it was at Buxton that the two families, from Lichfield 
 and from Clapton, were together in the summer of 1769, and 
 it was there that the young merchant of Warnford Court be 
 came so irretrievably enamored of a lady whose charms seem 
 by all accounts to have been sufficient to subdue less suscep 
 tible hearts than his own. A mezzotinto engraving after 
 Romney, which was esteemed by her friends as the perfect, 
 though unintentional resemblance of Honora Sneyd at a 
 period " when she was surrounded by all her virgin glories, 
 beauty and grace, sensibility and goodness, superior in 
 telligence and unswerving truth," conveys an idea of 
 charms that would justify the description of her at this 
 period by the man who should best be entitled to pronounce 
 a verdict. " Her memory," said her future husband, u was 
 not copiously stored with poetry ; and, though in no way de 
 ficient, her knowledge had not been much enlarged by books ; 
 but her sentiments were on all subjects so just, and were de 
 livered with such blushing modesty, though not without 
 an air of conscious worth, as to command attention from 
 every one capable of appreciating female excellence. Her 
 person was graceful, her features beautiful, and their expres 
 sion such as to heighten the eloquence of everything she 
 said." Blue eyes and golden hair were the inheritance of 
 the family ; but in her face there would seem to have 
 even now been visible some hectic trait some negative 
 symbol of that latent disorder, which at fifteen years had 
 
14 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 threatened her life, and by which it was finally to be con 
 cluded. 
 
 Such being Honora s graces, it is no wonder that Andre was 
 as heartily and as quickly impressed by them as many others 
 were doomed to be ; nor is it strange that he should speedily 
 have awakened a corresponding sentiment in the fair one s 
 breast. It is one of the most attractive features of his char 
 acter, that unlike many who are the life and idol of every 
 circle but their own, and are charming everywhere but at 
 home Andre was even more prized by his nearest fam 
 iliars than by the world without. The better he was known, 
 the better he was loved ; and the endearing appellation of 
 cher Jean, which was constantly bestowed upon him by his 
 family, soon found a place on the lips of his friends. A 
 glance at his portrait will go far to explain this secret of 
 inspiring attachment. His features, as delicate in their lines 
 and expression as those of a woman, at once reveal a tender 
 ness and a vivacity that could scarcely belong to a disposi 
 tion not originally possessed of a very considerable degree 
 of natural refinement. To what extent these characteristics 
 were developed and increased by cultivation will in time 
 appear. 
 
 It does not seem that the lovers at Buxton were long in 
 coming to an understanding. Miss Seward, both then and 
 afterwards, took a deep interest in the affair and looked with 
 the fullest favor on the suitor. An opportunity was soon 
 afforded for him to make his earliest essay at painting the 
 likeness of a human face, and two miniatures of Miss Sneyd 
 were the first fruits of his pencil. One of these appar 
 ently the least perfect he gave at the time to Miss Seward, 
 who retained it through her life : the other was, of course, 
 reserved by the artist for his own consolation, although the 
 favorable reception which his addresses had received on all 
 hands must have given him abundant reason to hope for the 
 ultimate possession of the beautiful original. It was not un 
 til they had reflected on the youth of both parties in respect 
 
COURTSHIP. 15 
 
 to wedlock, and the absence of present means to enable them 
 to be provided with such a maintenance as they had each 
 been brought up to anticipate, that the seniors looked coldly 
 on the affair. And even then, the most that was agreed 
 upon by Mrs. Andre and Mr. Sneyd, was that since an im 
 mediate marriage was out of the question, and a long en 
 gagement between two very young people, separated by a 
 distance of a hundred miles and more, was not desirable, it 
 was wiser that they should be kept apart as much as possible, 
 trusting that time would either wean them from their attach 
 ment, or bring the means of gratifying it. On these terms 
 the parting took place ; but it will be seen that, as might 
 have been expected under such circumstances, one if not 
 both of the lovers regarded it as anything but final. It even 
 seems, from the first of the letters presently to be given, that 
 Andre accompanied Miss Seward and Miss Sneyd on their 
 return to Lichfield; and by letters and by personal inter 
 views, an intercourse was kept up between them for some 
 months longer. 
 
 It was during the progress of his courtship at Buxton, that 
 Andre made known to his Lichfield friends his aversion to 
 commerce, and probably his desire for the army. The rep 
 resentations of Miss Seward that it was so much for his 
 interest in every way to adhere steadily to his present em 
 ployment, and above all that it was the only means by which 
 he could procure the wealth necessary to secure his union 
 with Miss Sneyd, prevailed upon him for a season to stick to 
 the desk. " When an impertinent consciousness," he says, 
 " whispers in my ear, that I am not of the right stuff for a 
 merchant, I draw my Honora s picture from my bosom, and 
 the sight of that dear talisman so inspirits my industry, that 
 no toil appears oppressive." The reader may compare with 
 some interest this confession with the sentiments, uttered at 
 the same period, of another young occupant of a stool in a 
 counting-house, whose career was destined to cross Andre s 
 in the most interesting period of his life. "I contemn," 
 
16 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 wrote Alexander Hamilton, in 17G9, "the grovelling condi 
 tion of a desk, to which ray fortune condemns me, and would 
 willingly risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my 
 station ; I mean to prepare the way for futurity." 
 
 Before Andre parted from " the dear Lichfieldians," to 
 return to Clapton and his daily avocations in Throgmorton 
 Street, a correspondence appears to have been arranged be 
 tween Miss Seward and himself, the burden of which, as 
 may well be guessed, was to be Honora. His epistles, which 
 sometimes covered letters to Miss Sneyd, were evidently de 
 signed to pass from the hands of his fair correspondent to 
 those of her adopted sister ; while in return he should re 
 ceive every intelligence of the young lady s movements and 
 welfare, and occasionally a postscript from her own pen. 
 There was nothing clandestine in this arrangement, little 
 indeed as it may have accorded with the plans of the parents 
 of the lovers. Miss Sneyd s conduct throughout, seems to 
 have been ingenuous and discreet ; while Andre availed him 
 self of a fair and friendly means of obtaining that informa 
 tion which was naturally so desirable to one in his position. 
 His letters were often adorned with hasty pen or pencil 
 sketches of such objects of interest as were germain to the 
 text, and the specimens which follow give ample proof, as 
 Miss Seward justly observes, of his wit and vivacity. " His 
 epistolary writings," says Mr. Sparks, " so far as specimens 
 of them have been preserved, show a delicacy of sentiment, 
 a playfulness of imagination, and an ease of style, which 
 could proceed only from native refinement and a high degree 
 of culture." " The best means, next to biography written by 
 the person himself, of obtaining an insight into his character, 
 is afforded," remarks Maria Edgeworth, " by his private let 
 ters." There is sufficient excuse in their own contents for 
 here presenting those of Andre to Miss Seward ; but the 
 reason suggested by Miss Edgeworth affords an additional 
 motive. It will be observed that he addresses the lady as 
 his Julia ; for no other cause that can be guessed at but that 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWAED. 17 
 
 her real name was Anna. But such tricks of the pen were 
 then counted among the delicacies of a sentimental corre 
 spondence ; as is pleasantly described in L Amie Inconnue. 
 
 The journey to Shrewsbury, alluded to below, was made 
 to visit Elizabeth, Mr. Sneyd s fifth daughter, who had been 
 brought up by and resided with her relatives, Mr. and Mrs. 
 Henry Powys of the Abbey. The letters themselves were 
 first printed in connection with Miss Seward s Monody upon 
 their writer. 
 
 MR. ANDRE TO MISS SEWARD. 
 
 CLAPTON, Oct. 3, 1769. 
 
 From their agreeable excursion to Shrewsbury, my dear 
 est friends are by this time returned to their beloved Lich- 
 field. Once again have they beheld those fortunate spires, 
 the constant witnesses of all their pains and pleasures. I 
 can well conceive the emotions of joy which their first ap 
 pearance, from the neighboring hills, excites after absence ; 
 they seem to welcome you home, and invite you to reiterate 
 those hours of happiness, of which they are a species of 
 monument. I shall have an eternal love and reverence for 
 them. Never shall I forget the joy that danced in Honora s 
 eyes, when she first shewed them to me from Needwood For 
 est, on our return with you from Buxton to Lichfield. I re 
 member she called them the ladies of the valley, their light 
 ness and elegance deserve the title. Oh ! how I loved them 
 from that instant ! My enthusiasm concerning them is carried 
 farther even than your s and Honora s, for every object that 
 has a pyramidical form, recalls them to my recollection, with 
 a sensation that brings the tear of pleasure into my eyes. 
 
 How happy you must have been at Shrewsbury! only 
 that you tell me, alas ! that dear Honora was not so well as 
 you wished during your stay there. I always hope the best. 
 My impatient spirit rejects every obtruding idea, which I 
 have not fortitude to support. Dr. Darwin s skill, and your 
 
18 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDEF.. 
 
 tender care, will remove that sad pain in her side, which 
 makes writing troublesome and injurious to her ; which robs 
 her poor Cher Jean of those precious pages, with which, he 
 flatters himself, she would otherwise have indulged him. 
 
 So your happiness at Shrewsbury scorned to be indebted 
 to public amusements ? Five Virgins united in the soft 
 bonds of friendship ! How I should have liked to have made 
 the sixth ! But you surprise me by such an absolute exclu 
 sion of the Beaux : I certainly thought that when five 
 wise virgins were watching at midnight it must have been in 
 expectation of the bridegroom s coming. 
 
 We are at this instant five virgins, writing round the same 
 table my three sisters, Mr. Ewer, and myself. I beg no 
 reflections injurious to the honor of poor Cher Jean. My 
 mother is gone to pay a visit, and has left us in possession 
 of the old coach ; but as for nags, we can boast of only two 
 long-tails, and my sisters say they are sorry cattle, being no 
 other than my friend Ewer arid myself, who, to say truth, 
 have enormous pig-tails. 
 
 My dear Boissier is come to town ; he has brought a little 
 of the soldier with him, but he is the same honest, warm, in 
 telligent friend I always found him. He sacrifices the town 
 diversions, since I will not partake of them. 
 
 We are jealous of your correspondents, who are so nu 
 merous. Yet, write to the Andres often, my dear Julia, 
 for who are they that will value your letters quite so much 
 as we value them ? The least scrap of a letter will be 
 received with the greatest joy ; write, therefore, tho it were 
 only to give us the comfort of having a piece of paper 
 which has recently passed thro your hands ; Honora will 
 put in a little postscript, were it only to tell me that she 
 is my very sincere friend, who will neither give me love 
 nor comfort very short indeed, Honora, was thy last post 
 script ! But I am too presumptuous ; I will not scratch 
 out, but I ?msay from the little there was I received 
 more joy than I deserve. This Cher Jean is an imper- 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 19 
 
 tinent fellow, but he will grow discreet in time ; you 
 must consider him as a poor novice of eighteen, who for all 
 the sins he may commit is sufficiently punished in the single 
 evil of being one hundred and twenty miles from Lichfield. 
 
 My mother and sisters will go to Putney in a few days to 
 stay some time ; we none of us like Clapton : 1 need 
 not care, for I am all day long in town ; but it is avoiding 
 Scylla to fall into Charybdis. You paint to me the pleasant 
 vale of Stow in the richest autumnal coloring. In return, I 
 must tell you that my zephyrs are wafted through cracks in 
 the wainscot ; for murmuring streams, I have dirty kennels ; 
 for bleating flocks, grunting pigs ; and squalling cats for birds 
 that incessantly warble. I have said something of this sort 
 in my letter to Miss Spearman, and am twinged with the 
 idea of these letters being confronted, and that I shall recall 
 to your memory the fat Knight s love-letters to Mrs. Ford 
 and Mrs. Page. 
 
 Julia, perhaps thou fanciest I am merry. Alas ! But I 
 do not wish to make you as doleful as myself; and besides, 
 when I would express the tender feelings of my soul, I have 
 no language which does them any justice ; if I had, I should 
 regret that you could not have it fresher, and that whatever 
 one communicates by letter must go such a roundabout way, 
 before it reaches one s correspondent : from the writer s heart 
 through his head, arm, hand, pen, ink, paper, over many a 
 weary hill and dale, to the eye, head, and heart of the reader. 
 I have often regretted our not possessing a sort of faculty 
 which should enable our sensations, remarks, &c., to arise 
 from their source in a sort of exhalation, and fall upon our 
 paper in words and phrases properly adapted to express 
 them, without passing through an imagination whose opera 
 tions so often fail to second those of the heart. Then what 
 a metamorphose we should see in. people s style ! How elo 
 quent those who are truly attached ! how stupid they who 
 falsely profess affection ! Perhaps the former had never been 
 able to express half their regard ; while the latter, by their 
 
20 LIFE OF MAJOR ANPRF,. 
 
 flowers of rhetoric, had made us believe a thousand times 
 more than they ever felt but this is whimsical moralizing. 
 
 My sisters Penserosos were dispersed on their arrival in 
 town, by the joy of seeing Louisa and their dear little 
 Brother Billy again, our kind and excellent Uncle Girardot, 
 and Uncle Lewis Andre. I was glad to see them, but they 
 complained, not without reason, of the gloom upon my coun 
 tenance. Billy wept for joy that we were returned, while 
 poor Cher Jean was ready to weep for sorrow. Louisa is 
 grown still handsomer since we left her. Our sisters Mary 
 and Anne, knowing your partiality to beauty, are afraid that 
 when they shall introduce her to you, she will put their noses 
 out of joint. Billy is not old enough for me to be afraid of 
 in the rival-way, else I should keep him aloof, for his heart 
 is formed of those affectionate materials, so dear to the ingen 
 uous taste of Julia and her Honora. 
 
 I sympathize in your resentment against the canonical 
 Dons, who stumpify the heads of those good green people, 
 beneath whose friendly shade so many of your happiest 
 hours have glided away, but they defy them ; let them 
 stumpify as much as they please, time will repair the mis 
 chief, their verdant arms will again extend, and invite you 
 to their shelter. 
 
 The evenings grow long. I hope your conversation round 
 the fire will sometimes fall on the Andres ; it will be a great 
 comfort to them that they are remembered. We chink our 
 glasses to your healths at every meal. " Here s to our 
 Lichfieldian friends," says Nanny ; " Oh-h," says Mary ; 
 
 With all my soul," say I ; " Allons," cries my mother ; 
 
 and the draught seems nectar. The libation made, we 
 begin our uncloying themes, and so beguile the gloomy 
 evening. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Seward will accept my most affectionate 
 respects. My male friend at Lichfield will join in your 
 conversation on the Andres. Among the numerous good 
 qualities he is possessed of, he certainly has gratitude, and 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 21 
 
 then he cannot forget those who so sincerely love and esteem 
 him. I, in particular, shall always recall with pleasure the 
 happy hours I have passed in his company. My friendship 
 for him, and for your family, has diffused itself, like the pre 
 cious ointment from Aaron s beard, on every thing which sur 
 rounds you, therefore I beg that you would give my amities 
 to the whole town. Persuade Honora to forgive the length 
 and ardor of the enclosed, and believe me truly your affec 
 tionate and faithful friend, J. ANDRE. 
 
 Mr. Peter Boissier, of the llth Dragoons, and Mr. Wal 
 ter Ewer, Jr., of Dyer s Court, Aldermanbury, (a son, it is 
 said, of William Ewer, Esq., in 1778 a director of the Bank 
 of England,) who are mentioned in the preceding letter, 
 were valued friends of Andre s, and are affectionately re 
 membered in his will. 
 
 MR. ANDRE TO MISS SEWARD. 
 
 LONDON, Oct. 19, 1769. 
 
 From the midst of books, papers, bills, and other imple 
 ments of gain, let me lift up my drowsy head awhile to 
 converse with dear Julia. And first, as I know she has a 
 fervent wish to see me a quill-driver, I must tell her, that I 
 begin, as people are wont to do, to look upon my future 
 profession with great partiality. I no longer see it in so 
 disadvantageous a light. Instead of figuring a merchant as 
 a middle-aged man, with a bob-wig, a rough beard, in snuff- 
 colored clothes, grasping a guinea in his red hand, I con 
 ceive a comely young man, with a tolerable pig-tail, wielding 
 a pen with all the noble fierceness of the Duke of Marlbor- 
 ough brandishing a truncheon upon a sign-post, surrounded 
 with types and emblems, and canopied with cornucopias that 
 disembogue their stores upon his head ; Mercuries reclined 
 upon bales of goods ; Genii playing with pens, ink, and pa 
 per ; while, in perspective, his gorgeous vessels, " launched on 
 
22 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 the bosom of the silver Thames," are wafting to distant lands 
 the produce of this commercial nation. Thus all the mercan 
 tile glories croud on my fancy, emblazoned in the most reful 
 gent colouring of an ardent imagination. Borne on her soar 
 ing pinions I wing my flight to the time when Heaven shall 
 have crowned my labors with success and opulence. I see 
 sumptuous palaces rising to receive me ; I see orphans and 
 widows, and painters, and fiddlers, and poets, and builders, 
 protected and encouraged ; and when the fabric is pretty 
 nearly finished by my shattered pericranium, I cast my eyes 
 around, and find John Andre, by a small coal-fire, in a 
 gloomy compting-house in Warnford Court, nothing so little 
 as what he has been making himself, and, in all probability, 
 never to be much more than he is at present. But oh ! my 
 dear Honora ! it is for thy sake only I wish for wealth. 
 You say she was somewhat better at the time you wrote last. 
 I must flatter myself that she will soon be without any re 
 mains of this threatening disease. 
 
 It is seven o clock : you and Honora, with two or three 
 more select friends, are now probably encircling your dress 
 ing-room fireplace. What would I not give to enlarge that 
 circle ! The idea of a clean hearth, and a snug circle round 
 it, formed by a few select friends, transports me. You seem 
 combined together against the inclemency of the weather, 
 the hurry, bustle, ceremony, censoriousness, and envy of the 
 world. The purity, the warmth, the kindly influence of fire 
 to all for whom it is kindled is a good emblem of the 
 friendship of such amiable minds as Julia s and her Honora s. 
 Since I cannot be there in reality, pray imagine me with 
 you ; admit me to your conversationes, think how I wish 
 for the blessing of joining them ! and be persuaded that I 
 take part in all your pleasures, in the dear hope, that ere 
 very long, your blazing hearth will burn again for me. Pray 
 keep me a place ; let the poker, tongs, or shovel, repre 
 sent me. But you have Dutch tiles, which are infinitely 
 better ; so let Moses, or Aaron, or Balaam s ass be my 
 representative. 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 23 
 
 But time calls me to Clapton. I quit you abruptly till 
 to-morrow, when, if I do not tear the nonsense I have been 
 writing, I may perhaps increase its quantity. Signora Cyn 
 thia is in clouded majesty. Silvered with her beams, I am 
 about to jog to Clapton upon my own stumps ; musing as I 
 homeward plod my way ah ! need I name the subject of 
 my contemplations ? 
 
 Thursday. 
 
 I had a sweet walk home last night, and found the Clap- 
 tonians, with their fair guest, a Miss Mourgue, very well. 
 My sisters send their amities, and will write in a few days. 
 
 This morning I returned to town. It has been the finest 
 day imaginable ; a solemn mildness was diffused throughout 
 the blue horizon ; its light was clear and distinct, rather than 
 dazzling ; the serene beams of the autumnal sun, gilded 
 hills, variegated woods, glittering spires, ruminating herds, 
 bounding flocks, all combined to enchant the eyes, expand 
 the heart, and " chase all sorrow but despair." In the midst 
 of such a scene, no lesser sorrow can prevent our sympathy 
 with nature. A calmness, a benevolent disposition seizes us 
 with sweet insinuating power ; the very brute creation seem 
 sensible of these beauties ; there is a species of mild chear- 
 fulness in the face of a lamb, which I have but indifferently 
 expressed in a corner of my paper, and a demure, contented 
 look in an ox, which, in the fear of expressing still worse, I 
 leave unattempted. 
 
 Business calls me away. I must dispatch my letter. Yet 
 what does it contain ? No matter. You like anything bet 
 ter than news ; indeed, you never told me so, but I have 
 an intuitive knowledge upon the subject, from the sympathy 
 which I have constantly perceived in the taste of Julia and 
 cher Jean. What is it to you or me 
 
 If here in the city we have nothing but riot, 
 If the Spital-field Weavers can t be kept quiet; 
 If the weather is fine, or the streets should be dirty, 
 Or if Mr. Dick Wilson died aged of thirty ? 
 
24 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDK& 
 
 But if I was to hearken to the versifying grumbling I feel 
 within me, I should fill my paper, and not have room left 
 to entreat that you would plead my cause to Honora more 
 eloquently than the enclosed letter has the power of doing. 
 Apropos of verses, you desire ine to recollect my random de 
 scription of the engaging appearance of the charming Mrs. 
 . Here it is at your service : 
 
 Then rustling and bustling the lady comes down, 
 With a flaming red face, and a broad yellow gown, 
 And a hobbling out-of-breath gait, and a frown. 
 
 This little French cousin of ours, Delarise, was my sister 
 Mary s playfellow at Paris. His sprightliness engages my 
 sisters extremely. Doubtless they tell much of him to you 
 in their letters. 
 
 How sorry I am to bid you adieu ! Oh, let me not be for 
 got by the friends most dear to you at Lichfield ! Lic/t- 
 jield! Ah, of what magic letters is that little word composed ! 
 How graceful it looks when it is written ! Let nobody talk 
 to me of its original meaning, " the field of blood ! " Oh, 
 no such thing ! It is the field of joy ! " The beautiful city 
 that lifts her fair head in the valley, and says, I am, and 
 there is none beside me ! " Who says she is vain ? Julia 
 will not say so, nor yet Honora, and least of all their de 
 voted JOHN ANDRE. 
 
 In reference to the allusion in the last paragraph of this 
 letter, Miss Seward very learnedly explained, that Lichfield 
 does not signify " the field of blood," but " the field of dead 
 bodies." The error is of little importance. Between the 
 dates of this and the next epistle, he had visited Lichfield, 
 and once again beheld the face of his lady-love. 
 
 MR. ANDRE TO MISS SEWARD. 
 
 CLAPTON, November 1, 1769. 
 MY ears still ring with the sounds of Oh, Jack ! Oh, 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 25 
 
 / 
 
 Jack ! How do the dear Lichfieldians ? What do they say ? 
 What are they about? What did you do while you were 
 with them ? " " Have patience," said I, " good people ! " 
 and began ray story, which they devoured with as much joy 
 ful avidity as Adam did Gabriel s tidings of Heaven. My 
 mother and sisters are all very well, and delighted with their 
 little Frenchman, who is a very agreeable lad. 
 
 Surely you applaud the fortitude with which I left you ! 
 Did I not come off with flying colors ? It was a great effort ; 
 for, alas ! this recreant heart did not second the smiling cour 
 age of the countenance ; nor is it yet as it ought to be, from 
 the hopes it may reasonably entertain of seeing you all again 
 ere the winter s dreary hours are past. Julia, my dear Julia, 
 gild them with tidings of my beloved Honora ! Oh that you 
 may be enabled to tell me that she regains her health, and 
 her charming vivacity ! Your sympathizing heart partakes 
 all the joys and pains of your friends. Never can I forget 
 its kind offices, which were of such moment to my peace. 
 Mine is formed for friendship, and I am blessed in being able 
 to place so well the purest passion of an ingenuous mind. 
 How am I honoured in Mr. and Mrs. Seward s attachment to 
 me ! Charming were the anticipations which beguiled the 
 long tracts of hill, and dale, and plain, that divide London 
 from Lichfield! With what delight my eager eyes drank 
 their first view of the spires ! What rapture did I not feel 
 on entering your gates ! in flying up the hall-steps ! in 
 rushing into the dining-room ! in meeting the gladdened 
 eyes of dear Julia and her enchanting friend ! That instant 
 convinced me of the truth of Rousseau s observation, * that 
 there are moments worth ages." Shall not these moments 
 return ? Ah, Julia ! the cold hand of absence is heavy upon 
 the heart of your poor Cher Jean ! he is forced to hammer 
 into it perpetually every consoling argument that the magic 
 wand of Hope can conjure up ; viz., that every moment of 
 industrious absence advances his journey, you know whither. 
 I may sometimes make excursions to Lichfield, and bask in 
 
26 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 the light of my Honora s eyes. Sustain me, Hope ! nothing 
 on my part shall be wanting which shall induce thee to fulfill 
 thy blossoming promises. 
 
 The happy, social circle Julia, Honora, Miss S n, 
 
 Miss B n, her brother, Miss S e, Mr. R 11, &c. 
 
 are now, perhaps, enlivening your dressing-room, the dear 
 blue region, as Honora calls it, with the sensible observation, 
 the tasteful criticism, or the elegant song ; dreading the iron 
 tongue of the nine o clock bell, which disperses the beings 
 whom friendship and kindred virtues had drawn together. 
 My imagination attaches itself to all, even the inanimate 
 objects which surround Honora and her Julia, that have be 
 held their graces and virtues expand and ripen ; my dear 
 Honora s, from their infant bud. 
 
 The sleepy Claptonian train are gone to bed, somewhat 
 wearied with their excursion to Enfield, whither they have 
 this day carried their favourite little Frenchman, so great a 
 favourite, the parting was quite tragical. I walked hither from 
 town, as usual, to-night. No hour of the twenty-four is so 
 precious to me as that devoted to this solitary walk. Oh, my 
 friend, I am far from possessing the patient frame of mind I 
 so continually invoke. Why is Lichfield an hundred and 
 twenty miles from me ? There is no moderation in the dis 
 tance. Fifty or sixty miles had been a great deal too much ; 
 but then, there would have been less opposition from author 
 ity to my frequent visits. I conjure you, supply the want of 
 these blessings by frequent letters. I must not, will not, ask 
 them of Honora, since the use of the pen is forbid to her 
 declining health ; I will content myself, as usual, with a post 
 script from her in your epistles. My sisters are charmed 
 with the packet which arrived yesterday, and which they 
 will answer soon. 
 
 As yet I have said nothing of our journey. We met an 
 entertaining Irish gentleman at Dunchurch, and, being fel 
 low-sufferers in cold and hunger, joined interests, ordered 
 four horses, and stuffed three in a chaise. It is not to you I 
 
LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 27 
 
 need apologize for talking in raptures of an higler, whom we 
 met on the road. His cart had passed us, and was at a con 
 siderable distance, when, looking back, he perceived that our 
 chaise had stopped, and that the driver seemed mending some 
 thing. He ran up to him, and, with a face full of honest 
 anxiety, pity, good-nature, and every sweet affection under 
 heaven, asked him if we wanted anything : that he had 
 plenty of nails, ropes, &c. in his cart. That wretch of a 
 postilion made no other reply than, " We want nothing, mas 
 ter." From the same impulse, the good Irishman, Mr. Till, 
 and myself thrust our heads instantly out of the chaise, and 
 tried to recompense the honest creature for this surly reply 
 by every kind and grateful acknowledgment, and by forcing 
 upon him a little pecuniary tribute. My benevolence will 
 be the warmer while I live, for the treasured remembrance 
 of this higler s countenance. 
 
 I know you will interest yourself in my destiny. I have 
 now completely subdued my aversion to the profession of a 
 merchant, and hope in time to acquire an inclination for 
 it. Yet God forbid I should ever love what I am to make 
 the object of my attention ! that vile trash, which I care 
 not for, but only as it may be the future means of procuring 
 the blessing of my soul. Thus all my mercantile calcula 
 tions go to the tune of dear Honora. When an impertinent 
 consciousness whispers in my ear, that I am not of the right 
 stuff for a merchant, I draw my Honora s picture from my 
 bosom, and the sight of that dear talisman so inspirits my 
 industry, that no toil appears oppressive. 
 
 The poetic task you set me is in a sad method : my head 
 and heart are too full of other matters to be engrossed by a 
 draggle-tail d wench of the Heliconian puddle. 
 
 I am going to try my interest in parliament. How you 
 stare ! it is to procure a frank. Be so good as to give the 
 enclosed to Honora, it will speak to her ; and do you say 
 everything that is kind for me to every other distinguished 
 friend of the dressing-room circle ; encourage them in their 
 
28 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 obliging desire of scribbling in your letters, but do not let 
 them take Honora s corner of the sheet. 
 
 Adieu ! May you all possess that cheerfulness denied to 
 your Cher Jean. I fear it hurts my mother to see my musing 
 moods ; but I can neither help nor overcome them. The 
 near hopes of another excursion to Lichfield could alone dis 
 perse every gloomy vapor of my imagination. 
 
 Again, and yet again, Adieu ! J. ANDRE. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Failure of Andrews Courtship. Richard Lovell Edgeworth. Thomas 
 Day. Marriage and Death of Miss Sneyd. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING his ardor, and the presence of so 
 powerful a friend at court as he must have had in Miss 
 Seward, Andre s suit did not prosper. There is a saying, 
 that in all love affairs there are two parties the one who 
 loves, and the one who is loved ; and it does not seem to 
 have been very long before Miss Sneyd came into the latter 
 category. Separation, and consideration of the delay that 
 must necessarily attend that acquirement of fortune upon 
 which permission for Andre to renew his addresses de 
 pended, must doubtless have done much to cool her feel 
 ings, even had they originally been as warm as his own. 
 This is at least the view taken by her friend, who at the 
 same time commemorates the fidelity of the opposite party : 
 
 " Now Prudence, in her cold and thrifty care, 
 Frown d on the maid, and bade the youth despair; 
 For power parental sternly saw, and strove 
 To tear the lily bands of plighted love ; 
 Xor strove hi vain ; but, while the fair one s sighs 
 Disperse like April-storms hi sunny skies, 
 The firmer lover, with unswerving truth, 
 To his first passion consecrates his youth." 
 
 The lady s feelings, in short, cooled down so sufficiently, that 
 there soon came to be no reason why she should not ic- 
 ceive the addresses of other suitors. In 1770, Mr. Richard 
 Lovell Edgeworth was paying a Christmas visit to Lichtield, 
 and thus mentions the impression he received of the state of 
 affairs between Andre and Miss Sneyd : it being then about 
 eighteen months since their first meeting at Buxton, and but 
 
30 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 little over a year from the date of the letters that closed the 
 last chapter : 
 
 " Whilst I was upon this visit, Mr. Andre, afterwards 
 Major Andre, who lost his life so unfortunately in Amer 
 ica, came to Lichfield The first time I saw Major 
 
 Andre at the palace, I did not perceive from his manner, 
 or from that of the young lady, that any attachment sub 
 sisted between them. On the contrary, from the great atten 
 tion which Miss Seward paid to him, and from the constant 
 admiration which Mr. Andre bestowed upon her, I thought 
 that, though there was a considerable disproportion in their 
 ages, there might exist some courtship between them. Miss 
 Seward, however, undeceived me. I never met Mr. Andre 
 again ; and from all that I then saw, or have since known, 
 I believe that Miss Honora Sneyd was never much disap 
 pointed by the conclusion of this attachment. Mr. Andre 
 appeared to me to be pleased and dazzled by the lady. She 
 admired and estimated highly his talents ; but he did not 
 possess the reasoning mind which she required." 
 
 Mr. Edgeworth had undoubtedly what many will reckon a 
 good opportunity of ascertaining the lady s sentiments on 
 this subject ; for Honora Sneyd eventually became his wife. 
 Whether, however, a woman always lays bare the secrets of her 
 youthful breast to the man whom she marries, even though 
 he possesses " a reasoning mind," is another question. To be 
 sure, having himself entered four times into the state of wed 
 lock, Mr. Edgeworth had unusual means of coming to a con 
 clusion upon this point ; but it may well be doubted whether 
 a more than common impression might not have been made 
 on Miss Sneyd s heart by the attractions of such a person as 
 her disappointed lover. Even while acknowledging the ex 
 pediency of the course prescribed by the heads of both fam 
 ilies, and yielding to their authority, she must have been 
 sensible of the value of the qualities she was compelled to 
 forego. From Mr. Edgeworth s own words it may be in 
 ferred, that at this period she had formed a high, not to say a 
 
RICHARD LOVELL EDGEWORTH. 31 
 
 romantic estimate of what was to be looked for in the man 
 whom she should wed. When he left her in 1771, with a view 
 of going abroad, he says : " In various incidental conversations, 
 I endeavored to convince her, that young women who had 
 not large fortunes should not disdain to marry, even though 
 the romantic notions of finding heroes, or prodigies of men, 
 might not be entirely gratified. Honora listened, and as 
 sented." These remarks of Mr. Edgeworth concerning 
 Major Andre are entitled to considerable weight ; not alone 
 because of the well-known character for probity and discern 
 ment of the writer and of his more distinguished daughter, 
 by whom the Memoirs were completed and edited, but also 
 from the fact that they were given to the world while yet a 
 sister of Andre w r as living arid in England : from whom, or 
 rather from whose circle of friends, any misstatement on this 
 head might have met a ready correction.* 
 
 Richard Lovell Edgeworth, who ultimately became Miss 
 Sneyd s successful wooer, is happily hit off, as he appeared in 
 1813, by Lord Byron. "I thought Edgeworth a fine old 
 fellow, of a clarety, elderly, red complexion, but active, brisk, 
 and endless. He was seventy, but did not look fifty no, 
 nor forty-eight even." When he first met Honora, however, 
 he was but of twenty-five or twenty-six years, though already 
 a man of some note. He had married on slender means, 
 while his father yet lived ; and had married unhappily. 
 " My wife, prudent, domestic, and affectionate ; but she was 
 not of a cheerful temper. She lamented about trifles ; and 
 the lamenting of a female with whom we live does not ren 
 der home delightful." He was, too, what may be called no 
 tional; and, charmed with the theories of Rousseau, must 
 needs bring up his son after the manner of Eniile, with bare 
 feet and arms, and to a sturdy independence. While this 
 connection subsisted, his visits to his friend Mr. Day brought 
 
 * The clear handwriting of Maria Edgeworth across the title-page of a 
 presentation copy of the Memoirs, gives additional value and authenticity 
 to the volume from which I quote. 
 
32 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDEF,. 
 
 him into constant intercourse with Miss Sneyd ; " when," 
 says lie, "for the first time in my life I saw a woman that 
 equalled the picture of perfection which existed in my imag 
 ination. I had long suffered from the want of that cheerful 
 ness in a wife, without which marriage could nyt be agreeable 
 to a man of such a temper as mine. I had borne this evil, I 
 believe, with patience ; but my not being happy at home ex 
 posed me to the danger of being too happy elsewhere. The 
 charms and superior character of Miss Honora Sneyd made 
 an impression on my mind, such as I had never felt before." 
 Other gentlemen, whom he names, intimate at the palace, 
 were unanimous in their approbation of this lady ; all but 
 Mr. Day. 
 
 Thomas Day, the eccentric, benevolent, unpractical author 
 of Sandford and Merton, (once the delight of all the school 
 boy-world,) was now residing close to Lichfield. Notwith 
 standing his peculiar views respecting the sex, he could not 
 refrain from frequently tempting his fate ; and Avhat was 
 more extraordinary, expected that with a person neither 
 formed by nature nor cultivated by art to please, he should 
 win some woman, wiser than the rest of her sex, though not 
 less fair, who should feel for him the most romantic and 
 everlasting attachment, a paragon, who for him would for 
 get the follies and vanities of her kind ; who 
 
 Should go like our maidens clad in grey. 
 And live in a cottage on love. 
 
 His appearance was not in his favor : he seldom combed his 
 hair, and generally set aside, as beneath the dignity of man, 
 the graces of fashionable life. He was tall, round-shouldered, 
 and pitted with the small-pox; but he had 1,200 a year. 
 Large white arms, long petticoats, and a robust frame, were, 
 in his reckoning, indispensable qualifications to the woman 
 he could love. And yet, as might have been expected, we 
 very soon find him addressing Miss Sneyd, whom he had at 
 first undervalued for her accomplishments, and who possessed 
 
THOMAS DAY. 33 
 
 in the suitable degree not one of his requirements. He had 
 previously endeavored to supply himself with a mate pre 
 cisely to his liking, by taking two orphans, (from a Found 
 ling Hospital, I believe,) and rearing them in his own way, 
 that he might choose one for his wife when they arrived at 
 womanhood ; but the experiment was a failure. One of his 
 wards, he soon ascertained, would not suit him ; and the other, 
 by a somewhat slower process, came to the conclusion that he 
 would not suit her. Anticipating the ingenious device by 
 which, in Canning s Double Arrangement, an English bar 
 on s love of liberty and of beef is equally expressed in the 
 title of one of the characters, he had endowed this girl 
 with a name designed to compliment at once the river Sev 
 ern and the memory of Algernon Sidney. Sabrina Sidney 
 in time learned that the efforts of her patron to give her self- 
 command, by unexpectedly discharging pistols close to her 
 ear, or by dropping melted sealing-wax upon her bare shoul 
 ders, were practices little calculated to ensure her domestic 
 happiness ; and she sought repose in the arms of a less philo 
 sophical bridegroom. But early in 1771, and pending this 
 discovery by the fair Sabrina, Mr. Day resolved to woo and 
 win Miss Sneyd. Her friends afforded him every facility in 
 his suit, and he was continually at her side. But, notwith 
 standing the friendship that grew up between them, the lady 
 soon arrived at a conclusion adverse to his desires ; and when, 
 towards the end of the summer, he sent her by the hands of 
 his friendly ambassador a voluminous proposal of marriage, 
 that was probably overspread with terms and conditions, she 
 returned him a hearty denial. She said that she would not 
 " admit the unqualified control of a husband over all her 
 actions ; she did not feel that seclusion from society was in 
 dispensably necessary to preserve female virtue, or to secure 
 domestic happiness. Upon terms of reasonable equality, she 
 supposed that mutual confidence might best subsist ; she said 
 that, as Mr. Day had decidedly declared his determination 
 to live in perfect seclusion from what is usually called the 
 3 
 
34 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDEF.. 
 
 world, it was fit she should as decidedly declare she would 
 not change her present mode of life, with which she had no 
 reason to be dissatisfied, for any dark and untried system 
 that could be proposed to her." This refusal sent poor Mr. 
 Day to bed, to be bled for a fever ; from which, in a space, 
 he came forth with philosophic equanimity, to seek the hand 
 of Miss Elizabeth Sneyd as ineffectually as he had sought 
 her sister s. 
 
 To return to Honora ; it must not be supposed that Mr. 
 Day was blind to Mr. Edgeworth s admiration of this lady, 
 though no one else perceived it ; and as his friend was al 
 ready a married man, he urged his removal from a neighbor 
 hood so dangerous to his peace of mind. In fact, when Mr. 
 Day s fate was decided, the partially repressed passion of his 
 envoy returned with redoubled violence, and he found it 
 necessary to retire to the continent. But the death of his 
 wife and his father left him, in the spring of 1773, free to 
 pursue his inclinations ; and he again came to Lichfield. 
 Here he found Miss Sneyd, happily rid of a disorder that 
 had threatened the destruction of her sight, and more beau 
 tiful than ever ; " and though surrounded by lovers, still her 
 own mistress." The wooing was speedy and successful, but 
 apparently not without interruption. It is true that in 1771, 
 he says Miss Seward declared her friend was free from any 
 engagement or attachment incompatible with her receiving 
 a suitor s addresses ; but the little slaps, which he now and 
 then bestows upon that lady, seem to point her out as not 
 altogether favoring the current of his love. She had been 
 the first, he asserts, to perceive the impression Honora had 
 made on him, several years before ; and he gives her credit 
 for a magnanimous preference of her friend s praises to her 
 own. But after rather ungallantly referring to her rivalry 
 with Mrs. Darwin for the doctor s hand, he lets us perceive 
 that at their first acquaintance Miss Seward, ignorant of his 
 being already provided for, was not herself unwilling to make 
 an impression upon his heart. And when he comes to the 
 
MR. EDGE WORTH AND MISS SEWARD. 35 
 
 courtship of his second wife, he once or twice has occasion to 
 notice her again. For whether because of the rapidity with 
 which the funeral baked meats were succeeded by the mar 
 riage banquet, or because she still cherished a hope that An 
 dre might yet be the happy man, she does not appear to 
 have greatly encouraged the affair. Mr. Edgeworth, indeed, 
 besides his intrinsic worth and a respectable position among 
 the landed gentry, possessed advantages of fortune which 
 Andre could not lay claim to ; but Miss Seward was enthu 
 siastic in her disposition, and perhaps looked upon her friend 
 in Warnford Court as capable of founding in his mercantile 
 pursuits a house as illustrious and as dignified as that of De 
 la Pole, of the third Edward s reign, or of Greville, " the 
 flower of woolstaplers," in the days of James I. ; each of 
 which sprung to nobility from successful commerce, and each 
 of which has allied its ow r n with the great names of literary 
 history ; with Chaucer, and with Sidney. Nor would his 
 entrance into the army operate against this idea. In the 
 American war, the leader who united the highest social and 
 military rank Lord Cornwallis traced the first start to 
 dignity of his house to a city merchant, and its advent to 
 greatness to its services against domestic insurrection. And 
 surely Andre brave, wise, insinuating, indefatigable 
 must have been expected to achieve a very great success in 
 whatever career his ambition and his inclinations united 
 upon. Let only opportunity be present to such a character, 
 and it will little matter whether he be born of cloth of gold 
 or cloth of frieze. As Spenser has it, 
 
 " In brave pursuitt of honourable deed, 
 There is I know not what great difference 
 Between the vulgar and the noble seed ; 
 Which unto things of valorous pretence 
 Seemes to be borne by native influence." 
 
 But if any efforts were made to preserve the lady s hand for 
 Andre, they were in vain. Even on their first acquaintance, 
 her new suitor believed himself to perceive that she was 
 
36 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 more at ease with himself than with most people ; that she 
 felt as though her character had never thitherto been fully 
 appreciated ; and he was not likely now to spare any pains 
 to confirm this impression. His addresses were entirely suc 
 cessful ; and on the 17th day of July, 1773, by special li 
 cense, Richard Lovell Edgeworth and Honora Sneyd were 
 married in the ladies choir of Lichfield Cathedral, Mr. 
 Seward performing the ceremony. " Miss Seward, notwith 
 standing some imaginary cause of dissatisfaction which she 
 felt about a bridesmaid," says Edgeworth, " was, I believe, 
 really glad to see Honora united to a man whom she had 
 often said she thought peculiarly suited to her friend in taste 
 and disposition." He also adds that the marriage " was with 
 the consent of her father." Miss Seward had previously told 
 the world that this consent was bestowed with reluctance, and 
 published her regrets that Andre had not been the groom.* 
 
 Honora s subsequent life seems to have been happy. It 
 was partly passed in Ireland, partly in England. Of" an in 
 quisitive disposition, she was pleased in bearing a share in 
 her husband s pursuit of knowledge, and by the clearness of 
 her judgment was of service to him in his intellectual avoca 
 tions ; " as her understanding had arrived at maturity before 
 she had acquired any strong prejudices on historical subjects, 
 she derived uncommon benefit from books." The charge of 
 her own children and of those of her predecessor occupied 
 much of her thoughts, and in 1778, while teaching her first 
 born to read, she wrote, in conjunction with her husband, the 
 First Part of Harry and Lucy, of which they had a few cop- 
 
 * Miss Seward says that after Mr. Edgeworth had removed Honora from 
 "the Darwinian sphere," and Mr. Day had offered "his philosophic hand " 
 to her sister, she sent him to France to learn a few airs and graces. He 
 returned, however, so stilted and stiff that she was fain to confess that ob 
 jectionable to her fancy as had been Thomas Day, blackguard, lie Avas 
 preferable to Thomas Day, gentleman. 
 
 From the similarity of name, we may suppose this gentleman was related 
 to the parties in the great Huntingdonshire case of Day v. Day, (1797,) 
 a case in which R. Sneyd, Esq., of Keel, in Staffordshire, appears as a 
 magistrate, receiving affidavits for the plaintiff. 
 
DEATH OF MISS SNEYD. 37 
 
 ies privately printed in large type for the use of their chil 
 dren. This was probably the earliest essay towards instilling, 
 under the guise of amusement, a taste for science into the 
 youthful mind. Their idea was then to have completed the 
 work, and it was for them that Day commenced his Sandford 
 and Merton ; but Mrs* Edgeworth s sickness put a close to 
 her literary labors. Day expanded his proposed slight tale 
 into a delightful book, and many long years after, Maria 
 Edgeworth included Harry and Lucy in her Early Lessons. 
 In the meanwhile, a prey to the insidious attacks of a deep- 
 seated consumption, Mrs. Edgeworth was sinking into the 
 grave. Her husband, whose passion burned unabated, nar 
 rates the closing scenes with much pathos : "The most be 
 loved as a wife, a sister, and a friend, of any person I have 
 ever known. Each of her own family, unanimously, almost 
 
 naturally, preferred her All her friends adored her, 
 
 if treating her with uniform deference and veneration may 
 be called adoring." It is pleasant to think that the dying 
 pillow of such a woman was made as tranquil as man s love 
 could compass. This appears from a letter of farewell writ 
 ten in her last hours to a near kinswoman : "I have every 
 blessing, and I am happy. The conversation of my beloved 
 husband, when my breath will let me have it, is my greatest 
 delight ; he procures me every comfort, and, as he always 
 said he thought he should, contrives for me every thing that 
 can ease and assist my weakness. 
 
 Like a kind angel whispers peace, 
 And smooths the bed of death. " 
 
 It was her dying request that her husband should marry her 
 sister Elizabeth, who, like herself, had been sought in mar 
 riage by his friend Day. This desire Mr. Edgeworth ful 
 filled ; and she also dying, he took in fourth nuptials the 
 sister of the late Admiral Beaufort ; and here we will leave 
 him. It was in honor of his second wife, we are told, that 
 he gave her name to the town of Sneydborough, in North 
 
38 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Carolina ; a province in which he possessed some landed in 
 terests. In 1780, the same year that witnessed Andre s 
 death, died a second Honora Edgeworth, the only surviving 
 daughter of Honora Sneyd. The little tale of Rivuletta, 
 published in Early Lessons, and some drawings that are yet 
 preserved, attest this child s resemblance in talents to her 
 mother; she resembled her as well in constitution, and in 
 the source of her death. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Andre" joins the Army. Visits Germany. Condition of the Service. 
 He comes to America. State of American Affairs. 
 
 EVERY historical writer, who has treated of the subject, 
 has been under the impression that it was despair at the 
 marriage to another of the woman whom he loved which led 
 Andre to renounce his previous occupation and to enter the 
 army. Mr. Sparks says, " From that moment Andre" be 
 came disgusted with his pursuits, and resolved to seek relief 
 from his bitter associations, and dissipate the memory of his 
 sorrows in the turmoil and dangers of war." Lord Mahon, 
 after mentioning the marriage, remarks, "Andre, on the 
 other hand, to seek relief from his sorrows, joined the Brit 
 ish army in Canada, with a Lieutenant s commission, at the 
 outbreak of the war." The error was one into which these 
 distinguished writers were reasonably led, but which may 
 very properly be corrected by the " snapper-up of unconsid- 
 ered trifles." It was probably through the statements of 
 Miss Seward that the mistake originated ; who asserts that 
 Andre s constancy remained unshaken until he heard of 
 Honora s wedding. 
 
 ^Though four long years a night of absence prove, 
 Yet Hope s fond star shone trembling on his love; 
 Till hovering Rumour chas d the pleasing dream, 
 And veil d with raven-wing the silver beam." 
 
 The " hovering Rumour " she explains to have been " the 
 tidings of Honora s marriage. Upon that event Mr. Andre 
 quitted his profession as a merchant, and joined our army in 
 America." Thus it would appear that the four years which 
 elapsed between the Buxton connection of 1769 and Edge- 
 
40 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 worth s marriage in 1773, were to Andre, in the main, " a 
 night of absence ; " and that even a correspondence did not 
 long subsist may be inferred from the declaration that it was 
 to a hovering rumor that he owed the intelligence of Honora 
 being the bride of another. Therefore the half-suppressed 
 indignation of Mr. Edgeworth at this version of the affair, 
 may be well understood. He complains that the author of 
 the Monody insinuates that Major Andre was, in plain Eng 
 lish, jilted by the lady ; and that, " in consequence of this 
 disappointment, he went into the army, and quitted this coun 
 try." Nor must it be forgotten that during these four years 
 Miss Sneyd had been considered by her family as entirely 
 disengaged, and free to receive the addresses of any eligible 
 suitor ; nor that, as in Mr. Day s case, she actually had re 
 ceived such addresses. The fairest conclusion which we can 
 arrive at is, that Andre, abashed at the discouragement his 
 suit had encountered, and discouraged by the difficulties to 
 be overcome ere he could be permitted to return to the siege, 
 had given way to the original bent of his inclinations, with 
 out at all relinquishing the attachment which he no longer 
 could have reason to expect would be presently gratified. 
 That he should abandon the hope of ultimate success need 
 not at all be considered. 
 
 " None, without hope, e er loved the brightest fair, 
 Yet love will hope, where reason must despair." 
 
 His aversion to trade and wishes for a military career have 
 already been manifested, in his letters of 1769 ; and it may 
 readily be conceived that the advantages of an employment 
 for which by nature and by education he was especially well 
 adapted, were not \vithout their weight in his mind. Few 
 men, as the result proved, were more capable than he of 
 winning a soldier s rewards ; and no man of the day could 
 have worn them with more grace ; 
 
 " Medals, rank, ribands, lace, embroidery, scarlet, 
 Are things immortal to immortal man;" 
 
HE VISITS GERMANY. 41 
 
 and his age must have given them peculiar charms to Andre. 
 The love of fame "that last infirmity of noble minds" 
 was joined in him, as is shown by the whole tenor of his 
 life, with that thirst for military glory frhich so long as hu 
 man nature exists in its present constitution, will ever, ac 
 cording to Gibbon, be " the vice of the most exalted charac 
 ters." So soon, therefore, as he approached his twenty-first 
 year, we find him entering the army. The son of an Amer 
 ican officer, who was much with him in his last days, and in 
 whose letters Andre s fate always found the language of sym 
 pathy and friendship, asserts that he tore himself from the 
 reluctant arms of the circle of devoted relatives in which he 
 had been educated, to wear the King s livery. This informa 
 tion may have been obtained by Colonel Hamilton from 
 Andre s own lips ; but it is only confirmatory of the deduc 
 tion to be drawn from his letters, that there was a strong 
 prejudice among his friends in favor of his remaining in the 
 compting-house. Their wishes were, however, unavailing. 
 In January, 1772, by an account said to have been furnished 
 by his most intimate friends, he entered the army. " His first 
 commission," says Mr. Edgeworth, with greater particularity, 
 " was dated March 4th, 1771." This was more than two years 
 and four months antecedent to Miss Sneyd s marriage ; but 
 it was in the very time of those attentions of Mr. Day which 
 all the Lichfield world, Mr. Edgeworth himself included, 
 did not question were certain to succeed. Perhaps, there 
 fore, Miss Seward may have confounded the two events in 
 her memory, and attributed an effect to a wrong cause. 
 
 In the early part of 1772, Andre went over to Germany, 
 and did not return to England until the close of 1773. Dur 
 ing this period he visited most of the courts in that part of 
 Europe. His kinsman, Mr. John Andre, was established in 
 business as a musical composer and publisher at Offenbach ; 
 and the young officer s presence at her father s house was 
 long borne in mind by a daughter, whose impression in later 
 days was that her cousin s business in Germany was to con- 
 
42 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR&. 
 
 duct a corps of Hessians to America. This, in 1772, would 
 have been rather premature; but it is very possible that his 
 affairs there, away from his regiment for nearly two years, 
 may have been in some manner connected with German sub 
 sidiaries, and under the direction of his own government. 
 
 The regiment which Andre had joined was the Seventh 
 Foot, or Royal English Fusiliers : one of the oldest corps in 
 the line, and dating its formation in the year 1685. The 
 rank of ensign does not exist in a fusilier regiment, the 
 grade being supplied by a second lieutenant ; it was in this 
 latter capacity that he seems to have first served. In April, 
 1773, the regiment had been embarked for Canada, where it 
 performed garrison duty at Quebec for several months until 
 it was sent to Montreal, and variously posted in Lower Can 
 ada. Before leaving England to join it, however, it is as 
 serted that Andre paid a final visit of farewell to Miss S<3w- 
 ard and to the scenes of his former happiness ; which was 
 attended by circumstances of a character so strange as to be 
 worthy of repetition, if not of belief. During his stay, we 
 are told, Miss Seward had made arrangements to take him to 
 see and be introduced to her friends Cunningham and New 
 ton, both gentlemen of a poetical turn. On the night pre 
 ceding the day appointed for her appearance, Mr. Cunning 
 ham dreamed that he was alone in a great forest. Presently 
 he perceived a horseman approaching at great speed ; but as 
 he drew near to the spot where the dreamer imagined him 
 self to stand, three men suddenly sprung from their conceal 
 ment among the bushes, seized on the rider, and bore him 
 away. The captive s countenance was visible ; its interesting 
 appearance, and the singularity of the incident, left an un 
 pleasant feeling on Mr. Cunningham s mind as he awoke. 
 But soon falling to sleep again, he was visited by a second 
 vision even more troubling than the first. He found himself 
 one of a vast multitude met near a great city : and while all 
 were gazing, a man, whom he recognized as the same person 
 that had just been captured in the forest, was brought forth 
 
CONDITION OF THE SERVICE. 43 
 
 and hanged upon a gibbet. These dreams were repeated the 
 following morning to Mr. Newton ; and when, a little after, 
 Miss Seward made her appearance with Andre, Mr. Cun 
 ningham at once knew him to be the unhappy stranger 
 whom he had seen stopped and hanged. 
 
 Whether this story may not belong to the class of predic 
 tions which are not heard of until the event has occurred, 
 will not be inquired into here. A more important subject 
 of contemplation is the condition and nature of the new life 
 into which Andre had now embarked ; and as the constitution 
 of the British army was at that time so anomalous, and as 
 much of its ill-success in the American war was directly 
 attributable to the peculiarities of its organization, it may be 
 as well to set a state of the case before the reader. Not 
 long prior to hostilities, Mr. (afterwards Lord) Erskine had 
 vigorously exposed the glaring inefficiencies of the existing 
 system. Fifty years later Scott, ex cathedra, even more 
 thoroughly recapitulated its abuses. 
 
 The purchasing of commissions was then at its height ; 
 and to mend matters, great men in power could always ob 
 tain a pair of colors at the War-Office for a favorite or de 
 pendant. Children in the cradle thus were enrolled in the 
 army-lists ; a school-boy might be a field-officer ; and amia 
 ble young ladies are known to have drawn the pay and held 
 the title of captains of dragoons. Of course they did no duty ; 
 but they were as fit for it as many who did. -There was no 
 military school in the kingdom ; and no military knowledge 
 was exacted of the officer who, ashamed of being suspected 
 of possessing the first rudiments of his profession, huddled 
 through the exercise by repeating the words of command 
 from a sergeant, and hastened back to more congenial scenes 
 of idleness or dissipation. These were the days when to 
 be " a pretty fellow " was a manner of qualification for the 
 service, when the Amlets, and Plumes, and Brazens of the 
 stage were fair types of a class that " swore hard, drank 
 deep, bilked tradesmen, and plucked pigeons." The few 
 
44 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDIl. 
 
 men of social rank that had any degree of professional skill 
 were regarded as paragons ; while any talent that might 
 exist in a subaltern was, as it is too often now, rather a curse 
 than a blessing to its owner, unless he had money or patron 
 age to get on with. There seems to have been no uniform 
 system of tactics ; every commandant manoeuvred his regi 
 ment after his own preference, and thus, without previous 
 concert, a brigade could not half the time execute any com 
 bined movement decently. The garb of the private was 
 ludicrously unsuitable and absurd. More time was given to 
 daubing the hair with tallow and flour than to the manual or 
 drill ; and the severity with which a neglected queue was 
 punished sometimes goaded the very best corps into mutiny. 
 In fact, the more crack a regiment became, the less it seems 
 to me to have been fit for service ; and there is verisimili 
 tude, if not truth, in the story of the Hessian colonel who 
 blew his brains out because, in reply to his boast that his 
 dragoons dressed in a line were so equally matched that but 
 one pigtail could be seen along the backs of all, the Duke of 
 York pointed out the irregularity of their noses ! 
 
 Such being the condition of the army, it is perhaps not 
 too much to suppose that Andre, having purchased his com 
 mission, was determined to put himself on a footing so far 
 superior to his fellows as would certainly facilitate his ad 
 vancement ; and that, therefore, he may have been on the 
 continent occupied in perfecting himself in various profes 
 sional branches, for which England could have afforded no 
 facilities ; since it is well known that, at a still later period 
 in the century, Wellington was sent abroad to acquire the 
 rudiments of an officer s education. Be this as it may, he 
 embarked in 1774 to join his regiment, then stationed in Can 
 ada, and arrived on his journey at Philadelphia in September 
 of that year. 
 
 It may well be asked why Andre should have taken tins 
 route to Canada. The travel from the Delaware to the St. 
 Lawrence was to the full as tedious as that from England 
 
HE COMES TO AMERICA. 45 
 
 to America ^ and the voyage between the two countries 
 could have as readily been performed to one river as the 
 other. On Sunday, the 17th of the very month in which 
 he reached Philadelphia, the ship Canadian arrived at Que 
 bec, in sixty days from Cowes, bringing over Carleton 
 and his family ; of which Viscount Pitt, the elder son of 
 the great Earl of Chatham, was then a member. From 
 our knowledge of Andre s character, it seems unlikely that 
 without some cause he should have missed the opportunity 
 which taking passage in this vessel would have afforded, of 
 coming in direct contact, through several weeks, with his 
 commander. Or he might have sailed in other vessels to 
 Quebec, or even to Boston, and have thus saved a long and 
 fatiguing part of the course. Is it not probable that the 
 selection of Philadelphia was governed by the circumstance 
 that the meeting of the first Continental Congress was called 
 at that place, and that there was a good deal for an intelli 
 gent eye-witness to possess himself of between Pennsylvania 
 and Canada ? His own inclination may have suggested 
 this idea ; but if it really had an existence, it was in all 
 likelihood carried into effect by direction of Carleton him 
 self; a leader whom Heath, one of the chiefs of our revolu 
 tionary army, characterizes as the greatest general the British 
 had in this country during the war, and whose retention in 
 Canada he pronounced an especial piece of good fortune to 
 America. This is the only manner in which Andre s pres 
 ence in the South can be accounted for at a time when he 
 should serve his sovereign in the North. He was a prodig 
 iously keen observer ; he doubtless noted all that he saw : 
 and the state of things in the colonies was, beyond question, 
 of a nature to excite the anxious attention of every considering 
 man in authority. Domestic troubles were more than appre 
 hended by the ministry, and the intervention of the military 
 arm was provided for. The temper of the people and the 
 signs of the times in America would therefore be points to 
 which so far-sighted a person as Carleton could not be in 
 different. 
 
46 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDEL . 
 
 At this very moment, however, it is probable that our 
 Revolution could have been turned aside by a change of 
 British policy. The bulk of the patriotic party here were 
 in opposition as Englishmen less than Americans. They 
 applauded the words of Chatham and Rockingham, and re 
 garded North as their political enemy, and the misleader of 
 the king. They did not know that it was the king who 
 guided his ministers, and who really is chiefly responsible 
 for the production of measures of questionable constitution 
 ality, and as impolitic as impracticable.* 
 
 The general tone of whig feeling in Philadelphia had from 
 the first been cautious but firm. The public sympathy was, 
 it is true, warmly enlisted for the Bostonians ; but the public 
 mind was not as yet filed to that hostility to England which 
 prevailed in Massachusetts. The first Continental Congress, 
 however, was now met ; and as it was in session at Phila 
 delphia from 5th September to 26th October, 1774, we may 
 reasonably conclude that its doings were not disregarded by 
 Andre. The secrecy in which the conduct of this body was 
 wrapt, prevents us to-day from knowing much more than 
 what appears on its published record ; but by contempo 
 raries, many things must have at least been surmised, which 
 are lost to us forever. It sufficiently appears that the 
 boasted unanimity of the assembly had no foundation in 
 fact. At an early stage it seems to have been agreed, by 
 
 * It is curious to note how entirely North s dispositions were misunder 
 stood. It is now known that attachment to the king rather than desire of 
 power kept him at the head of affairs, and committed him to the most ob 
 noxious measures. Inheriting more of the capacity than the ambition of 
 the Lord-Keeper, he would have preferred pleasure to fame ; and when he 
 was figured in America as devising new schemes of oppression, was, per 
 haps, frolicking with Thurlow and Kigby, or making bouts rimes at the 
 dinner-table. Of his skill in this line, an anecdote is preserved. Lord 
 Sandwich so placed a lame Mr. Melligan that his name came to North s 
 turn in tagging verses. The result was thus sung by the Prime Minister : 
 
 " Oh, pity poor Mr. Melligan! 
 Who, walking along Pallmall. 
 Hurt his foot when down he fell, 
 And fears he won t get well again ! " 
 
STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 47 
 
 way of lending weight to every conclusion, that the decision 
 of a majority should be acquiesced in by all ; and that no 
 one should reveal anything that transpired without express 
 permission of congress. After this arrangement had been 
 settled upon, we are told, by a well-informed tory pamphlet 
 eer of the day, that when some strong measures were intro 
 duced and carried, the effect on the minority was like " the 
 springing of a mine, or the bursting of a bomb " in Carpen 
 ters Hall. So far as can be now gathered, we may infer 
 that to this congress came several delegates who had re 
 solved in their secret hearts upon secession from Britain, 
 and whose aim was to produce war rather than reconcilia 
 tion.* Whether or not they represented the wishes of their 
 own constituents, they certainly did not in this fulfil the 
 desires of the colonies generally ; and it was necessary, by 
 evasion or denial, to deceive the country at large with loyal 
 professions, until nearly two years later, when a majority 
 of congress was ready to unite in the resolve of indepen 
 dence. At the close of the war, a Boston statesman thus 
 referred to his own services in producing the result : 
 
 " Here, in my retreat, like another Catiline, the collar 
 around my neck, in danger of the severest punishment, I 
 laid down the plan of the revolt ; I endeavored to persuade 
 my timid accomplices that a most glorious revolution might 
 
 * " I had not, Sir, been in Congress a fortnight before I discovered that 
 pai ties were forming, and that some members had come to that assembly 
 with views altogether different from what America professed to have, and 
 what, bating a designing junto, she really had. Of these men, her inde 
 pendency upon Great Britain, at all events, was the most favourite pro 
 ject. By these the pulse of the rest was felt on every favourable occa 
 sion, and often upon no occasion at all ; and by these men measures were 
 concerted to produce what we all professed to deprecate ; nay, at the very 
 time that we universally invoked the Majesty of Heaven to witness the purity 
 of our hearts. I had reason to believe that the hearts of many of us gave 
 our invocation the lie I cannot entertain the most favourable opin 
 ion of a man s veracity, who intended to do it, when he swore he did not, 
 and when he represented a people who were actually pursuing measures 
 to prevent the necessity of doing it." Livingston to Laurens, Sedg. Liv. 
 173. 
 
48 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 be the result of our efforts, but I scarcely dared to hope it ; 
 and what I have seen realized appears to me like a dream. 
 You know by what obscure intrigues, by what unfaithful 
 ness to the mother-country, a powerful party was formed ; 
 how the minds of the people were irritated, before we could 
 provoke the insurrection." 
 
 Had it been avowed in the Congress of 1774, that the end 
 of some of its leaders was a democratic and independent gov 
 ernment, it is probable that a vast majority of the American 
 people would have repulsed them with indignation. By dis 
 simulation, however, they maintained the control until affairs 
 were sufficiently ripe. For indeed the issue was very clear. 
 America was at this moment disciplining her troops with the 
 view of resisting the enforcement of certain acts of Parlia 
 ment. It was folly to suppose that this course would not 
 end in open hostilities, unless the acts were repealed ; and 
 hostilities once begun, subjugation or independence was the 
 inevitable result. More far-sighted than their colleagues, 
 they perceived that it was only necessary to keep both coun 
 tries moving in their present course to render a collision cer 
 tain. Indeed, despite the loyal protestations that America 
 put forth during the ensuing twelvemonth, there can be little 
 question but that Thurlow was correct in asserting that at 
 the end of 1774 open rebellion existed in the colonies. 
 
 Nor could anything have more entirely aided this party 
 in congress than the course pursued in England by the 
 leaders of the two great factions. On the one hand they 
 were told by the most eminent men in the state, that their 
 cause was just and their resistance laudable ; Chatham and 
 Burke, Richmond and Granby applauded their course ; 
 Savile upheld it as " a justifiable rebellion." On the other, 
 as though with full intent to stimulate into rage against 
 England, every American who had not as yet drawn the 
 sword, the halls of Parliament echoed with the denials to our 
 countrymen of the most ordinary attributes of manhood. In 
 
STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIBS. 49 
 
 the Lords, Sandwich pronounced his American fellow-sub 
 jects to be cowards, and only regretted that there was no 
 probability of the king s troops encountering at once " two 
 hundred thousand of such a rabble, armed with old rusty 
 firelocks, pistols, staves, clubs, and broomsticks ; " and thus 
 exterminating rebellion at one blow. The speaker s brother 
 might have given him a different idea of American prowess, 
 since he had been sufficiently beaten, in the streets of Bos 
 ton, by a smaller man from Roxbury, for some wild frolic. 
 But he preferred the testimony of Sir Peter Warren as to 
 the misconduct of the New England troops at Louisbourg 
 in 1745 ; testimony which, if true, convicts them of cow 
 ardice not unlike that for which Lord George Germain, 
 the incoming Secretary of State, had been cashiered by a 
 court-martial. In the Commons, too, Colonel Grant, who 
 knew the Americans well, was certain they would not fight. 
 They possessed not a single military trait, and would never 
 stand to meet an English bayonet. He had been in Amer 
 ica, and disliked their language and their way of life, and 
 thought them altogether entirely " out of humanity s reach." 
 He forgot to add, however, that his own services among 
 the Alleghanies had not been of a very triumphant charac 
 ter ; and it is pleasant to believe that Cruger, an American- 
 born, reminded him of this fact in his reply, since we find 
 him called to order as being personal. But these boastful 
 and injurious words had at least one good effect : they pro 
 voked the Americans. Even Washington was disturbed by 
 such wholesale slanders, and long alter, when some British 
 troops had been badly treated at Lexington, found occasion 
 to remind his friends in London of Lord Sandwich s lan 
 guage. 
 
 If such then was the sentiment in the senate, we need 
 hardly ask how American valor was esteemed in the royal 
 camp ; but, in truth, there appears to have been such an in 
 finite disdain of its opponents in this quarter, that, considering 
 all things, it is almost wonderful that the king s cause was 
 4 
 
50 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRfi. 
 
 not ruined outright at the very commencement of the war. 
 As the Roman soldiery scornfully held every civilian to be 
 a peasant, and as the Christians, improving on this, extended 
 the word pagan to every one not of their faith. so the 
 English officer of that day seems to have deemed the colonist 
 as the basest of all base mohairs. One gallant general 
 thought a single regiment would be sufficient to march from 
 Massachusetts to Georgia, and to make singing-boys of all 
 the people. Another (the natural brother of the king) more 
 moderately writes from Florida, that " three or four regi 
 ments would completely settle those scoundrels " in Carolina. 
 Robertson thought it very dastardly in the Yankees to get 
 behind a wall ; and all considered it mere idiocy to look for 
 anything like a contested field. But there were plenty of 
 men who recollected how the very same language had been 
 held by the king s officers before Falkirk and Preston, and 
 what a running commentary ensued thereon. 
 
 But the most unfortunate encouragement that America 
 received from England, was the assurance that the latter 
 country, whether by reason of the general aversion to the 
 war, whether because of its own comparative feebleness, 
 would not hold out beyond a single campaign. A greater 
 blunder was never made ; and its effect was to persuade 
 congress and the people, that an easy victory was in store 
 for us, and to thus prevent proper preparation for a long 
 and severe conflict. This delusion governed in great meas 
 ure the action of the first and the second congress ; and it is 
 noteworthy that its chief supporters were the delegates who 
 afterwards led the cabal against Washington. By giving 
 forth a false estimate of the enemy s power, they very ma 
 terially weakened our own ; and by neglecting the means to 
 make victory secure, they at least rendered it very doubtful. 
 In fact, England was at that moment in admirable condition 
 for war. The lower classes were poor, while the middle and 
 upper were unusually rich. Commercial prosperity and the 
 successes of the last part of the preceding war had brought into 
 
STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 51 
 
 the realm an unwonted excess of the circulating coin of the 
 world. It was estimated, that her people held more solid 
 wealth than those of any two other states in Europe. Thus, 
 with plenty of poor to fill up the ranks, and plenty of treas 
 ure, the country was in a good position. And as for public 
 sentiment, there can be no doubt that the war was highly 
 popular with the British nation until Europe joined against 
 them, and success became hopeless. In America, at the out 
 break, the circulating cash was about $3,750,000 in specie, 
 and $26,250,000 in paper; showing a proper revenue of 
 about $7,500,000. The population may be estimated at 
 2,448,000 souls, and the military capacity at from 20,000 to 
 30^000 men. Of course, on these estimates, a large war 
 could not be long carried on without foreign aid ; and it is 
 therefore again a happy thing, that during the earlier years 
 of the struggle, and before such assistance was procured, 
 our people were persuaded that every campaign would be 
 the last. Another fortunate circumstance was, that without 
 pressing the people by taxes for its redemption, and in fact, 
 without redeeming it at all, congress should have been in a 
 position to issue millions and hundreds of millions of paper- 
 money, wherewith to carry on the war. 
 
 Although secrecy was ordered, yet it is not likely that it 
 was strictly preserved in regard to all the proceedings of the 
 first congress ; and in his chamber at the Indian Queen, or 
 at the mess of the Royal Irish, or wherever he resorted, we 
 may suppose that Andre picked up all the floating gossip of 
 the day. Hardly had it met, when the whole country from 
 Massachusetts to Pennsylvania was thrown into the utmost 
 agitation by false tidings of the commencement of hostilities. 
 Israel Putnam wrote to New York, that the troops and ships 
 had began the slaughter of the people on the evening of the 
 2nd of September, and called for aid from every direction. 
 This letter, sent by express, reached New York on the 5th, 
 and was instantly transmitted to Philadelphia, where the bells 
 were rung muffled through the day ; and the people, Quakers 
 
52 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 and all, gave vent to feelings of rage and indignation. For 
 three days the story was uncontradicted, and fifty thousand 
 men, it was said, had prepared to march from various quar 
 ters to Boston. But there was not a jot or a tittle of truth 
 in the tale ; and Putnam had been imposed upon. The 
 story appears to have been devised in New England by 
 some over-anxious whig, for the purpose of taking congress 
 by surprise at its first coming together, and plunging it into 
 such steps of opposition as might not easily be retraced. 
 According to the rumor of- the time, proposals for a declara 
 tion of independence were even now suggested in Carpenters 
 Hall ; but there were so many delegates who threatened to 
 secede at once from the assembly, if such a measure was 
 pressed, that it was withdrawn, and the association agreed on 
 in its stead ; the object of which was to distress English 
 trade as much as possible, and thus compel a repeal of the 
 obnoxious laws. Its effect, however, was rather to draw 
 asunder the two countries, and to prepare a more general 
 acceptance by America of the Declaration of Independence 
 of 1776, than it could possibly have encountered in 1774. 
 Thus again it was happy for this country that the secret 
 plans of the independence party did not now prevail. 
 
 The aversion of some of the middle and southern colonies 
 to certain measures led to the formation, in the congress 
 of 1774, of a party that endured through all the war; and 
 which, by unity of action and concert of purpose, generally 
 exercised a controlling influence in the state. In January, 
 1775, we find a zealous tory declaring the acts of the congress 
 to have been unwelcome to both New York and Pennsyl 
 vania ; " but Adams with his crew, and the haughty Sultans 
 of the South, juggled the whole conclave of the delegates." 
 Before all was over, however, there was an almost open diffi 
 culty in the hall. Several leading men withdrew for several 
 days ; and it was only by compromising matters that the 
 names of all the delegates were finally affixed to the associa 
 tion. These things were kept from the public as carefully 
 
STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 53 
 
 as possible, and a general assertion of unanimity in all its 
 doings put forth by congress. But something must have 
 leaked out at the time. 
 
 On the 16th of September, the local gentry invited the 
 fifty or sixty delegates to an entertainment at the State 
 House, " where they were received by a very large com 
 pany, composed of the clergy, such genteel strangers as 
 happened to be in town, and a number of respectable citi 
 zens," making in the whole about five hundred persons. If 
 Andre were then in the city, there is every reason to suppose 
 that he would be of the " genteel strangers " bidden to such 
 a scene ; and the proceedings of the occasion, so far as they 
 may be pronounced upon from the toast-master s roll, must 
 have possessed for him an interest beyond that of a common 
 political dinner. The King, the Queen, the Royal Family, 
 were duly pledged ; and then came the names of the party- 
 leaders on either side of the water : Chatham, Richmond, 
 Conway, and Burke ; Hancock, Franklin, and Sawbridge. 
 Of course, there was much said of the cause that had brought 
 them together, and of their determination to preserve the 
 union of the colonies and their constitutional freedom. Two 
 toasts had interest for any military guest: "No unconsti 
 tutional standing armies," and " May British swords never 
 be drawn in defence of tyranny " ; but the general tone of 
 the whole affair indicated clearly the public intent to adhere 
 to demands which England would not grant, and to resist the 
 application of laws which England was apparently resolved 
 to enforce. The inference was easy. If neither party re 
 ceded, hostilities were imminent. And on the ensuing day 
 a practical commentary was offered in the breaking open, by 
 a mob, of the warehouse in which the collector of the cus 
 toms had just stored a cargo of smuggled sugars which he 
 had seized, and their restoration to the importer. All this 
 was effected in comparative openness, nor was any punish 
 ment inflicted on the offenders. It is true that, on both sides 
 of the Atlantic, smuggling was then regarded as a dangerous 
 
54 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 rather than an immoral practice ; and that in England, even 
 ten years later, it was so hardily pursued that near Falmouth 
 a battery was erected to cover the landing-place, the guns of 
 which were opened on a king s ship standing in ; but at the 
 same time a much larger proportion of the magistrates and 
 people was there ready to obey and to enforce the laws than 
 in this country, where nearly all the merchants were en 
 gaged in illicit trade, and where the popular sentiment re 
 garded with abhorrence any attempt from the mother-coun 
 try at its restraint. 
 
 Of all these things we may be sure that Andre took good 
 heed ; for that he was now on a tour of observation through 
 what was almost an enemy s country cannot be doubted, if 
 we consider that, in addition to selecting a port so remote 
 as Philadelphia from his ultimate destination, he left that 
 city to visit Gage s camp at Boston, instead of repairing at 
 once to his regiment in Canada. This expedition led him 
 through an important section of the country, and gave him 
 ample opportunity of ascertaining the complexion of popular 
 feeling. There were then two public conveyances between 
 Philadelphia and New York : a line of stages had been es 
 tablished in 1773, and the Flying Machine had been in ope 
 ration several years longer. This last should rather have 
 been called the Diving Machine, since it had managed to 
 drown, among others, one of the earliest and best actresses 
 that appealed in America, by oversetting in the ferry be 
 tween New York and Staten Island ; but by neither carriage 
 was the journey between the two cities performed in less 
 than two days. Passing through Jersey, then, he might 
 have perceived symptoms of the prevailing strong whig 
 feeling and turbulent spirit ; and arriving at New York, 
 may have procured some discouraging information from his 
 brother officers stationed there. The King s Birthday in 
 1774 had been duly celebrated indeed by the 23rd regiment, 
 and what other military were at New York ; but by the peo 
 ple generally was passed over almost unnoticed. The active 
 
STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 55 
 
 whigs, under the name of " Sons of Liberty," led an organ 
 ized mob ; and their conflicts with the soldiery were frequent 
 and bitter. Under their auspices liberty-poles were erected, 
 obnoxious characters hung in effigy, and instant revenge 
 taken for the impressment of sailors by a ship-of-war. Re 
 ligion and Freedom were the watchwords of the hour, and 
 the power and license of the Liberty Boys threatened to 
 carry everything before them. The gentry in opposition, 
 writes Gouverneur Morris, had started the mob, for their 
 own purposes, in Grenville s time, and now "the heads 
 
 of the mobility grow dangerous to the gentry The 
 
 mob begin to think and reason. Poor reptiles ! it is with 
 them a vernal morning : they are struggling to cast off their 
 winter s slough ; they bask in the sunshine, and ere noon 
 they will bite, depend upon it. The gentry begin to fear 
 this." It must, nevertheless, be confessed that, however un 
 lawful it may have been, the action of the whigs of New 
 York at this time, in preventing any workmen or stores being 
 transmitted to Gage at Boston, was of real service to the 
 American cause ; and there is nothing to wonder at in the 
 turbulence of the people, considering the encouragement 
 they had received in such scenes ever since the period of 
 the Stamp Act. 
 
 From New York to Boston the traveller in those days 
 usually passed upon horseback ; either going through Con 
 necticut, or by way of Long Island to New London, and so on 
 wards. It matters little which route Andre followed, so far as 
 the temper of the people was concerned. From the moment 
 he entered New England, he probably encountered none but 
 ardent whigs; and as greater unanimity and more demo 
 cratic habits prevailed, so was the public mind more inflamed 
 than in New York and Pennsylvania. Through the summer 
 and fall of 1774, the Connecticut farmers had not been spar 
 ing in their demonstrations. At Farmington the Boston 
 Port Bill was burned by the hangman. At Windham and 
 Norwich, a merchant from Boston named Green, suspected of 
 
56 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 loyalty and known to be in pursuit of his debts, was mobbed 
 and driven from the town. At Bolton, the clergyman was 
 rudely dealt with, who had proclaimed that the true reason 
 for opposition to the introduction of the East India Com 
 pany s tea was, that since the tea was sold at Amsterdam for 
 Is. and at London and Boston for 2s. Qd., it followed that 
 Colonel Hancock gained Is. lOd. by every pound of tea he 
 smuggled in from Holland, while Colonel Erving gained but 
 Qd. by every pound he sold from the Company. And as 
 this private interest, he argued, had caused the destruction 
 of the tea in Boston harbor, he proposed that the traders 
 with Holland there should pay the damages out of the profits 
 from the five thousand boxes of Dutch teas they had sold 
 within two years. In short, although there were a good 
 many tories in Connecticut, the rule was to tar and feather 
 all who made themselves prominent, save only in the few 
 towns where this party happened to be the strongest. But 
 if any luckless tory wight was caught beyond the reach of 
 his friendly neighbors, he was forthwith seized and led from 
 town to town, " as by law is provided in the case of strolling 
 ideots, lunatics," &c. And so in Rhode Island : at Prov 
 idence, a public meeting requested the authorities to ex 
 pel the friends of the ministry ; in other places, the whigs 
 took the law into their own hands. Through all New Eng 
 land, the indisposition to English sway in any form or under 
 any circumstances, was daily more plainly to be recognized ; 
 and by the time Andre reached Boston, he must have per 
 ceived that an insurrection was almost inevitable. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Political Condition of Massachusetts in 1774. State of Affairs at Boston. 
 
 THE province of Massachusetts Bay, and more especially 
 the town of Boston, contained at this moment perhaps the 
 most excited and the least loyal portion of the king s Amer 
 ican subjects. The peculiar characteristics of this people 
 had long led observers to believe, that the colony was im 
 patient of any yoke ; and certainly neither their traditions 
 nor their democratical forms of government and of social life 
 could have inspired them with any very fervent attachment 
 to the home authority. The fall of Canada had removed the 
 strong bond of fear, that once formed a part of the ties that 
 united them with England ; and the whig leaders already, to 
 a greater extent than in any other part of America, looked 
 forward to independence. Untrammelled in almost every 
 practical sense, their commerce had long been carried on 
 with scanty regard to the interests of Britain ; and now that 
 it was sought to enforce the old, or to bring new restrictive 
 laws to bear on their trade, the people were thoroughly in 
 flamed. Bold, acquisitive, hardy, and astute, they revolted 
 at the prospect of diminished gains ; fond of power, they 
 would not endure the loss of a tittle of authority they had 
 once possessed. This disposition was well understood by its 
 chief men, who foresaw the inevitable result, and, like Moses 
 on the mountain-side, looked forth to the promised land 
 which, denied to their own feet, was yet to be trodden by 
 their kindred. " Our fathers were a good people," wrote 
 Otis to England ; " we have been a free people ; and if you 
 will not let us remain so any longer, we will be a great 
 people." Thus already prepared to resent the measures of 
 
58 LIFE OF MAJOR AKDRF.. 
 
 government, they derived new zeal from the counsels of their 
 spiritual guides. Great as is still the influence in secular 
 matters of the clergy of New England, it was then enormous ; 
 and in political controversies was exercised even more power 
 fully than to-day, and more openly. In every ordinary ac 
 tion of life, it was usual to join the world s business with 
 religious duty ; and where the force of conscience failed, the 
 effect of long continued habit controlled the conduct of men.* 
 And the clergy of New England, naturally disturbed at the 
 increase, under quasi-royal protection, of prelatic forms of 
 worship, and professionally vexed at the division of their 
 power with a growing rival, were of one voice in their argu 
 ments. Thus, while we find the churchman of New England 
 almost universally to have been a tory, the Congregational- 
 ists, and whosoever adhered to the Calvinistic forms of wor- 
 
 * A conversation between James Otis and a member of the Assembly 
 from Boston, (apparently Thomas dishing,) "in which the satire," says 
 Mr. Tudor, " if it bears a little hard on the character of those times, is not 
 wholly inapplicable to most others," will better exemplify this position. 
 Otis observed, " They talk of sending me to the next General Court." 
 
 " You will never succeed in the General Court." "Not succeed! and 
 why not, pray? " " Why, Mr. Otis, you have ten times the learning, and 
 much greater abilities than I have, but you know nothing of human na 
 ture." " Indeed ! I wish you would give me some lessons." " Be patient, 
 and I will do so with pleasure. In the first place, what meeting do you go 
 to? " " Dr. Sewall s." " Very well, you must stand up in sermon time, 
 you must look devout and deeply attentive. Do you have family prayers? " 
 
 " Xo." " It were well if you did; what does your family consist of ? " 
 
 " AVhy, only four or five commonly; but at this time I have one of Dr. 
 Sewall s saints, who is a nurse of my wife." " Ah ! that is the very thing : 
 you must talk religion with her in a serious manner; you must have family 
 prayers at least once while she is in your house : that woman can do you 
 more harm or good than any other person: she will spread your fame 
 throughout the congregation. I can also tell you, by way of example, 
 some of the steps I take : two or three weeks before an election comes on, 
 I send to the cooper and get all my casks put in order; I say nothing about 
 the number of hoops. I send to the mason and have some job done to the 
 hearths or the chimneys; I have the carpenter to make some repairs in the 
 roof or the wood-house; I often go down to the ship-yards about eleven 
 o clock, when they break off to take their drink, and enter into conversa 
 tion with them. They all vote for me." ( Tudor s Otis, p. 91.) 
 
POLITICAL CONDITION OF MASSACHUSETTS IN 1774. 59 
 
 ship as practised in that country, were as universally whig*. 
 The former was self-confident and elate with the pride of a 
 superior rank ; the latter jealously indignant, and fearful of 
 the establishment of an American episcopacy. This was a 
 favorite bugbear. Among the lower classes the most dread 
 ful apprehensions of bishops prevailed ; they were esteemed 
 as little differing from demons ; and the children wept as 
 they listened to the tale that, among other perquisites of 
 episcopacy, every tenth-born child should be ravished from 
 its mother s side ; and were fain to pray, that death might 
 fall upon them so soon as a bishop s foot pressed New Eng 
 land soil. Intelligent and educated striplings thought it their 
 bounden duty to God to be ready to slay the first prelate 
 that should arrive. With these sentiments, it is no wonder 
 that the Episcopalians were closely watched, and such of their 
 chief men as were not openly whigs, put under restraint at 
 an early stage in the troubles ; nor that hatred of the state 
 of England was soon mingled with that of its church. No 
 stronger evidence of the coincidence of political and religious 
 feeling in this crisis can be found, than is presented by the 
 address of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, wherein 
 the people of New England are described as a church 
 against which earth and hell had combined. They were 
 moved by one religion, one cause ; and the number of those 
 who disagreed with them was too slight to militate against 
 their proposition. And in truth, it seems but reasonable 
 that the New England clergy should have resisted the intro 
 duction of episcopal supremacy, if such a design existed any 
 where but in the hopes or the fears of the colonists. The 
 land belonged to them and to their flocks ; and it would have 
 been utterly unjust to have subjected it to the spiritual dom 
 ination of a church abhorred by the people at large. No 
 wonder, then, that their pulpits volleyed forth the most bitter 
 imprecations against England, and that their prayers invoked 
 the Almighty to shatter her ships against the rocks, and to 
 drown her armies in the depths of the ocean. " Oh Lord," 
 
60 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 prayed a fervent divine, " if our enemies will fight us, let 
 them have fighting en6ugh ! If more soldiers are on their 
 way hither, send them, oh Lord ! to the bottom of the sea." 
 Impelled thus by their original inclinations, stimulated by 
 their clergy, and dexterously guided by astute leaders, the 
 people presented a front that no royal governor could repel 
 or confuse. It was then that what is now called a caucus 
 system was first brought into practical use, through the skill 
 of Samuel Adams and some other whig leaders. Before any 
 public meeting of importance came off, the measures and 
 men to be supported were carefully but secretly decided 
 upon by a council of three or four chiefs. The combination 
 of their personal adherents at the meeting was generally suf 
 ficient to decide the question, and to give the tone to its pro 
 ceedings ; while any opposition was effectually quashed by a 
 lack of union or preparation among their adversaries. 
 
 The appointment of General Gage to the government of 
 Massachusetts would, under ordinary circumstances, have 
 been an advantage to both crown and people. His poli 
 tics, so far as we know, were not harsh; on the repeal of 
 the Stamp Act, in 1769, his mansion at New York was bril 
 liantly illuminated ; and he had chosen a wife in this coun 
 try. In a military sense, he must have been familiar with the 
 land ; for so long before as 1755 he had led the 44th regiment 
 under Braddock, and been wounded by the side of Washing 
 ton. But the leaders of the whigs now saw in his appoint 
 ment a diabolical design, amounting to more than a studied 
 insult to the province. The Port Bill had been received at 
 Boston on the 10th of May, 1774. Gage arrived on the 
 13th ; and on the same day a town-meeting displayed a firm 
 and unconciliatory temper. On the 17th, Gage was formally 
 proclaimed ; but even at the banquet in Faneuil Hall, which 
 formed part of the ceremonies of the day, the disposition 
 of the people was displayed by the hisses with which they 
 greeted his toast to his predecessor, Mr. Hutchinson. Yet, 
 though he was thus early warned of the popular tendency, 
 
POLITICAL CONDITION OF MASSACHUSETTS IN 1774. 61 
 
 and though he never concealed the condition of things 
 from himself or his superiors, his letters to Lord Dartmouth 
 through the summer and fall of 1774 were calm, and often 
 hopeful. Things were always worse than when he wrote 
 last ; but ere he wrote again, they would probably be on the 
 mend. Thus it came that little reliance was placed on his 
 reports ; and the opposition openly declared that he had de 
 ceived ministers. " No event has turned out as he foretold, 
 or gave reason to hope ; the next letter constantly contradicts 
 the expectation raised by the former." But he soon saw that 
 the civil government of the province was nearly at an end. 
 The courts of justice were little more than a puppet-show ; 
 the judges were driven from the bench, and the juries re 
 fused to be sworn. Almost within cannon-shot of Boston, 
 thousands of people surrounded the house of Oliver, the lieu 
 tenant-governor, and by force compelled him to sign such 
 political papers as they chose. Dan forth, Lee, and other 
 members of the council, were similarly handled. The leg 
 islature too had, in May, almost ignored the existence of a 
 royal governor, and, despite his proclamation of dissolution, 
 had provided for a provincial congress. The ancient form of 
 civil government was indeed dead, for the General Court 
 never met more, and the power of the colony was to be di 
 vided between a royal governor and a rebel legislature till 
 Massachusetts became an independent state. In October, 
 1774, twelve out of fourteen counties sent representatives to 
 this provincial congress, at Salem ; and it forthwith proceeded 
 to act in every respect as the lawful government of the land ; 
 making provision for raising, arming, and controlling an 
 army ; and regulating the police of the province, and its in 
 tercourse with others. One of the first questions broached 
 was that of negro slavery ; and a letter directed to the chap 
 lain was read, asking whether, when the masters were strug 
 gling for freedom, their slaves should not share their lot. But 
 after debate, it was moved that " the matter now subside ; " and 
 it subsided accordingly. Their aim seems to have been to 
 
62 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRfi. 
 
 look exclusively to the main point, and to ignore {ill others. 
 Thus, in December, 1774, when the Baptist churches sought 
 to avail themselves of the opportunity of procuring religious 
 liberty, they were gracefully put aside by the congress. And 
 though rumor alleged that at the same time it refused to 
 direct the immediate taking up of arms against the king s 
 troops until the other colonies could be involved, yet it went 
 on accumulating guns and ammunition, and electing generals. 
 In all that it did it had the support of the people. They 
 who opposed its action were far more respectable in social 
 rank than in numbers. Putnam and Willard, Saltonstall, 
 Vassall, and Borland, Fitch, Stark, Ruggles, and Babcock, in 
 vain sought by their character and authority to stay the tide. 
 These were, it is true, of the first position in the colony ; but 
 the day was gone when they were to command respect and 
 obedience. When they formed associations for mutual pro 
 tection in " the free exercise of their right of liberty in eat 
 ing, drinking, buying, selling, communing, and acting what, 
 with whom, and as they pleased, consistent with God s law 
 and the King s," they were soon broken up and driven into 
 Boston, where Gage s troops protected them from violence. 
 " The tories," wrote one from Boston in the summer of 1774, 
 " lead a devil of a life ; in the country the people will not 
 grind their corn, and in town they refuse to purchase from 
 and sell to them." An obnoxious character might look for 
 any injury, from having his cattle taken or barns burned, up 
 to personal indignities. Willard going to recover a debt, 
 was mobbed and sent to the Simsbury mines ; Davis was 
 tarred and feathered ; Ruggles was mobbed and driven from 
 the county ; Paine and Chandler met with little better usage ; 
 and that " ancient gentleman," as Gage calls him, " Thomas 
 Foster, Esquire, was obliged to run into the woods and had 
 like to have been lost." In short, the province was almost 
 exclusively possessed by an organized party, who revenged 
 themselves on the British Parliament in ill-treating every one 
 that did not embrace whig principles. " There is something 
 
STATE OF AFFAIRS AT BOSTON. 63 
 
 extremely absurd," said an American at this date, who avows 
 his intention of eschewing politics as though they were edged 
 tools, "in some men s eternally declaiming on freedom of 
 thought, and the unalienable rights of Englishmen, when 
 they will not permit an opponent to open his mouth on the 
 subjects in dispute, without danger of being presented with a 
 coat of tar and feathers." " The very cause for w r hich the 
 whigs contended," says another who himself gallantly fought 
 for American independence, u was essentially that of freedom, 
 and yet all the freedom it granted was, at the peril of tar and 
 feathers, to think and act like themselves." With equal 
 animosity the whigs of the province regarded Gage. They 
 burned the forage coming to Boston for his troops, and sunk 
 the boats which brought bricks for his use. Beyond the 
 sound of his drum-beat, armed resistance was openly plan 
 ned: magazines were established, exercises in arms set on 
 foot, and weapons and ammunition of every sort, good or bad, 
 eagerly sought after by the people. Gage s conclusion was 
 that the object of the whig leaders was to provoke a collis 
 ion and precipitate a war ; and he therefore did not fail to 
 strengthen his hands for an occasion which, it is fair to be 
 lieve, he would most gladly have averted. By the time An 
 dre arrived at Boston there must have been three thousand 
 troops gathered there, besides a regiment in garrison at Cas 
 tle William ; and from several men-of-war in the harbor 
 four hundred marines were drawn early in December, led by 
 Pitcairne, a descendant of the classical panegyrist of Dundee, 
 and equally loyal as his ancestor, though to another line. 
 His name is celebrated in America by his connection with 
 the first blood shed in the Revolution, which his death at 
 Bunker Hill perhaps expiated. If we are to credit M. de 
 Chastellux, he was in the habit of traversing the country in 
 disguise and bringing in intelligence to Gage. 
 
 The condition of the troops was not pleasant. They were 
 constantly insulted or tampered with by the Americans, to 
 whom their presence was an insufferable nuisance. Deser- 
 
64 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR&. 
 
 tions were privately encouraged ; and before the war began, 
 scarce an organized American military company was without 
 its drill-master in the person of an English fugitive. Wash 
 ington s men at Alexandria, and Greene s in Rhode Island, 
 were thus taught their manual. This seduction of troops, and 
 the allurements held out to the men to sell their equipments, 
 added fresh fuel to the growing hatred between both parties ; 
 and frequent affrays occurred between the soldiers and the 
 citizens. It was probably for some flagrant annoyance of 
 this kind that Dyre, a man known as active in previous 
 disturbances, was seized and sent in irons to England in 
 1774. He averred that Maddison, who seems to have ques 
 tioned him pretty roughly as to the orders he might have re 
 ceived for the destruction of the tea from " King Hancock 
 and the d d Sons of Liberty," promised him, that once 
 arrived in England, " he should be hung like a dog " ; but 
 the more temperate of the whigs seem to have thought him 
 an untruthful fellow ; and all the trouble he was put to there 
 was to be examined by North, Dartmouth, and Sandwich, and 
 so discharged. But sometimes the soldiers settled the mat 
 ter themselves ; and having fairly caught in the act a whig 
 tempting them to sell their arms, tarred and feathered him 
 thoroughly, and paraded him, to the air of Yankee Doodle, as 
 " a specimen of Democracy." The example of the officers, 
 too, was frequently anything but praiseworthy. Entertain 
 ments and dances were given on Saturday night and carried 
 on into Sunday morning. Such things had never occurred 
 in Boston before, and gave great offence. Nor was it un 
 usual for a bevy of drunken officers to commit the grossest 
 indecencies and outrages in the public streets ; and violent 
 affrays, in which they generally came off second-best, were 
 the natural consequence. Of course, all these occurrences 
 were perfectly adapted to inflame the people s anger, and to 
 stimulate fresh invectives against Gage. It is true that he 
 gave a ready ear to every complaint against his subordinates, 
 and seldom hesitated to punish ; but he was upbraided, nev- 
 
STATE OF AFFAIRS AT BOSTON. 65 
 
 ertheless, as the modern Duke of Alva, as the tyrant of the 
 town ; and in the worst possible taste was told, that " the 
 savages who chased him on the Ohio were gentle as lambs, 
 compared with men bereaved of their liberties." The dan 
 gerous aspect of affairs soon led him to strengthen the old, 
 and erect new works to protect the only part of his province 
 that remained in good earnest subject to his control ; and the 
 sole communication between Boston and the main was guard 
 ed by substantial redoubts. This was a great grievance both 
 to the Massachusetts and the Continental Congress, who saw 
 in the fortifications a design to awe the country and enslave 
 the town ; but Gage very prudently refused to comply with 
 a request for their reduction. " Unless themselves an 
 noyed," he said, " the works which you call a Fortress will 
 annoy nobody." In private, however, the Americans ridi 
 culed these preparations. " The country lads," said Lovell, 
 " were minded to fill the trenches with bundles of hay, and 
 thus enter securely " ; and Appleton protested that the old 
 Louisbourg soldiers laughed at the entrenchments, and would 
 regard them no more than a beaver-dam. Nevertheless the 
 British occupied Boston sixteen months longer, and no at 
 tempt was ever made to put these threats into execution. 
 
 About the period of Andre s visit, towards the close of 
 1774, the army at Boston was well handled. It was brig 
 aded under Percy, Pigot, and Jones, and a field-officer with 
 a hundred and fifty men guarded the lines on the Neck. 
 Their duties confined the officers to circumscribed bounds ; 
 but the beautiful appearance of the surrounding country was 
 not lost on them. " The entrance to the harbour," wrote 
 Captain (afterwards Lord) Harris, " and the view of the 
 town of Boston from it, is the most charming thing I ever 
 
 saw My tent-door, about twenty yards from a 
 
 piece of water nearly a mile broad, with the country beyond 
 most beautifully tumbled about in hills and valleys, rocks 
 and woods, interspersed with straggling villages, with here 
 and there a spire peeping over the trees, and the country of 
 5 
 
66 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRlL 
 
 the most charming green that delighted eye ever gazed on. 
 Pity these infatuated people cannot be content to enjoy such 
 a country in peace ! " But of these scenes beyond the lines 
 the troops could have no nearer acquaintance. From the au 
 tumn of 1774, it was not safe for any ministerialist, military 
 or civil, to be found out of Boston, where Gage remained 
 almost in a state of siege, yet with few of its discomforts. 
 The Americans might cut off the supplies of beef and mut 
 ton, and occasionally reduce the officers to salted diet ; but 
 the temptation of gain led them to smuggle in fresh pro 
 visions. All sorts, the officers wrote, were plenty there, and 
 cheaper than in London, though prices had risen with the 
 demand. " The saints " were beginning to relish the money 
 spent in Boston ; and the only regret to the spenders was the 
 enriching of a set of people who, in their eyes, " with the 
 most austere show of devotion, were void of all real religion 
 and honesty, and were reckoned the most arrant cheats and 
 hypocrites on the continent." " In some respects," writes an 
 officer, " our camp might as well have been pitched on Black- 
 heath as on Boston Common ; the women are very handsome, 
 but like old mother Eve, very frail " ; and in social refine 
 ments, the country was a hundred years behind England. 
 In short, it is clear that the dislike of the provincials was 
 amply returned by the British, chafing at the scoffs which 
 they received, and the indignity of remaining cooped up in 
 the presence of an antagonist whom they despised. For by 
 many it was thought that the proceedings of congress were 
 designed merely to intimidate the merchants in England, 
 and that America would never be so mad as to take up 
 arms. " Whenever it comes to blows, he that can run fast 
 est will think himself best off," said the officers at Boston. 
 " Any two regiments here ought to be decimated if they did 
 not beat, in the field, the whole force of the Massachusetts 
 Province ; for though they are numerous, they are but a 
 mere mob, without order or discipline, and very awkward at 
 handling their arms." That it would have to come to blows 
 
STATE OF AFFAIES AT BOSTON. 67 
 
 was now perceived. " I see some pretty resolves from Con 
 cord." wrote Admiral Montagu, " and the proceedings from 
 Philadelphia all seem to go on well for a Civil War." And 
 again "I doubt not but that I shall hear Mr. Samuel 
 Adams is hanged or shot before many months are at an end. 
 I hope so at least." * Nor was the language in which they 
 were spoken of by the friends of America in England very 
 conciliatory. " A mere army of observation," said Burke; 
 " its only use was to shelter the magistrates of ministerial cre 
 ation " ; while Chatham characterized them as " an impotent 
 general and a dishonoured army, trusting solely to the pickaxe 
 and the spade for security against the just indignation of an 
 injured and an insulted people." "They are an army of 
 impotence," he repeated, in reference to Gage s inactivity. 
 " I do not mean to censure his inactivity ; it is prudent and 
 necessary inaction. But it is a miserable condition, where 
 disgrace is prudence ; and where it is necessary to be con 
 temptible." Even the political rhymesters, with Lord John 
 Townshend at their head, found occasion to celebrate the 
 sources of ministerial embarrassment. Thus the latter ad 
 dresses the pious Dartmouth: 
 
 " The saints, alas ! have waxen strong ; 
 In vain your fasts and godly song 
 
 To quell the rebel rout ! 
 Within his lives skulks valiant Gage, 
 Like Yorick s starling in the cage 
 
 He cries, I can t get out ! " 
 
 * The British seem to have believed that Samuel Adams was their most 
 powerful and unscrupulous foe in the province. In March, 1775, one of them 
 wrote that when Dr. Warren had pronounced, in the Old South meeting 
 house, an oration in commemoration of what was absurdly called a Massacre, 
 Mr. Adams demanded that the meeting name an orator for the next anniver 
 sary of " the bloody and horrid massacre perpetrated by Preston s soldiers." 
 Several royal officers were present to discountenance the proceedings ; and 
 one, " a very genteel, sensible officer, dressed in gold-lace regimentals, with 
 blue lapels, moved with indignation at the insult offered the Army, since 
 Captain Preston had been fairly tried and most honourably acquitted by a 
 Boston Jury, advanced to Hancock and Adams, and spoke his sentiments to 
 them in plain English; the latter told the officer he knew him, and would 
 
68 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR. 
 
 Cramped up thus within the town-limits, and deprived by 
 the countrymen of every means of erecting needful buildings 
 for their lodging or accommodation, the British were forced to 
 use many liberties with the public edifices of the place ; and 
 we may be sure they were little loath to convert the South 
 Church into a riding-school. As it had been employed by 
 the whigs for political lectures, it perhaps possessed the less 
 sanctity in the eyes of Gage s followers ; but this association of 
 religion and horses will remind the reader of Constantino s 
 adorning the hippodrome of his new capital with the famous 
 and sacred serpentine pillar of brass, which had for ages 
 commemorated, at Delphi, the glory of Marathon. Respect 
 for the creeds of others rarely clogs the action of a power 
 either in peace or in war. 
 
 The Americans had ample intelligence of all Gage did. 
 Their Provincial Congress even sent in a committee to ex 
 amine the surgeon s stores with the commissary in Boston, 
 that they might, it would seem, learn what to lay in for their 
 own army. But there was one sort of military supply that, 
 on either side, has since the war been less loudly acknowl 
 edged than it was then eagerly sought. Before the first gun 
 was fired at Concord or Lexington, the Massachusetts Con 
 gress had induced the Stockbridge Indians to take up the 
 hatchet, and had regularly enrolled them in its army. The 
 chief sachem, who went by the euphonious title of Jehoiakin 
 Mothskin, exchanged sentiments with Mr. Hancock, and 
 informed the Congress that if they sent for him to fight, 
 they must expect him to fight in his own Indian way, and 
 not in the English fashion ; all the orders he wished was to 
 know where the enemy lay. At the same period, the Amer 
 icans were less successful in treating with the Six Nations, 
 the Penobscots, Caughnawagas, &c., with whom the English 
 had no doubt a superior influence. Their address to the 
 
 settle the matter with the General; the man of honour replied, You and I 
 must settle it iirst. At this the demagogue turned pale and waived the dis 
 course." ii. Am. Arch, ith str. 106. 
 
STATE OF AFFAIRS AT BOSTON. 69 
 
 Mohawks is very curious. One of the motives urged to 
 induce the savage " to whet his hatchet " is the probable 
 increase of popery in Canada ! It is probable that most 
 of these applications were occasioned by the wish to keep 
 the frontiers safe, and to weaken England ; but there 
 were cases which such considerations could scarce have 
 reached, and where the barbarian was employed simply 
 as a warrior. " We need not be tender of calling on the 
 savages," wrote Gage to Dartmouth, in June, 1775, "as 
 the rebels have shown us the example by bringing as many 
 Indians down against us here as they could collect." At 
 a later day Washington was authorized to employ the In 
 dians in the continental service at his discretion, and to 
 pay them $100 for every officer, and $30 for every pri 
 vate that they captured ; but the Massachusetts Congress 
 was probably the first party in the war to bring them on 
 the field. Their employment afterwards by the British 
 was made a famous theme of reproach, by Americans as 
 well as Englishmen, against Suffolk who had vindicated 
 the step : 
 
 "We ve flayed the virgins, babes and wives, 
 With tomahawks and scalping-knives, 
 Which God and Nature gave us." 
 
 Without the means of connecting Andre directly with 
 any incident in the occupation of Boston, a sketch of the 
 military features of the place and time has now been given, 
 with intent to present those points which would most proba- 
 .bly have had a chief interest to him. Were there any rea 
 son to think that he remained with Gage so late as Feb 
 ruary, 1775, he might be suspected of a part in some such 
 expedition as that of Brown and De Berniere, two officers 
 sent out in disguise by the general to make a reconnaissance 
 of the country, through Suffolk and Worcester counties, 
 where the whigs had their chief magazines ; perhaps with 
 an eye to a descent. The spies were selected apparently 
 as having recently arrived from Canada, and therefore as 
 
70 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 less apt to be known as royal officers. They returned from 
 a perilous and toilsome journey, well supplied with plans 
 and sketches ; and a very entertaining report of their expe 
 dition is preserved. We may imagine how Andre s pencil 
 and pen would have been busied, not only with the more 
 legitimate duty of the occasion, but with such episodes as 
 the militia review at Buckminster s tavern, which was fol 
 lowed by an address from the commander, "recommending 
 patience, coolness, and bravery, (which indeed they much 
 needed,) particularly told them they would always con 
 quer if they did not break, and recommended them to 
 charge us coolly, and wait for our fire, and everything 
 would succeed with them, quotes Crcsar and Pompey, 
 Brigadiers Putnam and Ward, and all such great men ; 
 put them in mind of Cape Breton, and all the battles 
 they had gained for his majesty in the last war, and ob 
 served that the regulars must have been ruined but for 
 them. After so learned and spirited an harangue, he dis 
 missed the parade, and the whole company came into the 
 house and drank till nine o clock, and then returned to their 
 respective homes full of pot-valor." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Condition of Canada in 1775. Operations on Lake Champlain and the 
 Sorel. Fall of Fort St. John, and Capture of Andre". 
 
 FROM Boston Andre might have passed either by land or 
 by sea to Canada. The former route would have been the 
 most dangerous for a known adherent of the crown ; but 
 since his arrival in America, there had probably been no 
 necessity of his connection with the army being made public, 
 and we may therefore conjecture, that he encountered little 
 difficulty in getting out of the town, or on his road through 
 the northern parts of New England. There was indeed no 
 inconsiderable share of loyalty among the people along his 
 path ; but the whig element decidedly predominated ; and 
 perhaps the first overt act of rebellion on the continent was 
 the capture of the fort at Portsmouth, on December 13th, 
 1774, by a band of three or four hundred men, acting under 
 instructions from the Boston whigs. They rushed in by 
 beat of drum, disregarding the four-pounders that were hur 
 riedly and harmlessly discharged against them ; and over 
 awing the garrison of six invalids, and binding the command 
 er, they hauled down the royal colors, and bore off (as was 
 their chief design) all the arms and ammunition of the post. 
 Such an event as this ought to occupy an important place in 
 the annals of our early violations of existing laws ; and taken 
 in connection with all that had elsewhere transpired within 
 the range of his observation since his arrival at Philadelphia, 
 must have furnished Andre with matter for a very sufficient 
 report upon the temper and designs of the Americans, if in 
 deed such task had been assigned him. All this, however, is 
 
72 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDlifi. 
 
 conjectural. We only know that he at last rejoined his regi 
 ment, the seventh, in Canada. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton, the military and civil commander of the 
 province of Quebec (which comprehended both Canadas) 
 had arrived there in September, 1774. He was a man of 
 clear and extensive judgment, great administrative faculties, 
 large experience, and winning manners ; and though turned 
 of fifty, an active and skilful soldier. With the character of 
 the Canadians he was well acquainted, and the extraordinary 
 official powers that he was vested with appear to have been 
 used so sagaciously as to procure most important advantages 
 for England, without alienating the hearts of the people. 
 Among our own leaders there was an opinion that it was 
 lucky for America that the ministry should have so far gone 
 out of their way, as by a private arrangement with him, 
 to have given to Howe and Burgoyne the command of the 
 royal arms ; for the appointment, by the customs of the ser 
 vice, pertained to Sir Guy, and it is very certain that he 
 would have made a better chief than either of his substitutes. 
 He seems, too, to have been a supporter of the cabinet ; yet 
 his praises were sounded by their staunchest opponents, and 
 the Duke of Richmond passed a most glowing eulogium upon 
 him at this period in the House of Lords. In his present 
 position he had the advantage of some familiarity with the 
 patriots who were shortly to be brought against him. Mont 
 gomery and St. Clair had fought by his side when Mont- 
 calm fell, and as quartermaster of Wolfe s army he must 
 have had some knowledge of Charles Lee and Putnam, of 
 Starke, Schuyler, and Wooster. Such was the General 
 under w r hose command Andre had first experience of actual 
 w 7 ar. 
 
 The people of Canada at this date, if not so warmly at 
 tached to the British government as a few years sooner they 
 had been to that of France, w r ere at least not generally dis 
 contented. The provisions of the Quebec act gave them 
 little uneasiness. Unused to democratical forms of govern- 
 
CONDITION OF CANADA IN 1775. 73 
 
 ment, they did not share in the anger of the whigs in Eng 
 land and the more southern colonies, at a law which gave 
 them no part in the administration of public affairs, while 
 the free toleration of the Catholic religion was necessarily 
 grateful to a population that was Catholic almost to a man. 
 But our leaders in Massachusetts and elsewhere did not 
 relish the idea of going into a war with England without 
 striving to make allies rather than enemies of a country that 
 lay in such dangerous contiguity to their own ; and secret 
 emissaries were already among the Canadians. In further 
 ance of this end, congress sent forth to them an able address, 
 which, translated into French and distributed in manuscript, 
 produced a good effect among that people ; but it unfortu 
 nately inspired some of their principal men to examine the 
 address to the people of England, made at the same time. 
 This document, while it did not flatter the civil capabilities 
 of the Canadians, inveighed with great warmth against the 
 countenance parliament had given to their creed ; which was 
 declared to be the disseminator of impiety, persecution, and 
 murder over all the world. These passages provoked the 
 violent resentment of the readers, who openly cursed " the 
 perfidious, double-faced congress," and hesitated no longer 
 in renewing their allegiance to King George. This conse 
 quence should have been foreseen. " I beg leave," wrote 
 over an English friend to America, in January, 1775, u to 
 caution you against any strictures on the Roman Catholic 
 religion, as it will be much more advantageous for you to 
 conciliate to you the Canadians, than to exasperate or rouse 
 the people here ; let us alone to do that." The few active 
 sympathizers that congress possessed in Canada were chiefly 
 new-comers, whose zeal was more abundant than their dis 
 cretion. On the day fixed for the Quebec act to go into 
 force, (May 1, 1775,) the king s bust on the parade at Mont 
 real was found to have been blackened during the night, and 
 adorned with a rosary of potatoes and a wooden cross, to 
 which this label was added : Le Pape du Canada, ou le sot 
 
74 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR&. 
 
 Anglois. This insult greatly exasperated the government as 
 well as the people. 
 
 Meanwhile, matters with Gage were coming to a crisis, 
 and Carleton left no stone unturned to put his own govern 
 ment in condition to render every service in its power to the 
 crown. He seems indeed to have for a time meditated a 
 march upon Boston, and two officers were sent out with pri 
 vate instructions to explore a military route. But the enter- 
 prise^ of the Americans, and the fortunes of war, soon gave 
 him abundant occupation at home. 
 
 The course which an army would, it was thought, be 
 obliged to follow in passing between Canada and the other 
 colonies, was well known. Lake Champlain, commencing 
 near the upper waters of the Hudson, and stretching one 
 hundred and twenty miles to the north, pours its waters 
 through the Sorel into the St. Lawrence, between Montreal 
 and Quebec. This lake was commanded by the fortresses 
 of Ticonderoga, erected near its communication with Lake 
 George, and of Crown Point, situated farther to the north. 
 At the head of navigation on the Sorel, Fort Chambly was 
 erected, and twelve miles to the southward was the post of 
 St. Johns. To garrison these places would, in time of war, 
 demand large forces ; but in peace they were of course held 
 by slender guards. In fact, the only troops that Carleton 
 now had in Lower Canada were the 7th and 26th regiments, 
 numbering 717 men, all told. The 8th regiment was in 
 Upper Canada ; and all were broken up into various and 
 scattered detachments. 
 
 As Ticonderoga was known to contain large military stores, 
 of which we were very destitute, it was concerted to seize this 
 post so soon as hostilities should commence. A secret emis 
 sary of the Boston Committee appears to have so managed 
 the affair that when, on the 10th of May, three weeks after the 
 Lexington fight, he accompanied the Americans in a night- 
 surprise of the fortress, he was surprised to find the gates 
 closed. A wicket, however, stood conveniently open, and, 
 
OPERATIONS OX LAKE CHAMPLAIN AXD THE SOREL. 75 
 
 giving the Indian war-whoop, the assailants poured in 
 " with uncommon rancour," as Ethan Allen, their chief, 
 expressed it. The forty-four men of the 26th, who gar 
 risoned the place, were compelled to surrender with hardly a 
 pretence at resistance, beyond the snapping of his firelock by 
 the sentry ; and it would seem that the only injury received 
 by any of the victors was in consequence of a dispute be 
 tween two of the leaders as to their conduct in the business, 
 in the course of which Colonel Easton was " heartily kicked " 
 by Colonel Arnold. 
 
 The Americans on this occasion were not numerous, but 
 they were active. Crown Point, Skenesborough, and St. 
 Johns were visited without delay, the public stores seized 
 or destroyed, and a few more soldiers taken prisoners. But 
 the secret of the expedition had leaked out before the blow 
 was struck, and large reinforcements were actually on their 
 way to Ticonderoga when it was captured. There is even 
 reason to suppose that Andre was of the party. It consisted 
 of one hundred and twenty men, with six pieces of cannon ; 
 and was but twenty miles from St. Johns when that place 
 fell. To these appear to have been joined forty more from 
 Chambly. On the 19th May they fell upon Allen, who was 
 then at St. Johns. He retreated with trifling loss, and the 
 British resumed possession of the post. 
 
 So long as he retained the command of the Sorel, Carleton 
 knew that a serious invasion of Canada was unlikely. He 
 therefore at once set about strengthening his hands in this 
 quarter. Over five hundred regulars were soon gathered for 
 the defence of Chambly and St. Johns, drawn chiefly from 
 the 7th and 26th regiments, with a few from the naval and 
 artillery services ; and a number of Canadian levies, and all 
 the ship-carpenters from Quebec, were joined with them. 
 The summer was passed in building vessels wherewith to 
 regain the control of Lake Champlain, and in fortifying St. 
 Johns. This post was situated on a level space near the 
 riverside, and, so long as it could hold out, was thought to 
 
76 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 be a perfect safeguard against any attempt on Chambly. 
 The latter fort was therefore but weakly garrisoned, and ap 
 pears to bave been regarded by the English as a place of 
 deposit for the bulk of their stores, and one to which they 
 might safely resort should the other work become untenable. 
 The provisions for St. Johns were even kept there, to be 
 issued forth from time to time as wanted. By the end of 
 August, two vessels were nearly ready to receive their 
 masts, and two strong square forts erected. These were 
 about a hundred yards apart, connected towards the water by 
 a small breastwork. A ditch, fed from the river, and strong 
 pickets, or chevaux-de-frise, encompassed them about ; and 
 they were well supplied with artillery. The hesitancy of 
 congress to set on foot an invasion of a neighboring province, 
 gave the English unusual facilities for carrying on their toil 
 uninterruptedly. That body bad indeed approved of the pri 
 vate enterprise which wrested Ticonderoga from the king s 
 hands ; but it was not until June that it took steps to provide 
 for a continental army and to appoint its generals. On the 
 27th, a few days later, Major-General Schuyler was directed 
 to repair to Ticonderoga and, if expedient, to invade Canada ; 
 but it was not before the 30th that Articles of War for the 
 government of its soldiery were actually adopted. A num 
 ber of Americans were already assembled at Ticonderoga 
 when Schuyler arrived there on the 18th July, and many 
 more came in during the summer; so that towards its close 
 upwards of 2000 men were expected to move to the Sorel. 
 But, as may be easily believed, this force was stronger in 
 numbers than effectiveness. Drawn from different colonies, 
 unaccustomed to serve together, impatient of discipline, their 
 ranks were filled with jealousies and disputes.* The most 
 
 * "About ten o clock last night I arrived at the landing-place, the north 
 end of Lake George, a post occupied by a captain and one hundred men. 
 A sentinel, on being informed I was in the boat, quitted his post to go and 
 awake the guard, consisting of three men, in which he had no success. I 
 walked up, and came to another, a sergeant s guard. Here the sentinel 
 challenged, but suffered me to come up to him, the whole guard, like the 
 
OPERATIOXS OX LAKE CHAMPLAIX AXD THE SOREL. 77 
 
 undaunted courage cannot long supply the lack of subordina 
 tion in a soldier ; and this defect seems to have been one great 
 cause of Schuyler s trouble. He alleges that even from a par 
 tisan so valiant and important as Ethan Allen, he was obliged 
 to exact a solemn promise of proper demeanor before he re 
 luctantly gave him permission to attend the army. Nor was 
 desertion unknown : " We held a court-martial at every other 
 stage," wrote a New York officer, " and gave several of the 
 unruly ones Moses s Law, i. e. thirty-nine." 
 
 Apprehensive that the enemy s vessels would be ready 
 for service before the full force with which he designed en 
 tering Canada could be brought up, Schuyler appeared be 
 fore St. Johns, with upwards of 1000 men, on the 6th of 
 September. A landing was made within two miles of the 
 place, and after some brisk skirmishing the troops halted for 
 the night. But no Canadians repaired to their aid, as had 
 been hoped for, which, with other prudential considerations, 
 induced the American leaders to return on the 7th to the 
 Isle-anx-Noix, not far distant. On the night of the 10th a 
 detachment of 800 men, under Montgomery, again landed 
 near the fort ; but the noise which a part made in marching 
 through the tangled woods occasioned a panic among the rest, 
 from which there was no recovering them ; and it was neces 
 sary, on the next day, to lead them back, after a very trifling 
 skirmish. On the 17th, however, they were once more em 
 barked, and, Schuyler s illness preventing his accompanying 
 them, the subsequent conduct of the siege devolved upon 
 Montgomery. It is difficult to estimate the strength of his 
 forces, by reason of the numbers who were constantly sent 
 back to Crown Point on the sick-list ; but it was probably 
 
 first, in the soundest sleep. With a penknife only I could have cut oft both 
 guards, and then have set fire to the block-house, destroyed the stores, and 
 starved the people here. . . . But I hope to get the better of this inattention. 
 The officers and men are all good-looking people, and decent in their de 
 portment, and I really believe will make good soldiers as soon as I can get 
 the better of this nonchalance of theirs. Bravery, I believe, they are fax 
 from wanting." Schuyler to Washington, July 18, 1775. 
 
78 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDEF.. 
 
 not far from 2000 men. A party was stationed between 
 Chambly and St. Johns to interrupt the communication ; and 
 though it was routed by an expedition from the fort, subse 
 quent reinforcements arrived to the Americans, and on the 
 18th the British were in turn compelled to fly. The invest 
 ment continued, but bad weather and the feebleness of the 
 beleaguering army retarded its progress not a little. The 
 fort was held by Major Preston, of the 26th, with upwards 
 of 500 men ; among whom was a large part of the 7th, with 
 Andre as their quartermaster. Major Stopford of the 7th, 
 with nearly 100 of that regiment, commanded at Chambly. 
 In Montgomery s opinion it was necessary to erect certain 
 works to insure the reduction of St. Johns ; but he had to 
 do, as he soon acknowledged, with " troops who carried the 
 spirit of freedom into the field, and thought for themselves." 
 His ideas were not approved of by his inferiors, and he was 
 compelled to lay the plan aside. This is but an instance of 
 the crude organization of our army at this early day. \\ r oos- 
 ter, the third in rank in that region, held command of his 
 Connecticut men as a colonial and not a continental regi 
 ment, explaining that they were allies of the other Ameri 
 cans, but soldiers of Connecticut ; and Schuyler says that 
 it was with no little difficulty that any useful service was 
 at length obtained from them. With others of his offi 
 cers, Montgomery s relations were extremely embarrassing. 
 Many of them reported directly to their respective colonial 
 authorities, and of course commented freely on all that oc 
 curred. The ill effects of such a system are evident ; but 
 there was then no help for it. A New Hampshire officer 
 informs the government that he alone has the execution of 
 any successful measure ; the failures are due to Allen and 
 others. Another officer, a captain, kept up a correspondence 
 with Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, in which, professing 
 his own piety, he feels called upon to complain of the pro 
 fanity of head-quarters ; Montgomery, besides, is no general, 
 though he may indeed possess courage. On the other hand, 
 
SIEGE OF FORT ST. JOHN. 79 
 
 courage was the very quality which Montgomery seems to 
 have found lacking in some of his followers. He reports to 
 Schuyler the cowardly conduct of an officer of the same 
 name as this critical writer, and adds : " Were I furnished 
 with power for that purpose, he should not live an hour after 
 his trial, if the court condemn him." This spirit of insubor 
 dination, which induced Montgomery s army to prefer mutiny 
 to the sacrifice to his positive commands of their own opinion 
 as to the best way of besieging St. Johns, must be duly con 
 sidered by every one who follows our military history at this 
 period. It prevailed widely ; and the purest patriotism, and the 
 irksome use of flattery and persuasion, were too often needed 
 to enable a general to retain his commission or to effect any 
 thing with his troops. Montgomery was wearied of his place, 
 and anxious to get rid of it ; for matters soon came to such a 
 pass that he was obliged to inform his chief subordinates (or, 
 rather, insubordinates), that unless they would obey his orders 
 he should at once abandon the leadership and leave them to 
 their own devices. At the same period Schuyler, disgusted 
 with the disorders that he could not subdue, was resolved no 
 longer " to coax, to wheedle, and even to lie, to carry on the 
 service," and made up his mind to retire ; while Washington, 
 for similar causes, declared that no earthly consideration 
 should have wooed him to accept the chief command, had he 
 foreseen what was before him. Yet there were many good 
 soldiers in our ranks, and discipline only was required to ren 
 der them all such. Meanwhile the siege went on slowly. 
 Both parties suffered from want of sufficient necessaries of 
 war. The garrison fought often knee-deep in mire, and their 
 opponents, in addition to the injudicious nature of their works, 
 labored under a deficiency of ammunition. At this juncture, 
 an enterprise, suggested by some Canadians whom Major 
 James Livingston had prevailed on to espouse the American 
 cause, was crowned with success, and gave an unexpected 
 turn to affairs. With 300 of them, and in cooperation with 
 a detachment from Montgomery s army, he attacked Fort 
 
80 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 Chambly. On the 18th of October, Major Stopford of the 
 7th, with nearly 100 of his men, surrendered this post, in 
 which, as in a place of security, were lodged not only the 
 stores for St. Johns, but the women and children of the 
 troops that defended it, and to which the beleaguered garri 
 son already meditated a retreat. It may be noted that Liv 
 ingston, whose conduct on this occasion so greatly promoted 
 the event that reduced Andre to captivity, was the same offi 
 cer who, a few years later, was indirectly the cause of his 
 final and fatal arrest. " The capture of Chamblee occa 
 sioned many others," wrote Sir Henry Clinton, long after. 
 Lamb also, the artillery officer at West Point on this last oc 
 casion, now pointed the guns against the walls within which 
 Andre fought. The colors of the 7th were among the spoils 
 taken at Chambly. They were sent to Philadelphia ; and 
 their keeping, after presentation to congress, being probably 
 confided to the President, they were, wrote John Adams to 
 his wife, " hung up in Mrs. Hancock s chamber with great 
 splendor and elegance."* These were the first standards 
 captured in this war. 
 
 The garrison of St. Johns was now put on half allowance, 
 and the siege was more vigorously conducted. Montgomery s 
 men seem at length to have permitted his views to be carried 
 out; and on the 29th October, a battery was erected, under 
 the fire of the fort, on an eminence to the north which entire 
 ly commanded it. On the next day ten guns and mortars were 
 
 * The 7th lost its colors again before the war was ended. One of these, 
 taken at Yorktown, is preserved, as the gift of Washington, at Alexandria, 
 Va. It is of heavy twilled silk, seventy-two inches long by sixty-four \vide, 
 and presents the red and white crosses on a blue field. In the centre, in 
 silk embroidery, is the crown above a rose surrounded by a garter with the 
 legend, lloid suit rjiii malypense. The royal warrant of July 1, 1751, pre 
 scribes lor the 7th: "In the centre of their colours the Rose within the 
 Garter, and the Crown over it: the White Horse in the corners of the sec 
 ond Colour." This colour now also bears by royal warrant the words: 
 Martinique., Talavera, Albuhera, Badajo/, Salamanca, Vittoria, Pyrenees, 
 Orthes, Peninsula, Toulouse; memorials of victories that may well obliter 
 ate the scenes of America. 
 
CAPTURE OF ANDR. 81 
 
 mounted, and preparations made for a general cannonade 
 and assault. Tidings of affairs had however been conveyed 
 to Carleton, who marched with a strong force of irregulars to 
 relieve the place. His design was to attack the American 
 intrenchments, while Preston at the same time should make 
 a sally from within. But on the 30th October, Sir Guy s 
 party was intercepted and defeated, and he was compelled to 
 retreat to Montreal. On the evening of November 1st, the 
 new battery and the old four-gun work having kept up an 
 incessant fire through the day, which was briskly returned 
 from the forty-eight pieces of the fort, Montgomery sent a 
 fiag to Preston with one of the prisoners taken at Carleton s 
 defeat, and a request that, since relief was now hopeless, the 
 post should be surrendered. To this Preston replied, prom 
 ising to offer proposals if relief should not appear within four 
 days. These terms were peremptorily declined. Another 
 prisoner of superior rank was sent to Preston, with a decla 
 ration from Montgomery, that the only means to insure the 
 honors of war for the garrison and the safety of the officers 
 baggage, was to surrender at once. The Englishman yielded, 
 and on the 2nd, articles of capitulation were signed. The 
 troops were allowed all the honors of war. " This was due," 
 said Montgomery, " to their fortitude and perseverance." 
 The officers were to retain their side-arms ; their firearms 
 were to be kept in pledge ; the effects of the garrison were 
 not to be withheld unless a prisoner should escape, in which 
 case his property was to be given as plunder to the Ameri 
 cans ; and the prisoners were to pass into Connecticut, or such 
 place of detention as congress might provide. A quarter 
 master from each corps was also to go on parole to Montreal 
 to settle its business and bring up its baggage. For the 7th, 
 this duty fell upon Andre ; seven of its officers had been 
 taken at Chambly, and thirteen more were now captives 
 with most of its privates. About sixty men only remained 
 at liberty. These had been retained by Carleton, and shared 
 in the defence of Quebec. At 9 A. M., on the 3rd November, 
 
82 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 1775, the Americans entered St. Jolms ; and the English, to 
 the number of six hundred, marching out and grounding their 
 arms on a plain to the westward, became prisoners of war. 
 They were immediately embarked for Ticonderoga. 
 
 The principal losses to either side during this siege seem 
 to have been by desertions. Of our people, but nine were 
 killed, and four or five wounded. " You know we take good 
 care of ourselves," wrote Montgomery. Nor could the Brit 
 ish casualties have been very numerous, since the defence 
 was conducted with hardly an attempt at a sortie ; though 
 such measures might have been very advantageous to the 
 besieged. But for the capture of Chambly, and the final 
 adoption of our general s plan of investment, the fort would 
 not have fallen at all, either by assault or starvation ; for 
 assault was only practicable from that quarter whence our 
 men had at first shrunk, with an impression that they were 
 to be betrayed and trepanned under the guns of the place. 
 Besides, at the time of surrender, very many of our troops 
 were importunate to go home. Their enlistments were near 
 ly out, and they were utterly unaccustomed to the severities 
 of military life, or to prolonged absence from their families. 
 Few indeed of the hundreds of sick that were sent to Ticon 
 deroga ever returned to camp. " The greater part of them 
 are so averse to going back, that they pretend sickness and 
 skulk about; and some, even officers, go away without leave; 
 nor can I get the better of them," wrote Schuyler to con 
 gress. Had the siege endured much longer, probably half 
 of our army would have retired. As it was, Howe, at Bos 
 ton, had little idea that all was not going on well on the Sorel, 
 till the Americans furnished him with a newspaper account 
 of our victories. On the 14th November, Washington pub 
 lished the grateful intelligence to the army beleaguering 
 Howe: and the countersign for the day was " Montgomery"; 
 the parole, " St. Johns." A thousand copies of the account 
 of the capture were printed by congress for distribution in 
 England. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Andre s Captivity. Detained in Pennsylvania. Treatment of Prisoners. 
 Andrews Relations with the Americans. His Letters to Mr. Cope. 
 Exchange and Promotion. Sir Charles Grey. Sir Henry Clinton and 
 the Operations on the Hudson. 
 
 THE stipulation that their effects should not be withheld 
 from the garrison of St. Johns does not seem to have been 
 observed. It but was too customary on both sides, at this 
 time, to disregard the rights of the vanquished and defence 
 less. The British, being better disciplined, did their spiriting 
 rather more gently than our troops. The American bag 
 gage, protected by the capitulation of Fort Washington hi 
 November, 1776, was only partially plundered; while about 
 the same period Washington, by flogging and cashiering, was 
 striving to make the Nyms and Bardolphs of our ranks re 
 frain from stealing large mirrors, women s raiment, and the 
 like, from private houses, to prevent their falling into the 
 enemy s hands. It was with difficulty that Andre got away 
 with the baggage of the 7th from Montreal, whither our 
 army had marched. On the 13th November, 1775, Mont 
 gomery writes to Schuyler : 
 
 " I wish some method could be fallen upon of engaging 
 gentlemen to serve ; a point of honour and more knowledge 
 of the world, to be found in that class of men, would greatly 
 reform discipline, and render the troops much more tracta 
 ble. The officers of the 1st regiment of Yorkers, and Ar 
 tillery Company, were very near a mutiny the other day, 
 because I would not stop the clothing of the garrison of St. 
 Johns. I would not have sullied my own reputation, nor 
 disgraced the Continental arms, by such a breach of capitu 
 lation, for the universe ; there was no driving it into their 
 
84 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 noddles, that the clothing was really the property of the sol 
 dier, that he had paid for it, and that every regiment, in this 
 country especially, saved a year s clothing, to have decent 
 clothes to wear on particular occasions." 
 
 But there were, first or last, other and less scrupulous 
 hands to be met ; which, as they did not hesitate to spoil the 
 goods of congress, were probably not idle among those of a 
 captive enemy, protected only by a guard of honor. u I 
 have been taken prisoner by the Americans," wrote Andre 
 to a friend at home, " and stript of every thing, except the 
 picture of Honora, which I concealed in my mouth. Pre 
 serving that, I yet think myself fortunate." * At Ticonde- 
 roga the officers of the 7th and 26th applied to the Americans 
 for blankets and shoes for their men, who were almost bare 
 footed ; but there were none to spare. Schuyler, however, 
 who had received the hospitalities of the 26th when travel 
 ling in Ireland, advanced means to the officers of both regi 
 ments to supply these necessities. They were then sent, 
 under a guard of a hundred men, for Connecticut ; where 
 the Committee of Safety had provided for their distribution, 
 and for the assignment of the privates as laborers. This 
 was a practice with our government through the contest, as 
 it was afterwards of Napoleon s ; but it was warmly resented 
 by the English. Gage, especially, complained that the pris- 
 
 * Extract from Miss Sewanfs Witt: " The mezzotinto engraving from 
 a picture of Romney, which is thus inscribed on a tablet at top, Such tnts 
 Honora Sneyd, I bequeath to her brother Edward Sneyd, Esq., if lie sur 
 vives me; if not, I bequeath it to his amiable daughter. Miss Emma Sneyd, 
 entreating her to value and preserve it as the perfect though accidental 
 resemblance of her aunt, and my ever dear friend, irlien she u> f is surrounded 
 by all her virgin glories beauty and (/race, sensibility and goodness, superior 
 intelligence, and unswerving truth. To my before-mentioned friend, Mrs. 
 Mary Powys, in consideration of the true and unextinguishable love which 
 she bore to the original, I bequeath the miniature picture of the said Hon 
 ora Sneyd, drawn at Buxton in the year 1776, by her gallant, faithful and 
 unfortunate lover, Major Andre , in his 18th year. That was his first at 
 tempt to delineate the human face, consequently it is an unfavorable and 
 most imperfect resemblance of a most distinguished beauty." 
 
ANDRE S CAPTIVITY. 85 
 
 oners of war should be made to work " like negro slaves to 
 gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alter 
 native, to perish by famine or take up arms against their 
 king and country." Up to Montgomery s arrival at the 
 Sorel, indeed, there were no prisoners of war to speak of 
 subject to the control of Congress ; and no systematic prep 
 arations for their disposition had been made. It was now, 
 however, ordered that the officers taken at St. Johns should 
 continue their course to Connecticut, while the privates should 
 be brought to Pennsylvania, where there were greater con 
 veniences for subsisting so many men. But it was to guard 
 against such a separation that the officers had obtained 
 Schuyler s promise that they should not be parted from 
 their soldiers. On the one hand, it was important that 
 they should see that their followers were not abused ; on 
 the other, that attempts to seduce them into the American 
 service should be thwarted. Accordingly, when the instruc 
 tions of Congress reached the officer who was leading the 
 prisoners to Connecticut by way of the Hudson River, he could 
 only obey them so far as to bring on with him to Pennsyl 
 vania all of the 7th that were taken at St. Johns, officers as 
 well as privates. As he came down the Hudson, however, 
 Andre was encountered by Knox, afterwards one of the 
 Board that pronounced on his fate, and now on his road to 
 the north to select cannon for the siege of Boston, from the 
 spoils on Champlain. Chance compelled the two young men 
 to pass the night in the same cottage, and even in the same 
 bed. There were many points of resemblance between them. 
 Their ages were alike ; they had each renounced the pursuits 
 of trade for the profession of arms ; each had made a study 
 of his new occupation ; and neither was devoid of literary 
 tastes and habits. Much of the night was consumed in 
 pleasing conversation on topics that were rarely, perhaps, 
 broached in such circumstances ; and the intelligence and 
 refinement displayed by Andre in the discussion of subjects 
 that were equally interesting to Knox, left an impression 
 
86 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 on the mind of the latter that was never obliterated. The 
 respective condition of the bedfellows was not mutually com 
 municated till the ensuing morning as they were about to 
 part ; and when Knox a few years later was called on to 
 join in the condemnation to death of the companion whose 
 society was so pleasant to him on this occasion, the memory 
 of their intercourse gave additional bitterness to his painful 
 duty. Joshua Smith also asserts that he dined at this time 
 with Andre, at the house of Colonel Hay of Haverstraw ; 
 though the features of the young officer were faded from his 
 remembrance when he was called to guide him from our lines 
 in 1780. 
 
 Congress having ordered that its prisoners of war should 
 be kept in the interior of Pennsylvania, Andre and his com 
 panions were now carried to Lancaster. The officers were 
 paroled to keep within six miles of their appointed residence, 
 to approach no seaport, and to hold no correspondence on 
 American affairs. The sale of bills on England, otherwise 
 unlawful, was legalized to them ; and the men were ordered 
 to be fed as the continental privates, but to be paid and clad 
 by their own government. The new and unsettled state of 
 affairs made the condition of prisoners doubly painful. They 
 had no money, and could not get any. They were com 
 pelled to lodge at taverns, for no private house would receive 
 them ; and their expenses could not be met by a proffered 
 loan of two paper dollars a week from Congress. It was 
 decided to separate them from their men, and they in vain 
 protested against this measure. Their complaint to Con 
 gress was that, while the officer was thus parted from his sol 
 diers, they were enlisted by the Americans ; and again, that 
 the privates at Lancaster had received neither their clothes 
 nor their pay, and that it was unjust in the extreme to thus 
 deprive their leaders of the means of satisfying them. The 
 local Committee of Safety, at the head of which was Edward 
 Shippen (a lady of whose family was at a later day the 
 friend of Andre and the wife of Arnold), could not maintain 
 
TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 87 
 
 order among the men but by a military guard. In January, 
 1776, they represent this to Congress. They also strongly 
 paint the distress of their prisoners. The women and chil 
 dren are in a state of starvation. The men are half frozen 
 by want of sufficient covering " against the rigor and inclem 
 ency of the season." This committee seems to have given 
 what assistance it could to the captives, and, at the same time, 
 to have declined separating officers and men. Accordingly, 
 Congress handed over the disposition of the business to the 
 State Committee, with instructions to imprison such officers 
 as would not give a parole ; and in March, 1776, orders for 
 their removal from their men at Lancaster and Reading were 
 issued. Their money had not yet arrived, and they were 
 compelled to leave their lodging-bills unsettled. The Lan 
 caster Committee reported this to Congress, saying that the 
 tavern-keepers, with whom the continental authorities had 
 lodged the officers, had finally refused to accommodate them 
 longer, and that some of the inhabitants, out of courtesy, had 
 therefore been induced to afford them rooms, with candles, 
 fuel, and breakfasts ; their own servants were in attendance, 
 and a mess-dinner for them all was established. Among the 
 bills thus rendered, we find Michael Bartgis s claim for 7 
 65., for a chamber, fire, and lights, supplied to Lieutenants 
 Despard and Andre of the 7th. 
 
 There is no great cause to suppose that these prisoners 
 were either well treated or patient. An American officer of 
 reputation, himself just released from long confinement at 
 New York, remarks upon the ungenerous slights put upon 
 the captives at Reading, by that class of whigs whose valor 
 was chiefly displayed in insulting those whom better men had 
 made defenceless ; and if their affronts were resented, the 
 officer stood a good chance of being soundly cudgelled, and 
 clapped into gaol. More than one who had surrendered to 
 Montgomery attempted to abscond.* 
 
 * After alleging instances of our ill-treatment of prisoners, an English 
 account continues: " When the garrison at St. Johns capitulated, because 
 
88 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 The prisoners alleged, and with truth perhaps, that the 
 fear of persecution deterred many of the inhabitants from 
 showing them kindness. In Andre s case this apprehension 
 certainly did not prevail. From some of the people of Lan 
 caster he received kind words and kind deeds ; and relations 
 of friendship were established that still exist in the memory 
 of their descendants. The local authorities were less pleased 
 with the behavior of the 26th than with that of the 7th ; and 
 there could have been no one in either regiment better quali 
 fied than himself to win the favor of his new neighbors. His 
 disposition may be described, if it cannot be accurately de 
 lineated. In him were most judiciously combined the love 
 of action and the love of pleasure : the moving powers of 
 every spirit that rises from the common level, and which, 
 when properly directed and controlled, are well represented 
 as the parents respectively of the useful and the agreeable in 
 man. "The character that unites and harmonizes both," 
 says Gibbon, " would seem to constitute the most perfect idea 
 of human nature." When business was concerned, Andre 
 was zealous, active, and sagacious : and his leisure hours 
 were given to elegant and refining relaxations. A taste for 
 painting, poetry, music, and dramatic representations, com 
 prehends as well a knowledge of the outward face of nature 
 as of the thoughts and passions that stir mankind ; and cor 
 rectness of eye, ear, and hand ; of judgment, fancy, and obser 
 vation ; is fostered and strengthened by the arts upon which 
 
 they had no provisions and no place to retire to, the rebels were so much 
 afraid of them, even when unarmed, that Schuyler addressed the oliiccrs, 
 telling them he was in their power, and depended on their honour. It 
 would have heen no wonder it such people had been well treated ; yet so 
 scandalously ill were they afterwards used, that some of the young ofiicers 
 resolved rather to run the hazard of perishing in the woods in attempting 
 to escape to Canada, than continue to submit to it." Royal Perm. GHZ. 
 May 15,1778. This story has probably thus much truth in it. Schuyler may 
 have so addressed 600 men whom he sent off under a guard of 100. That 
 they were ill-treated afterwards was no fault of his, though he promised to 
 hang an absconding prisoner if he could catch him. And after capturing 
 them while yet fully armed, the Americans would hardly have feared 
 unarmed men. 
 
ANDRE S RELATIONS WITH THE AMERICANS. 89 
 
 it feeds. In his present strait, not Goldsmith s Hute was more 
 useful to its master beside u the murmuring Loire " than the 
 brush and pencil to Andre s familiar hand. Whether as a 
 mere amusement, or as a means of ingratiating himself with 
 the people of Lancaster, he set about teaching some of their 
 children to draw. The late Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton, of 
 scientific reputation, was thus initiated into the art of sketch 
 ing, and became no mean draughtsman. His family still 
 preserves specimens of Andre s skill, some of which are of 
 singular merit. His style was easy and free, and his favorite 
 designs studies of the human figure, or from the antique. In 
 certain circles he thus became a welcome guest, and was wont 
 to share in their parties of pleasure. Among the inhabitants 
 who were distinguished by their courtesy to the captives was 
 Mr. Caleb Cope, a Quaker gentleman of loyal proclivities. 
 His son had a strong natural taste for painting, and soon be 
 came a favorite pupil of Andre s : so much so, that he con 
 stantly pressed the father to place the lad in his charge and 
 suffer him to be brought up to that art. On one occasion he 
 urged that he was anxious to go back to England, but could 
 not do so without a reasonable excuse for quitting the army ; 
 that he had now an offer to purchase his commission ; and 
 that with this boy to look after, a fair pretext for returning 
 home would be afforded. But the father was inflexible, and 
 in March, 1776, the master and pupil were separated, and 
 the former sent to Carlisle. A correspondence was however 
 kept up between Mr. Cope and himself. 
 
 ANDRE TO CALEB COPE. 
 
 SIR : You wou d have heard from me ere this Time had 
 I not wish d to be able to give you some encouragement to 
 send my young Friend John to Carlisle. My desire was to 
 find a Lodging where I cou d have him with me, and some 
 quiet honest family of Friends or others where he might have 
 boarded, as it wou d not have been so proper for him to live 
 
90 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 with a Mess of officers. I have been able to find neither and 
 am myself still in a Tavern. The people here are no more 
 willing to harbour us, than those of Lancaster were at our first 
 coming there. If, however, you can resolve to let him come 
 here, I believe Mr. Despard and I can make him up a bed in 
 a Lodging we have in view, where there will be room enough. 
 He will be the greatest part of the day with us, employ d in 
 the few things I am able to instruct him in. In the mean 
 while I may get better acquainted with the Town, and pro 
 vide for his board. With regard to Expence this is to be 
 attended with none to you. A little assiduity and friendship 
 is all I ask in my young friend in return for my good will to 
 be of service to him in a way of improving the Talents Nature 
 hath given him. I shall give all my attention to his morals, 
 and, as I believe him well dispos d, I trust he will acquire 
 no bad habits here. Mr. Despard joins with me in compli 
 ments to yourself, Mrs. Cope, and Family. I am, Sir, your 
 most humble servant, JOHN ANDRE. 
 
 Carlisle, April the 3d, 177G. 
 
 Andre and Despard obtained lodgings with a Mrs. Ramsey, 
 in the stone house that now stands at the corner of Locust Al 
 ley and South Hanover Street, in Carlisle ; and for them and 
 eight other officers a mess was established. Each had his 
 servant from the regiment, dressed in the hunting-shirts and 
 trousers that then were so commonly worn, particularly by 
 our troops. The ardent whigs of the place feared lest their 
 discourse should corrupt the weak-minded within their allotted 
 bounds and were anxious to imprison them, but could find 
 no pretext. At last Andre and his comrade were detected 
 in conversation with two tories. The latter were sent to gaol ; 
 and letters in the French language being found on their per 
 sons, Andre and Despard were forbidden for the future to 
 leave the town. As no one could be found competent to 
 translate the letters, their contents were never known. The 
 two officers had provided themselves with very handsome 
 
RUMORED ATTACK ON ANDRE. 91 
 
 fowling-pieces and a brace of beautiful pointer dogs. The 
 guns they forthwith broke to pieces, says tradition, affirming 
 
 " that no rebel should ever burn powder in them," an 
 
 exclamation that savors of Despard s style.* On another 
 occasion a person named Thompson, who had once been an 
 apprentice to Mr. Ramsey, and was now a militia captain, 
 marched his company from the northern part of the county 
 to Carlisle, and drawing it up by night before the house, swore 
 loudly that Andre and Despard should forthwith be put to 
 death. The entreaties of Mrs. Ramsey at length prevailed 
 on this hero to depart, shouting to her lodgers as he went 
 that they were to thank his old mistress for their lives. On 
 the 5th of August, th.e rumor spread through Lancaster that 
 Captain Clark s company, of Cumberland County, on its way 
 through Carlisle to that town, had wantonly attacked the 
 royal officers there, and, firing through the windows, had 
 wounded Andre. As Clark s arrival was looked for that 
 night, the Lancaster Committee appear to have feared a 
 massacre would ensue of the privates in their gaol, similar to 
 that perpetrated in the same place, and by people from the 
 same region, a number of years previously, upon the Chris 
 tian Indians who had fled from the wrath of the Paxton 
 Boys. They ordered the gaol to be well supplied with water 
 before sunset, and provided for calling out the local militia, if 
 needs were ; and the prisoners were assured that they should 
 be protected, if possible. These, however, were not inclined 
 to imitate their predecessors and die singing hymns and pray 
 ing. They armed themselves with stout cord-sticks, and 
 
 * This was an Irish officer, who, in 1781, very bravely supported Nelson 
 in Nicaragua, and was executed for treason in 1803. He was one of the 
 very few English officers that brought back from America democratical 
 ideas. A democratical soldier was indeed an anomaly in the service of that 
 day. " Three distinguished heroes of this class," wrote Scott to his son, 
 "have arisen in my time: Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Colonel Despard, and 
 Captain Thistle wood; and, with the contempt and abhorrence of all men, 
 they died the death of infamy and guilt." Even in America, Mr. Cope 
 had warned Despard that his recklessness and disregard would certainly 
 bring him to some bad end. 
 
92 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF,. 
 
 resolved to die hard. On Clark s approach, the alarm van 
 ished : he denied the story altogether, and put its propagator 
 in the guard-house. The man then had only to say that, at 
 Carlisle, he had seen two persons firing their pieces down the 
 street, and that he had heard, from the hou.se where the 
 officers servants dwelt, that Andre was wounded. There 
 was probably no truth in this last assertion ; but there was 
 much ill-will against the officers from the following cause:- 
 Early in 1776, Foster, with some English arid a number of 
 savages, had encountered a body of Americans at the Cedars, 
 on Lake Champlain, who surrendered to the number of oUO. 
 Foster alleged that his Indians, infuriated at the loss of their 
 sachem, were for murdering the prisoners, and were only 
 content to spare them on condition of marking each man s 
 ear with a knife, and threatening to slay outright all who 
 should ever return with this distinction. lie then paroled 
 them, to go home and be exchanged for a like number of the 
 English taken at St. Johns. The American government 
 would not fulfil this convention ; and the clipped men, arriv 
 ing at their own abode, were often full of hatred to those for 
 whom they were to have been exchanged. This event occa 
 sioned great embarrassments in effecting exchanges during 
 the war ; for the enemy always insisted on the men of the 
 Cedars being accounted for. But while some of the offi 
 cers surrendered their paroles and were sent to prison, 
 " a dreadful place, that will be prejudicial to their health," 
 says the whig committee, and others, disregarding it, fled 
 through the wilderness to their friends, Andre is described 
 as quietly confining himself to his chamber and passing his 
 days in reading, with his feet resting on the wainscot of the 
 window and his dogs lying by his side. This was the wisest 
 course ; for any infringement of the strict letter of their pa 
 role was now visited on the officers with imprisonment ; and 
 new restrictions were imposed. They were sent to gaol if 
 they went out except in uniform ; they were not permitted 
 to leave their chambers after nightfall ; some were deprived, 
 
HIS LETTERS TO MR. COPE. 93 
 
 as they complained . to congress, of their servants ; others 
 subjected to threats and insults. These matters are set down 
 in the records of the times. Disagreeable as they are to re 
 peat, there can be no reason for their omission here, save 
 one : if there were any cause to question their truth, they 
 would gladly be stricken out. 
 
 Pudet haec opprobria nobis 
 Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli. 
 
 ANDRE TO CALEB COPE. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I am much oblig d to you for your kind Let 
 ter and to your son for his drawings. He is greatly improv d 
 since I left Lancaster, and I do not doubt but if he continues 
 his application he will make a very great progress. I cannot 
 regret that you did not send your son hither : We have been 
 submitted to alarms and jealousys which wou d have render d 
 his stay here very disagreeable to him and I wou d not wil 
 lingly see any person suffer on our account ; with regard to 
 your apprehensions in consequence of the escape of the Leb 
 anon gentlemen, they were groundless, as we have been on 
 parole ever since our arrival at this place which I can assure 
 you they were not. I shou d more than once have written 
 to you had opportunitys presented themselves, but the post 
 and we seem to have fallen out, for we can never by that 
 channel either receive or forward a line on the most indiffer 
 ent subjects. Mr. Despard is very well and desires to be 
 remembered to yourself and family. I beg you wou d give 
 my most friendly compliments to your Family and particu 
 larly to your son my disciple, to whom I hope the future pos 
 ture of affairs will give me an opportunity of pointing out 
 the way to proficiency in his favourite study, which may tend 
 so much to his pleasure and advantage. Let him go on 
 copying whatever good models he can meet with and never 
 suffer himself to neglect the proportion and never to think of 
 finishing his work, or imitating the fine flowing lines of his 
 
94 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 copy, till every limb, feature, house, tree, or whatever he is 
 drawing, is in its proper place. With a little practise, this 
 will be so natural to him, that his Eye will at first sight 
 guide his pencil in every part of the work. I wish I may 
 soon see you in our way to join our own friends with which 
 I hope by Exchange we may be at length reunited. I am, 
 Dear Sir, &c. 
 
 Carlisle the 3rd Septr. 1776. 
 
 THE SAME TO THE SAME. 
 
 Your Letter by Mr. Harrington is just come to hand. I 
 am sorry you shou d imagine my being absent from Lancas 
 ter, or our troubles could make me forget my friends. Of 
 the several Letters you mention having written to me only 
 one of late has reach d Carlisle, viz. that by Mr. Slough. To 
 one I received from you a week or two after leaving Lancas 
 ter I return d an Answer. I own the difficulties of our Cor 
 respondence has disgusted me from attempting to write. I 
 once more commend myself to your good family and am sin 
 cerely Yrs. &c. J. A. 
 
 I hope your son s indisposition will be of no consequence.* 
 
 THE SAME TO THE SAME. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have just time to acquaint you that I re- 
 ceiv d your Letter by Mrs. Calender with my young Friend s 
 drawings, which persuade me he is much improv d, and that 
 he has not been idle. He must take particular care in form 
 ing the features in faces, and in copying hands exactly. lie 
 should now and then copy things from the life and then com 
 pare the proportions with what prints he may have, or what 
 rules he may have remember d. With respect to his shading 
 
 * This letter was probably written early in September. On the 24th 
 August the Council at Philadelphia ordered that Mr. Barrington should be 
 sent on parole from Lancaster gaol to Cumberland County. 
 
HIS LETTERS TO MR. COPE. 95 
 
 with Indian Ink, the anatomical figure is tolerably well clone, 
 but he wou d find his work smoother and softer, were he to 
 lay the shades on more gradually, not blackening the darkest 
 at once, but by washing them over repeatedly, and never un 
 til the paper is quite dry. The figure is very well drawn. 
 
 Captn. Campbell who is the bearer of this letter will prob 
 ably when at Lancaster be able to judge what likelyhood 
 there is of an Exchange of Prisoners which we are told is 
 to take place immediately. If this shou d be without founda 
 tion, I shou d be very glad to see your son here. Of this you 
 may speak with Captn. Campbell, and if you shou d deter 
 mine upon it, let me know it a few days before hand when I 
 shall take care to settle matters for his reception. I am, &c. 
 
 Carlisle the llth Oct. 1776. 
 
 My best compliments to your family and particularly to 
 John. Mr. Despard begs to be remember d to you. 
 
 THE SAME TO THE SAME. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I cannot miss the opportunity I have of 
 writing to you by Mr. Slough to take leave of yourself and 
 Family and transmit to you my sincere wishes for your wel 
 fare. We are on our road (as we believe, to be exchang d) 
 and however happy this prospect may make me, It doth not 
 render me less warm in the fate of those persons in this 
 Country for whom I had conceiv d a regard. I trust on 
 your side you will do me the Justice to remember me with 
 some good will, and that you will be persuaded I shall be 
 happy if an Occasion shall offer of my giving your son some 
 farther hints in the Art for which he has so happy a turn. 
 Desire him if you please to commit my name and my friend 
 ship to his Memory, and assure him, from me, that if he only 
 brings diligence to her assistance, Nature has open d him a 
 path to fortune and reputation, and that he may hope in a 
 few years to enjoy the fruits of his labour. Perhaps the face 
 of affairs may so far change that he may once more be within 
 
96 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 my reach, when it will be a very great pleasure to me to give 
 him what assistance I can. My best compliments as well as 
 Mr. Despard s to Mrs. Cope and the rest of your family. I 
 am truly, &c. 
 
 Reading the 2nd Deer. 1776.* 
 
 Towards the close of this year most of the prisoners made 
 by either side in Canada were exchanged, and Andre thus 
 obtained his freedom by their means, through whom he had 
 lost it. The skeleton of the 7th was transferred from that 
 province to New York ; recruits and new clothing were sent 
 out from England ; and in the end of December the regi 
 ment, including the men lately discharged from Pennsylva 
 nia, marched into town with tolerably full ranks. Andre did 
 not, however, long remain in it : on the 18th January, 1777, 
 he received a captaincy in the 26th, which had been so aug 
 mented that each company consisted of 64 men, exclusive of 
 commissioned officers. 
 
 Sir William Howe, who now commanded in chief, had ap 
 peared on Long Island (where, indeed, it was supposed Am- 
 herst had advised his wintering in 1775-6, and thence com 
 manding the neighboring colonies) in the preceding summer, 
 and had given Washington s army a severe defeat. f The 
 skill with which our general availed himself of his adversa 
 ry s carelessness, however, wrested the fruits of victory from 
 the English ; and 9000 men were safely borne away, whose 
 retreat might have been prevented by the least exercise of 
 
 * These letters were communicated to me by Caleb Cope, Esq., of Phila 
 delphia, grandson of the gentleman to whom they were addressed. The 
 memory of their writer was tenderly cherished by the young man they so 
 constantly allude to, who in after-years could never refer to Andrews story 
 without deep emotion. The correspondence did not cease here; lettei s 
 came to Mr. Cope up to the time when Andre was about to proceed to 
 meet Arnold at West Point; but unfortunately they appear to have been 
 lost or destroyed. 
 
 I " We have had what some call a battle, but if it deserves that name, it was 
 the pleasantest I ever heard of, as we had not received more than a dozen shot 
 from the enemy, when they ran away with the utmost precipitation." Lusli- 
 ingtoris Harris; i: 74. 
 
VICTORIES OF TREXTOX AXD PRIXCETOX. 97 
 
 forethought. New York was occupied ; Fort Washington 
 taken with its 2000 Americans ; and Washington compelled 
 to retreat through Jersey into Pennsylvania, with Cornwallis 
 thundering at his heels and pressing the pursuit with hot 
 urgency. Had Howe (as he might easily have done) passed 
 a force from Staten Island to Brunswick, where much of our 
 ammunition, light artillery, &c., had been sent on in advance, 
 it could have destroyed them all, and in every human proba 
 bility have intercepted the retreat and crushed our army be 
 tween itself and Cornwallis. This was the opinion, not only 
 among our men, but in the royal lines ; and Clinton had vain 
 ly urged that the Rhode Island expedition should have been 
 " landed at Amboy, to have cooperated with Lord Cornwallis, 
 or embarked on board Lord Howe s fleet, landed in Dela 
 ware, and taken possession of Philadelphia." * 
 
 Our affairs now began to look very desperate. We had 
 been driven out of Canada. Washington, though invested by 
 Congress with a dictatorship, saw his forces fluctuating be 
 tween 2000 to 3000 men, disorganized, and one might have 
 feared, almost ripe for dissolution. Numbers in the seat of 
 war were daily resuming fealty to the crown, and the con 
 tagion spread even into the higher ranks of the army.f Con 
 gress had adjourned to Baltimore. The paper-money had 
 depreciated. Lee, on whom many relied as on a second 
 Charles of Sweden, was led away captive by Harcourt s 
 dragoons while yet the pen was wet which had testified to 
 Gates his contempt for his chieftain : " entre nous, a cer 
 tain great man is most damnably deficient." At this crisis, 
 his strength swollen by militia to 5000 men, Washington 
 aimed a deadly blow at the chain of posts unwisely estab 
 lished and carelessly maintained across Jersey. Rahl was 
 cut to pieces ; Cornwallis out-generalled ; and the victories 
 of Trenton and Princeton, which in a European campaign 
 might scarce figure as more than brilliant affairs, were as the 
 
 * Paine s American Crisis, Xo. I. Sir H. Clinton s MS. 
 f Warren ; i. 353. 
 
 7 
 
98 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRL\ 
 
 breath of life to the fainting cause of American Indepen 
 dence. 
 
 Howe might vainly console himself with the reflection that 
 the neglect of his subordinates had invited surprise, and that 
 an exasperated population withheld intelligence from their 
 Hessian plunderers. These contingencies he should have pro 
 vided against. The fault was his own, and it was Washing 
 ton s care to gloriously profit by it.* 
 
 On his arrival at New York, Andre had prepared and pre 
 sented to Howe a memoir upon the existing war. In it he 
 doubtless set forth the conclusions taught him by a year s active 
 service in Canada, with the astute and energetic Carleton ; by 
 his temporary intercourse as a prisoner with the generous 
 Schuyler and Montgomery, and their followers in the north ; 
 by his long confinement among the rural population of Penn 
 sylvania ; and by the impressions he had received, and the 
 comparisons he was able to make of the relative positions of 
 affairs in 1774, when Congress first met, and in 1777, when 
 
 *" There were who thought (and who were not silent) that a chain 
 across Jersey might be dangerous. General Howe wrote to General Clin 
 ton thus, a few days before the misfortune, I have been prevailed upon 
 to run a chain across Jersey : the links are rather too far asunder. . . . . 
 General Grant [was] principally to blame ; he should have visited his posts, 
 given his orders, and seen they had been obeyed. ... I am clear it would 
 have been better if Sir W. Howe had not taken a chain across Jersey; but 
 General Grant is answerable for everything else The two very judi 
 cious and ofrlcerlike movements of Lord Cornwallis against Tippoo, in 1791 
 and 1792, proves what he himself thinks of his conduct in 1770. He had 
 driven Washington over the Assumption, and the Delaware was impassable; 
 the Assumption no where but at its bridge, that at Trenton. His Lordship 
 held that at Allen s town ; he held the string too. His Lordship, thinking 
 that Washington would wait for him till the next day, deceived by his fires. 
 c. into this belief, neglects to patrole to Allen s town over which Wash 
 ington s whole army, and the last hope of America, escaped. I am sure no 
 Hessian Corporal would have been so imposed upon. . . . Tis a wonder 
 
 Washington did not march to Brunswick Unless we could refrain 
 
 from plundering, we had no business to take up winter-quarters in a dis 
 trict we wished to preserve loyal. The Hessians introduced it. Truth 
 obliges me to assert, and I have proofs in the addresses and the letter, that 
 Lord Percy and I effectually stopped it in Rhode Island. I could produc-i 
 a very curious proof." Clinton s MSS. 
 
HIS PROMOTION. SIR CHARLES GREY. 99 
 
 he rejoined the army. Since he came to America he had 
 kept up a journal in which both pen and pencil were tasked 
 to record his adventures and wanderings among Americans, 
 Canadians, and savages. Everything of interest that he 
 saw bird, beast, or flower was preserved by his brush 
 in its native hue, and the volume exhibited not only views 
 and plans of the regions he had traversed, but of the man 
 ners and apparel of their inhabitants. Even through captiv 
 ity, he had saved this precious memorial from the hands of 
 his captors ; and it may well be believed to have been of ma 
 terial service to him now. His memoir was well received ; 
 Sir William was delighted with its ability and intelligence. 
 He at once took the writer into favor ; and it was perhaps in 
 consequence that, on the 18th of January, 1777, he got his 
 company in the 26th. But a staff appointment was his 
 legitimate sphere, and there was for the time none such 
 vacant. He therefore remained on line duty. His regiment 
 was fortunately not one of those that Tryon led in April, 
 1777, to Danbury ; otherwise he might have met Benedict 
 Arnold face to face, and shared in the questionable glories of 
 what Clinton honestly confesses to have been " a second Lex 
 ington." * In the beginning of the summer he was named 
 aide-de-camp to Major- General Grey. 
 
 Charles Grey was the fourth son of Sir Henry Grey of 
 Ho wick, to whom he eventually succeeded his next brother 
 being killed in a duel by Lord Pomfret. He came of a 
 knightly Northumbrian family, and of an ancient line. " The 
 Hows of Grai," says Sir Philip Sidney, " is well known infe 
 rior to no Hows in England, in greater Continuance of Hon 
 our, and for number of great Howses sprung from it to be 
 matched by none, but by the noble Hows of Nevel." At nine 
 teen he was aide to Prince Ferdinand, and wounded at Min- 
 den. At the peace of 1763, when he retired on half-pay, 
 he was colonel and aide to the king. In our war, he had 
 the local rank of Major- General, and was distinguished for 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
100 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 his dashing enterprise ; and afterwards served with such credit 
 in other quarters, that he was, in 1801, raised to the peerage 
 as Baron Grey de Howick, and subsequently advanced to a 
 viscountcy. So great was the opinion of his merit that, when 
 the mutiny of the Nore threw all England into fear and con 
 fusion, his political opponent, Sheridan, advised Dundas " to 
 cut the buoys on the river, send Sir Charles Grey down 
 to the coast, and set a price on Parker s head." By these 
 means only, he said, could the country be saved ; and lie 
 threatened to impeach ministers that very night, if they were 
 not resorted to. Grey brought home with him a high esti 
 mate of Washington, though he thought him constitutionally 
 nervous.* 
 
 Personal friendship had now led Sir Charles to Howe s 
 camp. The other generals were all provided with aides. He 
 brought none with him when he arrived at New York on the 
 3d of June, and willingly listened to his general s recom 
 mendation of " a young man of great abilities, whom for 
 some time he had wished to provide for." Andre was ap 
 pointed his aide-de-camp, and thenceforth could have been 
 but little with his regiment, though his rank in it was still 
 retained. He doubtless accompanied Grey in the movement 
 
 * General Grey was father of the celebrated Reform Peer, whose name 
 was once in every mouth, and whom Cobbett so injured by the publication 
 of the Gn-y List, which showed that, when prime minister, he had saddled 
 his kindred on the nation, to the rate of 170.000 per annum. It was also 
 said that, so far from imitating the fair platonist," Lady Jane, his way of 
 life might have been classed by her tutor, old Roger Ascham, with that 
 which the young nobility of the day brought home from Venice. An anec 
 dote of Gen. Grey, whether true or false, was told among the tories in the 
 war. An officer going home with despatches was thus instructed by him: 
 " You will first go to Lord G. Germain; he will ask you such and such 
 questions; you will answer them so and so. You will then be sent to Lord 
 North, who will ask you these questions; you will thus answer them. You 
 will then be sent to the King, who will also ask you, c. ; you are also to 
 give him these answers. You will then be examined by the Queen. She, 
 is a sensible woman. You must answer with caution; but of all things be 
 careful that you say nothing that will condemn the conduct of Gen. Howe. " 
 Davis" s Burr; ii. 32. 
 
HOWE S SALLY fePPO irevV* JERSEY. 101 
 
 of force that Howe made into Jersey on the 14th of June, 
 but the column to which he was attached did not come into 
 action. This was at a juncture when our army, inferior in 
 strength, had nothing to hope from being forced into a gen 
 eral engagement ; which, for that very reason, was de.-ired 
 by the enemy. We were encamped in a very defensible, but 
 by no means impregnable ground.* It was ihe British policy 
 to seduce us from these lines ; and by a simulated retreat, 
 they partially succeeded. " This feint of Sir William Howe," 
 confesses Clinton, " was well imagined and well executed, 
 but Washington began to grow wary." The Americans fell 
 back with slight damage to their posts in the hills, securing 
 the passes which Cornwallis had sought to occupy ; and there 
 was nothing left for the foe but to return to the place whence 
 he came, to boldly essay the hostile camp, or to leave our 
 people in their security, and, by intercepting their supplies, 
 or even crossing the Delaware, finally force Washington to 
 march out. This last seemed to many of the English the 
 most feasible manoeuvre. "I had planned this very move 
 in 1779," wrote Clinton, some years later, "under promise 
 of early reinforcements, and had taken every previous step 
 to it ; but reinforcements not arriving till September, I was 
 obliged to relinquish it." f On this occasion, however, Howe 
 thought it wisest to go quietly back towards New York ; 
 whence he soon sailed with the bulk of the troops. Clin 
 ton was left to hold the city with what remained ; " making 
 in all 7000 ; great proportion of which were raw provin 
 cials." | 
 
 From Sir Henry s own manuscript notes, it may be as well 
 to insert here some further narrative of the doings of the 
 royal arms on the Hudson. It will be recollected that, while 
 he was " forbid to do anything offensive that could endanger 
 
 * " In this position Washington had the Rariton in front so as [to be] 
 strongly posted, but not entirely secure : for his communication might have 
 irawn him from it." Clinton MS. 
 
 t Clinton MS. J Ibid. 
 
102 LIFE OF MAJOR A NDRfi. 
 
 New York," it was impossible for Clinton to remain indiffer 
 ent to the fate of Burgoyne. In his own words : 
 
 " When Sir H. Clinton had received a reinforcement of 
 1700 recruits from Europe, and had determined on a move 
 up the Hudson, he wrote to Sir W. Howe his intention and 
 his motives for doing it ; though he considered an attempt on 
 the forts as rather desperate, he thought the times required 
 such exertions. He feared he should not succeed, but flat 
 tered himself he had nothing to apprehend but failure with 
 out any fatal consequences to New York. Sir W. Howe in 
 answer told him that if his object was not of the greatest 
 consequence, and almost certain of success, and in a short 
 time, he was ordered to return, and send to Sir W. Howe 
 the troops he had moved with, as Washington reinforced by 
 Putnam had been enabled to attack him on the 9th, and that 
 if he was not joined by the troops I had moved with, or till 
 he was, he could not open the Delaware. I mention this fact 
 and Sir W. Howe s reasons for withdrawing the force I had 
 moved with : had I received this letter of Sir W. Howe s 
 before I had moved, it must have stopt me ; but receiving 
 it afterwards, by a miracle succeeded in taking the forts. I 
 should have felt myself satisfied in proceeding had I any 
 hopes of success. I had dispatched G. Vaughan with 1700 
 men to feel for Burgoyne ; cooperate with him ; nay, join 
 him if necessary. Vaughan had advanced near 100 miles 
 and had 40 more to go to Albany, and 60 more to join Bur 
 goyne. He wrote me word the 19th he could hear nothing 
 certain of Burgoyne, but had apprehensions. Alas ! Bur 
 goyne had surrendered the 17th. Had I moved 6 days 
 sooner I should have found McDougal there, and conse 
 quently must have failed ; besides I could not risk a move 
 of that sort unless Burgoyne had expressed a wish that I 
 should; and I did not receive his answer accepting my offer 
 till the 29th. Had I made the attempt on the east side, and 
 even beaten Putnam, I had still the Hudson to pass, and I 
 had no boats, nor no vessel to protect my landing: thus. 
 
OPERATIONS ON THE HUDSON. 103 
 
 therefore, I must have failed. Had I delayed my attack 
 after I had passed the, Thunderberg 6 hours, Putnam would 
 have passed that river and gained the forts, for though Sir 
 James "Wallace prevented his doing it from Peekskiln, he 
 might have done so by a detour, and I must have been foiled. 
 I tried the Impossible : a tolerable good arrangement, good 
 luck, and great exertion of Officers and Men succeeded. 
 From the information I received just as I was landing at 
 Howe s point, and which I dare not communicate to anybody, 
 I had little hopes of doing more than covering Burgoyne s 
 retreat to Ticonderoga, which I had no doubt of his attempt 
 ing the 12th; for as to his supposing I could take the forts 
 and penetrate to Albany, and keep up the communication 
 afterwards, he could not expect it."* 
 
 This interesting statement refers to Clinton s movement 
 against the American works at Verplanck s and Stony 
 Points one of the most creditable performances of the 
 war. These works commanded the navigation of the Hud 
 son and impeded the transmission of aid to Burgoyne. " Lord 
 Rawdon, then aide-de-camp to Sir H. Clinton, had been sent 
 to reconnoitre Verplanck s Point ; but he could not get near 
 enough to ascertain the practicability of a landing." t De 
 spite this, the English set forth by water with 3000 men, and 
 easily made good their landing at Verplanck s, on the eastern 
 side of the river. Alarmed lest their plan should be to push 
 on directly to Burgoyne, Putnam hurried to secure the passes 
 above, while Clinton adroitly circumvented him by throwing 
 2100 of his little army to the western bank, and hastening 
 to attack our forts Montgomery and Clinton. A dangerous 
 and difficult mountain the Donderberg had to be sur 
 mounted ere his troops could come to the assault ; and, des 
 titute of artillery, there was nothing left for them but to 
 storm. It was late in the day when they drew near, " by a 
 detour of seven miles, having also a long defile to pass under 
 a steep cliff, at the end of which was Fort Montgomery, con- 
 * Clinton MS. f Ibid. 
 
104 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 sisting of eight redoubts joined by an intrenchment," That 
 post was inferior in strength to Fort Clinton, from which it 
 was separated by a passable stream ; and both were assailed 
 as the day was closing. "Had not both these forts been 
 attacked at the same instant, neither would have been carried 
 without great loss," observes Sir Henry, who himself directed 
 the more dangerous onset against Fort Clinton. " This attack 
 was delayed till that of the left was judged to have become 
 serious, and till it was dark, that the troops might be less 
 exposed in moving up to it." The enterprise was successful. 
 The forts were carried with a rush ; and an immense quan 
 tity of military stores were captured or destroyed. Never 
 theless there was a prodigious risk in the whole affair ; and 
 the English leader candidly owns how much his safety was 
 due to the enterprise of " Sir James Wallace, who, by stop 
 ping the rebel boats in Peekskiln, prevented Putnam from 
 passing to the forts." * 
 
 But however detrimental these successes were to our 
 cause, they were more than atoned for by the fall of Bur- 
 goyne. That Clinton s object was the relief of that general 
 is pretty certain ; and to that extent his expedition was a 
 failure. 
 
 " Sir II. Clinton, thinking G. Burgoyne might want some 
 cooperation (though he had not called for it in any of his 
 letters), offered in his of the 12th September to make an 
 attempt on the forts as soon as the expected reinforcements 
 should arrive from Europe. Gen. Burgoyne fought the bat 
 tle of Saratoga on the 19th, and on the 21st tells Gen. Clin 
 ton that an attempt or even a menace of an attempt would be 
 of use. Sir II. Clinton received this letter the 29th of Sep 
 tember, and moved the 2nd of October. On the 27th Sept., 
 G. Gates [Burgoyne?] had received information that his 
 gallies, gunboats, &c., on Lake George had been surprised 
 and destroyed by Gen. Lincoln, and he had consequently 
 lost his communication with Canada. Tis pity he had not 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
OPERATIONS OX THE HUDSON. 105 
 
 instantly fallen back to recover them ; but thinking, tis pre 
 sumed, he was under orders to Albany, he requests to know 
 of me whether I can meet him there or supply him after 
 wards, and says he will stay to the 12th October for my 
 answer." * 
 
 But the results of the second Saratoga battle, on the 7th 
 October, rather modified the British plans. 
 
 " On the very day of this action, by giving the enemy 
 jealousy for the East side, Sir H. Clinton landed on the 
 "West, gained the mountain of Thunderberg, and by a tolera 
 bly well combined move, and the wonderful exertion of the 
 troops under his command, took all the forts by assault." f 
 
 This accomplished, the partial attempt to succor Burgoyne 
 and to bring him supplies was proceeded in, and Vaughan 
 was embarked for that purpose " after the chain was 
 broken, the chevaux-de-frieze removed, and provision for 
 
 5000 men for 6 months prepared General Vaughan 
 
 had orders to proceed immediately as high as his pilots could 
 carry him to feel for Burgoyne, cooperate with him, and join 
 him if required." 
 
 But on the 13th October, Burgoyne was compelled to open 
 negotiations for surrender ; and neither Clinton nor Vaughan 
 accomplished more for his relief than the destruction at Eso- 
 pus. Disappointed in their chief hope, the British presently 
 returned to New York : that such was mainly the motive of 
 the expedition sufficiently appears by the important private 
 memorandums of Sir Henry himself, as above printed. 
 
 * Clinton MS. t Ibid. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The British embark for Philadelphia. Brandywine, the Paoli, and Ger- 
 mantown. Andre s Humanity. Occupation and Fortification of Phil 
 adelphia. Character of the City in 1777. 
 
 PRECIOUS time was spent in fruitless attempts to bring 
 Washington to battle on equal ground in Jersey, ere Howe 
 resolved to circumvent our army by means of the fleet, and 
 to approach Philadelphia from another quarter. This scheme, 
 disapproved by some of his immediate subordinates, was care 
 fully concealed from the rest of the troops, who, on the 23d 
 of June, 1777, were embarked at Amboy, in perfect igno 
 rance of their destination.* The media scientia of the 
 schoolmen the calculation of possible consequences of 
 events that did not happen can alone determine the effect 
 of another plan of the campaign. Had a powerful force 
 marched northwardly to act in connection with Burgoyne, 
 the surrender at Saratoga might have been prevented, the 
 royal army increased in strength, and time still left to 
 operate against Philadelphia ere the season closed. A few 
 ships of war threatening the New England coast or cannon 
 ading Boston, might have drawn to another quarter the mili 
 tia that thronged to the aid of Gates. Nor did all his labor 
 eventually much better Howe s situation. At Brunswick he 
 was but sixty miles from Philadelphia; at Elk, he was sev- 
 
 * " I owe it to truth to say there was not, I believe, a man in the 
 army, except Lord Cornwallis and General Grant, who did not reprobate 
 the move to the southward, and see the necessity of a cooperation witli 
 General Burgoyne. . . . General Clinton told Lord G. Germain, April 27th, 
 and Sir W. Howe repeatedly, after his return to America his humble 
 opinion that Philadelphia had better close than open the campaign, as it 
 required an army to defend it." Clinton MS. 
 
ACTION AT BRAXDYWINE. 107 
 
 enty ; and if our army s position was less strong at Brandy- 
 wine, its spirit was better and its force increased. 
 
 When he appeared in the Chesapeake, his brother the 
 Admiral with line and plummet and in seaman s garb lead 
 ing the boat that guided the fleet s course, it was questioned 
 at Philadelphia whether Sir William aimed at Baltimore, or 
 a yet higher point. All doubts vanished on the 25th of 
 August, when he landed. The debarcation was finished on 
 the 27th ; and on the 28th, he marched seven miles and 
 fixed head-quarters at the head of Elk, posting the troops two 
 miles off. On the 3rd of September, he led part of his army 
 to Aickin s tavern ; the light infantry and yagers skirmishing 
 with the American advanced parties for a mile and a half, 
 and losing a dozen men in killed and wounded. Knyphau- 
 sen had been detached across Elk Ferry to Cecil Court-house 
 to collect stores, and now rejoined at Aickin s ; and on the 
 6th, Grant s division also came up. Hence, by easy stages, 
 with Galloway in his coach following in the rear, Howe 
 passed on through a fertile and friendly country ; while on 
 Sunday, the 24th of August, our army had marched through 
 Philadelphia to meet him. Cheerful but half naked, their 
 hats adorned with green boughs, and drum and fife sounding 
 merrily, they came down Front and up Chestnut streets, and 
 so over the Schuylkill. On the llth of September, the citi 
 zens hearkened to the roar of the artillery ; and gathering by 
 groups, according to their political inclinations, in the squares 
 or public places, speculated in hope or in fear upon the re 
 sults of the day. 
 
 It was an unfortunate day for America, but less so than 
 might have been. With 13000 men, and in the best position 
 the region afforded, Washington waited the attack. He could 
 do no better. By a larger and better force, and by manoeu 
 vres as well conceived as executed, he was surprised and 
 driven from the ground. At four A. M., Howe and Corn- 
 wallis marched from Kennett s Square with their left column, 
 led by Grey, Mathew, and Agnew, and crossing the Brandy- 
 
108 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 wine above and undiscovered, fell on our right flank and rear, 
 while Knyphausen forded the stream in front. This column 
 had advanced seven miles from Kennett s Square, and. com 
 ing on the field about ten A. M., began a heavy cannonade. 
 When it was seen that Howe had arrived, it passed the ford, 
 storming the breastworks we had thrown up. As Moncrieff 
 rushed on with the leading files, he saw an American how 
 itzer charged with grape, and pointed to sweep away, in a 
 moment more, himself and all about him. The matross stood 
 in the act of applying the burning match ere he followed his 
 retreating comrades. "I will put you to death if you fire!" 
 shouted Moncrieff; and the man, startled from his self-pos 
 session, dropped the match and fled. Grey s brigade, con 
 sisting of the loth, 17th, 44th, and two battalions of the 42d, 
 was the reserve of Cornwallis s column, and was not engaged. 
 Its character was so high, that it was preserved intact as a 
 recourse in case Knyphausen failed; in which event Corn- 
 wallis might have had his hands full. And but for the false 
 intelligence of Sullivan s videttes, who were drinking at a 
 tavern when they should have been scouring the roads, 
 Washington would probably have turned the tables on the 
 German, by himself crossing the Brandywine and crushing 
 the opposite force before the other column came to its aid. 
 Nightfall found our army, its artillery destroyed, in a retreat 
 that might have easily been made a route. Had the pursuit 
 been pressed it must have perished. The fatigues of the 
 day induced Howe to remain that night on the battle-field. 
 Since daybreak, to four P. M., when the onset began, one 
 part of his men had marched seventeen, the other seven 
 miles. Of the former, Grey s brigade of from 2000 to 3000 
 choice troops were on the spot, ready to go into action ; two 
 battalions of the guards and four of grenadiers had been 
 astray in a wood and little engaged; nor had the 16th dra 
 goons been employed. The greater part of Knyphausen s 
 column had borne no active part, for the retreat began almost 
 as soon as it moved forward. It was very fortunate thus 
 
ACTION AT THE PAOLI TAVERN. 109 
 
 for America, that the darkness, which came on just as the 
 whole British army was brought into possession of our posi 
 tion, persuaded Howe to discontinue the pursuit ; for he had 
 at command a force which, if not perfectly fresh, was abun 
 dantly so in comparison with the fugitives, many of whom 
 had marched as much through the day as Knyphausen, and 
 all would have had as long a journey as their pursuers ere 
 they should be overtaken. An immediate pursuit would have 
 gone far to demoralize and break up our troops, and pre 
 vented many from rejoining their regiments who were with 
 them the next day.* 
 
 Knyphausen s command moved on the 12th towards Ches 
 ter ; and on the 1 6th, the sick and wounded being sent to 
 Wilmington, the army advanced to Goshen, where the yagers 
 and light infantry dispersed some parties of our men. On 
 the 18th, starting before dawn, it struck the Lancaster road, 
 and coming two miles towards Philadelphia, turned into that 
 of Swedes Ford. Here an opportunity rose to give Grey s 
 division that active service it had missed on the llth. Wash 
 ington was advised on the 18th that the English thought him 
 crushed, and were leisurely bringing on their main army ; 
 having advanced into the country only the picked light troops. 
 On the 19th, Wayne wrote that he was closely watching 
 them, resolved to attack the instant they moved. He had 
 approached within half a mile of their left flank at reveille- 
 beat that morning, but found theVn perfectly supine. " There 
 never was nor never will be a finer opportunity of giving 
 the enemy a fatal blow, than at present, for God s sake, 
 push on as fast as possible." During the day he kept on 
 guard ; and, persuaded that his position and force were un 
 known to the enemy, was confident of success in the move- 
 
 * " They lost an all important night, and this was, perhaps, their greatest 
 fault during a war in which they committed so many errors." Laf. Autob. 
 " Tis pity Sir W. Howe could not have begun his march at nightfall in 
 stead of eight o clock in the morning." Clinton MSS. Napier s words, 
 however, give the best comment : " Had Caesar halted because his soldiers 
 were fatigued, Pharsalia would have been but a common battle." 
 
110 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 ments that were to " complete Mr. Howe s business." He 
 was encamped "in the woods near the Paoli Tavern, on the 
 Lancaster road (which Andre had travelled before) about 
 three miles in the rear of Howe s left. He had 1500 men 
 and four guns; and Smallwood with 1150 Maryland militia, 
 and Gist with 700 men, were to join him the next day to 
 harass Howe as he passed the Schuylkill. Of course, it was 
 important to break up this design ; and before one A. M., of 
 the 21st, Grey marched against him, through forests and a 
 narrow defile, with the 42nd and 44th, and the 2d light in 
 fantry. The nature of the service was dangerous. Wayne s 
 corps was known through the war for its stubborn and des 
 perate conduct in fight ; and his whole own life was charac 
 terized by a " constitutional attachment to the arbitrament of 
 the sword." Surprise and speed were necessary to success, for 
 Smallwood lay but a mile off. To insure it, the Englishman 
 enforced a measure that he had learned in Germany, and by 
 which he got in America the sobriquet of No-flint Grey. He 
 made his men uncharge their pieces, and knock out the flints. 
 Not a shot could be fired ; they were to rely entirely on the 
 bayonet. Wayne himself always upheld his own faitli in the 
 marvellous virtues of cold steel ; but though he was apprised 
 of Grey s movement, and took, as he thought, every proper 
 precaution, he had little opportunity on this occasion to prac 
 tise resistance. At four A. M. his pickets were forced, and 
 the light of his fires guided the enemy to his camp. The 
 Americans, unable to form, and struggling irregularly or not 
 at all, were instantly bayonetted. Our accounts put the 
 killed and wounded at 150 ; the English version says 300 
 and upwards; two guns and seventy or eighty prisoners were 
 taken, and while Wayne s men were in hasty flight, and 
 Smallwood in march for their relief, the English with but 
 twelve casualties returned in triumph with eight wagon-loads 
 of arms, baggage, and stores. The army then moved towards 
 Valley Forge, and destroyed what supplies were there that 
 they could not remove. Thus we lost 7,000 barrels of flour 
 
GERMANTOWN. Ill 
 
 for one item. Having now cleverly got between Washing 
 ton and the Schuylkill, Howe passed that stream unopposed 
 below the Forge and descended towards Philadelphia, de 
 stroying powder-mills, and taking a few prisoners and cannon 
 on the route. On the 25th, he moved in two columns to 
 Germantown ; and on the 26th, says a royal eye-witness, at 
 eleven A. M., Cornwallis, with 3000 men, and accompanied 
 by Harcourt, Erskine, and a cavalcade of distinguished offi 
 cers, as well as Galloway, Story, the Aliens, and other lead 
 ing tories, entered the town among the loudest acclamations 
 of the loyal population who had " too long suffered the yoke 
 of arbitrary power." Other citizens have described the scenes 
 of that day : the grenadiers, steadfast and composed, splen 
 didly equipped, with their music sounding the long unheard 
 strains of God save the King, as they caught at the chil 
 dren s hands in passing, with friendly greeting ; the bearded 
 Hessians, terrible in brass-fronted helmets, keeping step to 
 wild strains that to the popular ear spoke of plunder and 
 pillage in every note ; the closed houses ; and the throngs of 
 citizens, clad in their best array, that lined the streets which 
 they had patrolled by night since the 23rd, in suspicion that 
 the retiring Americans were disposed to fire the town. A 
 deputation besought Howe not to give it up to plunder. On 
 the 25th, he sent a letter to Thomas Willing, assuring the 
 people that they should not be disturbed if they remained 
 tranquil. Meantime the main army rested at Germantown, 
 while strong detachments moved against the American posts 
 that still commanded the Delaware and prevented the arrival 
 of the fleet. 
 
 The loss of Philadelphia was grievous to the Americans, 
 and almost unlocked for ; * and Washington determined, by a 
 
 * "Sept. 19, 1777. This morning about 1 o clock an express arrived to 
 Congress giving an account of the British Army having got to the Swedes 
 Ford on the other side of Schuylkill, which so much alarmed the gentle 
 men of the Congress, the military officers, and other friends to the general 
 cause of American Freedom, that they decamped with the utmost precip 
 itation and in the greatest confusion ; insomuch that one of the delegates, 
 
112 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 surprise and coup-de-main, to give Howe such a blow, ere 
 his transports could come up, as to overturn the plan. Ger- 
 mantown, where he now lay, was a long, narrow village of 
 sombre moss-grown houses, solidly built of a dark stone, and 
 each surrounded with its own enclosure, that extended for 
 two miles along the road leading southwardly to Philadelphia. 
 The British were encamped at right angles across the town ; 
 Grey s brigade being on the line that stretched from the lefl 
 to the Schuylkill. The people of the neighborhood were not 
 open tories, but they were averse to the war ; and Howe ap 
 pears to have had a warning of what was stirring. He after 
 wards denied that he was surprised ; but it is not probable 
 that he anticipated anything like so heavy an attack as he 
 received from our whole army at dawn on the 4th October. 
 Sullivan and Wayne led the advance, and encountered first 
 the post where, with the 40th, was encamped the 2nd light in 
 fantry that had given us so much trouble at the Paoli. These 
 stood their ground for nearly an hour, till their ammunition 
 began to fail. Our men now took ample revenge. Driving 
 all before them in their rage, they plied the bayonet furious 
 ly ; and it was not until many were thus slain, that they lis 
 tened to their officers and gave quarter. The attack was 
 vigorously pressed, with a promise of being successful ; but 
 a dense fog caused everything to fall into confusion. About 
 120 men of the 40th threw themselves into a large stone 
 house, from which they kept up a heavy fire ; the drum beat 
 ing a parley to summon a surrender was mistaken for a re 
 treat ; a panic seized our bewildered troops ; and while one 
 band believed itself in the full tide of victory, another would 
 be hastily retreating thinking all was lost. Turning his front 
 to the village, Grey led his brigade to close quarters with 
 our people there, and repulsed them. They gave way about 
 
 bv name Fulsom, was obliged in a very Fulsom manner to ride off without 
 a saddle. Thus we have seen the men, from whom we have received, and 
 from whom we still expected protection, leave us to fall into the hands of 
 (bv their accounts) a barbarous, cruel and unrelenting enemy." Morton 
 MS. 
 
GERMANTOWN. 113 
 
 the same time in other quarters ; and the retreat becoming 
 general, the pursuit was maintained by the enemy s cavalry 
 as far as the Blue Bell Tavern, full eight miles. It cannot be 
 denied that in this action the regulars on both sides behaved 
 with great spirit; and that the American retreat, occurring 
 as it did, was the sudden result of one of those circumstances 
 that no precaution can guard against with new troops. But 
 though the discipline of both armies, according to Grey, was 
 bad, that of ours was the worst. " You have conquered Gen 
 eral Howe," said a foreign officer of rank to Washington, " but 
 his troops have beaten yours." On the first and tremendous 
 sound of the firing, Cornwallis s grenadiers took the alarm. 
 Starting from Philadelphia at a full trot, they ran the whole 
 way to Germantown, and came breathless to the field just as 
 all was over. The Highlanders, too, came on at speed, keep 
 ing pace with the cavalry. In fact, the detonations were so 
 furious and incessant and from so many quarters, and the 
 thickness of the fog so overwhelming, that while the com 
 bat lasted, it was impossible to tell in what force or with 
 what success the Americans came on. At 11 A. M., the pro 
 digious clatter of battle suddenly hushed, and the retreat was 
 conducted in comparative stillness. 
 
 The casualties on either side were severe. Chief among 
 the enemy was General Agnew, whose brigade had supported 
 Grey s. He is said to have been slain by an inhabitant who, 
 lying in ambush, aimed at a decoration on Agnew s breast, 
 and shot him down. Nor was our loss slight ; and the next 
 day the enemy were busily employed in burying our dead. 
 " Don t bury them with their faces up, and thus cast dirt in 
 their faces," said a kindly-hearted British soldier ; " for they 
 also are mothers sons." It is said by a distinguished Ameri 
 can officer, who afterwards carefully examined the field, that 
 our retreat was providential, and the best thing that could 
 have happened for us ; since the force in opposition, and the 
 thoroughly defensible position of the village (by reason of its 
 numerous stone houses with enclosures, each of which could 
 
114 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 be made a stronghold by broken parties of the enemy), would 
 have brought about our annihilation with returning light. 
 Clinton on the contrary suggests, in relation to the un 
 happy delay which was made before Chew s House, that 
 the 40th occupied, and which was attacked, as the British 
 owned at the time, with a " singular intrepidity " : " Had 
 Washington left a corps to observe this house, and proceeded, 
 there is no saying what might have been the consequence." * 
 
 During the contest, a Lieutenant Whitman, of Reading, 
 was struck down by the enemy, and left for dead. He man 
 aged to crawl from the scene to a house in Washington Lane, 
 where he was sheltered and cared for. Soon after the action, 
 on discovering that an American officer was thus concealed 
 within their lines, the British put both Whitman and his host 
 under arrest. In this emergency the wounded man, having 
 had probably some knowledge of Andre during his confine 
 ment at Lancaster or Carlisle, contrived to procure an in 
 terview with him ; which terminated in Andre s obtaining 
 a withdrawal of the arrest, and permission for Whitman to 
 remain unmolested in Germantown until he was in a condi 
 tion to return to his home. Such circumstances as these 
 present the best evidences of the nature of that disposition 
 which vSo entirely endeared its possessor to all whom he en 
 countered. 
 
 A Philadelphia!! who, preserving friendly relations Avith 
 the English, writes nevertheless very impartially, thus de 
 scribes the posture of affairs on the day after the battle, and 
 the language then held in the royal quarters : 
 
 "Oct. 5th. This morning I went to Germantown to see 
 the destruction and collect, if possible, a true account of the 
 action. From the accounts of the officers, it appears that 
 the Americans surprised the Picquet Guards of the English, 
 which consisted of the 2nd Battalion Grenadiers, some in 
 fantry, and the 40th regiment : altogether about 500. The 
 English sustained the fire of the Americans for near an hour 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
GERMANTOWN. 115 
 
 (their numbers unknown) when they were obliged to retreat, 
 the ammunition of the Grenadiers and Infantry being ex 
 pended. The 40th regiment retreated to Chew s House, 
 being about 120 men, and supported the fire of the Ameri 
 cans on all sides. The Americans came on with an unusual 
 firmness, came up to the doors of the house, which were so 
 strongly barricaded they could not enter. One of the Amer 
 icans went up to a window on the side of the house to set 
 fire to it, and just as he was putting a torch to the window 
 he received a bayonet through his mouth which put an end 
 to his existence. The Americans finding the fire very se 
 vere retreated from the house : a small party of the Ameri 
 cans, which had gone in near the middle of Germantown, and 
 had sustained the fire in the street for some time, perceived 
 the British coming up in such numbers that they retreated. 
 General Grey with 5000 men pursued them to the Swedes 
 Ford. His men being very much fatigued and very hungry 
 and the Americans running so fast, that the General gave 
 over the chase, and returned to his old encampment. The 
 greatest slaughter of the Americans was at, and near to Chew s 
 Place : most of the killed and wounded that lay there were 
 taken off before I got there ; but three lay in the field, oppo 
 site to Chew s Place. The Americans were down as far as 
 Mrs. Maganet s tavern. Several of their balls reached near 
 to Head Quarters. From all which accounts I apprehend, 
 with what I have heard, that the loss of the Americans is 
 the most considerable. After I had seen the situation at 
 Chew s House, which was exceedingly damaged by the balls 
 on the outside, I went to Head Quarters, where I saw Ma 
 jor Balfour, one of General Howes aide-de-camps, who is 
 rery much enraged with the people around Germantown for 
 not giving them intelligence of the advancing of Washington s 
 army ; and that he should not be surprised if General Howe 
 was to order the country for 12 miles round Germantown to 
 be destroyed, as the people would not run any risque to give 
 them intelligence when they were fighting to preserve the 
 
116 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 liberties and properties of the peaceable inhabitants. On 
 our setting off we see His Excellency the General attended 
 by Lord Cornwallis and Lord Chewton : the General not 
 answering my expectations." * 
 
 At this time the grenadier and the light infantry company of 
 each regiment was separated from its companions, and mar 
 shalled respectively in battalions ; which explains the apparent 
 weakness of some of the English corps, thus deprived of a 
 large part of their nominal strength. On the 19th October, 
 the army moved at daylight for Philadelphia ; McLane, and 
 a few American light-horse disguised as British, following 
 close on their heels to the heart of the city, picking up a few 
 royal officers and just missing the adjutant-general and Howe 
 himself. f The General s quarters were at the house of our 
 General Cadwalader, who was with Washington. His men, 
 in fine condition and anxious to be led against the Ameri 
 cans, were encamped from below Kensington on the Dela 
 ware nearly to the Schuylkill. The cause named in de 
 spatches for this move was to obtain a more convenient 
 position for the reduction of our river-forts ; but in cam}) 
 it was attributed to the lines at Germantown being too large 
 for ready defence. The experience of the 4th was not lost. 
 
 * Morton MS. 
 
 t Allan McLane was one of the best men in our service. In the emer 
 gency of the war, he consumed all the table and household linen of his fam 
 ily in clothing his troopers, and throughout was as active in our cause as 
 he was intelligent and brave. On one occasion he entered Philadelphia 
 disguised as a countryman; and having transacted his business, was re 
 turning to camp, when he was overhauled by an English picket. The 
 commanding officer questioned him narrowly; but the supposed peasant 
 was adroit in his replies, and ready to agree that Washington would not 
 adventure an attack. The Englishman gave him meat and drink, and dis 
 missed him after he was thoroughly warmed at the watch-lire. McLane hur 
 ried to his own station, led out his troopers and some infantry, and pres 
 ently brought away captive the whole party of the outpost that had so 
 hospitably entertained him. Had he failed in the onset, or been taken, his 
 fate would certainly have been the gallows. This authentic anecdote shows 
 that a patriotic soldier will shrink from no means of helping the state at the 
 peril of his own life. 
 
OCCUPATION AND FORTIFICATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 117 
 
 Howe s plan was now to fortify this city, so that it could be held 
 by a small garrison, while he took the field. The troops that 
 entered with Cornwallis had been quartered at the State 
 House, the Bettering (or Poor) House, &c., and had at once 
 set to fortifying the river front against our ships and galleys. 
 The disposition made of the main army placed the Hessian 
 grenadiers on Noble and Callowhill, between oth and 7th 
 streets ; the British grenadiers, 4th, 40th, and 55th, &c., on 
 the north side of Callowhill, from 7th to 14th streets ; eight 
 other regiments were on the high grounds of Bush Hill, from 
 14th Street in about a line with Vine to the upper Schuylkill 
 Ferry, near which was a Hessian post ; while the yagers were 
 on a hill at 22d Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. Infantry 
 corps were at 8th, near Green streets and by 13th, on the 
 Ridge Road. The 16th dragoons and three foot regiments 
 were by a pond between Vine and Race, and 8th and 12th 
 streets ; and a body of yagers at the Point House on the 
 Delaware. When winter came on, the men were quartered 
 in the public buildings and in private houses, and in the old 
 British barracks in the Northern Liberties. The artillery 
 were on Chestnut, from 3d to 6th streets, and their park in 
 the State-House Yard, now Independence Square. On the 
 north side of the town, ten redoubts, connected by strong 
 palisades, were erected, from the mouth of Conoquonoke 
 Creek, on the Delaware near Willow Street, to the Upper or 
 Callowhill Street Ferry. They were thus situated : near 
 the junction of Green and Oak streets, where the road then 
 forked for Kensington and Frankford ; a little west of Noble 
 and 2nd streets ; between 5th and 6th, and Noble and Button- 
 wood streets ; on 8th street, between Noble and Buttonwood ; 
 on 10th, between Button wood and Pleasant ; on Buttonwood, 
 between 13th and Broad; on 15th, between Hamilton Street 
 and Pennsylvania Avenue ; at 18th Street and Pennsylvania 
 Avenue; at 21st and Callowhill streets; and on the Schuyl 
 kill bank near the Upper Ferry. These works were begun 
 on the 1st of October. The country before them towards 
 
118 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 the Schuylkill was hilly, but towards the Delaware level and 
 comparatively open, though dotted with woods and cut up by 
 the stout rail-fences of farms. The latter were soon seized 
 for fuel by the English, and orchard and grove went down 
 for the palisades and abatis of the works ; the lines of which 
 were still evident in 1780, as well as the ruined houses and 
 defaced fields they had occasioned. The work at the right, 
 or Delaware end, was a large, square battery, with a handsome 
 saw-shaped parapet, each redan of which held three men.* 
 On the 23d of October, a body of English brought up the 
 floating bridge from the lower (Gray s), and established it at 
 the Middle Ferry, where it was guarded by the camp of the 
 71st, and a fascine redoubt at Chestnut Street. It was 
 thought by some, however, that the Upper Ferry, as nearer 
 to the camp and possessing advantages of ground, was its 
 proper place. 
 
 It is difficult to recognize to-day the Philadelphia of 1777, 
 though it was then the largest and, in many senses, the me 
 tropolitan city of America. Its extent was from Christian 
 Street on the south to Callowhill on the north, and its greatest 
 width east and west was to 9th Street, between Arch and 
 Walnut. Its legitimate population, when all were at home 
 who were now with our army, may have possibly approached 
 30,000. The exact returns of the city and liberties, made to 
 Howe, in October, 1777, show 4,941 males under eighteen; 
 4,482 over eighteen and under sixty; and 12,344 females 
 of all ages ; a total of 21,767. The only streets parallel with 
 the river, that were closely built up, were 3d, Water, and 
 Front; groves arid gardens, hills and ponds, were inter 
 spersed through the greater portion of the place. Above 
 6th or 7th streets was generally open country, and the low 
 meadows of Moyamensing and Passyunk abounded in game. 
 The Delaware shore was open in places where there were 
 not wharves ; and the better classes resided in its vicinity, in 
 
 * The streets are named as they now exist, without regard to the open 
 lands when the works were thrown up. 
 
CHARACTER OF PHILADELPHIA IX 1777. 119 
 
 Water, and Market, and below Dock in Chestnut and Walnut 
 streets ; after the war their mansions became the resorts of 
 trade. Such as it was, Jefferson declares Philadelphia to 
 have been handsomer than London, far handsomer than 
 Paris. 
 
 Social rank too was strongly marked. The gentry con 
 sisted as well of the original Quaker families rich, respecta 
 ble, but by religion averse to the gayeties of the world as 
 of another class, chiefly of the English church, who often 
 were or had been connected with the proprietary government, 
 and who gave its tone to the fashionable society of the day. 
 Many of these had travelled abroad, and their houses were 
 decorated with valuable prints, or copies of great masters. 
 Lord Carlisle describes the good style of living among the chief 
 people in 1778 ; and the pleasures of the table being almost 
 the only carnal vanity that it was lawful for a Quaker to in 
 dulge in, we need not wonder that even then the city was fa 
 mous for its choice Madeira and French wines, and its West 
 India turtle. John Adams went into ecstasies over the fare 
 that was set before him. Chastellux says the formal dinner- 
 hour was five or six p. M., and goes into the details of the re 
 past as minutely as Adams : the roast meat and warm side- 
 dishes, the sweet pastry and confectionary ; and, the cloth being 
 removed, the fruit and nuts, the toast-drinking, and the coffee 
 that warned the guests to rise. The ladies he found singularly 
 well-informed and attractive, and praises the skill with which 
 the harpsichord was touched, and the pretty timidity of the 
 songstress. They dressed, he says, with elegance. Another 
 Frenchman paints them as tall and well-formed ; their feat 
 ures regular, and complexions fair but often without color ; 
 their carriage less graceful than noble. The hair was often 
 dressed without powder, and brought up high over the top of 
 the head. It was the belles of this place and time whom 
 Mrs. Adams characterized as " a constellation of beauties." 
 " With what ease," says another lady, " have I seen a Chew, 
 a Penn, an Oswald, an Allen, and a thousand others, enter- 
 
120 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 tain a large circle of both sexes ; the conversation, without 
 the aid of cards, never flagging nor seeming in the least 
 strained or stupid." The leaders of this circle were decid 
 edly loyal ; they rather ignored Mrs. Washington when she 
 passed through the town in 1775-6, and were in the height 
 of their glory during Howe s occupation ; of all which the 
 whigs took ample revenge, by shutting them out from the 
 assemblies, after the British had gone away. Nevertheless 
 it may be remarked, that probably in no other American city 
 is there so large a proportion of the better society composed 
 of the same families whose members constituted it a century 
 ago as in Philadelphia.* The dress of the gentry was gen 
 erally a little in arrear of the English fashions. Powdered 
 heads with clubs and queues ; silver or gold-laced coats of 
 broadcloth, of almost every hue save red (which color, on 
 any but a soldier s back, bespoke, at this time, " a Creole, a 
 Carolinian, or a dancing-master ") ; knee-breeches and stock 
 ings, low shoes and large buckles, made up their attire. Gold 
 watches were rare ; silver were used, even by men of rank. 
 Every one of a certain class was at least known by appear 
 ance ; a strange gentleman was instantly observed. Many 
 of these large-acred men were moderate in their political 
 views, favoring neither extreme, but content to abide the 
 result. Some, indeed, embarked their all on either venture. 
 Cadwalader and Dickinson followed Washington ; Galloway, 
 Allen, Clifton, sided with the crown ; but the most adopted 
 the resolution of Ross, who, says Graydon, stuck to his ease 
 and Madeira, and declared for neutrality ; let who would be 
 king, he well knew that he should be subject. The large pri 
 vate houses were few, but their appearance was stately and 
 imposing. That in High, near 6th Street, occupied as Sir 
 
 * Burnaby, who travelled through America in 1760, particularly notices 
 the beauty and elegance of the women of this city, and the love of pleasure 
 and the cultivated tone that distinguished its society. In 1778, the reader 
 will be amused to hear that among the young ladies of Philadelphia there 
 were no books so charming as Juliet Grenville, Caroline Melmuth, and the 
 History of Mr. Joseph Andrews. 
 
CHARACTER OF PHILADELPHIA IX 1777. 121 
 
 William Howe s quarters, was subsequently Washington s 
 abode. 
 
 The distinction, so strictly drawn before the war, between 
 the gentleman and the tradesman, had not yet worn out ; and 
 people still dressed and lived according to their station. The 
 workman was apparelled with leather breeches, checked 
 shirt, coarse flannel jacket, and neat s hide shoes. Porridge 
 was the morning and evening meal. Domestic servants 
 were usually negro slaves, or German and Irish redemp- 
 tioners, who were bought and sold for a term of years. The 
 generality of houses were plainly furnished with rush-bot 
 tomed chairs, pewter platters, wooden trenchers, delft-ware, 
 and the like. Silver tankards and China punch-bowls were 
 evidences of prosperity, as were the small mirrors in wooden 
 frames, and the mahogany tea-boards that are still to be some 
 times met with in the lumber-rooms of old-time houses. 
 Glass tumblers were rarely seen ; a dipper for the punch 
 bowl, or a gourd or cup for the water-pail, supplied those 
 who did not have recourse to the vessel itself. About a 
 dozen churches were to be found in the town ; but the Amer 
 icans had removed all the bells ere Howe s arrival, lest they 
 should be melted by the enemy. Chastellux draws a strik 
 ing picture of the contrast between the silent watchfulness of 
 the Quaker service and the music and chanting of the next 
 place of worship he entered, which appears to have been one 
 of the Church of England. The streets were but in part 
 paved and lighted ; and bridges in several places were 
 thrown across Dock Creek, which flowed up into the very 
 heart of the town. As for the inclinations of the majority 
 of the people that Howe found there, it seems clear that they 
 were loyal, though indisposed perhaps to take an active part. 
 A proposition to blacken the front of every tory s house, that 
 was in vogue among the ultra whigs on the return of the 
 city to the American sway, was quietly put aside lest, 
 it would seem, it should proclaim their strength. Just so 
 the Romans forbade a distinguishing livery to their slaves ; 
 
122 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 quantum periculum immineret si servi nostri numerare nos 
 ccepissent. Dr. Franklin says that the Quakers, then a nu 
 merous and wealthy people in Pennsylvania, had given to 
 the Revolution " every opposition their art, abilities and in 
 fluence could suggest " ; and it is probable that the ill-usage 
 which many of the sect received from the whigs during the 
 war would have led to armed resistance, were such a step 
 consistent with their pacific principles. As it was, their 
 sympathies were largely with the British ; nor were there 
 wanting others who, unrestrained by conscientious scruples, 
 were apparently ready to serve the crown. Nor, however 
 we may condemn their actions who whether passively or 
 actively resisted American Independence, should we uni 
 versally impugn their motives. The lot of the tories of the 
 Revolution was cast in the same land with the whigs ; their 
 education was under the same political and social in 
 fluence ; many of them were of character unblemished by 
 aught but the final heresy, and of families honorably identi 
 fied through generations with the history of the country and 
 with its private benefactions ; some gave their lives, others 
 princely estates, to witness the sincerity of their belief. To 
 the one side as to the other we may look for and find equally 
 conduct susceptible of the imputation of pure or of impure 
 instigation. That the tories erred, was and is the conviction 
 of our side of the house. The very act by which they 
 thought to establish their fidelity sealed their guilt. But the 
 standard of success, by which they are so often judged, is a 
 poor test of truth. "Weighed in this scale, another turn to 
 affairs would have made them heroes and justified the old 
 Jacobite paradox : 
 
 Treason doth never prosper what s the reason? 
 Why, when it prospers, tis no longer treason. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Affairs at Philadelphia. Disorders and Discontents. Fall of Eed Bank. 
 Andre follows Grey with Howe to Whitemarsh. Character of Sir 
 William Howe. 
 
 IN the spring of 1777 a clever Philadelphia writer had 
 divided the people into five classes. The Rank Tories came 
 first. The Moderate Tories were such as preferred the 
 English connection of 1763, valued worldly prosperity, hated 
 New England, and loved the Rank Tories. The Timid 
 Whigs distrusted American power, the cost of the war, and 
 the continental paper-money ; but were not disinclined to 
 Independence, if it could be got. Avarice was supposed to 
 be their mainspring. The Furious Whigs, says the writer, 
 injure the cause of Liberty as much by their violence as the 
 Timid Whigs by their fears. They think the destruction of 
 Howe s army less important than the detection and punish 
 ment of the most insignificant tory ; that the common forms 
 of justice should be suspended towards a tory criminal ; and 
 that a man who only speaks against our common defence 
 should be tomahawked, scalped, and roasted alive. They are 
 likewise all cowards, who skulk under the cover of an office, 
 or a sickly family, when they are called on to oppose the foe 
 in the field. Woe to the community that is governed by 
 this class of men. Lastly, he enumerates the Staunch Whigs 
 temperate, firm, and true ; friends to their country, but 
 holding life and goods as less than American Independence. 
 The three orders first named now prevailed in Philadelphia ; 
 and it is not too much to say that a majority of them owed 
 to this circumstance their conversion to opposite sentiments. 
 The conduct of the royal army was far from satisfactory. 
 
124 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 The Quakers, habitually benevolent yet tenacious of the rights 
 of property, were shocked at once by its looseness of morals 
 and its severity of discipline. Their effects had been already 
 diminished by American exactions, yet they were reported 
 to have made a free gift of ,6,000 to the British on their 
 arrival, and to have subsequently been called on for 20,000 
 more. Their first grievance was the pillaging to which the cit 
 izens were subjected, and to which many of the army became 
 so accustomed during the war, that its reduction on the peace 
 was the means, according to Scott, of inundating Great Brit 
 ain with ruffians of every description ; so that in Edinburgh 
 alone six or seven disbanded soldiers would be under sen 
 tence of death at the same time. While yet at Germantown, 
 the 33rd, though a pattern regiment in the field, was distin 
 guished for its light fingers ; but the Hessians were the bold 
 est operators. Their pay, which was to come from their own 
 sovereign, was not provided regularly, and their discipline 
 consequently was bad enough to give Howe trouble in cor 
 recting it. With the English privates they did not get on 
 pleasantly ; arrogant, full of the idea of immediate allotments 
 of land, and of living in free quarters with unlimited license 
 to plunder, they incensed the inhabitants to such a degree, 
 that many a farmer who hesitated to slay his fellow-country 
 men, thought as little when he had the opportunity to shoot 
 a Hessian as a hawk. Their officers could not understand 
 why war should not be waged here as they had seen it in 
 Europe. " No American town," they said, " has been laid 
 under contribution ; and what is there to destroy ? Wooden 
 houses deserted of their inhabitants, pigs, and poultry ! " 
 In the general confusion that prevailed between the arrival 
 of the army and its final going into quarters, no doubt un 
 usual license prevailed ; and the newspapers of the day are 
 filled with notices of robberies, several of them upon British 
 officers. Seventeen watchmen were hitherto sufficient to 
 protect the city ; but when the army and fleet swelled the 
 population to the neighborhood of 50,000, a hundred and 
 
DISORDERS AND DISCONTENTS. 125 
 
 twenty were scarce thought enough. A stringent proclama 
 tion of the General s as to these practices was issued on 
 the 7th November ; but it proved a dead letter against the 
 disorders that in one or another form had irritated some of 
 the best people. The neighboring farms were freely spoiled 
 by the soldiery. On the 28th September one of Harcourt s 
 dragoons had four hundred lashes for such an offence, and 
 another was hanged ; and their commander gave the utmost 
 offence to the distressed proprietors by his peremptory re 
 fusal to listen to their intercessions to spare the backs and 
 the lives of his troopers who had robbed the king s liegemen. 
 About the same time a foraging party brought in a great 
 number of cattle from the neighborhood of Darby, to the 
 discontent of their owners. On the 19th October a hundred 
 Hessians went foraging, or rather robbing, among the farms 
 where now stands the Naval Asylum. Their officer per 
 mitted them to take all the vegetables they could find. A 
 person interested thus describes the scene : 
 
 " Being afraid they would take our cabbage, I applied for 
 a guard for the house and garden, which was immediately 
 granted, and by that means prevented our cabbage from 
 being plundered. After they had taken all John King s 
 cabbage they marched off. [I] brought our cabbage home. 
 It was surprizing to see with what rapidity they run to and 
 with what voraciousness they seized upon John King s cab 
 bage and potatoes, who remained a silent spectator to their 
 infamous depredations." 
 
 The Hessians repeated their visit the next day, taking 
 everything in the way of hay, vegetables, &c., that they 
 could lay hands upon, until a squad of Harcourt s dragoons 
 arrived and interfered, and made them go back. But for 
 weeks the thing was continued ; the officers sanctioned the 
 plunder of vegetables, &c., till the people were thoroughly 
 provoked. They were even compelled at last to remove and 
 conceal their fences lest the British should take them for 
 fuel and the fields were thus left open and unprotected. 
 
126 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRfi. 
 
 Nor was it till the 9th January, 1778, when the patrol was 
 ordered to stop and examine every one found in the streets 
 without a lantern between tattoo (8.30 P. M.) and rev 
 eille, that a real check was given to the nocturnal house 
 breaker.* 
 
 A succession of skirmishes had ensued along the lines ever 
 since the British arrived. On the 27th September, a can 
 nonade was kept up from 9 to 10 A.M. between four guns 
 in their shore-batteries and our little fleet of a frigate of 34, 
 and a ship of 18 guns, four row-galleys, and a schooner, till 
 the frigate grounded and struck, and the others retired. The 
 schooner as she came down lost her foremast and was aban 
 doned. At 3 P.M., about 100 of our men attacked about 30 
 British on the ground now occupied by the Naval Asylum, 
 (probably of Ilarcourt s dragoons who were posted there,) and 
 killed or wounded three of their officers and two men. On 
 the 4th October, after shots had been exchanged for an hour 
 without effect, three American columns, with two field-pieces, 
 appeared on the opposite side of the Schuylkill, at the Middle 
 Ferry, and opened a general fire on 30 dismounted dragoons 
 who guarded it. Reinforcements arriving to the latter, our 
 men retreated leaving their guns by the water-side, but soon 
 returned and bore them away. Only one man (an Ameri 
 can) was wounded in this affair, which was witnessed by 
 many of the citizens. On the 6th, 300 wounded British 
 were brought from Germantown and lodged in the Seceders 
 
 * As the necessity of the case had so long failed to produce such an order, 
 we may suppose some personal motive now prevailed. Perhaps the affair 
 last preceding its appearance may have had an effect. The following notice 
 is from the Pennsylvania Ledger, Jan. 7, 1778. It would be curious if the 
 initials referred to Andre: "Three Guineas Reward. Was stolen out of 
 a house in Walnut Street, Sunday evening last, the following articles, viz. 
 A claret coloured ratteen suit of clothes, lined with hlue satin, with span 
 gled gold buttons; a pair of white cassimer breeches; some shirts marked 
 J. A. with several other things: also a ladies black silk hat and cloak. 
 Whoever will secure the thief and effects shall receive the above reward; 
 and for the effects without the thief Two Guineas upon their delivery to the 
 Printer/ 
 
HOWE S POSITION. 127 
 
 and the Pine Street Presbyterian churches, and the old 
 theatre ; and the worst injured in the City Hospital. The 
 wounded Americans, who were already neglected, were 
 placed in the Presbyterian church and in two new houses 
 in 4th Street. On the 12th, our patrols were ranging through 
 all the vicinity, and seizing obnoxious tories. On the night 
 of the 6th, 300 militia had entered Chester and captured the 
 loyal sheriff of Sussex County, for whose arrest the Delaware 
 government had offered $300 reward ; and at 4 A. M., on the 
 loth, a party cut the rope of the Middle Ferry and exchanged 
 platoon fires with the light dragoons. On the evening of the 
 16th, the troops left at Wilmington, who it was supposed 
 would have attacked Red Bank, where our flag was hoisted 
 that very morning, arrived at Philadelphia, leaving their sick 
 and wounded at Gray s Ferry. A number of Hessians fol 
 lowed on the 20th. 
 
 Howe had written to Clinton that he was not strong 
 enough to open the Delaware, and ordered reinforcements to 
 be sent to him. On the 21st October, Donop with 2500 
 Hessians marched against Red Bank, crossing the Dela 
 ware in flat-bottomed boats sent up by night from the fleet, 
 and passing from Cooper s Ferry to Haddonfield, where a 
 quantity of stores were captured. This post and that on Mud 
 Island, each about five miles below Philadelphia, together 
 with the chevaux-de-frise they protected, controlled the navi 
 gation of the Delaware. Till it was free Howe s position 
 was a simple cul-de-sac: parted from his supplies, and 
 scarcity already exhibited, he rested within a triangle of 
 which the Delaware and Schuylkill were the sides and his 
 works the base. If the attack meditated in the American 
 camp was thus made dangerous, so also was his own removal : 
 for our army in at least equal numbers lay before him, and 
 so long as the fleet could be shut out there was a prospect 
 of reducing him by starvation, or by a ruinous and imperfect 
 retreat across Jersey. The importance of clearing the way 
 was therefore well understood by " the great count," as he 
 
128 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 was called in Philadelphia, when, for the especial distinction 
 of himself and his men, Donop applied out of turn for this 
 command. For the Americans he had indeed a most sov 
 ereign contempt ; but it is possible that other circumstances 
 may have governed his conduct. There were feuds in the 
 army ; and his countrymen had been freely spoken of. The 
 Americans with great reason regarded them with utter ab 
 horrence. The English Opposition, unmindful of the treaty 
 stipulations that sent them, perhaps against their inclinations, 
 to this country, lavished continual contumely on their heads. 
 To the sea-stock of old hock wine their chief had laid in ere 
 sailing, ministers were invoked to add the irresistible tempta 
 tion of plenty of sour-krout for " the dear-bought cut-throats " ; 
 and in the coach that De Heister insisted on carrying with 
 him over the ocean, it was almost wished that he might lie 
 coffined beneath the waves like Pharaoh in his chariot. 
 Their services were ridiculed, and an English nobleman 
 sang, in relation to officers of the Brunswick corps, 
 
 " We shall not with much sorrow read 
 How Sclatzen, Knotzen, Blatzclmn bleed 
 Unless we break a tooth." 
 
 Howe was opposed politically to ministers, and it is proba 
 ble these and other diatribes reached head-quarters ; and 
 though Andre, by long residence in Germany, was prepared 
 to live in friendly relations with Donop, all of the army were 
 not. De Heister had already gone home in a rage ; and it is 
 not likely his subordinates were less sensitive. A sufficient 
 rampart, too high and steep to be carried without ladders 
 and surrounded by an abatis and ditch, constituted the fort ; 
 it was defended by 300 valiant men. On the morning of the 
 22nd October, Donop halted just beyond its cannon-shot, and 
 a drum followed by an officer brought a summons to surren 
 der. " The King of England," were the words, " orders 
 his rebellious subjects to lay down their arms ; and they 
 are warned that if they stand the battle they shall receive 
 no quarter." The garrison replied that they were content 
 
THE ASSAULT ON RED BANK. 129 
 
 neither to give quarter nor to take it. At 4 p. M., the ene 
 my s guns opened on the place, and the Hessians rushed to 
 the storm. The first outwork was carried ; and, with shouts 
 of triumph and waving of hats, as thinking the day their 
 own, they advanced against the abatis. But Donop seems 
 to have now entertained no such thought of victory. Though 
 he saw success was almost impossible, he resolved to proceed ; 
 and giving his watch and purse to a bastard son of Lord 
 Bute s, who was with his party, he plunged into the thickest 
 of the fight. It was said at the time in Philadelphia that he 
 considered his orders to be peremptory, and indeed they were 
 so esteemed there ; but Howe in his despatch of the 25th 
 simply observes that they were " to proceed to the attack " ; 
 while in his Narrative he affirms them to have been discretion 
 ary, according to the chances of succeeding. It is probable 
 that Donop s haughty spirit could not brook the shame, after 
 all that had passed, of returning alive and unsuccessful. But 
 the rampart was unattainable without ladders or pioneers. 
 A front and a flank fire mowed down the assailants. The 
 drummer that had approached the fort in the morning beat 
 the charge at their head : he was a marked man, and fell 
 on the first fire ; and with him the officer who brought the 
 summons. The leaders smote vainly with their swords on 
 the abatis, and the men strove to tear it down ; they fell by 
 scores in the attempt. Donop himself, distinguished by his 
 courage and by his handsome person, on which was displayed 
 the order he bore, was struck in the hip, swooned, and was 
 left for dead. A few of his men sheltered themselves be 
 neath the parapet; the rest fled. When all was over, a 
 feeble voice was heard among the heaps of slain, saying, 
 " Whoever you are, draw me hence." He was extricated, 
 and our men demanded of him if he was still determined to 
 give no quarter. " I am in your hands," he replied ; " you 
 may revenge yourselves." Ascertaining that it was Mauduit, 
 a French officer, who had taken him up " Je suis content," 
 he cried ; " je incurs entre les mains de 1 honneur rneme." 
 
130 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR&. 
 
 Every care was given him, for Washington was anxious that 
 he should be saved ; but he died in three days. He was in 
 timate with St. Germain, the French minister of war ; and 
 his last hours were bestowed on a letter recommending Mau- 
 duit to his favor. " It is finishing a noble career early," he 
 calmly said when the end approached ; " but I die the vic 
 tim of my ambition and of my sovereign s avarice." In Eng 
 land, Townshend satirically suggested that proper care and 
 twenty pounds sterling would have provided ladders, and 
 saved to the Treasury the cost of 600 slain Hessians at 
 forty pounds a man. 
 
 " Sir William s Conquests raise a smile. 
 Lo, Red-Bank yields, and eke Mud Isle, 
 
 Which Hessians storm d pell-mell! 
 The ditch was wet they had no bladders, 
 The wall was high they had no ladders, 
 
 So Donop fought and fell ! " 
 
 But it was not until a month later that the works, so skil 
 fully planned by the unfortunate Coudray, were beaten down 
 by the royal batteries to an extent which compelled their evac 
 uation, and left Lord Howe master of the stream. Mean 
 time small parties of our people kept up a constant disturb 
 ance along the lines, approaching within half a mile of the 
 Kensington outposts. A royal detachment, crossing the 
 Schuylkill on the 22nd, broke up the floating bridge at 
 Gray s, and brought it up to the Middle Ferry. On the 
 26th the picket on the farther side was attacked for fifteen 
 minutes by our people till a regiment had crossed the bridge 
 for its relief; but soon after the floods came out and carried 
 the structure away. These little affairs kept the enemy 
 perpetually in motion. They were busied also with building 
 two floating batteries on the Schuylkill, which, though when 
 launched were too leaky for use, were presently put in bet 
 ter trim and sent down against Red Bank. Three or four 
 brigs and sloops with provisions seem to have slipped up 
 from the fleet on the llth November; but over 300 sail 
 
FALL OF RED BANK. 131 
 
 still lingered below, by whose absence 12,000 men had al 
 ready been detained in idleness for seven precious weeks. 
 Excessive rains and the cutting of the dykes retarded the 
 English works. In relieving guard, their men marched some 
 times breast-deep in water. The American works were how 
 ever now ceasing to be tenable ; that on Mud Island was aban 
 doned on the 16th; and on the 18th, Cornwallis, with Grey 
 and 2500 men, crossed the Schuylkill at the Middle Ferry to 
 attack Red Bank. On the way to Chester Andre saw a few 
 more of the horrors of war. At the Blue Bell Tavern the 
 American picket retreated within doors and from the win 
 dows shot down a couple of grenadiers. Their comrades 
 burst in and, ere their officers could prevent, bayoneted five 
 of our men. The rest were taken. Plunder prevailed on 
 the road, and the houses of whigs were consumed. By 11 
 A. M. the British were crossing the Delaware at Chester, and, 
 with the troops just come from New York, were so rapidly 
 pushed against Red Bank, that it was impossible to relieve 
 it. The place was evacuated on the 20th. Of the vessels that 
 had been sheltered by its guns some were fired and, at four 
 A. M. on the 21st, came drifting up the river on the flood-tide 
 to within two miles of the city ; but carried back by the ebb, 
 exploded harmlessly after flaming for five hours. In the 
 thick fog that prevailed, the gondolas passed by, despite the 
 heavy firing of the English frigate Delaware. It was thus 
 known that Red Bank had fallen ; and as the design of a for 
 ward movement hinged on that event, the loyal believed that 
 Cornwallis was now to pass up to Burlington and thence get 
 into Washington s rear. On the morning of November 24th 
 the fleet began to come in and business to revive. Corn 
 wallis brought 400 cattle from Jersey on the ensuing day ; 
 and on the next, while sixty -three sail were in sight between 
 the town and Gloucester Point, Lord Howe carne on shore 
 and the citizens made up their minds that Sir William would 
 not pursue Washington that winter. They learned their 
 mistake, however, on the following day; for so ill were 
 
132 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRlL 
 
 Howe s secrets kept that it was the town-talk that the main 
 army would march on the 2nd December. Detachments 
 were sent over Schuylkill ; suspected spies were seized ; and 
 various country-houses, some the property of tories, were 
 fired because the American pickets had found them a con 
 venient ambush whence to shoot down the enemy. Most of 
 the buildings along the lines were by this time destroyed ; 
 and it was even expected that Germantown would soon be 
 burned. 
 
 Leaving a few regiments to guard the city, the British 
 army marched forth by the Germantown road at eight P. M., 
 December 4th, the van led by Cornwallis and the rest by 
 Knyphausen. Howe s object was to find a weak place in 
 the fortified camp at Whitemarsh, or to tempt our army, now 
 strongly reinforced, into a battle for the recovery of Phila 
 delphia ; but the public impression was that he had gone out 
 to fight Washington wherever he found him. The camp fires 
 were lighted at Chestnut Hill, which, soon after, a body of 
 Americans under Irvine attempted to occupy. They were 
 discomfited, however, by Abercromby with the light brigade, 
 and the general made prisoner. Here the English remained 
 till the 7th ; when, reluctant to essay Washington s right, 
 they moved at one A. M. towards his left, and took post on 
 Edgehill. A sharp skirmish was created by Morgan, whose 
 rifles disputed the ground as long as they could, while to the 
 left Grey encountered and easily put to flight a considerable 
 party, chiefly of militia. Grey s night-march led him to their 
 outposts. He formed with the Queen s Rangers on his left, 
 the light infantry of the guards on his right, and his brigade 
 in the centre. The Hessians and Anspach Chasseurs, with 
 the field-pieces, were in the van. The Americans were out 
 flanked on either side, and outrun by the guards, who turned 
 their flight across the fire of the centre and left. This affair 
 appears to have occurred in Cheltenham township, Mont 
 gomery county. 
 
 On the 8th, Howe abandoned all hope of finding a vulner- 
 
ANDR& WITH GREY AND HOWE. 133 
 
 able place in our lines, and Washington restraining his per 
 sonal desire to go forth and give them the meeting they 
 sought, the British turned their faces homewards. At four 
 p. M., Grey and Cornwallis, whose troops were the last to 
 move, retired. At that precise time Simcoe was watching 
 the entrance of a squad of our dragoons into a trap he had 
 cunningly baited, when Andre galloped up with peremptory 
 orders to withdraw. The others were already on the march ; 
 and at nine P. M., to the confusion and amazement of Phila 
 delphia, the British ingloriously reentered the lines.* As 
 they came down the Old York Road, they burned, for some 
 reason, the Rising Sun Buildings ; but, except 700 cattle and 
 the spoils of every farm-house that lay in a Hessian s path, 
 there was nothing at all to show for all this effort and parade. 
 Ere sailing for England, Cornwallis foraged the country 
 beyond Schuylkill towards Chester ; routing Potter as he 
 went, and finding a success very grievous to all who had 
 anything to lose, and who fruitlessly claimed redress from 
 head-quarters. Another large force went to Darby on the 
 22nd ; and stripping it of 1000 tons of forage returned on the 
 28th with a parcel of prisoners ; of whom two officers and 
 thirty men had been cunningly beguiled into ambuscade by 
 a couple of the 17th dragoons. At seven p. M. on Christmas 
 Eve, the city was enlivened by a brisk but unsupported can 
 nonade with twelve-pounders on the lines between 3rd and 
 4th streets ; and this was its last taste of battle in the year 
 1777. The troops, on the 30th and 31st December, went into 
 good winter-quarters. "With the exception of a transport, that 
 was swept from her moorings by the ice to be stranded and 
 
 * This failure is attributed to the conduct of Lydia Darrach, a midwife 
 of Philadelphia. The royal adjutant-general was billeted in the same 
 house ; and when he sent for some chief officers to give them their instruc 
 tions and the general plan of action, he particularly ordered that all else 
 in the house should go to bed. By aid of a friendly keyhole his precau 
 tions were frustrated ; and the woman herself, without being suspected, bore 
 the important details to our people, who were consequently enabled to an 
 ticipate every move of the enemy. 
 
134 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 plundered on the Jersey shore, nothing more occurred of 
 sufficient note to excite attention. 
 
 The severities of the winter of 1777-8 were keenly felt 
 by the poor of Philadelphia ; and even the better classes, no 
 longer able to procure fresh provisions by means of the river, 
 which was obstructed by ice on the 30th of December, found 
 additional aggravation in the spirit that permitted the Amer 
 icans to hold their position at Valley Forge, and thence to 
 restrain supplies from the country by severities which at this 
 day seem hardly just. " The laws of war," said Marshal 
 Con way, " sanction the infliction of death on those who fur 
 nish food to an enemy only when such aids are needful to 
 existence; not where they are rather matters of luxury." 
 The army commissariat was always capable of being replen 
 ished by the fleet, and there was no longer hope or attempt 
 to reduce Howe by starvation ; but the inhabitants were on 
 another footing. They remembered, in their hunger, how the 
 officers who entered on the 26th of September,- with all their 
 civility to the people, professed the most bitter determination 
 to pursue our army to the last extremity ; but their amaze 
 ment is also recorded at the self-confidence of the English 
 and their contempt of the Americans, whom they stigmatized 
 as " a cowardly and insignificant set of people." There were 
 not wanting, even in Congress, men who had heard Cope s 
 officers at Preston hold the same terms of the Scots, declar 
 ing they would never remain to face the British bayonet : 
 yet who had seen these very boasters fly pusillanimously be 
 fore the Highlanders without striking a blow. The impulse 
 that at first led to the formation of Loyal Associations and 
 Provincial Corps had not been fostered. The Quakers even 
 were at one time expected by their antagonists to appear in 
 arms. " Thee and thou, in Philadelphia," wrote an Ameri 
 can officer (Oct. 6th, 1777), " now find a religion will not 
 serve that doth not turn weathercock-like. They begin to 
 say to each other Will thee take a gun, hope thee will 
 appear in the field ; " but when flour was at three guineas 
 
FIRST BATTLE AT STILL WATER, 135 
 
 the hundred, and other things in proportion, they rather 
 thought of obtaining assistance through Dr. Fothergill, from 
 their friends in England, to be repaid at the end of the 
 troubles, than of fulfilling the predictions of their enemies. 
 Nor was a British army longer to be esteemed invincible by 
 rebels. Burgoyne s was a case in point. On the 3rd of 
 October, imperfect rumors of the first battle at Stillwater 
 flew from lip to lip. Gates was beaten. A letter was in 
 town, with a postscript in Irish which told how a partial en 
 gagement on the 18th of September had been unfavorable 
 to Burgoyne; but that returning on the 19th to bury his 
 dead, a general action ensued in which he was entirely suc 
 cessful, and was in full march on Albany. A man who had 
 been in Albany on the 19th was at once arrested; but he of 
 course knew nothing of Sir John s advance. His fall was 
 known to Washington on the 18th of October ; but Howe s 
 army scouted at the story, while the citizens believed it. The 
 Frenchman who brought in Donop s wounded officers was 
 questioned on the possibility of such an event. " I know the 
 fact is so," he answered, " you must explain it as you can." 
 Foremost in capacity among the local loyalists was Galloway. 
 Sir William employed him in municipal affairs, but in other 
 respects gave him the cold shoulder. Galloway was not in 
 sensible of the supineness of the campaign, nor, as he be 
 lieved, of the cause. His friends shared in his discontent, 
 and he has recorded its origin. At Philadelphia, he says, 
 Howe found 4482 fencible inhabitants, of whom about 
 1,000 were Quakers and perhaps fifty secret foes. An elev 
 enth of the whole population had fled. A . militia of 3500 
 men should have been forthwith organized ; that, with the 
 shipping and 1000 regulars, could have held the lines against 
 anything but Washington s main army, which Howe might 
 thus be at liberty to attack at Valley Forge. He should 
 have invited the loyal men of the Chesapeake and Delaware 
 peninsula to rise, and supplied them with arms and ammuni 
 tion, and a few regulars. In three days he would have had 
 
136 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR. 
 
 2000 tories in the field, who would soon increase to 6000 or 
 8000. A covering post at Wilmington would put Washing 
 ton between it and the loyalists, should he march against 
 them ; while the army at Philadelphia would be but one 
 day s distance by water, or two by land. He cited the fact 
 that even with the insufficient means that were taken to raise 
 men, over 1100 of the Philadelphians joined the British ; but 
 particularly was he sensitive of the refusal to permit him to 
 raise a regiment. A warrant for a single troop was vouch 
 safed him; in two months it was full and efficient. The 
 General put aside his services in the recruiting line, and 
 gave the warrant to " an unpopular country tavern-keeper, 
 for whom he [Howe] thought his servants in the kitchen the 
 most proper company." Fifty gentlemen from Monmouth, 
 New Jersey, brought their services to Sir William, " but the 
 General was inaccessible ; they could not, after several days 
 attendance, procure an audience." Such are the charges 
 Galloway brought forward ; and it is no wonder he found 
 ready listeners. 
 
 Sir William and Lord Howe were the sons of the second 
 Viscount Howe, and were in an illegitimate way kinsmen 
 to the King. The late King William spoke of Lord Howe 
 as " indeed a sort of connexion of the family." When that 
 coarse, vulgar, vicious little profligate, George Louis, the 
 first of the Hanoverian line, came over to reign in England, 
 he brought among his German mistresses a Madame Kiel- 
 mansegge, whose mother had filled a questionable position 
 near his own father. Once in England, she was of course 
 placed on the pension and the peerage rolls; and in 1721, 
 while his wife languished out her life in a dungeon, George 
 created her Countess of Leinster and of Darlington, and 
 Baroness Brentford. By the usual means of her office, 
 though her appearance was far from pleasing, she accumu 
 lated wealth. Walpole paints the fright into which his child 
 hood was thrown by an interview with this " fat woman of 
 Brentford." " The tierce, black eyes, large and rolling be- 
 
CHARACTER OF SIR WILLIAM HOWE. 137 
 
 neath two lofty arched eyebrows ; two acres of cheeks spread 
 with crimson, an ocean of neck, that overflowed and was not 
 distinguished from the lower parts of her body, and no part 
 restrained by stays, no wonder that a child dreaded such 
 an ogress." The child that she bore to the king was, in 
 1719, married to Lord Howe ; and though she was never 
 publicly acknowledged as George s daughter, her own child 
 was always treated by Princess Amelia, daughter of George 
 II., as of the blood-royal. There were whispers also of a 
 relationship of the same nature as with the Howes, between 
 George III. and Lord North ; their resemblance was so 
 great, according to "Wraxall, as to be pointed out by George s 
 father to Lord Guilford. The ill feeling between North and 
 Howe, so natural to the royal line, would not belie this tale. 
 
 John Adams asserts that the Howes were poor, brave 
 men, who had wasted their estates in election contests and 
 had now nothing to sell but their votes and their swords. 
 Sir William represented Nottingham in the Commons ; and 
 the expenses of carrying that town in 1768 were said by 
 Lord Chesterfield to have been full 30,000 to the winner, 
 and not less to the losing candidate. Letters from London 
 in 1775 aver that both How r e and Clinton went with reluc 
 tance to America ; but they were told they must do this or 
 starve. In Parliament he was in the chair of Committee of 
 the Whole House, on the 20th of March, 1775, when the 
 Commons considered American affairs. From nine P. M. to 
 one A. M. it was one scene of confusion and altercation, dur 
 ing which a member called on him to publish in the Colonies, 
 that whenever evidence in their favor was produced, the 
 prime minister " was either fast asleep, and did not hear it ; 
 or, if awake, was talking so loud as even to prevent others 
 from hearing it." As next in command to Gage, he led the 
 assault at Bunker Hill, where his " disposition was exceeding 
 soldier-like ; in my opinion, it was perfect," said Burgoyne. 
 Others however discovered in this action his habitual neg 
 lect to press fortune to the utmost, when Clinton was vainly 
 
138 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 urging the pursuit of the Americans crowded on a narrow 
 causeway. It would seem that ministers were then perplexed 
 to find a suitable chief commander. With little show of 
 probability, Prince Ferdinand was spoken of on either side ; 
 but this nomination would never have suited Germain (who 
 was soon to represent America in the cabinet), for it would 
 have brought him into direct contact with the man by whose 
 means he had been himself cashiered for misconduct at Min- 
 den. The veteran Amherst was also mentioned ; and a con 
 temporary historian alleges the post was even tendered to the 
 aged Oglethorpe, who, in 1745, had been refused any com 
 mand whatsoever. The ancient Jacobite however sturdily 
 refused the appointment, unless he were permitted to comply 
 with American demands ; and this the ministry would not 
 think of. Accordingly, Dartmouth informed Howe on the 
 2nd of August, 1775, of his prospective position, and bade 
 him transmit a full statement of everything that he would 
 need to insure success. Yet the nature of his politics at this 
 time may, perhaps, be fairly deduced from an address of his 
 constituency to the throne that was in his absence presented 
 by his brother, the Viscount. The constitutionality of the 
 steps against America was questioned, their expediency de 
 nied, and especially was regretted the presence, in such a ser 
 vice, of their representative "a descendant of that noble 
 family which in every walk of glory has equalled the Roman 
 name." Howe himself averred that he accepted the com 
 mand by desire of his friends in opposition ; and it is not 
 to be denied that, if his conduct in this country was detri 
 mental to the triumph of the British arms, it was at least 
 often stamped with sterling traits. At Bunker Hill, where 
 he was struck by a spent ball, he would have preserved the 
 wounded Warren. He captured Fort Washington in a man 
 ner to indicate that he prized the lives of his men. He 
 might have made a more dashing attack, but not a surer or 
 safer. To his prisoners he was not so considerate ; and the 
 treatment that he suffered them to receive would alone pol- 
 
CHARACTER OF SIR WILLIAM HOWE. 139 
 
 lute his fame. Ethan Allen, not backward himself to inflict 
 scourging or exile where a disputed land-title was concerned, 
 lifts up his voice against Sir William s commissary of pris 
 oners, a native of Allen s own region ; and declared that 
 " legions of infernal devils, with all their tremendous horrors, 
 were impatiently ready to receive Howe and him, with all 
 their detestable accomplices, into the most exquisite agonies 
 of the hottest regions of hell-fire." As for his provost-mar 
 shal, Major Cunningham, " a burly, ill-natured Irishman, of 
 sixty years," humanity shrinks from the recital of his cruel 
 ties, and almost regrets that it cannot find reason to believe 
 that the justice of the nation he so long disgraced did not 
 provide him a halter. Few worse men have dangled from a 
 gibbet. There is satisfaction in the reflection that, when the 
 British evacuated New York in 1783, the insolence of office 
 led him to quarrel with the man who had a little prematurely 
 hoisted the American flag ; and that he was soundly belabored 
 with a broomstick by an indignant virago. His quarters in 
 Philadelphia were plundered by robbers of his own ranks ; 
 foremost among whom was a hag named Marshall, well- 
 known on the battle-field as the " bag and hatchet woman," 
 a title that sufficiently indicates her horrid trade. Cunning 
 ham s prison was in Walnut Street below 6th, and the neigh 
 boring Potter s Field (now Washington Square) received his 
 victims. It was at the time told of this human beast, that 
 when charity supplied a vessel of broth to his starving cap 
 tives, he would divert himself by kicking it over, and seeing 
 the prisoners fall sprawling on the earth, striving to lap up 
 the food with their tongues. As for the hulks in which our 
 people were shut up at New York, we need not go behind 
 the confession of Sir William Napier "The annals of civ 
 ilized nations furnish nothing more inhuman towards the 
 captives of war than the prison-ships of England." The fact 
 seems to be that Howe prized his own comfort too highly to 
 disturb himself much about his duties. Charles Lee, who long 
 had him in the highest love and reverence, describes him as 
 
140 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 being "naturally good-humored, complaisant, but illiterate and 
 indolent to the last degree, unless as an executive soldier, in 
 which capacity he is all fire and activity, brave and cool as 
 Julius Caesar." Yet his enemies also asserted that since 1776 
 he had never met Washington but in force really superior; and 
 nineteen occasions were cited in which he might have over 
 turned the Americans. At Long Island his men were hardly 
 restrained for three days from attacking our lines, lie lin 
 gered in camp, when he should have passed to New Rochelle 
 and hemmed up his foe in New York. At Brandywine, by 
 the most judicious manosuvres, he enclosed Washington be 
 tween his two columns and impassable waters. He indolently 
 suffered the defeated party to remain undisturbed all night 
 within eight miles of the field, and, by five days inactivity, 
 lost all the fruits of victory. At Germantown, it was Mus- 
 grave who saved the day ; and even then there was no gen 
 eral pursuit. Nothing was extenuated, and not a little set 
 down in malice. The people were discontented with his pri 
 vate life. He appropriated to himself Mrs. Pemberton s coach 
 and horses ; he was fond of his bottle ; he kept a mistress ; 
 even the more discreet among his own officers were abashed 
 at his luxurious habits, and his inaccessibility to affairs of 
 importance. Across the ocean, Burns caught up the story 
 of his slothful ease. 
 
 " Poor Tammy Gage within a cage 
 
 Was kept at Boston ha , man, 
 Till Willie Howe took o er the knowe 
 
 For Philadelphia, man. 
 Wi sword and gun he thought a sin 
 
 Guid Christian blood to draw, man : 
 But at New-York, wi knife and fork, 
 
 Sir-loin he hacked sma , man." 
 
 The Admiral and himself, bitterly remarks a contemporary, 
 had alike the sullen family gloom ; but while Lord Howe 
 was devoted to business, his brother hated and avoided it. 
 " Their uniform character through life has been, and is to this 
 day, haughty, morose, hard-hearted, and inflexible." This 
 
CHARACTER OF SIR WILLIAM HOWE. 141 
 
 aversion to public affairs, and the consequent pecuniary dis 
 orders that ensued in their management, may perhaps give 
 another color to the allegation that Sir William was privately 
 interested in various transactions by which riches were got 
 at the expense of government. He was said to be a secret 
 partner with Coffin, a large military shopkeeper who attended 
 the army. Certainly the expenditures of his campaigns were 
 beyond all reasonable bounds. In every profitable branch 
 of the service, wrote Wedderburne at the time, the pecula 
 tion was as enormous as indecent. Both the troops and the 
 treasury were robbed : "the hospitals are pest-houses and the 
 provisions served out are poison. Those that are to be bought 
 are sold at the highest prices of a monopoly." No wonder 
 the most loyal Englishman winced at this wanton and fruit 
 less waste of taxation, and apostrophized his country, in 
 sulted by Americans, 
 
 " Who force thee from thy native right 
 Because thy heroes will not fight; 
 Perfidious men, who millions gain 
 By each protracted, slow campaign ! " 
 
 The French officers in Washington s camp were amazed at 
 Howe s inactivity. " After Brandywine," said Du Portail, 
 " he might have exterminated our army " ; and his sluggish 
 ness while they were at Valley Forge was an ineffable blun 
 der. " Had he moved against them in force, they could not 
 have held their encampment," says Marshall. An opinion 
 was (no doubt falsely) at this time attributed to La Fayette, 
 that as any general but Howe would have beaten Washing 
 ton, so any other than Washington would have beaten Howe ; 
 and ministers trembled lest Gates should march from Sara 
 toga and, joining the main army, subdue Philadelphia and 
 its garrison. But Sir William was already anxious to retire. 
 There was ill blood between Germain and himself; and not 
 even the king could persuade the Colonial Secretary to treat 
 his General with proper confidence. In July, 1778, he re 
 turned to London, " richer in money than laurels," says Wai- 
 
142 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 pole. " The only bays he possessed," said another, " were 
 those that drew his coach." His reception by the cabinet 
 was not encouraging ; and he endeavored to cast the blame 
 of his want of success at its door. In this he but partially 
 succeeded. A parliamentary investigation took such a turn 
 that it was dropped on motion of his friends. He was not 
 reemployed in the war ; and the nation, and even his own 
 constituents of Nottingham, seem to have been content to 
 have done with him. 
 
 " General Howe is a gallant commander 
 There are others as gallant as he " 
 
 was the general conclusion. In 1799 he succeeded to his 
 brother s Irish titles ; and died childless in 1814. In person 
 he was tall and portly, full six feet in height, and, to Phil 
 adelphia eyes, of stately and dignified manners. His enforced 
 withdrawal from the field of professional service was in some 
 measure compensated by the social and political influence 
 which secured him in a lucrative and honorable office under 
 the crown. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The British Army in Philadelphia. Features of the Occupation. Sir 
 William Erskine. Abercrombie. Siracoe. Lord Cathcart. Tarle- 
 ton. Andre s Social Relations in the City. Verses composed by him. 
 Amateur Theatricals. Misconduct of the Royal Arms. The Mis- 
 chianza. Andrd s Account of it. Howe removed from the Com 
 mand. 
 
 THE year 1778 found the British at Philadelphia in snug 
 quarters, unembarrassed by the cares of the field and, except 
 for occasional detachments, free from other military duties 
 than the necessary details of garrison life. The trifling affairs 
 that occurred during the remainder of the season, served 
 rather as a zest to the pleasures which engaged them, than 
 as a serious occupation. Our army lay the while from the 
 19th December to the 18th June at Valley Forge, on the 
 west side of the Schuylkill. The camp was placed on the 
 rugged hill-side of a deep valley, through which flows a creek. 
 On the east and south it was fortified with a ditch six feet 
 wide and three feet deep, and a mound four feet high that 
 might easily be overthrown (said Anbury, an English officer 
 who visited the spot,) by six-pounders. On the left was the 
 Schuylkill, over which a bridge was built by the Americans 
 to keep up their communications. On every arch was carved 
 a general s name ; that in the centre bore Washington s, and 
 the date of its erection. The rear was protected by a preci 
 pice and thick woods. From December to May, continues 
 our authority, Howe could have readily carried these lines ; 
 at any time in the spring he could have besieged them. 
 The sufferings of the men were intolerable ; they deserted 
 by tens and by fifties ; and they often appeared in Philadel 
 phia almost naked, without shoes, a tattered blanket strapped 
 
144 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 to their waists but with their arras. These they were al 
 ways allowed by the English to sell. It is incredible that, 
 however bad his intelligence from the country-people might be, 
 Howe could not have found guides among these to lead him 
 to our camp. It is known that there were not provisions 
 in store to enable Washington to hold out. He must have 
 abandoned his lines or starved; and he had not sufficient 
 means to remove his equipage. Sickness prevailed ; eleven 
 hospitals were kept up at one time. None but the Virginia 
 troops were provided with anything like enough clothing ; 
 and, to crown all, Congress was busier with schemes to sup 
 plant and remove Washington, than to listen to the griev 
 ances of his followers and supply their just demands.* It 
 was for us a fortunate though a most unwarlike turn that 
 occupied such soldiers as Abercrombie, Tarleton, Musgrave, 
 Simcoe, and De Lancy with the ordering of a ball-room or 
 the silken trappings of the stage, rather than the harsh reali 
 ties of the field. In other scenes they proved themselves 
 gallant and dangerous antagonists. 
 
 The general demeanor of the officers billeted at Phila 
 delphia in private houses is described as very agreeable. 
 Candles, fire, and a chamber were provided by the house 
 holder. The guest would return of an evening, take his 
 candle, and after a little fireside-chat retire to his apartment. 
 One unfortunate wight indeed, who had been wounded in the 
 
 * General Knox and Captain Sargent, both of the artillery, were dele 
 gated by their comrades to represent their necessities. The committee hav 
 ing heard them, one of its members took occasion to remark that much had 
 been very well said about the famine and the nakedness of the soldiers; 
 yet he had not for a long time seen a fatter man than one of the gentlemen 
 who had spoken, nor one better dressed than the other. Knox, Avho was 
 of corpulent habit, was mute probably Avith indignation; but his subor 
 dinate rejoined that this circumstance was due to the respect his com 
 panions bore not only to themselves, but to Congress. The General s rank 
 prescribed his appointment; but, beyond that, the corps could not hesitate 
 to select as their representatives the only man among them with an ounce 
 of superfluous flesh on his body, and the only other who possessed a com 
 plete suit of clothes. 
 
THE BRITISH ARMY IN PHILADELPHIA. 145 
 
 neck at Germantown and who was saddled on one of the 
 best families in the town, used to keep the neighborhood of 
 2nd Street and Taylor s Alley aware of his existence by the 
 frantic volleys of oaths that he would pour out when, as he 
 sat by the open window, every turn of his head to watch 
 what went on below would throw him into new pains ; but 
 such cases were exceptional. Several of them too had mis 
 tresses ; and this, though offensive to morality, was neither 
 disguised nor kept in the dark. Lieutenant-Colonel Birch 
 of the dragoons a man of high fashion at the time was 
 of these ; and Major Crewe, whose jealousy of Tarleton was 
 one of the esclandres of the day. " I saw," said a distinguished 
 citizen, " a grand review of 18,000 British troops, on the 
 commons that extended from Bush Hill to Southwark. They 
 had just received their new clothing, and made a fine ap 
 pearance. A very lovely English girl, the mistress of Major 
 Williams of the artillery, drove slowly down the line in her 
 open carriage with handsome English horses and servants. 
 Her dress was cut and trimmed after the fashion of the regi 
 ment s ; the facings were the same, and the plumes. The 
 woman was singularly beautiful." 
 
 No sooner were they settled in their winter-quarters, than 
 the English set on foot scenes of gayety that were long re 
 membered, and often with regret, by the younger part of 
 the local gentry. Weekly balls, each conducted by three 
 officers of repute, were given in the public rooms at Smith s 
 City Tavern, in 2nd Street. Convivial associations were 
 formed, to dine at the Bunch of Grapes or the Indian Queen. 
 Mains of cocks were fought at a pit that was opened in 
 Moore s Alley. As spring came on, cricket-matches were 
 discussed. The advertisements in the newspapers give 
 many curious hints of the levity of manners and morals that 
 was fast springing up in the lately staid and demure city. 
 Thefts were not infrequent ; wet-nurses were in constant de 
 mand ; comely white bondwomen were escaping from servi 
 tude. To-day Lord Rawdon s spaniel is lost near Schuylkill, 
 
 10 
 
146 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDKE. 
 
 and is to be brought back to Mrs. Sword s in Lodge Alley ; 
 to-morrow an exhibition of glowing pictures, or a sale of 
 books rather more free than had usually found market there ; 
 or perchance a lecture on electricity at the college. The 
 presence of so many young officers, not a few of them dis 
 tinguished by rank or by fortune, lent new life to every oc 
 casion of amusement. The Marquis of Lindsay, who in this 
 year became Duke of Ancaster, was the nephew of Andre s 
 old colonel, Lord Robert Bertie ; and Stopford, his major in 
 Canada, was also here, a ball-manager. Lord William Mur 
 ray, Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Earl) Harcourt, Sir 
 Henry Calder, Sir Thomas Wilson, and many other men of 
 rank were with the troops. Here too was Sir William Er- 
 skine, who a year or so later resigned his quartermaster- 
 generalcy, not for ill health it is said, but because the General 
 gave no heed to his recommendation for an ensigncy. Er- 
 skine remained long in the service, and many stories are told 
 of him. He protected the English rear at the retreat from 
 Dunkirk, and in the midst of the confusion, with charming 
 frankness and in the broadest Scotch, shouted to his comrade 
 in this war, Dundas, as he passed, " Davie, ye donnert idiot, 
 where s a your peevioys (pivots) the day ? " Sir David 
 being one of those tedious tacticians who could not take one 
 step forward without going a dozen about. Erskine was not 
 an able officer, as Wellington afterwards found out in the 
 Peninsula. There, too, was the Hessian captain Frederick 
 Munchausen, aide to Howe, whose name was so ominously 
 significant of incorrect despatches ; and Abercrombie, ap 
 parently the same who later served and died so gallantly in 
 Egypt, and whose mortification when the British arms were 
 finally grounded at Yorktown hiding his face and gnash 
 ing his sword-hilt as he turned away is so picturesquely 
 related by one of Rochambeau s staff. Of those, however, 
 who seem to have been of Andre s more immediate circle 
 were Simcoe, the famous partisan officer ; Captain Battwell ; 
 Sir John Wrottesley ; Captain De Lancy, afterwards his 
 
LORD CATHCART. 147 
 
 successor in the adjutant-general cy ; Major Stanley (father of 
 the late Earl of Derby) ; and Major Lord Cathcart. This 
 last was of an ancient Scotch family long distinguished in 
 arms, who rose to command in chief before Copenhagen in 
 1807 ; he was created an English Viscount and Earl, and 
 died so lately as 1843.* 
 
 Another young officer at Philadelphia, whose part in the 
 
 * Cathcart married in America (April 10, 1779) the daughter of Andrew 
 Eliot, once collector at Philadelphia and uncle of the first Lord Minto, 
 better known as author of the beautiful pastoral of Amyntas " My sheep 
 I neglected, I broke my sheep-hook," than by his title. Mr. A. Eliot was 
 one of the commissioners to procure Andre s release. A MS. letter of the 
 time thus pleasantly describes the nuptials : " We live, it is true, for a little 
 while, when Beauty strikes the strings at General Pattison s concerts: but 
 this is only on the first day of a week that sickens before it is concluded. 
 . . . An t you tired of moralizing? I ll tell you news: Lord Cathcart 
 
 " Poh, I heard it before ! " 
 
 " However, you just heard that he was married to Miss Eliot, but the 
 story here is that he took himself in merely to pass the time away in winter- 
 quarters ; and because Miss E. was a lively, pretty girl, he made violent 
 love to her, wrote letters, &c. c. Miss E. listened and believed Tor 
 who could think such tender looks were meant but to deceive ? Whether 
 his Lordship flew off afterwards, I know not : but Mr. E. laid the letters 
 and the whole affair before Sir Henry. Sir H. advised Cathcart to marry : 
 Cathcart wished to be excused till the end of the war: and the Gen 
 eral informed him that after having gone so far, he must marry Miss 
 E., or quit his family. A fine girl, a good fortune, to a Scotch Lord with a 
 moderate one, were not to be despised. You know the Peers of Scotland, 
 having no legislative privileges, are not of that consequence that the Lords 
 of England or even those of Ireland are. And so his Lordship married 
 Miss Eliot, and they will soon sail for England, it is said." Lady Cathcart 
 appears to have had a place at court, and Peter Pindar celebrates her at 
 Weymouth, in connection with the king s insensate manners: 
 
 " Caesar spies Lady Cathcart with a book ; 
 He flies to know what tis he longs to look. 
 What s in your hand, my lady? let me know. 
 A book, an t please your majesty. Oho ! 
 Book s a good thing good thing I like a book. 
 Very good thing, my lady let me look 
 War of America ! my lady, hae ? 
 Bad thing, my lady ! fling, fling that away. " 
 
 A sister of Cathcart s married Sir Thomas Graham, afterwards Lord Lyne- 
 doch, a distinguished cavalry officer ; another was Duchess of Athol, and 
 a third Countess of Mansfield. 
 
148 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 war was not unnoted, was Banastre Tarleton. Born at Liv 
 erpool, the son of an eminent merchant, he forsook, like An 
 dre, the compting-room for the army, and when the contest 
 began obtained a cornetcy of dragoons. Sir W. Erskine 
 was his first patron ; afterwards Clinton and Cornwallis 
 prized and promoted him. Well but heavily made, with 
 large muscular legs, a good soldier s face, dark complexion, 
 small, piercing, black eyes, about five feet eight inches in 
 height, and a capital horseman, he was the very model of a 
 partisan leader. At this time he was but about twenty-one, 
 and though Howe did not employ cavalry much, was always 
 vigorous and active ; " when not riding races with Major 
 Gwynne on the commons, making love to the ladies." In 
 England he had been guilty of some excesses ; and a whim 
 sical speech from the box of a theatre about one of his own 
 kindred was quoted as an evidence of his " flow of spirits 
 and unrestrained tongue." At the Mischianza his equipage 
 bespoke the man. His device was a light dragoon ; his 
 motto, Sivift, vigilant, and bold, and his squire s name was 
 Heart. On his return he was elected to Parliament by his 
 native place, and was one of the most distinguished among 
 the whig circles ; now jesting at Fox s swollen legs, now 
 taking the odds from Sheridan that Pitt will not be First 
 Lord of the Treasury on the 18th of May, 1795. Despite 
 his distinguished services he was coldly received by George 
 III., who less regarded how his soldiers fought than how they 
 voted.* An ill-advised boast, in the presence of a lady of 
 influence, that he had not only slain more men in America, 
 but had more nearly approached the feats of Proculus in 
 Gaul than any other soldier in the royal army, so incensed 
 his hearer that she determined he should lose his seat at the 
 next election, and she carried her point. Tarleton s repu- 
 
 * Tarleton, it is said, has been honored with a private conference, in 
 which his Majesty took no other notice of his services than just to say 
 " Well, Colonel Tarleton, you have been in a great many actions, had a 
 great many escapes." MS. London, Feb. 6, 1782. 
 
TARLETOX. 149 
 
 tation for cool but reckless daring attended him in England. 
 When a mob threatened Devonshire House, he quietly threw 
 up a window and said, " My good fellows, if you grow riot 
 ous, I shall really be obliged to talk to you." They immedi 
 ately dispersed. In 1798 he married a daughter of the Duke 
 of Ancaster, and in 1817 was a major-general, but not on ac 
 tive service. He always maintained, till the event falsified 
 his judgment, that Wellington would fail in Portugal. On 
 the coronation of George IV. he was made a Baronet and 
 K. B. His fortunes do not seem to have been continually 
 prosperous ; on the 5th of September, 1798, he writes from 
 Sus*ex : " I have thought proper to proceed to Lord R. 
 Spencer s friendly mansion, for two purposes : to read, and to 
 subsist for nothing being very, very poor." The portrait 
 by Sir Joshua Reynolds represents him in a martial attitude 
 on the battle-field. His own figure is finely drawn ; but the 
 horses are outrageously in defiance of nature, and fully war 
 ranted the contemporaneous criticism that was bestowed upon 
 the production : 
 
 " Lo ! Tarleton dragging on his boot so tight ! 
 His horses feel a godlike rage, 
 And long with Yankees to engage 
 I think I hear them snorting for the fight. 
 
 " Behold with fire each eyeball glowing ! 
 
 I wish, indeed, their manes so flowing 
 Were more like hair the brutes had been as good 
 
 If, flaming with such classic force, 
 
 They had resembled less that horse 
 Call d Trojan and by Greeks compos d of wood." 
 
 Tarleton s ravages in America have made his name a house 
 hold word in many regions ; but an exception may be cited 
 to his general reputation in Jefferson s testimony to the care 
 he gave to the house of Monticello when it was in his power. 
 It was natural that the presence of such a gay and brilliant 
 throng should create an impression on Philadelphia society 
 that long remained uneffaced, and which in after-years in 
 duced many, particularly of the softer sex, to look back with 
 
150 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 real regret to the pleasant days, the festive nights that pre 
 vailed during the British occupation. One of these in re 
 cording her own sentiments probably uttered the thoughts of 
 many more : 
 
 " Oh halcyon days, forever dear, 
 When all was frolic, all was gay : 
 When Winter did like Spring appear, 
 And January fair as May ! 
 When laughing Sol went gaily down, 
 Still brighter in the morn to rise : 
 And gently glancing on the town 
 O er British ensigns moved his eyes. 
 When all confessed the gallant youth 
 Had learned in camps the art to please ; 
 Respectful, witty, friends to truth, 
 Uniting valour, grace, and ease ! " 
 
 But of all the band, no one seems to have created such a 
 pleasing impression or to have been so long admiringly re 
 membered as Andre. His name in our own days lingered 
 on the lips of every aged woman whose youth had seen her 
 a belle in the royal lines ; and though the reminiscences of a 
 bygone generation are not implicitly to be relied on, there is 
 reason to believe that in this instance they are in the main 
 correct. He is described as of five feet nine inches in height, 
 and of a singularly handsome person, well-made, slender, 
 graceful, and very active ; a dark complexion, with a serious 
 and somewhat tender expression ; his manners easy and in 
 sinuating. He was an assured favorite with some of the 
 best people in the city, and despite their indignation at Grey s 
 behavior at the Paoli. This Andre warmly upheld, as in 
 entire conformity with the usages of war ; and they who dis 
 agreed with these assertions still cherished the aide-de-camp, 
 who vindicated the deeds he had shared in, as " a most charm 
 ing man." If the serious business of life was a part of his 
 lot, there was yet ample scope for the exercise of those 
 elegant arts in which he excelled. His infirmities, if any 
 there were, sprang, like Charles Townshend s, from a noble 
 cause that lust of fame which is " the instinct of all great 
 
ANDRE S SOCIAL RELATIONS IN PHILADELPHIA. 151 
 
 souls " ; and his comely person, his winning speech, his grace 
 ful manners, procured him universal acceptance. 
 
 " ~\Vhate er he did t was done with so much ease, 
 In him alone t was natural to please : 
 His motions all accompanied with grace ; 
 And paradise was opened in his face." 
 
 Warm friendships sprung up between many of the officers 
 and the towns-people ; and among those in which Andre 
 was concerned, was that with the family of Edward Shippen, 
 which was destined to bear such an important part in his 
 career. In rank, character, and fortune Mr. Shippen was 
 among the first men of his time. That he was, to say the 
 least, lukewarm in the war has often been charged. Cer 
 tainly he was constantly fined for neglect of militia duty, in 
 seasons when every zealous whig might have been looked for 
 in arms ; but after all was over, he was worthily dignified by 
 the highest professional offices in the state, and at the hands 
 of men who had been the most conspicuous supporters of 
 the Revolution.* With Miss Redman, Andre was also in 
 timate ; the buttons playfully severed from their coats by 
 Stanley and himself, and presented to her as parting-keep 
 sakes when they left Philadelphia, are yet preserved, as also 
 are a number of silhouettes of himself and various of his 
 friends, cut by him for this lady. For her, too, he wrote, 
 on the 2nd January, 1778, these pretty vers de societe, to a 
 German air that he had perhaps composed or picked up in 
 his wanderings : 
 
 Return, enraptur d hours, 
 When Delia s heart was mine; 
 When she with wreaths of flowers 
 My temples would entwine. 
 
 When jealousy nor care 
 Corroded in my breast 
 
 * Fines of 6 and of 13 are affixed to his name on various occasions in 
 the returns of Capt. Paschal s company, 2nd battalion. See Accts. Lieuts. 
 and Sub-Lieuts. Philadelphia City: 1777-1783. 
 
152 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDKE. 
 
 But visions light as air 
 Presided o er my rest. 
 
 Now, nightly round my bed 
 No airy visions play ; 
 No flow rets crown my head 
 Each vernal holiday. 
 
 For far from these sad plains 
 My lovely Delia flies; 
 And rack d with jealous pains 
 Her wretched lover dies. 
 
 Some may find allusion in these lines to the writer s affair 
 with Miss Sneyd. There is no evidence that his heart was 
 bound by new ties while in this country ; and his freedom 
 from the grosser passions of his fellows was especially ob 
 served. It was likewise noticed, as an instance of his cour 
 tesy, that neither while a prisoner at Lancaster, or in power 
 as Grey s aide, did he ever join in the contemptuous language 
 so often applied to the Americans. He did not speak even 
 of those in arms as rebels ; colonists was the gentler phrase 
 by which he referred to them. 
 
 During all the war, the favorite amusement of the British 
 army was amateur theatricals. Wherever it found itself in 
 quarters, at once a dramatic corps sprung up. In 1775-6, 
 when beleaguered in Boston, Burgoyne and his fellows fitted 
 up a playhouse (in an abandoned meeting-house, it is said) ; 
 the roof of which, according to an English writer, was de 
 stroyed by American shells, and the wardrobe and curtain 
 much injured. Here the officers gave Tamerlane, The Busy 
 body, and the like. It opened with Zara, to which Sir John 
 wrote an apposite prologue ; and the bills were sent to Wash 
 ington and to Hancock. It might well have closed with an 
 other of Burgoyne s bantlings The Blockade of Boston ; the 
 performance of which was disagreeably interrupted by prac 
 tical skirmishings on the outposts. In 177980 the captives 
 of Saratoga, detained at Charlottesville, erected a theatre for 
 themselves. At Philadelphia, the royal officers were more 
 
AMATEUR THEATRICALS. 153 
 
 fortunate in finding one standing to their hand. On the south 
 side of South Street (to be out of the bounds of the city, the 
 regulations of which were opposed to the stage), near 4th, was 
 a large, ugly, ill-conditioned wooden building, the third pub 
 lic playhouse that had been opened in or about Philadelphia. 
 It was built in 1760, and was long disused. The scenes of 
 war outshone the mimic pageantries of the sock and buskin ; 
 and one at least of the old company, Francis Mentges, a 
 dancer, was now an officer of some repute in our army. The 
 house was not a good one. The great square wooden col 
 umns, that supported the upper tier and the roof, interrupted 
 the view from the boxes ; the stage was lighted by plain 
 lamps without glasses ; everything betokened ill-taste and 
 dilapidation. But any theatre was better than none; and 
 it was without hesitation decided to make the most of this 
 shabby barn. The stage-box on the east side was probably 
 that occupied by Howe ; it was afterwards appropriated to 
 Washington, who himself was partial to the drama, and dur 
 ing his Presidency made a point of attending the representa 
 tions of The Poor Soldier. Above the entrance was the 
 Rabelaisian motto Totus mundus agit histrionem ; which 
 the tyros translated, " We act Mondays, Wednesdays, and 
 Fridays." The military amateurs were slow to verify this 
 rendering in the frequency of their performances. Having 
 resolved on their plan, Andre and Oliver De Lancy "a 
 lusty, fat, ruddy-looking young fellow between 20 and 30 
 years of age," went to work to prepare the needful scenery 
 and decorations. Andre s readiness with the brush has al 
 ready been declared. On this occasion he produced effects 
 that might have stood beside the scenic labors of Hogarth, 
 De Loutherbourg, or Stansfield himself. His foliage was 
 uncommonly spirited and graceful. The two amateurs made 
 several very useful and attractive additions to the old stock 
 scenery ; one of which, from Andre s brush, demands, says 
 Durang, a particular record. 
 
 " It was a landscape presenting a distant champagne coun- 
 
154 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 try, and a winding rivulet extending from the front of the 
 picture to the extreme distance. In the foreground and cen 
 tre a gentle cascade (the water exquisitely executed) was 
 overshadowed by a group of majestic forest-trees. The per 
 spective was excellently preserved ; the foliage, verdure, and 
 general colouring was artistically toned and glazed. ... It 
 was a drop-scene, and hung about the middle of the third 
 entrance, as called in stage-directions. The name of Andre 
 was inscribed in large black letters on the back of it, thus 
 placed no doubt by his own hand on its completion ; some 
 times a custom with scenic artists." * 
 
 On the 24th December, 1777, matters were sufficiently 
 advanced for the undertakers to determine on the piece they 
 should first appear in, and to advertise for an accountant or 
 sub-treasurer, a swift and clear writer for the distribution of 
 parts, and for practised scene-shifters and carpenters. The 
 play first resolved on was perhaps The Wonder, or A 
 Woman keeps a Secret. It was advertised for as " wanted 
 immediately for the use of the theatre, to borrow or buy," on 
 the 3rd January ; but if there was any one point on which 
 the Presbyterian and Quaker agreed, it was in aversion to 
 theatres, and the piece was not soon forthcoming. Accord 
 ingly, on the 14th January, for the benefit of the widows and 
 orphans of the army, were given the comedies of No One s 
 
 * Few persons of taste who have ever seen this drop will hesitate to con 
 firm its praises. The " Old South," as the theatre came to be known, sank 
 from the hour when playhouses might lawfully exist within the city limits. 
 It became at last the resort of the most depraved of both sexes, and the 
 witness of their infamies. In 1821, it was burned down; and despite every 
 effort to save the scenery, particularly the drop painted by Andre, its con 
 tents were consumed. Some part of the Avails yet stand. For years pre 
 viously throngs of the vulgar had crowded the house every Fourth of July, 
 to witness a piece well suited to their tastes and understandings, and found 
 ed on his fate. 
 
 There is still preserved at Philadelphia a figure of a British grenadier, 
 cut out of half-inch board, six feet high, with rounded edges, and painted 
 to the life, which tradition says was made by Andre". If so, it was proba 
 bly a stage decoration. It got into American hands, and was used in prac 
 tical joke to heartily frighten some of our officers. 
 
AMATEUR THEATRICALS. 155 
 
 Enemy but his Own, and The Deuce is in Him. The 
 characters were represented by officers of the army and 
 navy ; the doors opened at 6 p. M., and the play began at 
 7 ; the tickets were a dollar for box or pit, and half a dollar 
 for the gallery. No money was to be taken at the door, nor 
 were more tickets sold than the house would hold. I have 
 had the fortune to stumble upon a collection of specimens of 
 all these theatrical bills, tickets, notices, &c., with an indorse 
 ment of the number struck off of each, that had been pre 
 served by James Humphreys, the printer, together with all 
 the handbills of proclamations and the like issued during the 
 Occupation. From these may be deduced some idea of what 
 the house held. Of notices of performance, 1000 copies 
 would be printed ; and 660 box-tickets. And so popular 
 did the entertainment soon become, that the doors were 
 opened ere sunset, and they who wished places kept for 
 them had to send their servants to the house at 4 p. M. 
 
 The first performance was eminently successful. Despite 
 the legislative prohibition of public theatricals, amateur rep 
 resentations were in great vogue with the more refined and 
 cultivated classes in various parts of America. In staid Con 
 necticut, the late venerable Bishop Griswold at the early age 
 of seven shone as a page in Fair Rosamond in 1773, and in 
 1781, was great as Zanga in The Revenge. In Pennsylvania, 
 particularly among the churchmen and moderate dissenters, 
 a like taste prevailed ; and though the playhouse could only 
 be reached on foot, by miry and unlighted paths (for there 
 were no hackney-coaches in those days, and very few private 
 coaches), the ladies did not shrink to trip thither and back 
 home after nightfall. The house was opened for the season 
 and the play introduced by the following prologue, which 
 there is much reason for attributing to Andre, both in com 
 position and delivery : 
 
 PROLOGUE. 
 
 Once more, ambitious of theatric glory, 
 Howe s strolling company appears before ye. 
 
156 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 O er hills and dales and bogs, thro wind and weather 
 
 And many hair-breadth scape, we ve scrambled hither. 
 
 For we, true vagrants of the Thespian race, 
 
 Whilst summer lasts ne er know a settled place. 
 
 Anxious to prove the merit of our band, 
 
 A chosen squadron wanders thro the land. 
 
 How beats each Yankie bosom at our drum 
 
 Hark, Jonathan ! zaunds, here s the strollers come ! 
 
 Spruced up with top-knots and their Sunday dress, 
 
 With eager looks the maidens round us press. 
 
 Jemima, see an t this a charming sight 
 
 Look, Tabitha Oh Lord! I wish twas night! 
 
 Wing d with variety our moments fly, 
 
 Each minute tinctur d with a different dye. 
 
 Balls we have plenty, and al Fresco too, 
 
 Such as Soho or King-street never knew. 
 
 Did you but see sometimes how we re arrayed, 
 
 You d fancy we design d a masquerade. 
 
 T would tire your patience was I to relate here 
 
 Our routs, drums, hurricanes, and Fetes Champetres. 
 
 Let Ranelagh still boast her ample dome ; 
 
 While heaven s our canopy, the earth s our room. 
 
 Still let Vauxhall her marshall d lamps display, 
 
 And gild her shades with artificial day : 
 
 In lofty terms old vaunting Sadler s Wells 
 
 Of her tight-rope and ladder-dancing tells, 
 
 But Cunningham in both by far excels. 
 
 Now winter * Hark ! and I must not say No 
 
 But soft, a word or two before I go. 
 Benevolence first urged us to engage, 
 And boldly venture on a public stage : 
 To guard the helpless orphan s tender years, 
 To wipe away the afflicted parent s tears, 
 To sooth the sorrows of the widow d breast, 
 To lull the friendless bosom s cares to rest; 
 This our design and sure in such a cause 
 E en Error s self might challenge some applause. 
 With candor then our imperfections scan, 
 And where the Actor fails, absolve the Man. 
 
 * Stage-bell rings. 
 
 The success of the first night was really beyond expecta 
 tion, and a notice was issued begging gentlemen not to bribe 
 the door-keepers : " The Foreign Gentleman who slipped a 
 Guinea and a half into the hands of the boxkeeper, and 
 
AMATEUR THEATRICALS. 157 
 
 forced his way into the house, is requested to send to the 
 office of the theatre in Front-street, that it may be returned." 
 Such advertisements do not occur nowadays. The perform 
 ances during the rest of the season were as follows : On the 
 26th January, The Minor, and The Deuce is in Him ; on 
 the 9th February, The Minor, and Duke and No Duke ; on 
 the 16th, Constant Couple, and Duke and No Duke. The 
 illness of a chief actor and other causes prevented any more 
 plays till March 2nd, when The Constant Couple and The 
 Mock Doctor were given ; on the 9th, The Inconstant and 
 The Mock Doctor, with a display of fireworks ; on the 1 6th, 
 The Inconstant^ and Lethe ; on the 25th, The First Part of 
 King Henry IV., and The Mock Doctor ; on the 30th, The 
 First Part, &c., and Lethe. Then one of the actresses fell 
 sick ; Passion Week came on ; and nothing was played be 
 fore The Wonder and The Mock Doctor, on the 24th April. 
 The Liar and A Trip to Scotland were played on the 1st 
 May ; a copy of Douglas was advertised for on the 2nd ; on 
 the 6th were represented The Liar, and Duke and No Duke ; 
 and on the 19th, Dr. Home s play of Douglas, and the Citizen. 
 This was the last performance. When the curtain fell, the 
 officers resorted to a sort of club-room that was established in 
 the large apartments of the City Tavern, where their weekly 
 balls were held ; and here Charles Lee was introduced in 
 March, 1778, after witnessing the evening s play. The bills 
 give no distribution of parts, and we cannot tell what charac 
 ters came to Andre s share ; but we may well believe that in 
 Douglas he appeared as the young hero whose feigned con 
 ditions so much resembled his own. 
 
 " Obscure and friendless, be the army sought, 
 Resolved to hunt for fame, and with his sword 
 To gain distinction which his birth denied. 
 In this attempt, unknown he might have perish d 
 And gain d with all his valor but oblivion. 
 Now graced by thee, his virtue serves no more, 
 Beneath despair. The soldier now of hope, 
 He stands conspicuous ; fame and great renown 
 Are brought within the compass of his sword." 
 
158 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDE& 
 
 And in another passage of the same play, we find language 
 that indeed expresses what seems to have been the key-note 
 of Andre s character. " Living or dead, let me but be re- 
 nown d," appears truly to have been the unaltered wish of his 
 soul. 
 
 Without going into too many particulars, there is abundant 
 testimony that gambling, races, plays, and gallantries occu 
 pied more of the attention of the royal officers, during this 
 winter, than was at all consistent with the good of the service. 
 
 The military feats about Philadelphia, in the earlier part 
 of 1778, were neither numerous or important. Howe aimed 
 at little more than keeping a passage clear for the country- 
 people, within certain bounds, to come in with marketing. 
 The incident known as the Battle of the Kegs was celebrated 
 by Hopkinson in a very amusing song that, wedded to the air 
 of Maggy Lander, was long the favorite of the American 
 military vocalists ; but it hardly seems to have been noticed 
 at Philadelphia, until the whig version came in. The local 
 newspapers say that, in January, 1778, a barrel floating down 
 the Delaware being taken up by some boys exploded in 
 their hands, and killed or maimed one of them. A few days 
 after, some of the transports fired a few guns at several other 
 kegs that appeared on the tide ; but no particular notice of 
 the occurrence was taken. These torpedoes were sent down 
 in the hope that they would damage the shipping. The 
 Queen s Rangers and other troops were constantly employed 
 in patrols and forages, but, beyond bringing in Americans 
 whom they caught stopping and stripping the market-people, 
 there was little* to be done. Howe, too, set on foot several 
 loyal corps of the vicinity that proved very useful. Hoven- 
 den, with his Philadelphia Light Dragoons and some of 
 Thomas s Bucks County Volunteers, made a foray on the 
 14th of February, and brought in a number of prisoners. 
 On the next day 400 Americans came within GOO yards of 
 one of the pickets, " and after making a terrible howling," and 
 exchanging fires, retired leaving three dead. On the 18th, 
 
MISCONDUCT OF THE ROYAL ARMS. 159 
 
 Hovenden and Thomas passed up to Jenk s fulling-mill in 
 Bucks, and thence to Newtown, surprising the Americans 
 posted there to intercept market-people, and bringing in 
 thirty-four prisoners as well as two coach-loads of things 
 from Galloway s country-seat. This was doubtless a prime 
 object of the move ; and it is thus we can account for the 
 loss of invaluable papers (particularly Franklin s) respecting 
 our history, that were left in Galloway s hands. On the 
 23rd, Hovenden went thirty miles up the Skippack Road, and 
 returned on the 24th, with 130 fine cattle and some pris 
 oners. He reported the Americans as excessively severe 
 on market-people, and that Lacey had burned the mills 
 about the city to the infinite misery of the town-folk ; to 
 whose poor, salted beef was now publicly distributed. Some 
 of the Americans had great reputation as market-stoppers ; 
 these, when caught, were decorated with their spoils eggs, 
 women s shoes, and the like and so paraded through the 
 streets to gaol ; or were publicly whipped in the market 
 place, and drummed out of town.* Simcoe very much ap 
 plauds the skill with which a loyalist, pretending to be an 
 American commissary, turned a fat drove of Washington s 
 cattle into British beef. Such little stratagems, however, 
 were usually crowned by our people with a halter. In these 
 pat rollings the two antagonists occasionally came in contact. 
 
 * " On Saturday last, a rebel light horseman, loaded with several -wallets 
 across his shoulders, and a large basket on his arm, full of market-truck, of 
 which he had robbed the country people coming to market, was brought in, 
 having been taken a few miles from the lines at the very time he was plun 
 dering. The drollery of his appearance aftbrded no little amusement to the 
 populace." Penn. Ledger, Apr. 22, 1778. Galloway says that it was usual 
 to give 200 lashes to the market-people caught coming to town ; or to send 
 them in to Howe, with G. H. branded on their flesh with a hot iron ; and the 
 local journals of March, 1778, tell of several persons, taken on their way to 
 buy provisions, being court-martialled at Wilmington and sentenced, some 
 to be hung, others to be flogged. They got off with being tied to the gal 
 lows and thus receiving 250 to 500 lashes from " wired cats that cut large 
 pieces from them at every stroke." Some enlisted Avith the Americans to 
 avoid punishment, and then deserted. So, at least, says the Ledger, Xo. 
 153. 
 
1GO LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 On the 20th of March a large party of American horse were 
 encountered beyond Schuylkill by the mounted yagers, and 
 defeated with loss. On another occasion, during the occu 
 pation, Generals Cadwalader and Reed with one follower 
 riding and reconnoitring through the country, had stopped at 
 the house of a Quaker to whom they were known. Passing 
 on, and being caught in a rain, they had turned the blue 
 cartouche cloaks they wore so that the red lining was ex 
 posed to the shower, and were hastily galloping back to camp 
 when, as they repassed the Quaker s house, he came rushing 
 out to them. " Gentlemen, gentlemen ! " he cried, mistaking 
 their scarlet for British uniform, " if you will only turn back 
 you will certainly catch General Reed and General Cadwal 
 ader, who have just gone down that road ! " His confusion 
 at discovering his blunder may be guessed ; and it afterwards 
 came near to hang him when Reed was in power. For pi 
 loting Abercrombie on the 1st of May, when Lacey s post at 
 the Crooked Billet was broken up, John Roberts actually 
 was hung, after whig supremacy was established at Phila 
 delphia. 
 
 The opening of the campaign of 1778 found the British 
 councils at London in great perplexity. HOAVC S recall was 
 a settled thing ; but it was as yet unknown whether the 
 Americans would listen to the new commissioners sent to 
 them, or ally themselves with France. Lord Amherst, a 
 great authority with the king, advised that in the latter con 
 tingency the royal armies should be withdrawn from the con 
 tinent to the West Indies ; and in any event, that a retreat 
 from Philadelphia to New York should at once be made. 
 Meanwhile, Sir William was looking about for an opening to 
 cover his retirement with an active lustre ; stimulated, per 
 haps, thereto by the friendly satire of his subordinates, one 
 of whom (afterwards General Meadows, then the lieuten 
 ant-colonel of the 55th, Howe s own regiment) bluntly re 
 proached his commander s slothful devotion to pleasure, and 
 asked him if he did not think it was now time to set out of 
 
OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 161 
 
 his bed and to get on his horse. On the 1st of April, the 
 army was ordered to be ready, with three days provision and 
 at a moment s warning, for an enterprise on the oth. But no 
 large movement was made. A detachment of 1400, indeed, 
 by a night-march relieved Billingsport, where our people 
 were besieging some refugees ; and, on the 24th and the 26th, 
 parties (one led by De Lancy) went forth successfully against 
 bodies of Americans. Transports were now 7 fast coming in 
 with forage from New York, and troops and stores from 
 Cork ; on the 7th of May, Clinton was at Billingsport ; and 
 on the 8th he arrived at Philadelphia. On the 10th, an ex 
 pedition sent on the 7th to Bordentown to burn the Ameri 
 can frigates and stores there returned, having succeeded per 
 fectly. On the night of April 30th, Abercrombie led a party 
 of light troops, with which were some of James s and Hoven- 
 den s loyalists, against Lacey near the Crooked Billet. By the 
 British account, Lacey resisted at first, but was forced to fly, 
 and was pursued four miles. His loss was 80 to 100 killed, 
 and fifty taken ; besides ten wagons of baggage and stores. 
 His huts, and what equipage could not be brought off were 
 burned. 
 
 No longer relying on militia, in whatever strength, to fulfil 
 the ends required of a stout outlying force between himself 
 and the enemy, Washington on the 18th of May ordered 
 La Fayette, w 7 ith five guns and 2500 of the flower of the 
 army, to pass over the Valley Forge bridge, and take post 
 in his front. The Marquis accordingly placed himself at 
 Barren Hill, on this side of the Schuylkill, and about midway 
 between the two armies. But the Quaker with whom he 
 quartered himself is said to have promptly communicated the 
 circumstance to Howe. The news reached Philadelphia that 
 La Fayette s "tattered retinue had abandoned their mud- 
 holes " and were advancing towards Germantown. An at 
 tack was instantly concerted. There were plenty of men in 
 Howe s ranks who knew every inch of the ground ; some of 
 the loyalist troopers were residents of the place itself, and 
 ll 
 
162 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 were the best of guides. So inevitable appeared success that 
 Sir William, ere setting forth, invited ladies to meet La Fay- 
 ette at supper on his return ; while Lord Howe, who went 
 along as a volunteer, prepared a frigate for the immediate 
 transmission to England of the expected captive. In a war 
 like this, where public opinion was so powerful, the effect of 
 such an event would have been prodigious. It is pleasing to 
 reflect, not only that the design failed, but that its failure was 
 due to an officer who held American soldiership in the ex 
 treme of contempt, and whose whole American history, 
 whether before or during the war, is a tissue of arrogance 
 and shortcomings. 
 
 " I was present at this move," says Sir Henry Clinton ; " it 
 was made before I took the command. As Sir W. Howe was 
 there, I gave no opinion about the plan or execution."* To 
 an unprofessional man, there seems to be room for but one 
 opinion about either. The plan was admirable ; the execu 
 tion imperfect. With 5,000 men, Grant marched on the 
 evening of the 19th by the Delaware Road to a sufficient 
 distance ; when, turning to the left by Whitemarsh, he was 
 at sunrise a mile in La Fayette s rear, and between him and 
 the Valley Forge bridge. At a later hour, Grey (and of 
 course Andre) brought up 2,000 men by a more direct road 
 on the south side of the Schuylkill, and established himself 
 at a ford two or three miles in front of La Fayette s right 
 flank. A force was also stationed at Chestnut Hill. Thus 
 the Americans were so environed, that in no direction could 
 they march without encountering an enemy, unless they could 
 repass the river ; and there was but one ford (Matson s) now 
 available for this purpose, which was even nearer to Grant s 
 position than their own. 
 
 Howe had, by a wonder, ordered matters so cleverly that 
 not the least whisper of his intentions reached our people 
 beforehand. It was on a play-night that the expedition set 
 forth, and most of the officers were witnessing Douglas when 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
HOWE S MOVEMENT AGAINST LA FAYETTE. 163 
 
 the troops were getting under arms or actually in motion. 
 But so large a force could not leave town without the knowl 
 edge of Washington s faithful intelligencers ; and by the time 
 they reached their positions, the fact was known in our camp. 
 Grant s advance was, at sunrise, halted at a spot where the 
 road forked ; one course leading to Barren Hill, another to 
 Matson s Ford. For an hour and a half his column stood at 
 ease; the men unfatigued, but chagrined and angry, the 
 General in doubt what line to pursue. He was vainly urged 
 to take possession of Matson s Ford ; but thinking, probably, 
 that his situation would enable him either to attack La Fay- 
 ette by the one road, whether he moved on it or remained at 
 Barren Hill, or to intercept him by the other if he tried for 
 the ford, he remained idle. Nevertheless, the British ad 
 vance was now no secret. Simcoe, who led Grant s column 
 at the prescribed pace of two miles an hour, had just after 
 dawn encountered a patrol that retired before him ; two 
 officers, who had made an early start from Barren Hill to 
 Jersey, hastened back with tidings of the enemy s approach ; 
 and an American on the road, seeing them on their way, had 
 hastened across the country to give warning. From Valley 
 Forge also alarm-gun after alarm-gun now pealed forth. 
 The post was withdrawn from this side of the bridge ; prep 
 arations for its destruction were made ; and it was even al 
 leged that Washington almost looked forward to retreating, 
 with all he could carry, towards the Susquehannah. 
 
 La Fayette proved himself adequate to the occasion. In 
 a moment, as it were, his dangers were revealed, and the one 
 possible means of extrication resorted to. Dispositions were 
 made in the church-yard as though to receive Grey ; his ar 
 tillery, by a well-directed fire, encouraged the idea that he 
 purposed to engage. His real aim was of course flight, and 
 by the ford ; but to attain it, he must pass within a short 
 distance of Grant, who was nearer to it than himself. By 
 feigned movements as though for an attack, and an occa 
 sional display of the heads of columns, he for a time per- 
 
164 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDEE. 
 
 suaded the Englishman that an action was imminent. Mean 
 time his troops, as fast as they could come up, were hurrying 
 across the ford, till at last the artillery only and a body of 
 Oneida savages remained on this side the stream. These 
 were also now brought over, and on the high grounds be 
 yond our men were secure. Grant at last came up, and 
 ordered the advance to move on ; but too late. They saw 
 but a party of our troops dotting the surface of the water, 
 like the floats of a seine. The prey had escaped. Grant 
 was hopelessly in their rear ; and when Grey s column closed 
 in, there was nothing between the British lines. The only 
 skirmishing even that seems to have occurred was between 
 a body of light-horse and the Oneidas. Neither had ever 
 encountered a like foe ; and when the cavalry unexpectedly 
 rode among the savages, the whooping and scampering of the 
 one, and the flashing swords and curveting steeds of the other 
 party, excited such a common terror that both fled with the 
 utmost precipitation. Irritated and empty-handed Howe 
 marched back to town, with no one but his own officers to 
 blame for his ill-success.* On the 24th of May, he surren 
 dered the command to Clinton, and arrived in England on 
 the 2nd of July. One of the last acts of his authority was to 
 ordain a lottery, on the loth of May, directed by substantial 
 citizens, to raise 1,000 for the poor of the city. 
 
 Whatever may have been his shortcomings to ministers, 
 it is certain that Howe was beloved by his troops. He was 
 ever careful of them in battle, and in quarters his own indul 
 gences were shared by them. Dissipation, gambling, relaxa 
 tion of discipline, may have indeed tainted the army ; but 
 they knew their leader to be personally brave, and capable 
 in the field ; and by his very errors their own comfort was 
 
 * " It will no doubt have struck whoever reads this, that La Fayette es 
 caped exactly by the same means the garrison of Fort Lee had done: with 
 this difference, that Lord Cornwallis had not been informed of the situation 
 of Newbridge, and Sir William Erskine repeatedly entreated General Grant 
 to march directly to Matson s Ford. Had lie done so, not a man of La 
 Fayette s corps would have escaped." Clinton MS. 
 
THE MISCHLLHZA. 165 
 
 increased. It was therefore resolved, by a number of those 
 most conspicuous in the pursuit of pleasure and attachment 
 to the General, to commemorate their esteem for him by an 
 entertainment not less novel than splendid. This was the 
 famous Mischianza of the 18th of May, 1778 ; the various 
 nature of which is expressed by its name, while its concep 
 tion is evidently taken from Lord Derby s fete champetre at 
 The Oaks, June 9th, 1774, on occasion of Lord Stanley s 
 marriage to the Duke of Hamilton s daughter. Burgoyne 
 was the conductor of this elegant affair, with its masques, 
 fireworks, dancing, &c. ; and for it he wrote his play, The 
 Maid of the Oaks. The regatta, or aquatic procession, in 
 the Mischianza was suggested by a like pageant on the 
 Thames, June 23rd, 1775. Each of these festivities the 
 first of the kind in England had been much talked of and 
 admired at the time. 
 
 Both in the plan and execution of this affair, Andre s near 
 alliance with head-quarters led him to be much concerned. 
 His brush as well as his taste was engaged in the decora 
 tions, nor was his pen idle. A mock tournament perhaps 
 the first in America was a part of the play ; and for this 
 he selected as esquire his brother William Lewis Andre, 
 now a lieutenant in the 7th. The appointed scene was at the 
 country-seat of Mr. Wharton : then a fine stately mansion, 
 surrounded with large trees and its grounds extending unin 
 terruptedly to the Delaware ; now pent about with factory 
 buildings and houses, and occupied as a public school.* Here 
 
 * The proprietor of this estate is described as a man of no little social 
 importance. He was usually styled Duke by reason of his manners. When 
 Sir William Draper was at Philadelphia, Mr. Wharton, in visiting him, en 
 tered hat in hand. Sir William condescendingly bade him be covered : he 
 would dispense with those marks of respect, he said, which he knew it was 
 ungrateful to Friends to render. The visitor, however, coolly replied that he 
 had uncovered for his own comfort, the day being warm, and that whenever 
 he found it convenient he should certainly resume his hat. He was utterly 
 outgeneralled though during the occupation by a private soldier. The 
 man had laid aside his musket to trespass on Mr. Wharton 1 s grounds. The 
 owner, possessing himself of it, by threats of carrying it to the guard-house 
 
16G LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Sir Henry Calder was lodged, whose name is subscribed to 
 the invitations. It was not a bad season for one branch of 
 the festivity; remarkably fine green turtle, just arrived from 
 New Providence, and choice Claret and Madeira wines, were 
 then in market and doubtless contributed to the cold colla 
 tion that crowned the whole. Much of the decorations, as the 
 Sienna marble, &c., was on canvas, in the manner of stage- 
 scenery. The supper-room was built however for the occa 
 sion, and at every toast given in it, a flourish of music was 
 answered with three cheers. The mirrors, lustres, &c., which 
 adorned the scene were borrowed, says Watson, from the 
 town-folk, and all were returned uninjured, with the orna 
 ments that had been added still appended. Nothing in short 
 more disastrous than the loss of a silver watch, for which a 
 guinea reward, " and no questions asked," was offered, seems 
 to have occurred. The young ladies of Philadelphia present 
 numbered about fifty ; the remainder being married women. 
 The intended wife of Captain Montresor was the leader of 
 one rank, while the second was headed by the future bride 
 of another officer.* The queen of the Mischianza, however, 
 is said to have been a lady who, in describing it afterwards, 
 represented Andre as " the charm of the company." His 
 
 compelled the man to humiliate himself thoroughly by way of penance ; 
 but no sooner was his piece returned, than he fell on the Quaker, and l>v 
 menaces of wounds and death made him pass under the Caudine Forks in 
 the most comprehensive sense of the term. 
 
 * One of David Franks daughters was married to Captain (afterwards 
 General) Oliver De Lancy; and another to Colonel (afterwards General 
 Sir Henry) Johnston of the 28th, who was surprised by Wayne at Stony 
 Point, and whom Cornwallis in Ireland thus describes, July 15, 1799: 
 " Johnston, although a wrong-headed blockhead, is adored for his defence 
 at New Ross, and considered as the Saracen of the South." His wife was 
 celebrated in America for her undaunted wit, that, generally exercised on 
 the Americans, sometimes found a British subject. It was she Avlio cor 
 rected Sir H. Clinton when he called on a ball-room band for Britons 
 strike home! " u Britons go home, you mean, she cried. And see Lit- 
 tell s Gray don, 469. 
 
 Fac-similes of Andrews drawings of costumes, &c., and of a Mischianza 
 ticket, are in Smith and Watson ; 1847. 
 
ANDRE S ACCOUNT OF THE MISCHIANZA. 167 
 
 designs for the costumes of the ladies of the Burning Moun 
 tain, and the Blended Rose, are still preserved. The latter 
 was a Polonaise, or flowing robe of white silk, with a span 
 gled pink sash, and spangled shoes and stockings ; a veil 
 spangled and trimmed with silver lace, and a towering head 
 dress of pearls and jewels. The former had their white 
 Polonaises bound with black, and sashes of the same. The 
 wharves and house-tops towards the water were thronged with 
 spectators as the boats, filled with these gayly dressed nymphs 
 and not less brightly clad gallants, passed from the northern 
 part of the city to the scene of pleasure. But Andre him 
 self has given a full account of the whole proceeding. 
 
 ANDRE TO A FRIEND. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, May 23, 1778. 
 
 FOR the first time in my life I write to you with unwill 
 ingness. The ship that carries home Sir William Howe 
 will convey this letter to you, and not even the pleasure of 
 conversing with my friend can secure me from the general 
 dejection I see around me, or remove the share I must take 
 in the universal regret and disappointment which his ap 
 proaching departure hath spread throughout the whole army. 
 We see him taken from us at a time when we most stand in 
 need of so skilful and popular a commander ; when the ex 
 perience of three years, and the knowledge he hath acquired 
 of the country and people, have added to the confidence we 
 always placed in his conduct and abilities. You know he 
 was always a favourite with the military ; but the affection 
 and attachment which all ranks of officers in this army bear 
 him, can only be known by those who have at this time seen 
 them in their effects. I do not believe there is upon record 
 an instance of a Commander-in-Chief having so universally 
 endeared himself to those under his command ; or of one 
 who received such signal and flattering proofs of their love. 
 That our sentiments might be the more universally and un- 
 
168 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDK& 
 
 equivocally known, it was resolved amongst us, that we 
 should give him as splendid an entertainment as the short 
 ness of the time, and our present situation, would allow us. 
 For the expences, the whole army would have most chear- 
 fully contributed ; but it was requisite to draw the line some 
 where, and twenty-two field-officers joined in a subscription 
 adequate to the plan they meant to adopt. I know your 
 curiosity will be raised on this occasion ; I shall therefore 
 give you as particular an account of our Mischianza as I 
 have been able to collect. From the name you will perceive 
 that it was made up of a variety of entertainments. Four 
 of the gentlemen subscribers were appointed managers 
 Sir John Wrottesley, Col. O Hara, Major Gardiner, and 
 Montresor, the chief engineer. On the tickets of admission, 
 which they gave out for Monday the 18th, was engraved, in 
 a shield, a view of the sea, with the setting sun, and on a, 
 wreath, the words Luceo discedens, aucto splendore rcsurgam. 
 At top was the General s crest, with vive ! vale ! All round 
 the shield ran a vignette, and various military trophies filled 
 up the ground. 
 
 A grand regatta began the entertainment. It consisted 
 of three divisions. In the first was the Ferret galley, having 
 on board several General-Officers, and a number of Ladies. 
 In the centre, was the Hussar galley with Sir William and 
 Lord Howe, Sir Henry Clinton, the Officers of their suite, 
 and some Ladies. The Cornwallis galley brought up the 
 rear, having on board General Knyphausen and his suite, 
 three British Generals, and a party of Ladies. On each 
 quarter of these gallies, and forming their division, were five 
 flat boats, lined with green cloth, and filled with Ladies and 
 Gentlemen. In front of the whole were three flat boats, with 
 a band of music in each. Six barges rowed about each flank, 
 to keep off the swarm of boats that covered the river from 
 side to side. The gallies were dressed out in a variety of 
 colours and streamers, and in each flat boat was displayed 
 the flag of its own division. In the stream opposite the ceil- 
 
ANDRfi S ACCOUNT OF THE MISCHIANZA. 169 
 
 tre of the city, the Fanny armed ship, magnificently deco 
 rated, was placed at anchor, and at some distance ahead lay 
 his Majesty s ship Roebuck, with the Admiral s flag hoisted 
 at the foretop-mast-head. The transport ships, extending in 
 a line the whole length of the town, appeared with colours 
 flying, and crowded with spectators, as were also the open 
 ings of the several wharfs on shore, exhibiting the most pic 
 turesque and enlivening scene the eye could desire. The 
 rendezvous was at Knight s Wharf, at the northern extremity 
 of the city. By half after four, the whole company were 
 embarked, and the signal being made by the Vigilant s man 
 ning ship, the three divisions rowed slowly down, preserving 
 their proper intervals, and keeping time to the music that 
 led the fleet. Arrived between the Fanny and the Market 
 \Vharf, a signal was made from one of the boats ahead, and 
 the whole lay upon their oars, while the music played God 
 save the King^ and three cheers given from the vessels were 
 returned from the multitude on shore. By this time, the 
 flood-tide became too rapid for the gallies to advance ; they 
 were therefore quitted, and the company disposed of in the 
 different barges. This alteration broke in upon the order of 
 procession, but was necessary to give sufficient time for dis 
 playing the entertainments that were prepared on shore. 
 
 The landing-place was at the Old Fort, a little to the 
 southward of the town, fronting the building prepared for the 
 reception of the company about four hundred yards from the 
 water by a gentle ascent. As soon as the General s barge 
 was seen to push for the shore, a salute of seventeen guns 
 was fired from the Roebuck, and, after some interval, by the 
 same number from the Vigilant. The company, as they 
 disembarked, arranged themselves into a line of procession, 
 and advanced through an avenue formed by two files of 
 grenadiers, and a line of light-horse supporting each file. 
 This avenue led to a square lawn of two hundred and fifty 
 yards on each side, lined with troops, and properly prepared 
 for the exhibition of a tilt and tournament, according to the 
 
170 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 customs and ordinances of ancient chivalry. We proceeded 
 through the centre of the square. The music, consisting of 
 all the bands of the army, moved in front. The Managers, 
 with favours of white and blue ribbands in their breasts, fol 
 lowed next in order. The General, Admiral, and the rest 
 of the company, succeeded promiscuously. 
 
 In front appeared the building, bounding the view through 
 a vista formed by two triumphal arches, erected at proper 
 intervals in a line with the landing-place. Two pavilions, 
 with rows of benches rising one above the other, and serv 
 ing as the wings of the first triumphal arch, received the 
 Ladies ; while the Gentlemen ranged themselves in con 
 venient order on each side. On the front seat of each pa 
 vilion were placed seven of the principal young Ladies of 
 the country, dressed in Turkish habits, and wearing in their 
 turbans the favours with which they meant to reward the 
 several Knights who were to contend in their honour. These 
 arrangements were scarce made when the sound of trumpets 
 was heard at a distance ; and a band of Knights, dressed in 
 ancient habits of white and red silk, and mounted on grey 
 horses richly caparisoned in trappings of the same colours, 
 entered the lists, attended by their Esquires on foot, in suit 
 able apparel, in the following order : 
 
 Four trumpeters, properly habited, their trumpets deco 
 rated with small pendent banners. A herald in his robes 
 of ceremony ; on his tunic was the device of his band, two 
 roses intertwined, with the Motto, We droop when sepa 
 rated. 
 
 Lord Cathcart, superbly mounted on a managed horse, 
 appeared as chief of these Knights; two young black slaves, 
 with sashes and drawers of blue and white silk, wearing large 
 silver clasps round their necks and arms, their breasts and 
 shoulders bare, held his stirrups. On his right hand walked 
 Capt. Hazard, and on his left Capt. Brownlow, his two Es 
 quires, the one bearing his lance, the other his shield. 
 
 His device was Cupid riding on a Lion ; the Motto, Sur- 
 
ANDRE S ACCOUNT OF THE MISCHIANZA. 171 
 
 mounted by Love. His Lordship appeared in honour of Miss 
 Auchmuty. 
 
 Then came in order the Knights of his band, each attended 
 by his Squire bearing his lance and shield. 
 
 1st. Knight, Hon. Capt. Cathcart, in honour of Miss N. 
 White. Squire, Capt. Peters. Device, a heart and sword ; 
 Motto, Love and Honour. 
 
 2nd. Knight, Lieut. Bygrove, in honour of Miss Craig. 
 Squire, Lieut. Nichols. Device, Cupid tracing a Circle ; 
 Motto, Without End. 
 
 3rd. Knight, Capt. Andre, in honour of Miss P. Chew. 
 Squire, Lieut. Andre. Device, two Game-cocks fighting ; 
 Motto, No Rival. 
 
 4th. Knight, Capt. Horneck, in honour of Miss N. Red 
 man. Squire, Lieut. Talbot. Device, a burning Heart; 
 Motto, Absence cannot extinguish. 
 
 5th. Knight, Capt. Matthews, in honour of Miss Bond. 
 Squire, Lieut. Hamilton. Device, a winged Heart ; Motto, 
 Each Fair by Turn. 
 
 6th. Knight, Lieut. Sloper, in honour of Miss M. Shippen. 
 Squire, Lieut. Brown. Device, a Heart and Sword ; 
 Motto, Honour and the Fair. 
 
 After they had made the circuit of the square, and saluted 
 the Ladies as they passed before the pavilions, they ranged 
 themselves in a line with that in which were the Ladies of 
 their Device ; and their Herald (Mr. Beaumont), advanc 
 ing into the centre of the square, after a flourish of trumpets, 
 proclaimed the following challenge : 
 
 " The Knights of the Blended Rose, by me their Herald, 
 " proclaim and assert that the Ladies of the Blended Rose 
 " excel in wit, beauty, and every accomplishment, those of the 
 " whole World ; and, should any Knight or Knights be so 
 " hardy as to dispute or deny it, they are ready to enter the 
 " lists with them, and maintain their assertions by deeds of 
 " arms, according to the laws of ancient chivalry." 
 
 At the third repetition of the challenge the sound of 
 
172 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 trumpets was heard from the opposite side of the square ; 
 and another Herald, with four Trumpeters, dressed in black 
 and orange, galloped into the lists. He was met by the 
 Herald of the Blended Rose, and after a short parley they 
 both advanced in front of the pavilions, when the Black 
 Herald (Lieut. Moore) ordered his trumpets to sound, and 
 then proclaimed defiance to the challenge in the following 
 words : 
 
 "The Knights of the Burning Mountain present tliem- 
 " selves here, not to contest by words, but to disprove by 
 " deeds, the vain-glorious assertions of the Knights of the 
 " Blended Rose, and enter these lists to maintain, that the 
 " Ladies of the Burning Mountain are not excelled in beauty, 
 " virtue, or accomplishments, by any in the universe." 
 
 He then returned to the part of the barrier through which 
 he had entered, and shortly after the Black Knights, attended 
 by their Squires, rode into the lists in the following order : 
 
 Four Trumpeters preceding the Herald, on whose tunic 
 was represented a mountain, sending forth flames. Motto, 
 I burn for ever. 
 
 Captain Watson, of the guards, as Chief, dressed in a mag 
 nificent suit of black and orange silk, and mounted on a black 
 managed horse, with trappings of the same colour with his 
 own dress, appeared in honour of Miss Franks. He was 
 attended in the same manner with Lord Cathcart. Capt. 
 Scot bore his lance, and Lieut. Lyttelton his shield. The 
 Device, a Heart, with a Wreath of Flowers ; Motto, Love 
 and Glory. 
 
 1st. Knight, Lieut. Underwood, in honour of Miss S. Ship- 
 pen. Squire, Ensign Haverkam. Device, a Pelican feed 
 ing her young ; Motto, For those I love. 
 
 2nd. Knight, Lieut. Winyard, in honour of Miss P. Ship- 
 pen. Squire, Capt. Boscawen. Device, a Bay-leaf; Mot 
 to, Unchangeable. 
 
 3rd. Knight, Lieut. Deleval, in honour of Miss B. Bond. 
 Squire, Capt, Thorne. Device, a Heart, aimed at by 
 
ACCOUNT OF THE MISCHIAXZA. 173 
 
 several arrows, and struck by one ; Motto, One only pierces 
 me. 
 
 4th. Knight, Monsieur Montluissant, (Lieut, of the Hes 
 sian Chasseurs,) in honour of Miss B. Redman. Squire, 
 Capt. Campbell. Device, a Sunflower turning towards the 
 Sun ; Motto, Je vise a vous. 
 
 5th. Knight, Lieut. Hobbart, in honour of Miss S. Chew. 
 Squire, Lieut. Briscoe. Device, Cupid piercing a Coat 
 of Mail with his Arrow ; Motto, Proof to all but Love. 
 
 6th. Knight, Brigade-Major Tarlton, in honour of Miss W. 
 Smith. Squire, Capt. Heart. Device, a Light Dragoon ; 
 Motto, Swift, vigilant, and bold. 
 
 After they had rode round the lists, and made their obei 
 sance to the Ladies, they drew up fronting the White Knights ; 
 and the Chief of these having thrown down his gauntlet, the 
 Chief of the Black Knights directed his Esquire to take it 
 up. The Knights then received their lances from their Es 
 quires, fixed their shields on their left arms, and making a 
 general salute to each other, by a very graceful movement 
 of their lances, turned round to take their career, and, encoun 
 tering in full gallop, shivered their spears. In the second 
 and third encounter they discharged their pistols. In the 
 fourth they fought with their swords. At length the two 
 Chiefs, spurring forward into the centre, engaged furiously 
 in single combat, till the Marshal of the Field (Major 
 G-wyne) rushed in between the Chiefs, and declared that 
 the Fair Damsels of the Blended Rose and Burning Moun 
 tain were perfectly satisfied with the proofs of love, and the 
 signal feats of valour, given by their respective Knights ; 
 and commanded them, as they prized the future favours 
 of their Mistresses, that they would instantly desist from 
 further combat. Obedience being paid by the Chiefs to 
 this order, they joined their respective bands. The White 
 Knights and their attendants filed off to the left, the Black 
 Knights to the right ; and, after passing each other at the 
 lower side of the quadrangle, moved up alternately, till they 
 
174 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 approached the pavilion of the Ladies, when they gave a gen 
 eral salute. 
 
 A passage being now opened between the two pavilions, 
 the Knights, preceded by their Squires and the bands of 
 music, rode through the first triumphal arch, and arranged 
 themselves to the right and left. This arch was erected in 
 honour of Lord Howe. It presented two fronts, in the Tus 
 can order; the pediment was adorned with various naval 
 trophies, and at the top was the figure of Neptune, with a 
 trident in his right hand. In a nich, on each side, stood 
 a Sailor, with a drawn cutlass. Three Plumes of Feathers 
 were placed on the summit of each wing, and in the entabla 
 ture was this inscription : Laus illi debetur, et a me gratia 
 major. The interval between the two arches was an avenue 
 three hundred feet long, and thirty-four broad. It was lined 
 on each side with a file of troops ; and the colours of all the 
 army, planted at proper distances, had a beautiful effect in 
 diversifying the scene. Between these colours the Knights 
 and Squires took their stations. The Bands continued to 
 play several pieces of martial music. The Company moved 
 forward in procession, with the Ladies in the Turkish habits 
 in front ; as these passed, they were saluted by their Knights, 
 who then dismounted and joined them ; and in this order 
 we were all conducted into a garden that fronted the house, 
 through the second triumphal arch, dedicated to the General. 
 This arch was also built in the Tuscan order. On the in 
 terior part of the pediment was painted a Plume of Feathers, 
 and various military trophies. At top stood the figure of 
 Fame, and in the entablature this device, I, bone, quo vir 
 tus tua te vocet ; I pede fausto. On the right-hand pillar was 
 placed a bomb-shell, and on the left a flaming heart. The 
 front next the house was adorned with preparations for a 
 fire-work. From the garden we ascended a flight of steps, 
 covered with carpets, which led into a spacious hall ; the 
 panels, painted in imitation of Sienna marble, enclosing fes 
 toons of white marble : the surbase, and all below, was black. 
 
ANDRE S ACCOUNT OF THE MISCHIAXZA. 175 
 
 In this hall, and in the adjoining apartments, were prepared 
 tea, lemonade, and other cooling liquors, to which the com 
 pany seated themselves ; during which time the Knights 
 came in, and on the knee received their favours from their 
 respective Ladies. One of these rooms was afterwards ap 
 propriated for the use of the Pharaoh table : as you entered 
 it, you saw, on a pannel over the chimney, a Cornucopia, ex 
 uberantly filled with flowers of the richest colours ; over the 
 door, as you went out, another presented itself, shrunk, re 
 versed, and emptied. 
 
 From these apartments we were conducted up to a ball 
 room, decorated in a light, elegant stile of painting. The 
 ground was a pale blue, pannelled with a small gold bead, 
 and in the interior filled with dropping festoons of flowers in 
 their natural colours. Below the surbase the ground was of 
 rose-pink, with drapery festooned in blue. These decora 
 tions were heightened by eighty-five mirrours, decked with 
 rose-pink silk ribbands, and artificial flowers ; and in the 
 intermediate spaces were thirty-four branches with wax- 
 lights, ornamented in a similar manner. 
 
 On the same floor were four drawing-rooms, with side 
 boards of refreshments, decorated and lighted in the same 
 stile and taste as the ball-room. The ball was opened by 
 the Knights and their Ladies ; and the dances continued till 
 ten o clock, when the windows were thrown open, and a mag 
 nificent bouquet of rockets began the fireworks. These were 
 planned by Capt. Montresor, the Chief Engineer, and con 
 sisted of twenty different exhibitions, displayed under his 
 direction with the happiest success, and in the highest stile 
 of beauty. Towards the conclusion, the interior part of the 
 triumphal arch was illuminated amidst an uninterrupted flight 
 of rockets and bursting of baloons. The military trophies on 
 each side assumed a variety of transparent colours. The 
 shell and flaming heart on the wings sent forth Chinese foun 
 tains, succeeded by fireworks. Fame appeared at top, span 
 gled with stars, and from her trumpet blowing the following 
 
176 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDK. 
 
 device in letters of light, Tes Lauriers sont immortels. A 
 sauteur of Rockets, bursting from the pediment, concluded 
 the feu d artifice. 
 
 At twelve, supper was announced, and large folding doors, 
 hitherto artfully concealed, being suddenly thrown open, dis 
 covered a magnificent saloon of two hundred and ten feet 
 by forty, and twenty-two in height, with three alcoves on 
 each side, which served for side-boards. The ceiling was 
 the segment of a circle, and the sides xvere painted of a light 
 straw-colour, with vine-leaves and festoon-flowers, some in a 
 bright, some in a darkish green. Fifty-six large pier-glasses, 
 ornamented with green silk artificial flowers and ribbands ; a 
 hundred branches with three lights in each, trimmed in the 
 same manner as the mirrours ; eighteen lustres, each with 
 twenty-four lights, suspended from the ceiling, and orna 
 mented as the branches ; three hundred wax-tapers, disposed 
 along the supper tables ; four hundred and thirty covers ; 
 twelve hundred dishes ; twenty-four black slaves, in oriental 
 dresses, with silver collars and bracelets, ranged in two lines 
 and bending to the ground as the General and Admiral ap 
 proached the saloon : all these, forming together the most 
 brilliant assemblage of gay objects, and appearing at once 
 as w r e entered by an easy ascent, exhibited a coup d oeil be 
 yond description magnificent. 
 
 Towards the end of supper, the Herald of the Blended 
 Rose, in his habit of ceremony, attended by his trumpeters, 
 entered the saloon, and proclaimed the King s health, the 
 Queen and Royal Family, the Army and Navy, with their 
 respective Commanders, the Knights and their Ladies, the 
 Ladies in general ; each of these toasts was followed by a 
 flourish of music. After supper we returned to the ball 
 room, and continued to dance till four o clock. 
 
 Such, my dear friend, is the description, though a very 
 faint one, of the most splendid entertainment, I believe, ever 
 given by an army to their General. But what must be most 
 grateful to Sir W. Howe is the spirit and motives from 
 
VERSES COMPOSED BY ANDRE. 177 
 
 which it was given. He goes from this place to-morrow ; 
 but, as I understand he means to stay a day or two with 
 his brother on board the Eagle at Billingsport, I shall not 
 seal this letter till I see him depart from Philadelphia. 
 
 Sunday, 24th. I am just returned from conducting our 
 beloved General to the water-side, and have seen him re 
 ceive a more flattering testimony of the love and attachment 
 of his army, than all the pomp and splendor of the Mischi- 
 anza could convey to him. I have seen the most gallant of 
 our officers, and those whom I least suspected of giving such 
 instances of their affection, shed tears while they bid him 
 farewel. The gallant and affectionate General of the Hes 
 sians, Knyphausen, was so moved, that he could not finish a 
 compliment he began to pay him in his own name, and that 
 of his Officers who attended him. Sir Henry Clinton at 
 tended him to the wharf, where Lord Howe received him into 
 his barge, and they are both gone down to Billingsport. On 
 my return, I saw nothing but dejected countenances. 
 
 Adieu, &c.* 
 
 I have no hesitation in attributing to Andre two forms of 
 a poetical address, designed to be spoken on the occasion in 
 honor of Howe, but which Sir William, however gratified, 
 wisely forbade. The first seems intended for recitation by a 
 celestial guest. 
 
 Down from the starry threshold of Jove s court 
 A messenger I come, to grace your sport ; 
 And at your feet th immortal wreath I lay, 
 From chiefs of old renown, who bid me say, 
 Like you, they once aspir d to please the fair, 
 With all the sportive images of war. 
 
 * This letter is printed from the Gentleman s Magazine, Aug. 1778, col 
 lated with the version of The Lady s Magazine, 1793. It may have been 
 addressed to Mr. Ewer; but more probably to Miss Seward, to whose liter 
 ary connection both with Andre" and The Lady s Magazine I am inclined 
 to attribute the insertion of various scraps of military intelligence from 
 America, some of which bear marks of sources of information not always 
 open. 
 
 12 
 
178 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Round Arthur s board, when chivalry was young, 
 
 In justs and tilts their manly nerves they strung: 
 
 Scorning to waste the intervals of peace 
 
 In sordid riot, or inglorious ease. 
 
 Martial and bold their exercises were ; 
 
 Though Gothic, grand; though festive, yet severe: 
 
 Design d to fire the breast to deeds of worth 
 
 And call th impatient soul of glory forth. 
 
 Thus train d to virtue, when the trumpet s sound, 
 
 Aiad red cross streaming, led to holy ground ; 
 
 Or violated rights, and Freedom s call, 
 
 Bade them chastise the perfidy of Gaul ; 
 
 Each lover, mindful of his plighted vow 
 
 A hero rose, inflam d with patriot glow. 
 
 The cause of beauty his peculiar care; 
 
 His motto still " The brave deserve the fair." 
 
 Air, in Artaxerxes. 
 
 " The soldier, tir d of war s alarms, 
 Exults to feast on beauty s charms, 
 
 And drops the spear and shield : 
 But if the brazen trumpet sound 
 He burns with conquest to be crown d, 
 
 And dares again the field." 
 
 Oh ! be th example copied in each heart ; 
 Let modern Britons act the ancient part; 
 And you, great Sir, these parting rites receive 
 Which, bath d in tears, your hardy veterans give; 
 Veterans approv d, who never knew to yield 
 When Howe and Glory led them to the field. 
 To other scenes your country s sacred cause 
 Now calls you hence, the champion of her laws. 
 Your Veterans, to your brave successor true, 
 By honouring him, will seek to honour you. 
 
 And ye, bright nymphs, who grace this hallow d ground, 
 In all the blooming pride of beauty crown d, 
 Still strive to sooth the hero s generous toils, 
 With what he deems his best reward, your smiles. 
 
 The other, a little less flattering in tone, is accompanied 
 by stage-directions. It contains also a provident compliment 
 to the rising sun. 
 
VERSES COMPOSED BY ANDRE. 179 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 INTENDED TO HAVE BEEN SPOKEN AT THE MISCHIANZA, BY A HERALD 
 HOLDING IN HIS HAND A LAUREL-WREATH WITH THE FOLLOWING 
 INSCRIPTION: 
 
 Mars, conquest-plum d, the Cyprian Queen disarms; 
 And Victors, vanquish d, yield to Beauty s Charms. 
 
 After hanging the Wreath on the Front of the Pavilion, he was to have pro 
 ceeded thus : 
 
 Here then the laurel, here the palm -we yield, 
 
 And all the trophies of the tilted field ; 
 
 Here Whites and Blacks,"* with blended homage, pay 
 
 To each Device the honours of the day. 
 
 Hard were the task, and impious to decide 
 
 Where all are fairest, which the fairer side. 
 
 Enough for us, if by such sports we strove 
 
 To grace this feast of military love ; 
 
 And, joining in the wish of every heart, 
 
 Honour d the friend and leader ere we part. 
 
 When great in arms our brave forefathers rose, 
 
 And loos d the British Lion on his foes; 
 
 When the fall n Gauls, then perjur d too and base, 
 
 The faithless fathers of a faithless race, 
 
 First to attack, tho still the first to yield, 
 
 Shrunk from their rage on Poictiers laurel d field; 
 
 Oft, while grim War suspended his alarms, 
 
 The gallant bands, with mimic deeds of arms, 
 
 Thus to some favourite chief the feast decreed, 
 
 And deck d the tilting Knight, th encountering steed: 
 
 In manly sports that serv d but to inspire 
 
 Contempt of death, and feed the martial fire, 
 
 The lists beheld them celebrate his name 
 
 Who led their steps to victory and fame. 
 
 Thro every rank the martial ardor ran ; 
 
 All fear d the chieftain, but all lov d the man: 
 
 And, fired with the soul of this bright day, 
 
 Pay d to a Salisbury what to Howe we pay. 
 
 Shame to the envious slave that dares bemoan 
 
 Their sons degenerate, or their spirit flown ; 
 
 Let maddening Faction drive this guilty land, 
 
 With her worst foes to form th unnatural band : 
 
 In yon, brave crowd, old British courage glows 
 
 Unconquer d, growing as the danger grows. 
 
 * The Knights so distinguished. 
 
180 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 With hearts as bold as e er their fathers bore 
 
 Their country they ll avenge, her fame restore. 
 
 Rouz d to the charge, methinks I hear them cry, 
 
 Revenge and glory sparkling from each eye, 
 
 " Chaiu d to our arms while Howe the battle led, 
 
 " Still round these files her wings shall Conquest spread. 
 
 " Lov d tho he goes, the spirit still remains 
 
 " That with him bore us o er these trembling plains. 
 
 " On Hudson s banks * the sure presage we read 
 
 " Of other triumphs to our arms decreed : 
 
 " Nor fear but equal honours shall repay 
 
 "Each hardy deed where Clinton leads the way! " 
 
 It need not be thought however, that honors such as 
 Rome might have rendered to a conqueror were now paid 
 without criticism to a general who had made no conquests. 
 McLane took the occasion to beat up the lines so thoroughly 
 that he was pursued to the Wissahiccon Hills ; but the pro 
 moters of the gala kept their fair guests tranquil. Others 
 whose forte was the pen rather than the sword, were not so 
 soon silenced. Galloway was never weary of the theme. 
 
 " We had seen the same General, with a vanity and 
 presumption unparalleled in history, after this indolence, 
 after all these wretched blunders, accept from a few of his 
 officers a triumph more magnificent than would have become 
 the conqueror of America, without the consent of his sover 
 eign or approbation of his country, and that at a time when 
 the news of war with France had just arrived, and in the 
 very city, the capital of North America, the late seat of Con 
 gress, which in a few days was to be delivered up to that 
 Congress." f 
 
 * " The North-river expedition from New York, last autumn." 
 f Galloway s Reply, &c. See also Towne s Confession (written by 
 Dr. Witherspoon), Philadelphia, 1783; and Strictures on the Philadelphia 
 Mischianza, or Triumph upon leaving America unconquered (London 
 printed, Philadelphia reprinted, 1783): that I am inclined to attribute to 
 Galloway. This tract ascribes the fete to Sir William s flatterers, " pro 
 moted by his favour, or possibly enriched by his connivance." "He 
 bounced off with his bombs and burning hearts set upon the pillars of his 
 triumphal arch, which, at the proper time of the show, burst out in a 
 shower of squibs and crackers and other fireworks, to the delectable 
 
THE MISCHIA^ZA. 181 
 
 Colonel Johnston, who married Miss Franks, had his 
 quarters in the house of Edward Penington, a leading 
 Friend, at the corner of Crown and Race streets. It was 
 thus the headquarters of the 28th, and was also the resort of 
 a number of grave elderly officers who, like the better class 
 of tories, had a high opinion of Washington. When the 
 Mischianza was in every one s mouth, a young person of the 
 family asked of an old major of artillery what was the dis 
 tinction between the Knights of the Mountain and the Rose. 
 "Why, child," quoth he, "the Knights of the Burning 
 Mountain are torn-fools, and the Knights of the Blended 
 Rose are damned fools I know of no other difference be 
 tween them." Then, placing a hand on either knee, he ad 
 ded in a tone of unsuppressed mortification " What will 
 Washington think of all this ! " 
 
 amazement of Miss Craig, Miss Chew, Miss Kedman, and all the other 
 Misses, dressed out as the fair damsels of the Blended Rose and of the 
 Burning Mountain for this farce at Knight-errantry." 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Evacuation of Philadelphia. Battle of Monmouth. D Estaing s Arrival. 
 Andre accompanies Grey against New Bedford. His Satirical Verses 
 on the Investment of Newport. Aide to Clinton. Character of this 
 General. Andre s Verses upon an American Duel. 
 
 THE instructions under which Clinton was to take com 
 mand had involved an early and vigorous campaign, and 
 preparations at Philadelphia were made accordingly. On 
 the 23d of May, however, the orders of March 21st were 
 received, which, in consideration of the hostile intervention 
 of France, looked to a retreat to New York and large de 
 tachments thence to the West Indies.* A council of war 
 was held, and the evacuation of Philadelphia provided for. 
 The immense military stores, together with 3000 of the civil 
 population who feared to meet the wrath of the incoming 
 Americans, were to be sent in the fleet; the troops, with 
 their provision-trains, &c., for lack of room on board, were 
 to march by land. All were busied with preparations for 
 removal. Knyphausen bade farewell to the pleasant quar 
 ters in 2nd Street, where he should no more spread butter on 
 his bread with his thumb. Andre s lodgings were at the 
 house of Dr. Franklin, a full description of which, with all 
 its furniture down to the pictures of the king and queen and 
 of the Earl of Bute, " in the room for our friends," is given 
 by Mrs. Franklin to her husband, in 17G5. His daughter, 
 
 * " The first orders Sir H. Clinton had were to bring Washington to ac 
 tion, to detach an expedition against seaports, &c., when the promised re 
 inforcements should arrive (12000 recruits) to complete his army On the 
 interference of the [French?] near 12000, instead of sent, were taken from 
 Sir H. C. He was ordered to embark the arm} and proceed to New York, 
 where the commissioners were to open communication, and then to detach 
 to W. Indies, &c." Clinton MS. 
 
EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 183 
 
 Mrs. Bache, had abandoned the place on Howe s approach. 
 On her return she complained of some spoliations though 
 not so great as she had expected " from the hands of such a 
 rapacious crew." " A Captain Andre also took with him the 
 picture of you, which hung in the dining-room." One might 
 almost fancy Andre rummaging the bales of dead letters 
 that, while Franklin was at the head of the American post- 
 office, were piled away in the garrets of this house.* 
 
 Before passing from Philadelphia, mention may be made 
 of another ghost story, about as well authenticated as such 
 stories usually are, in which Andre and his fate were again 
 prefigured. The Springettsbury Manor-house, in the pres 
 ent neighborhood of 20th and Spring-garden Streets, was 
 then a favorite resort for rural entertainments. Though 
 long disused by the Penns, its proprietors, the house and 
 grounds were kept up, and officers were accustomed to pro 
 vide dinner-parties there. Two ladies of the family of my 
 informant, who had known Andre, were on their way hither, 
 to dine with Washington and some other American officers, 
 where Andre and his comrades had often feasted before. 
 As they passed through the groves of cedars and catalpas 
 that surrounded the mansion, they perceived simultaneously 
 a corpse dangling from a limb, clad as a British officer, 
 which presently, as they drew nearer, swung around as 
 though by a natural torsion of the rope. The face then was 
 visible, calm, and stiff, as in death; but they immediately 
 recognized it as Captain Andre s. On approaching the spot 
 the illusion vanished. At dinner they did not conceal their 
 adventure, but related it with a faith that provoked the polite 
 
 * In some severe strictures on his character published after his death, it 
 was positively alleged that Andre took away with him from the Library 
 Company of Philadelpeia a copv of the Encyclopedic, which had been pre 
 sented by Dr. Franklin. Franklin s benefactions to this institution were 
 not numerous, and it is easy to discover that no such work was among 
 them, and that there is no earthly cause to believe that Andre* was guilty 
 of any peccadillo of the nature imputed to him. Certainly it does not 
 appear that any one acquainted with the affairs of the Library ever enter- 
 tamed such a thought. 
 
184 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 ridicule of Washington to the extent at last of hearty laugh 
 ter at their credulity : a circumstance especially remarked 
 by one of them, who never previously had seen him laugh. 
 Many years later, when he was President, this lady again 
 dined with Washington at Philadelphia ; and took occasion, 
 she says, to remind him of his mirth. He was much dis 
 turbed, she said, and bade her never to refer the subject 
 to him more ; that it was a matter he would not recur to, 
 since it had already greatly troubled and perplexed him. 
 The narrator of this tale, it may be added, was a lady of 
 distinguished mental endowments, well versed even in He 
 brew and Greek studies ; while her comrade was daughter 
 and sister of two of the first medical men of their day. It 
 was hardly through ignorance therefore that they could have 
 fallen into their delusion. 
 
 Meanwhile Andre in the flesh was busily employed. " Sir 
 Henry Clinton made no secret of his intention of quitting 
 Philadelphia ; " * but at Valley Forge it was not for some 
 time known whither his course would be directed. The 
 commissioners, arriving on the 6th of June, 1778, found him 
 almost ready to move. A great number of baggage-wagons 
 were gathered at Cooper s Point, on the Jersey shore of the 
 Delaware ; and most of the artillery and stores, with several 
 regiments, were passed over that river and secured by tem 
 porary works. On the night of June 17th, the lines were 
 manned as usual, and the troops led out of quarters and biv 
 ouacked on the ground beyond the built-up parts of the town. 
 This was to guard against the plunder or incendiarism of a 
 retreating army, and to avert from Philadelphia the calamity 
 which there is too much reason to suppose was unauthorisedly 
 inflicted in 1776, by some of our troops, as they evacuated 
 New York. At three A. M., on the 19th, the army marched 
 across the commons and crossed at Gloucester Point, three 
 miles below the centre of the city. By ten A. M. the rear 
 guard came over, and the march for New York began. Lord 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 185 
 
 Howe supervised the water-carriage, and was the last man to 
 embark. The chief of the fleet had already dropped down to 
 Reedy Island ; and a few of the most important of the loy 
 alists, who had lingered to the last moment in the places that 
 were to know them no more, now dejectedly sailed after it. 
 u When we left Philadelphia," wrote one of these, " the night 
 of the 17th of June, the finest night I ever saw, was obscured 
 by the most melancholy reflections I ever felt." They were 
 two days and two nights to Reedy Island, and thirteen days 
 to the Capes. The weather was hot and calm ; and visiting 
 about was kept up among the ships. " How melancholy was 
 the idea that the lleet might be compared to a town peopled 
 by our friends ! Alas, it was a town founded by misfortune, 
 and inhabitants connected by similarity of misery." The 
 bulk of the tories, however, went with the army: "and 
 took their baggage with them, which was a great incum- 
 brance during the march."* 
 
 Many of the soldiers, especially of those who had married 
 in town, hid themselves in cellars and such places and re 
 mained behind, and the deserters ere Clinton reached New 
 York were estimated at 1000 ; but perhaps the last man to 
 quit Philadelphia was Lord Cosmo Gordon. He slept at his 
 quarters all night and so late the next day, that the family 
 out of kindness at length awakened him, the news of ** his 
 friends the rebels " being in town. It was as much as he 
 could do to slip to the waterside and find a skiff to carry 
 himself and his servant over. Two hours after the rear 
 guard was gone, the American dragoons galloped through 
 the streets. 
 
 Nothing could have been more cleverly managed than 
 the evacuation. So silently was it conducted, that many of 
 the inhabitants knew of it only when they went about in 
 the morning, and found not a British regiment remaining. 
 "They did not go away; they vanished." But the real 
 difficulties of the retreat were only begun. Clinton did not 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
186 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 calculate to forage on his journey, and the quantities of stores 
 and baggage that the transports could not receive or his 
 troops could not dispense with, formed a line of march twelve 
 miles long. He anticipated an attack, and as he sat on a 
 rock and reviewed the prolonged train, lie was half-inclined 
 to destroy all his incumbrances on the spot. But this, he 
 thought, would be made too great a handle for triumph to his 
 enemies ; so he manfully resolved to confide the issue to the 
 swords of his followers and his own skill. His retreat, neces 
 sarily slow, was perfectly deliberate and nothing resembling 
 flight. The first day s march was but five miles ; and though 
 it would seem as clear that his object must have been an unin 
 terrupted passage as that ours was to fall on his cumbered and 
 attenuated line, the Englishman, by our best American judg 
 ment, rather invited a general action. He does not himself 
 discountenance this idea. " Perhaps Washington was not 
 quite mistaken," says he. " Perhaps Sir Henry Clinton was 
 as desirous of bringing it to one decisive stroke, as Washing 
 ton seemed desirous of avoiding it."* He likewise kept his 
 own counsel, and not until June 24th was it known, even to 
 his officers, what was his purposed route or destination. 
 
 During May and June our army at Valley Forge had 
 been constantly exercising and preparing for combat on a 
 moment s warning. On the 22nd of June it crossed at Cory- 
 ell s Ferry to the same side of the Delaware with Clinton. 
 It was stripped of all ineffective and heavy baggage, and put 
 into trim fighting condition, and the arms were carefully 
 cleaned and inspected. On the 24th, two day s provision 
 was cooked ; and on the 27tli, the troops were ordered to be 
 provisioned till the 29th, inclusive, and to be kept compact 
 and ready to move at the shortest notice. Other precautions 
 were taken: " The drums to beat on the march. When 
 the rear is to come up, a common march ; to quicken the 
 march, a grenadier s march. These signals to begin in the 
 rear under the direction of the brigadier of the day, and are 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
MOKMOUTH. 187 
 
 to be repeated by the orderly drum of every battalion from 
 rear to front. An orderly drum to be kept ready braced 
 with each battalion for this purpose. When the whole line 
 is to halt for refreshment, the first part of the General will 
 beat, and this to be repeated by every orderly drum down 
 to the rear." * 
 
 These signals were very necessary; but it was impossible 
 that in a few hours a whole army should be taught to regu 
 late its conduct by the rattle of a bit of sheepskin, and it was 
 a just complaint on the 28th that our regiments had no dis 
 tinguishing uniforms or standards, and were deficient in in 
 struments proper to sound a retreat, a halt, a march or a 
 charge. 
 
 Though the advice of his council was against a general 
 action, Washington was now prompted by his own inclina 
 tions and the circumstances of the case to steps that rendered 
 an engagement almost unavoidable. On the 27th June, with 
 our advance under La Fayette at but five miles distance, Clin 
 ton foresaw the coming conflict. Encamped in a strong posi 
 tion he passed a quiet night, and by five o clock of the next 
 morning Knyphausen was on his march with all the baggage 
 and a large part of the troops, including the Pennsylvania 
 and Maryland Loyalists, and most of the Hessians. That 
 the march should have been so dangerously cumbered was, 
 it would appear, entirely due to Clinton s military pride. He 
 himself confesses the error of thus overloading the legitimate 
 operations of his men : " Sir H. Clinton was certainly to 
 blame for permitting it. The reason was explained above. 
 He lost not a cart, however." f 
 
 The position of our people was well weighed by the royal 
 general. Morgan hung over his right and Dickinson over 
 his left ; while the advance of our main army was at Eng- 
 lishtown, less in the rear than on the left of his abode on the 
 the night of the 27th, with the remainder of our people not 
 far behind. Years of reflection served only to confirm Clin- 
 
 * MS. Am. 0. B. June 27, 1778. t Clinton MS. 
 
188 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 ton in his original opinion that the real aim of the Americans 
 was against his baggage. " Washington, so little desirous 
 does he seem to have been of risking a general action, 
 had passed the South river and put three or four of its 
 marshy boggy branches between his army and that of the 
 British." * 
 
 It is not proposed here to give a detailed account of the 
 battle of Monmouth. Its story has been often and well told, 
 and the circumstances that lend it a peculiar interest as lib 
 erally canvassed. In common justice, however, to the rep 
 utation of the turbulent and irregular Lee, whose presiige 
 was on this day so fatally damaged, I must acknowledge that 
 his conduct before the enemy seems to me to have been un 
 worthy of the censure it received. 
 
 The flower of the king s soldiery, it will be recollected, 
 rested with their general on the place of their encampment 
 till the day was well advanced, and Knyphausen fairly under 
 way. In such a well-chosen situation, with various natural 
 defences or impediments intervening between himself and our 
 men, it was entirely impossible, Sir Henry thought, for the 
 Americans to gain any advantage while he held the position : 
 for it was difficult for them to traverse at all the bad ground 
 to reach him ; and the ranks would necessarily fall into such 
 disorder in the passage as to easily be cut down as fast as 
 they appeared. Not far away were the Middletown Hills, 
 where he would certainly be secure ; and it was evident, 
 therefore, he must be attacked now or never. His own idea 
 was that we aimed at his baggage ; and accordingly he per 
 haps resolved to give us such a handling here as would pre 
 vent any large bodies being thrown forward on his flanks. 
 It is difficult to get at the precise numbers of either army. 
 Sir Henry loosely estimated his opponents at near 20,000. 
 Washington s own force certainly amounted to 10,684 effec 
 tive rank and file, exclusive of Maxwell s brigade and per 
 haps of Morgan s regiment of 600 men, and Cadwalader s 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
BATTLE OF MOXMOUTH. 189 
 
 400 continentals and 100 volunteers. If these, and Dicken- 
 son s 1000 Jersey militia, who hung on the enemy s line, are 
 to be added, it would swell the total directed against him to 
 13,000 or 14,000 men. The British were less, says Mar 
 shall, than 10,000 ; and if we allow for the desertions, &c. 
 that he claims, we may put them at about 9,600. A large 
 part of these were started with the baggage under Knyphau- 
 sen at daybreak : with Cornwallis and the balance, at least 
 5000 or 6000 of the elite of the army, Clinton himself re 
 mained until 8 A. M. 
 
 Of the battle fought on Sunday, June 28th, 1778, I shall 
 have but little to say. The circumstances of the case appear 
 to be as follows. Between the two opposing armies stretched 
 some very dangerous ground. Lee s advance, embarrassed 
 by this and by the powerful front presented by the retiring 
 enemy, quickly fell back, pursued in their own turn. Lee 
 vindicates this policy in the declaration that the more exten 
 sively he was followed, the better for our cause it would have 
 been : for as our main army came up, it would find a com 
 paratively fruitful victory in every English regiment that had 
 put the morasses referred to between itself and the remainder 
 of Clinton s troops. The interruption of this plan by Wash 
 ington, and the resumption of the attack ere yet the enemy 
 were fairly launched from their stronghold, he seems to have 
 considered capital errors ; and it is certainly plain that our 
 whole force through the whole day effected nothing much 
 beyond what Lee might have done, nor succeeded in driving 
 Clinton a rood s distance from the place he held when the 
 fray begun. Sir Henry s own story, too, is in perfect con 
 currence with Lee s : 
 
 " Sir Henry Clinton had been ordered to embark the army 
 at Philadelphia, and proceed to New York. For various 
 reasons he ventured to disobey the King s commands, and by 
 that disobedience saved both army and navy. The principle 
 of the British army was retreat at this period. Washing 
 ton s avant guarde passes to marshy boggy branches at single 
 
190 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR. 
 
 bridges and attacks the British rearguard ; probably with nc 
 other intent than to amuse while another corps attempted the 
 baggage. The British rearguard forces Lee back over al: 
 these branches beyond the Lake. Lee is met by \Yashing- 
 ton arriving in column from Englishtown. Here of course 
 the business would have finished ; but the ungovernable im 
 petuosity of the light troops had drawn them over the morass 
 and till they returned it became necessary to mask the 4tl 
 ravine to prevent the enemy from passing it and cutting [off" 
 the above corps ; and the 1st Guards and 33rd regiment, 
 under Col. Meadows and Webster, maintained the ground 
 exposed to a crossfire, and with severe loss, till the light 
 troops had retired over the bog in safety. . . . The great 
 Frederick, on hearing Sir Henry Clinton s account of this 
 action and Lee s defence at his trial, said that when two 
 opposite gentlemen agree in describing the ground and event; 
 of the day, they must both be right." * 
 
 The heat was in the last degree oppressive. Men fell 
 dead in the ranks without a wound ; and the panting Hes 
 sians swore that in such an atmosphere they would fight no 
 longer. Night at last brought relief. At 10 P. M. Clinton 
 arrayed his weary bands, and led them to where Knyphausen 
 was halted, three miles away in the Nut Swamp. The 
 moon setting on that night at 10.55 p. M., barely sufficed 
 to light his path. Our army, we are told, was unaware of 
 the march ; but it is probable that it had little desire of re 
 newing a contest in which, it is pretty clear, it had as yet 
 gained no solid advantage. For whether the end was to kill 
 or capture Clinton s troops, or to get possession of his bag 
 gage, we were successful in neither. The battle was at most 
 a drawn one ; and the only interruption the baggage received 
 was when a small party would run across the road between 
 the carts, without being permitted to attempt anything. 
 There was no attack on it, and it had no losses at all. 
 
 The merits, however, of the battle of Monmouth were 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
BATTLE OF MOXMOUTH. 191 
 
 loudly disputed and variously canvassed. There were not 
 wanting military men in either army to condemn in pointed 
 terms the character of Washington s strategy; while Lee s 
 conduct soon raised a hornet s nest about that general s ears. 
 What were the words Washington used to him when they met 
 on the battle-field are unknown to me, but they were un 
 doubtedly very strong in phrase as well as tone. La Fayette 
 was a party to the conversation. He avers that the excite 
 ment of the scene drove the precise language from his memory. 
 This personal altercation probably brought to a head the ill- 
 blood between the two generals ; and but for Lee s intemper 
 ate tongue after all was over, we might never have heard any 
 thing of his misconduct upon the field. It is certain that on 
 the 30th June, he was appointed major-general for the ensu 
 ing day by Washington, and that no exception in his dis 
 favor was made in the earlier orders from head-quarters. 
 The Orderly Books of June 29th say : 
 
 " The Commander in Chief congratulates the Army upon 
 the victory obtained over his Britannic Majesty s troops yes 
 terday, and thanks most sincerely the gallant officers and 
 men who distinguished themselves upon the occasion, and 
 such others who by their good order and coolness gave the 
 happiest presage of what might have been expected had they 
 come to action. General Dickenson and the Militia of his 
 State are also thanked for their noble spirit in opposing the 
 enemy on their march from Philadelphia, and for the aid 
 they have given by harassing and impeding their march so 
 as to allow the continental troops to come up with them. . . . 
 A party consisting of 200 men to parade immediately to bury 
 the slain of both parties ; General Woodford s brigade to 
 cover the party. The officers of the American Army are 
 to be buried with the military honours due to men who nobly 
 fought and died in the cause of liberty and their country. . . . 
 The several detachments except those under Col. Morgan are 
 to join their respective brigades immediately." 
 
 On the other hand, Clinton s course was freely and vari- 
 
192 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 ously criticized. On the motion for thanks to him and Corn- 
 wallis, Mr. Coke in the Commons declared that the whole 
 march from Philadelphia to New York "was universally 
 allowed to be the finest thing performed during the present 
 war : " while the Earl of Shelburne characterized it as the 
 "shameful retreat from Philadelphia, when the General 
 escaped with his whole army, rather by chance and the 
 misconduct of the enemy, than by the natural ability of the 
 force under his command." With sounder cause, military 
 critics have questioned the wisdom of the British course. 
 Why, when a safe retreat was the manifest object, should 
 Sir Henry have avoided the shorter route by the Raritan, 
 and taken the longer road to Sandy Hook ? This question 
 Sir Henry himself has answered, by a reference to the position 
 of his adversaries : " Gates in front beyond the Raritan : 
 Washington in the rear and left behind the Milestone Creek, 
 with the Fords of Raritan on his left to join or be joined by 
 Gates." * Why did he pause for two days at Monmouth, 
 when Washington was closing on his skirts, and his para 
 mount object should have been to get a communication with 
 the fleet ? " No military man," quoth Clinton scornfully, 
 "can ask this question." f And to Stedman s recapitulation 
 of the dangerous straits to which his army w r ould have been 
 reduced had Washington turned either of the British flanks, 
 Sir Henry tranquilly replies : " When the author knows 
 the country a little better, and possible military movements 
 in it a little better, this question may be answered." j 
 From the various circumstances of the case, and particularly 
 from the royal commander s evident selection of the position 
 he fought in, and his remaining on it till the encounter act 
 ually occurred, it may be presumed that he had, or thought 
 he had good cause to expect at least so much success as he 
 experienced. "Tell General Phillips," said he to Major 
 Clarke, " that on that day I fought upon velvet : he will fully 
 understand me." For my own part, though I have preferred 
 
 * Clinton MS. f Ibid. } Ibid. 
 
D ESTAING S ARRIVAL. 193 
 
 to give the story in the original language of its actors, I am 
 unable to conjecture the reasons wherefrom Clinton derived 
 such sanguine anticipations of victory in every contingency. 
 That he should have expected to secure the preservation of 
 his baggage by just such a check as he gave our people is 
 plausible enough ; but that his troops should have preserved 
 their equanimity under the very probable event that Sted- 
 man suggests, is not to my comprehension so plain. Prob 
 ably the matter would appear in a different light to a profes 
 sional eye. 
 
 Once among the Middletown Hills, the English were out 
 of danger from the Americans. The march to Sandy Hook 
 was easy ; the baggage was transported, by aid of the fleet, 
 over a bridge of boats ; and after delaying a little in hope of 
 encountering our army, the rest of the enemy s force fol 
 lowed to Staten Island. 
 
 On July oth, the very day that Clinton passed from the 
 main land to Staten Island, D Estaing s fleet appeared on the 
 Virginia coast. But for an unusually long voyage it might 
 have found Howe s vessels yet in the Delaware ; and well- 
 informed writers reckon that an earlier arrival at Sandy 
 Hook would have prevented Sir Henry s crossing. He him 
 self was of different opinion. " If all the enemies combined 
 fleet had been laying at Sandy Hook, Sir H. Clinton, com 
 manding with gallies and gun-boats the inner channel, could 
 always have got to Salem [Staten] Island either from South 
 Amboy or Mount Pleasant." * On the llth D Estaing with 
 twelve ships of the line, six frigates, and 4000 troops, an 
 chored without the Hook, designing an attack on the British 
 squadron in the harbor. Howe s armament was considerably 
 inferior, consisting of but six ships of the line, four of fifty 
 guns, and some smaller craft ; and his vessels were very in 
 sufficiently manned. But he had control over the crews of 
 a vast number of transports : 2000 naval volunteers pressed 
 forward to engage in the expected action, of whom at least 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 13 
 
194 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 1000 were accepted; and the anger and indignation that 
 pervaded all ranks amply supplied any deficiencies of his 
 muster-rolls. Mates and masters of merchantmen sought 
 places at the guns among the common sailors ; and it is highly 
 probable that had D Estaing got over the bar and into the 
 harbor, he never would have got out again in command of 
 his own ships. But there was not water, he thought, for his 
 larger vessels ; and in the moment when, by favorable con 
 juncture of wind and tide, the whole British population were 
 agog in anticipation of attack, he put up his helm and by 
 preconcerted arrangement with Washington bore away for 
 Rhode Island. Scarcely was he out of sight, however, when 
 sail after sail of Byron s command came dropping in, shat 
 tered and weather-beaten ; all of which must have fallen into 
 his hands but for his withdrawal. With these, though still 
 inferior to the French, Howe sailed to find them. 
 
 Meantime Sullivan, Greene, and Lafayette, with 10,000 
 men, were assembled against Pigot, well entrenched with 
 6000 at Newport. On D Estaing s arrival success seemed 
 certain ; and the militia of Massachusetts, led by Hancock 
 in person, pleased themselves with the idea of at last get 
 ting rid of so abhorred and dangerous a neighbor. But dis 
 sensions sprung up between the French and American 
 leaders, in which the former were chiefly to blame. Howe s 
 fleet appeared ; D Estaing stood out with the weathergage 
 to fight him ; a storm sprung up, and the French only reap 
 peared at Newport to notify their intention of proceeding 
 forthwith to refit at Boston. The remonstrances and the 
 anger of our generals were equally vain. D Estaing went 
 away, and the siege was abandoned. Clinton, who had 
 sailed with 4000 men to relieve Pigot, no sooner knew the 
 French fleet to be gone, than he endeavored either to inter 
 cept Sullivan s retreat, or to find means to fall upon Provi 
 dence. Grey s division was with him ; and when lie found 
 it impossible to carry out his original ideas he dispatched this 
 officer against New Bedford, one of the chief among the 
 
ANDRE S VERSES ON THE INVESTMENT OF NEWPORT. 195 
 
 minor seaports that lined the New England coast, and 
 wrought infinite mischief to British commerce. On the 5th 
 September, at five P. M., Grey anchored in Clark s Cove, 
 and at six, debarking with very slight loss, he ravaged the 
 Acuslmet River for six miles. The fort was dismantled and 
 burned, its guns demolished, and its magazine blown up ; up 
 wards of seventy sail of privateers and their prizes consumed ; 
 and numbers of buildings containing very great quantities of 
 stores reduced to ashes. From Buzzard s Bay he passed 
 through the baffling tides of Quick s Hole (which can never 
 be forgotten by any one who has ever sailed over them), to 
 Martha s Vineyard ; where he levied a contribution of 300 
 oxen, 10,000 sheep, all the arms of the militia, and 1000 
 in paper-money, being the sum of the public funds on hand. 
 Taking or destroying what vessels he found there, Grey re 
 turned from the island to New York. His esteem for his 
 aide, however, and his desire to leave him, at his own ap 
 proaching withdrawal from America, on the best possible 
 footing at head-quarters, probably induced the general to 
 send by his hands in the first instance a very brief account 
 of his doings to Clinton. " I write in haste," he says, " and 
 not a little tired ; therefore must beg leave to refer you for 
 the late plan of operations and particulars to Captain Andre." 
 The value of such language, repeated from the commander- 
 in-chief to the minister at London, and reiterated in the official 
 gazettes, can readily be appreciated by all military men.* It 
 was probably in the unemployed hours of his voyage to New 
 York that Andre found leisure to commemorate the first fruits 
 of the French Alliance in these lines : 
 
 YANKEE DOODLE S EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 From Lewis Monsieur Gerard came 
 To Congress in this town, Sir ; 
 
 # This Bedford foray, and not the Paoli affair, is alluded to by Germain 
 to the Royal Commissioners, 4th November, 1778, as the wise and ably 
 executed expedition under Grey. Reed s Reed, i. 436. 
 
196 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 They bow d to him, and he to them, 
 And then they all sat down, Sir. 
 
 Chorus : Yankee Doodle, &c. 
 
 Begar, said Monsieur, one grand coup 
 
 You shall bientut behold, Sir. 
 This was believed as Gospel true, 
 
 And Jonathan ftlt bold, Sir. 
 
 So Yankee Doodle did forget 
 The sound of British drum, Sir; 
 
 How oft it made him quake and sweat 
 In spite of Yankee rum, Sir. 
 
 He took his wallet on his back, 
 
 His rifle on his shoulder, 
 And veow d Rhode-Island to attack 
 
 Before he was much older. 
 
 In dread array their tatter d crew 
 Ad vane d with colours spread, Sir; 
 
 Their fifes played Yankee Doodle doo, 
 King Hancock at their head, Sir. 
 
 What numbers bravely cross d the seas 
 
 I cannot well determine ; 
 A swarm of Rebels and of fleas 
 
 And every other vermin. 
 
 Their mighty hearts might shrink, they tho t; 
 
 For all flesh only grass is ; 
 A plenteous store they therefore brought 
 
 Of whisky and molasses. 
 
 They swore they d make bold Pigot squeak, 
 
 So did their good Ally, Sir, 
 And take him prisoner in a week ; 
 
 But that was all my eye, Sir. 
 
 As Jonathan so much desir d 
 
 To shine in martial story, 
 D Estaing yriHa. politesse retir d 
 
 To leave him all the glory. 
 
 He left him what was better yet ; 
 At least it was more use, Sir: 
 
HIS PROMOTION. SIR CHARLES GREY. 197 
 
 He left him for a quick retreat 
 A very good excuse, Sir. 
 
 To stay, unless he rul d the sea, 
 
 He thought would not be right, Sir; 
 And continental troops, said he, 
 
 On islands should not fight, Sir. 
 
 Another cause with these combin d 
 
 To throw him in the dumps, Sir : 
 For Clinton s name alarm d his mind 
 
 And made him stir his stumps, Sir. 
 
 Sing Yankee Doodle Doodle doo, &c.* 
 
 While D Estaing, under cover of formidable works on 
 George s Island where he had mounted 100 heavy guns, was 
 repairing his fleet, Congress and Washington were striving 
 to allay the heats into which our generals were thrown by 
 his withdrawal from Newport. Though they succeeded in 
 stilling the angry tongues of superior officers, the passions of 
 the populace were still inflamed ; and in a riot that sprung up 
 in Boston, some of the Frenchmen were very severely hand 
 led. When Howe returned to New York from a fruitless 
 cruise before Boston, and found reinforcements that gave 
 him the superiority, a serious move was under considera 
 tion. 
 
 " After Lord Howe had been joined by the greater part 
 of Byron s squadron, Sir H. Clinton offered himself with 
 6000 troops to accompany Lord H. to Boston Bay, to at 
 tempt a landing on Point Alderton ; to endeavor from thence 
 to attack or destroy the batteries on the islands covering 
 D Estaing s fleet ; or, by seizing Boston, deprive that fleet of 
 
 * This piece is reprinted, with useful notes, in Moore s Ballads of the 
 Revolution. The first verses refer to the terms in which the American pa 
 pers related Gerard s reception by Congress; and in this connection, the 
 lines were originally pretended to have been written at Philadelphia. They 
 are printed here from the text given by Rivington s tract, 1780 ; which, 
 though it does not name the author, contains two other pieces by Andre", 
 and one by his friend and literary coadjutor, Dr. Odell. Internal evidence 
 also points to Andre" as the writer. 
 
198 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 its necessary supplies, and force it to quit its position. Lord 
 H. seemed at first to relish the proposal, but afterwards 
 declined it, for reasons I am persuaded the best, tho he 
 never communicated them to me. From what I have heard 
 since, I really believe we could have succeeded. D Estaing 
 had only eleven, and Lord Howe twenty-one sail of the line." * 
 
 The fact is, that the Admiral had made up his mind to 
 go home as soon as the fleet was stronger than D Estaing s. 
 On the 26th of September, " Black Dick," as he was called, 
 left the coast, with the regret of all who had served under 
 him. His successor, the inefficient Gambier, held command 
 to the following March, when he was removed, wrote a loy 
 alist, "to the universal joy of all ranks and conditions. I 
 believe no person was ever more detested by navy, army, 
 and citizen, than this penurious old reptile." In later years 
 he brought shame on the service at the Basque Roads, and 
 became in Hood s satire the great Gambogee of the Hum- 
 Fum Society. 
 
 Andre s next active service was when Clinton pushed 
 heavy foraging detachments up the North River, and de 
 stroyed the privateers of Egg Harbor. Lest his aim might 
 be the Highlands, troops were so posted by Washington as 
 to interrupt and discover such a movement. Of these was 
 Baylor s regiment of dragoons which, on the 28th of Sep 
 tember, was quartered at Taapan or Herringtown, a small 
 hamlet on the Hackensack River. Against these Grey so 
 skilfully led a night-attack, that the Americans had no op 
 portunity of saving themselves, but by dispersion and flight. 
 In affairs of this nature, it is not the custom of war to lose 
 time in receiving and disarming prisoners, and sending them 
 to the rear ; nevertheless, " the whole of the fourth troop," 
 says Marshall, " were spared by one of Grey s captains, 
 whose humanity was superior to his obedience to orders." 
 We may well suppose that this captain was the general s 
 aide. Among the Americans who fell was Major Clough, 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
ANDRE S PROMOTION. 199 
 
 who had aided with these troopers in disturbing the lines of 
 Philadelphia, on the night of the Mischianza. This stroke, 
 however, on a smaller scale but in the very style of the 
 Paoli, was greatly censured in our camp, and denounced as 
 little else than a massacre.* A reinforcement of 3500 men 
 from England had reached Clinton on the 25th of August, 
 but their arrival had been so delayed by a detour to the 
 channel island of Jersey, that they were too late to be of 
 much use in this campaign. f 
 
 At this period, Andre again changed his regiment. The 
 26th was ordered home ; but such was the reluctance to part 
 with so valuable an officer, that his superiors went to the 
 trouble of an arrangement by which he might still remain 
 with Clinton. The 44th, in which his brother was a captain, 
 was ordered to Canada. A captain of the 54th, which was 
 to continue in America, wishing to sell, it was settled that he 
 should take, instead of his own, the younger Andre s com 
 pany in the 44th, which he forthwith sold to Sir Thomas 
 Wallace ; to whom the purchase-money was advanced by 
 Sir James Wallace of the navy (apparently no relation) to 
 the amount of 1500 or 2000. John Andre had the va 
 cated captaincy in the 54th, and his brother took that in the 
 26th, choosing to go to England rather than Canada. Grey 
 also leaving this country, Andre, with the provincial rank of 
 major, was appointed an aide to Sir Henry Clinton. Con 
 sidering the relations that existed between this general and 
 his predecessor, it at least was no slight compliment to an 
 officer s merits that both should be so ready to oblige him. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton was the son of Admiral George Clin 
 ton, once governor of New York, who was second son of the 
 
 * I am inclined to think Andre celebrated these and other feats of the 
 light infantry in appropriate verse ; but compositions that savor of his style 
 cannot be introduced here without evidence of authorship. See The Brit 
 ish Light Infantry ; A Medley for the Light Infantry ; The Sacrifice, etc. ; 
 printed in The Loyalist Poetry of the Revoludion. 
 
 t " Two months of most important operations lost by this Don Quix 
 otic move to Jersey." Clinton MS. 
 
200 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 ninth Earl of Lincoln. The Clintons came from Geoffrey 
 de Clinton, the builder of Kenihvorth, who, though a novus 
 homo in 1129, was the father of princely lines. In the old 
 days, when baronies were held by tenure and not by writ, it 
 may be supposed that the Clintons were not a house of the 
 first magnitude, since they do not appear among the twenty- 
 five great guardians of Magna Charta, in the beginning of 
 the thirteenth century : not an unlucky circumstance for them 
 in the end, as not a male descendant of the " Iron Barons " 
 is a peer to-day. In person, Sir Henry was short and 
 stout, with a full face and prominent nose : his manners 
 reserved, and though polite, not popular with the world at 
 large. He had long been accustomed to arms in the best 
 practical schools of Europe ; and Prince Ferdinand bore very 
 honorable testimony to his capacity. At Bunker Hill, with 
 out waiting for orders, he flew to lead the reinforcements 
 for Howe which were wavering in uncertainty whither to 
 march ; and was of essential service. These officers, who 
 " never differed in one jot of military sentiment " at this pe 
 riod, became afterwards rivals and foes. He was regarded 
 by many, however, as more conspicuous for honesty, zeal, and 
 courage, than for military genius. It was complained that 
 he never knew when to strike. In our army, a plan for his 
 seizure was canvassed and abandoned on the ground that 
 his measure was exactly ascertained, and any change in the 
 command would be for the worse. " I should be very sorry," 
 wrote Livingston at the time of Cornwallis s fall, " to have 
 Clinton recalled through any national resentment against 
 him, because, as fertile as that country is in the production 
 of blockheads, I think they cannot easily send us a greater 
 blunderbuss, unless peradventure it should please his maj 
 esty himself to do us the honour of a visit." He was ac 
 cused, and not without appearance of reason, of an habitual 
 indecision, that in a man vested with a great public trust 
 often approaches imbecility. An instance of this trait oc 
 curred when he suffered the American and French armies to 
 
CHARACTER OF SIR HENRY CLINTON. 201 
 
 pass from his own vicinity to that of Cornwallis. It was 
 evident that they must attack either the one British com 
 mander or the other ; and success in either undertaking was 
 ruin to the cause of the crown. An abler officer would per 
 haps have anticipated an assault on New York by finding a 
 lucky chance to strike at the enemy himself; but when it 
 was once plain that the allies were definitely gone to Virginia, 
 it was folly not to send instant and abundant relief to the 
 Chesapeake ; and it was worse than folly for a commander- 
 in-chief to consider personal punctilio or private jealousies, 
 when great state interests are concerned. He seems to have 
 had a landed estate too in America ; but all the information 
 I have on this subject consists in his notice of the measures 
 for confiscation of whig estates in Carolina, established by 
 Cornwallis in 1780. 
 
 " I know no great use in this act of severity ; it was not 
 even reported to me till it had been represented to and ap 
 proved by the minister ; it produced retaliation, and I was 
 the sufferer, though a British subject and born a subject. My 
 estate was confiscated and sold, and I can get redress no 
 where." * 
 
 To me, Sir Henry appears as a good man, and, in many 
 respects, as an excellent officer, but deficient in the genius 
 necessary for the first post. In private he was amiable and 
 humane ; the correspondent of Gibbon and the confidential 
 friend of Sheffield. He died governor of Gibraltar, Decem 
 ber 13th, 1795. The spirit of faction that permeated through 
 both army and navy in this war, renders it sometimes difficult 
 to get at the real state of certain cases ; and his retirement 
 from America was respectably believed to have been less 
 of a resignation than a removal. He thus notices such a 
 surmise : 
 
 " As this author chuses to insinuate that Sir Henry 
 Clinton had been superceded in the command by Sir Guy 
 Carleton, Sir H. C. takes leave to repeat what the King was 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
202 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRL\ 
 
 pleased to say to him at the first audience he was called to 
 after his return from America. I always wished to see 
 1 you, Sir Henry, in the command of my armies in America : 
 but the Duke of Newcastle was so exceedingly pressing for 
 your return that I was obliged at last to acquiesce. Sir 
 H. Clinton had asked three times every year to have leave to 
 resign the command, but his majesty would never before con 
 sent."* 
 
 Both armies going into winter-quarters, little more oc 
 curred in this year of an active nature for Andre to bear 
 part in. The French fleet was in the West Indies, where 
 Byron was vainly endeavoring to inveigle it to action ; and 
 the loyalists in New York were in constant hope of D Es- 
 taing s destruction, and a consequent withdrawal of his court 
 from the quarrel. " D Estaing s blockade by Byron at Mar 
 tinique one of the most fortunate events of the war 
 must revive the spirits of the most drooping Tory in Phil 
 adelphia. The game is in our own hands, and we may 
 expect to hear next of the taking of D Estaing. A treaty 
 between England and France follows of course ; and we 
 must then shed tears of pity for poor America, laid in ruins 
 to gratify the fatal ambition of a few artful men." f 
 
 But the usual luck of " the hardy Byron " of the poet 
 more appropriately known as Foul-weather Jack by his 
 sailors did not desert him. D Estaing was not taken ; 
 and all the tears tory eyes could command were in the 
 end wanted for their own misfortunes. Of as little real 
 importance, (considering that one of its heroes afterwards 
 sat in judgment on the author s life,) was the following 
 squib, published by Andre in Rivington s Gazette. It is a 
 perfectly fair paraphrase, so far as details are concerned, of 
 the pompous account of a duel between Lieutenant-governor 
 Gadsden of Carolina, and Major-general Howe of our army, 
 provoked by the former s published letter reflecting injuri 
 ously upon his opponent s military conduct. As Gadsden 
 * Clinton MS. t Loyalist MS. New York, 1778. 
 
ANDRE S VERSES UPON AN AMERICAN DUEL. 203 
 
 was not in Howe s line of service, and would neither retract 
 nor apologize for his language, a challenge passed ; and in 
 the consequent duel Howe s ball grazed his antagonist s ear, 
 after which an honorable reconciliation was effected by the 
 seconds, Col. Bernard Elliott and Gen. Charles Cotesworth 
 Pinckney. The initials in the verses are in strict accordance 
 with those used in the American newspapers ; but the latter 
 would fix the date of the encounter on Sept. 5th. The in 
 troductory lines are of course a mere blind : 
 
 ON THE AFFAIR BETWEEN THE REBEL GENERALS HOWE 
 AND GADDESDEN. 
 
 CHAELESTOWN, S. C., Sept. 1st, 1778. 
 
 We are favored -with the following authentic account of the affair of 
 honour, which happened on the 13th of August, 1778. Eleven o clock was 
 the hour appointed for Generals H. and G. to meet; accordingly, about ten 
 minutes before eleven but hold, it is too good a story to be told in simple 
 prose. 
 
 It was on Mr. Percy s land, 
 
 At Squire Rugeley s corner, 
 Great H. and G. met, sword in hand, 
 
 Upon a point of honour. 
 
 Chorus: Yankee Doodle, doodle doo, &c. 
 
 G. went before, with Colonel E., 
 
 Together in a carriage ; 
 On horseback followed H. and P. 
 
 As if to steal a marriage. 
 
 On chosen ground they now alight, 
 
 For battle duly harnessed ; 
 A shady place, and out of sight : 
 
 It shew d they were in earnest. 
 
 They met, and in the usual way 
 
 With hat in hand saluted ; 
 Which was, no doubt, to shew how they 
 
 Like gentlemen disputed. 
 
 And then they both together made 
 This honest declaration, 
 
204 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 That they came there, by honour led, 
 And not by inclination. 
 
 That if they fought, twas not because 
 Of rancour, spite, or passion : 
 
 But only to obey the laws 
 Of custom and the fashion. 
 
 The pistols, then, before their eyes 
 Were fairly primed and loaded ; 
 
 H. wished, and so did G. likewise, 
 The custom were exploded. 
 
 But, as they now had gone so far 
 In such a bloody business, 
 
 For action straight they both prepare 
 With mutual forgiveness. 
 
 But lest their courage should exceed 
 The bounds of moderation, 
 
 Between the seconds twas agreed 
 To fix them each a station. 
 
 The distance, stepp d by Colonel P., 
 Was only eight short paces ; 
 
 "Now, gentlemen," says Colonel E., 
 " Be sure to keep your places." 
 
 Quoth H. to G., " Sir, please to fire; " 
 Quoth G., " No, pray begin, Sir: " 
 
 And truly, we must needs admire 
 The temper they were in, Sir. 
 
 "We ll fire both at once," said H.; 
 
 And so they both presented ; 
 No answer Avas returned by G., 
 
 But silence, Sir, consented. 
 
 They paused awhile, these gallant foes, 
 By turns, politely grinning ; 
 
 Till, after many cons and j?ros, 
 H. made a brisk beginning. 
 
 H. missed his mark, but not his aim; 
 
 The shot was well directed. 
 It saved them both from hurt and shame : 
 
 What more could be expected ? 
 
ANDRE S VERSES UPON AN AMERICAN DUEL. 205 
 
 Then G., to shew he meant no harm, 
 
 But hated jars and jangles, 
 His pistol fired across his arm : 
 
 From H., almost at angles. 
 
 H. now -was called upon by G. 
 
 To fire another shot, Sir; 
 He smiled and, " after that," quoth he, 
 
 " No, truly I cannot, Sir." 
 
 Such honour did they both display 
 
 They highly were commended ; 
 And thus, in short, this gallant fray 
 
 Without mischance was ended. 
 
 No fresh dispute, we may suppose, 
 
 "Will e er by them be started; 
 And now the chiefs, no longer foes, 
 Shook hands, and so they parted. 
 
 Chorus : Yankee Doodle, doodle doo, &c. 
 
 Through all the war, the British loved to ridicule our peo 
 ple with the burden of this song. Yankee Doodle was with 
 them the most withering sarcasm. Sometimes they met a 
 retort in kind hardly so grateful. Percy s drums beat this 
 air when he set out for Lexington ; and Gates s musicians 
 repeated it when the arms were grounded at Saratoga. The 
 idea was not new. When Cumberland crossed the Spey 
 against Charles Edward, it was thought a wise thing to insult 
 the Scots with the air 
 
 " Will you play me fair play, 
 Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie? " 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 New York in 1778. Andre s Political Essay. His Favor with Clinton. 
 Receives the Surrender of Fort La Fayette. Letter to Mrs. Arnold. 
 Commencement of Arnold s Intrigue. Appointed Deputy Adjutant- 
 General. Siege of Charleston. Letter to Savannah. Accused of 
 entering Charleston as a Spy. 
 
 THE city of New York, for the rest of the war the British 
 head-quarters, was far in 1778-9 from its present metropoli 
 tan condition. Though about a mile in length, by half a 
 mile in width, it was inferior in population and in impor 
 tance to Philadelphia. Its narrow, clean, and well-paved 
 streets were lined with neatly-built houses of wood or brick, 
 and these for convenience of the harbor being chiefly clus 
 tered along the East River, were thus subjected to difficulties 
 in the supply of fresh water. The ruin caused by the con 
 flagration of 1776 yet subsisted, and in The Burnt District 
 the blackened skeletons of 500 dwellings stretched along 
 Broadway, from Whitehall Slip up to Rector Street. To 
 this devastation was added that of the fire which broke out 
 at one A. M. on the 10th of August, 1778, and consumed 300 
 houses. The best people then lived in Wall or Pearl streets ; 
 and to arrive at the present abodes of fashion, one must have 
 ridden through several miles of country. Ponds, hills, and 
 open fields extended where now is nothing but leagues of 
 stone walls and solid pavements; and the mutilated statues 
 of Chatham and King George bore public witness to the civic 
 discord that had brought them from their high estate. But 
 no dilapidation deprived the English soldier for the first time 
 entering the port, of " the most beautiful scene that could be 
 imagined." On the one hand were spread the fertile shores 
 of Long Island, abounding in game, studded with country- 
 
NEW YORK IX 1778. 207 
 
 seats and thriving villages, and the garden-spot of the coast ; 
 on the other, wide forests rose above the rough irregularities 
 of Staten Island, in strong and luxuriant contrast to the nak 
 edness of that on which the city stood, whence almost every 
 tree had been removed. Powerful works defended all parts 
 of the town. The old fortifications at The Battery, en 
 larged to receive ninety-four heavy guns, were strengthened 
 with stone with merlons of cedar joists and filled in with 
 earth ; they commanded alike the entrances of the North and 
 East rivers. Along the course too of either stream a series 
 of breastworks were raised, connecting with each other in 
 the strong ground towards Kingsbridge by well-ordered and 
 powerful lines that followed the heights and extended across 
 the island. In this upper part of the works, the first British 
 post to be met after crossing from the main-land over Har- 
 laem River to York Island, was Fort Charles : a strong re 
 doubt overhanging and commanding Kingsbridge. Next, as 
 we approach New York city, were the works that rising one 
 above the other bristled with their guns the steeps of Laurel 
 Hill. The road to the town led through a pass on the right, 
 where again was lofty ground, on which stood Fort Knyp- 
 hausen, once Fort Washington, and so narrow was the path 
 between the two ascents that the British closed it with a gate. 
 Continuing on by where is now the Central Park, the ground 
 remained singularly strong ; at McGowan s Pass, it was be 
 lieved that a few companies properly handled could keep an 
 army at bay. The chief difficulty with these extensive works, 
 however, was the great force necessary to defend them. Suf 
 ficiently manned, they were perhaps impregnable ; but to do 
 this compelled the detention of thousands of troops from pro 
 longed enterprise in the field. 
 
 The English had other posts without the limits of the 
 island. At Sandy Hook were some heavy gun and mortar 
 batteries. On the main-land above Morrisania was the small 
 work called Number Four, usually garrisoned by a captain s 
 guard and hardly capable of being preserved in a serious in- 
 
208 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 vestment of the place. A regiment held the post where Pau- 
 lus Hook stretches out from the Jersey shore into the North 
 River. Formidable works were erected at Brooklyn Heights 
 on that part of Long Island opposite to the city. The New 
 Fort here would accommodate 1000 or 1500 men. Brook 
 lyn itself was then a small, scattered village, with a capital 
 tavern famous for its fish-dinners, which the royal officers 
 were accustomed to consume to an extent that soon made n 
 rich man of the landlord. These fish-loving gentry relate in 
 melancholy wise the deprivation that fell upon the town by 
 reason of the war. They tell that New York had long been 
 dependent on the eastern coasts for its lobsters till a well-boat 
 was shattered in Hell- Gate, and the escaping prey populated 
 the neighboring depths. Here they flourished in cold and in 
 boiling water until the tremendous cannonading of the Long 
 Island battle disturbed their retreats ; they passed away, and 
 their accustomed haunts knew them no more. It was through 
 
 C? 
 
 this same whirlpool of Hell-Gate that Sir James Wallace, 
 pursued by a French fleet into the eastern end of Long Island 
 Sound, steered the Experiment in 1777. The passage was 
 daring and perilous ; but he brought her safely through. On 
 Staten Island too Clinton had strong posts with 1000 or 1500 
 men ; and here Andre, with other young officers, was in the 
 habit of visiting Simcoe s quarters, where the landlord s 
 pretty daughter bloomed in rustic seclusion and tempted 
 many a gallant across the waters and the hills. 
 
 If the population of New York was lessened by the mi 
 gration of its whigs, it was abundantly recruited by the in 
 coming troops and tories. It was well understood that 
 Ministers were for manifold reasons resolved to hold out 
 longer here than in any other place ; and though many of 
 the loyalists, "once lords of thousands," now languished in 
 comparative destitution at London, there were throngs at 
 New York to supply their absence. Nor was involuntary 
 increase wanting. 
 
 " Our little half-demolished town here seems crowded to 
 
NEW YORK IX 1778. 209 
 
 the full, and almost every day produces fresh inhabitants. 
 Two or three days ago five or six wagon-loads of women 
 and children were sent in from Albany, in imitation of the 
 prudent policy of Philadelphia. It was impossible to see 
 them without pain, driving about the streets in the forlorn 
 attitudes which people fatigued with travelling and riding in 
 wagons naturally fall into, making fruitless searches for their 
 husbands and fathers." * 
 
 Dicing, drinking, fine dressing, and amateur theatricals, 
 made New York as gay to the English as Philadelphia. 
 Their stage was raised at the John Street Theatre, with Beau 
 mont the surgeon-general as manager, and Major Williams 
 of the artillery for principal tragedian. Colonel French 
 was the low-comedy man, and Andre, Stanley, De Lancy, 
 &c., had various parts. Female characters, where an officer 
 had not in his train a woman competent to the performance, 
 were assigned to the youngest ensigns ; and Macbeth, Rich 
 ard III., and the Beaux Stratagem, were ventured upon. 
 The bottle was not neglected : hard drinking prevailed, and 
 it was a point of social honor to press the glass upon guests ; 
 and during morning visits the punch-bowl was freely circu 
 lated and healths drank by the ladies. Clinton s quarters 
 were at No. 1,- Broadway ; but he also maintained a country- 
 seat in Dr. Beekman s house at the corner of 52nd Street 
 and First Avenue, where he lived more at ease ; and every 
 day might be seen with his staff taking his constitutional 
 gallop up m Broadway to what was then The Fields. The 
 loyalists, however, who found refuge here, were comforted 
 neither with the military government of the city, nor the so 
 cial eclipse into which they were thrown by " the Lords, and 
 Sir Georges, and dear Colonels," of its garrison. The fash 
 ion of a fine gentleman s wearing two watches, which was 
 ridiculous at Philadelphia, was esteemed highly polite in 
 New York. The custom introduced by Admiral Digby of 
 closing the windows for a half-past four o clock dinner-party, 
 
 * Loyal MS. 
 14 
 
210 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 and dining by candle-light, was as novel to the American 
 stranger as the religious exactitude with which, through rain 
 or snow, the New Year s calls were paid. At Philadelphia, 
 after the evacuation, the loyal young people seem to have 
 formed a sort of coterie of their own, that made it easy for 
 their scrupulous parents to keep away " the lively French 
 and the gallant Continentals"; but in New York, with half- 
 a-dozen admirers to every handsome girl, such care was hope 
 less. " You cannot imagine what a superfluity of danglers 
 there is here ; so that a lady has only to look over a list of a 
 dozen or two when she is going to walk, or to dance, or to 
 sleigh." The tory manuscript from which I quote gives 
 animated sketches of the city belles of this day. 
 
 " Of those I mentioned to you before, Miss T - is 
 said to be the greatest beauty : tall, genteel, graceful in her 
 motions, with fine, light hair, dark speaking eyes, a complex 
 ion superior to the boasted one of Miss K . She sel 
 dom fails to captivate those who see her ; but to me she wants 
 the greatest of female charms : she wants sensibility of fea 
 tures. Her sister less celebrated is more pleasing : neither 
 so tall, so fair, nor so regularly featured, I would sooner, 
 were I to offer my hand to a lady s person, make choice 
 of Miss Betsy T than her sister, who I ought to have 
 called Mrs. B . 
 
 " Miss L , the sentimental Miss L , is tall and deli 
 cate, features not regular, eyes not lively. There is a modest 
 dignity in her appearance that no one could offend it is the 
 dignity of true unaffected innocence and simplicity. 
 
 " Mrs. F s person resembles N P s : of course 
 
 good, but she is not that beauty I expected to have found. 
 Her complexion is pale, her hair the colour of Juliet s. She 
 appears delicate and languishing, and she has the misfortune 
 of having a fine face ruined by a very bad mouth, wide and 
 unexpressive. ... I cannot pretend to do justice to the Miss 
 M s : Mild, delicate, thoughtful, there is an air of pen 
 sive languor and unaffected modesty over the whole appear- 
 
NEW YORK IN 1778. 211 
 
 ance of Miss Beulah that would awe impudence itself into 
 respect and sympathy. Neither tall, fair nor genteel, she 
 pleases the more for being the more uncommon ; and with 
 a pair of eyes that cannot strictly be called handsome, but 
 which say everything that the owner pleases a forehead 
 open and ingenuous cheeks that bloom continually with the 
 softest tints of the rose, and a mouth formed by the hands of 
 the graces joined to an abundance of dark flowing hair 
 confirms more conquests than the fluttering blaze of Mrs. 
 B or the tall dignity of Mrs. F are ever able to pro 
 duce. But Susan the sweet, sprightly, amiable Susan 
 how shall I describe thee ! How shall I paint that flow 
 of cheerfulness, that elegance, natural elegance, of expres 
 sion ; that wit, that sense, that sensibility, that modesty, that 
 good-nature, and that winning air of artless youth ; every one 
 of which thou possesses! to such a superior degree ! Still 
 more difficult is it to describe a person, on which beauty and 
 gracefulness have been lavished, but which I believe never 
 raised in thee a vain idea ! Eyes large, full, black, and the 
 most expressive I ever beheld : fine dark hair : a faultless 
 nose but it is in vain to particularize every beauty where 
 all is beauty. 
 
 " Two months ago one of the plainest little mortals, all 
 awkwardness and simplicity, without a thread of superfluity 
 in her dress, eloped with a captain in the army. She was 
 just come to town, and her parents, apprehensive that a girl 
 of sixteen could not be safely trusted alone in a place so full 
 of allurements, guarded her with the most peevish caution. 
 Before they heard where she was they concluded she was 
 locked up, murdered, anything sooner than in the company 
 of an officer. After much difficulty and negotiation a mar 
 riage was effected, and Mrs. C now makes her entree at 
 
 public places in all the elegance of fashion. And behold the 
 
 parents, whose name is P , are now under dealings for 
 
 consenting to the marriage of their daughter. What would 
 you have done in such a case ? 1 asked a plain-coated Friend. 
 
212 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRT-. 
 
 * Done replied the benevolent Christian I would have 
 cast her off to the contempt and beggary she deserved ! 
 But could you forget she was your child ? Yes, I would 
 tear the remembrance of her from my bosom ! 
 
 " We have lately had one admitted into that mysterious 
 
 order : a Miss P . Yet she would not be affronted with 
 
 the a : it was Miss P celebrated for her beauty, wit, 
 
 and accomplishments ; indeed so immensely sensible, that he 
 was thought a bold officer who ventured on her. It was the 
 Hon. Capt. Smith, eldest son of Lord Strangford of Ireland. 
 All the observations made upon her since are that her eyes 
 are brighter than ever. A pretty Miss G of the age of 
 fourteen, finding marriages so very fashionable and thinking 
 them very clever, eloped with a Hessian officer for want of a 
 better. Father and mother as usual inconsolable and inex 
 orable : Parents have flinty hearts, you know, and children 
 must be wretched. " 
 
 Under the influences that then prevailed in New York it 
 was fashionable to be loyal ; and in such social assemblies as 
 pretended to a tone of literary cultivation we can easily con 
 ceive that Andre would not fail to put forth what power of 
 intellectual entertainment he possessed. Indeed, his pen was 
 probably rarely idle ; and though it is not practicable to trace 
 with certainty his political essays, I have no doubt that lie 
 was a constant contributor to the pages of Rivington s Ga 
 zette. Fortunately we are able to identify at least one of 
 these papers, from which a fair idea of his manner may be 
 inferred. At the mansion of Mr. Deane he is related to 
 have won the praises of both sexes by an extempore upon 
 Love and Fashion, which he delivered on the evening of 
 January 6th, 1779 ; nor was a Political Dream, that he also 
 read aloud on the same occasion, less applauded. It was print 
 ed in Rivington s newspaper shortly afterwards ; and it will be 
 seen that the author was anything but sparing in his censure 
 of those Americans who were signalized by severity against 
 the tories. Chief-justice McKean, who presided at the con- 
 
ANDRE S POLITICAL ESSAY. 213 
 
 viction of Carlisle and Roberts, two Philadelphia loyalists; 
 Livingston of New Jersey, the implacable foe of toryism, 
 and the supporters of our cause generally, were handled with 
 little compunction ; and the concluding paragraph seems even 
 directed against his own former patron and late commander, 
 Sir William Howe. 
 
 A DREAM. 
 
 " I was lately in company where the Metempsychosis be 
 came the subject of conversation, and was ably explained by 
 a gentleman of erudition, who traced it from the Brachmans 
 in the East, to Pythagoras in the west, and very learnedly 
 demonstrated the probability and justice of this ancient sys 
 tem. How it was possible to deny that when mankind de 
 graded themselves from the character of rational beings, it 
 became proper that they should assume the figure of those 
 beasts to whose properties they were already assimilated. 
 On the other, how pleasing was it to trace the soul through 
 its several stages, and to behold it rewarded or punished 
 according to its deserts in a new state of existence. Many 
 fanciful observations immediately occurred to the company. 
 Besides several pair of turtle-doves, some cock sparrows, and 
 one or two butterflies whom we found among our acquaint 
 ances, we were led to take a survey of superior characters. 
 We entertained ourselves with viewing the soul of Louis 
 XIV. transmigrated into a half-starved jackass, loaded with 
 heavy panniers, and perpetually goaded by a meagre French 
 man, who, from the most humble of his slaves, was become 
 the master and tormentor of this absolute and universal mon 
 arch. Alexander the Great, for whose ambitious views this 
 whole orb had been too confined, was changed into a little 
 sorry horse, and doomed to spend his life in the diurnal 
 drudgery of turning a mill to which he was constantly fixed 
 with blinds over his eyes. Charles of Sweden made his 
 appearance in the figure of a Russian bear, whilst his wiser 
 competitor was placed at the head of a warlike and industri 
 ous monarchy of bees. The poetical soul of Sappho con- 
 
214 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 tinued to warble in the character of the " Love-lorn Night 
 ingale," and that of our countryman Pope (into which those 
 of Homer, Horace, Juvenal, and Lucretius had been before 
 blended and transfused) was again revived and admired in 
 the melodious Swan of Twickenham. 
 
 " Full of the ideas which this singular conversation had 
 suggested, I retired to my chamber, and had not long pressed 
 the downy pillow before the following vision appeared to my 
 imagination : 
 
 " I fancied myself in a spacious apartment, which I soon 
 discovered to be the hall wherein the infernal judges admin 
 istered justice to the souls which had animated the bodies of 
 men in the superior regions. To my great surprise, instead 
 of those grim personages which I had been taught to expect, 
 I found the judges (who were then sitting) to be of a mild, 
 gentle, and complacent appearance, unlike many dispensers 
 of justice in the vital air, who add terror to severity, and by 
 their very aspect not only awe the guilty, but discourage the 
 innocent. At one end of the table, after a short interval, 
 appeared a numerous crowd of various shades, ushered in 
 and conducted by Mercury, whose business it was to take 
 charge of the criminals and see the sentences executed. As 
 dreams are of an unaccountable nature, it will not (I presume) 
 be thought strange that I should behold upon this occasion 
 the shades of many men who, for aught I know, may be still 
 living and acting a conspicuous part upon the worldly theatre. 
 But let this be as it will, I shall go on to relate simply what 
 appeared to me, without troubling myself whether it may 
 meet with credit from others. 
 
 " The first person called upon was the famous Chief-justice 
 McKean, who I found had been animated by the same spirit 
 which formerly possessed the memorable Jeffries. I could 
 not but observe a flash of indignation in the eyes of the 
 judges upon the approach of this culprit. His more than 
 savage cruelty, his horrid disregard to the many oaths of 
 allegiance he had taken, and the vile sacrifice he had made 
 
ACRE S POLITICAL ESSAY. 215 
 
 of justice to the interests of rebellion, were openly rehearsed. 
 Notwithstanding his uncommon impudence, for once he seemed 
 abashed, and did not pretend to deny the charge. He was 
 condemned to assume the shape of a blood-hound, and the 
 souls of Roberts and Carlisle were ordered to scourge him 
 through the infernal regions. 
 
 " Next appeared the polite and travelled Mr. Deane, who 
 from a trickling, hypocritical, New England attorney, was 
 metamorphosed into a French marquis, with all the external 
 frippery that so eminently distinguishes the most trifling char 
 acters of that trifling nation. The judges deliberated for a 
 time whether they should form their sentence from the bad 
 ness of his heart, or the vanity of his manners ; but in con 
 sideration of the many mortifications he had lately experi 
 enced, they at length determined upon the latter, and the 
 most excellent ambassador to his most Christian majesty 
 skipped off, with very little change, in the character of The 
 monkey who had seen the world. 
 
 " The celebrated Gen. Lee, whose ingratitude to his parent 
 country was regarded with the utmost detestation, assumed 
 (by direction of the court) the figure of an adder : a reptile 
 that is big with venom, and ready to wound the hand that 
 protects, or the bosom that cherishes it, but whose poison 
 frequently turns to its own destruction. 
 
 " The black soul of Livingston, which was fit for treason, 
 sacrilege and spoil, and polluted with every species of mur 
 der and iniquity, was condemned to howl in the body of a 
 wolf; and I beheld, with surprise, that he retained the same 
 gaunt, hollow, and ferocious appearance, and that his tongue 
 still continued to be red with gore. Just at this time, Mer 
 cury touched me with his wand, and thereby bestowed an 
 insight into futurity, when I saw this very wolf hung up at 
 the door of his fold, by a shepherd whose innocent flock had 
 been from time to time thinned by the murdering jaws of this 
 savage animal. 
 
 " The President of the Congress, Mr. Jay, next appeared 
 
216 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 before the tribunal, and his trial was conducted with all the 
 solemnity due to so distinguished a character. I heard, with 
 emotions of astonishment and concern, that in various human 
 forms he had been remarkable for a mixture of the lowest 
 cunning and most unfeeling barbarity ; that having, in his 
 last shape, received from nature such abilities as might have 
 rendered him useful in his profession, and even serviceable 
 to the public, he had, by a semblance of virtue, acquired the 
 confidence of his fellow-citizens, which he afterwards abused 
 to all the horrid purposes of the most wanton rebellion, and 
 that being indefatigable in the pursuits of ambition and 
 avarice, by all the ways of intrigue, perfidy, and dissimula 
 tion, he had acquired the station of a chief justice, and, in 
 imitation of the infamous Dudley, had framed and enforced 
 statutes that destroyed every species of private security and 
 repose. In fine, that by his whole conduct he had exempli 
 fied his own maxim that princes were not the worst and most 
 dreadful of tyrants,* and had given a fresh demonstration 
 that power could never be well used when lodged in mean 
 and improper hands. 
 
 " The court immediately thought fit to order that this 
 criminal should transmigrate into the most insidious and 
 most hateful of animals, a snake ; but to prevent his being 
 able any longer to deceive, and thereby destroy, a large set 
 of rattles was affixed to his tail, that it might warn mankind 
 to shun so poisonous a being. 
 
 " The whole Continental Army now passed in review be 
 fore me. They were forced to put on the shape of the timid 
 hare, whose disposition they already possessed. With ears 
 erect, they seemed watching the first approach of danger, and 
 ready to fly even at the approach of it. But what was very 
 singular, a brass collar was affixed to the neck of one of their 
 leaders, on which I saw distinctly the following lines : 
 Thcv win the figlit, that win the race. 
 
 * See a pamphlet called (I think) The Nature and Extent of Parliamen 
 tary Power considered. 
 
ANDRE S FAVOR WITH CLINTOX. 217 
 
 Alluding to the maxim he had always pursued, of making a 
 good and timely retreat. 
 
 "This timorous crew having hastily retired, I beheld a 
 great and magnanimous commander of antiquity, transformed 
 into a game-cock, who at once began to crow and strut about 
 as if he was meditating a combat, but upon the appearance 
 of a few cropple crowned hens, he dismissed his purpose, and 
 I could see him at some distance from the hall, brushing his 
 wing, and rustling his feathers at every Dame Partlet in the 
 company. The oddity of this transformation, and of the cir 
 cumstances attending it, excited in me such a disposition to 
 laugh, that I immediately awakened, and was forced reluc 
 tantly to resign the character of A Dreamer" 
 
 Andre s conspicuous merit and amiable character had soon 
 made him the most important person of Clinton s staff, and 
 won the admiration of all who had business with the General. 
 He would promptly inform them whether or not he could 
 engage in their affairs. If he declined, his reasons were al 
 ways polite and satisfactory ; if he consented, the applicant 
 was sure of an answer from Sir Henry within twenty-four 
 hours. Clinton s confidence was evidenced, in the spring of 
 1779, by his appointment of Andre, with Colonel West Hyde 
 of the Guards, as commissioners to negotiate with the Amer 
 icans an exchange of prisoners. They met Colonels William 
 "Davies and Robert H. Harrison on our behalf at Amboy, on 
 the 1 2th May, and remained till the 23rd in a fruitless effort 
 to agree upon terms. The Americans objected in the first 
 place that Clinton s delegation of powers for a general per 
 manent cartel were insufficient. Hyde and Andre thought 
 they perceived a design to procure the introduction of terms 
 in their commission that might confess the Independence of 
 America, and stood on their guard. A present exchange 
 was then considered ; but here again difficulties arose as to 
 giving up officers and men together. The Americans knew 
 the difference between the value of their own soldiery, whose 
 enlistments were running out, and those of the enemy, who 
 
218 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF,. 
 
 would at least serve out the war ; and no terms were pro 
 posed by either side that the other would accept. The busi 
 ness thus ended, Clinton determined to open the campaign 
 of 1779 with a blow at the posts on Verplanck s and Stony 
 Points, which commanded King s Ferry and the opening 
 passes to the highlands. Every step taken at New York 
 was promptly communicated to Washington by his eificient 
 spies in that city ; and he had good cause to think the heavy 
 forces now moving were not to be confined in their opera 
 tions to the mere reduction of these works, but were ulti 
 mately designed to take ground that would interrupt his 
 communications and divide his army. " Washington had his 
 cattle from the Eastern provinces," said Clinton in regard to 
 the campaign of 1777, "and his corn from the Western. 
 Could we have taken a position on either of these communi 
 cations we might have risked an action or retired." * If he 
 now aimed at West Point, however, he was fated to be 
 thwarted by the active providence of his enemies. 
 
 On the 31st May, Clinton debarked a little below Haver- 
 straw, on the west bank of the Hudson, and approached 
 Stony Point. As he drew near, Collier with the Vulture 
 and other light war-ships came also in sight, and the unfin 
 ished works were with hardly a show of opposition aban 
 doned by the Americans. Guns were at once haled up by 
 the British, and a fire opened upon Fort La Fayette on Ver 
 planck s, against which Vaughan had led a column on the 
 eastern shore. During the night, the Vulture and a galley 
 anchored above the fort, and so cut off a retreat by water. 
 On the following day, unable to return a fire equal to what, 
 they received, the little garrison beat a chamade. The bat 
 teries were stilled, and Andre was dispatched to receive the 
 surrender. 
 
 " ON THE GLACIS OF FORT FAYETTE, June 1st, 1779. 
 
 " His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton and Commodore Sir 
 George Collier grant to the garrison of Fort La Fayette 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
SURRENDER OF FORT LA FAYETTE. 219 
 
 terms of safety to the persons and property (contained in the 
 fort) of the garrison, they surrendering themselves prisoners 
 of war. The officers shall be permitted to wear their side- 
 arms. JOHN ANDR, Aid-de-Camp." * 
 
 The possession of these posts was of no little importance 
 to either army, and Clinton remained on the scene long 
 enough to put them in condition for a stout defence. Then 
 he left garrisons, and descended the river. On the night of 
 July loth, Stony Point was retaken by Wayne. Discipline, 
 it is said, was so relaxed in the king s army, that officers en 
 trusted the password to a countryman who supplied them 
 with fruit. Having thus a guide, and all the dogs in the 
 country round being killed on the day previous, lest their 
 barking should betray his movements, Wayne silently ad 
 vanced. The outer sentries were approached and gagged, 
 and after a sharp but short resistance, the fort was stormed 
 and over 500 prisoners taken. These, and the glory of an 
 affair which was justly considered one of the most gallant 
 things in the war, were all the advantages gained by the 
 stroke. Circumstances prevented the reduction of Fort La 
 Fayette. Stony Point was abandoned ; and the British put a 
 stronger garrison in it than ever. 
 
 During the remainder of the campaign Clinton led no other 
 expedition in person. The fortification of New York was 
 carried on vigorously, and Andre s labors were chiefly those 
 of the pen. To his former acquaintance Miss Shippen, now 
 the wife of General Arnold, he wrote as follows : 
 
 * This transaction was ridiculed by an American writer (perhaps Gov. 
 Livingston) in the New Jersey Gazette, 29th Dec. 1779. " Sir William 
 Howe could not have invested this insignificant place with more unmean 
 ing formality. Xo display of ostentatious arrangements was overlooked on 
 this occasion; and Mr. Andre", your aid, as if in compliance with the taste 
 of his General, signed a capitulation, in all the pomp of a vain-glorious 
 solemnity on the very edge of the glacis, which he had gained under cover 
 of a flag- What, Sir Henry, could you intend by this farce ? What ex 
 cuse will a person of Mr. Andrews reputed sense find for this parade? " 
 
220 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 " HEAD-QUARTERS, XEAV YORK, the 16th Aug. 1779. 
 " MADAME. Major Giles is so good as to take charge of 
 this letter, which is meant to solicit your remembrance, and 
 to assure you that my respect for you, and the fair circle in 
 which I had the honour of becoming acquainted with you, 
 remains unimpaired by distance or political broils. It would 
 make me very happy to become useful to you here. You 
 know the Mesquianza made me a complete milliner. Should 
 you not have received supplies for your fullest equipment 
 from that department, I shall be glad to enter into the whole 
 detail of cap-wire, needles, gauze, &c., and, to the best of my 
 abilities, render you in these trifles services from which I 
 hope you would infer a zeal to be further employed. I beg 
 you would present my best respects to your sisters, to the 
 Miss Chews, and to Mrs. Shippen and Mrs. Chew. I have 
 the honour to be, with the greatest regard, Madam, your 
 most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 " JOHN ANDRE." 
 
 In March or April of this year General Arnold, com 
 manding at Philadelphia, had, under the feigned name of 
 Gustavus, began a secret correspondence with Clinton ; who 
 committed the matter to the hands of Andre. The latter 
 wrote over the signature of John Anderson ; and was replied 
 to as " Mr. John Anderson, Merchant, to the care of James 
 Osborn, to be left at the Reverend Mr. Odell s, New York." 
 Though at the outset the English had no clue to their cor 
 respondent s identity, the character and value of his informa 
 tions soon led them to suspect it ; and it is supposed by some 
 that this letter to Mrs. Arnold was written with the view of 
 making clear to her husband the character of its author, and 
 to invite a return of confidence. This may possibly have 
 been the case ; but all my investigations show that the lady 
 had not any suspicion of the dealings between the parties, or 
 was ever intrusted by either side with the least knowledge 
 of what was going on. Equally false, in my judgment, is 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF ARNOLD S INTRIGUE. 221 
 
 the charge that she tempted her husband to treason. Her 
 purity and elevation of character have not less weight in the 
 contradiction of this aspersion, than the testimony of all 
 chiefly concerned in the discovery and punishment of the 
 crime. 
 
 This correspondence must have engrossed much of Andre s 
 time. His letters are said to have been " numerous and 
 significant " ; though there is no reason to believe that, so 
 far as Mrs. Arnold was concerned, its limit ever exceeded 
 the one just printed. To or from Arnold he at this period 
 had probably nothing of a precise nature either to suggest 
 or require. The earliest communication is said to have gen 
 erally recommended to the American s imitation the example 
 of Monk, and urged his intervention to procure peace on a 
 substantial basis for his unhappy country. The distresses of 
 America, the power of England, the superiority of a British 
 to a French and Spanish alliance were strongly drawn ; and 
 instead of the old colonial subserviency, it was insinuated 
 that the continental affairs of the united provinces should be 
 committed to a purely national council resembling the Brit 
 ish parliament, which should be so connected with the throne 
 that, indissolubly bound together in the chains of equality, 
 of commerce, and of mutual interest, the two lands should 
 peacefully govern all the world.* 
 
 Besides the labor and anxiety of this intrigue, Andre had 
 a private uneasiness to employ his mind. In July, D Es- 
 taing had captured Granada, an island in which much of the 
 family estate was invested. The terms offered to Macartney 
 were so severe, so repugnant to the laws of nations and the 
 principles of justice, that the governor and inhabitants pre 
 ferred submitting at discretion. On taking possession, D Es- 
 taing showed little lenity. The people were plundered and 
 abused to an extent that persuaded the Count Dillon the 
 most distinguished soldier of the French command to in 
 tervene at the head of his regiment for their protection. 
 
 * See Appendix No. I. 
 
222 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDK& 
 
 This course, in such direct contrast to that of De Bouille in 
 like circumstances, threatened Andre and those nearest and 
 dearest to him with early poverty. His General, however, 
 though tenderly attached to him, and doubtless entirely sym 
 pathizing with his private griefs, seems not to have left him 
 their undisputed prey. In the summer heats he resorted on 
 occasions to the cooler shores of Long Island. Quogue was 
 one of his haunts ; where he would taste the sea breezes, and 
 gather for his table every delicacy that the island could pro 
 duce. He is remembered as a jovial liver, who pushed the 
 bottle freely ; while Andre with his bright, fresh face and 
 symmetrical figure, and wearing his hair unusually long, is 
 described by an islander in whose house he passed three 
 nights, as presenting " the finest model of manly beauty he 
 had ever seen." About this period, too, circumstances brought 
 about a considerable amelioration of his professional condi 
 tion. It would appear that without the knowledge or appro 
 bation of the Commander-in-chief, the Minister had established 
 certain points of provincial rank very unsatisfactorily to the 
 regular corps. In bringing about this step, Innes, Drum- 
 mond, and the adjutant-general Lord Rawdon all prime fa 
 vorites of Sir Henry s were said to be concerned. His in 
 dignation was great, and the offenders were made to feel it. 
 Rawdon was detached from head-quarters to the South, and 
 his duties naturally devolved on that one of the deputies of 
 the office who enjoyed the most confidential relations with 
 Clinton. This was no other than Andre. We are told that 
 Major Stephen Kemble, the brother-in-law of General Gage, 
 who had long filled the deputy s post, had written to some 
 one or other in excessively severe terms of the conduct of Sir 
 Henry. By some mischance these documents were made 
 known at head-quarters. The writer of course resigned his 
 office, and went to his regiment (the 60th) in the West In 
 dies, where he earned promotion and distinction. The vacant 
 deputy adjutant-generalcy was forthwith bestowed upon An 
 dre ; and thenceforward all the business at head-quarters of 
 
ANDR APPOINTED DEPUTY ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 223 
 
 the department passed through his hands. Tt was thus about 
 the beginning of the fall of 1779, that he commenced the 
 virtual discharge of the adjutant-generalcy, in which he con 
 tinued till his death. When Clinton had dismissed Lord 
 Kawdon, the vacant charge was pressed on Rawdon s per 
 sonal friend, Lieut.-Col. Charles Stuart, of the 26th, whom 
 delicacy forced to refuse; wherefore, as chief deputy, Andre 
 went on with all its duties until he was promoted to the sta 
 tion itself, as well as its responsibilities. In October, his 
 friend Simcoe was captured, returning from a daring enter 
 prise to the Raritan, in which by a forced march, without halt 
 or refreshment, of over eighty miles, his cavalry burned a 
 number of large flat-bottomed boats, built for an expedition 
 against New York. Simcoe was treated with much severity, 
 which was, by the efforts of his comrade Andre, and his cour 
 teous and particular opponent Harry Lee, at last so modified 
 that he was exchanged. Andre, setting aside for the time a 
 bold but well conceived plan for his rescue, wrote proposing 
 he might be sent to New York on parole, as by similar in 
 dulgence Colonel Baylor had been permitted to go to Vir 
 ginia. Simcoe forwarded this application from the state of 
 New Jersey, in whose power he was, to Washington, and 
 rather complains that as it had been neglected by Governor 
 Livingston, so it was unanswered by the General ; but in a 
 day or two after he was sent to New York. Arriving at 
 Staten Island, December 31st, he found Clinton gone, and 
 the chance of accompanying him lost. A letter from Andre 
 was put into his hands " If this meets you a free man, pre 
 pare your regiment for embarkation, and hasten to New York 
 yourself." On the 26th, Clinton had sailed for Charleston. 
 
 The war-ships and transports of this expedition were com 
 manded by Mariot Arbuthnot, Vice- Admiral of the Blue, an 
 old sailor, an amiable man, and a bad tactician. It is evi 
 dent that Sir Henry and himself could not pull together 
 where the king s service was concerned. He was the neph 
 ew of " Arbuthnot the polite," the friend of Pope, Swift, and 
 
224 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRlL 
 
 Gay, the famous physician of Queen Anne, the elegant au 
 thor of John Bull ; was born in 171 1 , and died in 1794. His 
 flag-ship was damaged by a storm on the voyage ; instead of 
 signalling the squadron to pursue its appointed course, he led 
 the whole convoy after himself, to the great detriment of the 
 public good. " The good old Admiral lost his bobstay in a 
 gale of wind bore away obliged the fleet to follow. It 
 got into the gulf-stream, and bad weather did the rest."* As 
 a consequence it was not until January 31st, 1780, that a 
 part of the armament reached Savannah, whither such of 
 the vessels as were not lost followed. A captured transport 
 brought into Charleston, on the 23rd, the first sure tidings of 
 the expedition. 
 
 Notwithstanding the peculiar importance of the city in 
 a manner the gate of the South Washington was always, 
 it is said, of opinion that evacuation was preferable to an 
 uncertain defence. He would rather lose a town than an 
 army. The possession of Charleston had hitherto secured to 
 the Americans the control of the state ; but since Clinton s 
 repulse from its approaches in 177G, care had not been taken 
 to make it, as its value deserved, absolutely impregnable. 
 Nevertheless its works were strong. Lying between the in 
 tersection of the Cooper and Ashley rivers, it could only be 
 invested by land upon one of its three sides, where a chain 
 of redoubts and batteries, mounting over eighty guns and 
 mortars, and stretching from stream to stream, was itself 
 further protected by a double abatis, a deep water canal flow 
 ing from Ashley to Cooper, and other fortifications. The 
 Ashley shore was lined with batteries with fifty guns ; on 
 that of the Cooper, thirty-three were mounted ; and across its 
 mouth was a boom composed of eight sunken vessels, with 
 chains, cables, and spars lashed between their lower masts. 
 Five armed ships with 124 guns, and some galleys, were ar 
 rayed behind this cheval-de-frise. The fortifications on the 
 island in the harbor were also strong and in good condition ; 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 225 
 
 and it was not thought probable that a hostile fleet could 
 come up to the town. 
 
 Having, by aid of the loyalists, obtained horses (all that he 
 sailed with being lost at sea), Clinton on the llth of February 
 landed about thirty miles south of Charleston, and easily and 
 deliberately approached the city. He waited reinforcements, 
 and thus gave Lincoln time to increase his defences. " Ev 
 ery delay proved of use," says Sir Henry ; " it induced Lin 
 coln to collect his whole force at Charleston, and put the fate 
 of both Carolinas on that of the town."* On the 29th of 
 March, the British passed Ashley River, ten miles above the 
 city, under the guidance of Captain Elphinstone of the navy ; 
 and on April 1st broke ground before our lines. The fleet 
 meanwhile had forced its way up, shutting out relief from the 
 sea ; and on the 14th, the only communication that had still 
 been kept open was closed by the enterprise of Tarleton. f 
 
 The city was defended, as nearly as can be computed, by 
 about 2600 regulars and upwards of 3000 local or other 
 militia, among whom was perhaps Andrew Jackson, the 
 future soldier and ruler of the Union. There were besides 
 about 1000 armed sailors ; so that the whole defensive force 
 was called 7000. The enemy s strength was probably but 
 little greater. " They had 7000," says Clinton, " we not 
 more than 5000." j But he does not appear to include 
 herein the 2500 men that reinforced him from New York. 
 
 About this time Andre wrote as follows, apparently to the 
 adjutant of the garrison at Savannah : 
 
 " HEAD-QUARTERS BEFORE CHARLESTON, the 13th April, 1780. 
 " SIR : I shall be much obliged to you to find out for me 
 
 * Clinton MS. 
 
 f " Captain Elphinstone had infinite merit from the hour of our starting 
 from Savannah to our reduction of Charleston ; at the siege of which he 
 commanded a detachment of the royal navy. . . . This does infinite credit 
 to Col. Tarleton. His officer-like decision gained the advantage the only 
 chance we had of passing the Cooper." Clinton 3IS. 
 
 J Clinton MS. 
 
 15 
 
226 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR&. 
 
 whether such a person as is herein described has ever been 
 prisoner in your hands, and what has become of him ; as I 
 am requested by some of my relations to make this inquiry. 
 I have received your several letters, and shall inform the Gen 
 eral of the resignation you make of your pretensions to pur 
 chase Major Van Braam s commission, and also of the suc 
 cession proposed of Ens. Fatio and Mr. Clarke to Captain 
 Garden. By a letter received from Col. Steil I find Mr. 
 De Crousac recommended to succeed in a vacant Lieuten 
 ancy. I fear this young gentleman has been wronged, from 
 his never having been heard of. He may however I hope 
 be redressed by filling the vacancy of Lieut. Maltey, resigned. 
 
 " I must beg you to observe that the Fortnight States are 
 to be signed by the commanding officer of the troops, and not 
 by the Deputy Adjutant General : which I request you to 
 be kind enough to rectify in the future ones to be transmitted. 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most 
 humble servant, JOHN ANDRE, Dy. A. Gen. 
 
 " Be so good, Sir, as to omit no opportunity of sending 
 convalescents here. A vessel may possibly be sent round to 
 receive them but Gen. Prevost will I dare say in the mean 
 time dispatch what he can." 
 
 On the 6th May the third parallel was finished, and the 
 British thus enabled to sap the waters of the canal, which 
 was then made a cover for their Yagers to gall with close 
 rifle-shots the defenders of the lines ; while balls, bombs, car 
 casses and fireballs were showered on the town. The fire- 
 brigade was in constant service ; and wherever the enemy 
 saw by the smoke that they had kindled a house, there they 
 would drop a bomb. As provisions began to run short with 
 the besieged, a shell filled with rice and molasses was thrown 
 in delicate raillery into their ranks; and in the same spirit 
 was returned charged with sulphur arid hog s lard for the 
 benefit of the Scots regiments. Desertions were not numer 
 ous, though there were sufficient facilities for stealing through 
 
THE FALL OF CHARLESTON. 227 
 
 the investments to enable Du Portail to be conveyed into 
 the town after the last parallel was begun. Late as it was, 
 this officer advised an immediate evacuation ; but the wishes 
 of the citizens and the hopes of relief prevailed on Lincoln 
 to hold out. On the 10th April he had refused to yield; on 
 the 8th May he was again summoned to surrender a post that 
 was rapidly ceasing to be tenable. As he would not accept 
 the proposed terms, the siege was continued until the llth, 
 when he notified Clinton of his willingness to receive them. 
 Though it was now, by their own opinion, optional with the 
 English to storm the town or insist on its surrender at dis 
 cretion, a milder counsel prevailed. As might be expected, 
 the capitulation was disadvantageous to the garrison. Their 
 necessities and the laws of war entitled Clinton to prescribe 
 hard conditions ; but the most bitter pill to swallow must 
 have been the manner of surrender. Lincoln had demanded 
 to march out with the honors of war drums beating, colors 
 flying, and shouldered arms. It was answered that when 
 the arms were grounded his colors should not be uncased, 
 nor should his drums beat a British or German march.* 
 The garrison, consisting of every adult who had borne arms 
 in the defence of the town, became prisoners of war ; and on 
 the 12th May Clinton took possession. 
 
 The fall of Charleston was a dreadful blow to America, 
 and its results were of the highest importance. That he did 
 not yield till the last moment is undoubtedly true, unless we 
 receive Napoleon s axiom that no fortification should succumb 
 without at least one assault ; but it ought not to have been 
 defended at all, unless successfully. The wishes and the 
 gallantry of the citizens and the failure of expected succor, 
 apologize for Lincoln s fatal error of judgment. On the 
 other hand, this event must always be esteemed a great 
 credit to Clinton. The siege was well-conceived, and ex- 
 
 * This severity was exactly retorted at Yorktown, when Cornwallis s 
 troops were compelled to march out with colors cased and drums beating 
 neither a French or American march. 
 
228 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRlL 
 
 ecuted in the best vein of military judgment. With a force 
 numerically not exceeding that of his foe, and with but 
 trifling loss to himself, he compelled nearly 7000 men 
 strongly fortified to lay down their arms.* 
 
 After the fall of the city, we are told that there was an 
 opinion current in our army that Andre had been present in its 
 lines during the siege as a spy ; and in 1822 it was declared 
 that two gentlemen of repute still surviving at Charleston, 
 affirmed at least the existence of the report in 1780. One of 
 these had been an officer of Clinton s ; the other, a resident of 
 the place through and after the siege. Another witness goes 
 further. Edward Shrewsberry, a suspected tory, but of good 
 condition, was ill at his house in East Bay. His brother, a 
 whig, leaving the lines to visit him, found repeatedly there a 
 young man clad in homespun, to whom he was introduced as 
 a Virginian belonging to the troops then in the city ; and as 
 such he considered the stranger. After the capitulation, meet 
 ing the same person at the same place, he was again present 
 ed to him as Major Andre ; and taxing his brother with the 
 identity of the two characters, they were confessed to have 
 been one and the same man. To another visitor, his son 
 records that the stranger in homespun had been represented 
 " as a back countryman, who had brought down cattle for the 
 garrison to the opposite side of the river," an assertion 
 that passed unsuspected and unchallenged until months after, 
 when Andre had been hanged and the visitor who related 
 the story was returned from confinement at St. Augustine s. 
 when the whig Shrewsberry informed him that the cattle- 
 driver he had seen with his brother was no other than Ma 
 jor Andre in disguise. These declarations, coming from 
 distinct and respectable sources, seem to bear the marks of 
 truth ; and that the circumstance, if it really occurred, was 
 not singular, appears from the case of Col. Hamilton Ballcn- 
 
 * The Return of prisoners to the army at the surrender, May 12th, 1780, 
 is signed by Andre, as Deputy Adjutant-General. Those made by tin 
 Fleet, including seamen, &c., do not figure therein. Rememb. x. 76. 
 
A SPY AT CHARLESTON. 229 
 
 dine, who, in the very beginning of the siege, fell into an 
 American picket that he mistook for Clinton s. When chal 
 lenged, he gave his name in reply ; and being told that was 
 not sufficient, he produced from his pocket draughts of the 
 American works that he had made or obtained. He was 
 informed of his error as to the party of the captors, and sent 
 to Lincoln, by whose orders he was instantly hanged. It is 
 but just to add that, if this story of Andre s having been a 
 spy at Charleston received credence in respectable quarters, 
 it was afterwards questioned by gentlemen of equal character 
 in our service. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Clinton returns to New York. Proposed Attack on Rochambeau. 
 Plans for a Loyal Uprising. Anecdotes of Andre 1 . The CoAV-Chase. 
 
 DURING Clinton s absence, the unusual severity of the 
 winter had frozen the waters about New York so firmly 
 that the whole train of our army might safely have passed 
 over. Lest such an attempt should be made, the loyal in 
 habitants petitioned to be embodied ; and an additional force 
 of nearly GOOO men was thus arrayed for the defence of the 
 city, of whom about 1000 were armed and uniformed at their 
 own cost " many of the most respectable citizens serving 
 in the ranks of each company." There was apparent need 
 for this display when the Hudson to Paulus Hook presented 
 a causeway of ice of but 2000 yards from shore to shore ; 
 but unfortunately the miserable state of our army prevented 
 any advantage from the opportunity being taken. The 
 spirits of the loyalists, however, were wonderfully cheered 
 by these musterings ; many deserters and others came in 
 from Jersey, where Chief-justice Smith advised Knyphausen 
 now to raise the royal standard, in the idea that militia and 
 continentals would hasten to join it, and the state be subdued 
 before Clinton s return and without his aid. This plan was 
 tried on June 7th, but nothing came of it ; the English re 
 turned after some plundering and skirmishing with a loss of 
 500 killed, wounded, and missing, and closely observed by 
 Washington s army, now reduced to but 3000 or 4000 men. 
 
 Leaving 4000 men with Cornwallis, and Carolina and 
 Georgia to all appearance entirely reduced, Sir Henry hur 
 ried back to New York ; justly apprehending a design of the 
 French armament now on the coast to make with Washing- 
 
BRITISH MOVEMENTS. 231 
 
 ton a conjoined attack on his lines. In fact his convoy had 
 already been in the power of the French as it passed the 
 Chesapeake, and had only escaped by De Ternay s mistak 
 ing the large troop-ships for firstrates. On the 12th July, 
 Rochambeau s men were in Newport harbor. 
 
 Clinton s first design, to fall at once on Washington or 
 West Point, was thwarted by the inopportune and prolonged 
 absence of Knyphausen. " This premature move in Jersey, 
 at a time when Sir H. Clinton least expected it, prevented a 
 combined move against Washington that might have been 
 decisive : " and Washington himself wrote that their com 
 bination would make the British " equal to almost anything 
 they may think proper to attempt." * The next thought was 
 to carry the French position at Newport by a coup-de-main. 
 Arbuthnot was solicited ere yet their arrival was known to 
 have transports in readiness for 6000 men. On the 18th 
 July, news of their position was conveyed to him by Clinton, 
 and means of embarkation pressingly called for. These, 
 however, were so long in coming that not till the 27th was 
 the army embarked on the Sound, and conveyed to Hunting 
 don Bay ; where it awaited the return of a vessel despatched 
 by Sir Henry to the Admiral blockading the French at New 
 port. Meantime Rochambeau had so strengthened his works 
 with heavy guns and mortars, and furnaces for heating balls, 
 that a joint attack of army and fleet was deemed out of the 
 question, and the moment for a coup-de-main long gone by. 
 Sorely disappointed and with not a little grumbling the troops 
 on the 31st returned to Whitestone.f They burned for an 
 
 * Clinton MS. Marshall, iv. c. 5. 
 
 t Stedm. ii. 246. " Mr. Stedman seems totally ignorant of the object of 
 this move. It had been proposed that 6000 men under Sir H. Clinton should 
 have been landed in Escort Passage to meet the French on their embarka 
 tion [debarkation?]: but as the Admiral was not informed of their arrival 
 till ten days after, and that they had been reinforced and had had time to 
 fortify, it would not have been quite so prudent for the army alone to at 
 tempt : and if the Admiral had seen the propriety of taking an active 
 part with the Xavy, he would have accepted the proposal of Sir H. C. This 
 is all that need be said, and perhaps Mr. Stedmaii affords us the best reason 
 
232 LIFE OF MAJOR AXUIl. 
 
 equal encounter with the French ; and officers applied to the 
 adjutant-general as an especial favor for such employment. 
 " The General assures you," he replied to Simcoe, " that the 
 Rangers shall be pitted against a French regiment the first 
 time he can procure a meeting." These regiments were the 
 Bourbonnais, Soissonnais, Santonge, and Deux Ponts ; and 
 Lauzun s Legion. 
 
 Among other objects that now commanded Andre s atten 
 tion was a correspondence with the chief tories of that loyal 
 region lying between the Chesapeake and Delaware bays ; 
 which was intended to terminate in the successful uprising 
 of several thousand men in arms for the king, under the pro 
 tection of a strong British detachment. There were great 
 hopes of this measure when matters should be ripe, for the 
 district was populous and unquestionably abundant in loy 
 alists ; but it was nipped by unforeseen events. 
 
 Various anecdotes are preserved that show with what 
 gentleness of spirit Andre bore his honors. When Lamb, 
 one of the Convention troops of Saratoga, escaped from his 
 officers and from the Americans " honorable desertions," 
 Burgoyne called them, since instead of being allowed to go 
 to England as the capitulation provided, Congress retained 
 them prisoners for exchange and with a party of his com 
 rades was sheltered by the country people till he got to New 
 York, he was received at Head-quarters by Andre, who tak 
 ing him into the parlor, closely questioned him of his route, 
 his risks, the numbers of the Americans, their treatment of 
 prisoners, &c. ; and finally rewarded himself and his com 
 rades in Sir Henry s name, and proffered them either a free 
 passage home or service in any regiment they chose. Of his 
 lenity to prisoners also we have a trivial but doubtless au 
 thentic anecdote from a Mr. Drewy. 
 
 for not attempting anything." Clinton MS. " It was reported some 
 time after that the French were in such consternation at being blocked up 
 bv a superior fleet, that had we proceeded, at our arrival they would have 
 run their ships aground and thrown their guns overboard." J/>. Journal, 
 Lt. Mathew, Coldstream Guards. 
 
ANECDOTES OF ANDRE. 233 
 
 " A foraging party from New York made an inroad into 
 our settlement near that city. The neighbours soon as 
 sembled to oppose them ; and though not above fifteen years 
 old, I turned out with my friends. In company was another 
 boy, in age and size nearly my own speed. We had counted 
 on a fine chase ; but the British were not to be driven so 
 easily as we had expected. Standing their ground, they not 
 only put us to flight, but captured several of our party ; my 
 self and the other boy among them. They presently set off 
 with us for New York : and all the way as we were going, 
 my heart ached to think how distressed my poor mother and 
 sisters would be when night came and I did not return. 
 Soon as they brought me in sight of the prison, I was struck 
 with horror. The gloomy walls and frightful guards at the 
 doors and wretched crowds at the iron windows, together 
 with the thoughts of being locked up there in dark dungeons 
 with disease and death, so overcame me that I bursted into 
 tears. Instantly a richly dressed officer stepped up, and 
 taking me by the hand, with a look of great tenderness 
 said, * My dear boy, what makes you cry ? I told him 
 I could not help it, when I compared my present sad pros 
 pect with the happy one I enjoyed in the morning with my 
 mother and sisters at home. Well, well, my dear child, 
 said he, don t cry, don t cry any more. Then turning to 
 the jailer ordered him to stop till he should come back. I 
 was struck with the wonderful difference between this man 
 and the rest around me. He appeared to me like a brother ; 
 they like brutes. I asked the jailor who he was. Why, 
 that s Major Andre, said he angrily, * the adjutant-general 
 of the army ; and you may thank your stars that he saw 
 you ; for I suppose that he has gone to the general to beg 
 you off, as he has done many of your rebel country 
 men. In a short time he returned, and with great joy in 
 his countenance called out Well, my boys, I ve good 
 news for you ! The General has given you to me, to dispose 
 of as I choose ; and now you are at liberty. So run home 
 
234 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 to your fond parents, and be good boys : mind what they tell 
 you ; say your prayers ; love one another ; and God Al 
 mighty will bless you. " 
 
 The month of July, 1780, furnished Andre with an occa 
 sion for the best known of his verses, which seem to have 
 been written as much to gratify his own keen perception of 
 the ludicrous as to retaliate in kind the satirical assaults that 
 were made by the other side upon himself and his friends. 
 On the 20th, our army was stationed in the upper part of 
 Bergen county, New Jersey ; and St. Clair having the light 
 infantry during La Fayette s visit to Rochambeau, Wayne of 
 course commanded the Pennsylvania line. With its two 
 brigades, some guns of Proctor s artillery, and Moylan s dra 
 goons, amounting in all, perhaps, to less than 2000 men, he 
 started from camp on an expedition that would have long ago 
 been forgotten but for the comic strain in which a foeman 
 commemorated its results.* The object was to harry Bergen 
 
 * The composition of the Cow-Chase may have been suggested by the 
 fact that Andre" had boarded with John Thompson, the woodcutting agent 
 at New York. He also probably visited the scene of action with Clinton. 
 The piece was written at Head-quarters, No. 1, Broadway, and was given 
 for publication to Rivington, whose Gazette was a thorn in the side of the 
 whigs of the neighborhood. Among his friends he was a merry, jovial, 
 companionable person enough; but to his enemies he was a perfect pest. 
 The Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, in his pretended recantation of Towne, says: 
 " However, take it which way you will, there never was a lie published in 
 Philadelphia that could bear the least comparison with those published by 
 James Rivington in New York. This, in my opinion, is to be imputed to 
 the superiority not of the printer, but of the prompter or prompters. I 
 reckon Mr. Tryon to have excelled in that branch, and probably he had many 
 coadjutors. What do you think of 40,000 Russians, and 20,000 Moors, which 
 Moors too were said by Mr. Rivington to be dreadful among the women ? 
 as also of the boats building at the forks of Monongahela to carry the 
 Congress down the river to New Orleans? These were swingers." He 
 made great fun too of Governor Livingston, who had imprudently taken 
 the pen against him. " If Rivington is taken, I must have one of his ears; 
 Gov. Clinton is entitled to the other; and General Washington, if he 
 pleases, may take his head," writes Livingston in 1780; and if the Cow- 
 Chase was felt nowhere else, it hit hard here. Fifty years after, Livings 
 ton s descendant and biographer comments on " the scurrilous and abusive 
 Cow-Chase, which no one can read without lessening his sympathy for the 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 235 
 
 Neck and to break up a blockhouse at Bull s Ferry by Fort 
 Lee, where seventy refugees under Cuyler were posted to 
 protect the British woodcutters ; and to disperse any forces 
 that might be found in the vicinity. But Cuyler defended 
 himself most spiritedly, though his wooden walls were pierced 
 with fifty-two cannon balls in one face only ; and when 
 Wayne retired, hung on his skirts, seizing stragglers, and 
 rescuing some of the spoil. His loss was twenty-one killed 
 and wounded ; Wayne s being sixty-four. To the survivors 
 of " the brave Seventy " the king conveyed his especial ap 
 proval of their valor and fidelity. 
 
 It is hardly needful to observe that this poem which, 
 says Mr. Sparks, with much that is crude and coarse, contains 
 several stanzas of genuine humor and satire is modelled on 
 Chevy Chase. The manuscript copy as well as the original 
 editions have several notes, that are distinguished here from 
 my own by being put in brackets. In retort to the names be 
 stowed on the airs in vogue at American festivities, a writer 
 in Rivington s paper suggested that the managers of the Phil- 
 unfortunate Andre," apropos of Stirling who had intermarried with the 
 family. The poem was written and printed at intervals ; the first canto 
 appearing on the 16th August, the second on the 30th, and the third on the 
 23rd Sept. 1780. Dunlap reports that Rivington said he received the last 
 canto from the author on the day before he set out to meet Arnold ; it was 
 published on the very day of his capture ; which must have contributed to 
 the great vogue it has always obtained. I have printed the version in this 
 volume from Andrews original autograph MS., collated with these editions. 
 Cow-Chase, in Three Cantos, Published on Occasion of the Rebel General 
 "Wayne s Attack of the Refugees Block-House on Hudson s River, On Fri 
 day the 21st of July, 1780. New York: Rivington, 1780, 8vo. pp. 69: 
 and The Cow-Chase, an Heroick Poem, in Three Cantos. "Written at New 
 York, 1780, by the late Major Andre", with Explanatory Notes by the 
 Editor. 
 
 " The man who fights and runs away, 
 
 ; May live to fight another day," 
 Said Butler in his deathless lay. 
 
 " But he who is in battle slain 
 
 " Can never rise to fight again ; " 
 As wisely thought good General Wayne. 
 
 London; Fielding, 1781. 4to. pp. 32. It is also printed by Dunlap, with 
 his tragedy of Andre", (Lond. 1799,) and in Moore s Bal. Rev. 
 
236 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 adelphia Assembly Balls should thenceforth add to the tunes 
 of Burgoyne s Surrender, Clinton s Retreat, and the like, the 
 new dancing-measure of A Trip to the Block-House, or The 
 Woodcutter s Triumph. 
 
 THE COW-CHASE. 
 
 CANTO I. 
 
 ELIZABETH-TOWN, August 1, 1780. 
 
 To drive the kine one summer s morn 
 
 The Tanner took his way ; * 
 The calf shall rue, that is unborn, 
 
 The jumbling of that day. 
 
 And Wayne descending steers shall know, 
 
 And tauntingly deride ; 
 And call to mind, in every low, 
 
 The tanning of his hide. 
 
 Let Bergen cows still ruminate, 
 
 Unconscious in the stall 
 What mighty means were used to get 
 
 And lose them after all. 
 
 For many heroes bold and brave 
 From New Bridge and Tapaan ; t 
 
 * [General Wayne s legal occupation.] By the way, this order may ex 
 plain the last scenes of the cattle taken: "One of the drafts acquainted 
 with the management of hides and tallow from each wing to be sent to 
 the Commissary of Hides at the Magazine." MS. Am. Orderly-book, 
 Aug. 11, 1780. 
 
 i [Village in New Jersey] on Wayne s line of march. 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 237 
 
 And those that drink Passaick s wave,* 
 And those that eat soupaan ; f 
 
 And sons of distant Delaware, 
 
 And still remoter Shannon ; 
 And Major Lee with horses rare, 
 
 And Proctor with his cannon. J 
 
 All wondrous proud in arms they came ; 
 
 What hero would refuse 
 To tread the rugged path to fame 
 
 Who had a pair of shoes ? 
 
 At six, the host with sweating buff 
 
 Arrived at Freedom s Pole : || 
 When Wayne, who thought he d time enough, 
 
 Thus speechified the whole. 
 
 " Oh ye, whom Glory doth unite, 
 
 Who Freedom s cause espouse ; 
 Whether the wing that s doomed to fight, 
 
 Or that to drive the cows 
 
 * [A river in New Jersey.] 
 
 f [Hasty Pudding, made of the meal of Indian Corn.] The corpulent 
 Van Bummels, dwellers on the pleasant Bronx, says the learned Diedrich 
 Knickerbocker, " were the first inventors of suppawn or mush and 
 milk." 
 
 J The numbers of Irish in the Pennsylvania line often caused it to be 
 called, in the war, the line of Ireland. Lee, of the dragoons, Light -horse 
 Harry as he was styled, was distinguished by the superior equipage of his 
 corps, and its dashing achievements. He says that Wayne s brigade though 
 good fighters were over-fond of pleasure, and moved with larger trains than 
 any equal corps in the service. 
 
 " They are of a thin, long-legged make, most of them without shoes 
 and stockings, and without coats, and sometimes they throw away their 
 arms when they are close pursued." MS. Mathew s Jmtrn. 
 
 || [Freedom s i. e. Liberty Pole, a long tree stuck in the ground.] Its 
 place was between Orangetown and Tinack. MS. Am. 0. B. Aug. 22 ; 
 1780.] 
 
238 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDE& 
 
 " Ere yet you tempt your further way, 
 
 Or into action come ; 
 Hear, soldiers, what I have to say ; 
 
 And take a pint of rum. 
 
 " Intemp rate valour then will string 
 Each nervous arm the better : 
 
 So all the land shall 10 sing, 
 And read the General s letter.* 
 
 " Know, that some paltry Refugees 
 
 Whom I ve a mind to fight, 
 Are playing h 1 among the trees 
 
 That grow on yonder height. 
 
 " Their fort and block-houses we ll level, 
 And deal a horrid slaughter : 
 
 We ll drive the scoundrels to the devil, 
 And ravish wife and daughter. 
 
 " I, under cover of th attack, 
 
 Whilst you are all at blows, 
 From English-Neighbourhood and Tinack f 
 
 Will drive away the cows. 
 
 " For well you know the latter is 
 The serious operation : 
 
 * This letter is probably the same printed in Almon s Remembrancer, 
 x. 290, and credited to the Pennsylvania racket, Aug. 1, 1780. It is from 
 Washington to the President of Congress, July 26, 1780, and after narrat 
 ing the story of the expedition, the failure of the attack on the block-house 
 by reason of the cannon being " too light to penetrate the logs of -which it 
 was constructed," and the "intemperate valor" of our men that occasioned 
 so great loss to themselves, he concludes: " I have been thus particular, lest 
 the account of this affair should have reached Philadelphia much exagger 
 ated, as is commonly the case upon such occasions." 
 
 t [Villages in Xew Jersey.] 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 
 
 And fighting with the Refugees 
 Is only demonstration." 
 
 His daring words, from all the crowd 
 Such great applause did gain, 
 
 That every man declar d aloud 
 For serious work with "Wayne. 
 
 Then from the cask of rum once more 
 
 They took a heady gill ; 
 When, one and all, they loudly swore 
 
 They d fight upon the hill. 
 
 But here the muse hath not a strain 
 
 Befitting such great deeds : 
 Huzza, they cried. Huzza for Wayne ! 
 
 And shouting 
 
 CANTO II. 
 
 Near his meridian pomp, the sun 
 Had journey d from th horizon ; 
 
 When fierce the dusty tribe mov d on 
 Of heroes drunk as poison. 
 
 The sounds confus d of boasting oaths 
 
 Reecho d through the wood : 
 Some vow d to sleep in dead men s cloaths, 
 
 And some to swim in blood. 
 
 At Irvine s nod twas fine to see 
 
 The left prepared to fight ; 
 The while the drovers, Wayne and Lee, 
 
 Drew off upon the right. 
 
240 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 Which Irvine twas, Fame don t relate ; 
 
 Nor can the Muse assist her : 
 Whether twas he that cocks a hat, 
 
 Or he that gives a glister. 
 
 For greatly one was signalized 
 
 That fought at Chestnut Hill ; 
 And Canada immortalized 
 
 The vender of the pill. 
 
 Yet the attendance upon Proctor 
 They both might have to boast of; 
 
 For there was business for the doctor, 
 And hats to be dispos d of.* 
 
 Let none uncandidly infer 
 
 That Stirling wanted spunk ; 
 The self-made Peer had sure been there, 
 
 But that the Peer was drunk. 
 
 But turn we to the Hudson s banks, 
 
 Where stood the modest train 
 With purpose firm, tho slender ranks, 
 
 Nor car d a pin for Wayne. 
 
 For them the unrelenting hand 
 
 Of rebel fury drove, 
 And tore from every genial band 
 
 Of Friendship and of Love, 
 
 And some within a dungeon s gloom, 
 By mock tribunals laid, 
 
 * [One of the Irvines was a hatter, the other a physician.] Dr. William 
 Irvine, after two years captivity in Canada, now commanded the 2nd Penn 
 sylvania regiment. Brigadier James Irvine of the militia was, it will be 
 recollected, taken at Chestnut Hill, Dec. 1777. 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 241 
 
 Had waited long a cruel doom 
 Impending o er their head. 
 
 Here one bewails a brother s fate ; 
 
 There one a sire demands ; 
 Cut off, alas ! before their date 
 
 By ignominious hands. 
 
 And silver d grandsires here appear d 
 
 In deep distress serene ; 
 Of reverend manners, that declar d 
 
 The better days they d seen. 
 
 curs d rebellion ! these are thine ; 
 
 Thine are these tales of woe ! 
 Shall at thy dire insatiate shrine 
 
 Blood never cease to flow ? 
 
 And now the foe began to lead 
 
 His forces to th attack ; 
 Balls whistling unto balls succeed, 
 
 And make the blockhouse crack. 
 
 No shot could pass, if you will take 
 
 The Gen ral s word for true ; 
 But tis a d ble mistake, 
 
 For every shot went thro .* 
 
 The firmer as the rebels press d 
 
 The loyal heroes stand. 
 Virtue had nerv d each honest breast, 
 
 And industry each hand. 
 
 * Wayne attributed his failure to the lightness of his pieces, which he 
 thought made no impression on the walls of the house. In this he was 
 probably mistaken. Spark s Wash. vii. 117. Kepi. x. 261. 
 16 
 
242 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDEL\ 
 
 "In valour s phrenzy * Hamilton 
 
 " Rode like a soldier big, 
 " And Secretary Harrison 
 
 " With pen stuck in his wig. 
 
 " But lest their chieftain Washington 
 " Should mourn them in the mumps,f 
 
 " The fate of Withrington to shun 
 " They fought behind the stumps." f 
 
 But ah, Thadaaus Posset, why 
 
 Should thy poor soul elope ? 
 And why should Titus Hooper die, 
 
 Ah die without a rope ? 
 
 Apostate Murphy, thou to whom 
 
 Fair Shela ne er was cruel, 
 In death shalt hear her mourn thy doom, 
 
 " Auch, would you die, my jewel ? " 
 
 Thee, Nathan Pumpkin, I lament, 
 Of melancholy fate : 
 
 * [Vide Lee s Trial.] "When General Washington asked me if I 
 would remain in front and retain the command, or he should take it, and I 
 had answered that I undoubtedly would, and that he should see that I my 
 self should be one of the last to leave the field: Colonel Hamilton nourish 
 ing his sword immediately exclaimed that s right, my dear General, and 
 I will stay, and we will all die here on this spot. . . I could not but be 
 surprized at his expression, but observing him much flustered and in a sort 
 of phrenzy of valour, I calmly requested him," &c. Lee s Defence in Trial 
 (ed. 1778), p. 60. Harrison also mentioned in this verse had met Andre at 
 Amboy: where this personal peculiarity may have been noticed, 
 f [A disorder prevalent in the rebel lines.] 
 
 \ [The merit of these lines, which is doubtless very great, can only be 
 felt by true connoisseurs conversant in ancient song.] 
 For Witherington needs must I wayle 
 
 As one in doleful dumps ; 
 For when his legges were smitten off 
 He fought upon his stumpes. Chevy Chase. 
 
 See the Irish song in Smollett s Rehearsal. 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 243 
 
 The grey goose, stolen as he went, 
 In his heart s blood was wet.* 
 
 Now as the fight was further fought, 
 
 And balls began to thicken, 
 The fray assum d, the Gen rals thought, 
 
 The colour of a licking. 
 
 Yet undismay d the chiefs command, 
 
 And, to redeem the day, 
 Cry, SOLDIERS, CHARGE ! they hear, they stand, 
 
 They turn and run away. 
 
 CANTO III. 
 
 Not all delights the bloody spear, 
 
 Or horrid din of battle : 
 There are, I m sure, who d like to hear 
 
 A word about the cattle. 
 
 The Chief, whom we beheld of late 
 
 Near Schralenberg haranguing, 
 At Yan Van Poop s | unconscious sate 
 
 Of Irvine s hearty banging. 
 
 Whilst valiant Lee, with courage wild, 
 
 Most bravely did oppose 
 The tears of woman and of child 
 
 Who begg d he d leave the cows. 
 
 * Against Sir Hugh Mountgomery 
 
 So right the shaft he sett, 
 The grey goose-wing that was thereon 
 In his hearts blood was wett. Chevy Chase. 
 
 The queer American names in the text are not an unfair hit at the Zerub- 
 babel Fisks and Habakkuk Nutters and Determined Cocks, whose patro 
 nymics are immortalized bv Irving. 
 
 t [Who kept a dramshop.] 
 
244 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 But Wayne, of sympathizing heart, 
 
 Required a relief 
 Not all the blessings could impart 
 
 Of battle or of beef: 
 
 For now a prey to female charms, 
 
 His soul took more delight in 
 A lovely Hamadryad s * arms, 
 
 Than cow-driving or fighting. 
 
 A Nymph, the Refugees had drove 
 
 Far from her native tree, 
 Just happen d to be on the move 
 
 When up came Wayne and Lee. 
 
 She in mad Anthony s fierce eye 
 
 The Hero saw pourtray d ; 
 And, all in tears, she took him by 
 
 The bridle of his jade.t 
 
 "Hear" said the Nymph "Oh great Com 
 mander, 
 
 " No human lamentations ; 
 " The trees you see them cutting yonder 
 
 " Are all my near relations. 
 
 " And I, forlorn, implore thine aid 
 
 " To free the sacred grove : 
 " So shall thy powers be repaid 
 
 " With an Immortal s love ! " 
 
 Now some, to prove she was a Goddess, 
 Said this enchanting fair 
 
 * [A deity of the woods.] 
 
 f [A New-England name for a horse, mare, or gelding.] 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 245 
 
 Had late retired from the Bodies* 
 In all the pomp of war. 
 
 That drums and merry fifes had play d 
 
 To honor her retreat : 
 And Cunningham himself convey d 
 
 The lady thro the street.f 
 
 Great "Wayne, by soft compassion sway d, 
 
 To no enquiry stoops ; 
 But takes the fair afflicted maid 
 
 Right into Yan Van Poop s. 
 
 So Roman Anthony, they say, 
 
 Disgrac d th imperial banner, 
 And for a gypsy lost the day ; 
 
 Like Anthony the tanner. 
 
 The Hamadryad had but half 
 
 Receiv d redress from Wayne, 
 When drums and colours, cow and calf, 
 
 Came down the road amain. 
 
 All in a cloud of dust were seen 
 
 The sheep, the horse, the goat ; 
 The gentle heifer, ass obscene, 
 
 The yearling and the shoat. 
 
 And pack-horses with fowls came by, 
 Befeather d on each side, 
 
 * [A cant appellation given among the soldiery to the corps that has the 
 honour to guard his Majesty s person.] 
 
 f That is, the lady had been drummed out of the lines as a common 
 drunkard or thief. Cunningham was the Provost-Marshal. " There are a 
 number of women here of bad character, who are continually running to 
 New York, and back again. If they were men, I would flog them without 
 mercy." A. Burr, commanding on American lines in Westchester county, 
 to Gen. McDougall : Whiteplains, Jan. 21, 1779. 
 
246 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF,. 
 
 Like Pegasus, the horse that I 
 And other poets ride. 
 
 Sublime upon his stirrups rose 
 
 The mighty Lee behind, 
 And drove the terror-smitten cows 
 
 Like chaff before the wind. 
 
 But sudden, see the woods above 
 
 Pour down another corps 
 All helter-skelter in a drove, 
 
 Like that I sung before. 
 
 Irvine and terror in the van 
 
 Came flying all abroad ; 
 And cannon, colours, horse, and man, 
 
 Ran tumbling to the road. 
 
 Still as he fled, twas Irvine s cry, 
 
 And his example too : 
 " Run on, my merry men all for why ? 
 
 The shot will not so through ? " 
 
 b 
 
 Five Refugees, tis true, were found 
 
 Stiff on the blockhouse floor : 
 But then, tis thought the shot went round, 
 
 And in at the back door. 
 
 As when two kennels in the street, 
 
 Swell d with a recent rain, 
 In gushing streams together meet 
 
 And seek the neighboring drain : 
 
 So meet these dung-born tribes in one, 
 
 As swift in their career; 
 And so to New Bridge they ran on 
 
 But all the cows got clear. 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 247 
 
 Poor Parson Caldwell, all in wonder, 
 
 Saw the returning train : 
 And mourn d to Wayne the lack of plunder 
 
 For them to steal again.* 
 
 For twas his right to seize the spoil, and 
 
 To share with each commander, 
 As he had done on Staten-Island 
 
 With frost-bit Alexander.! 
 
 In his dismay the frantick priest 
 
 Began to grow prophetic : 
 You d swore, to see his lab ring breast, 
 
 He d taken an emetick. 
 
 " I view a future day," said he, 
 
 " Brighter than this day dark is : 
 And you shall see what you shall see 
 
 Ha ! ha ! one pretty Marquis.J 
 
 " And he shall come to Paulus Hook, 
 And great achievements think on : 
 
 * Rev. James Caldwell of New Jersey, an active whig and deputy quar 
 ter-master general, whose wife was barbarously shot by a newly enlisted 
 soldier of Knyphausen s command in the preceding summer, on no other 
 provocation, as was alleged, than that she vituperated him from her win 
 dow as he passed. In connection with this case, Bishop Griswold, of the 
 diocese including Vermont, writes at Bennington in 1818 : " With what 
 detestation is frequent mention made of the British soldier s killing a 
 woman in Xew Jersey. But how rarely, if ever, do we hear of the barbar 
 ity of Col. F , who, in the battle of Bennington, deliberately aimed at, 
 
 shot through the breast, and instantly killed the wife of a British officer? " 
 Mr. Caldwell was himself killed by an American soldier, Nov. 24, 1781. In 
 proof of his patriotic zeal, local tradition relates that when Knyphansen 
 came to Springfield, he collected the hymn-books of his church for wadding 
 to the American muskets. " Put a little Watts into them," he said to our 
 soldiers. 
 
 t [Calling himself, because he was ordered not to do it, Earl of Stirling, 
 though no sterling Earl.] He led a foray into Staten Island, Jan. 1780, in 
 which 500 of his men were frost-bitten. 
 
 | [Lafayette.] 
 
248 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 And make a bow, and take a look, 
 Like Satan over Lincoln. 
 
 " And all the land around shall glory 
 
 To see the Frenchmen caper, 
 And pretty Susan tell the story 
 
 In the next Chatham paper." * 
 
 This solemn prophecy of course 
 , Gave all much consolation ; 
 Except to Wayne, who lost his horse 
 Upon the great occasion. 
 
 * Miss Susannah Livingston (born 1748), the governor s daughter, was 
 suspected of political authorship. Perhaps " an intercepted epistle to Ta- 
 bitha from New York," dated Aug. 27, 1780, may be attributed to her: 
 
 " Sir Harry, it seems, was more sullen than ever ; 
 
 And Andre complained of much bile on the liver." 
 And again : 
 
 " Alas, my sweet sister, I cannot but fear 
 
 That something not good is to happen us here. 
 
 The knight he is either involved in deep gloom, 
 
 When no one but Andre dare enter his room," &c. 
 
 Though her father had no mercy for "the British scoundrels," his house 
 of Liberty Hall was protected in the invasion of June, 1780, by Lt. Col. 
 Gordon; who on account of his sister, the dowager Duchess of Gordon and 
 her husband Gen. Morris, was always very civil to the ladies of Lord Stir 
 ling s connection. On this occasion he promised safety to the young ladies, 
 " so amiable in appearance as to make it scarcely possible to suppose they 
 are daughters of such an archfiend as the cruel and seditious proprietor 
 of the mansion"; and in token of the same was presented with a rose 
 from Miss Susan s hand. During the day a guard was kept at the house; 
 nevertheless from behind it (and by a servant, it was charged), he himself 
 was shot through the thigh. The whole business figured in the newspa 
 pers. This was the same Gordon that slept so soundly at Philadelphia. 
 He got into trouble in this expedition; was tried; and afterwards insisted 
 on fighting and killing Lt. Col. Thomas of the 1st Guards, who had testi 
 fied against him. Miss Livingston married John Cleves Symmes, the 
 father-in-law of President Harrison. 
 
 Since this note was written, I have seen a statement printed in Riving- 
 ton s paper, July 22nd, 1780, denying that any musket was fired from Liv 
 ingston s house, and alleging that the rose was bestowed not upon Gordon, 
 but on Colonel Wurmb of the Hessians. 
 
THE COW-CHASE. 249 
 
 His horse that carried all his prog, 
 
 His military speeches, 
 His corn-stalk whisky for his grog, 
 
 Blue stockings, and brown breeches. 
 
 And now I ve closed my epic strain, 
 
 I tremble as I shew it ; 
 Lest this same warrio-drover Wayne 
 
 Should ever catch the poet ! * 
 
 * It has been said that Wayne was brigadier of the day when Andre 1 was 
 taken. This was not so. Huntington had that post (MS. Am. 0. B.); 
 nor was Wayne of the board that pronounced on his fate. A biographer 
 however tells us that he was delivered to Wayne s keeping at Tappaan. 
 
 Though the introduction of breeches into burlesque heroicals is sanc 
 tioned by the usage of poets from King Stephen s days down to those of 
 Tarn O Shanter, it is possible that Andre* here had a particular pair as a 
 model : 
 
 "His breeches were of rugged woollen, 
 And had been at the siege of Bullen ; 
 To old King Harry so well known, 
 Some writers held they were his own. 
 Tho they were lined with many a piece 
 Of ammunition bread and cheese. 
 And fat blackpuddings, proper food 
 For warriors that delight in blood." &c. 
 
 Hud. Pt. i. c. i. v. 309. 
 
 Under Andre s signature to a MS. of The Cow-Chase are endorsed, says 
 Mr. Frank Moore, these lines : 
 
 " When the epic strain was sung 
 The poet by the neck was hung, 
 And to his cost he finds too late, 
 The dung-born tribe decides his fate." 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Progress of Arnold s Treason. Condition of American Affairs in 1780. 
 Plans for Surrendering West Point. Letters between Andre" and Ar 
 nold. An Interview Concerted. Andre s Last Hours in New York. 
 
 THE secret correspondence with Arnold, begun in 1779, 
 bad at an early stage been intrusted by Clinton to Andre s 
 exclusive management. The information received was valu 
 able, and often highly important ; nor was it long question 
 able from what quarter it came. In an elaborately disguised 
 hand Arnold wrote over the signature of Gustavus, a 
 pseudonym perhaps suggested by the romantic story of 
 Gustavus Vasa, in whose love of military glory, undaunted 
 boldness, and successful revolt against the unwonted lords of 
 his native land, he might persuade himself his own character 
 found a counterpart. On the other part, the fictitious name 
 of Anderson was but a transparent play upon Andre s own. 
 The accuracy and nature of the intelligence soon gave Clin 
 ton concern to know with certainty its author ; and once sat 
 isfied in his mind that this was no other than Arnold, he took 
 his cue from circumstances, and delayed the final consum 
 mation until a period when the loss of a correspondent so 
 valuable would be compensated by weightier gains than the 
 individual defection of an officer of rank. Thus he continued 
 to receive the most momentous revelations of our affairs ; and 
 it may possibly have been that through these means a knowl 
 edge was acquired of the condition of Carolina that led to the 
 fall of Charleston. It is certain that his slow approaches 
 after landing were as. well calculated to bring reinforcements 
 to the city as to himself; and it is not likely that Arnold 
 could have borne any very great love to Lincoln, who had 
 
PROGRESS OF ARNOLD S TREASON. 251 
 
 been raised over his head from the militia directly to a con 
 tinental major-generalcy, and at a juncture when the neglect 
 of his own claims by Congress amounted to little less than a 
 positive insult. If we may believe Marbois, tidings of the 
 expected aid from France were undoubtedly communicated 
 to Sir Henry, with the additional news that no plans of 
 combined operations were to be settled by Washington and 
 Rochambeau until its arrival. This information, concealed 
 at the time by Congress from even its own army, was thus 
 made known to the enemy ; and if Arnold could not in ad 
 vance tell him the precise force to arrive or its intended plan 
 of action, he at least might advise him of Washington s ruse, 
 and that La Fayette s and Rochambeau s invasion of Canada 
 was but a false light hung out to beguile the foe. On August 
 3rd, 1780, he was appointed to the command of West Point 
 and its dependencies ; and it was forthwith concerted that 
 his treason should be fully developed with the greatest possi 
 ble advantage to the British.* 
 
 The moment was truly a favorable one. The English were 
 weary of the continued strife, and really anxious for peace 
 with America on almost any terms that might not involve 
 Independency. The mess-rooms no more, as in Howe s 
 days, echoed the toast of " A glorious war and a long one!" 
 The royal officers now pledged " A speedy accommodation 
 of our present unnatural disputes!" On the other hand, 
 America too was tired of the war. A cloud of witnesses of 
 the best authority testify to the probability of a majority of 
 our people being desirous of accomodating the quarrel, and 
 of reuniting with England on conditions of strict union, if not 
 of mediated dependence. The public chest was empty. The 
 miserable bubble by which it had hitherto been recruited was 
 
 * It is curious that so long before as 1776, Colonel Zedwitz of our army 
 entered into negotiations with the enemy almost identical with those now 
 conducted by Arnold. The delivery of the forts on the North River was 
 the ultimate design of either traitor. Zedwitz was guilty ; but he was ac 
 quitted because the court did not think his offence merited death ! 
 
252 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 on the verge of explosion, and the continental paper money, 
 always really worthless though long sustained by the force 
 of laws and bayonets, was now rapidly approximating its 
 ultimate value. The ranks were supplied with children, 
 whose service for nine months was bought for $1500 apiece. 
 Hundreds even of the staff officers, said Greene in May, 
 1780, were ruined by the public charges they had been 
 forced to incur, while every obstacle was opposed to a settle 
 ment of their accounts lest their demands on government 
 should become fixed. " However important our cause, or 
 valuable the blessings of liberty," he continues to Washing 
 ton, " it is utterly impossible to divest ourselves of our pri 
 vate feelings, while we are contending for them." " It is 
 obvious that the bulk of the people are weary of the war," 
 said Reed in August. " There never has been a stage of 
 the war," said Washington, " in which the dissatisfaction has 
 been so general and so alarming." The army ill-paid, ill- 
 fed, ill-clad, avenged its sufferings and its wrongs by such 
 means as lay in its hands. Martial law was published to 
 procure its supplies in states that had not a hostile ensign 
 within their borders. Regiment after regiment rose in mu 
 tiny ; nor could the rope or the scourge check the devastation 
 and desertion that marked the army s course. At this very 
 period, despite the repeated sentences of courts-martial, and 
 the general orders for the officer of the day on his individual 
 authority to flog any straggler within the limit of fifty lashes, 
 we find in Washington s own words the most unwelcome evi 
 dences of the necessities of his followers and their consequent 
 marauds along the banks of the Hudson.* Not until the end 
 
 * Without regard to the question of the soldier s right to quit a service 
 where he is defrauded of his pay and detained beyond the term of his en 
 listment, it may simply be remarked that at no time were the lash and the 
 cord more active than in 1779 and in 1780. The many-thonged and knot 
 ted cat which cut to the blood at every stroke, and the gauntlet, where a 
 double file of soldiers anointed the culprit s naked body with blows from 
 one end of their lane to the other, were in constant requisition. Flogging 
 went beyond a hundred lashes ; and sometimes the criminal was again and 
 
CONDITION OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN 1780." 253 
 
 of August was the pay due in the preceding March forthcom 
 ing. In September Hamilton found the army a demoralized, 
 undisciplined mob : disliking the nation for its neglect, dreaded 
 by the nation for its oppressions. The description of an East 
 Indian government, wielding with one hand a truncheon while 
 the other was stretched forth to plunder, seemed in the fears 
 of many about to be realized in our own land. Our chiefs 
 with mortification and regret confessed the day impending 
 when, unless the war was carried on by foreign troops and 
 foreign treasure, America must come to terms. " Send us 
 troops, ships, and money," wrote Rochambeau to Vergennes ; 
 "but do not depend upon these people nor upon their means." 
 Yet it was known that the aid of France and Spain was 
 merely sporadic ; that their finances forbade the hope of per 
 manent subsidies. In 1774 neither fear- nor flattery, we are 
 told, could swell the taxes of France beyond $90,000,000, to 
 be levied from 24,000,000 of people, and there was now rea 
 son to fear that, without some great stroke on our part, she 
 would soon abandon us as a profitless ally, and make her own 
 peace with Britain. 
 
 Congress too, rent by faction and intrigue, no longer com 
 manded the entire confidence of the whigs. Its relations 
 with the states were not satisfactory, and with the army were 
 decidedly bad. Jealousy on the one hand, aversion and dis 
 trust on the other, daily widened the unacknowledged breach. 
 In August it threatened such an exercise of its power as 
 drew the warning from Washington that if the deed were 
 perpetrated, he questioned much " if there was an officer in 
 
 again remanded, that his torn and inflamed back might be more bitterly 
 rent. As for the death penalty, it was necessary in 1779 when our army 
 was in danger of dissolution by desertions, to authorize its immediate inflic 
 tion upon any one caught in the act. Harry Lee not only hanged the first 
 man that he detected in this offence, but sent his lopped and bloody head to 
 Washington. The spectacle had a happy effect on the men ; but our officers 
 dreaded the result of its being made known to the public. Its repetition was 
 forbidden, and Washington ordered a party at once to bury the mutilated 
 corpse ere it should fall into the hands of the enemy. Thacher, 223; Lee 
 on Jefferson (ed. 1839), 150; MS. Am. 0. B. 
 
254 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF,. 
 
 the whole line that would hold a commission beyond the end 
 of the campaign, if he did till then. Such an act, even in 
 the most despotic governments, would be attended with loud 
 complaints." The party hostile to the Chief, deep-rooted in 
 New England and pervading Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Vir 
 ginia, which from the beginning of the war to its end dreaded 
 lest the tyranny of a Commodus should lurk behind the wise 
 virtues of a Pertinax, though foiled in a former eifort to dis 
 place him, still retained power to hamper his movements and 
 embarrass his designs. It was very evident that his removal 
 would be the signal for the army s dissolution, and the inev 
 itable subjection of the infant state ; but it was yet feasible 
 to limit his powers, deny his requirements, and in a hundred 
 ways exhibit a distrust of his capacity or integrity that would 
 have caused many soldiers to throw up the command. 
 
 Much of all this was known to the British. Their intelli 
 gencers appear to have existed in the most unsuspected and 
 dangerous quarters ; and at this very epoch public officers 
 were betraying trust and unreservedly revealing our affairs 
 in New York. Such was Heron, of the Connecticut legis 
 lature, who left West Point with a flag on the 30th of Au 
 gust, and was probably the bearer of Arnold s letter of that 
 date to Andre. He dined with Arnold, parted with him on 
 that day, and brought to the English leaders the most impor 
 tant oral information of matters in the Highlands and of the 
 country and army generally. " Mr. Heron is confident the 
 whole rebellion must fall to the ground soon from the internal 
 weakness of the country, and the still greater weakness of 
 the party that have hitherto fomented the troubles, who lose 
 ground every day, and divide from each other. All subdi 
 visions are for peace with Great Britain on the old founda 
 tions" 
 
 The reduction of West Point had long been the hope of 
 the enemy ; but to accomplish it without loss of life would 
 indeed have been a triumph for Clinton and a most brilliant 
 conclusion to the campaign. Mr. Sparks has clearly mapped 
 
PLANS FOR SURRENDERING WEST POINT. 255 
 
 out the advantages he must have contemplated in this con 
 tingency. In the first place, the mere acquisition of a fortress 
 so important, with all its dependencies, garrison, stores, mag 
 azines, vessels, etc., was an achievement of no secondary 
 magnitude. The supplies gathered here by the Americans 
 were very great, and once lost could not have been readily, 
 if at all, restored. The works were esteemed our tower of 
 salvation ; an American Gibraltar, impregnable .to an army 
 20,000 strong. Even though yet unfinished, they had cost 
 three years labor of the army and $3,000,000 ; and were 
 thought an unfailing and secure resort in the last emer 
 gency. But the ulterior consequences of its possession were 
 of even greater importance. It would enable Sir Henry to 
 have checked all trade between New England and the cen 
 tral and southern states. It was, in Washington s eyes, the 
 bolt that locked this communication. The eastern states, 
 chiefly dependent for their corn-stuffs on their sisters in the 
 union, were commercial rather than agricultural communities ; 
 and the power that at once commanded the seaboard and the 
 Hudson might easily bring upon them all the horrors of 
 famine. From Canada to Long Island Sound a virtual bar 
 rier would have shut out New England from its supplies, as 
 the wall of Antonine barred the free and rugged Caledonians 
 from the Roman colonies and the south of Britain. A mod 
 ern writer, ridiculing the idea that the possession of West 
 Point would have been really serviceable to Clinton, diverts 
 himself with a picture of the hardy New England yeomanry 
 turning out for a week to reduce the hostile garrisons and re 
 turning to their farms in triumph ; but it may well be ques 
 tioned whether, with the river at its command, such a post as 
 West Point could have been so subdued in a week, or a 
 month, or in twenty years. But even these advantages were 
 of less moment than those more immediate. The French un 
 der D Estaing had already bickered with the Americans. It 
 was hoped that similar ill-blood might arise in Rochambeau s 
 camp, and be fanned into a flame. It was shrewdly and cor- 
 
25 G LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 rectly suspected by Clinton that the allies meditated a com 
 bined attack on New York. To execute this movement with 
 West Point strongly garrisoned by the British would be im 
 possible ; and nothing was more likely than that the French 
 should have all their jealousies aroused by the defection of 
 one of the most distinguished American generals, and the 
 surrender of the most important American citadel, on the 
 very ground of repugnance to the alliance. Ignorant of the 
 extent of the plot, it would be difficult for them to repose in 
 confidence with an American army by their side, and a Brit 
 ish before them and in their rear. Nations get experience 
 by such examples as that of Count Julian on the field of 
 Xeres ; and the failure of the campaign was the immediate 
 contingent result of Arnold s success ; the dissolution of the 
 alliance and the ruin of the American cause not a remote 
 one. 
 
 It was supposed that Washington s plan of attack was to 
 advance himself upon the lines at Kingsbridge and perhaps 
 menace Staten Island ; while the French, landing on Long 
 Island, should threaten New York from that quarter. To 
 meet and counteract this scheme, Clinton intended to receive 
 the surrender of West Point in the very moment when Wash 
 ington should have fairly resolved on his designs, gathered 
 all his necessary stores into West Point, and set his troops in 
 motion. Under pretence of an expedition to the Chesapeake, 
 which the Americans believed was on foot, the English ships, 
 with transports of a peculiar draught of water properly man 
 ned, were kept at a convenient place for immediate use ; and 
 the men destined for the service held ready for embarcation 
 at any moment. Of these was the corps commanded by Sim- 
 coe, from whom Clinton did not conceal his real designs, and 
 who was accordingly busied in procuring information. 
 
 " My idea of putting into execution this concerted plan with 
 General Arnold with most efficacy, was to have deferred it till 
 Mr. Washington, cooperating with the French, moved upon 
 this place to invest it, and that the Rebel Magazines should 
 
PLANS FOR SURRENDERING WEST POINT. 257 
 
 have been collected and formed in their several Depots, 
 particularly that at West Point. General Arnold sur 
 rendering himself, the Forts and Garrisons, at this instant, 
 would have given every advantage which could have been 
 desired : Mr. Washington must have instantly retired from 
 King s bridge, and the French troops upon Long Island 
 would have been consequently left unsupported, and prob 
 ably would have fallen into our hands. The consequent ad 
 vantage of so great an event I need not explain." * 
 
 On the 31st of August Clinton formally asked the king s 
 approbation of Andre as Adjutant-General, " whose faithful 
 discharge of the duties of that office for nearly a twelve 
 month have made me consider him as worthy of the appoint 
 ment." t There had already been some delay in changing 
 his provincial to a regular majority : and ministers perhaps 
 thought there was more of favoritism than merit at the bot 
 tom of all. To remove such inference, Dalrymple, Mathew, 
 and Pattison, who went over with this despatch, probably bore 
 oral information from Clinton of what Andre was concerned 
 in. The details were not yet to be safely trusted on paper to 
 the fortunes of the sea. Robertson refers to these generals, 
 on the 1st of September, as able to tell everything to the 
 minister that he is silent about, and on the 21st more plainly 
 intimates that government must know what great things the 
 General and Admiral were meditating : "So I will only 
 say in general that since the year 1777 I have not seen so 
 fair a prospect for the return of the revolted provinces to 
 their duty." In London, Mathew and the others on their 
 arrival gave out that it was all over with the Americans ; 
 that news would presently be received of an irreparable blow 
 that would ruin them forever. Their silence after tidings of 
 Andre s death came in induces the belief that they had been 
 trusted with and referred to Arnold s meditated treason. 
 
 * MS. Clinton s Desp. 11 Oct. 1780. State Paper Office: Received Nov. 
 13. 
 
 f MS. Clinton s Desp. 31 Aug. 1780. S. P. 0.; Rec. 14 Oct. 
 17 
 
258 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 How far soever the secret may have been confided in the 
 British camp, it was inviolably kept in the American; and 
 while Clinton was waiting the motions of the allies to strike 
 his blow, news of the total defeat of Gates at Camden in 
 duced him to suspend further steps till it appeared what 
 Washington s course would be. The reports of his spies 
 and the force still reserved, convinced him that New York 
 remained the object ; and Arnold soon confirmed this conclu 
 sion. For various reasons, however, the plan already con 
 certed of moving upon West Point was abandoned, and other 
 steps resorted to. It would seem that, despite Sir Henry s 
 language lately quoted, there was yet much to be arranged. 
 The time for approach and surrender might indeed be settled 
 in the mysterious and covert phrase of the correspondence 
 between Anderson and Gustavus ; but the manner of attack, 
 which was of course to turn on that of defence, and the price 
 of the performance, could not be so easily hit upon. From 
 what we can gather, it may be inferred Arnold s terms were 
 greater than Clinton thought reasonable ; and this very cir 
 cumstance may have induced the former to insist on an 
 agreement beforehand with an authorized agent. On the 
 other hand, Sir Henry was desirous (inconsistent with the 
 previously concerted arrangement as it may seem) to ver 
 ify Arnold s identity, and to settle beyond peradventure the 
 hour and means of his appearance before West Point. He 
 therefore agreed to the proposal that Andre should be sent 
 to meet him. Meanwhile the correspondence had been kept 
 up ;, the following is the letter that was perhaps sent in by 
 Heron : 
 
 ARNOLD TO ANDRE. 
 
 "August 30th, 1780. Sir : On the 24th instant I received 
 a note from you without date, in answer to mine of the 7th 
 of July, also a letter from your house of the 24th July, in 
 
 answer to mine of the loth, with a note from Mr. B . of 
 
 the 30th July ; with an extract of a letter from Mr. J. Os- 
 
LETTERS BETWEEN A^DRE AND ARNOLD. 259 
 
 born of the 24th. I have paid particular attention to the 
 contents of the several letters ; had they arrived earlier, you 
 should have had my answer sooner. A variety of circum 
 stances has prevented my writing you before. I expect to 
 do it very fully in a few days, and to procure you an inter 
 view with Mr. M e, when you will be able to settle 
 
 your commercial plan, I hope, agreeable to all parties. Mr. 
 
 M e assures me that he is still of opinion that his first 
 
 proposal is by no means unreasonable, and makes no doubt, 
 when he has had a conference with you, that you will close 
 with it. He expects, when you meet, that you will be fully 
 authorized from your House ; that the risks and profits of 
 the copartnership may be fully and clearly understood. 
 
 " A speculation might at this time be easily made to some 
 advantage with ready money ; but there is not the quantity 
 of goods at market which your partner seems to suppose, and 
 the number of speculators below, I think, will be against 
 your making an immediate purchase. I apprehend goods 
 will be in greater plenty, and much cheaper, in the course 
 of the season ; both dry and wet are much wanted and in de 
 mand at this juncture ; some quantities are expected in this 
 
 part of the country soon. Mr. M e flatters himself, that 
 
 in the course of ten days he will have the pleasure of seeing 
 you ; he requests me to advise you, that he has ordered a 
 
 draft on you in favor of our mutual friend S y for 300, 
 
 which you will charge on account of the tobacco. I am, in 
 
 behalf of Mr. M e & Co., Sir, your obedient humble 
 
 servant, GUSTAVUS. 
 
 " Mr. John Anderson, Merchant, 
 
 " To the care of James Osborne, to be left at the Reverend 
 Mr. Odell s, New York." 
 
 Translated from its commercial phraseology into plain 
 English, this letter teaches us that on the 7th July Arnold 
 had declared the probability of his obtaining the command 
 of West Point, and the inspection he had just made of its de- 
 
260 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 fences; and had written again on the 15th, when the projec 
 tions connected with the arrival of the French may have 
 been mentioned. The terms on which he was to surrender 
 were also doubtless named. To these Andre had replied in 
 two notes ; and, if we may suppose that B. stood for Beverly 
 Robinson and J. Osborn for Sir H. Clinton, communications 
 from these were likewise apparently conveyed. It may be 
 easily gathered also that the present strength of the garrison 
 both in militia and continentals was indicated ; and that the 
 feasibility of a coup-de-main, and the danger of the troops at 
 Verplanck s retarding such an undertaking, were suggested. 
 It will be observed that Gustavus writes as agent for Mr. 
 
 M e : elide the dash, and we have Mr. Me ; in other 
 
 words, himself. The reader will recollect Arnold s old 
 motto Sibi totique : it was indeed for himself that he now 
 acted. 
 
 In this letter, the demand for an interview with a confi 
 dential agent of Clinton s a man of Arnold s " own mensu 
 ration " with Andre in fact was repeated : and Clinton 
 agreed that the meeting should take place. Several fruitless 
 efforts two, at the least were made for this end. In 
 November, 1780, it was said in London that Commodore 
 Johnstone had received a letter from Rodney asserting that 
 Andre had twice safely met Arnold, and had even acted as 
 his valet-de-chambre : and that the miscarriage was due to 
 Clinton s hesitation to acquiesce in and instantly follow out 
 the plans then arranged. There seems little foundation for 
 this tale. 
 
 Rodney arrived at New York on the 14th September and, 
 taking command of that station, readily listened to Sir Hen 
 ry s desires : 
 
 " At this period, Sir George Rodney arrived with a fleet 
 at New York, which made it highly probable, that Washing 
 ton would lay aside all thoughts against this place. It be 
 came therefore proper for me no longer to defer the execu 
 tion of a project, which would lead to such considerable 
 
LETTERS BETWEEN ANDR& AND ARNOLD. 261 
 
 advantages, nor to lose so fair an opportunity as was pre 
 sented, and under so good a mask as the expedition to the 
 Chesapeake, which everybody imagined would of course take 
 place. Under this feint I prepared for a movement up the 
 North River. I laid my plan before Sir George Rodney 
 and General Knyphausen, when Sir George, with that zeal 
 for his Majesty s service, which marks his character, most 
 handsomely promised to give me every naval assistance in 
 his power. 
 
 " It became necessary at this instant, that the secret cor 
 respondence under feigned names, which had so long been 
 carried on, should be rendered into certainty, both as to the 
 person being General Arnold commanding at West Point, 
 and that in the manner in which he was to surrender himself, 
 the forts, and troops to me, it should be so conducted under a 
 concerted plan between us, as that the king s troops sent 
 upon this expedition should be under no risk of surprise or 
 counterplot ; and I was determined not to make the attempt 
 but under such particular security. 
 
 " I knew the ground on which the forts were placed, and 
 the contiguous country, tolerably well, having been there in 
 1777 ; and I had received many hints respecting both from 
 General Arnold. But it was certainly necessary that a 
 meeting should be held with that officer for settling the whole 
 plan. My reasons, as I have described them, will, I trust, 
 prove the propriety of such a measure on my part. General 
 Arnold had also his reasons, which must be so very obvious, 
 as to make it unnecessary for me to explain them. 
 
 " Many projects for a meeting were formed, and conse 
 quently several attempts made, in all of which General Ar 
 nold seemed extremely desirous, that some person, who had 
 my particular confidence, might be sent to him ; some man, 
 as he described it in writing, of his own mensuration. 
 
 " I had thought of a person under this important descrip 
 tion, who would gladly have undertaken it, but that his pecu 
 liar situation at the time, from which I could not release him, 
 
262 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRL\ 
 
 prevented him from engaging in it. General Arnold finally 
 insisted, that the person sent to confer with him should be 
 Adjutant- General Major Andre, who indeed had been the 
 person on my part, who managed and carried on the secret 
 correspondence." * 
 
 It was Arnold s wish that Andre, disguised as John Ander 
 son, a bearer of intelligence from New York, should meet 
 him at a cavalry outpost between Salem and North Castle, 
 on the west side of the Hudson ; and he notified Sheldon, its 
 commander, that he hoped to encounter in this manner a 
 valuable emissary. Of this too Andre was informed on the 
 3rd of September. But it was no part of the latter s plan to 
 enter our lines in disguise, and so much of the arrangement 
 as contemplated his doing so was at once thrown aside. On 
 the strength of Arnold s letter, however, he wrote to Sheldon 
 that he would come with a flag to the American outposts. 
 
 ANDERSON TO SHELDON. 
 
 New York, 7 Sept. 1780. SIR: I am told my name is 
 made known to you, and that I may hope your indulgence in 
 permitting me to meet a friend near your outposts. I will 
 endeavour to obtain permission to go out with a flag which 
 will be sent to Dobb s Ferry on Sunday next the llth at 
 12 o clock, when I shall be happy to meet Mr. G. Should 
 I not be allowed to go, the officer who is to command the 
 escort, between whom and myself no distinction need be 
 made, can speak on the affair. 
 
 Let me entreat you, Sir, to favour a matter so interesting 
 to the parties concerned, and which is of so private a nature 
 that the public on neither side can be injured by it. 
 
 I shall be happy on my part of doing any act of kindness 
 to you in a family or a property concern, of a similar nature. 
 
 I trust I shall not be detained but should any old grudge 
 be a cause for it, I should rather risk that than neglect 
 * Clinton to Lord G. Germain. Spark s Arnold, 168. 
 
PLANS FOR AN INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD. 263 
 
 the business in, question or assume a mysterious character to 
 carry on an innocent affair and as friends have advised get to 
 your lines by stealth. I am with all regard Yr. most hum 
 ble sert. JOHN ANDERSON. 
 
 This letter rather surprised Sheldon, to whom Anderson s 
 name had not before been mentioned ; but it answered its 
 object of putting Arnold on the lookout, for it was at once 
 transmitted to him. He artfully stated a case to disarm any 
 suspicion, and directed that if Anderson should come to 
 Sheldon s post, notice should be sent him by express and 
 the supposed intelligencer escorted to his head-quarters. At 
 the same time, on the allegation of business connected with 
 his post, he resolved to seek Clinton s agent at the appointed 
 time and place. He set out from West Point in his barge 
 on the afternoon of the 10th ; passed the night at Joshua 
 Smith s house; and on the morning of the llth descended 
 nineteen miles to Dobb s Ferry, where Andre waited with 
 Robinson to receive him. 
 
 Beverly Robinson was a gentleman of high standing. His 
 father, speaker of the Virginia legislature, was an early friend 
 to Washington, whose modesty and valor he complimented 
 in language that is yet remembered. The son was married 
 to a great heiress of the day, the daughter of Frederic 
 Philipse, and with her acquired large estates on the Hudson. 
 At his house Washington had met and sought to win the 
 younger sister and co-heiress. His country-seat in the High 
 lands, two miles from West Point but on the east side of the 
 river, was a large and handsome building surrounded by 
 pleasant orchards and gardens and environed by sublime 
 scenery. The American generals, considering it public prop 
 erty since its owner was in arms for the crown, were wont 
 to use it as their own : it was now Arnold s, and some time 
 Washington s head-quarters. There is a pleasant anecdote 
 of an entertainment given at Paris by Marbois to La Fayette 
 not long before his death. Americans and others were pres 
 
264 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 ent who had served in our war. At supper, the guests were 
 led into a strange, large, low apartment, like a farmhouse 
 kitchen, with one window and many small doors. On a 
 rough table were arrayed large dishes of meat and pastry, 
 bottles, glasses, silver mugs, &c. They gazed in surprise, 
 and memory faintly struggled to recall the scene, till La, 
 Fayette suddenly cried out, " Ah, the seven doors and one 
 window, and the silver camp-goblets such as the Marshal-; 
 of France used in my youth ! We are at Washington s* 
 head-quarters on the Hudson, fifty years ago ! " 
 
 Robinson s circumspect and cautious character were thought 
 needful to check the buoyancy of his comrade, and he was 
 likewise fully acquainted with the pending negotiations. In 
 deed it was probably through him that Arnold s first over 
 tures were made. But the large acquaintance and interests 
 he had in the region, and his knowledge of the country, made 
 his presence additionally desirable. 
 
 The interview was to occur on the east side of the river, 
 at Dobb s Ferry; but as Arnold drew near, one of those 
 circumstances which the pious man calls providence and the 
 profane calls luck, prevented an encounter that must in all 
 human probability have resulted in the consummation of the 
 plot. Some British gun-boats were stationed at the place, 
 which opened such a fire on the American barge that Ar 
 nold, though twice he strove hard to get on board, was put 
 in deadly peril of his life and obliged to fall back. How this 
 came to pass without Robinson s intervention we cannot im 
 agine ; for it is impossible but that an intimation from him 
 would have caused the firing to cease. Or had he repaired 
 with Andre and his flag to meet the solitary barge that evi 
 dently belonged to an officer of rank, an interview might at 
 once have been effected in the most plausible manner in the 
 world. The circumstances of the case would have rendered 
 it easy for Arnold to publicly say that he would, since they 
 were thus thrown together, waive the prerogative of rank that 
 otherwise mirht have induced him to refer the enemv s flaii 
 
PLANS FOR AN INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD. 265 
 
 to an officer of an equal grade, and to grant an interview on 
 shore. The condition of Robinson s estate was a ready pre 
 text for even a private reception ; and there was no obstacle 
 to Andre s being of the party. In the hope of being thus 
 followed, Arnold retired to an American post on the west 
 shore, above the ferry, where he remained till sundown: 
 but no flag came. It is scarcely possible that the statement 
 attributed to Rodney could have had an actual foundation 
 here. At all events, he went back that night to West 
 Point, and his coadjutor returned to New York. The fail 
 ure of the meeting can only be accounted for by supposing 
 that the English messengers were on the east bank of the 
 ferry when Arnold was fired at, and could not interfere in 
 season. They could hardly have been on the Vulture, since 
 its boat was lowered to pursue the American barge, which it 
 did so far and so vigorously as to have nearly captured it. 
 
 Hitherto, these transactions had been conducted with com 
 parative freedom, for neither Washington or any other officer 
 of very high rank being on the spot, Arnold was under no 
 control but a regard to appearances ; and he had plausible 
 reasons to give for every step he had taken. But a new 
 meeting must now be arranged at a moment when it was 
 known the Chief would be in the neigborhood on his route 
 to meet Rocharnbeau at Hartford. On the 13th, therefore, 
 he instructed Tallmadge at North Castle to bring Anderson 
 directly to him, should he present himself there. The caution 
 was needless. Andre had no idea of meeting him elsewhere 
 than on neutral ground or on a British deck. According to 
 Marbois (who is not, however, confirmed by any authorities 
 known to me), Clinton about this period warned Arnold that 
 unless the engaged surrender was speedily made, circum 
 stances might prevent its fulfilment ; and called at the same 
 time for plans and papers needful for his guidance. Arnold 
 replied to this effect : 
 
 "Notre maitre quitte le logis le 17 de ce mois. II sera 
 absent pendant cinq a six jours : profitons pour arranger nos 
 
266 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 affaires du temps qu il nous laisse. Venez, sans delai, me 
 trouver aux lignes, et nous reglerons deh nitivement les risq ues 
 et les profits de la societe. Tout sera pret ; mais cette en- 
 trevue est indispensable, et doit preceder Texpedition de notre 
 navire." * 
 
 Hardly, however, had the discomfited and disappointed 
 Andre returned to New York when events took a new turn. 
 There was no longer room for doubt that the negotiation 
 would be speedily and thoroughly effected. The chosen few 
 to whom the secret was known were elate with anxious joy ; 
 and even they who knew not the cause could not but reflect 
 in their countenances the satisfaction of their leaders, and the 
 belief that at length irreparable injury was to fall on the 
 American cause. " Let the Whigs enjoy their temporary 
 triumph," Avrote one of the best-informed loyalists about Clin 
 ton ; " I would have them indulged in, as I really think it is 
 one of the last they will enjoy." Tradition relates that there 
 were not a few who believed that Andre was engaged in an 
 affair that was about to ripen to a head, and from which, if 
 
 * Complot d Arnold, &c. 91. Marbois was in 1780 secretary here to Lu- 
 zerae s legation, and for long after French Consul-General, and Charge, lie 
 was of studious and reflective habits and sound parts. John Adams thought 
 him one of the best informed men in France. Gen. Cass says no foreigner 
 ever understood us so well, and few Americans better. His opportunities 
 were good; his intimacy with the leading men of the day gave him knowl 
 edge of their views about Arnold, whose business was constantly discussed 
 by the allies. All of Arnold s papers too were seized, both at West Point 
 and Philadelphia, and apparently scattered in various hands. Perhaps he 
 may thus have had access to information or documents now unknown. 
 Certainly some of his statements are not easily reconciled with the current 
 history of the time; but it is incredible that he should give, with quotation- 
 marks, translations of letters that had no existence but in his own imagin 
 ation. " Marbois writes tittle-tattle and I believe does mischief," wrote 
 Jav from the French court in 1783. The speeches that he puts in the 
 mouths of some of the chief actors under circumstances that render it im 
 possible they should have been reported, has license in long established 
 historical usage. Every author of a certain school feels at liberty to use 
 his hero s tongue as freely as Homer used those of Greeks and Trojans. 
 " Ces coquins," said Conde" to De Retz, "nous font parler et agir comme 
 ils auroieut fait eux-memes a notre place." 
 
ANDRE S LAST HOURS IX NEW YORK. 267 
 
 successful, he was to reap honors and reward. A baronetcy 
 and a brigadiership were with good show of probability reck 
 oned among his prospective gains. 
 
 There was nothing in the occurrences of the last moments 
 which Andre spent in New York to warn him of his nearly im 
 pending fate. No boding friend or weeping mistress presaged 
 evil to his plans ; and the times were vanished when sagacious 
 attendants brought such provident advices as Sir Gyron le 
 Courtois received from his faithful squire r " Sire, know that 
 my heart tells me sooth that if you proceed farther you nev 
 er will return ; that you will either perish there, or you will 
 remain in prison." So far from gloomy thoughts possessing 
 his soul, he appears to have in these parting scenes entered 
 even more freely than usual into the pleasures of the place. 
 Madame de Riedesel chronicles briefly the visit she received 
 from Clinton and himself on the day before his departure. 
 Nor was this a solitary example. Where now in New York 
 is the unalluring and crowded neighborhood of 2nd Avenue 
 and 34th Street, stood in 1780 the ancient bowerie or coun 
 try-seat of Jacobus Kip. Built in 1641 of bricks brought 
 from Holland, encompassed by pleasant trees and in easy 
 view of the sparkling waters of Kip s Bay on the East River, 
 the mansion remained even to our own times in possession 
 of its founder s line. Here spread the same smiling meadows 
 whose appearance had so expanded the heart of Oloffe the 
 Dreamer in the fabulous ages of the colony ; here still nodded 
 the groves that had echoed back the thunder of Hendrick 
 Kip s musketoon, when that mighty warrior left his name 
 to the surrounding waves. When Washington was in the 
 neighborhood, Kip s house had been his quarters ; when 
 Howe crossed from Long Island on Sunday, Sept. 15th, 
 1776, he debarked at the rocky point hard by, and his 
 skirmishers drove our people from their position behind the 
 dwelling. Since then it had known many guests. Howe, 
 Clinton, Knyphausen, Percy, were sheltered by its roof. 
 The aged owner with his wife and daughters remained, but 
 
268 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 they had always an officer of distinction quartered with tnem ; 
 and if a part of the family were in arms for Congress, as is 
 alleged, it is certain that others were active for the crown. 
 Jacobus Kip of Kipsburgh led a cavalry troop of his own 
 tenantry with great gallantry in De Lancy s regiment ; and 
 despite severe wounds survived long after the war, a heavy 
 pecuniary sufferer by the cause which with most of the land 
 ed gentry of New York he had espoused. 
 
 On September 19th Colonel Williams of the 80th, then 
 billeted here, gave a dinner to Clinton and his staff as a 
 parting compliment to Andre. How brilliant soever the com 
 pany, how cheerful the repast, its memory must have ever 
 been fraught with sadness to both host and guests. It was 
 the last occasion of Andre s meeting his comrades in life. 
 Four short days gone, the hands then clasped by friendship 
 were fettered with hostile bonds ; yet nine days more, and 
 the darling of the army, the youthful hero of the hour, had 
 dangled from a gibbet. 
 
 It was recollected with peculiar interest that when at this 
 banquet the song came to his turn, Andre gave the favorite 
 military chanson attributed to Wolfe, who sung it on the eve 
 of the battle where he died. 
 
 " Why, soldiers, why 
 Should we be melancholy, boys ? 
 Why, soldiers, why, 
 Whose business tis to die ! 
 For should next campaign 
 Send us to him who made us, boys, 
 We re free from pain: 
 But should we remain, 
 A bottle and kind landlady 
 Makes all well again." 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Robinson sent to Communicate with Arnold. Correspondence. Andr 
 goes to the Vulture. Correspondence with Clinton and Arnold. Joshua 
 Hett Smith selected as Arnold s Messenger. 
 
 THE arrival of Rodney on the 14th of September had 
 been followed by the receipt of fresh communications from 
 Arnold. On the 16th, Robinson was again sent up the river 
 on the Vulture, and that for the future there should be no 
 untimely interruptions from this vessel, its commander was 
 measurably instructed in what was going on. If any omen 
 might be derived from names, the Vulture was a fortunate 
 ship for the enterprise. She herself had been very success 
 ful against our privateers ; and thirty-five years before we 
 find a band of prisoners, some of them detained as spies, 
 (comprising not only the celebrated Home, in whose tragedy 
 Andre had delighted to bear a character, but Witherspoon, 
 now active for the Congress, and Barrow, in arms for the 
 king,) had escaped from Charles Edward s hands, and flying 
 from Doune castle by Tullyallan, were received on board the 
 sloop-of-war Vulture, Captain Falconer. 
 
 At Teller s Point, about fourteen miles as the crow flies 
 from Arnold s quarters, but of course more by way of 
 the river, the Vulture came to anchor within easy view of 
 King s Ferry and scarcely six miles from the works of Ver- 
 planck s and Stony Points. Hence Robinson on the 17th 
 dexterously conveyed information by a flag to Arnold of his 
 presence, and his readiness to aid the negotiation. His letter 
 was received at Verplanck s by Livingston, and forwarded to 
 head-quarters several miles above. 
 
 As Livingston played an important though an unwitting 
 
270 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDE. 
 
 part in the ruin of the plot, he may briefly be noticed here. 
 He was the same officer who under Montgomery had borne 
 so active share in the capture of Andre s regiment at Cham- 
 bly ; an amiable, well-informed young man, perfectly familiar 
 with the French tongue. He now commanded the chief out 
 post of West Point, a work of unusual construction, planned 
 by Gouvion, and hardly to be reduced without time, trouble, 
 and heavy artillery. Hither he was ordered with his regi 
 ment on August 4th ; the next day after Arnold, under whose 
 command he was placed, had been sent to West Point. Chas- 
 tellux remarks on a breakfast the Colonel gave him of beef 
 steaks, tea, and grog : his larder being as illy supplied as his 
 men s wardrobe, who were sent in because they were the 
 worst clad troops in the army, " so that one may form some 
 idea of their dress." 
 
 Several persons were dining with Arnold when Robinson s 
 letter was brought in. Carelessly glancing over it, he put it 
 in his pocket, and without secrecy mentioned its contents 
 which nominally were to ask an interview. Among the 
 guests was Colonel Lamb, the second in command, who also 
 had taken part in Andre s capture at St. Johns, and whose 
 jaw was broken by a musket ball with Arnold before Quebec. 
 He was too a good French linguist, and of much professional 
 skill, but of restless genius and a bad temper, said Mont 
 gomery ; brave, active, and intelligent, but very turbulent and 
 quarrelsome. He now urged solid reasons for refusing Rob 
 inson s request, pointing out to Arnold the occasion such an 
 interview would give for suspecting improper communica 
 tions ; and not resting satisfied with a promise to consult 
 Washington on the matter till he had ascertained from both 
 parties that the question was made and answered. Arnold, 
 however, showed Robinson s letter to Washington on the 
 evening of the 18th, as they crossed together at King s 
 Ferry ; and great must have been his chagrin at the pos 
 itive terms in which he was advised of the impropriety 
 of the chief commander of a post meeting any one himself. 
 
ROBINSON SENT TO ARNOLD. 271 
 
 He might send a trusty hand if he thought proper, but it was 
 better to have nothing to do with business that pertained to 
 the civil authorities. " I had no more suspicion of Arnold 
 than I had of myself," said the chief in relating this. This 
 discourse being in the presence of others discouraged him 
 from a step so plainly disapproved of by his superior. 
 
 There were several circumstances in this brief voyage, 
 noticed without suspicion at the moment, that were afterwards 
 recalled with fearful significancy. One was Arnold s unea 
 siness when, after carefully examining for some moments the 
 position of the Vulture, Washington closed his glass and in a 
 low tone gave an order or made a remark to those nearest 
 him. His words were inaudible to the traitor, whose heart 
 must have quaked lest his guilt should be their subject. Still 
 more palpable was his confusion when La Fayette turned to 
 him and said " General Arnold, since you have a corre 
 spondence with the enemy, you must ascertain as soon as pos 
 sible what has become of Guichen ! " The observation had 
 a natural origin in matters that had already passed between 
 himself and the company ; but now to his disturbed con 
 science it was pregnant with cause for fear. In a confused 
 and hasty manner, he abruptly demanded what La Fayette 
 meant by his remark; but in a moment recovering himself, 
 he subsided into silence. Ere the week was out, the witnesses 
 of the scene came to the conclusion that for the instant he 
 thought all was known and his arrest to occur on the spot. 
 
 But no such thing was dreamed of. Washington and his 
 suite passed tranquilly on their way ; Arnold accompanying 
 them as far as Peekskill, where he had provided for their re 
 ception and where he and they passed the night of Monday, 
 September 18th. The next morning they parted betimes, 
 each on his own course the one to Hartford, the other back 
 to West Point. This was the last occasion of Arnold s meet 
 ing the man who had discerned his merit when it was denied 
 and obscured by his first employer, Massachusetts ; who had 
 placed him high on the ladder of preferment, and had 
 
272 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR&. 
 
 steadily recognized, despite the clamor of Congress and his 
 subordinates, the existence of shining qualities, essential in 
 deed to a general but not of universal occurrence in our 
 army ; who had supported firmly his lawful pretensions 
 against the injustice of their common masters ; and to whose 
 unwearied integrity he owed not only his rank but his com 
 mand. On Arnold s part it is but fair to say that I have seen 
 nothing save his treason to induce me to believe him one of 
 Washington s enemies and maligners ; we know who some of 
 these were, and that Arnold was not their friend.* But hu 
 man ingratitude could hardly go beyond this sacrifice he was 
 now bent on of all the chief held dear to his own baser in 
 terests. Washington " went on his way, and he saw him no 
 more;" and with him went happiness, honor, and fame. 
 
 On the loth, Arnold under the usual disguise had written 
 to Andre, but there was probably a delay in the letter s trans 
 mission. Indeed the manner in which the correspondence 
 was all along conveyed is not yet known ; though at the time 
 Arnold took command Moody, the well-known partisan and 
 spy, was in duress at West Point, and his condition seems to 
 have excited the general s attention. If relations existed 
 between these two, there would be no difficulty in sending 
 messages to any quarter. When he answered Robinson s 
 letter on the 19th, however, and in general terms declined 
 receiving any communications except of a public nature, he 
 concealed within the folds of his ostensible note two others 
 of a very different tendency. Each of these documents is 
 erroneously dated as of the 18th. 
 
 ARNOLD TO ROBINSON. 
 
 September 18?/>, 1780. SIR: I parted with his Excel 
 lency General Washington this morning, who advised me to 
 
 * In Rivington s Gazette, Dec. 19th, 1778, is an assertion that Arnold 
 was engaged at that time with Minim, St. Clair, and Thompson, in an in 
 trigue to remove Washington ; but Rivington s unsupported authority in 
 such a matter is of little value. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 273 
 
 avoid seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds 
 of some people, which might operate to my injury. His 
 reasons appear to me to be well founded ; but, if I were of a 
 different opinion, I could not with propriety see you at pres 
 ent. I shall send a person to Dobb s Ferry, or on board the 
 Vulture, Wednesday night the 20th instant, and furnish him 
 with a boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his 
 secrecy and honor, and that your business of whatever na 
 ture shall be kept a profound secret ; and, if it is a matter in 
 which I can officially act, I will do every thing in my power 
 to oblige you consistently with my duty. To avoid censure, 
 this matter must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I 
 think it will be advisable for the Vulture to remain where 
 she is until the time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for 
 a gentleman in New York from one in the country on pri 
 vate business, which I beg the favor of you to forward, and 
 make no doubt he will be particular to come at the time 
 appointed. I am, &c. 
 
 P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on 
 Saturday night next, and will lay before him any matter you 
 may wish to communicate. 
 
 GUSTAVUS TO JOHN ANDERSON. 
 
 September 15th. SIR: On the llth at noon, agreeably 
 to your request, I attempted to go to Dobb s Ferry, but was 
 prevented by the armed boats of the enemy, which fired upon 
 us ; and I continued opposite the Ferry till sunset. 
 
 The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to 
 mention your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other 
 person. I have no confidant. I have made one too 
 many already, who has prevented some profitable specula 
 tions. 
 
 I will send a person in whom you can confide by water to 
 meet you at Dobb s Ferry at the landing on the east side, on 
 18 
 
274 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 Wednesday the 20th instant, who will conduct you to a place 
 of safety, where I will meet you. It will be necessary for 
 you to be disguised, and, if the enemy s boats are there, it 
 will favor my plan, as the person is not suspected by them. 
 If I do not hear from you before, you may depend on the 
 person s being punctual at the place above mentioned. 
 
 My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has about 
 ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a speculation if 
 any should offer, which appears profitable. I have also one 
 thousand pounds on hand, and can collect fifteen hundred 
 more in two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. 
 From these hints you may judge of the purchase that can be 
 made. I cannot be more explicit at present. Meet me if 
 possible. You may rest assured, that, if there is no danger 
 in passing your lines, you will be perfectly safe where I pro 
 pose a meeting, of which you shall be informed on Wednes 
 day evening, if you think proper to be at Dobb s Ferry. 
 Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of GUSTAVUS. 
 
 September 18th. The foregoing I found means to send 
 by a very honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the 
 16th, and I have no doubt you have received it. But as 
 there is a possibility of its miscarriage, I send a copy, and 
 am fully persuaded that the method I have pointed out to 
 meet you is the best and safest, provided you can obtain 
 leave to come out.* 
 
 * See Sparks s Wash, vii. 527; and " The Case of Major John Andre 1 , 
 Adjutant-General to the British Army, Who was put to Death by the 
 Rebels, October 2, 1780, Candidly Represented: with Remarks on the said 
 Case. If there were no other Brand upon this odious and accursed Civil 
 War, than that single Loss, it must be most infamous and execrable to 
 all Posterity. Lord Clarendon." New York, Rivington, 1780. 4to. 
 pp. 27. This rare tract was apparently drawn up with Clinton s knowl 
 edge, but probably never published. The only copy I have seen is made 
 up of the printer s proofs. The above letter differs from that given by 
 Mr. Sparks in containing the words by water in the third section, and all in 
 the fourth after Adieu. The fourth section omits also all to the word MteL 
 The preface to the tract is dated Nov. 28, 1780. 
 
ANDRE GOES TO THE VULTURE. 275 
 
 In his formal reply to Arnold s public letter, Robinson 
 enclosed the assurance that he would remain on board and 
 hoped that Anderson would come up. Meantime, those re 
 ceived were forwarded to New York; and Rodney as it 
 would seem was now, on the night of the 19th, called into 
 counsel on their consideration. To his active ready-witted 
 mind, there could have appeared little difficulty in pushing the 
 business through : and with some reluctance Clinton, whose 
 various capacities of statesman, general, and diplomatist com 
 bined to tinge with procrastination all he undertook, con 
 sented that Andre should go with a flag to Dobb s Ferry. 
 But all parties appear to have forgotten that adoption of the 
 Admiral s advice involved regard to his habits of action ; and 
 it is very certain that he would never have suffered the en 
 voy to go on shore without a reasonable assurance of his 
 getting back again. 
 
 Arrangements were speedily made. Andre wrote to Robin 
 son and Captain Sutherland of the Vulture, bidding them fall 
 down to the Ferry, and was in the end the bearer of his own 
 letters. Clinton gave him his parting orders, enjoining 
 everything that prudence could suggest, and especially 
 charging him to preserve his uniform and to avoid receiving 
 papers. On this last point indeed Sir Henry was ever pre 
 cise. In the spring of 1779, when a commissary was going 
 from New York to the Convention prisoners at Charlottes- 
 ville, he was commissioned with details for Phillips of the 
 manreuvres at Monmouth. As he related them, Clinton 
 sketched some hasty plans of the various evolutions of the 
 clay ; but recollecting himself, said " Clark, you must not 
 take these, for if the Americans find them on you, they ll 
 certainly hang you ; therefore only tell General Phillips, 
 that on that day I fought upon velvet: he will fully under 
 stand me." In fact, so far as can be judged, no papers from 
 Arnold were needed. His letter just given states clearly 
 enough his own effective force and Washington s : conversa 
 tion could have settled the plan of attack ; and Robinson and 
 
276 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 his loyal dependents must have furnished guides to every 
 gorge in the neighborhood of his ancient home. 
 
 Marbois gives a highly colored account of the scene be 
 tween Clinton and Andre on this occasion ; and whether 
 imagination or memory supplied its facts, there is a con 
 sistency in this part of his story which commands our atten 
 tion, if it does not receive our faith. The interview, he says, 
 was insisted on by Arnold as a condition precedent to any 
 further action. So far all had prospered to his wish. There 
 were heard none of those vague, sinister rumors that usually 
 attend the explosion of a conspiracy : never had a design 
 so prodigious more happily approached its appointed term. 
 This profound secrecy was owing to Arnold s care that the 
 matter should remain concealed in his own bosom and those 
 of Robinson and Andre ; and this was one of his motives for 
 wishing to place in no other hands the information needful to 
 bring matters to a head. But on the other part, he con 
 tinues, Clinton saw more danger than practical advantage in 
 the rendezvous. He had previously refused to sanction it 
 with his permission, and he now feared lest so many pre 
 cautionary measures should serve only to bring an unlucky 
 end to an enterprise that hitherto had progressed so smoothly, 
 but in so much danger. Andre, however, to whom great 
 share of the glory of success must ensue, burned with im 
 patience to play his part. He had even, says our chronicler, 
 conceived a hope more ambitious by far than the seizure of 
 the forts. He thought now to fix the surrender on the very 
 day of Washington s return to West Point, and thus to 
 crown his achievements with the capture of our main stay 
 and chief. But apprehending that Clinton would not view 
 this idea with favor, he contented himself with the request 
 to meet Arnold for the purposes already discussed. The 
 English general at length consented ; and Marbois pretends 
 to give (in translation, of course) the very words he spoke. 
 
 " Mon enfant," lui dit-il, " ton entreprise exige encore plus 
 de sagesse que d audace, conduis-la suivant ton desir jusqu a 
 
CORRESPONDENCE WITH CLINTON. 277 
 
 ce qu elle soit consomraee ; va trouver Arnold, puisque tu crois 
 la chose necessaire. Je connois ton courage, et, si ta pru 
 dence j repond, je suis assure du succes. Va, mon ami, finis 
 d un seul coup cette guerre ; ta famille est maintenant Ang- 
 laise. Tu seras done compte parmi les heros de notre pays, 
 et celebre chez tous les peuples et dans tous les siecles." 
 
 Early on the 20th, Andre started for Dobb s Ferry, whence 
 he proposed to send his letters to the ship. The tide was 
 with him, and he determined to push on to where the Vul 
 ture lay, rather than thwart Arnold s expressed wish by 
 altering her position. About seven p. M. he got on board 
 in Haverstraw Bay, a little above Teller s Point ; and the 
 night was passed in anxious expectation of the appearance 
 of his confederate. But no signal or message came ; and 
 morning found him bitterly disappointed. He feared too 
 that his absence would be noted at New York ; and that 
 which does not appear to have been the case he had him 
 self missed Arnold by coming to the ship, instead of waiting 
 at the Ferry. Unwilling, however, to lose the last chance, 
 he made an excuse to Clinton for his prolonged stay in a 
 note that might be safely read by any of the staff. 
 
 ANDRE TO CLINTON. 
 
 On board the Vulture, 21 Sept. 1780. SIR : As the tide 
 was favorable on my arrival at the sloop yesterday, I de 
 termined to be myself the bearer of your Excellency s let 
 ters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for it, having 
 caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return of a dis 
 order in my stomach, which had attacked me a few days ago, 
 that Capt. Sutherland and Col. Robinson insist on my re 
 maining on board until I am better. I hope to-morrow to 
 get down again. I have the honor, &c. 
 
 With this, which was received by Sir Henry on the day 
 of its date, was another and more important communication. 
 
278 LIFE Of MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 ANDRE TO CLINTON. 
 
 On board the Vulture, 21 September, 1780. SIR: I got 
 on board the Vulture at about 7 o clock last night ; and after 
 considering upon the letters and the answer given by Colonel 
 Robinson, " that he would remain on board, and hoped J 
 should be up," we thought it most natural to expect the Man 
 I sent into the Country here, and therefore did not think of 
 going to the Ferry. 
 
 Nobody has appeared. This is the second excursion I 
 have made without an ostensible reason, and Colonel Robin 
 son both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire 
 suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here 
 on pretence of sickness, as my inclosed letter will feign, and 
 try further expedients. Yesterday the pretence of a flag of 
 truce was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. 
 The boat was fired upon in violation of the customs of war. 
 Capt. Sutherland with great propriety means to send a flag 
 to complain of this to General Arnold. A boat from the 
 Vulture had very nearly taken him on the llth. He was 
 pursued close to the float. I shall favor him with a news 
 paper containing the Carolina news, which I brought with 
 me from New York for Anderson, to whom it is addressed, 
 on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.* 
 
 Andre had boarded the Vulture in the highest spirits, con 
 fident of success ; nor was even the cautious and circumspect 
 Robinson disposed to believe in a failure. In fact Robinson 
 was placed in his present position because, among other rea 
 sons, his character for clear-headedness stood as high as his 
 reputation for probity and honor ; and it was intended that 
 should the negotiation be consummated by Andre rather than 
 himself, he should at least exercise a wholesome check over 
 his coadjutor s buoyancy. At this moment, neither of them 
 seem to have dreamed of leaving the ship ; they thought on 
 
 * MS. Sir H. Clintou s Narr. 
 
SUTHERLAND TO ARNOLD. 279 
 
 the contrary that Arnold would come on board, and but for 
 one of those unexpected occurrences which, happening from 
 time to time to mock the wisdom of the wise and the valor 
 of the brave, it is probable that Andre would have returned 
 to New York unsuccessful but unscathed. It is by such 
 means that we are led oftentimes to ponder the saying of the 
 wise Fabius : eventus stultorum magister. 
 
 Traditional history relates that on the 20th of September, 
 some young men with their guns came to a farmer who was 
 pressing cider, and called for a draught from the mill. Per 
 haps to get rid of them, they were told that the Vulture was 
 anchored in the stream hard by. They went on to the shore, 
 and finding it even so, concealed themselves behind the rocks 
 while a white flag, or its semblance, was so displayed on the 
 strand as to invite the attention of the ship. A boat with a 
 responsive ensign was dispatched doubtless through Rob 
 inson s mediation, and in hope of communication with Arnold 
 to see what was wanted. So soon as it was within range 
 it was fired on by the ambuscade that had adopted this 
 treacherous mode of assailing the enemy, and which was 
 enabled by its position to fly to places of security on the 
 first sign of pursuit. It is occasion of shame to an Ameri 
 can to be compelled to relate how treason was thus blindly 
 fought by treason : since it was through this unjustifiable affair 
 that the interview between Andre and Arnold was induced, 
 and their consequent detection occasioned. For besides the 
 device of the newspaper, a complaint of the wrong, signed 
 indeed by Sutherland but countersigned by John Anderson, 
 secretary, and in his handwriting, was sent with a flag to 
 Arnold on the morning of the 21st. 
 
 SUTHERLAND TO ARNOLD. 
 
 Vulture, off Teller s Point, 21 September. SIR : I con 
 sider it a duty to complain of any violation of the laws of 
 arms, and I am satisfied that I now do it where I cannot fail 
 
280 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDFv. 
 
 to meet redress. It is therefore with reluctance I give you 
 the concern to know, that, a flag of truce having been yester 
 day shown on Teller s Point, I sent a boat towards the shore, 
 presuming some communication was thereby solicited. The 
 boat s crew on approaching received a fire from several 
 armed men, who till then had been concealed. Fortunately 
 none of my people were hurt, but the treacherous intentions 
 of those who fired are not vindicated from that circumstance. 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 Let us now turn to Arnold, and see what were his plans for 
 those communications that he had not dared to trust on paper. 
 
 Two miles and a half below Stony Point, in a square, 
 two-storied stone house that still stands on the llaverstraw 
 Road, dwelt a man of substance named Joshua Hett Smith. 
 His general reputation was that of a warm whig, but Lamb, 
 whose wife was a connection, seems to have set him down as 
 a disaffected person, and forbade any intimacy between the 
 households. In truth he appears to have been one of that 
 class who run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. His 
 brother the Chief-Justice, now a warm loyalist in New York, 
 was said by his fellows to have hung back till the conquest of 
 America was deemed certain. Another brother at London 
 was charged with seditious practices there. He himself, how 
 ever, was a man of education and intelligence ; and probably 
 was chiefly careful to keep on good terms with whomsoever 
 was uppermost, while in heart he preferred a reconciliation 
 with Britain on the terms then offered, to a continuance of the 
 war for Independence. He was withal a timorous, yet a pry 
 ing, bustling sort of character ; delighted to have a hand in 
 weighty affairs, but devoid of the nerve to carry him with 
 good assurance through their implications. 
 
 Familiar in his social habits, well acquainted with the 
 country and its inhabitants, and a landholder of some conse 
 quence, Smith had been usefully employed by the American 
 general Howe to bring intelligence to West Point, and it was 
 
JOSHUA HETT SMITH. 281 
 
 very natural Arnold should, on taking command, be soon 
 brought into relations with him. He was not long in sound 
 ing the character of the man, and resolving to make of him 
 a convenient tool. For though it is altogether likely that- 
 enough of the affair was confided to let Smith perceive he 
 was engaging in an intrigue detrimental to Congress and In 
 dependence, it is incredible that the whole of the portentous 
 secret should be committed to such a shallow vessel. But in 
 the friendly intercourse that arose, Arnold conveyed to Smith 
 the intention of employing him as a go-between to bring a 
 British agent within the American lines. With no other ev 
 idence than his own, it is difficult to say how far the revela 
 tions to Smith were carried : but the conflicting statements of 
 his Trial and his Narrative may be accounted for by the fact 
 that in the one case his life was at stake, and he sought to 
 make the best story he could for the Americans ; in the 
 other, he endeavored to vindicate his reputation with the 
 English. "With these lights, we may grope a little less 
 blindly in the maze of his contradictions. 
 
 Thus it would seem that Arnold had already disclosed the 
 ground he wished to stand on. He inveighed against the 
 French alliance, and dilated on the unnatural union between 
 a despotic monarch and an insurgent people fighting for free 
 dom. He expatiated on the reasonableness of the terms pro 
 posed by the Commissioners of 1778, which he averred were 
 proffered in all sincerity and good faith, and were fully ac 
 ceptable to the great mass of Americans. He insinuated 
 that Robinson was the bearer of propositions even more fa 
 vorable, and such as could not but deserve and receive ac 
 ceptance. He owned his desire for peace and his weariness 
 of a war in which he had to contend not only against the 
 arms of the enemy, but the persecution of the Pennsylvania 
 government and the entire ingratitude of Congress. " Smith," 
 said he, " here am I now, after having fought the battles of 
 my country, and find myself with a ruined constitution and 
 this limb " (holding up his wounded leg) " now rendered use- 
 
282 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDKlL 
 
 less to me. At the termination of this war, where can I seek 
 for compensation for such damages as I have sustained ?" It 
 is impossible not to recognize in this language that deep re 
 sentment of real and of fancied wrongs which had first bent 
 Arnold s mind to his present course. 
 
 Having resolved that his interview with the British mes 
 senger should be within the American lines, he fixed on 
 Smith s house for the stage, and its owner to conduct him 
 thither. By Smith s own account, this arrangement was 
 made about the 19th or 20th September; but the more prob 
 able theory of Mr. Sparks carries it back to the 14th or loth, 
 when Arnold met his wife there on her arrival and escorted 
 her up to his quarters. However this may be, the upshot of 
 the matter was that Smith consented to all that was asked. 
 He took his family to Fislikill, thirty miles from his residence 
 and about eighteen from head-quarters, that the house might 
 be empty ; and returning as directed to Robinson s House 
 on the 19th, received, says Mr. Sparks, the necessary papers 
 to pass to Dobb s Ferry or the Vulture on the evening of 
 the 20th, and bring away the expected agent. Smith indeed 
 asserts that Arnold himself brought them to his house at 
 Haverstraw: but the point is of little consequence. For 
 want of a boat or of boatmen, he did not fulfil his commission, 
 nor indeed was he very ardent to do so ; but he notified his 
 employer of the omission by an express during the night. It 
 must then have been Arnold s scheme to have passed the day 
 with Robinson or Andre at Smith s house, and to have sent 
 him back on the next night ; for Smith s note found him in bed 
 at head-quarters. It would appear that he had rather wished 
 Smith to find boatmen among his own tenantry than to em 
 ploy such as pertained to the regular service ; and had also 
 arranged for him a protection and a password by means of 
 which he might at any time traverse our lines on land or 
 water without hindrance. Riding down, however, after 
 breakfast to Verplanck s Point, and finding that an order on 
 the quartermaster to supply a light boat was unfulfilled, he 
 
JOSHUA HETT SMITH. 283 
 
 directed that his own or a barge he had sent for should be 
 carried into the creek by Smith s house as soon as it arrived. 
 At the same time he received from Livingston the letter that 
 had just been brought from the Vulture to inform him of 
 Andre s being on board. In the afternoon he crossed over to 
 Smith s and prepared for the adventures of the night. 
 On the preceding day Arnold had given Smith a pass : 
 
 Head- Quarters, Robinson House, September 20, 1780. 
 Permission is given to Joshua Smith, Esquire, a gentle 
 man, Mr. John Anderson, who is with him, and his two ser 
 vants, to pass and repass the guards near King s Ferry at all 
 times. B. ARNOLD, M. Genl. 
 
 This was intended doubtless for his voyage to the Vulture. 
 On the morning of the 21st, when he learned that the ex 
 cursion had not been made, he conceived it possible that he 
 might yet have to send to Dobb s Ferry : wherefore an 
 additional pass was given : 
 
 Head- Quarters, Robinson House, September 21, 1780. 
 Permission is given to Joshua Smith, Esq., to go to Dobb s 
 Ferry with three Men and a Boy with a Flag to carry some 
 Letters of a private Nature for Gentlemen in New York and 
 to return immediately. B. ARNOLD, M. Genl. 
 
 N. B. He has permission to go at such hours and times 
 as the tide and his business suits. B. A. 
 
 Smith had relied for boatmen on a couple of his tenants, 
 Samuel and Joseph Colquhoun : simple, honest men, he says, 
 accustomed to the water, and possessing his confidence. It 
 required, however, considerable expostulation, and the prom 
 ise of a handsome reward for compliance as well as threats of 
 punishment if they refused, ere they yielded to his wishes and 
 Arnold s. They were wearied already, and they distrusted a 
 night-voyage to the enemy. The watchword Congress was 
 

 
 284 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 given, which would secure them from interruption by our 
 guard-boats ; and both Smith and themselves were assured 
 that the business was well understood by the British officers 
 and the American, but that it was necessary for certain rea 
 sons to keep the matter from the tongues of the vulgar. At 
 last they yielded, and towards midnight of the 21st, the boat 
 pushed from the creek towards the Hudson. No flag was 
 displayed from its bow ; but the oarsmen as well as their 
 passenger testify that they were told by Arnold and actually 
 considered it was a flag-boat to the Vulture. How far the fact 
 that it was now an hour when a flag could not have been 
 seen if exhibited, and the passes just given, together with the 
 ensuing letter, go to justify this assertion, the military reader 
 must decide. Both Arnold and Smith charged the men to 
 have nothing to say to the crew, an injunction that was 
 probably entirely disregarded. In returning, the boat was 
 to make for a place at low-water mark on the west bank of 
 the Hudson, between King s Ferry and the ship, being the 
 Toot of a mountain called the Long Clove. This spot is 
 about five miles from Smith s house, and two below Hav- 
 erstraw ; and hither Arnold proceeded on horseback attend 
 ed by Smith s negro servant also mounted. The letter sent 
 to Robinson was as follows : 
 
 ARNOLD TO ROBINSON. 
 
 September 21, 1780. SIR: This will be delivered to 
 you by Mr. Smith who will conduct you to a place of Safety. 
 Neither Mr. Smith or any other person shall be made ac 
 quainted with your proposals. If they (which I doubt not) 
 are of such a nature that I can officially take notice of them, 
 I shall do it with pleasure. If not, you shall be permitted to 
 return immediately. I take it for granted Colonel Robinson 
 will not propose anything that is not for the interest of the 
 United States as well as himself. I am, sir, &c. 
 
ARNOLD S LETTER TO ROBINSON. 285 
 
 The art of this letter will be observed. Had it been in 
 tercepted, its writer might have been condemned for impru 
 dence, but hardly compromised further. It would be easy 
 for him to allege a conviction that Robinson was prepared to 
 regain his estate at the cost of his honor. 
 
 Their oars carefully muffled with sheepskins, the voyagers 
 passed noiselessly from the creek into the river. It was the 
 tail of ebb as they glided softly and unnoticed under the shad 
 ow of the shore into full view of the works of Stony Point ; 
 and as their boat silently speeded along with a favoring tide, 
 they drew fresh energy from the consciousness of uninterrup- 
 tion. The sky was serene and clear, and everything hushed 
 and still. Little was said on the way. The twelve miles 
 between King s Ferry and Teller s Point were soon over 
 passed, and the spars of the Vulture rose in view indistinct 
 through the gloom. As they came near, they were hailed 
 from the ship, and brought to by her side. By this time the 
 tide was young flood, and the three men stood up in the boat 
 fending off from the Vulture till Smith was ordered to come 
 on board. Some rude salutations were passed by the officer 
 of the deck ; and in a moment a ship-boy appeared, and bade 
 the visitor descend to the captain s cabin. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Andre" leaves the Vulture. Interview with Arnold and its Results. 
 Plans for Return. Sets out with Smith by Land. 
 
 ON entering the cabin Smith was politely received by his 
 old acquaintance Robinson who, in full regimentals, was 
 probably awaiting Arnold s arrival. He was presented to 
 Sutherland, who lay ill in his berth ; and offered a seat. 
 Robinson then proceeded to the perusal of the letter ; after 
 which, apologizing for a momentary absence and ordering 
 refreshments to be brought, he left the room. During the 
 fifteen or twenty minutes that elapsed, Smith says he took 
 the opportunity of commenting on his rough reception on 
 deck. The captain s politeness made him amends, and the 
 conversation then turned on indifferent subjects. 
 
 Meanwhile, Robinson and Andre (who was at the time in 
 bed) were pondering on Arnold s letter. As the former was 
 not named in the pass he declined, and probably did not 
 wish, to go himself to the shore ; and Marbois says that he 
 earnestly urged Andre not to go. For his own part, he posi 
 tively refused to leave the ship ; but I find no evidence that 
 he questioned the lawfulness of his companion s doing so. 
 The letter and passes were examined by the three British 
 officers ; and they all thought that Andre at least might un 
 der them seek the shore without derogation to the customs 
 of war. Nor did the feigned name by which he went alter 
 the case in their opinion, since it was assumed by request of 
 the general issuing the safe-conduct, whose authority to grant 
 such documents was in this district supreme and unquestion 
 able. Andre was therefore not to be balked, nor willing to 
 
ANDR LEAVES THE VULTURE. " / 287 
 
 risk the loss of so valuable a prize by refusing the last 
 chance of coming to terms with the American leader. Dur 
 ing the night of the 20th, and all through the 21st, he had 
 anxiously anticipated the expected flag, and was full of fear 
 lest some misadventure had occurred; and on the moment 
 of Smith s arrival, he hurried from his bed and was impatient 
 to be gone. He evidently considered himself exposed to no 
 other risk than that of being perhaps detained by Arnold 
 or by some other American ; certainly he was careful to 
 refuse anything that might prevent his claiming from an 
 enemy the privileges of his quality. Sutherland suggested 
 that he might wish to lay off his regimental coat, and offered 
 him other apparel ; but the proposal was not accepted. He 
 had Clinton s orders, he said, to go in his uniform, and by no 
 means to relinquish his character ; and added that he had 
 not the least fear for his safety, and was ready to attend 
 Arnold s messenger, when and where he pleased. It would 
 certainly appear as though he at least had contemplated all 
 along the plan of going to Arnold if Arnold would not come 
 to him. 
 
 When therefore Robinson reentered the cabin he was ac 
 companied by Andre, whom Smith had not yet seen and to 
 whom, as Anderson, he was now introduced by Robinson 
 with the remark that he himself should not go on shore, but 
 that this person was authorized by Arnold to take his place. 
 Andre was evidently equipped for the journey. Over his 
 uniform was a large blue watch-coat, such as might appro 
 priately be worn in a September night upon the water ; and 
 his large boots were visible below. Whether this surtout al 
 together hid the clothing beneath from the boatmen may be 
 doubted ; it did not from Smith, and it is evident they all 
 knew themselves engaged in a business that was not without 
 suspicion, though at the future investigation they declared 
 the most entire ignorance of everything that was not already 
 in proof. Before leaving the ship, moreover, Smith says he 
 told the captain of the size of his boat and the probable dif- 
 
288 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDKlL 
 
 ficulty of returning, and asked for the loan of two oarsmen 
 from the crew : which request was denied. I much ques 
 tion whether, at the distance of time when this statement was 
 published, its exact purport may not have become a little 
 obscured. If the demand was made it would probably have 
 been complied with, for Andre must have expected to return 
 that night ; and when as they were about to start, Robinson 
 suggested that so large a boat with but two oars would be 
 long on the way, and urged that the Vulture should send her 
 yawl to tow them as far as convenient, Smith declined the 
 offer lest a water-patrol should encounter them, and consider 
 the presence of the English an infringement of the flag. In 
 the former case, to be sure, the two new men would have 
 been nominally covered by the pass ; but in either, as it 
 turned out, it had been well for the British to have car 
 ried out the suggestion. No guard-boat was in the way ; 
 the Vulture s armed barge might have safely come and gone ; 
 and two of her seamen in Smith s boat would have brought 
 
 O 
 
 Andre back unharmed and undiscovered. But all parties on 
 board seem to have considered it certain that Arnold s pass 
 protected him from danger, and that he was sure to be 
 returned as he went ; else, says Sutherland, measures for 
 bringing him off whenever he chose by the Vulture s boats 
 could have been easily concerted and accomplished. It is 
 indeed a marvel that on such an errand a man should ven 
 ture into the lion s den, without taking every precaution to 
 ensure a safe retreat. Had the ship s boat followed Smith s 
 at a guarded distance, remained under the shore a few hun 
 dred yards off, and approached in due season, no suspicion 
 would have been excited or discovery ensued. It was known 
 that the tide would be strongly against a return, and it is not 
 likely that Smith did not name the conspicuous place whither 
 he was now to steer : a place far below the American lines. 
 The lateness of the night with these other circumstances would 
 have almost compelled an astute officer to insist that his own 
 boat should appear with a sufficient crew at a concerted 
 
ANDRfi LEAVES THE VULTURE. 289 
 
 place and time. Happily for America this was not so ar 
 ranged, and it is far from improbable that the chief actors 
 were too much excited and confused to give sufficient heed 
 to the remoter emergencies of their undertaking. 
 
 Several of the crew who had dropped into the boat to chat 
 with the Colquhouns were now ordered out ; and taking the 
 helm Smith pushed away. Little was said, and that but about 
 the tide and the weather, as he conveyed Andre to the Long 
 Clove. He indeed alleges that he had mentioned that he 
 was to bring his companion to his own house, and that a 
 horse was provided at the shore for this end ; but it is prob 
 able Arnold had nevertheless some notion of settling all the 
 business at the water-side, though he provided for another 
 contingency. When the boat reached the strand Smith left 
 it, and picking his way through the darkness found Arnold 
 at an appointed place higher up the bank in the concealment 
 of the trees : " he was hid among firs," says Smith with 
 emphasis. When told of the result of the mission and that 
 Robinson s delegate, whose youth and gentleness had not 
 argued the possession of a weighty trust, was in waiting be 
 low, he exhibited great agitation and expressed a regret that 
 Robinson himself had not come ; but bade the stranger to be 
 led to him. This done, Smith was requested to retire to the 
 boat and leave them together. The wearied oarsmen sank 
 into slumber while their landlord, his vanity evidently chaf 
 ing at his exclusion from the conversation, and his body 
 trembling with ague, uneasily awaited on the shingle the ter 
 mination of the interview. When the night began to wane 
 he at last went back and warned the conspirators that it was 
 time to be moving. He indeed declares that both Arnold 
 and Andre joined with him in importuning the boatmen to 
 return once more to the Vulture ; and that they refused not 
 only because of their fatigue, but because daybreak would 
 overtake them on the way, and arrangements had been made 
 to cannonade the vessel as soon as it was light. " You can 
 reach the ship, and be far enough," said Andre, by Smith s 
 19 
 
290 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 account, "before that can happen ; and the same flag that 
 carried you to the ship will make you safe on your return to 
 General Arnold s command." This indeed may have been 
 said by or to Smith himself; but the boatmen testified that 
 they saw nothing of Arnold or of Andre after the landing : 
 that a noise in the thicket was all they heard ; and that 
 Smith s persuasions for them to go back were very languid. 
 It is clear that the arrangements were not yet finished, 
 or else that Smith was ignorant of the momentous nature of 
 the affair he was now involved in. His influence might un 
 doubtedly have compelled the men to return ; and had he 
 fully perceived the importance of so doing, he surely would 
 have exercised it. Even were the trip concluded in daylight, 
 it would have been safer for him, had he known all, to have 
 had the men detained with the boat on the Vulture till a 
 week had elapsed and the plot fulfilled. Perhaps he was a 
 little sullen at the cavalier treatment he had received, and 
 indifferent to Andre s concern for retreat. But Mr. Sparks 
 is of opinion that the true reason for Andre s not going back 
 this night was the unfinished condition of the business. I 
 take it, however, that it was just one of those cases in which 
 men are governed by the circumstances of the moment : that 
 were the Colquhouns willing Andre had been sent back ; but 
 as they were not so, and as there were motives for prolong 
 ing the interview, Arnold did not press them. For though 
 he might have here given Andre the papers afterwards found 
 upon him, and the principal details of the manoeuvres to 
 be executed by Clinton, it was impossible in the darkness 
 to thoroughly explain the details. He had brought from 
 head-quarters on the morning of the 21st the large official 
 plans of the general works at West Point and of each par 
 ticular work, that were prepared by the engineer Duportail. 
 It was hardly possible, even with a dark lantern, to examine 
 these in the place where he was. He might have had them 
 with him to give to Andre if he returned to the Vulture: 
 more probably they were left at Smith s house to be ex- 
 
INTERVIEW WITH ARXOLD AXD ITS RESULTS. 291 
 
 hibited and explained at greater leisure. As matters now 
 stood, therefore, Smith and his men took the boat back 
 towards their starting-place, while the horse his negro ser 
 vant had ridden was mounted by Andre, who in company 
 with Arnold hastened to the house, three or four miles 
 distant. 
 
 As they passed from the woods by the water into the main 
 road, the sky was still dark with that peculiar gloom which 
 precedes the dawn. Midway on their path lay the little 
 hamlet of Haverstraw. It must be remembered that, as we 
 have every reason to believe, it was Andre s wish and stipu 
 lation that he should not be taken within apy of our posts. 
 Now, as he entered Haverstraw, the hoarse challenge of the 
 sentry was the first intimation he had that his design was to 
 this extent thwarted. Mr. Cooper (by what authority unless 
 La Fayette s I know not) says Andre confessed afterwards 
 that on this interruption he thought himself lost. La Fayette 
 forty years later seems to have stated as an opinion current 
 in the army at the time, that Arnold had posted guards here 
 where none for some time were before, to give- color to the 
 declaration, should he be detected, that his only motive was 
 to decoy and secure an enemy ; and Hamilton refers to the 
 existence of the same notion. This theory, if carried beyond 
 a very narrow bound, is confuted by the other facts of the 
 case. Marbois remarks also on Andre s displeasure at this 
 encounter : but it was now too late to complain. Smothering 
 his resentment he followed Arnold to Smith s house, where 
 they arrived in the gray of the morning of the 22nd. Some 
 little space after, the owner of the mansion appeared. 
 
 The unusual occurrence of an enemy s ship lingering so 
 long in their neighborhood had roused the fears and the anger 
 of the inhabitants and the troops at Verplanck s. Her posi 
 tion was accurately reported to the commander. She was 
 moored under Teller s Point, a large tongue of land which 
 projects from the eastern shore into the Hudson on the north 
 side of the mouth of the Croton River ; and so near to the 
 
292 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 bank that she touched bottom at low water. Livingston there- 
 
 O 
 
 fore had applied to Arnold for two heavy guns, with which he 
 was confident he could sink her ; but the request was eva 
 sively denied. He then on his own responsibility carried a 
 four-pounder to a lesser promontory of Teller s, known as 
 Gallows Point ; and at daylight of the 22nd, taking advan 
 tage of the moment of low tide, commenced such an inces 
 sant discharge on the vessel that for a time she " appeared to 
 be set on fire " ; and had she not floated off with the flood 
 and dropped down beyond range, she probably would have 
 been taken. Attracted by the noise, Andre repaired to a 
 window which commanded a view of the Vulture, and gazed 
 painfully at her as she passed down the stream. He did not 
 attempt to hide from his companions his annoyance at her 
 change of place : but breakfast being served, the three sat 
 down together with a show of tranquillity. The conversation 
 turned on Arbuthnot and the fleet ; the royal army and its 
 condition ; nothing of a particular nature was said on any 
 side. After breakfast, Arnold and Andre retired to an upper 
 chamber where, secure from interruption, they were closeted 
 for hours arranging the details of their affair. 
 
 Without a certain knowledge of what transpired, we are 
 still enabled to follow with comparative confidence the line 
 of engagements entered into. On the one hand, Arnold was 
 perfectly aware of the value of what he was to give up, and 
 expected to be paid handsomely. Clinton was as willing to 
 buy as he to sell : he was, in his own words, ready to con 
 clude the bargain " at every risk and at any cost." Long 
 time had circumstances separated these currents " which 
 mounting, viewed each other from afar and strove in vain 
 to meet " ; arid now when the parties were at last in contact, 
 it is impossible that the terms of union were not agreed on. 
 Marbois says Arnold s success was to have been rewarded 
 with 30,000 and the preservation of his rank ; and that in 
 his excess of caution he even wished the money put within 
 his control in advance. 
 
INTERVIEW WITH ARXOLD AXD ITS RESULTS. 293 
 
 The plan of attack and defence was also settled. With an 
 eye to this contingency Arnold had more than once declared 
 his intention in case of assault to receive the enemy in the 
 defiles that led to the works, and repulse them ere they ap 
 proached the walls. Dearborn, Livingston, and his other 
 subordinates who had heard not with perfect conviction this 
 resolution, would thus be prepared to obey on occasion with 
 out suspicion. Washington seems to have been imbued with 
 his ideas : at all events, he directed him in case of serious 
 demonstration to abandon the posts at King s Ferry and con 
 centrate everything at West Point. Nothing could have 
 suited him better : for Verplanck s at least was designed 
 and adapted to detain for some days a foe s progress up the 
 stream. And with a general of Arnold s character, such 
 a line of defence had its apparent advantages ; the more, 
 since his people could always fall back into the works. But 
 that these should be as little useful as possible, he had, by 
 dismounting the heaviest guns, throwing down parts of the 
 masonry, &c., in various ways and under the fairest pretences 
 of adding to its strength, put the fortress into such a state as 
 even with a faithful commander it might have been insecure. 
 A breach was made in the walls of Fort Putnam through 
 which a section could march abreast ; and nothing but a few 
 loose boards closed the aperture. No covering was provided 
 for the troops in the redoubts. A place of debarcation, known 
 as Kosciusko s -Landing, was left entirely unprotected by any 
 of our works ; and so defective were the police arrangements 
 that it was by no means difficult for a stranger to enter the post 
 itself, or an enemy s boat to pass undetected up the river.* 
 
 Matters being thus prepared, it was settled that Andre 
 was to return directly to New York, and forthwith come 
 again with Clinton and Rodney, who should advance against 
 
 * 3fS. St. Clair to Greene ; Oct. Sth, 1780. Returns of the same date 
 preserved in the Heath MSS. show 125 pieces of ordnance of all calibres in 
 the works at that period, together with 1817 muskets and numerous other 
 military stores. The largest guns were twenty-four pounders. 
 
294 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 West Point by land and water. The route, the place of 
 debarcation, all was agreed upon : and while our men should 
 be detached in various bodies to remote and separated gorges, 
 the English through the unguarded passes were to fall on 
 them in front and in rear, and so dispose of their bands as 
 to encompass and capture in detail our betrayed soldiery. 
 Hemmed in on every side by rugged acclivities or superior 
 forces, there would be no alternative but to yield or be mowed 
 down. The very guns and other signals to announce Clin 
 ton s progress were prescribed. That no misunderstanding 
 should occur, the large and elaborate official plans of the 
 forts and the surrounding country were spread before the 
 negotiators ; and there were plenty of men in the royal camp 
 who were competent guides to every mountain path and de 
 file. Indeed Clinton himself was well acquainted with the 
 ground as far as King s Ferry, and, as we are told, had 
 visited,. West Point itself in 1777, ere yet the works were 
 erected. That Rodney s flotilla might meet with no diffi 
 culty, Arnold had taken a most secure precaution. A mighty 
 chain, each link of which weighed 240 pounds, was carried 
 by anchors and huge buoys across the stream to obstruct the 
 passage of a hostile fleet ; and water-batteries were so placed 
 as to crush any attempts to destroy or remove it. Under 
 pretence of necessary repairs, he had a link withdrawn, which 
 was not to be replaced for some days : and meantime a slight 
 knot, that would yield to almost any concussion, was the only 
 bond that held the boom together and preserved the false 
 semblance of a real impediment. Marbois tells us that when 
 Clinton should be within three miles of the place, two of his 
 officers in American uniforms were to come at full gallop to 
 Arnold s quarters, receive his final words, and hasten back to 
 Rodney. Then the Americans remaining in the works were 
 to be stationed in positions that should not be attacked ; for 
 it must be borne in mind that West Point was so constructed 
 that the possession of its superior fortresses gave command 
 of all the others. He also alleges that the 25th or 26th Sep- 
 
INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD AND ITS RESULTS. 295 
 
 tember was assigned for the consummation of the conspiracy ; 
 and seems to connect this with a proposal urged by Andre 
 but resisted by Arnold for the seizure of Washington and his 
 suite, who would then be on return from Hartford. Wash 
 ington and Hamilton however concur in thinking this scheme 
 was not planned. A British subaltern gives the version of 
 the notions entertained at the time in the best unofficial cir 
 cles of the king s army : ." The plan, had not Major Andre 
 been discovered, was that Sir Hy. Clinton on a certain day 
 agreed upon between him and Genl. Arnold was to lay siege 
 to Ft. Defiance. Genl. Arnold was immediately to send to 
 Washington for a reinforcement, and before that could arrive 
 to surrender the place. Sir Henry was then to make a dis 
 position to surprise the reinforcement, which probably would 
 have been commanded by Genl. Washington in person. Had 
 this succeeded, it must have put an end to the war." * How 
 ever this be it is very certain, as Heath remarks, that Andre s 
 capture was in a very critical moment and prevented the 
 most serious consequences to our cause. 
 
 We now come to the most extraordinary part of the whole 
 transaction ; the committal by Arnold, who had hitherto been 
 so very wary, of those papers to Andre which, discovered, 
 blasted the entire affair. These were not of a nature to be 
 of absolute service to Clinton. They were not plans of the 
 country or of the forts. They contained nothing that might 
 not have been carried in their bearer s memory. A sylla 
 bus of their most important contents might have been con 
 veyed in a memorandum of two lines innocent in purport or 
 unintelligible to any but its maker. But they were docu 
 ments that could not have come from any hand but Arnold s 
 own, and their possession would enable Clinton to compel a 
 fulfilment of his engagements. My theory therefore is that 
 they were either tendered by Arnold or exacted by Andre 
 as a pledge of fidelity. Perhaps Andre was already distrust 
 ful by reason of his inveiglement into our lines ; perhaps he 
 * Mathew MS. 
 
296 LIFE OF MAJOR AKDRF.. 
 
 dreaded in the hour of performance a betrayal of the plot 
 such as was witnessed at Seaton-Niddrie in the Douglass 
 Wars ; but evidently the papers he now took in hand against 
 his general s orders were not necessary for his general s in 
 struction. They were six in number. 
 
 (1.) An Estimate of the forces at West Point and its de 
 pendencies, Sept. 13th, 1780: showing a total of 3086 men 
 of all sorts. 
 
 (2.) An Estimate of the number of men necessary to man 
 the works at West Point and its vicinity, showing a total, ex 
 clusive of the artillery corps, of 2438 troops. 
 
 (3.) Artillery Orders issued by Major Bauman, Sept. 5th, 
 1780, showing the disposition of that corps in an alarm. 
 
 (4.) Major Bauman s return of the Ordnance in the dif 
 ferent forts, batteries, &c. at West Point and its dependencies, 
 Sept. 5, 1780 : showing the distribution of 100 pieces. 
 
 (5.) Copy of a statement of the condition of affairs sub 
 mitted by Washington to a Council of War, Sept. 6th, 1780. 
 
 (6.) " Remarks on Works at Wt. Point, a Copy to be trans 
 mitted to his Excell y General Washington, Sep r 1780. 
 
 Fort Arnold is built of Dry Fascines and Wood, is in a 
 ruinous condition, incompleat, and subject to take Fire from 
 Shells or Carcasses. 
 
 Fort Putnam, Stone, Wanting great repairs, the wall on the 
 East side broke down, and rebuilding From the Foundation ; 
 at the West and South side have been a Chevaux-de-Frise, 
 on the West side broke in many Places. The East side 
 open ; two Bomb Proofs and Provision Magazine in the 
 Fort, and Slight Wooden Barrack. A commanding piece 
 of ground 500 yards West, between the Fort and No. 4 
 or Rocky Hill. 
 
 Fort Webb, built of Fascines and Wood, a slight Work, 
 very dry, and liable to be set on fire, as the approaches are 
 very easy, without defenses, save a slight Abattis. 
 
 Fort Wyllys, built of stone 5 feet high, the Work above 
 
PAPERS TAKEN BY ANDRE. 297 
 
 plank filled with Earth, the stone work 15. feet, the Earth 9 
 feet thick. No Bomb Proofs, the Batteries without the Fort. 
 
 Redoubt No. 1. On the South side wood 9 feet thick, the 
 Wt. North and East sides 4 feet thick, no cannon in the 
 works, a slight and single Abattis, no ditch or Pickett. Can 
 non on two Batteries. No Bomb Proofs. 
 
 Redoubt No. 2. The same as No. 1. No Bomb Proofs. 
 
 Redoubt No. 3, a slight Wood Work 3 Feet thick, very 
 Dry, no Bomb Proofs, a single Abattis, the work easily set 
 on fire no cannon. 
 
 Redoubt No. 4, a Wooden work about 10 feet high and 
 fore or five feet thick, the West side faced with a stone wall 
 8 feet high and four thick. No Bomb Proof, two six-pound 
 ers, a slight Abattis, a commanding piece of ground 500 
 yards Wt. 
 
 The North Redoubt, on the East side, built of stone 4 
 feet high; above the Stone, wood filled in with Earth, very 
 Dry, no Ditch, a Bomb Proof, three Batteries without the 
 Fort, a poor Abattis, a Rising piece of ground 500 yards So., 
 the approaches Under Cover to within 20 yards. The Work 
 easily fired with Faggots diptd in Pitch, &c. 
 
 South Redoubt, much the same as the North, a Command 
 ing piece of ground 500 yards due East 3 Batteries with 
 out the Fort." 
 
 These were all in Arnold s writing save the fourth, and 
 the sixth alone was of sufficient moment to warrant more 
 than the briefest syllabus of its contents ; and even this last, 
 one would think, might have been digested into a compact 
 note, incomprehensible without a clue. To his having the 
 originals, however, Andre owed his detection. But when he 
 took them, it would seem he had expected to return by water 
 as he came ; and to Arnold s warning to destroy them should 
 accident befall the bearer he replied that such "of course 
 would be the case, as when he went into the boat he should 
 have them tied about with a string and a stone." Meantime 
 
298 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 Arnold made Andre take off his boots, and conceal three of 
 the documents between each stocking and the sole of his foot. 
 It is not likely these dangerous testimonials would have 
 been received had their bearer not still believed himself des 
 tined to go to the Vulture, which was now returned to the 
 vicinity of her former position. Before ten A. M. of the 
 22nd, Arnold took his farewell and set off in his barge for 
 head-quarters. " Before we parted," says Andre, " some 
 mention had been made of my crossing the river and go 
 ing another route ; but I objected much against it, and 
 thought it^-was settled that in the way I came I was to re 
 turn." / But that it was not definitely so arranged appears 
 from Arnold s injunction that if he went by land he should 
 exchange his uniform coat for another to be supplied by 
 Smith. To this, though pressed peremptorily, Andre yielded 
 a reluctant consent. " I was induced to put on this wretched 
 coat ! " said he afterwards, touching the sleeve of his disguise. 
 The following safe-conducts were also calculated for either 
 passage : 
 
 Head Quarters, Robinson s House, Sep r 22d, 1780. 
 Joshua Smith has permission to pass with a boat and three 
 hands and a flag to Dobb s Ferry, on public business, and to 
 return immediately. B. ARNOLD, M. Gen. 
 
 Head Quarters, Robinson s House, Sep r 22d, 1780. 
 Joshua Smith has permission to pass the guards to the White 
 Plains, and to return ; he being on public business by my di 
 rection. B. ARNOLD, M. Gen. 
 
 Head Quarters, Robinson s House, Sep r 22d, 1780. 
 Permit Mr. John Anderson to pass the guards to the "White 
 Plains, or below, if he clmses. He being on Public Busi 
 ness by my Direction. B. ARNOLD, M. Gen. 
 
 "When Arnold was gone, Andre passed the anxious day in 
 waiting for Smith to take him off. His host s whole account 
 of the affair is so shuffling and evasive, and so contradicted 
 
PLAXS FOR RETURN. 299 
 
 by the evidence of his own Trial, that we are compelled to 
 suppose him from first to last conscious of unlawful designs 
 on Arnold s part. Neither to his American judges nor to 
 the English public did he tell the whole truth. There were 
 apparently things in his conduct that he dared not afterwards 
 avow. He is said, however, to have consumed part of the 
 day in a fruitless effort to get possession of an American uni 
 form belonging to Lieut. John Webb, that was left at Mrs. 
 Beekman s house on the Croton. The lady suspected his 
 want of authority to receive it and would not deliver it up to 
 him. As Webb and Andre were much of the same size, the 
 former s uniform would have been of much service in the 
 disguised progress through our lines ; but of course nothing 
 of this sort was suspected at the time. Nevertheless there 
 appears in Smith s Narrative an occasional touch of nature 
 that carries conviction with it. He unsuccessfully sought to 
 worm the secret of his guest s business, whom nothing inter 
 ested but the prospect of departure and the difficulty of re 
 joining the vessel on which he wistfully gazed. " Never can 
 my memory cease to record the impassioned language of his 
 countenance, and the energy with which he expressed his 
 wish to be on board the Vulture, when viewing that ship 
 from an upper window of my house. * 
 
 Smith had three courses to pursue. If he was a sincere 
 whig, and distrusted Arnold, he should have sought counsel 
 of some of the neighboring officers. If he was willing to go 
 through with his undertaking, he should have started at once 
 by land with Andre ; or he should have prepared to carry 
 him by water in the coming night. He did neither. He 
 made no attempt to again engage the boatmen, nor did he set 
 off by the land route till the day was spent. It must be 
 stated that he made no secret to all whom he met of his con 
 nection with Mr. Anderson, a person employed by Arnold to 
 get intelligence from New York : but at the same time he 
 omitted no opportunity of producing an impression that their 
 course was to be up the river to head-quarters, rather than 
 
300 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 down towards the city. As for the tale that he was imposed 
 on by Arnold to believe that his guest was a young trades 
 man from New York who in vanity had borrowed a British 
 uniform, it is effectually contradicted by his half-admission 
 that he saw him in the coat upon the Vulture, and the fact 
 that Robinson and Sutherland were in his company when he 
 left the vessel in this very gear. But about the ague, that 
 rendered a night on the water injurious to his comfort and 
 health, there is less room for cavil ; and though there is no 
 doubt that he might, had he strongly wished it, have found 
 means to convey Andre on board, he had at least a fair show 
 of reasoning for preferring to escort him by the shore. 
 
 Mounted on a horse furnished by Arnold and accompanied 
 by Smith and his negro, Andre at length started for New 
 York. Had he been possessed of more knowledge of the 
 habits and customs of all classes in this country, or had 
 greater confidence existed between his host and himself, 
 there were a thousand chances to one that the black fellow 
 could have served his turn better than any man that had 
 been thought of. Every one knows how apt at clandestine 
 practices is the black domestic servant of America. If a 
 negro would go to a nocturnal frolic twenty miles from his 
 master s home, the choicest steed in the stable will be found 
 dripping in his stall on the ensuing morning, nor can any one 
 discover the cause. If a piece of household gossip that oc 
 curs at bedtime is known ere daybreak to half the kitchens 
 in the community, the informant is surely a negro. To an 
 obstinate perverseness which often rises into almost chivalric 
 fidelity of disposition is united in the negro s character a cer 
 tain spice of his savage origin that not only tells him bread 
 eaten in secret is sweet and stolen waters pleasant; but 
 which leads him in a manner to outwit the cunning of nature. 
 The shortest and surest path through a swamp ; the most 
 secluded nook or narrowest channel among a thousand islets 
 of the coast is sure to be known to the wanderer in dark 
 ness as well as his own fireside. Had Andre and Smith at 
 
PLANS FOR RETURN. 301 
 
 this moment interested their attendant with a dram, a prom 
 ise of a half-joe, and an injunction of perfect secrecy, I have 
 no doubt that the next daybreak would have found the Eng 
 lishman on the deck of the Vulture. If the servant himself 
 was not competent to the undertaking, he had beyond ques 
 tion scores of friends who were ; and a canoe or skiff with 
 an experienced navigator would have brought Andre to the 
 ship s side ere the sentry heard the dip of the paddle. 
 
 It was upon a Friday afternoon that this expedition was 
 begun ; and if any ill-omen was to be drawn from the day, 
 Andre perhaps, like the gentle cavalier of old, might pro 
 fess his confidence in the power that made the sun to rise 
 rather than in the day s name that it rose on. Or if he took 
 any heed of omens in the satisfaction at being released from 
 his condition of inert and perilous suspense, the glorious 
 words of Homer should have dispelled every painful 
 thought : the best omen of all is to strike for your coun 
 try. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Andre s Journey. Westchester County. Skinners and Cow-boys. 
 Andre s Capture. Various Accounts of its Circumstances. 
 
 THE evening twilight was setting in when the travellers 
 crossed the Hudson at King s Ferry, about two miles north 
 west of Smith s house. To his acquaintance on the road and 
 to the officers of Verplanck s, Smith professed his destination 
 to be Robinson s house ; but while he paused to chat and 
 drink, his companion eschewed all conversation or delay 
 and passed slowly on. Andre s dress at this moment was a 
 purple or crimson coat with vellum-bound button-holes and 
 garnished with threadbare gold-lace, which, with a tarnished 
 beaver hat, he had obtained from his guide. The remainder 
 of his apparel was his military undress ; nankin small 
 clothes and handsome white-topped boots. Over all was his 
 well-worn watch-coat with its heavy cape, buttoned closely 
 about his neck. From Verplanck s the road, with its ancient 
 guide-post, Dishe Ms di Roode toe de KsJtiuy s Farry, led 
 northwesterly for fourteen miles towards Salem ; intersected 
 however at three miles distance by the direct highway from 
 Peekskill through Tarrytown to New York, that follows the 
 river and crosses the neck of Teller s Point. This would 
 perhaps have been the best course for Andre to have pur 
 sued, had not Smith s false answers made it dangerous to 
 have turned so soon down the river instead of up. By it the 
 distance from Verplanck s to Dobb s Ferry, where were 
 probably at this moment British gun-boats, was but about 
 twenty-two miles ; and to Tarrytown but about nineteen. 
 Five and a half miles from Verplanck s another road from 
 Peekskill intersects that to Salein, and bending away through 
 
;U liipr*f East ale ofttXortli RRW " 
 
 I } 
 
ANDRE S JOURNEY. 303 
 
 the interior crosses the Croton at Pine s Bridge and makes 
 the distance by it to Tarrytown, as Andre eventually trav 
 elled, fully twenty-five miles. By cross-roads either route 
 was about equally direct to "White Plains. 
 
 Just before dark Smith overtook his companion and the 
 servant, and the party now hastened onwards. Every at 
 tempt to bring Andre into conversation about the affairs of 
 1779 at Stony Point and the vicinity was fruitless. He was 
 reluctant to talk, and anxious only to get on. Between eight 
 and nine P. M. they stumbled across an American patrol 
 under Captain Boyd, who compelled them to exhibit their 
 pass and declare their errand. Smith had no hesitation in 
 uttering his tale that they were on their way to get intel 
 ligence for Arnold ; and Boyd, who seems to have been of a 
 very inquisitive yet communicative disposition, overwhelmed 
 him with questions and with advice. He was positive that 
 their best route was by North Castle ; the Tarrytown Road 
 was infested with Cow-boys ; and there was no propriety in 
 their proceeding further that night. Andre was not a little 
 disconcerted at all this, and privately urged Smith to push 
 forward in despite of Boyd s advice ; but his guide was fear 
 ful of exciting displeasure or suspicion and insisted on going 
 no further. But instead of the house recommended to them 
 for a lodging, he sought some miles back the dwelling of a 
 loyal Scot who did not scruple to avow, much to Andre s 
 contentment, his longings for the restoration of the king s 
 authority. Here they procured admittance ; but such was 
 the distrust of the times that the farmer would not himself 
 retire till he had seen his two guests ensconced in one bed. 
 He had been lately harried of all his cattle : nevertheless he 
 would take no pay for his humble accommodations. 
 
 Andre passed a restless night, tossing and sighing till he 
 robbed Smith of that repose which he could not himself en 
 joy ; and with the first glimpse of dawn was up and stirring, 
 eager to get away. He sought the negro and bade him bring 
 out the horses ; and without waiting for breakfast, the party 
 
304 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDES. 
 
 set forth betimes. When the horses appeared, the haggard 
 countenance which betrayed a sleepless couch, lightened up 
 with pleasure ; and a serener expression supplanted its un 
 mistakable dejection while the journey lessened under their 
 feet. As the fear of detection subsided, his spirits rose pro 
 portionally to their late depression. He was filled with the 
 sense of the awful dangers he had fallen into ; of the immi 
 nent prospect of his extrication from an unforeseen whirlpool 
 that had involved his life and his fame ; and of the prodigious 
 results that would ensue his deliverance. Behind lay death 
 and shame ; before him, glory, happiness, and renown. Un 
 able to reveal to his companion the secret cause of his swell 
 ing satisfaction, he gave it vent through another channel, and 
 burst into a flood of animated discourse. Everything that 
 fell from his lips partook of the bright hues of his mind ; and 
 the delighted listener was fain to note the change from his 
 previous reticence and gloom. 
 
 " I now found him highly entertaining : he was not only 
 well informed in general history, but well acquainted with 
 that of America, particularly New York, which he termed 
 the residuary legatee of the British government, (for it took 
 all the remaining lands not granted to the proprietary and 
 chartered provinces). He had consulted the Muses as well 
 as Mars, for he conversed freely on the belles-lettres : music, 
 painting, and poetry, seemed to be his delight. He displayed 
 a judicious taste in the choice of the authors he had read, 
 professed great elegance of sentiment, and a most pleasing 
 manner of conveying his ideas, by adopting the flowery col 
 ouring of poetical imagery. He lamented the causes which 
 gave birth to and continued the war, and said if there was a 
 corresponding temper on the part of the Americans, with the 
 prevailing spirit of the British ministry, peace was an event 
 not far distant ; he intimated that measures were then in 
 agitation for the accomplishment of that desirable object, 
 before France could accomplish her perfidious designs. He 
 sincerely wished the fate of the war could alone be deter- 
 
ANDRE S JOURNEY. 305 
 
 mined in the fair, open field contest, between as many British 
 in number as those under the command of Count Rocham- 
 beau at Rhode Island, whose effective force he seemed clearly 
 to understand ; he descanted on the richness of the scenery 
 around us, and particularly admired, from every eminence, 
 the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing their lofty 
 summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the 
 north extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of 
 converse, and the mildness of the weather, so insensibly 
 beguiled the time, that we at length found ourselves at the 
 Bridge before I thought we had got half the way ; and I now 
 had reason to think my fellow-traveller a very different per 
 son from the character I had at first formed of him." * 
 
 As they approached Pine s Bridge, which crosses the Cro- 
 ton about twelve miles by their course from Verplanck s, they 
 paused to bait their horses and to seek food at a wayside cot 
 tage, whose mistress had but the night before been robbed by 
 the Skinners or Cow-boys of all she possessed save a little 
 meal and a single cow.f The good woman s hospitality, 
 however, was not measured by her larder. From her milk 
 and her meal she prepared a sort of humble porridge or sou- 
 paun that the travellers, fasting since yesterday s dinner, did 
 ample justice to without regard to the contemptuous sport 
 which one of them had so lately bestowed on it in The 
 Cow-Chase. 
 
 During breakfast Smith informed his companion of his in 
 tention to part. His understanding with Arnold was to con 
 tinue to White Plains : and had he fulfilled it, Andre would 
 have been saved. For Smith was known by and himself 
 knew personally most of the people of this region ; and had 
 he been stopped by the captors there is little question that he 
 
 * Smith s Narr. 44. 
 
 t Smith says this was at the residence of an old Dutch frau, two and a 
 half miles before coming to the bridge. Bolton (Westchester Co. i. 210) 
 says it was at Mrs. Underbill s of Yorktown, whose grandson still possesses 
 the house. 
 
 20 
 
306 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDEF,. 
 
 would have carried the matter through and without hesita 
 tion. In truth, he was probably afraid of compromising him 
 self by a longer stay with one who evidently was not what 
 he seemed : or he may have dreaded encountering the Cow 
 boys below Pine s Bridge ; for the Croton was regarded as 
 the boundary between the English and Americans of the 
 debatable land, or, in the language of the day, the Neutral 
 Ground. Andre had no means of opposing this determina 
 tion ; nor was he perhaps sorry, now that he was almost out 
 of danger, to be quit of his comrade. While Smith was pay 
 ing for the breakfast, however, he mentioned his own condi 
 tion as to funds, and borrowed one-half of the stock of paper- 
 money in his guide s wallet. At parting, says Smith, he be 
 trayed some emotion. He charged himself with a message to 
 his own acquaintance and Smith s brother, the Chief-justice, 
 and vainly urged the acceptance of his gold watch, as a keep 
 sake, on his guide. With mutual good wishes they separated ; 
 and Smith hastened with his servant up the road ; dined at 
 head-quarters with Arnold, whom he represents as satisfied 
 with his conduct ; and supped on the next evening at Fish- 
 kill with Washington and his suite. 
 
 Westchester County, through which Andre now pursued 
 his solitary way, was in the beginning of the contest signal 
 ized by its loyalty. Throngs of its people not only publicly 
 avowed their intention to stand by the king and to shoot down 
 any who came in the name of Congress to disarm them, but 
 even put a measurable restraint upon the whigs ; and re 
 torted in kind many of those rude monitions of popular dis 
 pleasure that in other places the tories were subjected to. 
 If a prominent whig found his fences thrown down, or 
 the manes and tails of his choicest horses disfigured by the 
 clipping-shears, he knew it was a political enemy that had 
 done this. Much of the soil, particularly towards the Hud 
 son, was vested in large proprietors, the Philipses, Col- 
 dens, De Lancys, and Van Cortlandts, and by them culti 
 vated or leased out in small farms ; so that in its extent of 
 
THE SKINNERS AXD COW-BOYS. 307 
 
 thirty miles, it had presented one of the most prosperous 
 rural districts of America. The course of war, however, 
 changed all this. The majority of the gentry sided with 
 the crown, and took refuge in New York. Their dependents, 
 and the agricultural populace generally whatever their politi 
 cal views, lost heart in an employment that rival armies 
 alone profited by. Many who leased or owned farms were 
 subjected to losses which drove them to desperation ; and that 
 class of the people who had nothing to lose and to whom honest 
 labor was often denied, seem to have become thoroughly im 
 bued with a spirit of spoil and robbery. Nominally, such as 
 participated in these habits were divided into two orders : 
 the Cow-boys robbed and cried " God save the King " ; the 
 Skinners stole for the sake of Congress. Of course each side 
 pretended to confine its outrages to the enemies of its own 
 political creed ; but in point of fact it pillaged indifferently 
 friend and foe who had a cow or a pig to be carried off, or a 
 purse of gold to be yielded. These scoundrelly partisans 
 were often personal acquaintances ; they were more often in 
 league, and playing into each other s hands. The Cow-boys 
 were generally refugees who had been expelled from their 
 homes and driven to reside within the British lines. The 
 Skinners, though abiding in our bounds and professing attach 
 ment to our cause, were in reality, says Mr. Sparks, " more 
 unprincipled, perfidious, and inhuman than the Cow-boys 
 themselves : for these latter exhibited some symptoms of 
 fellow-feeling for their friends, whereas the Skinners com 
 mitted their depredations equally upon friend and foe." An 
 idea of their comparative merits may be obtained from their 
 respective titles : the Cow-boys were so called from their prac 
 tice of harrying the cattle of whig farmers, and bringing them 
 into New York ; the Skinners got their name by reason of 
 their stripping their victim of every thing he had in the world 
 down to the merest trifle; not scrupling, if they thought money 
 was to be extorted by the operation, to deprive his liesh of 
 its nearest and most primitive covering. In this course, as 
 
308 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 Mr. Sparks says, they had no more hesitation in visiting 
 a wealthy whig than a tory ; and so great was the appetite 
 for villany, that no orders, nor even the presence of a com 
 missioned officer could restrain them. If an American for 
 aging party went out from the lines, as many volunteers from 
 the country side as could join themselves to it attended and 
 disgraced its progress : and they would return rich with 
 horses, cattle, bed-stuffs, clothing, and whatever portable 
 effects they could bear away to divide at their leisure. 
 " The militia volunteers excelled in this business," said 
 Aaron Burr. A crowd of the best whigs in the land 
 would follow at their heels, hoping, and sometimes obtain 
 ing the restoration of their property, but not often the pun 
 ishment of their robbers. When the protection of a regular 
 party was wanting to these skulking thieves, they would 
 maraud by night through the country round, and concert 
 with their kindred the Cow-boys to take off their hands the 
 plunder they could neither keep themselves nor sell within 
 American jurisdiction. Then a meeting would occur, and 
 the cows and sheep of the whig farmer be bartered for dry 
 goods and gold brought by the Cow-boys from New York. 
 A mock skirmish closed the scene of iniquity, and with pock 
 ets well lined and tongues loud in lying praise of their own 
 bravery, the Skinners would return laden with booty which 
 they pretended they had captured from a smuggling party of 
 the enemy. Well might this state of affairs be styled a most 
 " formidable conspiracy against the rights and claims of hu 
 manity ! " 
 
 To the armies on either side, rather than to any exertion 
 of the civil authorities, is due the praise for any attempt to 
 suppress these banditti. The continental officers on the lines 
 
 * "The Militia and Cow-boys are very busy in driving, and it is out of 
 my power to prevent them. If I send the troops down below to prevent 
 the Cow-boys the Militia are driving off in the rear, and if I have the troops 
 above, the lower party are driving downwards, and the inhabitants are left 
 destitute without any prospect of redress." MS. Jameson to Heath,0ct. 
 mh, 1780. 
 
THE SKINNERS AND COW-BOYS. 309 
 
 were constantly instructed to prevent and repress them. 
 Yet the task was difficult. The whig legislature of New 
 York had enacted the confiscation of every man s property 
 who refused the oath of allegiance : supplies of war intended 
 for the enemy were also declared lawful prize ; and under 
 these pretences, the sturdy rustic, who at sunset would bear 
 down an inquisitive officer with protestations of his utter 
 aversion to such practices, would ere morning justify his 
 pillage of any neighbor s cattle-yard or sheepfold as a legiti 
 mate spoiling of the Egyptian. There is an undoubted rule 
 of war in such cases, the seasonable application of which will 
 always save many lives in the end. Its principles were pub 
 lished and practised by Napoleon and maintained by Wel 
 lington. When rival armies are in the field, it is lawful for 
 any inhabitant to enlist under the flag of his country. If 
 captured, he is a prisoner entitled to honorable treatment. 
 But where peasantry refuse to enlist, yet secretly resist, 
 to-day peacefully working in their fields, to-night assaulting 
 a picket-guard, the general of the adversary is entirely 
 justifiable in burning their habitations and hanging the men 
 to the nearest tree. The army that can maintain its position 
 in a hostile land has for the time being a right to the open 
 opposition or the passive obedience of the inhabitants within 
 its range. 
 
 At this very period we know how Westchester county, 
 once such a scene of rural affluence and peace, appeared to 
 a foraging party that bore off hundreds of loads of its hay 
 and grain. The land was in ruins. Most of the farm-hold 
 ers had fled, and such as remained were not permitted to 
 reap where they had sown. The fields were covered with 
 the tangled harvest-growths that decayed ungathered on 
 the ground, and in the neglected orchards the fruit rotted in 
 great heaps beneath the trees. The sturdy American who 
 describes the scene attributes all the devastation to the ene 
 my : for he considered Cow-boys and Skinners as renegades 
 alike, and all villanous tories. He recites the tortures they 
 
310 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 employed to extort from the inhabitants the revelation of 
 hoards which perhaps did not exist. The wretch would be 
 hanged till he became insensible ; then cut down and revived, 
 and again hanged. The case of an aged Quaker makes it 
 probable these ruffians were nominally wliigs ; for the Quak 
 ers were generally loyal. This poor old man had given up 
 all his money, but more was required. To be sure that he 
 was secreting nothing from them, his captors first inflicted 
 the torment of scorching : they stripped him naked, immersed 
 him in hot ashes, and roasted him as one would a potato, till 
 the blistered skin rose from his flesh. Then he was thrice 
 hung and cut down ; nor did his oppressors leave him while 
 life appeared to remain. When Burr commanded the ad 
 vanced lines in this county, his indignation at all he wit 
 nessed first inspired him, he says, with a wish for arbitrary 
 power. " I could gibbet half-a-dozen good whigs, with all 
 the venom of an inveterate tory." 
 
 Through such a region, where none were safe with aught 
 to lose and not force to defend it, Andre was now to go. Af 
 ter leaving Pine s Bridge, he was not long in resolving to 
 abandon the route he was on and, striking to the right, to take 
 the Tarrytown Road. It was shorter ; and if, as Boyd had 
 warned him, he might find the Cow-boys upon it, lie probably 
 esteemed them less perilous opponents than the Skinners. It 
 was a bright pleasant morning on Saturday, the 23rd of Sep 
 tember ; and he looked forward to being ere sunset once more 
 with his friends. Few incidents for a while interrupted his 
 solitude. At the house of Mr. Staats Hammond he paused 
 to ask for water, and the little children who brought it him 
 from the well bore in mind their vision of a mounted man 
 closely wrapt in his light-blue swan-skin cloak, with high mil 
 itary boots and round brimmed hat, who leisurely walked his 
 bay horse to their door. The incongruous appearance of 
 such a good-looking steed, with its handsome double snaffle 
 bridle and its tail and mane filled Avith burrs, was not lost 
 on them. The lad held the rein while the stranger drank. 
 
ANDR ox THE TARRYTOWX ROAD. 311 
 
 " How far is it to Tarrytown ? " he inquired. Four miles, 
 replied the boy. " I did not think it was so far," said Andre, 
 and resumed his way. At Chappequa, near Underhill s Tav 
 ern, he again questioned some Quakers whom he met as to 
 the road, and whether troops were out below. At the foot 
 of the Chappequa roads he took that leading to the river; 
 and came into the Albany post-road near the village of 
 Sparta. As he approached what is now called the Andre 
 Brook, he had gone over nearly eleven miles of neutral 
 ground. 
 
 He was now hard by Tarrytown, and even by his own 
 showing, had been very lucky in his journey. " Nothing," 
 he said to one of our officers, " occurred to disturb him in his 
 route until he arrived at the last place, excepting at Cram 
 pon ; he told me his hair stood erect, and his heart was in 
 his month, on meeting Col. Samuel B. Webb, of our army 
 an acquaintance of his. He said the Colonel stared at him, 
 and he thought he was gone ; but they kept moving, and soon 
 passed each other. He then thought himself past all dan 
 ger. Whilst ruminating on his good luck and hairbreadth es 
 cape, he was assailed by three bushmen near Tarrytown, who 
 ordered him to stand." 
 
 On the west of the road flowed the river ; on the east rose 
 the Greenburgh Hills, in whose bosom lies the world-renowned 
 vale of Sleepy Hollow, with its old church, founded by the 
 Philipse family, and the ancient bell with its legend Si Deus 
 pro nobis, quis contra nos. Indeed on every hand stretched 
 far and wide around him the fair manors of his friends the 
 De Lancys and those of the Philipses in which his coad 
 jutor Robinson was so largely interested. Before him, scarce 
 half a mile north of Tarrytown, a rivulet flowing from the 
 hills crossed the road through a marshy ravine dark with 
 shade, then known as Wiley s Swamp ; and by a south-west 
 course soon mingled its waters with that part of the neighbor 
 ing Hudson which bears the name of the Tappaan Zee. "A 
 few rough logs," says the venerable Knickerbocker, " laid 
 
312 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 side by side, served for a bridge over this stream. On that 
 side of the road where the brook entered the wood, a group 
 of oaks and chestnuts, matted thick with wild grape-vines, 
 threw a cavernous gloom over it." Here, on the south or 
 lower side of the bridge and on the west side of the path, 
 were secreted among the bushes John Paulding, Isaac Van 
 Wart, and David Williams, whose presence on this occasion 
 saved America from a mortal blow.* 
 
 On the preceding day seven young men, mostly natives of 
 or well acquainted with the neighborhood, had agreed to way 
 lay the road in quest of spoil. The ravages of war had de 
 prived them of all profitable and peaceful employment, and 
 by their own account they were in hopes of wresting from 
 some of the returning confederates of the Cow-boys, who had 
 just forayed the country, a part of their ill-gotten gains. 
 That they should have cared to encounter an armed force of 
 any size is contradicted by the smallness and disposition of 
 their own band ; three of whom kept the ambush, while four 
 watched from a hill-top lest the Light-horse should come on 
 them unawares. For as they acted under no commission nor 
 were detached from either the continental or militia organi 
 zations, it might have fared badly with them to have been 
 interrupted by the American or the English authorities. It 
 has been indeed said that the enterprise was permitted by the 
 commanding officer at Salem ; yet Tallmadge, the second offi 
 cer and the efficient spirit of the dragoons, declared its char 
 acter was such that had he fallen upon it he would have 
 arrested its members as readily as Andre himself. It is for 
 tunate therefore that they escaped the notice of this active 
 and well-informed soldier. 
 
 Through all this part of our narrative, a fatal combination 
 of circumstances was working against Andre. Had he pur 
 sued any other road, or had he arrived here two hours earlier, 
 he would have escaped scot-free. The party had been but 
 little more than an hour on the ground when, between eight 
 
 * See Appendix, Xo. II. 
 
ANDRE S CAPTURE. 313 
 
 and nine A. M., one of them looking up from the game of 
 cards in which they had engaged, discovered his approach. 
 His boots, a valuable prize in those days, seem to have at 
 once attracted the eyes of all.* " There comes a trader 
 going to New York," said one. " There comes a gentle 
 man-like looking man," said another to Paulding, " who ap 
 pears to be well dressed and has boots on, whom you had 
 better step out and stop, if you don t know him." As his 
 horse s tramp clattered over the bridge they sprang to their 
 feet, and Pauldiug, the master-spirit of the party, advanced 
 with presented musket and bade him stand, and announce 
 his destination. " My lads," he replied, " I hope you belong 
 to our party." They asked which party he meant. " The 
 lower party," he answered ; and on their saying that they did, 
 he seems to have betrayed an exultation that was unmistak 
 able. " Thank God, I am once more among friends ! " he 
 
 * The want of manufactured domestic articles was severely felt by our 
 people during the war ; and in the hottest pursuit of British cavalry an 
 American trooper has been seen to peril his life for just such boots as An 
 dre" wore : leaping from his horse to strip a pair from the corpse of a royal 
 officer, and escaping almost under the upraised swords of the enemy. AVe 
 may all remember the ludicrous scene in a book, the terror of our child 
 hood Schinderhannes, the Robber of the Rhine where forty or fifty 
 Jews, amid protestations of entire poverty, are made to remove their boots, 
 shoes, and stockings, and display the treasures they had there concealed ; 
 and how, each being told to resume his own articles, a furious fight was at 
 once waged first for the boots, next for the shoes. The date of this 
 scene is in the close of the eighteenth century. The large horseman s 
 boots which Andre wore were very different articles from those which com 
 mon acceptation has received. I have seen a sign-board, commemorating 
 the capture, that stood for many years in Philadelphia, and which errone 
 ously displayed a pair of genuine comedy top-boots in lieu of the originals. 
 Three months previous to Andre s detection, a letter was published which 
 purported to have been written by our Gen. Maxwell to Mr. C aid well, in 
 which the writer explicitly states that till he receives a pair of boots he 
 cannot appear in public. The events of the capture as given above are de 
 scribed in three forms, according to the version given by the captors them 
 selves; by Andre"; and by tradition. It is impossible to entirely reconcile 
 all of them ; so the reader shall have an opportunity of comparing them 
 together, and with Appendix, No. II., where the captors themselves are 
 more particularly noticed. 
 
314 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 cried, as he recognized a royal uniform on Paulding s back. 
 " I am glad to see you. I am a British officer out of the 
 country, on particular business, and I hope you won t detain 
 me a minute ;" and in proof of his assertion he exhibited the 
 gold watch, which was an article then seldom possessed by 
 the gentlemen of our service. On this they told him he was 
 their prisoner ; that they were Americans, and he must dis 
 mount. He laughed, unconcernedly producing Arnold s pass 
 and remarking, "My God, I must do anything to get along!" 
 None but Paulding were able to read or write; and he 
 treated the safe-conduct with little respect, after the pre 
 vious avowal. " Had he pulled out General Arnold s pass 
 first, I should have let him go." 
 
 They now led him aside to a gigantic whitewood or tulip- 
 tree, twenty-six feet in girth, that stood like a landmark a 
 little southward of the stream. 
 
 " Its limbs were gnarled and fantastic, large enough to 
 form trunks for ordinary trees, twisting down almost to the 
 earth, and rising again into the air. It was connected with 
 the tragical story of the unfortunate Andre, who had been 
 taken prisoner hard by ; and was universally known by the 
 name of Major Andre s Tree. The common people regarded 
 it with a mixture of respect and superstition, partly out of 
 sympathy for the fate of its illstarred namesake, and partly 
 from the tale of strange sights and doleful lamentations told 
 concerning it." 
 
 Under this tree, which by a strange chance was scathed 
 with lightning on the very day that the news of his execution 
 came to Tarrytown, Andre was searched. He warned his 
 captors of Arnold s displeasure at this proceeding, and pro 
 tested he had no letters ; but nothing would satisfy them but 
 an examination of his person. " My lads," said he, u you 
 will bring yourselves into trouble " : but they vowed they 
 did not fear it, and while by their compulsion he threw off 
 his clothing, piece by piece, Williams was deputed to the 
 examination. Nothing appeared, however, till one boot was 
 
AXDR S CAPTURE. 315 
 
 removed ; then it was evident that something was concealed 
 
 in the stocking. " By ," cried Paulding " here it is ! " 
 
 and seizing the foot while Williams withdrew the stocking, 
 three folded half-sheets of paper enclosed in a fourth indorsed 
 West Point were revealed. The other foot was found simi 
 larly furnished. " By ," repeated Paulding, " he is a 
 
 spy!" 
 
 They questioned him as to where he obtained these pa 
 pers ; but of course his replies were evasive. They asked 
 him whether he would engage to pay them handsomely if 
 they would release him, and he eagerly assented. He would 
 surrender all he had with him, and would engage to pay a 
 hundred guineas or more, and any quantity of dry goods, if 
 he were permitted to communicate with New York. Dry 
 goods, it will be remembered, was the general term for ar 
 ticles peculiarly precious to our people. Paulding peremp 
 torily stopped this conversation ; swearing determinedly that 
 not ten thousand guineas should release him. Williams 
 again asked him if he would not escape, if an opportunity 
 offered. " Yes, I would," said Andre. " I do not intend 
 that you shall," was the rejoinder ; whereon the prisoner to 
 all further interrogatories prayed them to lead him to an 
 American post, and to question him no more. They now set 
 forth towards their comrades on the hill, Paulding leading 
 the horse on which the captive was mounted. As the par 
 ties drew together, the guide informed Yerks, the chief man 
 of the remaining four, of their prize, making him at the same 
 time descend and produce his watch in verification of his qual 
 ity. " He then asked him for his watch," says Yerks, " at the 
 same time warning him not to make any attempt at escape, 
 for if he did he was a dead man." Presently the course 
 was resumed across the country to North Castle ; avoid 
 ing roads and " each taking their turns at the bridle, some 
 marching on either side, the remainder bringing up the rear." 
 Andre was taciturn, only speaking to answer questions, and 
 then but shortly. As they paused at the house of one of the 
 
316 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 party, Paulding went in advance to its proprietor (perhaps 
 his comrade s father) and said : " Be careful how you 
 talk ; I believe we have got a British officer." Here they 
 tarried a little, and one of the women of the family pressed 
 Andre to eat. " No, I thank you," he answered in sadness, 
 "I have no appetite to take anything." Soon resuming the 
 march in such wise as before, they at length accomplished 
 the twelve miles that brought them to Jameson s quarters, 
 and delivered their prisoner into his hands. 
 
 We must now hear another and less pleasing narration of 
 some of these transactions ; and particularly, so far as may 
 be, obtain Andre s own account of the affair. The late Gen 
 eral King, of Ridgefield, Connecticut, then a lieutenant in 
 Sheldon s dragoons, who had custody of him within a few 
 hours of his arrival, relates the story Andre told, and which 
 he himself implicitly received and always upheld as nothing 
 but the truth. It must be premised that it was not altogether 
 unusual for persons near the British lines to kidnap an officer 
 riding out when none of our troops were near the city, and 
 detain him till he promised to pay a ransom. This practice 
 was at length in a measure checked by the officers them 
 selves, who not only paid the extorted gold, but caused the 
 recipient to be imprisoned or flogged. King says, then, that 
 Andre in the course of his revelations (which are other 
 wise partly sustained by what we now know) told how he 
 was challenged near Tarrytown by three bushmen. 
 
 " He says to them, I hope, gentlemen, you belong to the 
 lower party. We do, says one. So do I, says he, and by 
 the token of this ring and key you will let me pass.* I am 
 a British officer on business of importance, and must not be 
 detained. One of them took his watch from him, and 
 ordered him to dismount. The moment this was done, he 
 said he. found he was mistaken, and he must shift his tone. 
 He says, I am happy, gentlemen, to find I am mistaken. 
 
 * This is probably another version of the production of the prisoner s 
 watch. 
 
ANDRE S CAPTURE. 317 
 
 You belong to the upper party, and so do I. A man must 
 make use of any shift to get along, and to convince you of it, 
 here is General Arnold s pass, handing it to them, and I am 
 in his service. Damn Arnold s pass, says they. You said 
 you was a British officer, and no money, says they. Let s 
 search him. They did so, but found none. Says one, he 
 has got money in his boots, let s have them off and see. 
 They took off his boots, and there they found his papers, but 
 no money. They then examined his saddle, but found none. 
 He said, he saw they had such a thirst for money, he could 
 put them in a way to get it, if they would be directed by 
 him. He asked them for to name their sum for to deliver 
 him at King s Bridge. They answered him in this way. 
 If we deliver you at King s Bridge, we shall be sent to the 
 Sugar House, and you will save your money. He says to 
 them, if you will not trust my honor, two of you may stay 
 with me. and one shall go with a letter which I shall write. 
 Name your sum. The sum was agreed upon, but I cannot 
 recollect whether it was five hundred or a thousand guineas 
 the latter I think was the sum. They held a consultation 
 a considerable time, and finally they told him, if he wrote, a 
 party would be sent out and take them, and then they all 
 should be prisoners. They said they had concluded to take 
 him to the commanding officer on the lines." 
 
 That Andre actually made this statement, or at least gave 
 in his own language its essential facts, none can doubt, we 
 are told, who knew King either personally or by reputation. 
 Circumstantial evidence also testifies to the fact. Captain 
 Samuel Bowman of the Massachusetts line (whose character 
 is faithfully represented in that of his sons) records that for 
 the twenty-four hours preceding the execution he was con 
 stantly with the prisoner, and of course the conversation 
 turned on the occasion of his confinement. His story is 
 given here as he told it. 
 
 "To this gentleman Andre* himself related, that he was 
 passing down a hill, at the foot of which, under a tree playing 
 
318 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRfi. 
 
 cards, were the three men who took him. They were close 
 by the road side, and he had approached very near them be 
 fore either party discovered the other : upon seeing him, they 
 instantly rose and seized their rifles. They approached him, 
 and demanded who he was ? He immediately answered that 
 he was a British officer ; supposing, from their being so near 
 the British lines, that they belonged to that party. They 
 then seized him, robbed him of the few guineas which he had 
 with him, and the two watches which he then wore, one of 
 gold and the other of silver. He offered to reward them if 
 they would take him to New York ; they hesitated ; and in 
 his (Andre s) opinion, the reason why they did not do so 
 was the impossibility on his part to secure to them the per 
 formance of the promise." 
 
 To all this must be superadded the conviction of Tallmadge, 
 to whom the character of both captive and captors was more 
 or less known, that the same story, which he also heard from 
 his prisoner, was true. He most publicly avowed his belief 
 that Andre s boots were taken off in pursuit of plunder, not 
 of the proofs of treason ; and that had he been in condition 
 to hand over the price demanded, he would not have been 
 detained or discovered. The sagacity and the probity of a 
 very distinguished soldier cannot be too highly estimated in 
 considering the authority this declaration of his bears with it. 
 
 Thus we have before us the story as told respectively by 
 Andre and by the captors themselves. What tradition re 
 lates may be distrusted but not suppressed. It says that the 
 captors were in wait for men of their acquaintance who had 
 gone into New York with cattle to sell to the British, a share 
 of whose money they hoped to win or otherwise get from them 
 as they returned. They were stretched on the ground play 
 ing cards when Andre was discovered advancing slowly, and 
 studying his route on a paper in his hand. As he drew near, 
 apparently suspecting the danger that might lurk in such a 
 covert, he quickened his pace, thrusting the paper into the 
 boot of his off leg a very convenient receptacle for any 
 
ANDRE S CAPTURE. 319 
 
 light, loose article. One of the three observed to the others : 
 " Here comes a fellow with boots ; let us stop him." They 
 did so, and speedily asked him what was that paper he had 
 thrust in his boot. The road which he travelled was much 
 frequented, and several spectators soon gathered to the scene, 
 and by their presence prevented the conclusion of a bargain 
 to which both parties were equally well inclined. 
 
 Tradition in this case has little value save as a matter of 
 curiosity ; but from the other and more respectable authori 
 ties it is difficult to avoid at least the inference that but for 
 the strong energetic spirit of Paulding, there is a probability 
 that Andre would have got off. It is evident that his captors 
 were of wild, unsettled dispositions, engaged now on an ex 
 pedition that was certainly unsanctioned by the laws and 
 practices of the American army. That they despoiled their 
 prisoner is also established : and but for the papers on his 
 person the matter might have ended there. The resolution 
 and sagacity of Paulding are testified by the course pursued 
 on this discovery ; and while we can easily see how young 
 men in their position delighted in enterprises that had a zest 
 in their very risks and unlawfulness, it is as plain that when 
 love of plunder and love of country were conspicuously bal 
 anced before their eyes, the former kicked the beam. Their 
 service to America was so great as to completely cover up 
 the circumstances that enabled them to render it. It was 
 charged that some of them at least were of that large class 
 who, changeable as motes in sunbeams, were to be found by 
 chance arrayed with either side that prevailed in the Neutral 
 Ground : 
 
 " Commutare viain, retroque repulsa reverti 
 Nunc hue, nunc illuc, in cunctas denique paries." 
 
 If this be so they are not the first whose night s exploit at 
 Gadshill is a little gilded over by the day s service at Shrews 
 bury. 
 
 "Washington, Hamilton, and the world have marvelled at 
 the failure in this critical moment of Andre s usual address 
 
320 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 and presence of mind. Has it ever been considered possible 
 that matters might have been so ordered that nothing but 
 force could have got him through ? He avowed himself 
 British : so did his captors, and seized him. There was 
 more probability to a stranger of their being British, than 
 himself. They were near the royal lines, and one of them 
 in a royal jacket. He next produced Arnold s pass. This 
 was thrown aside ; though there was nothing but his previous 
 assertion, which was founded on their own stratagem, to war 
 rant the suspicion that it was not valid. That they thought 
 him a spy when they searched him is more than I believe. 
 General Heath says they knew not what he was ; nor he, 
 whether his captors were Americans, British, or refugees. 
 It is, however, proper to say that on every subsequent occa 
 sion they solemnly and steadily professed the entire purity 
 of their conduct and motives in all this transaction. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Andre a Prisoner in our Lines. Intercourse with American Officers. 
 Letters to Washington. Arnold s Escape. 
 
 RETAINING Andre s horse, watch, and other effects as law 
 ful prize to be sold for the benefit of the seven, the captors 
 handed him over to Lieut.-Col. John Jameson who, in com 
 mand of Sheldon s Dragoons and some Connecticut militia, 
 was now at North Castle. Jameson was a Virginian ; an 
 approved soldier, of gentle manners and unstained integrity. 
 His manly person, comely face, dark eyes and hair, and po 
 lite bearing are commemorated by the ladies of his time ; and 
 he was wounded in a service at Valley Forge which received 
 "Washington s especial thanks. To him the prisoner was still 
 John Anderson; and a careful scrutiny of the mysterious 
 papers threw no light on the business. Pure himself he sus 
 pected least of all things the guilt of his general ; and though 
 the pass was a puzzle to him, he thought the whole affair was 
 a device of the enemy to injure Arnold and plant distrust and 
 dissension in our camp. So Washington pronounced of his 
 conduct, when calm reflection had dispelled the effect of the 
 angry disappointment in which he dropped words that stig 
 matized it with bewilderment and egregious folly. To the 
 conclusions that Jameson now came, Andre s language per 
 haps aided ; for well he knew that to but one man in our 
 army could he look for relief. If he might meet Arnold ere 
 the affair leaked out, both might escape together. He there 
 fore uttered not a syllable that would betray the secret ; and 
 with intense satisfaction heard he was to be sent to West 
 Point. He already had desired that Arnold might be in 
 structed that John Anderson was arrested with a pass signed 
 21 
 
322 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDES. 
 
 by the general ; and Jameson thought the simplest plan would 
 be to send the prisoner himself to head-quarters. It was his 
 duty under ordinary circumstances to report the transaction 
 to Arnold ; and accordingly in a brief note he related what 
 was done, and dispatched Lieutenant Allen and four of the 
 Connecticut militia \vith the letter and captive to West Point. 
 The papers he transmitted by express to Washington. By 
 these means he had discharged his duty, and at the same 
 time given such warning of the business that but for the 
 Vulture, of whose position he was not aware, and for the un 
 expected delay in his enclosures reaching the chief, Arnold 
 really could not have escaped. When Jameson therefore is 
 accused of imbecility on this occasion, it is well to recall his 
 actual conduct, and to reflect on the insubordination he would 
 have been charged with, had Arnold been innocent, in daring 
 to report directly to the commander-in-chief, without regard 
 to his lawful superior, to whom all details of duty should 
 ordinarily be submitted. 
 
 Andre was already advanced some distance towards West 
 Point when, late in the day, Major Tallmadge returned to 
 North Castle from a temporary service on which he had been 
 detached. Tallmadge was no ordinary man ; and though now 
 but twenty-six years of age he possessed a remarkably ma 
 tured judgment. His education was liberal, and ere entering 
 the army he had taught a public school in Connecticut. To 
 the knowledge of mankind, and particularly of that portion 
 of it who inhabited this part of the country, was added the 
 especial acquirements his peculiar service involved : for from 
 early in 1778 to the end of the war he was employed by 
 Washington to carry on the secret correspondence with our 
 spies in New York, and in guarding Westchester county 
 from the depredations of Cow-boys, Skinners, and De Lan- 
 cy s Refugee corps. The general character of every inhab 
 itant was a necessary part of such an officer s knowledge, 
 and to deal with a spy a duty of his every-day life. He 
 had moreover a laudable pride in his profession ; and now 
 
ANDR A PRISONER. 323 
 
 that accoutrements came in from France, his troop in Shel 
 don s dragoons, mounted all on dapple-gray horses, with their 
 black bearskin holsters and straps, and helmets crowned with 
 horse-tail plumes, presented an effect not often seen at the 
 period in our ranks. 
 
 Had Tallmadge returned sooner, or not at all, Andre would 
 not have been hung. In the one case, Arnold would have . 
 been seized on ; in the other, both would have got away 
 together. For no sooner had Jameson related what had 
 transpired, than coupling the letter Arnold had written him 
 respecting this very Anderson with the treacherous docu 
 ments and pass, he was convinced of his General s treason. 
 He warmly represented the inconsistency of Jameson s course, 
 and offered to take on himself all blame if permission might 
 be accorded to prevent any notice going to Arnold of the 
 capture. Convinced of Arnold s innocence, Jameson was 
 not the less disturbed by his Major s suggestions ; and unde 
 cided on any persistent course he consented to detain Andre 
 while the letter still went to Arnold. An express was hur 
 ried off with these instructions, and the prisoner s journey 
 interrupted. During the part of the night that remained, 
 Jameson and Tallmadge took a deliberate survey of their 
 captive. Despite his wayworn air and rusty apparel, there 
 was a gentleness and refinement in all he did that bespoke 
 no ordinary man ; and the manner of his walk as in gloomy 
 meditation he paced the chamber-floor, and the precise mili 
 tary mode in which he turned upon his heel, convinced both 
 that he was no civilian. Early on the morrow he was sent 
 over to South or Lower Salem, to the head-quarters of Shel 
 don s regiment. 
 
 About eight A. M., then, on September 24th, Andre was 
 brought to the Gilbert farm-house, and committed to the cus 
 tody of Lieut. King of the Dragoons, who has left us this 
 account of what ensued. 
 
 " He looked somewhat like a reduced gentleman. His 
 small-clothes were nankeen, with handsome white-top boots 
 
324 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 in fact, his undress military clothes. His coat purple, with 
 gold-lace, worn somewhat threadbare, with a small-brimmed 
 tarnished beaver on his head. He wore his hair in a queue, 
 with long black beard, and his clothes somewhat dirty. In 
 this garb I took charge of him. After breakfast my barber 
 came in to dress me, after which I requested him to go 
 through the same operation, which he did. When the rib 
 bon was taken from his hair I observed it full of powder ; 
 this circumstance, with others that occurred, induced me to 
 believe I had no ordinary person in charge. He requested 
 permission to take the bed whilst his shirt and small-clothes 
 could be washed. I told him that was needless, for a shirt 
 was at his service, which he accepted. We were close pent 
 up in a bedroom, with a vidette at the door and window. 
 There was a spacious yard before the door, which he desired 
 he might be permitted to walk in with me. I accordingly 
 disposed of my guard in such a manner as to prevent an es 
 cape. While walking together he observed he must make a 
 confidant of somebody, and he knew not a more proper per 
 son than myself, as I had appeared to befriend a stranger in 
 distress. After settling the point between ourselves, he told 
 me who he was, and gave me a short account of himself, 
 from the time he was taken in St. Johns in 1775 to that 
 time." 
 
 Returning to the house, writing materials were supplied 
 him, and since he was informed that his papers were sent to 
 Washington, whose orders, and not Arnold s, should decide 
 his condition, he immediately wrote to our commander. 
 
 ANDRE TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 Salem, the 24th Sept. 1780. SIR: What I have as yet 
 said concerning myself was in the justifiable attempt to be 
 extricated ; I am too little accustomed to duplicity to have 
 succeeded. 
 
 I beg your Excellency will be persuaded that no alteration 
 
LETTER TO WASHIXTON. 325 
 
 in the temper of my mind, or apprehension for my safety, 
 induces me to take the step of addressing you, but that it is 
 to rescue myself from an imputation of having assumed a 
 mean character for treacherous purposes or self-interest, a 
 conduct incompatible with the principles that actuate me, as 
 well as with my condition in life. It is to vindicate my fame 
 that I speak and not to solicit security. The Person in your 
 possession is Major John Andre, Adjutant General to the 
 British Army. 
 
 The influence of one Commander in the army of his ad 
 versary is an advantage taken in war. A correspondence 
 for this purpose I held ; as confidential, in the present in 
 stance, with His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 To favor it I agreed to meet upon ground not within 
 posts of either army a person who was to give me intelli 
 gence ; I came up in the Vulture M. of War for this effect 
 and was fetched by a boat from the shore to the beach ; 
 being there I was told that the approach of day would pre 
 vent my return and that I must be concealed until the next 
 night. I was in my Regimentals and had fairly risked my 
 person. 
 
 Against my stipulation my intention and without my 
 knowledge before hand I was conducted within one of your 
 posts. Your Excellency may conceive my sensation on 
 this occasion & will imagine how much more I must have 
 been affected, by a refusal to reconduct me back the next 
 night as I had been brought. Thus become prisoner I 
 had to concert my escape. I quitted my uniform & was 
 passed another way in the night without the American posts 
 to neutral ground, and informed I was beyond all armed 
 parties and left to press for New- York. I was taken at 
 Tarry Town by some volunteers. Thus as I have had the 
 honour to relate was I betrayed (being Adjutant General of 
 the B. Army) into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise 
 within your posts. 
 
 Having avowed myself a British Officer, I have nothing to 
 
326 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 reveal but what relates to myself which is true on the hon 
 our of an officer and a Gentleman. The request I have to 
 make to your Excellency and I am conscious I address my 
 self well, is that in any rigor policy may dictate, a decency 
 of conduct towards me [may] mark that tho unfortunate I 
 am branded with nothing dishonorable as no motive could be 
 mine but the service of my King and as I was involuntarily 
 an impostor. 
 
 Another request is, that I may be permitted to write an 
 open letter to Sir Henry Clinton, and another to a friend, for 
 cloaths and linnen. 
 
 I take the liberty to mention the condition of some gentle 
 men at Charlestown who being either on parole or under 
 protection were ingaged in a Conspiracy against us. Tho 
 their situation is not exactly similar, they are objects who 
 may be set in exchange for me, or are persons whom the 
 treatment I receive might affect. 
 
 It is no less Sir in a confidence in the generosity of your 
 mind, than on account of your superior station that I have 
 chosen to importune you with this letter. I have the honor 
 to be with great respect, Sir, your Excellency s most obedient 
 & most humble servant, JOHN ANDRE, Adj. Genl. 
 
 His Excy. Gen. Washington. 
 
 This letter written, a load was lifted from Andre s mind. 
 He was no longer compelled to associate with gentlemen un 
 der a false name and guise. Despite Tallmadge s previous 
 suspicions, its contents amazed him when it was given him to 
 read : but neither he, nor King, Bronson, and the other offi 
 cers at the post, could remain unmoved by the refinement and 
 amiability of their guest. His other arts came in aid of his 
 conversational powers, and with ready hand and easy light- 
 heartedness of manner, he sketched his own progress under 
 the rude escort of militia to their quarters. " This," said he 
 to Bronson, " will give you an idea of the style in which I 
 have had the honor to be conducted to my present abode." 
 
INTERCOURSE WITH AMERICAN OFFICERS. 327 
 
 With similar pleasantries he passed away the morning as un 
 concernedly as though he were in no danger whatever. 
 
 Let us now follow the letters to Washington and Arnold. 
 As the first had taken the lower road to Hartford through 
 Peekskill and Danbury, he was expected to return by the 
 same route ; and Jameson s messenger came nearly to Dan- 
 bury in hope to meet him. From prudential or other mo 
 tives, however, Washington had followed the way that struck 
 the Hudson higher up. He passed through Providence, 
 where eager throngs with torches and loud acclamations wel 
 comed his appearance. " We may be beaten by the Eng 
 lish," he said, pressing the hand of Dumas ; " it is the fortune 
 of war, but behold an army which they can never conquer." 
 On the afternoon of the 24th he reached Fishkill, eighteen 
 miles above Robinson s House, and after a brief halt, set forth 
 again in design to spend the night with Arnold. Scarce had 
 he ridden three miles, however, when unexpectedly he en 
 countered the French envoy, M. de Luzerne, on his way also 
 to Rochambeau. There was much to be said on both sides ; 
 the day was advanced, and the minister was urgent that 
 Washington should turn back to the nearest public house. 
 He returned thus to Fishkill and here, as has been observed, 
 at an entertainment provided by General Scott for the distin 
 guished visitors, he sat at board with Joshua Smith, each little 
 dreaming of what had transpired since the yesterday morning, 
 or of the blow that averted from the one should so shortly fall 
 on the other. On the 25th, his baggage was forwarded be 
 times to Robinson s House, with intimation that Washington 
 and his suite would be there to breakfast. 
 
 Winding through rugged hills that Chastellux describes as 
 the proper abodes of bears, the main road approached the 
 Hudson but a little above West Point ; and here Washington 
 turned his horse into a country path which descended to the 
 stream. La Fayette remonstrated at the diversion : they 
 were already late, and their hostess expected them. " Ah," 
 said Washington, " I know you young men are all in love 
 
328 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 with Mrs. Arnold, and wish to get where she is as soon 
 as possible. You may go and take your breakfast with 
 her, and tell her not to wait for me. I must ride down and 
 examine the redoubts on this side of the river, and will be 
 there in a short time." But his suite remained also, save 
 two aides who rode on with the message.* 
 
 Breakfast was served without delay on their arrival at 
 Robinson s House, and with Arnold s family and Burnet and 
 some other officers they sat down in the low -ceiled room 
 that still remains unchanged. Heavy beams extend above ; 
 and wainscotting protects a fireplace without a mantelpiece. 
 Opening into this was another room used by Arnold as an 
 office. While at table, a letter was delivered to the Gen 
 eral. It was Jameson s of the 23rd, now brought by Allen, 
 that told him of Andre s capture, of his detention, and of the 
 transmission to Washington of the papers that he bore. 
 Burnet, Mctlenry, and others afterwards remarked on the 
 tranquillity with which he received the terrible tidings this 
 scroll conveyed. Some little embarrassment he indeed be 
 trayed, but nothing in his manner or words indicated its 
 momentous nature or cause. He retained his place for 
 several minutes, joining in the general conversation : then 
 pleading business, he begged his guests to make themselves 
 at home while he was for a little absent from them. For he 
 well knew that he had not a minute to lose. It was now 
 two full days since Andre* was taken, and Washington might 
 in any instant come upon him in full possession of his guilty 
 secret. To the Aides he said that he was compelled to cross 
 to West Point without delay, and bade them tell their chief 
 on arriving that he would speedily return. 
 
 But his wife s experienced eye had already detected an agi 
 tation in her husband s manner which escaped those less ob 
 servant : and while he made his apologies to his guests, she had 
 
 * Whether these were Hamilton and McHcnry or Shaw and McHeniy, 
 I am not clear. See Hamilton Hist. Rep. ii. 54. Cooper s Trav. Bach. i. 
 211. Penn. Packet, Oct. 3, 1780. Thacher, 263. 
 
ARNOLD S ESCAPE. 329 
 
 also risen from the board, and followed him from the apart 
 ment. Peremptorily ordering Allen to mention to no one 
 that he had brought a letter from Jameson, he bade the 
 coxswain of his barge be summoned and a horse pre 
 pared. " Any horse," he cried, " even a wagon-horse ! " 
 Then he repaired to Mrs. Arnold s chamber and with stern 
 brevity apprised her that they must at once part, and per 
 haps forever : that his life depended on his instant flight. 
 The panic-struck woman screamed loudly while he, bidding 
 the maid whom the outcry had already alarmed to attend her 
 mistress, pressed her swooning form to his breast, gave a 
 hasty kiss to his unconscious child, and passed again to the 
 breakfast-room to mention the lady s unexpected illness. At 
 the door he leaped on the horse of one of his aides, and 
 without other attendance than that of Larvey, his coxswain, 
 who followed on foot, dashed down the path which in half a 
 mile brought him to the water-side ; Larvey shouting to the 
 bargemen as he descended to hasten to their places. Seiz 
 ing the holsters from his saddlebow, Arnold sprang into the 
 boat, and in his eagerness to be gone would have had the 
 bowman push off ere all the men were mustered. In a mo 
 ment they were in the stream ; and with nervous anxiety, but 
 apparently resolute not to be taken alive, he reprimed his 
 pistols, and retaining them in his hands kept cocking and 
 half-cocking them along all the way. He sat it would seein 
 in the prow ; and when the bow-oarsman answering told him 
 that in their haste the crew had brought no weapons save 
 two swords, his vexation was not concealed. However, the 
 tide was in his favor, and he hurried them on. He bore a 
 flag, he said, to the Vulture, seventeen or eighteen miles be 
 low, and must reach her in all haste, to return to meet 
 Washington at his quarters ; when two gallons of rum should 
 reward their labor. The oarsmen, observes Washington, 
 "were very clever fellows, and some of the better class 
 of soldiery." Quickened by their general s words, they 
 bent to their work and the barge spun through the waters 
 
330 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 Well might Arnold be in haste, for behind him and on either 
 side was danger. As he neared King s Ferry, the ship 
 came broadly into view, riding at anchor a little below the 
 mooring where Andre left her and still waiting his return. 
 Gliding between Verplanck s and Stony Points, Livingston 
 from the shore in amazement recognized his commander 
 waving as a white flag the handkerchief he had bound to the 
 end of his walking-stick : and with no suspicion of the plot 
 was nevertheless so surprised at the scene that he would fain 
 have manned a guard-boat and come alongside of Arnold to 
 know the meaning of such anomalous procedures. But the 
 crews were dispersed on shore, and ere anything could be 
 done the barge was under the Vulture s batteries. Livings 
 ton afterwards thought his presence in this juncture would 
 have so disturbed the traitor that his secret would have 
 escaped, and his person probably seized ; but it is question 
 able whether anything could now have shaken Arnold s 
 composure, and whether on the first attempt at restraint he 
 would not have blown out Livingston s brains. 
 
 Alongside of the ship, Arnold unbound his handkerchief 
 and wiped from his brow the great beads which hung there. 
 Hastening on board, he explained to Sutherland and Robin 
 son the position of affairs, and calling up the bargemen, 
 endeavored to allure them into the king s service under 
 threats of retaining them else as prisoners. The coxswain 
 Larvey sturdily refused. " If General Arnold likes the king 
 of England let him serve him," quoth he ; " we love our 
 country, and intend to live or die in support of her cause " : 
 and so said his six comrades. Sutherland, though indignant, 
 would not interfere with Arnold s orders. He bade Larvey 
 go with his flag to shore and procure some necessaries for the 
 party ; and when they reached New York Clinton at once gave 
 them their parole : an unusual favor to private men. Two 
 of them, English deserters, had wept bitterly on the ship at 
 the prospect of going to New York to be identified and 
 hanged : once there, they slipped on board a letter of marque 
 
ROBINSON TO WASHINGTON. 331 
 
 just ready to sail, and got away undiscovered. The re 
 mainder were released with a parting word and some money 
 from Arnold, and were soon again with their friends.* 
 
 There was nothing to keep the Vulture longer, after a flag 
 had been sent to Verplanck s with letters to Washington from 
 Arnold and Robinson. The first, with an enclosed letter to 
 his wife and assurances of her innocence and entreaties for 
 her protection, contained also some protestations of integrity. 
 The last is as follows : 
 
 ROBINSON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 Vulture off Sinsinfc, Sept. 25^, 1780. SIR: I am this 
 moment informed that Major Andre, Adjutant Genl. of His 
 Majesty s Army in America, is detained as a prisoner by the 
 army under your command. It is therefore incumbent on 
 me to inform you of the manner of his falling into your 
 hands : He went up with a flag, at the request of General 
 Arnold, on publick business with him, and had his permit to 
 return by land to New- York; under these circumstances 
 Major Andre cannot be detained by you, without the greatest 
 violation of flags, and contrary to the custom and usage of 
 all nations, and as I imagine you will see this matter in the 
 same point of view as I do, I must desire you will order him 
 to be set at liberty, and allowed to return immediately ; 
 every step Major Andre took was by the advice and direc 
 tion of General Arnold, even that of taking a feigned name, 
 and of course not liable to censure for it. I am, Sir, not for 
 getting our former acquaintance, your very H. Sert. 
 
 BEV. ROBINSON, Colo. 
 
 * Heath says, when Larvey was offered a commission in the British ser 
 vice, he swore he would be before he fought on both sides : but that 
 
 discontented at not receiving from the Americans what the enemy had 
 proposed, he sought and got his discharge from our army. That Arnold 
 also gave the crew their choice of going ashore or of enlisting with him : 
 that one or two stayed, and the rest were sent ashore with Larvey, is also 
 asserted by Heath, whose authority here is very good indeed. 
 
332 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 The anchor was weighed, and on the flag s return the ship 
 made sail that afternoon, and reached New York the next 
 morning. 
 
 Meanwhile Jameson s courier in quest of Washington had 
 passed through South Salem and probably received there 
 Andre s letter of the 24th. He came to Robinson s House 
 after the chief had crossed the river. For when he heard 
 on arrival near noon, and a full hour after Arnold s depart 
 ure, what that officer had said and done, Washington thought 
 there was no better time for examining the works at West 
 Point than when its commander was on the spot. After a 
 hurried breakfast, he hastened away to be back ere dinner 
 time ; followed by La Fayette and all his suite save Hamil 
 ton. As they crossed the river, overhung with lofty crags 
 and hills, Washington listened for the thirteen great guns 
 that should salute his approach. The echoing thunders of 
 cannon here reverberating from the opposite banks had ac 
 quired a sort of celebrity. But no bustle of preparation 
 greeted his coming, nor was there any exhibition of the 
 formal pomp and ceremony of war. The party were per 
 mitted to land with no acknowledgment of its quality, and 
 the commanding officer had barely time to hurry down the 
 path to receive it. 
 
 To a character of Washington s punctilio this manner of 
 reception was not agreeable. Lamb in some confusion apol 
 ogized for it by stating the unexpected nature of the visit. 
 " How ! " said the Chief, " is not General Arnold here ? " 
 " No, sir, we have not seen him on this side of the river to- 
 da\ ." Washington said afterwards that on this he was struck 
 with the impropriety of Arnold s conduct, and had some mis 
 givings ; but he never for a moment suspected the real cause. 
 The party climbed the hill, and after an hour or two of gen 
 eral inspection and the tardy salute of thirteen guns being at 
 last rendered, it returned to the other shore. 
 
 As they drew near Robinson s House, Hamilton was seen 
 excitedly pacing the court-yard with a parcel of papers in his 
 
THE TREASON DISCOVERED. 333 
 
 hands. These were Jameson s enclosures that had arrived 
 about 2 P. M., and which in virtue of his post the secretary 
 had opened in his chief s absence. Retiring together to their 
 examination, they soon possessed Arnold s secret. It was at 
 once resolved to arrest him if possible, and Hamilton and 
 McHenry were despatched at full gallop to Verplanck s for 
 this end. But it was 4 p. M. when they started in pursuit of 
 a man who had left at 10 A. M. ; who, ere their feet were in 
 the stirrups, must have been under the Vulture s guns. By 
 7 P. M., notice that the Vulture was gone with Arnold to New 
 York came with Robinson s and the traitor s letters to head 
 quarters. 
 
 Washington had not noised the treason. He saw Mrs. 
 Arnold, whose hysterical passion satisfied all about her that 
 she could communicate nothing in regard to the business ; 
 and to La Fayette and Knox, with eyes suffused, he had 
 privately revealed the affair. " Arnold is a traitor and has 
 fled to the British," said he. " Whom can we trust now ? " 
 But the gravity of the risk was not lost on him : the very 
 day had doubtless arrived that had originally been fixed on 
 for the execution of the design ; and as the wind was favora 
 ble for an ascending fleet, there was no knowing but what an 
 attack might be made that very night. Brief space sufficed 
 to show that every thing possible had been done to facilitate 
 it. The works were found neglected ; the troops dispersed. 
 Forthwith the garrison was armed to the teeth, and the lines 
 manned. Couriers were now sent in every direction, bring 
 ing up detachments of the garrison ; warning officers to stand 
 on their guard ; and rousing with the alarm the camp at 
 Tappaan from its midnight slumbers. When he perceived 
 the condition of his hostess, Washington with entire calm 
 ness bade the guests sit down without ceremony, since her 
 illness and Arnold s absence left no other alternative : and 
 no stranger would have conjectured from his manner that he 
 was in possession of the fatal secret. 
 
 Ere the cloth was removed, the affair began to leak out 
 
334 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 in whispers among the guests ; and it was not until the 26th 
 or 27th that it was buzzed openly abroad. But when Ar 
 nold s letter came in, the rage which Washington had so far 
 kept down seemed about to obtain full sway ; and they who 
 were accustomed to note his every change of mood or coun 
 tenance saw, or thought they saw, according to La Fayette, 
 the bursting of a mighty storm of wrath. But every angry 
 word was suppressed. " Go," he said to an aide, " to Mrs. 
 Arnold, and inform her that though my duty required no 
 means should be neglected to arrest General Arnold, I have 
 great pleasure in acquainting her that he is now safe on board 
 a British vessel of war." * 
 
 As may be supposed, where no one knew how far the trea 
 son had extended or by what means it had been carried on, 
 the wildest rumors flew from mouth to mouth ; some tolera 
 bly true, many intolerably unfounded. Chief among these 
 was the still repeated tale that Andre had penetrated our 
 works at West Point, when in truth he had been no nearer 
 to them than the outside of the forts at King s Ferry, many 
 miles below. The bargemen were lately and may yet be 
 living in the full belief that they had carried Arnold and 
 Andre up from Smith s house to head-quarters ; and described 
 
 * Trav. Bach. i. 216. In this work Mr. Cooper gives several particulars 
 of Arnold s treason, that possess a particular value from the authorities 
 which sullied them. He heard not only La Fayette s recollections de 
 clared fom -five years later on the very ground, but also had " Arnold s 
 own statement from a British officer, who was present when the latter re 
 lated his escape at a dinner given in New York, with an impudence that 
 Avas scarcely less remarkable than his surprising self-possession." That 
 details so valuable are so little referred to proceeds perhaps from the ex 
 ceeding dulness of the book : but La Fayette s evidence, given from recol 
 lections that in the outset were tinged with great excitement, must be cau 
 tiously received. Thus to Mr. Cooper he said that when McHenry entered 
 the chamber where he was dressing for dinner, and carried off his pistols 
 to pursue Arnold, not a word was said of the plot; nor was it apparently 
 communicated to him till he and Knox learned it together from Washing 
 ton. In his Memoirs, however, the marquis distinctly asserts that " Gen 
 eral Washington and I" discovered the conspiracy. It is possible that 
 Marbois mav have derived from this source some of his information. 
 
RUMOURS OF THE DAY. 335 
 
 the occasion with a minuteness that extends to every article 
 of the supposed spy s apparel. Letters of the period from 
 our army reported that disguised as Smith s serving-man he 
 had gone all through our camp ; that he was recognized and 
 betrayed by a British deserter, and brought in with his arms 
 pinioned ; and that Washington and La Fayette were to have 
 slept that night at Smith s house, where in the dead of dark 
 ness Robinson with a picked party was to seize them ; on 
 which Arnold should yield West Point. The marquis him 
 self conceived that both he and Luzerne would on the day 
 of Arnold s flight have been prisoners, but for Andre s detec 
 tion. The best British contemporary gossip says that he 
 was betrayed by Smith, whose hanging was demanded by 
 many people in New York; that on his third return from a 
 clandestine meeting with Arnold, he was stopped by some 
 Americans who at first dismissed but afterward pursued and 
 stripped him of his watch and money : whereon he advised 
 them to let him go, since if they took him to their officers, 
 the spoil would be forfeited : that he did not offer them these 
 things when they seized him : that to Washington he confessed 
 nothing but that he was a spy, until some of our own spies 
 identified him, two of whom had long resided in New York 
 as loyalists : that it was Arnold s disapproval which prevented 
 his return by a flag ; and that he would give no explanation 
 of the papers he bore or of the connectioas he had formed 
 in our army. These accounts, mixed with much error, 
 shadow forth certain facts and undoubtedly came from An 
 dre s near friends. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Andre" brought to West Point. Sent to Tappaan. His Case submitted 
 to a Court of Enquiry. Its Decision approved by Washington. 
 
 IT has been reported that Arnold bade his wife burn all his 
 papers. This she did not do ; and they were of coirrse now 
 seized, and eventually scattered to the four winds of heaven. 
 From these, and from information of his recent movements, 
 a ray of light began to penetrate the mystery. Orders were 
 already sent that Andre should be brought up ; at 7 p. M. 
 of the 2oth, these were repeated, with injunctions to guard 
 against his escape. " I would not wish Mr. Andre to be 
 treated with insult," wrote Washington ; " but he does not 
 appear to stand upon the footing of a common prisoner of 
 war, and therefore he is not entitled to the usual indulgences 
 which they receive, and is to be most closely and narrowly 
 watched." The first courier reached Sheldon s post at mid 
 night. Andre was in bed at the time, but he arose and pre 
 pared to obey the orders. A more dismal night for so dis 
 mal a journey could not have been found. The rain fell 
 heavily and the skies were dark and scowling, when he part 
 ed with companions to whom he avowed so many obligations, 
 and among whom, he said, whatever happened to him he 
 could never thenceforward recognize a foe. The strong es 
 cort that guarded him was led by King ; and when it came 
 to North Salem meeting-house, he met the second express, 
 who bade him change his route. On the way, probably as 
 a further precaution, Tallmadge and two other officers joined 
 the party that, marching all night, came to Robinson s House 
 on the morning of Tuesday, the 26th September. Smith, 
 who had already been brought there a prisoner, gives a very 
 
ANDR AT WEST POINT. 337 
 
 particular but unluckily not very probable account of Andre s 
 arrival. There may be some truth in his story of his own 
 reception, for both Hamilton and Harrison state under oath 
 that Washington spoke warmly on the occasion, and used 
 strong language to wring forth a confession of his guilty 
 dealings. 
 
 " I answered that no part of my conduct could justify the 
 charge, as General Arnold if present would prove ; that what 
 I had done of a public nature was by the direction of that 
 general, and if wrong he was amenable ; not me, for acting 
 agreeably to his orders. He immediately replied, Sir, do 
 you know that General Arnold has lied, and that Mr. Ander 
 son whom you have piloted through our lines, proves to be 
 Major John Andre, the adjutant general of the British array, 
 now our prisoner ? I expect him here, under a guard of one 
 hundred horse, to meet his fate as a spy, and unless you con 
 fess who were your accomplices, I shall suspend you both on 
 yonder tree, pointing to a tree before the door. He then 
 ordered the guards to take me away/ 
 
 About two hours later, he continues, he heard the tramp of 
 horses, and soon after the voice of Andre blended with those 
 of Washington and his suite. Their conversation was con 
 ducted in an adjoining apartment, and he does not pretend 
 to repeat it : but he intimates that its tendency was rather to 
 soothe than to intimidate the prisoner, and to procure from 
 him further information of the conspiracy. But Smith, like 
 Marbois, must always be received distrustfully ; and if he 
 means here that Andre was personally examined by Wash 
 ington, he is utterly wrong. Washington saw Tallmadge 
 indeed and asked him many questions ; but he declined hav 
 ing the prisoner brought before him : and Tallmadge always 
 believed that, incredible as it may seem, he never saw Andre 
 in all his confinement. 
 
 In fact, however, I suppose there can be little question 
 that while every honest man in the army was enraged at this 
 nefarious attempt to defraud him of his liberty and to win 
 
338 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 by guile what the sword could not accomplish, Washington 
 and some of his nearest generals had peculiar cause for in 
 dignation. The patron and the supporters of Arnold knew 
 too well the deadly hostility of many powerful civilians to 
 doubt now the handle that might be made of this transaction. 
 St. Clair and Schuyler had already suffered under the ca 
 lumnious suspicions of the people they defended ; and the 
 ridiculously false but industriously propagated story, that the 
 evacuation of Ticonderoga was purchased by Burgoyne with 
 silver balls which, cast into our lines, were collected by St. 
 Clair and divided between Sehuyler and himself, was not dis 
 countenanced by the action of Congress. Schuyler indeed, a 
 gentleman by birth, education, and habit, had refused longer 
 to hold a commission which subjected him to unmerited igno 
 miny ; but St. Glair s fortune was scanty, and though even 
 now he was unjustly suspected of corrupt dealings with the 
 enemy, he continued to serve in the. field with unabated zeal. 
 Nor was Washington himself, long distrusted by many in 
 Congress, unconscious of the motive that caused his army to 
 be attended by a permanent committee of that body ; and his 
 earnest and fruitful confidence in Arnold gave additional vigor 
 to his resentment at the reward his confidence had received. 
 "Whom can we trust now?" he well might ask; and in 
 the extremity of his anger, there can be no doubt as to what 
 his favorite s fate would have been, had the fortunes of war 
 brought him into American hands. In after life, even in the 
 most unrestrained hours of social ease, he could not refer to 
 the absconding officer without the most unmitigated terms of 
 contempt : and at the existing moment he seems evidently to 
 have shared in the universal sentiment of the army, that by 
 every means in their power, a dreadful punishment should be 
 inflicted on the prisoners in his hands who stood nearest to 
 the original offence. His letters written prior to the report of 
 the Board of Officers show very clearly the conviction that 
 Andre was a spy, and that Smith was equally worthy of 
 death. To the President of Congress he comments (Sept. 
 
INDIGNATION OF THE ARMY. 339 
 
 26th) on Andre s letter of the 24th as " endeavoring to show 
 that he did not come under the description of a spy." On 
 the same date a writer from the camp expresses the belief 
 that both prisoners " will grace a gallows this day." On the 
 30th, the press controlled by the party that had so stoutly 
 opposed Arnold in Philadelphia, the seat of Congress, loudly 
 directed public opinion to those who as senators or in social 
 life were his friends, as the sharers of his guilt ; and pointed 
 to Mrs. Arnold as an accomplice. On the same day, with 
 Arnold s effigy those of Andre and Smith were borne through 
 the streets, hanging from a gallows: u The Adjutant-General 
 of the British Army and Joe Smith ; the first hanged as a spy 
 and the other as a traitor to his country." Truly, both yet 
 lived, and one was never hanged at all : but this exhibition 
 of political feeling shows very clearly how bitter might have 
 been the heats had no punishment been inflicted on any of 
 fender.* Even in the higher grades of the army, there was 
 a yearning for vengeance, mingled with abhorrence of the 
 wrong and discontent with the friends of its author. Over 
 every other consideration, however, there prevailed in the 
 breasts of these brave and good men unutterable loathing 
 and supreme hatred for every development of the crime that 
 would have bartered away themselves and their constituents 
 as though they had been beasts of the field.f 
 
 * There is no means of ascertaining whether the debates in Congress in 
 volved at this time the character for integrity of Arnold s previous support 
 ers: but a letter from Washington to Reed (Oct. 18, 1780) shows that the 
 promulgation of Arnold s private correspondence had occasioned Reed to 
 inquire into the Chief s sympathy with the latter in his troubles at Philadel 
 phia, and to inveigh against Schuvler. Washington s reply cleared his own 
 skirts from any unfair preference for Arnold, and discredits the imputations 
 on Schuyler s character. As Reed s letter is not given, its nature can only 
 be inferred from the reply to it; for which see Reed s Reed, ii. 277. 
 
 I " Your infamous Arnold has abandoned himself to an eternal infamy ! 
 What demon impelled him to take this detestable step V Is his wife the 
 
 cause or only the occasion of the crime ? Is mixed with this horrible 
 
 affair? Is Smith hanged? Cannot Andre* be hanged? I am very curious 
 to hear all the details of this atrocity; be kind enough to give them to me. 
 Arnold is not the only man whom I blame ; he who once has made the 
 
340 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 On the evening of the 26th, the prisoners were transported 
 from Robinson s House across the river and securely bestowed 
 at West Point. On the 27th, Washington, having probably 
 resolved on the course eventually pursued, sent secret orders 
 to Greene that he should receive them in camp on the ensu 
 ing day. 
 
 " They will be under an escort of horse, and I wish you to 
 have separate houses in camp ready for their reception, in 
 which they may be kept perfectly secure ; and also strong, 
 trusty guards trebly officered, that a part may be constantly 
 in the room with them. They have not been permitted to be 
 together, and must still be kept apart. I would wish the 
 room for Mr. Andre to be a decent one, and that he may be 
 treated with civility ; but that he may be so guarded as to 
 preclude a possibility of his escaping, which he will most 
 certainly attempt to effect, if it shall seem practicable in the 
 most distant degree." 
 
 Accordingly on the morning of the 28th, they were brought 
 down to the landing-place; when, says Smith, "I saw the 
 amiable Andre near me, amongst a crowd of officers. On 
 stretching my hand out and preparing to address him, I was 
 told by Major Tallmadge sternly that no conversation must 
 take place between us." Each was seated in a barge well- 
 manned, and with a favoring tide was soon at Stony Point. 
 Here at the King s Ferry landing, a detachment of the 2nd 
 Light Dragoons was in waiting. Tallmadge took the com 
 mand and, with Andre in the rear and his companion in the 
 van, they rode away through Haverstraw towards Tappaan 
 (or Orangetown, as it was often called), where lay the main 
 army. A march of ten miles brought them to the house 
 of Mr. John Coe where, while Tallmadge vigilantly posted 
 videttes and sentinels, the party dined. They resumed their 
 journey after dinner and by a circuitous route reached Tap- 
 country suspicious of his virtue is not the most culpable, when the blind 
 and criminal confidence that is put in him makes him a traitor. That s be 
 tween you and me. Col. Louis de Fleury to Steuben, Oct. 6, 1780. 
 Steuben, 625. 
 
ANDRE SENT TO TAPPAAN. 341 
 
 paan about dusk. The squadron was paraded before the 
 church in which Smith was confined for the night ; and quar 
 ters were provided for Andre at the house of a Mr. Mabie, 
 which, though altered within, still stands as the 76 Tavern. 
 Here every attention that circumstances admitted was ren 
 dered him. But for a fuller account of this day s proceed 
 ings we are indebted to the recollections of Tallmadge. 
 Seated side by side in the boat that bore them down the 
 Hudson, the conversation between the two soldiers was free 
 and unreserved. The one was as anxious to listen as the 
 other was ready to communicate ; for though professional foes 
 on the field, they were both kind-hearted gentlemen. Andre 
 unhesitatingly pointed out the spot on the west bank where 
 it was arranged that, in the event of the conspiracy s success, 
 he was to have debarked at the head of a picked corps, and 
 passed unopposed up the steep to the rear of Fort Putnam. 
 The acquisition of this key to all the works would, as Tall 
 madge observes, in every probability have given to Andre a 
 very large part of the praises sure to follow in the train of 
 Clinton s triumph ; and the narrator s animation, as he painted 
 the means by which he should have conducted his detach 
 ment, was not disturbed by an inquiry as to the rewards in 
 store for him. Military glory was all he sought, was his re 
 ply : the applause of his king and his country would over 
 pay his services ; perhaps a brigadiership might be bestowed. 
 In all this passage, he seems to have been free from appre 
 hensions as to his ultimate prospects. It was not until he had 
 taken horse for the Clove that he interrogated his companion 
 and keeper in regard to the treatment he was likely to re 
 ceive from our hands. Tallmadge candidly reminded him of 
 the fate of his own classmale and friend, Nathan Hale. " Yes, 
 he was hanged as a spy," quoth Andre : " but surely you do 
 not consider his case and mine alike ? " " They are precisely 
 similar, and similar will be your fate," was the answer. It 
 shook the prisoner s fortitude, and his lively discourse was 
 chilled. The friendly offer of the American to conceal the 
 
342 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 deficiencies of his toilet by the loan of a dragoon cloak was 
 declined, although it had been suggested by Andre s own 
 comments upon the shabby apparel he was wearing ; but 
 Tallmadge s urgency at length procured its acceptance. En 
 veloped in its folds, he came into our quarters.* 
 
 We may gather from Tallmadge s reminiscences that till 
 he drew near Tappaan, Andre had little doubt that the 
 Americans, though exasperated at what had occurred, could 
 not fail to view him as at the most but a spy in appearance 
 and involuntarily ; that beyond some personal discomforts, 
 he had nothing to fear. The ominous warning of Tallmadge 
 was confirmed by the general order issued by Greene on the 
 26th, when, as senior officer in Washington s absence, IK; 
 promulged to the army the explanation of the alarm which 
 had resounded through the camp. 
 
 "Headquarters, Orange Town, Sept. 26, 1780. Treason 
 of the blackest dye was yesterday discovered. General Ar 
 nold, who commanded at West Point, lost to every sentiment 
 of honour, of private and public obligation, was about to de 
 liver that important post into the hands of the enemy. Such 
 an event must have given the American cause a deadly 
 wound, if not a fatal stab. Happily the Treason has been 
 timely discovered to prevent the fatal misfortune. The 
 Providential train of circumstances which led to it affords 
 the most convincing proofs that the Liberties of America are 
 the objects of Divine Protection. At the same time that the 
 Treason is to be regretted, the General cannot help congrat 
 ulating the army in the happy discovery. Our enemies 
 despairing of carrying their point by force, are practising 
 every base art to effect, by bribery and corruption, what they 
 cannot accomplish in a manly way. Great honour is due to 
 the American army that this is the first instance of Treason 
 of the kind, where many were to be expected from the na 
 ture of the dispute. And nothing is so bright an ornament 
 
 * See also Tallmadge s Letter in Appendix Xo. IV. 
 
CLINTON TO WASHINGTON. 343 
 
 in the character of the American Soldiers as their having 
 been proof against all the arts and seductions of an insidious 
 enemy. 
 
 Arnold has made his escape to the enemy, but Major An 
 dre, the Adjutant General of the British Army, who came 
 out as a spy to negotiate the business, is our prisoner. His 
 Excellency the Commander-in-Chief has arrived at West 
 Point from Hartford, and is no doubt taking proper meas 
 ures to unravel fully so hellish a plot. 
 
 This language was doubtless communicated to Andre by 
 some of his American companions, and must have shocked 
 his anticipations of a more lenient interpretation of his char 
 acter. Meanwhile, however, his friends were acting with 
 promptitude in the line their sense of duty dictated. Ar 
 nold s letter of the 25th to Washington had not touched on 
 Andre s condition, though it averred the innocence of his 
 aides and of Smith. It is perhaps therefore not unfair to 
 infer that at the moment he did not consider the prisoner in 
 peril of life. Robinson at the same time had assured Wash 
 ington that Andre was so covered with flags and safe-con 
 ducts that even to arrest him was a violation of the laws of 
 war. On their report, Clinton at once reclaimed his Adju 
 tant-General, enclosing Arnold s statement of the case. 
 
 CLINTON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 Neiv York, Sept. 26, 1780. SIR: Being informed that 
 the King s Adjutant Genl. in America has been stopped un 
 der Major Genl. Arnold s passports, and is detained a pris 
 oner in your Excellency s army, I have the honor to inform 
 you, Sir, that I permitted Major Andre to go to Major Gen 
 eral Arnold, at the particular request of that General Officer ; 
 You will perceive, Sir, by the enclosed paper, that a Flag 
 of Truce was sent to receive Major Andre, and passports 
 granted for his return. I therefore can have no doubt but 
 
344 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 your Excellency will immediately direct that this officer has 
 permission to return to my orders in New York. I have 
 the honor to be, &c. 
 
 ARNOLD TO CLINTON. 
 
 New York, 26 September, 1780. SIR : In answer to your 
 Excellency s message, respecting your adjutant-general, Ma 
 jor Andre, and desiring my idea of the reasons why he is 
 detained, being under my -passports, I have the honor to in 
 form you, Sir, that I apprehend a few hours must restore 
 Major Andre to your Excellency s orders, as that officer is 
 assuredly under the protection of a flag of truce sent by me 
 to him for the purpose of a conversation, which I requested 
 to hold with him relating to myself, and which I wished to 
 communicate through that, officer to your Excellency. I 
 commanded at the time at West Point, had an undoubted 
 right to send my flag of truce for Major Andre, who came 
 to me under that protection, and, having held my conversa 
 tion with him, I delivered him confidential papers in my 
 own handwriting to deliver to your Excellency ; thinking it 
 much properer he should return by land, I directed him to 
 make use of the feigned name of John Anderson, under 
 which he had, by my direction, come on shore, and gave him 
 my passports to go to the White Plains on his way to New 
 York. This officer therefore cannot fail of being imme 
 diately sent to New York, as he was invited to a conversa 
 tion with me, for which I sent him a flag of truce, and finally 
 gave him passports for his safe return to your Excellency ; 
 all of which I had then a right to do, being in the actual 
 service of Amei ica, under the orders of General Washing 
 ton, and commanding general at West Point and its depen 
 dencies. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 To these communications no answer was at present given. 
 Washington was not perhaps sorry to keep the enemy in 
 
WASHINGTON CONVENES A BOARD OF ENQUIRY. 345 
 
 such suspense concerning Andre s fate, as would afford am 
 ple opportunity of preparing for a vigorous defence of West 
 Point ere any movement against it should be undertaken. 
 He also probably wished to obtain the opinion of his gen 
 erals before he replied. Accordingly, having on the evening 
 of the 28th repaired to camp, he caused a board of every 
 general officer present with the army to be convened.* 
 Smith declares the general impression to have been that its 
 object was rather to determine once for all the limits within 
 which a flag should protect its bearer for there had been 
 some previous difficulties on this point rather than to de 
 cide on Andre s immediate fate. This assertion is manifestly 
 absurd. There is every reason to believe that nothing less 
 was designed than what is proved by the record : and be 
 sides, it must not be forgotten that from the beginning Wash 
 ington had apparently made up his own mind respecting the 
 prisoner s character. His own judgment we may believe 
 would have given him to death ; but with the caution and 
 wisdom that always characterized the commander-in-chief, 
 he refrained from acting in so serious a matter until he had 
 heard the best opinions at his disposal. This was a course 
 of which justice must approve. That his anger should now 
 be fearfully roused can hardly be questioned. The very 
 applause which was bestowed on its restraint shows its force 
 and strength. Long after his death, one who had studied 
 him narrowly observed that Washington s " temper was natu 
 rally irritable and high-toned, but reflection and resolution had 
 obtained a firm and habitual ascendency over it. If ever, 
 however, it broke its bounds, he was most tremendous in his 
 wrath." It should be added that the storm seldom rose 
 without good cause ; and never was there greater provoca 
 tion than here. The thought that he so lono- warmed in his 
 
 * So it is authoritatively stated : yet where were Wayne and Irvine ? 
 Perhaps a laudable delicacy restrained these gentlemen from deciding on 
 the fate of an enemy whose satire had so latelv been personally aimed at 
 themselves in The Cow-Chase. 
 
34G LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 bosom the serpent that had turned to sting him ; the dis 
 agreeable uncertainty of the plot s extent ; the public danger, 
 and the damage his own prestige and that of the cause might 
 receive in Congress and with the French ; everything com 
 bined to incense him.* That he should resolve therefore, if 
 the measure accorded as well with the sense of justice of 
 others as with his own, to make such an example in this case 
 as would effectually prevent any further tampering with his 
 subordinates, is as natural as probable. His position war 
 rants the idea. He had hazarded everything life, fortune, 
 reputation, domestic happiness on the risk of success ; and 
 now after five years of battling it out with the public enemy 
 and with his own, at a moment when America could hardly 
 stagger along, when all his soul was bent on maintaining 
 matters, to have the prize snatched at in this underhand 
 manner was too much for human endurance. Had he not 
 himself deemed Andre a spy he would not, in my opinion, 
 have summoned the board. And indeed there is good reason 
 to believe that even before they came together, some of our 
 principal generals had learned enough of the facts of the case- 
 to satisfy them of the improbability of their arriving at any 
 other conclusion than that the prisoner was an undoubted 
 
 spy.f 
 
 On Friday then, the 29th September, just one week since 
 he had started from Smith s house for New York, Andre 
 was brought before the tribunal. It was assembled in an 
 old Dutch church at Tappaan, now pulled down, and con- 
 
 * The correspondence between INI. de Ternay and the Count de Ver- 
 gennes shows how seriously, even in its lopped and mutilated state, the 
 plot affected the opinions and estimates of our allies. The party-heats ot 
 Congress were unusually violent at this period, and its committee that at 
 tended the camp was falling into an unpopularity by reason of the tinc 
 ture of " army principles " it had imbibed. See Sparks s Wash. vii. -2-2(>, 
 241. 
 
 f " He has a great antipathy to spies, although he employs them him 
 self, and an utter aversion to all Indians," Avas written of Washington in 
 the beginning of 1780. 
 
ANDRE BROUGHT BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL. 347 
 
 sisted of fourteen officers, of whom Greene was president. 
 The authority of the meeting was first read. 
 
 Head- Quarters, Tappan, Sept. 23th, 1780. GENTLE 
 MEN : Major Andre, Adjutant General to the British army 
 will be brought before you for your examination. He came 
 within our lines in the night on an interview with Major 
 General Arnold, and in an assumed character ; and was 
 taken within our lines, in a disguised habit, with a pass un 
 der a feigned name, and with the enclosed papers concealed 
 upon him. After a careful examination, you will be pleased, 
 as speedily as possible, to report a precise state of his case, 
 together with your opinion of the light, in which he ought to 
 be considered, and the punishment that ought to be inflicted. 
 The Judge Advocate will attend to assist in the examination, 
 who has sundry other papers, relative to this matter, which 
 he will lay before the Board. I have the honor to be 
 Gentlemen, Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 
 The Board of General Officers convened at Tappan. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the task of composing this letter 
 should have fallen on Hamilton, between whom and the 
 prisoner an intercourse almost confidential was growing up ; 
 and who, says La Fayette, " was daily searching some way 
 to save him." And whether its nature was that of an indict 
 ment or of a simple statement of facts, every reader will 
 remark that its opening charge that Andre entered our lines 
 in the night in an assumed character was putting a very 
 strong construction on his own voluntary admissions, which 
 were all the evidence on the point. He landed without our 
 lines as Anderson : here his rank and real name became 
 known to Arnold ; and in his uniforn, over which was a sur- 
 tout or watchcoat, he was unwitting brought by Arnold 
 within the lines. No one else but the sentry who challenged 
 his approach seems to have seen him from the time of his 
 
348 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 leaving the boat to his arrival at Smith s house : and Arnold 
 here took all the responsibility of reply. Therefore techni 
 cally at least Andre might have urged that in so full uniform 
 as officers generally wear by night, and with his name and 
 quality fully known to the American commander, and the 
 only American officer with whom he had thus far to do, he 
 entered our lines. Neither does it seem v that he was taken 
 within our lines, as is alleged in the letter. Tarry town was 
 nearer to the British post at Kingsbridge than to any of 
 ours. The remaining statements of the letter are exactly 
 and literally true.* 
 
 The prisoner was now called to listen to the names of the 
 officers who composed the board. These were Major-Gene 
 rals Greene, Stirling, St. Clair, La Fayette, Howe, and Steu- 
 ben ; Brigadiers Parsons, Clinton, Knox, Glover, Patterson, 
 Hand. Huntington, and Starke. Greene was president, and 
 John Lawrence the Judge-advocate-general. This officer s 
 share in the proceedings was limited to the preparation of 
 
 * The chief authorities for the Trial are the Proceedings of the Board in 
 the original manuscript, and also as published by Congress; and a letter 
 from Hamilton to Sears. The first was sent by Washington to Congress, 
 Oct. 7, 1780, with a view to publication: and in pamphlet form was imme 
 diately and widely diffused. In this country the observation, appended by 
 Congress, that all the circumstances of the case show that the proceedings 
 " were not guided by passion or resentment " met with general approval. 
 In England, the Gentleman s Magazine, by no means a ministerial journal, 
 expressed the feelings of a very large class in a notice of the publication. 
 ;> The above account, having been published by Congress, it may without 
 any very violent strain of probability be conjectured that they thought 
 Gen. Washington s severity to Andre" stood in need of some ap logy. How 
 far the Congress account justifies Gen. Washington s conduct towards the 
 brave Andre" the public will judge for themselves." It was however at 
 Washington s own desire that the account was printed. 
 
 Hamilton wrote not onlv to Sears, but to Miss Sehuvler and to Laurens, 
 and the details he gives of Andre s deportment during the trial and in his 
 confinement are very interesting. One at least of these letters seems in 
 tended for a demi-publicity. La Fayette describes it as "a masterpiece of 
 literary talents and amiable sen<ibilitv." I have verified the Account as 
 given by Congress bv comparison with the original MSS. preserved at 
 Washington, and have corrected some of its errors. 
 
ANDRE S STATEMENT. 349 
 
 the case on behalf of government, and eliciting the facts be 
 fore the court. He was a native of Cornwall in England, 
 and by admission of all a man of humanity and sensibility. 
 His age was about Andre s own, and his whole conduct 
 evinced his sympathy with the prisoner, whom he warned 
 of the peril in which he stood, and exhorted to preserve his 
 presence of mind ; to be cool and deliberate in his answers ; 
 and to except freely to any interrogatory that he thought 
 ambiguous. He promised in advance that any such should 
 have its form fairly and justly altered. Greene also advised 
 him that he was free to answer or stand mute to the questions 
 to be proposed, and cautioned him to weigh well what he said. 
 He was asked if he confessed or denied the statements of 
 Washington s letter to the board. In reply, he acknowledged 
 as his own the letter to Washington of September 24th which 
 the Judge-advocate had put in evidence, and furthermore 
 submitted this additional paper that he had drawn up. 
 
 ANDRE S STATEMENT. 
 
 On the 20th of September, I left New York to get on board 
 the Vulture, in order (as I thought) to meet General Arnold 
 there in the night. No boat, however, came off, and I waited 
 on board until the night of the 21st. During the day, a flag 
 of truce was sent from the Vulture to complain of the viola 
 tion of a military rule in the instance of a boat having been 
 decoyed on shore by a flag, and fired upon. The letter was 
 addressed to General Arnold, signed by Captain Sutherland, 
 but written in my hand and countersigned " J. Anderson, Sec 
 retary." Its intent was to indicate my presence on board the 
 
 Vulture. In the night of the 21st a boat with Mr. and 
 
 two hands came on board, in order to fetch Mr. Anderson on 
 shore, and if too late to bring me back, to lodge me until the 
 next night in a place of safety. I went into the boat, landed, 
 and spoke with Arnold. I got on horseback with him to 
 
350 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 proceed to house, and in the way passed a guard I did 
 
 not expect to see, having Sir Henry Clinton s directions not 
 to go within an enemy s post, or to quit my own dress. 
 
 In the morning A. quitted me, having himself made me 
 put the papers I bore between my stockings and feet. Whilst 
 he did it, he expressed a wish that in case of any accident 
 befalling me, that they should be destroyed, which I said, of 
 course would be the case, as when I went into the boat I 
 should have them tied about with a string and a stone. Be 
 fore we parted, some mention had been made of my crossing 
 the river, and going by another route ; but, I objected much 
 against it, and thought it was settled that in the way I 
 came I was also to return. 
 
 Mr. to my great mortification persisted in his deter 
 mination of carrying me by the other route ; and, at the de 
 cline of the sun, I set out on horseback, passed King s Ferry, 
 and came to Crornpond, where a party of militia stopped us 
 and advised we should remain. In the morning I came with 
 
 as far as within two miles and a half of Pine s Bridge 1 , 
 where he said he must part with me, as the Cow-boys infest 
 ed the road thenceforward. I was now near thirty miles 
 from Kingsbridge, and left to the chance of passing that 
 space undiscovered. I got to the neighbourhood of Tarry- 
 town, which was far beyond the points described as danger 
 ous, when I was taken by three volunteers, who, not satisfied 
 with my pass, rifled me, and, finding papers, made me a 
 prisoner. 
 
 I have omitted mentioning, that, when I found myself 
 within an enemy s posts, I changed my dress. 
 
 The Proceedings as published by Congress, being rather 
 a manifesto than a report of the trial, makes no mention of 
 this Statement. It gives however what is doubtless designed 
 for an abstract of its contents and of his oral replies to inter 
 rogations. The italics are from the pamphlet. 
 
 " That he came on shore from the Vulture sloop-of- 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. 351 
 
 war in the night of the 21st September inst., somewhere un 
 der the Haverstraw mountain. That the boat he came on 
 shore in carried no flag, and that he had on a surtout coat 
 over his regimentals, and that he wore his surtout coat when 
 he was taken. That he met Gen. Arnold on the shore, and 
 had an interview with him there. He also said that when 
 he left the Vulture sloop-of-war, it was understood that he 
 was to return that night ; but it was then doubted, and if he 
 could not return he was promised to be concealed on shore, 
 in a place of safety, until the next night, when he was to 
 return in the same manner he came on shore ; and when the 
 next day came he was solicitous to get back, and made en 
 quiries in the course of the day, how he should return, when 
 he was informed he could not return that way, and must take 
 the rout he did afterwards. He also said that the first notice 
 he had of his being within any of our outposts was, being 
 challenged by the sentry, which was the first night he was 
 on shore. He also said, that the evening of the 22d of Sep 
 tember inst., he passed King s Ferry, between our posts of 
 Stony and Verplanctis Points, in the dress he is at present in, 
 and which he said is not his regimentals, and which dress he 
 procured after he landed from the Vulture, and when he was 
 within our posts, and that he was proceeding to New- York, 
 but was taken on his w r ay, at Tarry-town, as he has men 
 tioned in his letter, on Saturday the 23d of September inst. 
 about nine o clock in the morning." 
 
 The six papers from Arnold being produced, he acknowl 
 edged they were found in his boots : the pass to John Ander 
 son was also owned, and the fact that he had assumed that 
 name. Anderson s letter to Sheldon of September 7th (ante, 
 page 262) was also read. He avowed himself its author; but 
 though it went to prove his intention not to enter our lines, 
 he observed that it could not affect the present case, as he 
 wrote it in New York under Clinton s orders. 
 
 " The Board having interrogated Major Andre about his 
 conception of his coming on shore under the sanction of a 
 
352 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 flag, he said, That it was impossible for him to suppose he 
 came on shore under that sanction, and added, That if he 
 came on shore under that sanction, he certainly might have 
 returned under it. 
 
 " Major Andre having acknowledged the preceding facts, 
 and being asked whether he had anything to say respecting 
 them, answered, He left them to operate with the Board." 
 
 It was probably in connection with this point of a flag that 
 Greene asked the question : " When you came on shore 
 from the Vulture, Major Andre, and met General Arnold, 
 did you consider yourself acting as a private individual, or as 
 a British officer ? " "I wore my uniform," was the reply, 
 and undoubtedly esteemed myself to be what indeed I was, 
 a British officer." It will be recollected that it was not as 
 an officer he was acting and clad when he was arrested.* 
 
 His personal examination was now concluded, and the 
 prisoner being remanded into custody, the board considered 
 Arnold s and Robinson s letters of the 25th, and Clinton s 
 (with Arnold s statement enclosed) of the 26th September to 
 Washington. Of their contents or indeed of their exist 
 ence it does not appear that Andre was apprised : nor was 
 it necessary that he should be. No other testimony was pre 
 sented, nor indeed was there any more in the power of the 
 board to adduce save that of Smith and the boatmen. The 
 first was in custody ; and as his preliminary examination by 
 Washington was in the presence of La Fayette and Knox, 
 who were of the board, as well as of Hamilton and Harrison 
 who were not, they knew what he could say respecting Andre s 
 coming ashore from the Vulture. By their evidence after 
 wards, on his own trial, this briefly amounted to the assevera 
 tion that he went to the Vulture by Arnold s direction with a 
 flag which, despite the darkness of the night, he thought a 
 sufficient protection ; that he brought away Andre in his uni 
 form, which was not laid aside till the next day ; and that the 
 
 * I have this anecdote from Mr. Sparks, who received it from La Fay 
 ette himself. 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. 353 
 
 prisoner came to land under the assumed name of Anderson. 
 The boatmen could only say that they were under the im 
 pression they were asked beforehand to go with a flag. This 
 testimony is not of much importance, though it shows that 
 some persons at that day considered a safe-conduct and a flag 
 identical. 
 
 To these details of what passed before and in the board, but 
 a passage or two more can be added. It is recorded that An 
 dre was profoundly sensible of the liberal and polite behavior 
 that he met with from the Court, and warmly avowed his 
 sense of their generous treatment. " I flatter myself," he 
 said when the examination was over, " that I have never 
 been illiberal, but if there were any remains of prejudice in 
 my mind, my present experience must obliterate them. On 
 the other hand, his own deportment was composed and dig 
 nified ; his answers open, clear, and to the point, and free 
 from all argumentative insinuation. Their frank ingenuous 
 ness is testified to by Hamilton, who says his confession was 
 so full that the board condemned him on it without calling a 
 witness. His only reserve was in regard to others ; in all that 
 he said, he avowed his carefulness to avoid everything that 
 could involve any one else, even shunning to mention names. 
 Thus when Greene referred to his meeting Arnold at Smith s 
 house "I said a house, sir, but I did not say whose house ! " 
 exclaimed Andre. " True," replied Greene ; " nor have we 
 any right to demand this of you after the conditions we have 
 allowed." 
 
 Though there is nothing in the published Proceedings to 
 show that the prisoner endeavored to prove himself not a 
 spy, we cannot doubt that he took that ground before the 
 board. Smith s affirmation that he did may be passed by ; 
 his comment on his own letter to Sheldon and the tone of his 
 written statements lead to the belief that he upheld himself 
 to have been involuntarily, and without anything beyond ap 
 parent guilt, forced into that category. 
 
 When all the evidence before them was put in and consid- 
 23 
 
354 LIFE OP MAJOR ANDK6. 
 
 ered, the board proceeded to collect its voices. La Fayette is 
 authority for pronouncing the decision unanimous ; and though 
 Smith alleges that neither Steuben nor Howe approved it, 
 there is good reason to believe him as incorrect here as in 
 other places. It is probable, let us hope, that La Fayette 
 himself was equally astray when, on the 4th of July, 1825, 
 at his mansion in Paris, he assured the son of an officer who 
 had been peculiarly associated with Andre s closing scenes, 
 in reference to the action of the board, " that it was a pain 
 ful duty, in consideration of the gallantry and accomplish 
 ments of that officer, but the court was impelled not only by 
 the rules of war but by the example of the British army 
 itself, in the execution of Captain Hale on Long Island for a 
 similar offence, to pass a like judgment." This consideration 
 I cannot believe at all influenced the determination of the 
 board; nor will I willingly admit that La Fayette himself 
 was governed by it in giving his vote. Their enemies have 
 indeed said, doubtless untruly, that he and Greene being 
 personally hostile to Arnold were the warmest advocates for 
 Andre s condemnation: and it is not unlikely that his compan 
 ions were not all as prompt as himself in coming to a conclu 
 sion. " Some of the American generals too," he wrote to his 
 wife, " lamented, while they kept twisting the rope that was to 
 hang him." But a moment s reflection will show how great a 
 wrong is worked to the character of our leaders by the impu 
 tation of such a motive. Hale was a man whose disposition 
 and whose fate indeed resembled Andre s ; but whose case in 
 its characteristics was widely dissimilar. In fulfilment of 
 Washington s desires and with the purest intentions of serv 
 ing his country, he premeditatedly entered the British lines 
 as a spy, and was detected.. His own kinsman betrayed him, 
 and he was arrested while yet the embers smouldered of the 
 great fire of the 21st of September, 1776, and in the height 
 of the excitement that this unjustifiable conflagration occa 
 sioned among the British. He was instantly hanged by 
 order of Sir William Howe ; and the circumstances of his 
 
ANDR SENTENCED TO DEATH. 355 
 
 execution reflect disgrace upon the English arms. But even 
 had his case in every particular been parallel with Andre s, 
 it will be borne in mind that fully four years had elapsed 
 since its occurrence. The English were now under another 
 chief who, as was well known, had carefully avoided putting 
 to death those over whose lives the laws of war gave him 
 control ; and who but recently had given up an acknowl 
 edged spy to Washington s intercessions. And in any case 
 it is certain that our people had hanged persons of that char 
 acter in sufficient numbers since Hale s death to satisfy every 
 demand of retaliation.* Had the lex talionis therefore at all 
 been presented for a principle of action to our generals, it 
 would undoubtedly have at once been set aside. That there 
 was anger in their hearts is not improbable ; that their verdict 
 was consciously influenced by it or any other motive than a 
 simple disposition to decide the case before them on its indi 
 vidual merits should not be questioned. They may indeed 
 have felt, when they looked on the prisoner, what the great 
 Pharaoh in the Arabian tale expresses : " men are not to 
 be reckoned as we reckon animals ; one camel isworth no 
 more than another, but the man who is before me is worth an 
 army." But this very reflection could only warn them to 
 more scrupulously mete no other sentence than the law 
 awarded. This" sentence appears in the concluding para 
 graph of the report, which was signed by every member of 
 the board. 
 
 " The Board having considered the letter from his Excel 
 lency General Washington respecting Major Andre, Adjutant 
 
 * In hurriedly glancing over Thacher s Military Journal, I see recorded 
 in this single volume the executions of no less than eight British spies be 
 tween the dates of Hale s death and Andre s. The fate of one who was 
 reclaimed by Tryon, is characteristically set forth in Putnam s reply. 
 " Sir: Xathan Palmer, a lieutenant in your king s service, was taken in my 
 camp as a spy, he was tried as a spy, he was condemned as a spy, and 
 you may rest assured, Sir, that he shall be hanged as a spy, I have the 
 honor to be, &c., Israel Putnam. P. S. Afternoon, he is hanged." 
 
356 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 General to the British army, the Confession of Major Andre. 
 and the papers produced to them, REPORT to His Excellency 
 the Commander in Chief the following facts which appear tc 
 them concerning Major Andre. 
 
 " First, That he came on shore from the Vulture sloop of 
 war, in the night of the 21st of September inst. on an inter 
 view with General Arnold, in a private and secret manner. 
 
 " Secondly, That he changed his dress within our lines, ana 
 under a feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed oui 
 works at Stoney and Verplantts Points the evening of the- 
 22d of September inst. and was taken the morning of the 
 23d of September inst. at Tarry Town, in a disguised habit. 
 being then on his way to New-York, and, when taken, he hac 
 in his possession several papers, which contained intelligence 
 for the enemy. 
 
 " The Board having maturely considered these facts, Do 
 ALSO REPORT to His Excellency General Washington, thai 
 Major Andre, Adjutant General to the British Army, oughi 
 to be considered as a Spy from the enemy ; and that, agree 
 able to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he 
 ought to suffer death." 
 
 The day was probably well advanced ere this report was 
 prepared. On the next, it received Washington s sanction. 
 
 Head Quarters, September 80th, 1 780. The Comman 
 der in Chief approves of the opinion of the Board of Gen 
 eral Officers, respecting Major Andre, and orders that the 
 execution of Major Andre take place to-morrow, at five 
 o clock, P. M. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Andre s Deportment after the Death-TVarrant. Letters to Clinton, and 
 between Washington and the British Generals. Plans for substituting 
 Arnold for Andre*. The Execution delayed. 
 
 As yet it would seem that an answer had been given 
 neither to Andre s request of the 24th September for per 
 mission to apply for necessary apparel and linen and to 
 forward an open letter to Clinton, nor to that general s com 
 munication of the 26th. The latter delay was probably 
 occasioned by a wish to obtain the decision of the Court of 
 Enquiry, and, perhaps, to ascertain the inclinations of Con 
 gress. Greene had swiftly transmitted the first intelligence 
 of Arnold s conduct : and on the 30th, Washington s letter 
 of the 26th was received by that body. Marbois says that 
 the Chief privately sought its desires in the present contin 
 gency, and that although there was no public debate, it was 
 informally determined not to interfere with the judgment of 
 the military tribunal. 
 
 The interest and even attachment which the prisoner s 
 condition and character had already inspired in the feelings 
 of many of our officers has been previously noticed. Among 
 those whose rank more nearly approaching his own rendered 
 intercourse less restrained and embarrassing, Hamilton stood 
 first. He was then but about twenty-three years of age, 
 and his grade and disposition, and his relations to the Amer 
 ican leader, were not unlike those that Andre had filled in 
 another sphere. In laudable ambition, too, and in natural 
 gifts as well as accomplishments, there was much in common 
 between the two ; and the very jests that one had offered at 
 the other s expense were an additional incitement to personal 
 
358 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 kindnesses that should wipe away the inconsiderate levity of 
 The Cow-Chase. From the moment that the captive was 
 brought in, there was a constant exercise of Hamilton s good- 
 offices. On a former occasion his friend, Major William 
 Jackson, had received much civility from Andre ; and to him 
 Hamilton repaired. " Major Jackson," he said, " I have 
 learned that Andre was very kind to you when you were a 
 prisoner. Will you not now visit him ? " The suggestion 
 was unnecessary, for no man was better endowed than Jack 
 son with those kindly feelings which not less than the sterner 
 traits characterize an accomplished soldier; but the story 
 shows the zeal with which Hamilton in befriending Andre, 
 while he sought to direct indignation against Arnold was 
 careful to provoke compassion towards his unfortunate co 
 adjutor. Nor is it strange that he who esteemed Julius 
 Cassar as the greatest of humankind, was drawn towards a 
 man whose character also exhibited " the commanding supe 
 riority of soul, the generous clemency, and the various genius 
 which could reconcile and unite the love of pleasure, the 
 thirst of knowledge, and the fire of ambition." Such we are 
 told were Ceesar s qualities : such in a minor scale were An 
 dre s. Nor was Jackson s a solitary case : there were sev 
 eral in our army who had in confinement received substantial 
 proof s of Andre s goodness : and these were not now want 
 ing in showing him civilities. 
 
 During the brief hours of life that remained, Hamilton was 
 in constant intercourse with him : and it was apparently im 
 mediately on his being withdrawn from the presence of the 
 board that he endeavored to procure through the influence 
 of his friend, what he had himself asked for some days be 
 fore. His doom was indeed not yet pronounced, but he must 
 have perceived the tendency of the current that was flowing 
 so strongly towards the grave ; and in the very tenderness of 
 his treatment by those in whose guard he slept and waked, 
 he could not but have recognized the impulse to make his 
 remaining hours as easy as possible, since they were to be so 
 
ANDRE S DEPORTMENT AFTER THE DEATH-WARRANT. 359 
 
 very few and full of trouble. But the attachment between Clin 
 ton and himself was firm and reciprocal. Sir Henry avowed, 
 years afterward, that he had not forgotten nor could ever 
 cease to -lament his fate and his worth; and Andre during 
 his imprisonment spoke of his patron as a child might speak 
 of a tender father.* Now, when the prospect of death was 
 imminent, he thought of a possible future pang that might 
 occur to his friend, and he sought to avert it by a renewal 
 of the petition which on his own score merely, his wounded 
 sensibilities would perhaps have not again permitted him to 
 advert to. He repeated to Hamilton his desire to write to 
 his commander. 
 
 " In one of the visits I made to him, (and I saw him several 
 times during his confinement,) he begged me to be the bearer 
 of a request to the general, for permission to send an open 
 letter to Sir Henry Clinton. I foresee my fate, (said he,) 
 and though I pretend not to play the hero, or to be indiffer 
 ent about life, yet I am reconciled to whatever may happen, 
 conscious that misfortune, not guilt, will have brought it upon 
 me. There is only one thing that disturbs my tranquillity. 
 Sir Henry Clinton has been too good to me ; he has been 
 lavish of his kindness. I am bound to him by too many 
 obligations, and love him too well, to bear the thought that 
 he should reproach himself, or that others should reproach 
 him, on a supposition that I had conceived myself bound by 
 his instructions to run the risk I did. I would not for the 
 world leave a sting that should embitter his future days. 
 He could scarce finish the sentence, bursting into tears in 
 spite of his efforts to suppress them, and with difficulty col- 
 
 * Mr. Cooper says, " It is certain he always spoke of Sir Henry Clinton 
 (the English commander-in-chief ) with the affection and confidence of a 
 child, until he received his last letter, which he read in much agitation, 
 thrust into his pocket, and never afterwards mentioned his general s name." 
 Trav. Bach. i. 221. This is the only intimation that exists of his receiv 
 ing any letter from Sir Henry during his confinement: and I do not be 
 lieve one word of that part of the anecdote. It is probable, if Mr. Cooper 
 got it from La Fayette (which is not declared) that the latter was forgetful. 
 
360 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 lected himself enough afterwards to add, I wish to be per 
 mitted to assure him I did not act under this impression, but 
 submitted to a necessity imposed upon me, as contrary to my 
 own inclination as to his orders. " 
 
 Hamilton found little difficulty now in obtaining the re 
 quired permission ; and the letter was at once written. It 
 must have been sent unsealed to head-quarters, and copied 
 ere it left our camp : its contents were known through the 
 army before the author was hanged. This was certainly in 
 ill-taste. It was just that precautions should be used to pre 
 vent communications with the enemy prejudicial to our in 
 terests ; but worded as it was, the language of the document 
 should never have passed the walls of the general s marquee. 
 It was enough to satisfy justice that the writer s body should 
 swing from a gibbet : there was no necessity of exposing to 
 the gloating eye of all the world the secret agonies of his 
 soul. 
 
 ANDRE TO CLINTON. 
 
 TAPPAN, 29 September, 1780. 
 
 SIR, Your Excellency is doubtless already apprized of 
 the manner in which I was taken, and possibly of the serious 
 light in which my conduct is considered, and the rigorous 
 determination that is impending. 
 
 Under these circumstances, I have obtained General 
 Washington s permission to send you this letter ; the object 
 of which is, to remove from your breast any suspicion that 
 I could imagine I was bound by your Excellency s orders to 
 expose myself to what has happened. The events of coming 
 within an enemy s posts, and of changing my dress, which 
 led me to my present situation, were contrary to my own in 
 tentions, as they were to your orders ; and the circuitous 
 route, which I took to return, was imposed (perhaps unavoid 
 ably) without alternative upon me. 
 
 I am perfectly tranquil in mind, and prepared for any 
 
ROBERTSON TO WASHINGTON. 361 
 
 fate, to which an honest zeal for my King s service may have 
 devoted me. 
 
 In addressing myself to your Excellency on this occasion, 
 the force of all my obligations to you, and of the attachment 
 and gratitude I bear you, recurs to me. With all the 
 warmth of my heart, I give you thanks for your Excel 
 lency s profuse kindness to me ; and I send you the most 
 earnest wishes for your welfare, which a faithful, affection 
 ate, and respectful attendant can frame. 
 
 I have a mother and three sisters, to whom the value of 
 my commission would be an object, as the loss of Granada has 
 much affected their income. It is needless to be more ex 
 plicit on this subject ; I am persuaded of your Excellency s 
 goodness. 
 
 I receive the greatest attention from his Excellency Gen 
 eral Washington, and from every person under whose charge 
 I happen to be placed. I have the honour to be, With the 
 most respectful attachment, Your Excellency s most obedient, 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ANDRE, Adjutant-General. 
 
 His Excellency General Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. &c. 
 &c. &c. 
 
 On the same day General Robertson had addressed a let 
 ter to our camp, reiterating the reclamation of Andre. 
 
 ROBERTSON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 New York, 29 September, 1780. SIR : Persuaded that 
 you are inclined rather to promote than prevent the civilities 
 and acts of humanity, which the rules of war permit between 
 civilized nations, I find no difficulty in representing to you, 
 that several letters and messages sent from hence have been 
 disregarded, are unanswered, and the flags of truce that car 
 ried them detained. As I ever have treated all flags of 
 
362 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 truce with civility and respect, I have a right to hope that 
 you will order my complaint to be immediately redressed. 
 
 Major Andre, who visited an officer commanding in a 
 district, at his own desire, and acted in every circumstance 
 agreeably to his direction, I find is detained a prisoner. My 
 friendship for him leads me to fear he may suffer some 
 inconvenience for want of necessaries. I wish to be allowed 
 to send him a few, and shall take it as a favor if you will be 
 pleased to permit his servant to deliver them. In Sir Henry 
 Clinton s absence it becomes a part of my duty to make this 
 representation and request. I am, Sir, &c. 
 
 This letter must have arrived early on the 30th, and with 
 it came the servant, Peter Laune, bringing the much wanted 
 necessaries of the toilet. Washington with his aides and 
 some guards being on the spot when the flag landed, saw the 
 luggage searched, and then bade a soldier conduct the man 
 to his master ; whom he found " confined in a room, but not 
 in fetters, under a strong guard, with double centinels, and 
 two rebel officers in the room on duty." The returning flag 
 bore back this reply : 
 
 WASHINGTON TO ROBERTSON. 
 
 Tappan, Sept. 30, 1780. SIR: I have just received 
 your letter of the 29th instant. Any delay which may have 
 attended your flags, has proceeded from accident and the 
 peculiar circumstances of the occasion ; not from intentional 
 neglect or violation. The letter, which admitted of an an 
 swer, has received one as early as it could be given with 
 propriety, transmitted by a flag this morning. As to mes 
 sages, I am uninformed of any that have been sent. The 
 necessaries for Major Andre will be delivered to him agree 
 able to your request. I am, Sir, &c. 
 
 Andre s condition was not yet so desperate as to shut out 
 
ANDRE S CONDITION. 363 
 
 every hope of saving him. Mr. Sparks says that Washing 
 ton was very anxious to do so : but a victim and an emi 
 nent one was demanded. The magnitude of the affront 
 called for a commensurate expiation, and there was but one 
 person who could be substituted in the prisoner s stead. 
 The unanimous approval bestowed by the army and the 
 nation on Andre s execution, though accompanied with un- 
 repressed regret for its cruel necessity, arose from this con 
 viction. None could tell where the treason was to end : and 
 though as it turned out no others were involved, yet at the 
 moment, so far from being assured upon that point, the army s 
 confidence was shaken in various quarters, and Washington 
 himself is seen privately investigating the suspicions that point 
 ed to the uppermost grades of the Court of Inquiry itself. The 
 only security was to act promptly and with such decision as 
 should effectually deter others from a like offence. We all 
 recollect Robinson Crusoe s dealings with the birds in his 
 cornfield. He might drive them away as often as he would ; 
 but no sooner was his back turned than their plundering was 
 resumed : u I could easily see the thieves sitting upon all the 
 trees about me, as if they only waited till I was gone away, 
 and the event proved it to be so." But when he hung a few 
 of the marauders in chains and left them dangling in ter- 
 rorem, it so disgusted their surviving comrades that ever 
 after they shunned the spot in holy horror. So it was now 
 with our troops, who feared that the next attempt at seduction 
 or betrayal would terminate less fortunately. But there is 
 no question that Arnold s death would have been more grate 
 ful than Andre s ; though as Laurens justly suggested, " ex 
 ample will derive new force from his conspicuous character." 
 Hamilton, soon after the latter s execution, summed up the 
 dilemma : " There was in truth no way of saving him. 
 Arnold or he must have been the victim ; the former was 
 out of our power." 
 
 There were two ways of getting possession of Arnold ; by 
 seizure, or by exchange. Both were tried, but the last only 
 
364 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 made any progress during Andre s life. It was sought to 
 induce him to apply in his own name to Clinton for the ex 
 change. A gentleman, surmising that Arnold had been pre 
 pared from the first to sacrifice Andre to his own security, 
 and that on this score Sir Henry might be willing to give 
 him up, opened the matter to the condemned man, who de 
 clined the expedient. Tradition has named Hamilton as 
 having made the overture. " If Arnold could " he began. 
 " Stop," peremptorily interposed the captive : " such a propo 
 sition can never come from me ! " * But Hamilton himself, 
 on the very day of the execution, has thus addressed his 
 betrothed : 
 
 " It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea of an 
 exchange for Arnold ; but I knew I should have forfeited 
 his esteem by doing it, and therefore declined it. As a man 
 of honor, he could not but reject it; and I would not for the 
 world have proposed to him a thing which must have placed 
 me in the unamiable light of supposing him capable of a 
 meanness, or of not feeling myself the impropriety of the 
 measure. I confess to you, I had the weakness to value the 
 esteem of a dying man, because I reverenced his merit." 
 
 The idea was nevertheless cherished at head-quarters. 
 Greene* it will be seen, suggested it to Robertson ; and 
 Washington without committing himself ostensibly to the 
 proposal, indirectly brought it before Clinton. Simcoe de 
 clares that among the letters between the generals, a paper 
 was slipped in unsigned, but in Hamilton s writing, saying 
 * that the only way to save Andre was to give up Arnold." 
 The occasion of this must have been when Washington wrote 
 to Clinton, on the 30th September, enclosing Andre s open 
 letter of the 29th. 
 
 WASHINGTON TO CLINTON. 
 
 Head- Quarters, Sept. 30, 1780. Sin: In answer to 
 * Cooper, apparently ex rtl La Fayette. Trav. Bach. i. 221. 
 
WASHINGTON S RELPY TO CLINTON. 365 
 
 your Excellency s letter of the 26th instant, which I had the 
 honor to receive, I am to inform you that Major Andre was 
 taken under such circumstances as would have justified the 
 most rigorous proceedings against him. I determined, how 
 ever, to refer his case to the examination and decision of a 
 Board of General Officers, who have reported, on his free 
 and voluntary confession and letters : 
 
 " First, that he came on shore, from the Vulture sloop-of- 
 war, in the night of the 21st of September instant, on an 
 interview with General Arnold, in a private and secret man 
 ner. 
 
 " Secondly, That he changed his dress within our lines ; 
 and, under a feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed 
 our works at Stony and Verplanck s Points, the evening of 
 the 22d of September instant, and was taken the morning of 
 the 23d of September instant, at Tarrytown, in a disguised 
 habit, being then on his way to New York ; and, when taken, 
 he had in his possession several papers, which contained 
 intelligence for the enemy." 
 
 From these proceedings it is evident, that Major Andre was 
 employed in the execution of measures very foreign to the 
 objects of flags of truce, and such as they were never meant 
 to authorize or countenance in the most distant degree ; and 
 this gentleman confessed, with the greatest candor, in the 
 course of his examination, " that it was impossible for him to 
 suppose, that he came on shore under the sanction of a flag." 
 I have the honor to be, &c.* 
 
 * " The closing part of the report of the board of officers was not quoted 
 in the letter to Sir Heniy Clinton. It was in the following words : The 
 Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also report to his Excel 
 lency General Washington, that Major Andre", adjutant-general to the 
 British army, ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and that, 
 agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought to 
 suffer death. 1 " Sparks s Wash. vii. 539. The Case of Major Andre how 
 ever gives the letter as in my text, but probably took it and other matter 
 from the publication of Congress. Yet this last work printed the letter of 
 Washington in such a manner as to lead to the inference that the omission 
 
366 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 Captain Aaron Ogden of New Jersey was one of the most 
 distinguished soldiers of his grade in our ranks. He was of 
 good birth, unblemished integrity, and approved courage ; 
 and had been pierced by a bayonet in one of the character 
 istic night-marches of Andre s first patron, General Grey. 
 Though his kinsman of the same name had followed Arnold 
 to the gates of Quebec, it is probable that this gentleman 
 held him in no great liking, since Maxwell, his own former 
 leader, perfectly hated him. Ogden had now a company in 
 La Fayette s Light Infantry division ; a corps d elite, picked 
 from the whole army. 
 
 On the evening of the 29th, when the Board had finished 
 its deliberations, Ogden was commanded to wait upon Wash 
 ington the next day at eight A. M. precisely. The chief 
 alone met him at the door, and privately gave him his orders. 
 He was to select twenty-five choice dragoons, reliable men 
 and of good appearance, and procuring for himself the best 
 horse he could find, to carry a flag and deliver a packet 
 for Clinton to the commander of the nearest British post. 
 Further, before departing he was to call for additional in 
 structions on La Fayette, who lay with his brigade in 
 advance of the main army and nearer to New York. 
 The orders he received from La Fayette were that he 
 " should if possible get within the British post at Powles 
 Hook, and continue there during the night ; and that he 
 should privately assure the commanding officer there, without 
 taking him aside for the purpose, that he, Captain Ogden, 
 was instructed to say that if Sir Henry Clinton would in any 
 way suffer Washington to get General Arnold within his 
 power, that Major Andre should be immediately released." 
 Ogden therefore so contrived his march, that it was the 
 evening of the 30th when he came to the British outpost. 
 
 of the concluding paragraph was intentional: and indeed, if Clinton could 
 have at all been brought to surrender Arnold, it was desirable that he 
 should be afforded a pretence of ignorance that he was remanding him to 
 the gallows. 
 
OGDEN SENT WITH DESPATCHES TO CLINTON. 367 
 
 He was told that he might remain while his despatch was 
 sent in ; but he replied that he had peremptory directions to 
 give it up to no one but the officer commanding the post. 
 The circumstances of the case for it must have been evi 
 dent that his papers had some connection with Andre 
 provoked a suspension of the usual customs, and he was per 
 mitted to pass in and deliver them as he was bidden. He 
 was received with great politeness and, the evening now 
 being advanced, was offered quarters for the night. No op 
 portunity however occurred for the fulfilment of his secret 
 duties until supper was served, when, in courtesy to a 
 stranger, he was seated by the commandant. In the course 
 of conversation he was asked of Andre s probable fate, and 
 promptly answered that he would be hung. Was there no 
 means, exclaimed the Englishman, of saving him ? There 
 was certainly a means, whispered Ogden in reply : let Ar 
 nold be surrendered, and he was prepared to say, though 
 with no formal assurance from Washington to the effect, that 
 Andre would be yielded up. The officer at once carried this 
 important communication to his General. On his return he 
 gave Ogden the only reply that any soldier should have ex 
 pected. The suggested course was totally inadmissible, and 
 Clinton would not even consider it. At daybreak everything 
 was prepared for Ogden s departure ; and it was not till this 
 moment that he found out that his chosen sergeant had de 
 serted to the enemy. This evasion however was performed 
 in obedience to Washington s own and secret arrangements, 
 concealed for the time from Ogden himself, and directed with 
 a view to procure a sure and unsuspected spy in the British 
 lines, as well as an intelligent watchman over Arnold and his 
 every motion. 
 
 Meanwhile, intelligence of the finding of the court and of 
 his fate were communicated to Andre through two officers 
 from Greene, one of whom was his aide, Major Burnet. The 
 sentence was listened to with a composure that his informants 
 vainly strove to emulate. The prisoner had steeled himself 
 
368 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 to encounter death : " I avow no guilt," he said, " but I am 
 resigned to my fate." Yet he shrunk from the idea of the hal 
 ter. " Since it was his lot to die," he said, " there was still a 
 choice in the mode which would make a material difference 
 to his feelings ; and he would be happy, if possible, to be in 
 dulged with a professional death " ; and he seems to have at 
 once verbally petitioned, probably through Hamilton, that 
 Washington would consent to his being shot. Probably an 
 ticipating no refusal to this request, he retained for some time 
 a tranquillity of spirit approaching even to cheerfulness. The 
 arrival of his servant had enabled him to discard the slovenly 
 raiment that had previously embarrassed him, and he was 
 now as neat and comely in his appearance as though he were 
 doing duty before his sovereign at Windsor Castle instead of 
 languishing in a condemned cell. Still looking for his exe 
 cution on the day originally assigned, he busied himself in 
 farewell communications to his friends. To Captain Crosbie 
 he wrote that " the manner in which he was to die had at 
 first given him some slight uneasiness, but he instantly recol 
 lected that it was the crime alone that made any mode of 
 punishment ignominious, and that he could not think an at 
 tempt to put an end to a civil war, and to stop the effusion of 
 human blood, a crime. He should therefore meet death 
 with the spirit becoming a British officer, and neither dis 
 grace his friends nor his country." These letters he con 
 fided to his servant, to be delivered when he returned to New 
 York. 
 
 In fact, every authority testifies to the composure and dig 
 nity preserved by this unfortunate man while he was in our 
 hands. " All of the court that inquired into his case," says 
 La Fayette, " were filled with sentiments of admiration and 
 compassion for him." " He behaved with so much frankness, 
 courage, and delicacy, that I could not help lamenting his un 
 happy fate," continues the marquis. " It is impossible to ex 
 press too much respect or too deep regret for Major Andre." 
 Heath wrote that his behavior " was becoming an officer and 
 
OEDER OF EXECUTION. 369 
 
 a gentleman, and such in his last moments as drew tears from 
 many eyes. But it must be remembered that he who con 
 sents to become a spy when he sets out has by allusion a 
 halter put round his neck, and that by the usage of armies if 
 he be taken the other end of the halter is speedily made fast 
 to the gallows." Tallmadge observes " that from the few 
 days of intimate intercourse I had with him, which was from 
 the time of his being remanded to the period of his execu 
 tion, I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that I 
 could remember no instance where my affections were so fully 
 absorbed by any man. When I saw him swing under the 
 gibbet, it seemed for a time utterly insupportable : all were 
 overwhelmed with the affecting spectacle, and the eyes of 
 many were suffused with tears. There did not appear to be 
 one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude 
 assembled on that solemn occasion." Thacher, Hamilton, 
 Washington himself, bear witness that his whole conduct to 
 the last breath of life was that of the accomplished man and 
 gallant officer. The test applied to his character was a se 
 vere one : for neither by day nor night was he without an 
 American officer at his side ; nor, unless when busied with his 
 pen, or buying peaches from the country people of the neigh 
 borhood, had he any other means of employing his thoughts 
 than in such society. Any lapse from the most lofty pro 
 priety would have been instantly detected and remarked on. 
 
 The morning orders of Sunday, October 1st, published to 
 the army the finding of the Board of Officers, and concluded 
 with this paragraph : 
 
 " The Commander-in-chief directs the execution of the 
 above sentence in the usual way, this afternoon, at five 
 o clock, precisely." 
 
 We may suppose that this intelligence was not long in 
 coming to the prisoner, and that he saw now a likelihood of 
 his request to be shot being disregarded. It was believed 
 in our camp that Washington himself was not disinclined to 
 grant it, but that the advice of his generals deterred him. 
 24 
 
370 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 Greene, it was said, was clear that Andre was a spy and should 
 die the death of a spy : that were he not hanged, the notion 
 that there were grounds for this extent of leniency would 
 be twisted into a belief that his death was entirely uncalled 
 for. The public good, he thought, required the use of the rope. 
 And Greene s biographer and kinsman seems to believe that 
 this general was positive on the point, though " it was with 
 a trembling hand and eyes dimmed with tears that he signed 
 the fatal decree." Burnet declares that Washington was 
 convinced he could not consistently with the customs of war 
 alter the manner of death " without subjecting himself to the 
 charge of instability or want of nerve." But Andre resolved 
 on a direct appeal ; and we gather from Hamilton s language 
 but a brief moment before the fatal hour that it did not fail 
 for lack of his mediation with Washington : 
 
 " Poor Andre suffers to-day ; everything that is amiable, 
 in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate sentiment, and accomplished 
 manners, pleads for him ; but hard-hearted policy calls for a 
 
 sacrifice. lie must die . I send you my account of 
 
 Arnold s affair ; and to justify myself to your sentiments, I 
 must inform you, that I urged a compliance with Andre s re 
 quest to be shot, and I do not think it would have had an ill 
 effect; but some people are only sensible to motives of poli 
 cy, and, sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it. 
 
 " When Andre s tale comes to be told, and present resent 
 ment is over, the refusing him the privilege of choosing 
 the manner of his death will be branded with too much ob 
 stinacy." 
 
 On the morning of October 1st, Andre amused himself with 
 some last reminiscences of that art whose pleasant exercise 
 had so constantly attended his life. A pen-and-ink likeness 
 of himself, drawn on this occasion without the aid of a mir 
 ror, was sketched by him in the presence of Mr. Tomlinson, 
 an officer of the attendant guard, to whom he gave it as a 
 memorial. It is still preserved in the Trumbull gallery at 
 Yale College. He was wont to make such portraits for his 
 
THE EXECUTION DELAYED. 371 
 
 friends ; and from the writing materials, &c., displayed on 
 the table, we may conjecture that this was produced when 
 his last letter to Washington was written. At this period 
 his air was serene, though his thoughts must have been ago 
 nizing : for say or do what he would, he could not brook the 
 idea of a felon s death. But like the savage warrior at the 
 stake, he felt that there was no moment, sleeping or waking, 
 when he might privately give vent to the effusions of natural 
 emotion ; and his composure was steadfastly preserved. His 
 servant was not so calm ; and on this morning, which there 
 was no reason to believe was not Andre s last on earth, 
 Laune entered the chamber with his face bathed in tears. 
 His master noticed it, and tranquilly dismissed him: "Leave 
 me," said he, "till you can show -yourself more manly." 
 
 The day was passing away and the hour at hand that was 
 prescribed for the execution. The gibbet was erected, the 
 grave dug, and the coffin provided ; and throngs of spectators 
 crowded to the appointed spot. Captain Ebenezer Smith, 
 of the Massachusetts Line, was in waiting at Andre s side as 
 commandant of the guard appointed to escort him to the gal 
 lows. He describes the prisoner s manners on this trying 
 occasion as highly pleasing, and his conversation intelligent : 
 but the mental agony which convulsed his whole frame as 
 the moment of doom came near was too much for the honest- 
 hearted gentleman to stomach. It seemed to him, he said in 
 terse and nervous phrase, as though the very flesh was crawl 
 ing upon Andre s bones as he paced the floor. Captain Smith 
 faced all the perils, all the privations of our revolutionary 
 contest, and he probably had his share of pleasure and of 
 comfort in the ensuing years, but he ever avowed that the 
 respite which relieved him from his melancholy charge made 
 this Sunday to be reckoned among the happiest days of his 
 life. The occasion of the interruption was the intelligence 
 brought by Ogden from Clinton. He had arrived in camp 
 that morning ; but for some reason the postponement of the 
 
372 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 execution does not appear to have been announced until late 
 in the afternoon. Clinton s letter was as follows : 
 
 CLINTON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 New York, Sept. 30, 1780. Sm: From your Excel 
 lency s letter of this date, I am persuaded the Board of 
 General Officers, to whom you referred the case of Major 
 Andre, can t have been rightly informed of all the circum 
 stances on which a judgment ought to be formed. I think 
 it of the highest moment to humanity, that your Excellency 
 should be perfectly apprized of the state of the matter, be 
 fore you proceed to put that judgment in execution. 
 
 For this reason, I shall send his Excellency Lieutenant- 
 General Robertson, and two other gentlemen, to give you a 
 true state of facts, and to declare to you my sentiments and 
 resolutions. They will set out to-morrow as early as the 
 wind and tide will permit, and will wait near Dobb s Ferry 
 for your permission and safe-conduct, to meet your Excel 
 lency, or such persons as you may appoint, to converse with 
 them on the subject. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 P. S. The Honorable Andrew Elliot, Esq., Lieuten 
 ant-Governor, and the Honorable William Smith, Esq., 
 Chief-Justice of this Province, will attend his Excellency 
 Lieutenant-General Robertson. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Expedients of the British to procure Andre s Liberation. Their Failure. 
 Correspondence in the Case. 
 
 POWLES HOOK was only separated from New York by 
 the Hudson, and was almost opposite Clinton s head-quarters. 
 The papers brought by Ogden were therefore not long in 
 coming to his hand ; and he at once summoned Mr. Smith 
 the king s chief-justice of New York, Mr. John Tabor Kempe 
 the attorney-general, and other civilians, to meet in consulta 
 tion with his general officers. Having stated the circum 
 stances of the case and submitted Washington s letter, Sir 
 Henry asked Smith whether in his opinion the Americans 
 could hang Andre as a spy. The chief-justice said that a 
 reference to the authorities on the question led him to believe 
 they could not ; and in this opinion the officers concurred. 
 But Kempe preserving a silence, one of them put the same 
 query to him. Without going into the law of the matter he 
 curtly answered, " I think they will hang him." The querist 
 turned away in disgust, and the attorney-general presently 
 retired. The conclusion arrived at by the council, however, 
 was that as the American board could not have been pos 
 sessed of full evidence in the business, a deputation should 
 proceed forthwith to our lines, armed with satisfactory proofs 
 of Andre s innocence : and that Washington should be noti 
 fied by return of his own flag of the coming envoys. 
 
 So soon as Andre s imprisonment was known, Simcoe had 
 put himself in readiness to recapture him ; and begged of Clin 
 ton that in any attempt of that nature his regiment should have 
 the honor of its charge. Thinking the prisoner might perhaps 
 be sent on to Congress, his scouts vigilantly watched the route 
 
374 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRL\ 
 
 between our camp and Philadelphia, to give timely warning 
 of any chance to fall on the escort. Henry Lee and himself, 
 being particular enemies on public grounds, were very good 
 friends in private ; and he lost no time in asking an interview 
 with our partisan leader, of which the real object was to 
 speak about Andre. Lee replied on the 2nd October, writ 
 ing perhaps under the impression that prevailed in La Fay- 
 ette s camp of the success of Ogden s negotiation for Clinton s 
 consent to the surrender of Arnold : " I am happy in telling 
 you that there is a probability of Major Andre s being re 
 stored to his country, and the customs of war being fully sat 
 isfied." But before the letter was sealed Lee had better 
 intelligence, and he concludes in this wise : " Since writing 
 the foregoing, I find that Sir Henry Clinton s offers have not 
 come up to what was expected, and that this hour is fixed for 
 the execution of the sentence. How cold the friendship of 
 those high in power ! "* 
 
 It would indeed have been the extreme of baseness in Clin 
 ton, under all the circumstances, to have given Arnold up in 
 exchange for Andre ; and though the full details of what had 
 gone before could not have been known in our camp, it is 
 
 * Simcoe comments that no offers were made by Clinton. In this he is 
 right; for the proffered exchanges of American prisoners for Andre were not 
 such offers as Lee meant. Simcoe was, either for book-learning about his 
 profession or conduct on the field, one of the best soldiers of his day: and 
 the extreme language he uses in his reply to Lee must therefore have in 
 terest, as showing the feeling of the enemy in regard to the execution: 
 " I am at a loss to express myself on the latter paragraphs of your letter; 
 I have long accustomed myself to be silent, or to speak the language of the 
 heart. The useless murder of Major Andre, would almost, was it possible, 
 annihilate the wish which, consentaneous to the ideas of our sovereign and 
 the government of Great Britain, has ever operated on the oflicers of the 
 British army, the wish of a reconciliation with their revolted fellow subjects 
 in America. Sir Henry Clinton has the wannest feelings for those under 
 his command, and was ready to have granted for Major Andre s exchange, 
 whatever ought to have been asked. Though every desire I had formed 
 to think, in some instances, favourably of those who could urge or of him 
 who could permit the murder of this most virtuous and accomplished gen 
 tleman, be now totally eradicated; I must still subscribe myself with great 
 personal respect, sir, your most obedient and obliged servant, J. G. SIM 
 COE." Simcoe s Mil. Jour. 293. 
 
EFFORTS FOR ANDRE S LIBERATION. 375 
 
 evident that there was sufficient cause to prevent the proposal 
 being made to him in other than a covert manner. That it 
 should be unhesitatingly refused is not to be wondered at. 
 But there is some reason to suppose that in this juncture 
 Arnold may himself have made an overture perfectly in 
 keeping with his reckless intrepidity of character. In the 
 beginning of 1782, he was assailed at London with a public 
 charge of having basely left Andre to die that his own life 
 might be saved. On this a British officer, who appears to 
 have enjoyed the friendship of military men of the highest 
 social rank, came forward with a statement for the truth of 
 which he appealed to the gentlemen who were in the fall of 
 1780 members of Clinton s family. He declared that he was 
 with the English army when Andre was captured and Arnold 
 came in ; that it was currently reported and believed in the 
 lines that Arnold himself proposed to Sir Henry that he might 
 be permitted to go out and surrender himself, in exchange for 
 Andre ; and that the reply was " Your proposal, sir, does 
 you great honour ; but if Andre was my own brother, I could 
 not agree to it." This anecdote is not devoid of support 
 from what we know of the man s nature ; and it is certain 
 that both to himself and the world, his certain death under 
 circumstances such as these would have worn a very different 
 aspect from that which would have followed a discovery and 
 arrest ere his flight was made good.* 
 
 Whether simply in decent respect to Clinton s communi 
 cation of September 30th, or, as Lee intimates, in hope that 
 he might consent to yield Arnold, Andre s execution had been 
 respited until noon of October 2nd. This postponement was 
 thus entered in the orderly book of a Connecticut regiment 
 on the 1st : "Evening Orders. Major Andre is to be exe 
 cuted tomorrow, at twelve o clock precisely. A battalion of 
 eighty files from each wing to attend the execution. Four 
 teen general officers of the most honorable and unimpeacha 
 ble character constituted the court martial," etc. f 
 
 * See Appendix, No. I. f Here follow their names. 
 
376 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDElL 
 
 Leaving New York betimes, the Greyhound flag-of-truce 
 schooner had a speedy passage to Dobb s Ferry, within four 
 miles of Tappaan, bringing with her the deputation before 
 named, and Beverly Robinson who it was supposed would be 
 admitted to give a statement of the manner in which Andre 
 went ashore. This fact goes to discredit the stories that pre 
 vail and have already been referred to of Robinson s distrust 
 of the security under which his companion left the Vulture. 
 The character of the gentlemen whom he now accompanied 
 was proportionate to the importance of their mission. Smith, 
 the brother of Andre s guide, was of high legal attainments, 
 and passed from the chief-justiceship of New York under the 
 crown to that of Canada. His historical writings are valua 
 ble. Eliot was " a tall, thin, Scots gentleman with a pimply 
 face," father-in-law of Andre s friend Cathcart, and long 
 known and respected both in Philadelphia and New York, 
 in which last city he said in 1774 that he had for ten years 
 as Collector of Customs lived happily among the inhabitants 
 and to the satisfaction of his superiors. His wife was of one 
 of the chief Philadelphia families, and he had borne the cir 
 cumstance in mind when chance gave an opportunity of be 
 friending an American prisoner from her own town. But the 
 strength of the embassy lay in Robertson, whose persuasive 
 powers were so well known that the tories loudly declared he 
 would, had he been allowed an interview, indubitably have 
 put the affair in such a way to Washington as to compel at 
 least a reconsideration of Andre s case. He was a canny 
 Scot from the kingdom of Fife ; by nationality sagacious and 
 brave, and by education skilled in the nature of his kind. If 
 we may believe tradition, he wrought with other silver than 
 what lay on his tongue ; and when his eloquence failed was 
 as ready to conquer with gold as with steel. Bred to arms, 
 the peace of 1763 found him resident at New York with his 
 regiment : and when the revolution broke out he was not 
 only perfectly familiar with the general character of the peo 
 ple of New York and New England, but was on terms of 
 
CLINTON S DELEGATION. 377 
 
 easy intercourse with many of the chief characters on the 
 continent. He was shut up in 1775 in Boston, as appears 
 by his letter of July 20th to Captain Montague, thanking 
 him for a present from the seas : " two turtles, at a time 
 when a bit of beef or mutton is a rare feast, command my 
 gratitude." Later, he was commandant under Howe at New 
 York ; and passing on occasion to England, returned in 1780 
 much trusted by ministers, and in the double capacity of gov 
 ernor of the province and general third in rank of the king s 
 forces on the continent. " He is an arch-fiend," wrote Gates 
 at this time to Reed, " and knows how to make use of every 
 knave in his government, and you and I know and believe 
 there are as rank knaves and traitors in that government as 
 in any in the Union. Whigs, take care ! " He had set on 
 foot secret intelligences with men of good standing in our 
 army and in New England very soon after he had been 
 sworn into his civil office on the 22nd March, by Tryon s 
 sick-bedside ; and while large parts of the heavy importations 
 of specie that England made into New York in this epoch 
 were constantly sent out of the lines, he is charged by the 
 anonymous translator of Chastellux with a device that took 
 even toll of the cash ere it reached American pockets. Not an 
 English guinea or Portuguese moidore was suffered, says he, 
 to pass the British lines, till it was duly clipped or sweated. 
 Thus depreciated, it was more acceptable to our people 
 than their own paper currency, which, like the enchanted 
 coins of old, might have ever so fair appearance at first, but 
 soon shrivelled up into a heap of worthless leaves. The 
 diminished pieces were known as Robertsons. Divided into 
 halves, fourths, and eighth parts, the mutilated gold, under the 
 apt name of sharp-shinned money, found ready circulation. 
 
 It was settled that the delegates should not meet Washing 
 ton, and that Robertson alone should come ashore. Eliot and 
 Smith were civilians : Robinson was not named in Clinton s 
 letter. Accordingly Greene, not in an official capacity but 
 as a private gentleman, was deputed to receive the English 
 
378 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 lieutenant-general. Their conversation endured through the 
 afternoon to near nightfall : and Robertson thus describes it 
 to his superior. 
 
 ROBERTSON TO CLINTON. 
 
 Off DoWs Ferry, 1st October, 1780. SIR: On coming 
 to anchor here, I sent Murray on shore, who soon returned 
 with notice that General Green was ready to meet me, but 
 would not admit a conference with the other gentlemen. 
 
 I paid my compliments to his character, and expressed the 
 satisfaction I had in treating with him on the cause of my 
 friend, the two armies, and humanity. He said, he could 
 not treat with me as an officer ; that Mr. Washington had 
 permitted him to meet me as a gentleman, but the case of an 
 acknowledged spy admitted no official discussion. I said 
 that a knowledge of facts was necessary to direct a General s 
 judgment ; that in whatever character I was called, I hoped 
 he would represent what I said candidly to Mr. Washington. 
 
 I laid before him the facts, and Arnold s assertions of Mr. 
 Andre s being under a flag of truce, and disguised by his 
 order. He showed me a low-spirited letter of Andre s, say 
 ing that he had not landed under a flag of truce, and lament 
 ing his being taken in a mean disguise. He expresses this 
 in language that admits it to be criminal. I told him that 
 Andre stated facts with truth, but reasoned ill upon thorn ; 
 that whether a flag was flying or not, was of no moment. 
 He landed and acted as directed by their General. He said 
 they would believe Andre in preference to Arnold. This 
 argument held long. I told him you had ever shown a 
 merciful disposition, and an attention to Mr. Washington s 
 requests ; that in the instance of my namesake, you had 
 given up a man evidently a spy, when he signified his wish ;* 
 
 * Here Robertson could take strong ground ; for Washington himself 
 had so late as the 26th July, 1780, in writing to Clinton, expressly compli 
 mented the enemy s general upon the kindness with which he had treated 
 his American prisoners. This fact by the way ought in itself to discredit 
 the idea that our leaders i elt a necessity of retaliating Halo s execution. 
 
ROBERTSON S REPORT TO CLINTON. 379 
 
 that I courted an intercourse and a return of good offices ; 
 that Andre had your friendship and good wishes, and that 
 Mr. Washington s humanity to him would be productive of 
 acts of the same kind on our part ; that if Green had a friend, 
 or Mr. Washington was desirous of the release of any man, 
 if he would let me carry home Andre, I would engage to 
 send such a man out. He said there was no treating about 
 spies. I said no military casuist in Europe would call An 
 dre a spy, and would suffer death myself, if Monsieur 
 Rochambault, or General Knyphausen, would call him by 
 that name. I added, that I depended upon General Green s 
 candour and humanity to put the facts I had stated, and the 
 arguments I had used in their fairest light, to Mr. Washing 
 ton ; that I would stay on board all night, and hoped to carry 
 Mr. Andre, or at least Mr. Washington s word for his safety, 
 along with me the next morning. 
 
 Green now with a blush, that showed the task was im 
 posed, and did not proceed from his own thought, told me 
 that the army must be satisfied by seeing spies executed. 
 But there was one thing that would satisfy them they 
 expected if Andre was set free, Arnold should be given up. 
 This I answered with a look only, which threw Green into 
 confusion. I am persuaded Andre will not be hurt. Believe 
 me, Sir, &c. 
 
 Beyond what is here stated, Robertson is said to have 
 intimated that under the circumstances any harsh treatment 
 to Andre would be retaliated on persons in New York and 
 in Charleston, where Mr. Gadsden and several other distin 
 guished prisoners of war were accused of engaging in a cor 
 respondence with Gates while on parole within the British 
 lines. Greene replied that such language could neither be 
 listened to nor understood. The gossip of the English camp 
 reported that these gentlemen were offered for Andre ; and 
 that even the release of Mr. Laurens was suggested without 
 effect. The American version, as collected by Marbois, 
 
380 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 agrees with Robertson s account so far as it goes ; grounding 
 the proposed reference to Rochambeau and Knyphausen on 
 the plea of their impartiality as strangers. He says also that 
 Greene took the position that the finding of the court was 
 not to be opened, and that Robertson s suggestion of an ap 
 peal to Congress was inadmissible. He concludes with an 
 extravagant anecdote of Greene s reading in contemptuous 
 silence the open letter of Arnold that was handed to him, 
 and casting it at Robertson s feet when with no other word 
 he broke up the interview.* 
 
 Greene promised to repeat to Washington as well as he 
 could bear it in mind, what Robertson had said : and the 
 latter returned to his friends on the Greyhound well satisfied 
 that things were now in a prosperous train. They anxiously 
 waited a reply till the following morning, when this note 
 was delivered. 
 
 GREENE TO ROBERTSON. 
 
 Camp, Tappan, 2 October, 1780. SIR: Agreeably to 
 
 * It is barely possible that there may be some groundwork of truth in 
 this anecdote, and that an aversion to Greene and a reluctance to shorten 
 the confinement of the President of Congress, hence grew up in Cornwal- 
 lis s mind. A note in his Correspondence (i. 75), characterizes Greene as 
 " coarse in his manners and harsh in his conduct": and I have before me 
 a curious MS. letter from a loyalist of high character written at London, 
 Feb. 6, 1782, which says: " Lord Cornwallis has not yet appear d either 
 in the House or at Court; it is confidently reported that a proposal which 
 was made to him at the time of his capture, and which he rejected with the 
 sullen dignity of a British peer, will now be accepted at the instance of the 
 ministry; and that an exchange between him and Laurens will take place. 
 The latter is returned from Bath, and tho not yet able to use his limbs is 
 much visited and caressed by the minority. It is added that, after the ex 
 change effected, his Lordship will be sent to replace the discountenanced 
 and disgraced Sir Harry. If so, Mr. Galloway has been writing to very 
 little purpose, and I am afraid the friends to government out of the lines 
 will not rejoice. But the people of England, caught by brilliant actions 
 and too indolent for close reflection, are so prepossessed in favor of Lord 
 Cornwallis, that it will not be an easy task to convince them of his in 
 capacity or disaffection." 
 
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 381 
 
 your request I communicated to General Washington the 
 substance of your conversation in all the particulars, so far 
 as my memory served me. It made no alteration in his 
 opinion and determination. I need say no more, after what 
 you have already been informed. I have the honor to 
 be, &c. 
 
 These tidings, after his previous conclusions, must have 
 been astounding to Robertson ; who forthwith addressed 
 Washington directly. 
 
 ROBERTSON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 Greyhound Schooner, Flag of Truce, Dobb s Ferry, 2 Oc 
 tober, 1780. SIR : A note I had from General Greene * 
 leaves me in doubt if his memory had served him to relate 
 to you with exactness the substance of the conversation that 
 had passed between him and myself on the subject of Major 
 Andre. In an affair of so much consequence to my friend, 
 the two armies, and humanity, I would leave no possibility 
 of a misunderstanding, and therefore take the liberty to put 
 in writing the substance of what I said to General Greene. 
 
 I offered to prove, by the evidence of Colonel Robinson 
 and the officers of the Vulture, that Major Andre went on 
 shore at General Arnold s desire, in a boat sent for him with 
 a flag of truce ; that he not only came ashore with the knowl 
 edge and under the protection of the general who commanded 
 in the district, but that he took no step while on shore, but 
 by the direction of General Arnold, as will appear by the 
 enclosed letter from him to your Excellency. Under these 
 circumstances, I could not, and hoped you would not, con 
 sider Major Andre as a spy, for any improper phrase in his 
 letter to you. 
 
 The facts he relates correspond with the evidence I offer, 
 but he admits a conclusion that does not follow. The change 
 of clothes and name was ordered by General Arnold, under 
 
382 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 whose directions he necessarily was, while within his com 
 mand. As General Greene and I did not agree in opinion, 
 I wished that disinterested gentlemen of knowledge of the 
 law of war and of nations might be asked their opinion on 
 the subject, and mentioned Monsieur Knyphausen and Gen 
 eral Rochambeau. 
 
 I related that a Captain Robinson had been delivered to 
 Sir Henry Clinton as a spy, and undoubtedly was such ; but 
 that, it being signified to him that you were desirous that the 
 man should be exchanged, he had ordered him to be ex 
 changed. I wished that an intercourse of such civilities as 
 the rules of war admit of, might take off many of its horrors. 
 I admitted that Major Andre had a great share of Sir Henry 
 Clinton s esteem, and that he would be infinitely obliged by 
 his liberation; and that if he was permitted to return with 
 me, I would engage you would have any person you would 
 be pleased to name set at liberty. I added, that Sir Henry 
 Clinton had never put any person to death for a breach of 
 the rules of war, though he had, and now has, many in his 
 power. Under the present circumstances, much good may 
 arise from humanity, much ill from the want of it. If that 
 could give any weight, I beg leave to add that your favor 
 able treatment of Major Andre will be a favor I should ever 
 be intent to return to any you hold dear. 
 
 My memory does not retain with the exactness I could 
 wish the words of the letter, which General Greene showed 
 me, from Major Andre to your Excellency. For Sir Henry 
 Clinton s satisfaction, I beg you will order a copy of it to be 
 sent to me at New York. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 Robertson had brought two letters from Arnold to Wash 
 ington ; one was a resignation of his commission ; the other 
 was enclosed in the communication just printed, and was as 
 follows : 
 
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 
 
 ARNOLD TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 New York, 1 October. 1780. SIR: The polite attention 
 shown by your Excellency and the gentlemen of your family 
 to Mrs. Arnold, when in distress, demand my grateful 
 acknowledgment and thanks, which I beg leave to present. 
 
 From your Excellency s letter to Sir Henry Clinton, I 
 find a board of general officers have given it as their opinion, 
 that Major Andre comes under the description of a spy. 
 My good opinion of the candor and justice of those gentle 
 men leads me to believe that, if they had been made fully 
 acquainted with every circumstance respecting Major Andre, 
 they would by no means have considered him in the light of 
 a spy, or even of a prisoner. In justice to him, I think it 
 my duty to declare that he came from on board the Vulture 
 at my particular request, by a flag sent on purpose for him 
 by Joshua Smith, Esq., who had permission to go to Dobb s 
 Ferry to carry letters, and for other purposes, and to return. 
 This was done as a blind to the spy-boats. Mr. Smith at 
 the same time had my private directions to go on board the 
 Vulture, and bring on shore Colonel Robinson, or Mr. John 
 Anderson, which was the name I had requested Major An 
 dre to assume. At the same time I desired Mr. Smith to 
 inform him that he should have my protection, and a safe 
 passport to return in the same boat as soon as our business 
 was completed. As several accidents intervened to prevent 
 his being sent on board, I gave him my passport to return by 
 land. Major Andre came on shore in his uniform (without 
 disguise), which, with much reluctance, at my particular and 
 pressing instance, he exchanged for another coat. I furnished 
 him with a horse and saddle, and pointed out the route by 
 which he was to return. And, as commanding officer in the 
 department, I had an undoubted right to transact all these 
 matters ; which, if wrong, Major Andre ought by no means 
 to suffer for them. 
 
 But if, after this just and candid representation of Major 
 
384 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Andre s case, the board of general officers adhere to their 
 former opinion, I shall suppose it dictated by passion and 
 resentment ; and if that gentleman should suffer the severity 
 of their sentence, I shall think myself bound by every tie of 
 duty and honor to retaliate on such unhappy persons of your 
 army as may fall within my power, that the respect due to 
 flags, and to the laws of nations, may be better understood 
 and preserved. 
 
 I have further to observe that forty of the principal in 
 habitants of South Carolina have justly forfeited their lives, 
 which have hitherto been spared by the clenlency of his Ex 
 cellency Sir Henry Clinton, who cannot in justice extend his 
 mercy to them any longer, if Major Andre suffers, which, in 
 all probability, will open a scene of blood at which humanity 
 will revolt. 
 
 Suffer me then to entreat your Excellency, for your own 
 and the honor of humanity, and the love you have of justice, 
 that you suffer not an unjust sentence to touch the life of 
 Major Andre. But if this warning should be disregarded, I 
 call Heaven and earth to witness that your Excellency will 
 be justly answerable for the torrent of blood that may be 
 spilt in consequence. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 It was proper enough that Arnold should state the cir 
 cumstances under which Andre had come and gone for 
 indeed who other could have recounted all of them but 
 beyond that he had no right to go. His threats of retaliation 
 were simply impertinent to both Clinton and Washington, 
 and well fitted to provoke the indignation of our people. 
 But I have no doubt that Washington, if he received the let 
 ter in time, gave due consideration to the facts it contained, 
 albeit there was little in the way they were put that could 
 alleviate his anger. He was not the man to punish Andre 
 for Arnold s " consummate effrontery." But it is probable 
 that Andre was hanged before the communication came to 
 Washington s hand : for Robertson, we are told, when he 
 
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 385 
 
 had forwarded it, set out about noon to return to New York ; 
 and this was just the hour of the execution. It does not ap 
 pear that particular information of the impending event was 
 given to him ; and Clinton continued anxiously to wait 
 further intelligence from our camp and a reply to this last 
 letter. None coming, he again prepared to address Wash 
 ington, and at the same time called on Sutherland for a 
 statement of what, as would seem, he intended him to declare 
 had the commissioners been permitted to open the case. 
 Neither letter was sent, however; for after Clinton s, but 
 before Sutherland s was written, the news arrived of Andre s 
 death. To preserve the connection, however, both are given 
 here.* 
 
 CLINTON TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 New York, October 4dh, 1780. SIR: I conceived I could 
 not better or more fully explain my sentiments in answer to 
 your Excellency s letter of the 30th September, respecting 
 Major Andre, than by sending Lieut. Gen. Robertson to 
 converse, if possible, with you, Sir ; or at least with some con 
 fidential officer from you. I cannot think Lieut. Gen. Rob 
 ertson s conversation with General Green has entirely an 
 swered the purposes for which I wished the meeting. Gen 
 eral Green s letter of the 2d instant to General Robertson, 
 expresses that he had reported to you, Sir, as far as memory 
 served, the discourse that had passed between them, and that 
 it had not produced any alteration in your opinion or deter 
 mination concerning Major Andre. 
 
 I have, Sir, most carefully reperused your letter of Sep 
 tember 30th, which contains, indeed, an opinion of a Board 
 of your General Officers, but in no respect any opinion or 
 determination of your Excellency. I must remain, there 
 fore, altogether at a loss what they may be, until you are so 
 
 * MS. Narrative of Correspondence respecting General Arnold: in Sir 
 H. Clinton s of the llth Oct. 1780. State Paper Office, America and W. 
 Inds. vol. 126. 
 
 25 
 
386 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 good to inform me, which I make no doubt of your Excel 
 lency s doing immediately. I will, Sir, in the mean time, 
 very freely declare my sentiments upon this occasion, which 
 positively are, that under no description, Major Andre can 
 be considered as a Spy ; nor by any usage of nations at war, 
 or the customs of armies, can he be treated as such. That 
 officer went at Major General Arnold s request from me to 
 him, at that time in the American Service, and Commanding 
 Officer at West-Point. A flag of truce was sent to receive 
 Major Andre, with which he went on shore, and met Gen 
 eral Arnold. To this period he was acting under my imme 
 diate orders as a military man. What happened after, was 
 from the entire direction and positive orders of Major General 
 Arnold, your officer commanding at West-Point : And Major 
 Andre travelled in his way to New-York, with passports from 
 that American General Officer, who had an undoubted right to 
 grant them. And here it may be necessary to observe, that 
 Major Andre was stopped upon the road, and on neutral 
 ground, and made a prisoner two days prior to Major Gen 
 eral Arnold s quitting the American service at West-Point. 
 From all which I have a right to assert, that Major Andre 
 can merely be considered as a Messenger, and not as a Spy. 
 He visited no Posts, made no Plans, held no conversation 
 with any person save Major General Arnold ; and the pa 
 pers found upon him were written in that General Officer s 
 own hand-writing, who directed Major Andre to receive and 
 deliver them to me. From these circumstances, I have no 
 doubt but you, Sir, will see this matter in the same point of 
 view with me, and will be extremely cautious of producing a 
 precedent which may render the future progress of this un 
 fortunate war liable to a want of that humanity, which I am 
 willing to believe your Excellency possesses, and which I 
 have always pursued. I trust, Sir, to your good sense, and 
 to your liberality, for a speedy release of Major Andre, who, 
 I am free to own, is an Officer I extremely value, and a 
 Gentleman I very sincerely regard. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 387 
 
 I enclose to you, Sir, a list of persons, among whom is a 
 Gentleman who acted as the American Lieutenant Governor 
 of South-Carolina. A discovered conspiracy and correspon 
 dence with General Gates s army have been a reason for 
 removing these persons from Charlestown to St. Augustine. 
 Being desirous to promote the release of Major Andre upon 
 any reasonable terms, I offer to you, Sir, this Lieut. Gover 
 nor, Mr. Gadson, for my Adjutant General ; or will make a 
 military exchange for him, should you, Sir, prefer it. Lieut. 
 Gen. Robertson, in his report to me, mentions his having 
 requested from your Excellency a copy of Major Andre s 
 letter to you, Sir, upon which seems to be grounded great 
 matter of charge against him given, as if that letter might 
 be considered as a confession of his guilt as a spy. I have 
 waited until this evening with some impatience for the copy 
 of the Letter I mention, not doubting but your Excellency 
 will send it to me. I have now to request you will, Sir, do 
 so, and I shall pay to it every due consideration, and give 
 your Excellency my answer upon it immediately. I have 
 the honor to be, &c. 
 
 SUTHERLAND TO CLINTON. 
 
 Vulture, off Spiken Devil, October oth, 1780. SIR : The 
 account Col. Robinson has given your Excellency of our 
 transactions, during our late excursion, is so full and just 
 in all its particulars, that there is very little left for me 
 to add. But as they have been attended with such fatal 
 consequences to Major Andre, I hope it will not be held im 
 proper if I beg leave to submit my own observations on the 
 subject : at least so far as they relate to his leaving the 
 Vulture, and the light I then saw him in. 
 
 Your Excellency has already been informed, that on the 
 night of the 21st Sept., a Mr. Smith came on board with a 
 flag of truce. The substance of his order was, for himself 
 and two servants to pass to Dobb s Ferry and back again. 
 
388 LIFE OF MAJOR AKDE&. 
 
 He likewise had a written permission to bring up with him 
 a Mr. John Anderson and boy, and a letter addressed to Col. 
 Robinson : all of these papers signed B. Arnold. 
 
 Most of these circumstances I had been previously taught 
 to expect ; and I had also been informed that Major Andre 
 was the person understood by John Anderson, and that he 
 was to go on shore under that name, to hold a conference 
 with General Arnold. Mr. Smith s powers appeared to me 
 of sufficient authority ; and as Major Andre s going under a 
 fictitious name was at the particular request of the officer 
 from whom they were derived, I saw no reason for supposing 
 he, from that circumstance, forfeited his claim to the protec 
 tion they must otherwise have afforded him. Clear I am 
 that the matter must have appeared in the same light to him ; 
 for had it not, measures might have been concerted for taking 
 him off whenever he pleased, which he very well knew I, at 
 any time, was enabled to accomplish. I am likewise per 
 suaded that Mr. Smith s ideas perfectly coincided with ours ; 
 for when on the point of setting off, Col. Robinson ob 
 served, that as they had but two men in a large boat, they 
 would find some difficulty in getting on shore and proposed 
 that one of our s should tow them some part of the way : to 
 which he objected, as it might, in case of falling in with any 
 of their guard-boats, be deemed an infringement of the flag. 
 
 On my first learning from Major Andre, that he did not 
 intend going on shore in his own name, it immediately oc 
 curred to me, that an alteration of dress might likewise be 
 necessary ; and I offered him a plain blue coat of mine for 
 that purpose, which he declined accepting, as he said he had 
 the Commander in Chief s direction to go in his uniform, and 
 by no means to give up his character ; adding, at the same 
 time, that he had not the smallest apprehension on the occa 
 sion, and that he was ready to attend General Arnold s sum 
 mons when and where he pleased. 
 
 The night the flag was first expected, he expressed much 
 anxiety for its arrival ; and all next day was fall of fear lest 
 
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 389 
 
 anything should have happened to prevent its coming. The 
 instant it arrived on the ensuing night, he started out of bed, 
 and discovered the greatest impatience to be gone ; nor did 
 he in any instance betray the least doubt of his safety or 
 success. 
 
 I own I was equally confident. Nor can I now, on the 
 most mature consideration of circumstances, find the least 
 reason for altering my opinion. What, therefore, could pos 
 sibly have given rise to so tragical an event as has unhappily 
 befallen Major Andre, is matter of the utmost .-urprise and 
 concern to me. I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 A. SUTHERLAND. 
 
 His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 Andre applies to be Shot. His Request denied. He is hanged. Vari 
 ous Accounts of the Execution. Honors bestowed on his Memory. 
 His Remains removed to Westminster Abbey. 
 
 THE first sentence of death passed in our army was, I be 
 lieve, during the Quebec expedition of 1775 : the culprit was 
 respited by Arnold at the gallows, and sent back to Washing 
 ton. The earliest military execution seems to have been that 
 of one of the body-guards, who plotted with Tryon to seize 
 our General and deliver him to Howe. The most interest 
 ing was not unlike this in many of its circumstances. 
 
 On the morning of the day originally fixed for his death, 
 Andre made a moving appeal for a change of its mode. 
 
 ANDRE TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 Tappan, 1 October, 1780. SIR: Buoy d above the terror 
 of death by the consciousness of a life devoted to honorable 
 pursuits and stained with no action that can give me remorse, 
 I trust that the request I make to your Excellency, at this 
 serious period, and which is to soften my last moments, will 
 not be rejected. 
 
 Sympathy towards a soldier will surely induce your Ex 
 cellency and a military tribunal to adapt the mode of my 
 death to the feelings of a man of honor. Let me hope, Sir, 
 that if ought in my character impresses you with esteem 
 towards me, if ought in my misfortunes marks me the victim 
 of policy and not of resentment, I shall experience the opera 
 tion of those feelings in your heart, by being informed that I 
 am not to die on a gibbet. 
 
ANDR APPLIES TO BE SHOT. 391 
 
 I have the honor to be your Excellency s most obedient 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ANDRE, Adj. Genl. to the British Army.* 
 
 There are few, I would fain believe, who can read these 
 noble lines, in which decent self-respect contends with wound 
 ed sensibility, without regretting that the same policy that 
 
 * I believe that this was the second and last letter written by Andre" to 
 "Washington; to neither of which did our chief reply. What then must we 
 think of this language of Miss Seward to her friend Miss Ponsonby ? I give 
 the passage at length to show what tricks memory will sometimes play 
 with us : 
 
 " No, dear madam, I was not, as you suppose, favoured with a letter from 
 Gen. Washington expressly addressed to myself; but a few years after 
 peace was signed between this country and America, an officer intro 
 duced himself, commissioned from Gen. Washington to call upon me, and 
 assure me, from the general himself, that no circumstance of his life had 
 been so mortifying as to be censured in the monody on Andre" as the piti 
 less author of his ignominious fate : that he had labored to save him that 
 he requested my attention to papers on the subject, which he had sent by 
 this officer for my perusal. In examining them, I found they entirely ac 
 quitted the general. They filled me with contrition for the rash injustice 
 of my censure. With a copy of the proceedings of the court-martial that 
 determined Andre s condemnation, there was a copy of a letter from Gen. 
 Washington to General Clinton, offering to give up Andre* in exchange 
 for Arnold, who had fled to the British camp, observing the reason there 
 was to believe that the apostate general had exposed the gallant English 
 officer to unnecessary danger, to facilitate his own escape : copy of another 
 letter of Gen. Washington to Major Andre, adjuring him to state to the 
 commander in chief his unavoidable conviction of the selfish perfidy cf Ar 
 nold, in suggesting that plan of disguise which exposed Andre, if taken, to 
 certain condemnation as a spy, when, if he had come openly in his regi 
 mentals, and under a flag of truce, to the then unsuspecting American gen 
 eral, he would have been perfectly safe ; copy of Andre s high-souled answer, 
 thanking General Washington for the interest he took in his destiny: but 
 observing, that, even under conviction of General Arnold s inattention to 
 his safety, he could not suggest to General Clinton anything which might 
 influence him to save his less important life by such an exchange. These, 
 madam, are the circumstances, as faithfully as I can recall them at such a 
 distance of time, of the interview with General Washington s friend, which 
 I slightly mentioned to yourself and Lady Eleanor, when I had the happi 
 ness of being with you last summer." 
 
 The American officer referred to is supposed to have been Colonel Hum 
 phreys. 
 
392 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 exacted the sacrifice prescribed the most rigorous fulfilment 
 of its harshest details. The request was pronounced inad 
 missible by Washington s counsellors : and since assent was 
 out of his power, he was unwilling to wound the writer by a 
 refusal. No reply w r as therefore made. 
 
 Letters of farewell to his mother and his nearest friends 
 were written : and the condemned man s calmness was still 
 evinced in the exercise of his pen. On this same evening 
 he sketched from memory, as a memento for a friend in New 
 York, the striking view of the North River that had pre 
 sented itself to him as he looked from the window of Smith s 
 house, and figured the position of the Vulture as she rode at 
 anchor beyond his reach. Tradition also assigns to this 
 occasion the composition of some last verses, that were long 
 cherished on the lips of the common people.* The morning 
 of Tuesday, October the 2d, 1780, found him with his mor 
 tal duties all performed and not afraid to die. 
 
 The prisoner s board was supplied from Washington s own 
 table : on this day his breakfast was sent him, as usual, from 
 the General s quarters. lie ate with entire composure, and 
 then proceeded -to shave and to dress with particular care. 
 He was fully arrayed in the habits of his rank and profes 
 sion, with the exception of sash and spurs, sword and gorget. 
 The toilet completed, he laid his hat on the table and cheer 
 fully said to the guard-officers deputed to lead him forth, 
 " I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on you." 
 Though his face \vas of deadly paleness, its features were 
 tranquil and calm ; his beauty shone with an unnatural 
 distinctness that awed the hearts of the vulgar, and his man 
 ners and air were as easy as though he was going to a ball 
 room rather than the grave. 
 
 The spot fixed for the closing scene was in an open field 
 
 belonging to the owner of the house wherein he was detained, 
 
 and on an eminence that commands an extended view. It 
 
 was within a mile, and in open sight of Washington s quar- 
 
 * See Appendix, No. III. 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR THE EXECUTION. 393 
 
 ters. Here the lofty gibbet was erected, and the shallow 
 grave of three or four feet depth was digged. The office of 
 hangman, always an odious employment, was perhaps on this 
 occasion more than usually so. None of our soldiers under 
 took it. One Strickland, a tory of Ramapo Valley, was in 
 our hands at the time. His threatened fate may have been 
 hard : his years were not many ; and by the price of freedom 
 he was procured to take on himself the necessary but revolt 
 ing character. Under an elaborate disguise, he probably 
 hoped to go through the scene, if not unnoticed, at least 
 unknown. 
 
 Besides the officers that were always in the chamber, six 
 sentinels kept watch by night and by day over every aper 
 ture of the building ; and if hope of escape ever rose in 
 Andre s breast, ifr could not have developed into even the 
 vaguest expectation. To the idea of suicide as a means of 
 avoiding his doom he never descended. The noon of this 
 day was the hour appointed for the execution ; and at half 
 an hour before, the cortege set forth. Andre walked arm-in 
 arm between two subalterns ; each, it is said, with a drawn 
 sword in the opposite hand. A captain s command of thirty 
 or forty men marched immediately about these, while an 
 outer guard of five hundred infantry environed the whole 
 and formed a hollow square around the gibbet within which 
 no one save the officers on duty and the provost-marshal s 
 men were suffered to enter. An immense multitude ,was 
 however assembled on all sides to witness the spectacle, and 
 every house along the way was thronged with eager gazers ; 
 that only of Washington excepted. Here the shutters were 
 drawn, and no man was visible but the two sentries that 
 paced to and fro before the door. Neither the Chief himself 
 nor his staff were present with the troops ; a circumstance 
 which was declared by our people and assented to by Andre 
 as evincing a laudable decorum. But almost every field 
 officer in our army with Greene at their head led the proces 
 sion on horseback : and a number followed the prisoner on 
 
394 LIFE OF MAJOR 
 
 foot, while the outer guard, stretching in single file on either 
 side and in front and rear, prevented the concourse from 
 crowding in. In addition to all those who came in from the 
 country-side, it is unlikely that many of the army who could 
 contrive to be present missed the sight. Every eye was 
 fixed on the prisoner ; and every face wore such an aspect 
 of melancholy and gloom that the impression produced on 
 some of our officers was not only affecting but awful. 
 
 Keeping pace with the melancholy notes of the dead- 
 march, the procession passed along : no member of it ap 
 parently less troubled than he whose conduct was its cause 
 and whose death was its object.* In the beautiful Orientalism 
 of Sir William Jones, he dying only smiled while around 
 him grieved. His heart told him that a life honorably spent 
 in the pursuit of glory would not leave his name to be en 
 rolled among those of the ignoble or guilty many : and his 
 face bespoke the serenity of an approving and undismayed 
 conscience. From time to time, as he caught the eye of an 
 acquaintance, and especially to the officers of the Court of 
 Enquiry, he tendered the customary civilities of recogni 
 tion, and received their acknowledgments with composure 
 and grace. It seems that up to this moment he was per 
 suaded that he was not to be hanged, but to be shot to death : 
 and the inner guard in attendance he took to be the firing 
 party detailed for the occasion. Not until the troops turned 
 suddenly, at a right angle with the course they had hitherto 
 followed, and the gallows rose high before him, was he unde 
 ceived. In the very moment of wheeling with his escort, his 
 eye rested on the ill-omened tree ; and he recoiled and paused. 
 "Why this emotion, sir? " asked Smith, who held one of his 
 arms. " I am reconciled to my fate," said Andre, clench 
 ing his fist and convulsively moving his arm, " but not to 
 
 * Benjamin Abbot, a drum-major, who beat the dead-march on this occa 
 sion, died at Nashua, X. H., in 1851, aged 92. Peter Besan9on who fol 
 lowed La Fayette hither from France, and who died at Warsaw, New York, 
 in 1855, was probably the last surviving spectator. 
 
THE EXECUTION. 395 
 
 the mode of it ! " " It is unavoidable, sir," was the reply. 
 He beckoned Tallmadge, and inquired anxiously if he was 
 not to be shot : " must I then die in this manner ? " Being 
 told that it was so ordered " How hard is my fate ! " he 
 cried; "but it will soon be over." 
 
 Ascending the hill-side, the prisoner was brought to the 
 gibbet, while the outer guard secured the ceremony from in 
 terruption. During the brief preparations, his manner was 
 nervous and restless uneasily rolling a pebble to and fro 
 beneath the ball of his foot, and the gland of his throat sink 
 ing and swelling as though he choked with emotion. His 
 servant who had followed him to this point now burst forth 
 with loud weeping and lamentation, and Andre for a lit 
 tle turned aside and privately conversed with him. He 
 shook hands with Tallmadge, who withdrew. A baggage 
 wagon was driven beneath the cross-tree, into which he 
 leaped lightly, but with visible loathing; and throwing his 
 hat aside, removed his stock, opened his shirt-collar, and 
 snatching the rope from the clumsy hangman, himself ad 
 justed it about his neck. He could not conceal his disgust 
 at these features of his fate : but it was expressed in manner 
 rather than in language. Then he bound his handkerchief 
 over his eyes. 
 
 The order of execution was loudly and impressively read 
 by our Adjutant-General Scammel, who at its conclusion in 
 formed Andre he might now speak, if he had anything to 
 say. Lifting the bandage for a moment from his eyes, he 
 bowed courteously to Greene and the attending officers, and 
 said with firmness and dignity: "All I request of you, 
 gentlemen, is that you will bear witness to the world that I 
 die like a brave man." His last words murmured in an un 
 dertone were, "It will be but a momentary pang! " 
 
 Everything seemed now ready, when the commanding 
 officer on duty suddenly cried out, 
 
 " His arms must be tied ! " 
 
 The hangman with a piece of cord laid hold of him to per- 
 
396 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 form this order : but recoiling from his touch Andre vehe 
 mently struck away the man s hand, and drew another hand 
 kerchief from his pocket with which the elbows were loosely 
 pinioned behind his back. The signal was given ; the wagon 
 rolled swiftly away ; and almost in the same instant he ceased 
 to exist. The height of the gibbet, the length of the cord, 
 and the sudden shock as he was jerked from the coffin-lid on 
 which he stood, produced immediate death. 
 
 A minute account of the scene is given by a soldier who 
 was present on the occasion.* 
 
 " I was at that time an artificer in Colonel Jeduthan Bald 
 win s regiment, a part of which was stationed within a short 
 distance of the spot where Andre suffered. One of our men 
 (I believe his name was Armstrong) being one of the oldest 
 and best workmen at his trade in the regiment, was selected 
 to make his coffin, which he performed, and painted black, 
 agreeably to the custom in those times. At this time Andre 
 was confined in what was called a Dutch Church, a small 
 stone building with only one door, and closely guarded by 
 six sentinels. When the hour appointed for his execution 
 arrived, which I believe was two o clock r. M., a guard of 
 three hundred men were paraded at the place of his confine 
 ment. A kind of procession was formed, by placing a guard 
 in single file on each side of the road. In front were a large 
 number of American officers of high rank on horseback. 
 These were followed by a wagon containing Andre s coffin ; 
 then a large number of officers on foot, with Andre in their 
 midst. The procession moved slowly up a moderately rising 
 
 * Barber and Howe: Hist. Coll. X. J. p. 77. This story is told in a 
 simple and probable form : but it contains some inaccuracies that might 
 reasonably be looked for in the tale of a private soldier whose knowledge 
 of all save what he saw came from the hearsay of the camp. 
 
 The preceding sketch of the execution is collated from the accounts of 
 Thacher, Tallmadge, and Russell, eye-\vitnesses of the scene; and as nearly 
 as possible is given in their own words. Thacher, 274: N. E. Mag. vi. 303. 
 Sparks s Arn. 255: Irving s \Vash. iv. 149, 157: MS. Mem. of Russell s 
 account: Vind. Capt. p. 20. 
 
VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 397 
 
 hill, I should think about a fourth of a mile to the west. On 
 the top was a field without any enclosure. In this was a 
 very high gallows, made by setting up two poles, or crotches, 
 and laying a pole on the top. The wagon that contained the 
 coffin was drawn directly under the gallows. In a short time 
 Andre stepped into the hind end of the wagon ; then on his 
 coffin took off his hat, and laid it down then placed his 
 hands upon his hips, and walked very uprightly back and 
 forth, as far as the length of his coffin would permit ; at 
 the same time casting his eyes upon the pole over his head, 
 and the whole scenery by which he was surrounded. He 
 was dressed in what I should call a complete British uni 
 form ; his coat was of the brightest scarlet, faced or trimmed 
 with the most beautiful green. His under-clothes, or vest 
 and breeches, were bright buff, very similar to those worn 
 by military officers in Connecticut at the present day. He 
 had a long and beautiful head of hair ; which, agreeably to 
 the fashion, was wound with a black ribband, and hung down 
 his back. All eyes were upon him ; and it is not believed 
 that any officer of the British army, placed in his situation, 
 would have appeared better than this unfortunate man. Not 
 many minutes after he took his stand upon the coffin, the 
 executioner stepped into the wagon, with a halter in his 
 hand, which he attempted to put over the head and around 
 the neck of Andre ; but by a sudden movement of his hand 
 this was prevented. Andre took off the handkerchief from 
 his neck, unpinned his shirt-collar, and deliberately took the 
 end of the halter, put it over his head, and placed the knot 
 directly under his right ear, and drew it very snugly to his 
 neck. He then took from his coat-pocket a handkerchief, 
 and tied it over his eyes. This done the officer that com 
 manded (his name I have forgotten) spoke in rather a loud 
 voice, and said that his arms must be tied. Andre at once 
 pulled down the handkerchief he had just tied over his eyes, 
 and drew from his pocket a second one, and gave it to the 
 executioner ; and then replaced his handkerchief. His arms 
 
398 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 were tied just above the elbows, and behind the back. The 
 rope was then made fast to the pole over head. The wagon 
 was very suddenly drawn from under the gallows, which 
 together with the length of the rope gave him a most tre 
 mendous swing back and forth; but in a few minutes he 
 hung entirely still. During the whole transaction, he ap 
 peared as little daunted as Mr. John Rogers is said to have 
 been, when he was about to be burnt at the -stake ; but his 
 countenance was rather pale. He remained hanging, I 
 should think, from twenty to thirty minutes ; and during that 
 time the chambers of death were never stiller than the mul 
 titude by which he was surrounded. Orders were given to 
 cut the rope, and take him down, without letting him fall. 
 This was done, and his body carefully laid on the ground. 
 Shortly after, the guard was withdrawn, and spectators were 
 permitted to come forward and view the corpse ; but the 
 crowd was so great, that it was some time before I could get 
 an opportunity. When 1 was able to do this, his coat, vest, 
 and breeches, were taken off, and his body laid in the coffin, 
 covered by some under-clothes. The top of the coffin was 
 not put on. I viewed the corpse more carefully than I had 
 ever done that of any human being before. His head was 
 very much on one side, in consequence of the manner in 
 w r hich the halter drew upon his neck. His face appeared 
 to be greatly swollen, and very black, much resembling a 
 high degree of mortification. It was indeed a shocking sight 
 to behold. There were at this time standing at the loot 
 of the coffin, two young men, of uncommon short stature. 
 I should think not more than four feet high. Their dress 
 was the most gaudy that I ever beheld. One of them had 
 the clothes, just taken from Andre, hanging on his arm. I 
 took particular pains to learn who they were ; and was in 
 formed that they were his servants, sent up from New York 
 to take his clothes ; but what other business I did not learn. 
 " I now turned to take a view of the executioner, who was 
 still standing by one of the posts of the gallows. I walked 
 
VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 399 
 
 nigh enough to him to have laid my hand upon his shoulder, 
 and looked him directly in the face. He appeared to be 
 about twenty-five years of age, his beard of two or three 
 weeks growth, and his whole face covered with what ap 
 peared to me to be blacking taken from the outside of a 
 greasy pot. A more frightful-looking being I never beheld ; 
 his whole countenance bespoke him to be a n t instrument for 
 the business he had been doing. Wishing to see the closing 
 of the whole business, I remained upon the spot until scarce 
 twenty persons were left, but the coffin was still beside the 
 grave, which had previously been dug. I now returned to 
 my tent, with my mind deeply imbued with the shocking 
 scene I had been called to witness." 
 
 Every authentic account that we have shows how much 
 our officers regretted the necessity of Andre s death, and how 
 amply they fulfilled his parting adjuration. The tears of 
 thousands, says Thacher, fell on the spot where he lay ; and 
 no one refrained from proclaiming his sympathy.* Many 
 wept openly as he died ; among whom it is recorded (appar 
 ently on the testimony of Laune) was La Fayette. Cer 
 tainly the marquis bore witness to the infinite regret with 
 which the fate of such a noble and magnanimous character 
 inspired him. It was believed in the army that Washington s 
 soul revolted at the task, and that he could scarcely .com 
 mand the pen when he subscribed the fatal warrant. An 
 American officer who was present and who brought the news 
 to Burgoyne s troops detained at Winchester, asserted that 
 our General shed tears on the execution, and would fain 
 have changed its mode. Without depending entirely on 
 anecdotes which, though of contemporaneous origin, are not 
 
 * While these pages are going through the press, one of our most dis 
 tinguished historical students and writers has obliged me with a communi 
 cation respecting Andre s death: "I have met revolutionary men who 
 were with him as sentinels on the day of his execution. One, Enos Reynolds, 
 told me more than once the sad story, as tears ran down his cheeks. He 
 was the handsomest man I ever laid my eyes on, was one of his phrases; 
 and he said the men all around him were weeping when he met his fate " 
 
400 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 supported by direct evidence, it is very certain that no little 
 sorrow was felt on the occasion by both friends and foes. 
 Bronson for instance, whose association with the prisoner 
 continued from his arrest to the gallows-foot, never recurred 
 willingly to the event, nor without hearty regret and emo 
 tion. The highest testimony is that of Washington. " Andre 
 has met his fate," wrote he, "and with that fortitude which 
 was to be expected from an accomplished man and gallant 
 officer : " and again " The circumstances under which he 
 was taken justified it, and policy required a sacrifice ; but as 
 he was more unfortunate than criminal, and as there was 
 much in his character to interest, while we yielded to the 
 necessity of rigor, we could not but lament it." This was 
 said a few days after Andre s death. In after-years, though 
 he once indeed at his own table w r ent over the details of Ar 
 nold s defection, Washington is reported by his confidential 
 attendants to have never, even by his own fireside, alluded to 
 Andre s trial or fate. 
 
 Others were not so guarded, and of course a thousand wild 
 rumors, distorted from the truth by political bias, went flying 
 over the land. The English reports must have originated in 
 part with the servant Laune, for they are early and in part 
 correct. Andre s dying words are given in palpable error. 
 " Remember that I die as becomes a British officer, while 
 the m anner of my death must reflect disgrace on your com 
 mander." Another account says that before signing to the 
 hangman to proceed he thus addressed our officers : " As I 
 suffer for the service of my country, I must consider this 
 hour as the most glorious of my life. Remember, that I die 
 as becomes a British officer, while the manner of my death 
 must reflect disgrace on your commander." We can under 
 stand how a bewildered and grief-stricken valet may have 
 confused together the incorrect recollections of what private 
 consolatory remarks his master may have made to him, and 
 what he said publicly: but there was less excuse for the 
 ostentatious manner in which the Pennsylvania Packet of 
 
VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 401 
 
 Oct. 31, 1780, made Andre exclaim to our army: "Be my 
 witnesses, while I acknowledge the propriety of my sentence, 
 that I die like a brave man." If he protested not against it, 
 it is certain he never acknowledged the justice of his fate. 
 The same journal however at other times gave more reason 
 able accounts ; and thus gratified its ancient partisan feelings 
 in a comment upon Clinton s bad bargain: 
 
 Twas Arnold s post Sir Harry sought; 
 Arnold ne er entered in his thought. 
 How ends the bargain ? let us see ; 
 The fort is safe as safe can be : 
 His favorite perforce must die : 
 His view s laid bare to ev ry eye: 
 His money s gone and lo, he gains 
 One scoundrel more for all his pains. 
 Andre was gen rous, true, and brave 
 And in his place he buys a knave. 
 Tis sure ordain d that Arnold cheats 
 All those of course with whom he treats. 
 Now let the Devil suspect a bite, 
 Or Arnold cheats him of his right. 
 
 The sorrow and indignation of Andre s friends gave occa 
 sion to other unfounded charges. At Southampton, where 
 his family connections extended, it was reported that Clinton 
 solicited " as a singular favor, after his dear friend and com 
 panion should be hung, the body might be sent to him but 
 Washington refused. Clinton then sent again, that since the 
 sentence was to bury the body under the gallows, it might 
 be taken up and brought to New York, there to be interred 
 with the military honors due to so brare and accomplished a 
 young man. This Washington also refused." 
 
 This silly tale is sufficiently exposed by Sir Henry s own 
 statement that he knew not of his Adjutant s being hanged 
 till the arrival of Laune with his master s baggage told him 
 all was over. When the burial at the gibbet s foot was about 
 to be made, the man had demanded Andre s uniform, which 
 was accordingly removed and given him. The corpse was 
 then laid in earth, and no monument but the usual cairn, 
 26 
 
402 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 such as rose over the spot where Gustavus fell at Lutzen 
 " for liberty of conscience," marked the solitary grave. The 
 surrounding field was cultivated, but the plough still shunned 
 the place : for it was customary in this region for the laborers 
 in their tillage to spare the soil that covered a soldier ; and 
 as early as 1778 the fields of Long Island were noticed to be 
 checkered over with patches of wild growth that showed 
 where men lay who were slain in the battle there. 
 
 With generous sensibility Colonel William S. Smith of 
 our army embraced the opportunity of purchasing the watch 
 that the captors had taken. It was sold for their benefit for 
 thirty guineas. He bought it ; and mindful of the tender 
 affection with which Andre had been heard to speak of his 
 mother and sisters in England, sent it in to Robertson to be 
 transmitted to these ladies. The unfortunate man s Will 
 testifies with what regard his whole domestic circle was held. 
 It was sworn to before Carey Ludlow, Surrogate of New 
 York, and admitted to probate October 12th, 1780. 
 
 " The following is my last will and testament, and I ap 
 point as executors thereto Mary Louisa Andre, my mother ; 
 David Andre, my uncle ; Andrew Girardot, my uncle ; John 
 Lewis Andre, my uncle. To each of the above executors I 
 give fifty pounds. I give to Mary Hannah Andre, my sister, 
 seven hundred pounds. I give to Louisa Catharine Andre, 
 my sister, seven hundred pounds. I give to William Lewis 
 Andre, my brother, seven hundred pounds. But the condi 
 tion on which I give the above-mentioned sums to my afore 
 said brother and sisters are that each of them ^hall pay to 
 Mary Louisa Andre, my mother, the sum of ten pounds 
 yearly during her life. I give to Walter Ewer, Jr., of Dyers 
 Court, Aldermanbury, one hundred pounds. I give to John 
 Ewer, Jr., of Lincoln s Inn, one hundred pounds. I de>ire 
 a ring, value fifty pounds, to be given to my friend, Peter 
 Bois>ier, of the llth Dragoons. I desire that Walter Ewer, 
 Jr., of Dyers Court, Aldermanbury, have the inspection of my 
 
ANDRE S WILL. 403 
 
 papers, letters, manuscripts. I mean that he have the first 
 inspection of them, with liberty to destroy or detain whatever 
 he thinks proper ; and I desire my watch to be given to him. 
 And I lastly give and bequeath to my brother John Lewis 
 Andre the residue of all my effects whatsoever. Witness 
 my hand and seal, Staten Island, in the province of New 
 York, North America, 7th June, 1777. 
 
 JOHN ANDRE. 
 Captain in the 26th Regiment of Foot. 
 
 N. B. The currency alluded to in this my will is sterling 
 money of Great Britain. I desire nothing more than my 
 wearing apparel to be sold by public auction." 
 
 It may well be supposed that the news of the execution 
 was received at New York in sorrow and in anger. Joshua 
 Smith says : " No language can describe the mingled sensa 
 tions of horror, grief, sympathy, and revenge, that agitated 
 the whole garrison ; a silent gloom overspread the general 
 countenance ; the whole army, and citizens of the first dis 
 tinction, went into mourning." Miss Seward also mentions 
 the signs of grief the troops displayed in their apparel ; and 
 in November a London account censures Clinton for not em 
 ploying the heated animosity of his men to strike an avengiqg 
 blow. " The troops at New York on hearing of his execu 
 tion raised such an outcry for vengeance, and to be led to 
 the attack of Washington s camp, that the Commander-in- 
 Chief could hardly keep them within the bounds of disci 
 pline : and many letters mention, that as Sir Henry had an 
 army at least equal to Washington s, he ought to have in 
 dulged them : for the determined spirit with which they were 
 actuated would have made them invincible against any su 
 periority. On this account the military critics say he has 
 given another convincing proof that he is a general who does 
 not know when to act. After this, few rebel prisoners will 
 
404 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 be taken. The universal cry of the soldiers at New York is, 
 REMEMBER ANDR ! " 
 
 But if Clinton would not expose his men to a doubtful 
 enterprise, he was not unmindful either of the fame or the 
 last wishes of his friend. By public orders his memory was 
 released from any imputation that might arise from the man 
 ner of his death. 
 
 Head- Quarters, New York, 8 Oct. 1780. The Comman 
 der in Chief does with infinite regret inform the Army of the 
 death of .the Adjutant General Major Andre. 
 
 The unfortunate fate of this Officer calls upon the Com 
 mander in Chief to declare his opinion that he ever considered 
 Major Andre as a Gentleman, as well as in the line of his 
 military profession, of the highest integrity and honor, and 
 incapable of any base action or unworthy conduct. 
 
 Major Andre s death is very severely felt by the Com 
 mander in Chief, as it assuredly will be by the Army ; and 
 must prove a real loss to his Country and to His Majesty s 
 service. 
 
 How far the army felt their loss may be gathered from 
 Simcoe s orders to his own regiment, by the officers and men 
 of which Andre was personally known. He commanded 
 them to wear for the future black and white feathers as 
 mourning for a soldier " whose superior integrity and un 
 common ability did honour to his country and to human 
 nature. The Queen s Rangers will never sully their glory 
 in the field by any undue severity : they will, as they have 
 ever done, consider those to be under their protection who 
 are in their power, and will strike with reluctance at their 
 unhappy fellow-subjects, who, by a series of the basest arti 
 fices, have been seduced from their allegiance ; but it is the 
 Lt. Colonel s most ardent hope, that on the close of some 
 decisive victory, it will be the regiment s fortune to secure 
 
FEELINGS EXCITED BY THE EXECUTION. 405 
 
 the murderers of Major Andre, for the vengeance due to an 
 injured nation and an insulted army." * 
 
 In England, the feeling was bitter and lasting. Despite 
 the isolated and private protests of unim passioned reason or 
 political prejudice, panegyric was lavishly bestowed on " the 
 English Mutius " ; and execration as liberally wasted on his 
 slayers. Revenge was freely spoken of, and it was even 
 supposed in some quarters that the authorities would not 
 hesitate to strain a point to come by it. " The Ministry will 
 be glad to have vengeance for Major Andre," quoth Lutterloh 
 (a character who earned a dirty subsistence by betraying all 
 who trusted him, whether English or French), as he rattled 
 the blood-money for which he had just sworn away the life of 
 the Baron de la Motte, a French spy at London. But gov 
 ernment was belied by such language. 
 
 Trumbull the artist was at the time studying his profession 
 at London, whither he had come after a failure to negotiate 
 some Connecticut public securities on the continent. Con 
 sidering that his father was the governor of his native state 
 and an active whig through all the war ; and that he himself 
 had but recently resigned from the army, his proceeding was 
 suspicious in the extreme. Like Andre, he had been aide 
 to the commander-in-chief, and also deputy-adjutant general: 
 
 * Simcoe s Mil. Jour. 152. A gentleman of distinction thus wrote at the 
 time in relation to the universal topic of conversation : "I never heard 
 that Mr. Andre was to be married to Miss K . Two lovers she has un 
 doubtedly had since her reign ; Mr. D , and the young officer who fell 
 
 at Germantown. Since that the world has never left her idle. The first 
 time I saw her, I was told she would soon be married to Lord Drummond, 
 and so I entered it in my book: soon afterwards, to an officer in the N. Y. 
 volunteers, whom I forget: to two or three, after that: but she still re 
 mains in single blessedness. I never heard of Andre s letter to his 
 mother, nor of the picture. One picture was certainly found in his lug 
 gage, which his mind had been sufficiently at ease to perform: a striking 
 view up the North River. The ladies here went into mourning on his 
 death : his character was delineated and his fate lamented in general orders: 
 an unaffected gloom hung over the army for some days; and never was 
 Mr. W so execrated, as for being accessory to his unmerited execu 
 tion." MS. Letter, New York, Nov. 8, 1780. 
 
406 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 and it was thought he would make a capital pendant to the 
 Englishman. He was at once arrested on a charge of 
 treasonable practices and thrown into gaol. By his own 
 account he was treated with humanity, and Mr. West rep 
 resented his case to the king. " I pity him from my soul," 
 said the monarch. " But, West, go to Mr. Trumbull imme 
 diately, and pledge to him my royal promise that in the 
 worst possible event of the law his life shall be safe." Really 
 Trumbull had committed no offence since his arrival : but as 
 he had no right to be in England at all save as a prisoner, it 
 was seven months ere he was released on surety to leave the 
 kingdom and not return. And in October, 1782, a travelling 
 American, awakened as he slumbered in his carriage by the 
 shouts of a party of armed horsemen who swore to hang 
 some object of their wrath, avows that his first impression 
 was that he, though in no way connected with Andre s death, 
 was now to expiate it by his own. It is to the pervading 
 interest that attached itself to Andre s story, and the, roman 
 tic character of his career, that the origin of the ghost-stories 
 about him may be attributed. There is yet another con 
 nected with him : 
 
 " Miss H. B. was on a visit to Miss Andre, and being 
 very intimate with the latter, shared her bed. One night 
 she was awakened by the violent sobs of her companion, and 
 upon entreating to know the cause, she said, I have seen 
 my dear brother, and he has been taken prisoner. It is 
 scarcely necessary to inform the reader that Maj. Andre was 
 then with the British army, during the heat of the American 
 war. Miss B. soothed her friend, and both^ fell asleep, when 
 Miss Andre once more started up, exclaiming, They are 
 trying him as a spy, and she described the nature of the 
 court, the proceedings of the judge and prisoner, with the 
 greatest minuteness. Once more the poor sister s terrors 
 were calmed by her friend s tender representations, but a 
 third time she awoke screaming that they were hanging him 
 as a spy on a tree and in his regimentals, with many other 
 
HONORS BESTOWED ON ANDRE S MEMORY. 407 
 
 circumstances ! There was no more sleep for the friends ; 
 they got up and entered each in her own pocket-book the 
 particulars stated by the terror-stricken sister, with the dates ; 
 both agreed to keep the source of their own presentiment 
 and fears from the poor mother, fondly hoping they were 
 built on the fabric of a vision. But, alas ! as soon as news, 
 in those days, could cross the Atlantic, the fatal tidings came, 
 and to the deep awe as well as sad grief of the young la 
 dies, every circumstance was exactly imparted to them as 
 had been shadowed forth in the fond sister s sleeping fancy, 
 and had happened on the very day preceding the night of 
 her dream ! The writer thinks this anecdote has not been 
 related by Miss Seward, Dr. Darwin, or the Edgeworths, 
 father and daughter, who have all given to the public many- 
 interesting events in the brilliant but brief career of Major 
 Andre." 
 
 It is creditable to the British government that in con 
 sideration of the magnitude of Andre s attempted service, 
 and the disastrous fate with which his efforts were crowned, 
 nothing was wanting to testify either its care for his fame 
 or its respect for his wishes. On the 13th November Cap 
 tain St. George, Clinton s aide, delivered that general s de 
 spatches of the 12th October to Lord George Germain. 
 
 " The unexpected and melancholy turn, which my negotia 
 tion with General Arnold took with respect to my Adjutant 
 General, has filled my mind with the deepest concern. He 
 was an active, intelligent, and useful officer; and a young 
 gentleman of the most promising hopes. Therefore, as he 
 has unfortunately fallen a sacrifice to his great zeal for the 
 King s service, I judged it right to consent to his wish, inti 
 mated to me in his letter of the 29th Sept., of which I have 
 the honor to inclose your lordship a copy, that his Company 
 which he purchased should be sold for the benefit of his 
 mother and sisters. But I trust, my lord, that your lordship 
 will think Major Andre s misfortune still calls for some 
 further support to his family, and I beg leave to make it my 
 
408 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 humble request, that you will have the goodness to recom 
 mend them in the strongest manner to the King, for some 
 beneficial and distinguishing mark of His Majesty s favor." * 
 What was asked was granted. The king is said to have 
 instantly ordered a thousand guineas from the privy purse to 
 be sent to Mrs. Andre, and an annual pension of 300 to be 
 settled on her for life with reversion to her children or the 
 survivor of them : and after knighthood was proffered, on the 
 24th March, 1781, in memory of his brother s services, the 
 dignity of a baronetcy of Great Britain was conferred upon 
 Captain William Lewis Andre of the 2Gth Foot, and his 
 heirs male forever.f A stately cenotaph in Westminster 
 Abbey also preserved the remembrance of the life and death 
 of Major Andre. Hither Arnold was once observed to lead 
 his wife and to peruse with her the inscription that referred 
 to the most important scenes in his own career. 
 
 Forty years later, the pomp and ceremony with which the 
 remains of the brave Montgomery were publicly brought 
 from Canada to New York, called the attention of the British 
 consul at that city to the fact that the dust of another who 
 too had borne the king s commission, and whose first cap 
 tivity had graced Montgomery s first triumph, still filled an 
 unhonored grave in a foreign land. He communicated with 
 the Duke of York, Commander of the Forces, and it was 
 
 * MS. SirH. Clinton to Lord G. Germain (Separate) New York, 12 Oct. 
 1780, S. P. 0. On the llth, Clinton wrote the general story of his deal 
 ings with Arnold. " The particulars respecting the ill-fated ending of this 
 serious, I may say great affair, shall be detailed in a Narrative wherein 
 all papers and letters connected with it shall be inserted." This Narrative 
 has not been printed, but I have freely used all its facts in the text of this 
 work, 
 
 t A tombstone in Bathhampton church-yard, near Bath, has this inscrip 
 tion: "Sacred to the Memory of Louisa Catharine Andre 5 , late of the 
 Circus, Bath: Obit. Dec. 25, 1835, aged 81. Also of Mary Hannah 
 Andre, her sister, who died March 3, 1845, aged 93 years." Sir William 
 Lewis Andre", the brother, married: and surviving his son of the same 
 name, who was a director of the London Assurance Company, died at Dean s 
 Leaze, Hants, llth Nov. 1802, when the title became extinct. 
 
ANDRE S REMAINS REMOVED TO ENGLAND. 409 
 
 decided to remove Andre s corpse to England. The Rev. Mr. 
 Demarat who now owned the ground, gave ready assent to 
 the consul s proposals. " His intentions had become known," 
 says an American writer " some human brute some 
 Christian dog had sought to purchase or to rent the field 
 of Mr. Demarat, for the purpose of extorting money for per 
 mission to remove these relics. But the good man and true 
 rejected the base proposal, and offered every facility in his 
 power." On Friday, August 10th, 1821, at eleven A. M., 
 the work was commenced not without fear that it would be 
 in vain : for vague whispers went around that, years before, 
 the grave was despoiled. At the depth of three feet, the 
 spade struck the coffin-lid, and the perfect skeleton was soon 
 exposed to view. Nothing tangible remained but the bones 
 and a few locks of the once beautiful hair, together with the 
 leather cord that had bound the queue, and which was sent 
 by Mr. Buchanan to the sisters of the deceased. An atten 
 tive crowd of both sexes, some of whom had probably beheld 
 the execution, was present. 
 
 " The farmers who came to witness the interesting cere 
 mony generally evinced the most respectful tenderness for 
 the memory of the unfortunate dead, and many of the chil 
 dren wept. A few idlers, educated by militia training and 
 Fourth of July declamation, began to murmur that the mem 
 ory of General Washington was insulted by any respect 
 shown to the remains of Andre ; but the offer of a treat 
 lured them to the tavern, where they soon became too drunk 
 to guard the character of Wa^iington. It was a beautiful 
 day, and these disturbing spirits being removed, the impres 
 sive ceremony proceeded in solemn silence." * 
 
 If this anecdote is true, these ruffling swaggerers were all 
 who did not cheerfully encourage the proceedings. Ladies 
 
 * So repeats Mrs. Childs (Letters from New York), who brought to the 
 scene a solemn conviction that Andrews death was a "cool, deliberate 
 murder," and whose account of what she saw and heard is tinctured with 
 this feeling. 
 
410 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRlL 
 
 sent garlands to decorate the bier : even the old woman who 
 kept the turnpike-gate threw it open free to all that went and 
 came on this errand ; and six young women of New York 
 united in a poetical address that accompanied the myrtle- 
 tree they sent with the body to England. 
 
 The bones were carefully uplifted, and placed in a costly 
 sarcophagus of mahogany, richly decorated witli gold and 
 hung with black and crimson velvet ; and so borne to New 
 York to be placed on board the Phaeton frigate which, by a 
 happy significancy, so far as her name was concerned, had 
 been selected for their transportation to England. Two 
 cedars that grew hard by, and a peach-tree bestowed by some 
 kind woman s hand to mark the grave, (the roots of which 
 had pierced the coffin and turned themselves in a fibrous 
 network about the dead man s skull,) were also taken up. 
 The latter was replanted in the King s Gardens, behind 
 Carlton House. 
 
 In his account of the exhumation the consul in warm 
 phrase expressed his conviction that the body had been 
 robbed of its clothing by our people. It was reasonable 
 that he should think so: for Thacher, an eye-witness and 
 minute chronicler of the transaction, believed positively that 
 Andre was buried in his uniform ; of which not a vestige, 
 not a solitary button, was found when the grave was opened. 
 But there is abundant contemporaneous proof, American and 
 English, that Laune obtained his master s regimentals after 
 he was put in the shell, but before he was laid in earth. In 
 correcting his own error. Thacher set Buchanan right. In 
 gratitude for what was done, the Duke of York caused a 
 gold-mounted snuff-box of the wood of one of the cedars that 
 grew at the grave to be sent to Mr. Demarat ; to whom the 
 Misses Andre also presented a silver goblet, and to Mr. 
 Buchanan a silver standish. 
 
 A withered tree, a heap of stones, mark the spot where 
 the plough never enters and whence Andre s remains were 
 removed. The sarcophagus came safely across the sea, and 
 
BURIED IX WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 411 
 
 forty-one years and more after they had been laid by the 
 Hudson its contents were reinterred in a very private manner 
 hard by the monument in Westminster Abbey. The Dean 
 of Westminster superintended the religious offices, while 
 Major-General Sir Herbert Taylor appeared for the Duke 
 of York, and Mr. Locker, Secretary to Greenwich Hospital, 
 for the sisters of the deceased. 
 
 In the south aisle of the Abbey wherein sleeps so much 
 of the greatness ancj the glory of England stands Andre s 
 monument. It is of statuary marble carved by Van Gelder. 
 It presents a sarcophagus on a moulded panelled base and 
 plinth ; the panel of which is thus inscribed : " Sacred to the 
 memory of Major John Andre, \vho, raised by his merit, at 
 an early period of life, to the rank of Adjutant-General of 
 the British forces in America, and, employed in an important 
 but hazardous enterprise, fell a sacrifice to his zeal for his 
 King and Country, on the 2d of October, 1780, aged twenty- 
 nine, universally beloved and esteemed by the army in which 
 he served, and lamented even by his foes. His gracious 
 Sovereign, King George III., has caused this monument to 
 be erected." 
 
 On the plinth these words are added : " The remains of 
 Major John Andre were, on the 10th of August, 1821, re 
 moved from Tappan by James Buchanan, Esq., his majesty s 
 consul at New York, under instructions from his Royal 
 Highness the Duke of York, and with permission of the Dean 
 and Chapter, finally deposited in a grave contiguous to this 
 monument, on the 28th of November, 1821." 
 
 The monument stands seven and a half feet high in relief 
 against the wall, beneath the sixth window of the south 
 aisle. The projecting figures of the sarcophagus represent 
 a group in which Washington and Andre are conspicuous : 
 the former in the act of receiving from a flag of truce a letter 
 which is variously said to signify that in which the prisoner 
 petitioned to be shot, and more reasonably, the demand of 
 Clinton for his release. Britannia with a very lugubrious 
 
412 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR& 
 
 lion reposes on the top of the cenotaph. On the whole, the 
 work is not a triumph of the sculptor s art. 
 
 Hard by the spot are the monuments of Roger Townshend 
 and of Howe, whose lives were lost in the same scenes where 
 Andre first lost his liberty : and those of Sir Cloudesley 
 Shovel, Wolfe, Warren, Stuart, and other British warriors 
 whose history is interwoven with that of America, rise under 
 the same roof. The covert sneer with which Addison refers 
 to many of the tombs in this Abbey can have no just relation 
 to the funeral honors of such characters as these. " They put 
 me in mind of several persons mentioned in battles of heroic 
 poems, who have sounding names given them for no other 
 reason but that they may be killed, and are celebrated for 
 nothing but being knocked on the head." A man can hardly 
 do more or better than die for his country. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Considerations upon the Justice of Andre s Sentence. Conflicting Opin 
 ions. Character of our Generals. Keflections on Andre s Fate. 
 
 WAS the condemnation of Andre in accordance with the 
 principles of the laws of war ? was his execution justifiable ? 
 are questions that fourscore years have left where they were 
 at the beginning. English authors have acquiesced in the 
 propriety of the sentence ; an American writer has pro 
 nounced it a deliberate murder ; yet most of these appear 
 to have known very inaccurately the facts of a case upon 
 which they have, sometimes with much elegance and vigor 
 expressed a decided opinion. Winterbotham an English 
 clergyman, Hinton a painstaking annalist, are satisfied that 
 all was done lawfully. Coke was an officer of the 45th ; yet 
 he publishes the belief that the rules of war were not in 
 fringed. Romilly s opinion, though that of a young man not 
 yet admitted to the bar, is of more weight : he wrote while 
 the heat occasioned by the first intelligence was at its height, 
 and with good information ; but he justifies the sentence on 
 the plea that, though Andre was taken on neutral ground, he 
 had nevertheless been in our lines in disguise, and the safe- 
 conduct with which he was armed was issued by one whom 
 he knew to be a traitor, for no other end than to bring that 
 treason to a successful conclusion. Mackinnon, of the Cold- 
 streams, is also clear that Andre was a spy and entitled to 
 his fate : and this gentleman s rank, and the summary of 
 facts on which he gives his judgment, add additional conse 
 quence to his language. Locker s decision is particularly 
 interesting. He was the personal friend of Andre s sisters, 
 and represented them at the reinterment in Westminster 
 
414 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDR& 
 
 Abbey. He had therefore peculiar opportunities of hearing 
 evidence in favor of Andre. Immediately after the cere 
 mony, he published his conviction that Andre s conduct had 
 undoubtedly fixed on him the character and exposed him to 
 the punishment of a spy. He also justified Washington s 
 inflexibility by the circumstances of the case, and the ab 
 solute necessity to the American cause of a terrible example. 
 Other critics of less note subscribe to these general senti 
 ments, or modify their decrees to the idea of Charles Lamb, 
 when he speaks of " the amiable spy, Major Andre." And 
 the books of Miss Seward and Mrs. Childs, published on 
 opposite sides of the ocean, fully justify Tallmadge s declara 
 tion, that had the verdict been left to a jury of ladies the 
 prisoner was sure of an acquittal. 
 
 In America there has been but one leading opinion ex 
 pressed on the subject. The action of its authorities has 
 never been impugned save in the instance adverted to above. 
 It is true that the majority of writers have not investigated 
 the point : but their inferences entirely coincide with those 
 of Marshall, Sparks, Biddle, and Irving, who were compe 
 tent as any in the land to arrive at just conclusions. And it 
 is to be remarked that the Englishmen who, by the course 
 of events or their own application, have attained a degree of 
 information on the question commensurate with that possessed 
 by our own chief historical authorities, are not less decided, 
 albeit widely differing in their determinations. Let us first 
 look at the views of such as by convenience of time and 
 place got their impressions, as it were, at the fountain-head. 
 
 Of the conclusions of the leaders of our own army, little 
 need be said. The finding of the court of inquiry and its 
 confirmation by Washington sufficiently indicate the sense 
 of our generals. That of the enemy was diametrically op 
 posite ; although from Clinton s omission to publicly im 
 pute unsoundness of judgment or improper motives to his 
 adversaries, it was inferred in this country that he acquiesced 
 in the justice of the sentence. I must confess that Sir Hen- 
 
CLINTON S ACCOUNT OF ARNOLD S AFFAIR. 415 
 
 ry s general orders of Oct. 8th, 1780, would prevent such 
 a conclusion in my mind : and Lord Mahon, by an extract 
 from Clinton s MS. Memoirs, has undoubtedly refuted any 
 deduction that " the opinions of Sir Henry Clinton on this 
 subject were essentially the same as those of General Wash 
 ington." Though it was little known in our own days, it 
 must have been a familiar fact to all who lived in Clinton s 
 intimacy that in no wise nor at any time did he conceive 
 Washington s course justifiable. When Stedman, a royal 
 officer in our Revolution, published his history of the war 
 and half admitted Andre s guilt by protestations of the ab 
 sence of every intention that could have drawn him into the 
 position of a spy, Sir Henry affixed this brief manuscript 
 comment to the paragraph " Ignorance of whole transac 
 tion too tender a subject to explain upon now. See blank 
 leaves at the end." Accordingly a written statement was 
 afterwards inserted by Clinton at the conclusion of the book, 
 which, though essentially the same with that given from his 
 MSS. by Lord Mahon, may well be published here. It is 
 entitled in the writings before me, 
 
 SIR HENRY CLINTON S ACCOUNT OF ARNOLD S AFFAIR. 
 
 (From his MS. History of the War, Vol. II. p. 43.) 
 
 September, 1780. About eighteen Months before the pres 
 ent period, Mr. Arnold (a major General in the American 
 Service) had found means to intimate to me, that having 
 cause to be dissatisfied with many late Proceedings of the 
 American Congress, particularly their alliance with France, 
 he was desirous of quitting them and joining the cause of 
 Great Britain, could he be certain of personal security and 
 indemnification for whatever loss of property he might there 
 by sustain. An overture of that sort coming from an officer 
 of Mr. Arnold s ability and fame could not but attract my 
 attention ; and as I thought it possible that like another Gen- 
 
416 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF.. 
 
 eral, Monk, he might have repented of the part he had taken, 
 and wish to make atonement for the injuries he had done his 
 Country by rendering her some signal and adequate benefit, 
 I was of course liberal in making him such offers and prom 
 ises as I judged most likely to encourage him in his present 
 temper. A correspondence was after this opened between 
 us under feigned names ; in the course of which he from 
 time to time transmitted to me most material intelligence ; 
 and, with a view (as I supposed) of rendering us still more 
 essential service, he obtained in July, 1780, the command of 
 all the Enemy s forts in the Highlands, then garrisoned by 
 about 4000 men. The local importance of these posts has 
 been already very fully described in the last Volume of this 
 History ; it is therefore scarcely necessary to observe here 
 that the obtaining possession of them at the present critical 
 period would have been a most desirable circumstance ; and 
 that the advantages to be drawn from Mr. Arnold s having 
 the command of them struck me with full force the instant I 
 heard of his appointment. But the arrival of the French 
 armament, the consequent expedition to Rhode Island, and 
 the weakness of my own force together with the then daily 
 increase of Mr. Washington s, obliged me to wait for some 
 more favourable opportunity before I attempted to put that 
 gentleman s sincerity to the proof. 
 
 In the mean time wishing to reduce to an absolute cer 
 tainty whether the person I had so long corresponded with 
 was actually Major General Arnold commanding at West 
 Point, I acceded to a proposal he made me to permit some 
 officer in my confidence to have a personal conference with 
 him, when every thing might be more explicitly settled be 
 tween us than it was possible to do by letter, and as he 
 required that my Adjutant General, Major Andre, who had 
 chiefly conducted the correspondence with him under the 
 signature of John Anderson, should meet him for this pur 
 pose on Neutral Ground, I was induced to consent to his 
 doing so from my great confidence in that officer s prudence 
 
CLINTON S ACCOUNT OF ARNOLD S AFFAIR. 417 
 
 and address. Some attempts towards a meeting had been 
 accordingly made before Sir George Rodney s arrival. But 
 though the plan had been well laid, they were constantly 
 frustrated by some untoward accident or other ; one of which 
 had very nearly cost Mr. Arnold his life. These disappoint 
 ments made him of course cautious : and as I now became 
 anxious to forward the execution of my project while I could 
 have that naval chief s assistance, and under so good a mask 
 as the Expedition to the Chesapeak which enabled me to 
 make every requisite preparation without being suspected, I 
 consented to another proposal from General Arnold for 
 Major Andre to go to him by water from Dobb s ferry in a 
 boat which he would himself send for him under a Flag of 
 Truce. For I could have no reason to suspect that any bad 
 consequence could possibly result to Major Andre from such 
 a mode, as I had given it in charge to him not to change his 
 dress or name on any account, or possess himself of writings 
 by which the nature of his Embassy might be traced, and I 
 understood that after his Business was finished he was to be 
 sent back in the same way. But unhappily none of these 
 precautions were observed ; on the contrary, General Ar 
 nold for reasons which he judged important, or perhaps 
 (which is the most probable) losing at the moment his usual 
 presence of mind, thought proper to drop the design of send 
 ing Major Andre back by water, and prevailed upon him, or 
 rather compelled him as would appear by that unfortunate 
 Officer s letter to me, to part with his uniform, and under a 
 borrowed disguise to take a circuitous route to New York 
 through the Posts of the Enemy under the sanction of his 
 passport. The consequence was (as might be expected) 
 that he was stopped at Tarrytown and searched, and certain 
 papers being found about him concealed, he was (notwith 
 standing his passport) carried prisoner before Mr. Washing 
 ton, to whom he candidly acknowledged his name and quality. 
 Measures were of course immediately taken upon this to 
 seize General Arnold ; but that officer being fortunate enough 
 27 
 
418 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 to receive timely notice of Major Andre s fate effected his 
 escape to a King s Sloop lying off Taller s Point, and carne 
 the next day to New York. 
 
 I was exceedingly shocked by this unexpected accident, 
 which not only ruined a most important project, which had 
 all the appearance of being in a happy train of success, but in 
 volved in danger and distress a confidential friend, for whom 
 I had (very deservedly) the warmest esteem. Not imme 
 diately knowing however the full extent of the misfortune, 
 I did not then imagine the Enemy could have any motive for 
 pushing matters to extremity, as the bare detention of so 
 valuable an officer s person might have given him a great 
 power and advantage over me ; and I was accordingly in 
 hopes that an official demand from me for his immediate re 
 lease, as having been under the sanction of a Flag of Truce 
 when he landed within his posts, might shorten his captivity, 
 or at least stop his proceeding with rigour against him. But 
 the cruel and unfortunate catastrophe convinced me that I 
 was much mistaken in my opinion of both his policy and 
 humanity. For delivering himself up (it should seem) to 
 the rancour excited by the near accomplishment of a plan 
 which might effectually have restored the King s Authority 
 and tumbled him from his present exalted situation, he burnt 
 with a desire of wreaking his vengeance on the principal 
 actors in it ; and consequently regardless of the acknowl 
 edged worth and abilities of the amiable young man, who 
 had thus fallen into his hands, and in opposition to every 
 principle of policy and call of humanity he without remorse 
 put him to a most ignominious death ; and this at a moment 
 when one of his Generals was by his own appointment in 
 actual Conference with Commissioners whom I had sent to 
 treat to him for Major Andre s release. 
 
 The manner in which Major Andre was drawn to the 
 Enemy s Shore (manifestly at the instance and under the 
 sanction of the General Officer who had the command of 
 the district) and his being avowedly compelled by that offi- 
 
LORD CORNWALLIS S OPINION. 419 
 
 cer to change his dress and name and return under his pass 
 port by land, were circumstances which, as they certainly 
 much lessen the imputed criminality of his offence, ought at 
 least to have softened the severity of the Council of War s 
 Opinion respecting it, notwithstanding his imprudence of hav 
 ing possessed himself of the papers which they found on him. 
 Which, though they led to a discovery of the nature of the 
 business that drew him to a conference with General Arnold, 
 were not wanted (as they must have known) for my infor 
 mation. For they were not ignorant that I had myself been 
 over every part of the ground on which the Forts stood, and 
 had of course made myself perfectly acquainted with every 
 thing necessary for facilitating an attack of them. Mr. 
 Washington ought also to have remembered that I had 
 never in any one instance punished the disaffected Colonists 
 (within my power) with Death, but on the contrary had in 
 several shewn the most humane attention to his intercession 
 even in favour of avowed spies. His acting therefore in so 
 cruel a manner in opposition to my earnest solicitations 
 could not but excite in me the greatest surprise ; especially 
 as no advantage whatever could be possibly expected to his 
 Cause from putting the object of them to death. Nor could 
 he be insensible ( had he the smallest spark of honour in 
 his own breast) that the example, though ever so terrible 
 and ignominious, would never deter a British Officer from 
 treading in the same steps, whenever the service of his 
 Country would require his exposing himself to the like 
 danger in such a War. But the subject affects me too deeply 
 to proceed nor can my heart cease to bleed whenever I 
 reflect on the very unworthy fate of this most amiable and 
 valuable young man, who was adorned with the rarest en 
 dowments of Education and Nature, and (had he lived) 
 could not but have attained to the highest honours of his 
 profession ! ! ! 
 
 The Marquis Cornwallis was not at New York when the 
 
420 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. 
 
 catastrophe occurred, nor does he seem to have been one 
 of Clinton s admirers or Arnold s supporters in the royal 
 service : but he was undoubtedly well informed of the facts 
 of the case, of which he expresses himself thus : 
 
 " The sad episode of Major Andre took place in this year. 
 The details need not be given, but it may be observed that, 
 among the members of the court by which he was tried, 
 were two foreigners, ignorant of the English language, and 
 several of the coarsest and most illiterate of the American 
 generals. Doubts have been entertained whether Wash 
 ington had timely information of the requests and remon 
 strances made by Sir Henry Clinton, who, had he been 
 disposed to retaliate, could easily have selected among his 
 prisoners Americans deserving the name of spy much more 
 justly than Major Andre. In any case the execution of 
 that officer leaves an indelible blot on the character of 
 Washington." * 
 
 Whether or not Beverly Robinson, as is said, distrusted 
 the safety of Andre s leaving the Vulture, it is clear from 
 his letter and Sutherland s that these officers considered him 
 unlawfully detained, and, of consequence, unlawfully done 
 to death. Robertson s emphatic assertion of the erroneous 
 finding of the court of inquiry will also be borne in mind ; 
 and his proffer to die himself if Knyphausen and Rocham- 
 beau would not agree with him. What the first might have 
 thought we do not know : the tendency of the last may be 
 guessed from his own recorded words. Andre deserved a 
 better fate, he thought, but the seventy of the laws and the 
 necessity of an example enforced his condemnation. His 
 Aide, Count Mathieu Dumas, afterwards lieutenant-general, is 
 more explicit. He says Andre having come to Arnold in a 
 peasant s disguise was justly condemned and executed as a spy. 
 
 * Corr. Corn. i. 78. In 1791 the marquis, as governor-general of India, 
 exchanged official compliments with our President; though "he himself 
 continued in troubled waters, he said, he wished "for General Washing 
 ton a long enjoyment of tranquillity and happiness." Wash, in Dom. 
 Life, 57. 
 
CONFLICTING OPINIONS ON ANDRE S SENTENCE. 421 
 
 This language would lead us to suppose that the question of 
 flags and safe-conducts was not raised in the French camp. 
 
 In reciting the opinions of such of the enemy as were 
 acquainted with the facts of the case, that of Simcoe must 
 not be ignored. This distinguished man was not only 
 thoroughly a practical soldier, but, what was more rare then 
 than in these days, was well versed in the learning, ancient 
 and modern, of his profession. His language is strong and 
 bitter ; yet entirely repugnant as it is to some of my own con 
 victions, I think it only fair to present it at length. On one 
 point he seems to have hit a more correct view than some of 
 his fellows : he attributes to Washington a full knowledge of 
 all the circumstances of the affair. The undercurrent of his 
 thoughts seem to indicate a theory that one motive for rigor 
 ous proceedings was to prevent distrust on the part of the 
 French auxiliaries ; who certainly would have been in a very 
 awkward position had Arnold s designs succeeded. This is 
 very questionable : as has been said, I believe Andre s case 
 was decided on its merits, though policy undoubtedly had to 
 do with the fulfilment of the sentence. Simcoe declares, 
 however, that he " had certain and satisfactory intelligence 
 that the French party in general, and M. Fayette in particu 
 lar who sat upon his trial, urged Mr. Washington to the 
 unnecessary deed." One might well ask how he got this 
 " certain intelligence : " but let us see how he speaks of the 
 conduct of our chiefs : 
 
 " Major Andre was murdered upon private not public 
 considerations. It bore not with it the stamp of justice ; for 
 there was not an officer in the British army whose duty it 
 would not have been, had any of the American Generals 
 offered to quit the service of Congress, to have negotiated 
 to receive them ; so that this execution could not, by ex 
 ample, have prevented the repetition of the same offence. 
 It may appear, that from his change of dress, &c., he came 
 under the description of a spy ; but when it shall be con 
 sidered against his stipulation, intention, and knowledge, he 
 
422 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 became absolutely a prisoner, and was forced to change his 
 dress for self-preservation, it may safely be asserted that no 
 European general would on this pretext have had his blood 
 upon his head. He fell a victim to that which was ex 
 pedient, not to that which was just : what was supposed to 
 be useful superceded what would have been generous ; and 
 though, by imprudently carrying papers about him, he 
 gave a colour to those, who endeavoured to separate Great 
 Britain from America, to press for his death, yet an open and 
 elevated mind would have found greater satisfaction in the 
 obligations it might have laid on the army of his opponents, 
 than in carrying into execution a useless and unnecessary 
 vengeance. 
 
 " It has been said, that not only the French party from 
 their customary policy, but Mr. Washington s personal ene 
 mies urged him on, contrary to his inclinations, to render 
 him unpopular if he executed Major Andre, or suspected if 
 he pardoned him. In the length of the war, for what one 
 generous action has Mr. Washington been celebrated ? what 
 honourable sentiment ever fell from his lips which can in 
 validate the belief, that surrounded with difficulties and 
 ignorant in whom to confide, he meanly sheltered himself 
 under the opinions of his officers and the Congress, in per 
 petrating his own previous determination? and, in perfect 
 conformity to his interested ambition, which crowned with 
 success beyond all human calculation in 1783, to use his own 
 expression, bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all 
 the employments of public life, to resume them at this mo 
 ment (1787) as President of the American Convention? 
 Had Sir Henry Clinton, whose whole behaviour in his pub 
 lic disappointment, and most afflicting of private dispensa 
 tions, united the sensibility of the Friend, with the magna 
 nimity of the General, had he possessed a particle of the 
 malignity which, in this transaction, was exhibited by the 
 American, many of the principal inhabitants of Carolina 
 then in confinement, on the clearest proof for the violation 
 
CHARACTER OF OUR GENERALS. 423 
 
 of the law of nations, would have been adjudged to the 
 death they had merited. The papers which Congress pub 
 lished, relative to Major Andre s death, will remain an eter 
 nal monument of the principles of that heroic officer ; and, 
 when fortune shall no longer gloss over her fading pane 
 gyric, will enable posterity to pass judgment on the character 
 of Washington." * 
 
 Though clothed in language painful to our ears, we cannot 
 deny that, so far as we know, the opinions of these English 
 officers familiar with the facts were opposed to those of our 
 own generals. Lord Rawdon hardly forms the exception. 
 Under these circumstances it has been said that the British 
 sentiment, by reason of the superior military knowledge of 
 its exponents, was more likely to be accurate ; and that their 
 education had not sufficiently instructed the American leaders 
 in the principles of international law. It should seem that 
 at this day the question ought to be rather as to the correct 
 ness of their decision than their fitness to make it : but it 
 may be as well to glance hastily at the circumstances attend 
 ing the composition of the court. Good or bad, it was cer 
 tainly the best we had in an army of which Chastellux testifies 
 the generals were distinguished for their military appearance 
 and behavior, and even the subalterns manifested a union 
 of capacity and good-breeding. 
 
 As president of the board and reputedly one of the firmest 
 in promoting Andre s death, Greene is the head and front 
 of those who offended by their unprofessional breeding and 
 limited education. Born in 1740, Greene had been a black 
 smith: he was a blacksmith when he marched to Boston, 
 and was raised from the ranks of a militia company to a 
 colonial major-generalcy. The case is not singular. It was 
 
 * Mil. Journ. 152, 294. As governor of Upper Canada Simcoe in 1795 
 is described by Rochefoucault-Liancourt as just, enlightened, frank, and 
 brave : but unswerving in his aversion to the United States and constantly 
 speculating on a campaign that should lead him to Philadelphia. If he 
 did not instigate he certainly did not discourage the Indian wars of the 
 northwest, in which St. Clair was so terribly cut to pieces. 
 
424 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDKF.. 
 
 a smith that led the Turks from the slavery of the Altai 
 Mountains to royal greatness ; and for centuries the exercise 
 of anvil and sledge preserved the memory of the deeds that 
 changed the forge for the throne. The abrupt translation of 
 the stuttering Michael from the cinders of his smithy to the 
 porphyry palaces of the Eastern Empire furnishes history 
 with one of its most glaring illustrations of the mutability of 
 fortune and the blindness of the popular will. The black 
 smith s apron that commemorated the imperial origin long led 
 the Persians to victory, until the jewels with which it con 
 tinued to be embroidered entirely hid the leather from view. 
 Greene s was one of those cases in which promotion was 
 born of merit, and the general s worth obscures his un 
 professional origin. Though self-educated, the advisers of 
 his studies were President Stiles and Lindley Murray. His 
 reading was thotongh rather than large. His military text 
 books were Ceesar s Commentaries, Plutarch, Turenne s Me 
 moirs, and Sharpe s Military Guide : but he was familiar 
 with Blackstone and with Ferguson s Civil Society, and I 
 am able to state positively had carefully read over Vattel. 
 To his capacity in the field Tarleton bears ample testimony ; 
 and it is odd that the beginning and the ending of his 
 campaignings should involve the idea of a spy. To pro 
 cure arms to use against the English, in 1774 or 1775 he 
 slipped into Boston, watched the discipline of the troops at 
 their morning and evening parades, and when he smuggled 
 out a musket and accoutrements he brought a deserter along 
 as a drillmaster to the militia corps with which he served. 
 In Carolina, he employed a young lady on secret services of 
 the greatest danger without scruple ; and after the evac 
 uation of Charleston towards the end of the war, when the 
 whig governor arrested Captain Ker and his crew who had 
 come with a flag to Greene, he called a council of officers 
 and with their concurrence enforced the flag-party s release 
 by an armed demonstration on the place. This circum 
 stance tends to show that Greene understood the nature of 
 
CHARACTERS OF OUR GENERALS. 425 
 
 his present business, and also that no seeking after the ap 
 plause of the civil powers was likely to bend him from the 
 path of professional integrity : and indeed at the time of 
 Andre s sentence he was out of favor with Congress. He 
 was a calm, circumspect man : fond of general principles ; 
 his mind clear, comprehensive, and logical. Unwearied in 
 collecting premises, he was immovable in his conclusions. 
 It is probable enough that however accurate and reasonable 
 \vere his mental operations, his manners may have savored 
 of his youthful associations : but such as they were, he 
 abided with them. It is recorded that even after both had 
 left the army, he continued to refuse satisfaction to a brother 
 officer whom he did not think the proprieties of martial life 
 entitled to demand it.* 
 
 If Greene was of humble birth and self-taught, Stirling, 
 born in 1726, was directly the reverse. He was of noble 
 blood and had ineffectually sued for the earldom that he al 
 ways claimed as his rightful inheritance. His education was 
 liberal : he was versed in the classics and proficient in the 
 severe sciences. In 1754, he aided in founding the New 
 York Society Library : and in the ensuing war, was a mem 
 ber of the military family of Shirley, the king s chief gen 
 eral here. Thacher tells an idle camp-fire story of his 
 punctilious adhesiveness to the dignity of his rank, but 
 adds : u In his personal appearance his lordship is vener 
 able and dignified; in his deportment, gentlemanly and 
 graceful ; in conversation, pleasing and interesting." His 
 convivial habits were specially satirized by Andre in The 
 Cowchase. Chastellux mentions the same infirmity, but 
 
 * It may be added that Greene was noted for the prompt severity with 
 which he checked the disorders of his command : and more than one ex 
 ecution proves how firm he was in preserving the legitimate discipline of 
 war. A good idea of the military capacity of our generals may be got 
 from their proposed emendations of the Articles of War, Oct. 1775. On 
 this occasion, Greene demanded a Provost-marshal, and desired that trea 
 son in the army against the United States should be clearly defined, and 
 the penalty prescribed. 
 
426 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRF.. 
 
 says he was very brave, zealous, sensible, and of informa 
 tion ; though without capacity, old, and dull. He certainly 
 was sincere and steady in his devotion to our cause. 
 
 St. Clair, born in Scotland in 1734, had a thoroughly liber 
 al education at one of the best Scottish universities. He was 
 intended for medicine, but his taste being for arms he ob 
 tained a commission through the influence of his elevated 
 connections, and came to America with Boscawen in 1755. 
 He was a lieutenant under Wolfe and esteemed a very 
 meritorious officer, capable of reaching great military dis 
 tinction. He was appointed to the command of Fort Ligo- 
 nier in Pennsylvania ; and retiring from the army after the 
 Peace of 1763, filled some important civil offices in that 
 province. In March, 1774, Governor John Penn wrote to 
 Lord Dunmore : " Mr. St. Clair is a gentleman who for 
 a long time had the honour of serving his Majesty in the 
 regulars with reputation, and in every station of life has 
 preserved the character of a very honest man." * 
 
 La Fayette, born in 1757, is too well known to ask 
 many words here. His education, civil and military, was as 
 good as his years would permit. He was brave and intelli 
 gent, and covetous of popular applause. In 1787, Jefferson 
 wrote that he had an undue love of popularity. This, and 
 his hatred to England, led him into such escapades as his 
 challenge to Lord Carlisle for language used regarding 
 
 * St. Glair s fate was a hard one and unmerited. After having served 
 in almost every American siege or action of consequence in the Seven 
 Years War, and abandoning an estate in Scotland to take up arms in our 
 Revolution, his honour was wofully impugned. He was court-martialled 
 by Congress for neglect of duty, cowardice, treachery, &c. ; and though of 
 course acquitted (being entirely innocent) his feelings were naturally stung. 
 Sullivan, too, published a letter, Aug. (5, 1777, which seemed to question 
 his fidelity, until he disavowed any such meaning, Aug. 30. St. Clair 
 earned and kept Washington s esteem ; but in after-life he was stripped of 
 his appointments bv government, defrauded of his rights, and lived in old 
 age for several years "in the most abject poverty." Pennsylvania then 
 granted him a pension of 650 yearly, on which he wore out his few re 
 maining davs. 
 
CHARACTERS OF OUR GENERALS. 427 
 
 France in his quality of Commissioner ; but they did him 
 no harm with the multitude. The sword of honor that Con 
 gress gave him in 1779, " I am proud," said he, " to carry 
 into the heart of England." Like Simon of Montfort, our 
 people rejoiced that a Frenchman and foreigner, himself the 
 subject of a despotism, should be so penetrated with their 
 oppressions as to lead them to liberty in a civil war. He 
 was liberal of his person and his purse in our cause, and his 
 name was beloved by our nation, even when it was pro 
 scribed by his own. For, after active efforts, having suc 
 ceeded in setting a constitutional reform in motion, the storm 
 that rose in France bore down the best of those who had 
 aided the movement. The National Assembly declared him 
 a traitor to his country, and flying from arrest to the enemy, 
 he was closely immured at Olrniitz. Efforts were made to 
 procure the intercession of England in his behalf ; but there 
 was little reason to expect that England should espouse his 
 cause. Pitt set his face against it ; and when a lord bewailed 
 his unhappy state to George III. in hope of exciting the 
 royal sympathy, the king is said to have cut the speaker 
 short with two pregnant words "Remember Andre."* 
 
 * Anal. Mag. ii. 172. In the Commons, March 17, 1794, Gen. Fitzpat- 
 rick moved that the king be besought to intercede with the court of Ber 
 lin for La Fayette and his companions. Burke vehemently replied in most 
 denunciatory terms against La Fayette, whom he considered the author 
 and origin of innumerable outrages in France. The only precedent, he 
 said, for the interference of one power with another in behalf of the subject 
 ef a third was " the case of the interposition of the late court of France, 
 which was now so frequently denominated despotic and tyrannical, in fa 
 vour of Sir Charles Asgill, an interposition which was chiefly rendered 
 effectual by the exertions of the late unfortunate queen." France, he 
 continued, claimed La Fayette as a traitor, whom the rabble he had been 
 instrumental in elevating to power, were desirous of sacrificing. He had 
 volunteered for America and against England before any hostilities be 
 tween England and France, and had rebelled against his own lawful 
 sovereign. After citations of his alleged participation in some popular vio 
 lences in his own country, Burke concluded : u I would not debauch my 
 humanity by supporting an application like the present in behalf of such a 
 horrid ruffian." The motion was lost: 46 against 153; but the episode is 
 a curious one in La Fayette s life. It is not often Americans have heard 
 him called by such names. 
 
428 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Of Robert Howe not a great deal is known. He was 
 probably an Englishman : at all events he was in the Eng 
 lish service before the war ; was settled in North Carolina ; 
 and had commanded (I think) Fort Johnston, where a 
 garrison of ten men was kept up in time of peace. He 
 was an early and active whig, representing Brunswick 
 county ; and in 1775, was proclaimed against by Gov. Mar 
 tin as " Robert Howes, alias Howe." In 1776 Clinton de 
 barked on his plantation ; and specially excepted him from 
 grace. He is described by Smith as a good officer and a 
 superior engineer : and I have other reasons for believing 
 that here Smith is right. Irvine and others however dis 
 trusted his general capacity in a serious emergency. It is 
 probable that Howe had all the book-learning of his trade. 
 His years were doubtless well advanced at this time, and 
 Chastellux pronounces him fond of music, the arts, and 
 pleasure, and of cultivated mind. In August, 1785, he 
 was appointed by Congress to treat with the Western In 
 dians. 
 
 Steuben, born in 1730, had served at the age of fourteen; 
 but he does not appear to have held higher than regimental 
 rank in the Prussian army. The idea of his having been a 
 favorite general of the great Frederick s is all a delusion. 
 He was an honest old soldier of fortune, and a singularly ac 
 complished disciplinarian.* His review of a brigade would 
 
 * An incident at Yorktown shoAvs his perfect acquaintance with the laws 
 of Avar, in opposition to La Fayette s. He commanded in the trenches 
 Avhen a flag came out Avith proposals of capitulation. While the negotia 
 tion went on, La Fayette s tour of duty arrived ; as it Avas of course a 
 point of honor to plant our flag on the enemy s fortress, there Avas a com 
 petition for the command that would give the right. Steuben asserted 
 that having receiA r ed the flag, he was entitled to retain his place till the 
 negotiation Avas closed either by surrender or reneAved hostilities. La Fay- 
 ette denied this, and marched with his division to relieA e the German: 
 who Avould not be relieved. La Fayette appealed to Washington : the 
 case Avas carried to Rochambeau and* his chiefs, and it AA^as decided that the 
 baron Avas right, and must retain the command. The matter does not 
 seem to have ended here. Ensign Denny (apparently of La Fayette s 
 division) was detailed to erect our standard Avhen the troops entered York- 
 
CHARACTERS OF OUR GENERALS. 429 
 
 extend to every arm and accoutrement of every officer and 
 private ; blaming or praising as the case required. The 
 surgeon s list would be examined, the disorders of the pa 
 tients inquired into, and their treatment. These inspections 
 are sometimes the subject of precise narration, yet no annal 
 ist mentions any difficulty of language in comprehending or 
 satisfying the baron. On the contrary we are expressly 
 told that though never perfectly its master, he had like La 
 Fayette a sufficiently correct knowledge of our tongue. 
 He was not however on friendly terms with La Fayette ; 
 and in America would boast of having been in the battle of 
 Rossbach where he made the Frenchmen run. Steuben was 
 beloved by his troops, to whom, like Trajan or Hadrian of 
 old, he would not scruple to give himself manual instruction. 
 Simcoe distinguishes his capacity as superior to that of his 
 fellows ; and esteemed him an expert soldier, well-skilled in 
 adapting the science of war to the character of his followers 
 and the nature of the country. There is no earthly reason 
 to suppose that he did not perfectly comprehend the circum 
 stances of Andre s case, whose fate he commiserated. " It 
 is impossible to save him," wrote the baron. " He put us to 
 no proof, but in an open, manly manner confessed everything 
 but a premeditated design to deceive. Would to God the 
 wretch who drew him to death could have suffered in his 
 place ! " * 
 
 town, and was in the act of planting it on the parapet before the three 
 armies when Steuben galloped up, took the flag, and planted it himself. 
 Ill blood existed on both sides, and a challenge from Butler of Wayne s 
 brigade went to Steuben, which it required all the influence of Washing 
 ton on one side and Rochambeau on the other to hush up. Mems. Hist. 
 Soc. Penn. vii. 214, 486. 
 
 *Kapp s Steuben, 290~, 477. Thacher, 195, 517. The baron never 
 failed to speak loudly of Arnold s misconduct after his desertion. While 
 inspecting Sheldon s Dragoons, the hated name struck his ear on the roster. 
 He called the bearer to the front, and found his equipments in capital or 
 der. " Change your name, brother soldier, you are too respectable to bear 
 the name of a traitor." "What name shall I take, general?" "Take 
 any other name. Mine is at your service." The trooper s name was 
 thenceforth Steuben: and after the war, he settled on land bestowed bv 
 
430 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 Parsons was a Connecticut lawyer before the war, and a 
 graduate of Harvard in 1756. He was of a good Massa 
 chusetts family, and in 1780 was probably about forty years 
 of age. In 1775 he was settled in the tenth colonelcy of the 
 continental army by Washington, albeit he had headed a 
 remonstrance of the Connecticut line to its legislature against 
 the action of Congress that gave precedence to Putnam over 
 Spencer. They " had no objection to the appointment of 
 Generals Washington and Lee," but apprehended danger to 
 the morals and discipline of the line by Putnam s superi 
 ority. Memorials of this kind Washington had in wise aver 
 sion. Parsons was a man of parts. 
 
 Clinton, born in 1737, was perhaps of the same blood with 
 Sir Henry, in resisting whom he had been severely wounded. 
 He displayed an early fondness for military life, and served 
 in the Seven Years War. He excelled in the exact sciences, 
 and was father of De Witt Clinton. In 1775, he was with 
 Montgomery, and his name heads the apology by which that 
 general was persuaded to resume the command that the in 
 subordination of some of his officers had provoked him to 
 throw up.* 
 
 his new godfather. "I am well settled, general," quoth he, " and have a 
 wife and son. I have called my son after you, Sir." " I thank you, my 
 friend; what name have you given the boy?" " I called him Baron," 
 was the answer; " what else could I call him ! " 
 
 If Steuben s after-life was for a time clouded by pecuniary distress, it is 
 grateful to know that his services at last commanded a substantial ac 
 knowledgment from America which made his old age comfortable. 
 
 * In 1777, one Daniel Taylor, deceived by the British uniforms which a 
 party of our troops wore, and by the name of General Clinton, did not 
 discover his position till he was led before our general. He then swallowed 
 a silver bullet, but an emetic bringing it back, it was found to unscrew 
 and contain this note : "To GENERAL BUKGOYNE : Fort Montgomery, 
 Oct. 8th, 1777- Nous voici and nothing between us but Gates. I sin 
 cerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate your operations. In 
 answer to your letter of the 28th of September by C. C. I shall only say, 
 I cannot presume to order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily 
 wish you success. Faithfully your% H. CLINTON." Taylor was hanged : 
 " Out of thine own mouth shalt thou be condemned," said the American 
 officer. 
 
CHARACTERS OF OUR GENERALS. 431 
 
 Knox, born in 1750, had a good though not a collegiate 
 education, and in youth was so fond of military pursuits that 
 at eighteen he was chosen captain of a volunteer company of 
 grenadiers. He was a bookseller, and acquainted with the 
 French language ; and though his talents were unknown to 
 Samuel Adams, they were at once discovered in our army. 
 The aged and incapable Gridley was ousted from the com 
 mand of the artillery department, and under direction of 
 Knox a system of fortifications were thrown up before Bos 
 ton, whose strength Howe owned at sight, without venturing 
 to a practical test. Mrs. Warren attributes his advance 
 ment to personal rather than military considerations ; though 
 she confesses he made an excellent officer. The testimony 
 of Washington, of Rochambeau, of Dumas, and of Rawdon 
 to his great military qualifications, added to that of Chastel- 
 lux as to his understanding and information, are sufficient to 
 establish the real worth of his character. 
 
 Glover, born about 1735, was, I believe, of a wealthy 
 family of Marblehead. He took an early share in the contest. 
 Diminutive in person, he was active in habit and a good 
 soldier. He had probably been a ship-owner before the war, 
 and the regiment that he raised in 1775 was mainly com 
 posed of seafaring men. It was one of the first filled up in 
 Massachusetts, and when taken into continental pay still pre 
 served its efficiency. The roster of officers, with its Wil 
 liams and Thomases, offers a contrast to the Jedidiahs, Abels, 
 and Abijahs, the Penuels, Melatiahs, and Amoses, who at 
 that time so often made a New England regimental list to 
 savor of " a catalogue of Praise-God Barebones s parliament 
 or the roll of one of old Noll s evangelical armies." In ser 
 vice it was especially exempted from the sweeping contempt 
 that was visited on the shortcomings of some of its country 
 men by the middle and southern soldiery. " The only ex 
 ception I recollect to have seen to these miserably constituted 
 bands from New England was the regiment of Glover from 
 Marblehead. There was an appearance of discipline in this 
 
432 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 corps ; the officers seemed to have mixed with the world, 
 and to understand what belonged to their stations. Though 
 deficient, perhaps, in polish, it possessed an apparent aptitude 
 for the purpose of its institution, and gave a confidence that 
 myriads of its meek and lowly brethren were incompetent to 
 inspire. But even in this regiment there were a number of 
 negroes, which, to persons unaccustomed to such associations, 
 had a disagreeable, degrading effect." * Glover s command 
 led the advance in the passage of the Delaware at. Trenton, 
 and its commander was never found remiss. 
 
 Of Patterson I find nothing beyond Thacher s record of a 
 visit to his quarters in 1781, when "the general humorously 
 apologized that he could afford us nothing better than a 
 miserable glass of whiskey grog." 
 
 Hand, born in Ireland in 1744, came hither as surgeon s 
 mate to the 18th or Royal Irish in 1774, and resigning his 
 commission, practised medicine. He had applied for the post 
 of Hospital Director when Washington (Oct. 12, 1775) wrote 
 to Congress that he was ignorant of the merits of the respec 
 tive candidates. He was named second lieutenant-colonel of 
 our army (Nov. 2, 1775) in Thompson s Pennsylvania regi 
 ment, whose courage before Boston, when others behaved 
 with backwardness, was specially noticed a week later in 
 
 * Graydon, 148. "These were the lads that might do something!" 
 cried the spectators, as, 500 strong, it came along after the defeat of Long 
 Island. A passage in the citation above may render it necessary to remark 
 that negroes were hardly thought Avorthy to share in the struggle for Inde 
 pendence. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress (Oct. 1774), being re 
 quested in its efforts to preserve its constituents from slavery, to consider 
 the state and circumstances of the Negro Slaves in the province, refused to 
 entertain the question, and voted that " the matter now subside." Accord 
 ingly, at a Council of War, Oct. 8, 1775, present "Washington, Ward, Lee, 
 Putnam, Thomas, Spencer, Heath, Sullivan, Greene, and Gates, it was 
 unanimously resolved to reject all slaves from enlistment, and, by a great 
 majority, to reject negroes altogether. At a conference of a Committee 
 from Congress and the civil authorities of all NCAV England with "Washing 
 ton in the same month, it was agreed that negroes should be altogether 
 rejected from enlistment in our army. Am. Arch. th ser. iii. 1040, 
 1161. 
 
CHARACTERS OF OUR GEKERALS. 433 
 
 General Orders. He was now brigadier of La Fayette s 
 corps d elite. 
 
 Huntington, born in 1743 and a graduate of Harvard in 
 1763, was a merchant of good estate and ancient family at 
 Norwich, and was son-in-law of Governor Trumbull. His 
 manners were cold, but he had acknowledged sense and in 
 formation ; and his virtues must have been remarkable, since 
 through the terms of four different occupants of the presi 
 dential chair he retained the collectorship of cu^oms at 
 New London from 1789 until he was removed by death in 
 1815. 
 
 Stark, born in 1728, seems to have had but a rural educa 
 tion. But war had a charm for him, and what military 
 knowledge could be acquired by command of a partisan 
 company in the Seven Years War, he doubtless possessed. 
 The assumption of superiority by the young British officers 
 drove him to resign ; though his qualities had gained him the 
 confidence of Abercrombie, nephew of the commanding gen 
 eral, and of the young Lord Howe. He was a hardy, honest, 
 self-willed man, impatient of subordination where he did not 
 think it due. Difficulties on this point sprung up as soon as 
 he joined our army in 1775 : and later, he resigned in dis 
 content with being overslaughed in promotions. He only 
 resumed arms in the service of New Hampshire on the ex 
 press condition of exemption from obedience to the orders of 
 Congress. The public confidence in him was so great that 
 John Langdon gave his money, his plate, and his merchan 
 dise, to set on foot Stark s opposition to Burgoyne : and the 
 Bennington victory was of such moment that he was forth 
 with made a continental brigadier. He felt the hardship of 
 the case, but united with his brethren in the judgment that 
 Andre was a spy, and should be put to death : and not long 
 after, in his own command, hung Lovelace for a like offence. 
 He ran a saw-mill when the war broke out ; and is described* 
 by Thacher as joining to an unspotted character and great 
 28 
 
434 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 private worth, neither the habits nor the appearance of an 
 officer. 
 
 Such was the constitution of the board that pronounced 
 on Andre s case. If some of its members may be found 
 
 Wise without learning, plain and good, 
 
 the greater part by far must be confessed to have been of 
 sufficient education and of military training.* Of Washing 
 ton nolhing need be said : but can we suppose that if lie and 
 St. Clair, Stirling, Clinton, Howe, and Stark, had continued 
 to hold the king s commission from the Seven Years War, 
 and now sat in a court called by royal authority, their deci 
 sion would not have been received in England as authorita 
 tive, especially when confirmed by the concurrent voices of 
 Steuben and La Fayette ? That the English leaders sin 
 cerely thought it erroneous in principle and colored with pas 
 sion or policy may not be questioned; and their public and 
 private respectability enforces our attention to their views. 
 But what reason is there to suppose that prejudice or excite 
 ment should sway one party less than the other ? Indeed 
 the case appears to have admitted at least of such nice 
 distinctions that we cannot refuse the attribute of perfect 
 sincerity to both : for even within the last few years, the 
 patient investigation of two calm and vigorous minds on 
 either side has left the question exactly where it was before. 
 Lord Mahon is satisfied that the Americans were wrong. 
 Major Biddle, whose own military antecedents give weight 
 to his conclusions, is convinced they were eminently right. 
 It might seem presumptuous for me to declare positively that 
 either side is in error ; since after all the case was one not 
 covered by any prescription of the text-books on the laws of 
 nations or of war ; and therefore was apparently to be gov 
 erned by the deductions of a military tribunal from the great 
 
 * My friend Major Charles J. Biddle has already so satisfactorily gone 
 over this ground, as well as much more relative to the subject of this book, 
 that an apology is almost necessary for my treating of it at all. 
 
SUMMARY OF THE CASE. 435 
 
 general principles therein laid down. For it is not evident 
 that Andre entered our lines in disguise, which is one of the 
 first requisites to a spy from the enemy : and the suborning 
 of a hostile general, though protested against by Vattel as 
 incompatible with personal purity, is allowed to be in ac 
 cordance with international law : and much more so, he 
 says, is it fair to merely accept the proposals of a traitor. 
 The romantic interest that has always been attached to An 
 dre s character has in a measure clouded the judgment that 
 men would arrive at as to his fate : it will be well therefore 
 to give a summary here of the facts as they are drawn from 
 the story of not one, but all sides. 
 
 Arnold volunteered to surrender West Point on sufficient 
 assurance that he should lose neither in pocket nor in rank 
 by so doing. He demanded that an agent should meet him 
 to settle the preliminaries. By Clinton s order, Andre went 
 in a king s ship for this end, expecting the interview would 
 occur on board, or at least under a flag of truce and not in 
 our lines. Arnold s emissary brought him from the Vulture 
 in his uniform and with a safe-conduct from that general, but 
 under a feigned name, by night, and with a watch-coat cover 
 ing his person. There is little doubt here that Smith saw 
 him in uniform, and that he had no intention of exposing 
 himself to any other risk than of becoming a prisoner of war. 
 He came ashore at a place very near to but not within our 
 lines. Here Arnold met him, and well knowing his name 
 and quality, under the plea that he could not possibly return 
 to the ship that night, led him unawares and against his stip 
 ulation within our picket though not into any of our works. 
 Andre still was attired as when he landed. He remained 
 concealed for nearly a day, making no plans or observations, 
 but possessing himself of all the information Arnold had to 
 give. For what end is not accurately known (though Arnold 
 alleges it was his direction that they should be thus trans 
 mitted to Clinton) he took several important papers from the 
 American general, and concealed them on his person. By 
 
436 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 the same orders he disguised himself, and abandoned his uni 
 form ; and acting in every respect by Arnold s direction, and 
 under his safe-conduct passed through our lines into neutral 
 ground, bearing an assumed character both in dress and in 
 name. Here he was taken, having from before he entered 
 until after he left our limits been known to and directed by 
 our general there commanding. 
 
 In considering these facts, it must be remembered that by 
 Andre s own avowal he was, though involuntarily, an im 
 postor ; and that the boat carried no flag, nor did he suppose 
 he came ashore under that sanction. This last declaration 
 may be balanced by the fact that he did not then believe 
 he was to be brought anywhere but to neutral ground : but 
 the after-incidents are not thus altered. The question then 
 arises whether Arnold had lawfully the power to secure him, 
 by the means employed, from the vengeance of the Amer 
 icans ? This is a point that military men must solve. Ar 
 nold had undoubtedly the right to issue safe-conducts that 
 would protect their bearer from our troops, provided the 
 business was fair to our country. Had he, so far as the 
 bearer was concerned, the right to go further ? How far 
 does the fact that Andre w r as inveigled, as it were, into a 
 position that left him no other means of extrication than such 
 as Arnold prescribed affect the merits of his case? And 
 above all, was or was not the safe-conduct given to him in a 
 feigned name when he was to come ashore, equivalent to a 
 flag? 
 
 The gist of the American opinion seems to be that a fraud 
 of this nature taints everything it touches ; and the parties to 
 it, if at all they are compassed by the letter of the law, are 
 justly amenable to punishment. Whether Andre therefore 
 left the Vulture under sufficient protection is an important 
 question. Had he openly borne a flag of truce sent either 
 from his own party or by the Americans, he could unques 
 tionably have passed back under it at any season. A flag 
 gives its bearer the sanctity of an ambassador ; the violation 
 
SUMMARY OF THE CASE. 437 
 
 of whose safe-conduct has from the most polished nations of 
 antiquity been the received signal for rancorous war. " Men 
 of Tarentum," said the Roman legate to the Greeks that 
 mocked at his defiled garments ; " it will take not a little blood 
 to wash this gown." Even the wild Arabs of the desert re 
 spected the safety of the envoy that brought them the most in 
 sulting missives ; and beyond making him swallow the scroll, 
 ventured on no personal aggression : and the red Indian 
 esteems himself in perfect security when he advances with 
 the calumet in hand. In fact, a flag of truce is the substitute 
 for the ancient herald. In the first stages of our war, " a 
 trumpeter or flag of truce " were correlative terms. Passing 
 in the face of danger, they courted publicity by appeals to 
 eye and ear. In Canada, Montgomery and Prescott em 
 ployed a flag and drum : and that his flag-officer was twice 
 fired on from the walls of Quebec Arnold regarded as a most 
 infamous infraction of civilized warfare. So at Boston in 
 1775, Howe tartly intimated to Washington that our people 
 so constantly fired upon his officers returning from parleys 
 applied for by ourselves, that he desired no intercourse be 
 tween the two armies should continue, except where Wash 
 ington would send his own letters in by a drummer : and in 
 the turmoil before Yorktovvn, the flag that proposed surrender 
 was accompanied by a drum beating a parley. The after- 
 passage of flags without a drum was especially commented 
 on. But the drum and trumpet were lawfully hushed when 
 armies were not met face to face : and then it is possible 
 that a safe-conduct may have been equivalent to a flag of 
 truce. Robertson took this view : but it does not clearly ap 
 pear whether Greene denied it in toto, or merely held that 
 Andre did not come ashore with anything in the form of a 
 protection. 
 
 To my mind it is clear that as his errand was of a nature 
 directly opposed to the end for which flags are designed, and 
 as he was detected in an appearance of guilt, it would re 
 quire a very strong case to exonerate Andre from punish- 
 
438 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,, 
 
 ment. The reader must decide whether such a case was 
 made out by his friends. If he was within our lines under a 
 flag, why did he not return under its protection ? If he was 
 not thus guarded, in what capacity was he there ? 
 
 The tendency of some writers to suppose that the moment 
 a man becomes a spy he puts himself out of humanity s 
 reach has probably warped many judgments on this matter. 
 In point of fact, there is nothing in the history of ancient or 
 modern warfare to warrant such a theory. That in the ab 
 stract the proceeding is no more defensible than manslaying, 
 cannot be denied : but it is with the customs of this world, not 
 with sublimated abstractions, that we have to do. We will 
 pass over the examples of the Jews, because this people s 
 ways in war or in peace were almost peculiar to themselves.* 
 But "in the most high and palmy state of Rome" we find 
 spies and deserters constantly encouraged. The Spaniard 
 Balbus, the friend alike of Pornpey and of Caesar, acquired 
 unprecedented honors through such secret service in a civil 
 war: and his name is immortalized by the eloquence of 
 Cicero. Constantine, the upholder of our faith, esteemed it 
 no degradation to seduce his opponent s followers : and an 
 other Caesar did not think the imperial purple was sullied by 
 entering the Persian camp as a spy, and following up his 
 explorations with a prodigious rout. By such means Alfred 
 drove the Danes from England. Nor need we rest upon the 
 dusty records of by-gone ages : the annals of modern war 
 fare furnish abundant and far more valuable examples of the 
 light in which the character and services of a spy are held. 
 In the Peninsular War they were freely employed by all 
 
 * Though Joshua indeed sent his spies down into the promised land, we 
 do not want examples of the manner in which the Old Testament has 
 taught people to deal with such characters. The Calvinist minister who 
 urged the Rochellois to slay the king s trumpeter bringing proposals to the 
 revolted city found a text for even further proceedings. " If any one entice 
 thee secretly to go and worship other gods, thou shalt surely kill him : thine 
 hand shall he first upon him to put him to death, and afterwards the hand 
 of all the people." Merimee: Charles IX. c. 25. 
 
EMPLOYMENT OF SPIES. 439 
 
 parties, and were not necessarily thought base. Wellington 
 had a legion of them in the French lines, from the haughty 
 grandee who boasted a sang azul noble as the king s, to the 
 little cobbler on the bridge of Irun, who sat on his bench and 
 from one year s end to another kept tale of every French 
 soldier that entered Spain. British officers also notably acted 
 in the field as spies : and where double treason was not 
 wrought Napier says all these characters were highly meri 
 torious. Carrara did not scruple to offer honors and wealth 
 to Ney if he would desert his standard : and Napoleon him 
 self, not only by allurements but more unjustifiably by sever 
 ities, sought to bring to his own aid the professional services 
 of persons over whom the fortunes of war gave him power.* 
 There is one case in particular however in these times that 
 strongly reminds us of Andre s. 
 
 In 1809, the imperial ambition of Bonaparte excited the 
 republican officers to look to St. Cyr or Ney as a leader in 
 its repression. John Viana, the son of an Oporto merchant, 
 brought proposals from the French plotters to Marshal Beres- 
 ford, asking that an English officer should meet them to 
 arrange the plan of action, which involved the seizure and 
 surrender of Soult, their leader. " This was a detestable 
 
 * Captain Colquhoun Grant was the most famous English spy in the 
 Peninsular War, though he always kept his uniform. Being employed by 
 Wellington to ascertain Marmont s route, and thus his purpose, he got in 
 front of the French and after a hard chase was run down. Marmont re 
 ceived him kindly, for he was overjoyed at the capture, and sat him down 
 to dinner. " I would have shot him on the spot," he said, " had it not 
 been for respect to something resembling a uniform that he wore when 
 taken." But he took his parole not to be rescued by guerillas on the road 
 (Wellington having offered $2000 reward for his recovery) and sent him to 
 Bayonne with secret orders to the governor there to send him in irons to 
 Paris. Grant wormed out this secret; and eloping at Bayonne, went him 
 self to Paris and remained there unsuspected till he heard one day that an 
 American sailor named Jonathan Buck had suddenly died, leaving his pass 
 port uncalled for at the Bureau. He at once claimed it, pretending to be 
 Buck ; hastened to the mouth of the Loire ; got a clandestine passage on a 
 vessel; and in four months from his original capture he was again playing 
 around the skirts of the French in Spain. 
 
440 LIFE 01 MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 project," says Napier, " for it is not in the field, and with a 
 foreign enemy, that soldiers should concert the overthrow of 
 their country s institutions. It would be idle and impertinent 
 in a foreigner to say how much and how long men shall bear 
 with what they deem an oppressive government ; yet there 
 is a distinct and especial loyalty due from a soldier to his 
 general in the field ; a compact of honor, which it is singu 
 larly base to violate, and so it has in all ages been con 
 sidered." An English colonel in uniform reluctantly went 
 by night to meet them on a lake behind the French outposts. 
 They missed each other, and returning he found Viana and 
 the French Adjutant-Major D Argenton in the English lines. 
 The latter boldly went on to Beresford at Lisbon, conceiving 
 his backers too numerous and powerful for him to incur much 
 danger in his own army. Wellerley did not give the plan 
 very hearty encouragement ; and when D Argenton came 
 back a second time (the first essay being unnoticed or un 
 punished) he gave him the good advice to avoid receiving an 
 English safe-conduct. The warning was disregarded. D Ar 
 genton was discovered and condemned : but the punishment 
 was not executed, and he finally escaped. Others, French 
 colonels, also conferred with Sir Arthur in his campaigns : 
 nor must we forget Don Uran de la Rosa, whom the English 
 thought a Spaniard, the Spanish an Italian, the French no 
 one knows what, and the mystified Alava, Cagliostro or some 
 such wizard : and who dined alternately in the opposing 
 camps, carrying intelligence indifferently to either side. The 
 case of the Frenchman Perron, who came over from Sindia 
 in 1803 on overtures from Lord Lake, was not unlike Ar 
 nold s. 
 
 In our Revolution then we need not be surprised to find 
 that the employment of spies was practised on the most ex 
 tensive scale from the very outset. In the siege of Boston, 
 John Carnes, a grocer, is commemorated as Washington s 
 secret intelligencer ; and by handbills sent in on the wind 
 the troops were tempted to desert and to supply our own 
 
EMPLOYMENT OF SPIES. 441 
 
 ranks. In 1775 also, by order of Congress two persons were 
 privately sent by our general to Nova Scotia, to discover its 
 strong places and to tamper with the people. In England 
 we had a perfect corps of spies ; some of them men of posi 
 tion. In New York, Washington maintained through the 
 war, and particularly in 1779 and 1780, an organization that 
 under the guise of zealous loyalists never failed to advise 
 him instantly of any considerable movement. These kept 
 their secret so well that at the evacuation he had to send 
 Tallmadge in while yet Carleton held the town, to provide 
 for the safety of his agents. One who had never been sus 
 pected was caught tempting soldiers to desert, and hanged at 
 Brunswick. Another, whose observations perhaps on occa 
 sion saved Washington s life, was able by his connections 
 with the West Indian house of Kortwright and Company, 
 to unsuspectedly pick up much useful information for our 
 army. Yet his character was so little affected by these trans 
 actions that he remained the valued friend of both Ham 
 ilton and Washington ; and it was perhaps to set his patriotism 
 straight in the popular view that our general on the final en 
 trance into the city took his first breakfast at his house. 
 Arnold had him seized and tried hard to hang him, when he 
 came over ; but there was not enough evidence.* It was be 
 lieved when Clinton started to relieve Cornwallis, that by 
 means of a white flag displayed on a roof in New York and 
 answered by a gun about a mile from Paulus Hook, the ex 
 pedition was betrayed to the Americans and the news tele 
 graphed 600 miles on to Washington in forty-eight hours. 
 Congress itself not only retained spies in that city, but 
 chrough the war left no stone unturned to sap the fidelity 
 
 * Hamilton s Hist. Rep. i. 46, 527. It may have been to this person that 
 Washington refers in his letter to Congress, Oct. 15, 1780 : " Unluckily 
 the person in whom I have the greatest confidence is afraid to take any 
 measure for communicating with me just at this time, as he is apprehen 
 sive that Arnold may possibly have some knowledge of the connection, and 
 may have him watched. But as he is assured that Arnold has not the 
 most distant hint of him, I expect soon to hear from him as usual." 
 
442 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDR&. 
 
 of the enemy s army ; offering particularly great pecuniary 
 temptations to officers to desert with their commands. The 
 English did the same ; and both sides had some success. 
 A regular spy association for the enemy ramified through 
 Norwalk, Stratford, and other Connecticut towns ; and our 
 generals were pestered with more than one such a sly, art 
 ful fellow " as JMcKeel, seducing the soldiers and getting re 
 cruits for the British. In fact, La Fayette and every other 
 general hesitated not to use a spy ; and the better the man 
 the better was the intelligence. In the same year that An 
 dre was hanged, Washington applied to Bowdoin and Heath 
 for some draughtsmen of superior understanding, firmness, 
 and fidelity, to clandestinely make plans for him of the ene 
 my s works ; and if he sometimes found his own secrets 
 betrayed to Clinton, he did not scruple to mislead the go- 
 betweens with false intelligence. Such courses are sanctioned 
 by the customs of war, and if Rush s plan of sending a Ger 
 man baron into Howe s lines to seduce the Hessians found 
 favor in American eyes, the British thought it as fair to 
 seek to allure Sullivan, Moultrie, Ethan Allen, and others, 
 to exchange their service and break their faith : a severe 
 construction of the law might even have brought Franklin, 
 Chase, and Carroll into an awkward predicament had their 
 Canadian mission left them in Carleton s hands. Indeed the 
 action of Arnold was for the moment fondly believed in 
 England to have been shared by his fellows; and the names 
 of Knox and Sterling, Howe, Sullivan, and Maxwell, were 
 ridiculously bandied about as of fallers-off from the cause. 
 
 It may be as well to observe that our Congress had in 
 1778 clearly announced the rigor with which they would on 
 necessity deal with any but an unimpeachable flag. Lieu- 
 tanant Hele was sent from New York with a flag of truce 
 to Philadelphia, bearing copies of the Commissioners Mani 
 festo addressed to Congress, the several legislatures, the 
 clergy, the army, and the people at large. His vessel was 
 wrecked, and after some suffering and loss of life the crew 
 
REFLECTIONS ON ANDRE S FATE. 443 
 
 were rescued and brought to Philadelphia. Congress thereon 
 resolved that the nature of Hele s mission was not to be 
 protected by a flag, and threatened for some time to proceed 
 to extremes with him. It is said, but with no evidence of 
 truth, that during his prolonged detention Hele avenged him 
 self, by seducing Arnold. But this and other instances 
 plainly showed that Congress was not to be restrained on 
 occasion from restricting the sanctity of flags to its narrowest 
 limits. 
 
 The inflexibility with which Washington regarded Andre s 
 case has been the subject of severe criticism. But the pub 
 lic weal was in my opinion the motive as well as the measure 
 of his conduct. Emergences sometimes spring up in which 
 it is difficult to decide whether the general good does or does 
 not demand unshrinking severity : and it must be confessed 
 that no offence so tends to shake the stern impartiality of 
 the sovereign authority as that which seems to threaten the 
 subversion of all its rights and powers. Yet had Brutus 
 failed to doom his son to death, we are well advised that the 
 unsettled liberties of Rome would have perished in their 
 cradle. The necessities of the state is proverbially the ty 
 rant s plea ; but how often do we see its advantages practi 
 cally illustrated in the increased welfare of the community. 
 Every one recollects how many Sepoys in the late Indian 
 rebellion were blown into fragments on this pretext ; yet 
 who will say that, with regard to humanity at large, real 
 mercy did not here temper justice ? No civilized nation hes 
 itates to fulfil to the bitter end the rescripts of its tribunals, 
 when national existence is threatened with destruction by len 
 ity. We have Mr. Fox s authority (and better is not to be 
 obtained) for saying that the brother of the king of France 
 1 Homme au Masque de Fer was by state policy the inmate 
 of a dungeon from his cradle to his bier. If we turn to Eng 
 lish annals we find so late as 1815 the first jurists of the land 
 one might nearly say of the world discussing the fate 
 of Napoleon. Lord Ellenborough, Sir William Grant, the 
 
444 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 great Stowell, whose interpretations of international law 
 may almost be considered as its text, the Chancellor Eldon 
 all were ranged, " a terrible show," in solemn conclave on 
 the destiny of one whose fiat had lately made Europe trem 
 ble. A more lofty tribunal never judged a greater man; 
 yet the diversity of opinion that arose sets the conflicting 
 sentiments on Andre s case utterly in the background. This 
 man was for giving him up to Louis XVIII. to be tried for 
 treason ; that, for setting him at perfect liberty ; and the 
 next, that he was a mere pirate " hostis humani generis 
 carrying about with him caput lupinum" The solution of 
 the business was, in Eldon s common-sense view, "that the 
 case was not provided for by anything to be found in Gro- 
 tius or Vattel, but that the law of self-preservation would 
 justify the keeping of him under restraint in some dis 
 tant region, where he should be treated with all indulgence 
 compatible with the peace of mankind." Here principles 
 supplied the want of precedent as perfectly as in Andre s 
 case. 
 
 But when all is spoken, shall we pronounce Andre s an 
 unhappy fate ? Has not the great law of compensation 
 gilded his name with a lustre that in life could never, with 
 all his ardent longing for fame, have entered into his most 
 sanguine hopes ? If he perished by an ignominious mean*, he 
 perished not ignominiously : if he died the death of a felon, 
 it was with the tears, the regrets, the admiration of all that 
 was worthy and good in the ranks alike of friend and of foe. 
 The heartiest enemies of his nation joined with its chiefs in 
 sounding his praises and lamenting his lot. If reputation 
 was his goal, who of his compeers has surpassed him in the 
 race ? If we turn to his own army, we see some protracting 
 an unnoted existence, some laid on the shelf and repining in 
 obscurity, some haltingly keeping a place in the world s eye 
 less by merit than by fortune. Abercrombie it is true died 
 happily in the arms of victory ; while Simcoe sunk at the 
 moment when the pathway to the glory that none more 
 
REFLECTIONS ON ANDRE S FATE. 445 
 
 coveted and that few were so capable to attain was fairly 
 laid open to him. Despard, his social messmate and fellow- 
 prisoner, succumbed to the laws of his own land. The 
 generous Rawdon, his predecessor in the Adjutant-generalcy, 
 born to a princely title and a princely estate, with talents and 
 courage equal to the highest posts, frittered away fortune and 
 existence in dependence on the selfish friendship of the 
 Prince Regent; and after experiencing the disappointment 
 of having the cup of power raised to his lips but to be 
 snatched away, was dismissed into the " splendid banishment " 
 of the Antipodes where the brave Mathew, a brother soldier 
 in the American war, had already found a death so horrid 
 that Andre s was an enviable fate. Nay, the very sovereign 
 he served so faithfully and well, might have been glad to ex 
 change conditions with him. Old, mad, and blind, with a 
 soul as darkened as were his organs of sense, he lingered out 
 his weary days in a secluded and guarded chamber under the 
 control of keepers whom his few glimpses of returning un 
 derstanding announced as men that had subjected his person 
 to the indignity of the rod. And of the Americans with 
 whom Andre had to do, how sad was often their career ; 
 where decrepitude and poverty came hand in hand, and the 
 ingratitude of the empire they had cradled as it were in their 
 bucklers and christened with their best blood, was at once 
 their ruin and its shame.* The man among them who took 
 the warmest interest in Andre s condition, whose efforts to 
 save his life were equal to the affectionate praise that he 
 gave his memory, was doomed to as hard a destiny. Four 
 and twenty years after the execution at Tappaan the same 
 river that flowed within view of the gibbet passed the shore 
 where Alexander Hamilton, the foremost man in all this 
 western world, was shot to death. Henry Lee, from whose 
 intervention the amelioration of Andre s fate was so hoped 
 
 * The half-pay for life, pledged by Congress to the officers that held out 
 in its cause, and the solitary dependence of many of them, is not paid to 
 this day. 
 
446 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRF,. 
 
 for, survived to fall into the most distressing poverty, and, 
 after being brutally beaten by the American mob, to be " cast 
 into a loathsome jail, and subjected to the combined persecu 
 tion of political rancour, personal cupidity, and vulgar 
 malice." And Washington himself lived to hear his coun 
 trymen deny to him the possession of either military or civil 
 merit ; to endure the necessity of relieving his character from 
 the charge of official peculation ; to be told that his misdeeds 
 had polluted the presidential ermine to an extent almost ir 
 remediable ; and to die not universally regretted by the 
 American people. Surely there are as bitter crosses in the 
 worthiest life as any which befell Andre. 
 
 In the fulfilment of an enterprise which as he fondly be 
 lieved would, if successful, crown him with the honors due 
 to the man who had restored harmony to a divided empire, 
 extinguished the flames of civil war, and gilded with renewed 
 lustre the arms of his country, Andre perished. His motives, 
 inimical as they were to our cause, were eminently respect 
 able, and no otherwise alloyed with personal ambition than 
 is allowable to all human hands that seek to serve the state. 
 He died in the morning of his life, before success had stained 
 with envy the love that all who knew him bestowed upon 
 his worth ; ere -his illusions of youth were dispelled, and 
 while the wine was yet bright in his cup and the lees un- 
 tasted. His dust is laid with that of kings and heroes ; and 
 his memory drawing as a jewel from its foil fresh brightness 
 from his death 
 
 Of every royal virtue stands possess d; 
 Still dear to all the bravest and the best. 
 His courage foes, his friends his truth proclaim, 
 His loyalty the king, the world his fame ! 
 
APPENDIX No. I. 
 
 BENEDICT ARNOLD. 
 
 I SHALL refrain from lengthening this note by the insertion of 
 some curious unpublished documents respecting Arnold s earlier 
 career, and confine myself entirely to such matters as may not be 
 generally known relative to his history after it became connected 
 with Andre s. The reader will find in The Life of Arnold, by 
 Mr. Sparks, an accurate and skilfully drawn account of his gen 
 eral history. Mr. Sabine, whose opportunities of procuring infor 
 mation about the Loyalists were very great, declares it certain that 
 Arnold was in communication with Robinson before he went to 
 West Point ; and it is probable that the letter which Marbois says 
 was found among his papers and was the first overture received 
 from an agent of Clinton s was written by Robinson. It is re 
 translated here from the French version. 
 
 " Among the Americans who have joined the rebel standard, 
 there are very many good citizens whose only object has been 
 the happiness of their country. Such men will not be influenced 
 by motives of private interest to abandon the cause they have 
 espoused. They are now offered everything which can render 
 the colonies really happy ; and this is the only compensation 
 worthy of their virtue. 
 
 " The American colonies shall have their parliament, composed 
 of two chambers, with all its members of American birth. Those 
 of the upper house shall have titles and rank similar to those of 
 the house of peers in England. All their laws, and particularly 
 such as relate to money matters, shall be the production of this 
 assembly, with the concurrence of a viceroy. Commerce, in 
 every part of the globe subject to British sway, shall be as free to 
 the people of the thirteen colonies as to the English of Europe. 
 They will enjoy, in every sense of the phrase, the blessings of 
 
448 APPENDIX. 
 
 good government. They shall be sustained, in time of need, by 
 all the power necessary to uphold them, without being themselves 
 exposed to the dangers or subjected to the expenses that are al 
 ways inseparable from the condition of a State. 
 
 " Such are the terms proffered by England in the very moment 
 when she is displaying extraordinary efforts to conquer the obe 
 dience of her colonies. 
 
 " Shall America remain without limitation of time a scene of 
 desolation or are you desirous of enjoying Peace and all the 
 blessings of her train ? Shall your provinces, as in former days, 
 flourish under the protection of the most puissant nation of the 
 world ? Or will you forever pursue that shadow of liberty which 
 still escapes from your hand even when in the act of grasping it ? 
 And how soon would that very liberty, once obtained, turn into 
 licentiousness, if it be not under the safeguard of a great Euro 
 pean -power ? Will you rely upon the guaranty of France ? 
 They among you whom she has seduced may assure you that her 
 assistance will be generous and disinterested, and that she will 
 never exact from you a servile obedience. They are frantic with 
 joy at the alliance already established, and promise you that 
 Spain will immediately follow the example of France. Are they 
 ignorant that each of these States has an equal interest in keeping 
 you under, and will combine to accomplish their end ? Thou 
 sands of men have perished ; immense resources have been ex 
 hausted ; and yet, since that fatal alliance the dispute has become 
 more embittered than ever. Everything urges us to put a conclu 
 sion to dissensions not less detrimental to the victors than to the 
 vanquished : but desirable as peace is, it cannot be negotiated and 
 agreed upon between us as between two independent powers ; it 
 is necessary that a decisive advantage should put Britain in a con 
 dition to dictate the terms of reconciliation. It is her interest as 
 well as her policy to make these as advantageous to one side as 
 the other ; but it is at the same time advisable to arrive at it with 
 out an unnecessary waste of that blood of which we are already 
 as sparing as though it were again our own. 
 
 " There is no one but General Arnold who can surmount ob 
 stacles so great as these. A man of so much courage will never 
 despair of the republic, even when every door to a reconciliation 
 seems sealed. 
 
 " Bender then, brave general, this important service to your 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 449 
 
 country. The colonies cannot sustain much longer the unequal 
 strife. Your troops are perishing in misery. They are badly 
 armed, half naked, and crying for bread. The efforts of Congress 
 are futile against the languor of the people. Your fields are un- 
 tilled, trade languishes, learning dies. The neglected education 
 of a whole generation is an irreparable loss to society. Your 
 youth, torn by thousands from their rustic pursuits or useful em 
 ployments, are mown down by war. Such as survive have lost 
 the vigour of their prime, or are maimed in battle : the greater 
 part bring back to their families the idleness and the corrupt man 
 ners of the camp. Let us put an end to so many calamities ; you 
 and ourselves have the same origin, the same language, the same 
 laws. We are inaccessible in our island ; and you, the masters 
 of a vast and fertile territory, have no other neighbours than the 
 people of our loyal colonies. We possess rich establishments in 
 every quarter of the globe and reign over the fairest portions of 
 Hindostan. The ocean is our home, and we pass across it as a 
 monarch traversing his dominions. From the northern to the 
 southern pole, from the east to the west, our vessels find every 
 where a neighbouring harbor belonging to Great Britain. So 
 many islands, so many countries acknowledging our sway, are all 
 ruled by a uniform system that bears on every feature the stamp of 
 liberty, yet is as well adapted to the genius of different nations 
 and of various climes. 
 
 " While the Continental powers ruin themselves by war, and 
 are exhausted in erecting the ramparts that separate them from 
 each other, our bulwarks are our ships. They enrich us ; they 
 protect us ; they provide us as readily with the means of invading 
 our enemies as of succouring our friends. 
 
 " Beware then of breaking forever the links and ties of a friend 
 ship whose benefits are proven by the experience of a hundred 
 and fifty years. Time gives to human institutions a strength 
 which what is new can only attain, in its turn, by the lapse of 
 ages. Royalty itself experiences the need of this useful prestige : 
 and the race that has reigned over us for sixty years has been 
 illustrious for ten centuries. 
 
 " United in equality we will rule the universe : we will hold 
 it bound, not by arms and violence, but by the ties of com 
 merce ; the lightest and most gentle bands that humankind can 
 wear." 
 
 29 
 
450 APPENDIX. 
 
 By the kindness of Mr. Bancroft I am able to give the precise 
 sum that Arnold received in satisfaction of his alleged losses 
 through his defection. It was 6315 ; of which he remitted 5000 
 to London to be invested in stocks, and procured therefrom 
 7000 four per cent, consols. It must be recollected that such 
 compensation was customary when an officer went over by pre 
 vious arrangement from one standard to another. In the begin 
 ning of the war, when Lee s capacity was held of the chiefest 
 importance to our cause, he refused to give up his British rank by 
 entering our service till a committee of one from every colony in 
 Congress had heard his statement of probable losses, and agreed 
 to indemnify him therefor. Arnold also got a brigadiership from 
 the English. " Had the scheme succeeded," wrote an officer of 
 the Coldstreams, " no rank would have overpaid so important a 
 service " ; and I am told on good authority that the prevailing 
 sentiment of the royal army esteemed his proceedings a proper 
 return to right principles and conduct. The monev lie not how 
 ever was a scoff to our friends. The banker s receipt of his re 
 mittance was found in a captured vessel, and Franklin wrote of it 
 to La Fayette : : Judas sold only one man, Arnold three millions. 
 Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver, Arnold not a 
 halfpenny a head." Mr. Sparks says a pension was after the Avar 
 given to each of Arnold s children; and in 1782, William Lee 
 wrote to our Secretary for Foreign Affairs: " The late British 
 Ministry died as they had lived, for one of their last official acts 
 was to give the traitor Arnold, by patent, one thousand pounds 
 sterling pension per annum for his and his wife s lives." 
 
 Arnold was active enough in the British cause. It was re 
 ported, though apparently untruly, that he had fifty of the warm 
 est Whigs in New York seized immediately on his arrival. On 
 the 28th Oct. 1780, he wrote to Lord George Germain, advising 
 England to assume the arrears of pay, at most 500,000, of our 
 soldiers enlisted for the war, or to offer a bounty of fifteen or twenty 
 guineas to every deserter, half down, the rest at the end of the 
 contest. He thought the offer of a title to Washington would have 
 a good effect: and if arms instead of seduction were to be pursued, 
 pointed out how he might be brought to action and beaten. His 
 own sacrifices swell the remainder of this letter. (MS. S. P. O. 
 R. 30 Nov.) The hatred of the Americans, however, went far 
 beyond the praise of the English. It reminds us of that of the 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 451 
 
 Persians for Omar : and if the caliph s name signified the devil, 
 Arnold s became synonymous with everything that is bad in our 
 political vocabulary. " May this arrow go to the heart of 
 Omar ! " said the Persians when they bent the bow : and no effort 
 of our leaders was spared to get the defaulter in their hands, 
 where short rope, short shrift would have been his doom. Wash 
 ington set on foot a plan for his seizure : La Fayette ordered 
 that he should, if captured, be expressly prevented from sur 
 rendering as a prisoner of war: Jefferson thought a bribe of 
 5000 guineas would ensure a successful kidnapping dash into his 
 camp. Of Washington s enterprise, in which Harry Lee and 
 sergeant Champe figure so romantically, little need be said here, 
 since the story has already been well told and roundly criticized. 
 Jefferson calls it an historical romance, but there is no doubt that 
 its main facts are generally true ; that Champe was induced to de 
 sert and enter the English service under Arnold, with the design 
 of kidnapping him. A Mr. Baldwin of Newark was procured to 
 see Champe daily in New York, and aid him in the project : for 
 which he was to receive 100 guineas, 500 acres of land, and three 
 slaves. The story was originally told by General Henry Lee 
 himself. I was informed by the late Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., 
 a most accomplished historical student and book-collector, that a 
 Mr. Beresford, compositor and foreman in the printing-house 
 where Lee s volumes were struck off, had told him that the mate 
 rials for the book came to them in a very undigested form and 
 that they were put into their public shape by one Lewis P. 
 Francks, who was also employed in the office : in confirmation of 
 which Beresford added that the copy was kept by them at their 
 discretion, and that Francks and himself had still possession of 
 many of its original letters of Washington, &c. As Gen. Lee 
 was in duress when he sent his memoirs to press, this anecdote 
 seems plausible enough ; and Mr. Ingraham was inclined to be 
 lieve that the discrepancies in Lee s account might thus be ac 
 counted for. However, all attempts were fruitless to get hold of 
 Arnold ; though he led daring and destructive forays to Connecti 
 cut and to Virginia. 
 
 It was at Philadelphia, where Congress sat and where political 
 antagonism among the Whigs ran fiercest, that Arnold was most 
 bitterly condemned. He was attainted as a traitor, and his effects 
 forfeited and sold. He had formerly opposed the views of the 
 
452 APPENDIX. 
 
 party there in power: the state government had brought him 
 before a court-martial ; and on his trial he had imputed to Presi 
 dent Reed, with whom he was on most angry terms, precisely the 
 same intentions of defection that he then nursed in his own 
 bosom. To the natural expression of hatred of his crime was 
 now joined too open an opportunity to be lost of hitting his for 
 mer friends and revenging political scores. The Packet, the 
 organ of the dominant section of Whigs, was loud and bitter in 
 its indignation. It called on Congress and on the public to offer 
 a free pardon and 100,000 to any one that would deliver him 
 up dead or alive. This it urged would make him distrust his 
 companions, and " at least send Arnold sooner to the infernal 
 regions." As we can hardly believe that had circumstances put it 
 in his power, Arnold would have spared these his mortal foes, it 
 is not surprising they pursued this course. When he marched 
 through Montreal he passed a stately old mansion, with a stone- 
 dog and bone surmounting the door, and this legend that may 
 have served him in stead in his hours of rage : 
 
 Je suis le chien qui ronge 1 os, 
 Sans en perdre un seul morceau : 
 Le temps viendra, qui n est pas venu 
 Je mordrai celui qui m aura mordu. 
 
 Wounded pride and the prospect of revenge had doubtless 
 much to do with his behavior. The journal went on however 
 to denounce him, and to call attention to those who had once sup 
 ported him : and his wife s share in his guilt was suggested. The 
 state government, Sept. 27, 1780, seized his and her papers. 
 There was nothing to criminate her ; but there were letters found 
 reflecting harshly on the French Minister. These were secured 
 by a member of the government a restless zealot, says Mar- 
 bois, who to serve his own party scrupled at no rigor towards its 
 opponents and sent to the ambassador who magnanimously 
 thrust them unread into the fire. The Packet alleged also an under 
 standing to have existed between Charles Lee and Arnold when 
 the first came back from captivity to Valley Forge, and in proof 
 cited from a Cork newspaper of Jan. 14, 1779, a paragraph inti 
 mating that Lee was bribed by Clinton to annoy him as little 
 as possible in the march by Monmouth and through Jersey. It is 
 proper here to correct an error flagrantly made by Marbois, who 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 453 
 
 had every opportunity of knowing better, and repeated by Lord 
 Mahon, respecting the lenity bestowed on Mrs. Arnold. She re 
 ceived none at all, unless it was in retraining to attaint her with 
 out any forthcoming evidence. At camp indeed she was believed 
 innocent, and permitted to choose her destination. She came to 
 her father at Philadelphia, and was anxious to remain with him ; 
 offering security to write no letters to her husband during the 
 war and to send all received from him at once to government. 
 The civil authorities refused her appeal, and enforced their order 
 of exile during the war. She was compelled to go to New York, 
 where her distressed and dejected air was very observable for a 
 time. When her spirits however were restored she shone, we are 
 told, in society as " a star of the first magnitude," and expectation 
 even in London was excited by the asseverations of Tarleton and 
 other returning officers " that she was the handsomest woman in 
 England." 
 
 On his own arrival, though well received at court where leaning 
 on Carleton s arm he was presented by Sir Walter Stirling, and 
 in the cabinet where he was consulted by Germain and regarded 
 as a very sensible man, Arnold had some pretty hard raps to re 
 ceive from the Opposition. In the Commons Lord Surrey is 
 said to have sent word to him that he would move the house to 
 be cleared unless he withdrew, and only consented to his remain 
 ing for that once because he was introduced by a member and 
 promised never to come again. It is difficult to believe some of 
 the anecdotes, pointed or pointless, that are told of his rebuffs. 
 But it appears that he was once hissed at a playhouse : and that 
 party raillery was not withheld from him. Burke and Fox pro 
 tested against his employment ; and it was rumored that the king 
 had promised not to confide to him the charge of British troops. 
 A noble satirist in 1777 had reproached him with the reports of 
 his early misdeeds about horses : 
 
 One Arnold too shall feel our ire ; 
 By horses torn, let him expire 
 
 Amidst an Indian screech ! 
 Nor by his death let vengeance cease, 
 The jockey s ghost can t rest in peace, 
 
 If Burgoyne forge his speech ! 
 
 " Mr. Arnold," quoth the writer, " is understood to have been 
 originally a dealer in horses, and to have had his conduct sererely 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 criticised, as being the reverse of Saul, in respect to certain strayed 
 asses ; for instead of finding them before they were lost, he was 
 unable to recover them after. (See 1st Sam. ix. 3.)" The same 
 bard now again made him his theme. 
 
 AN ODE 
 
 ADDRESSED TO GENERAL ARNOLD. 
 
 Welcome, " one Arnold," to our shore! 
 Thy deeds on Fame s strong pinions bore 
 
 Spread loyalty and reason : 
 ! had success thy projects crown d, 
 Proud Washington had bit the ground. 
 
 And Arnold punish d treason. 
 
 Around you press the sacred band, 
 Germain will kneel to kiss your hand. 
 
 Galloway his plaudits blend: 
 Sir Hugh will hug you to his heart; 
 The tear of joy from Twitcher start; 
 
 And Cockburn hail his friend. 
 
 Since you the royal levees grace, 
 
 Joy breaks through Denbigh s dismal face, 
 
 Sir Guy looks brisk, and capers ; 
 Grave Amherst teems with brilliant jests: 
 The refugees are Stonnont s guests; 
 
 His wine s a cure for vapors. 
 
 Mild Abingdon shouts out your praise : 
 Burgoyne himself will tune his lavs, 
 
 To sing your skill in battle; 
 Greater than Han s, who scal d the Alps, 
 Or Indian chief s, who brought him scalps 
 
 Instead of Yankee cattle. 
 
 For camp or cabinet you re made : 
 A Jockey s half a courtier s trade, 
 
 And you ve instinctive art; 
 Although your outside s not so drest, 
 Bid Mansfield dive into your breast, 
 
 And then report your heart. 
 
 What think you of this rapid war? 
 Perhaps you ll say we ve march d too far, 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 455 
 
 And spar d when we should kill: 
 Was it by coursing to and fro 
 That Sackville beat the daring foe 
 
 Or bravely standing still ? 
 
 Heroic Sackville, calm and meek 
 Tho Ferdinando smote his cheek, 
 
 He never shook his spear ; 
 (That spear, in Gallic blood fresh dyed;) 
 But like Themistocles, he cryed, 
 
 Frappez, mon prince! but hear. 
 
 As yet we ve met with trifling crosses, 
 And prov d our force e en by our losses; 
 
 (Conquest or death s the word:) 
 Britons, strike home ! Be this your boast, 
 After two gallant armies lost, 
 
 Sir Henry has a third. 
 
 Worn out with toils and great designs, 
 Germain to you the seals resigns, 
 
 Your worth superior owns ; 
 Would rev rend Twitcher now retreat, 
 We still might keep a greater fleet 
 
 By bribing o er Paul Jones. 
 
 O er Twitcher s breast, and Germain s too, 
 Fix Edward s star and ribbon blue, 
 
 To ravish all beholders; 
 That when to heaven they get a call, 
 Their stars (like Eli s cloak) may fall 
 
 On Paul s and Arnold s shoulders. 
 
 Carmarthen, ope your sacred gates, 
 The gen rous, valiant Germain waits, 
 
 Who held the Atlantic steerage: 
 (He ll shine a jewel in the crown) 
 When Arnold knocks all traitors down, 
 
 He too shall have a Peerage ! 
 
 Should faithless Wedderburne. decline 
 To rank his name, Germain, with thine, 
 
 This truth (unfee d) I ll tell you; 
 Rise a Scotch Peer right weel I ween, 
 You ll soon be chose one of sixteen 
 
 Dare Grafton then expel you ? 
 
456 APPENDIX. 
 
 A more interesting tirade, insomuch as it lots in more light on 
 Arnold s history, was made by a Mr. Robert Morris, a Welshman, 
 who had been Secretary to the Bill of Rights Society. Morris 
 had been left in a confidential relation by Lord Baltimore to his 
 natural daughter. The girl had property, and he married her 
 while she was yet very young. In two years she separated from 
 him. He published his transactions about Arnold in a pamphlet 
 of which I know of but one copy. It is entitled " Morris, Arnold 
 and Battersby. Account of the Attack I made on the character 
 of General Arnold, and the dispute which ensued between me and 
 Captain Battersby. R. Morrix. London, 1782." 8vo. pp. 32. 
 
 The fray began by Morris publishing, Feb. 9, 1782, a letter in 
 the General Advertiser, in which he says Arnold had been trans 
 ported from England to America for horse-stealing and was thus 
 exposed in both countries to be hanged. But he should not be 
 averse to the rope, since he left Andre to be hung, to spare him 
 self the risk of sending him back as he came. " lie sent him off 
 to run every hazard by himself, secure of his own flight in case 
 Andre was stopt." The bribe was all he wanted : " i!80UO, which 
 he was sure to touch, was a capital sum for such an original beg 
 gar." He is indignant at Arnold s reception at Court. " AVhen 
 Sir H. Clinton was trying every negotiation and manoeuvre to 
 save his Aid-de-Camp, when whole battalions were turning out to 
 make an offer of their blood in one desperate attempt to rescue 
 him from the midst of the American Army, this inglorious fellow, 
 who had brought him into and left him in all this scrape, made no 
 offer of the surrender of his person back to the Americans, which 
 he knew was a sacrifice that would at once be accepted, and would 
 be a sure preservation to Major Andre from his impending fate." 
 He concludes with the wish that Arnold would resent his letter ; 
 but unfortunately, liberal as he is of assertion, he had made one 
 here that did not serve his turn. A Captain James Battersby, 
 of the 29th Foot, who had sailed from Chatham, Feb. 28, 1776, 
 for the relief of Quebec, and was captured with Burgoyne and 
 several years a prisoner, had returned to England in the sum 
 mer of 1781. He wrote to the Morning Herald that he verily 
 believed Arnold did offer to surrender himself. Morris s reply 
 evaded this point, and generally abused Clinton and Arnold : 
 on which Battersby wrote a sharp letter, suggesting that he had 
 already offered to fight Morris and now repeats the challenge : 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 457 
 
 that Arnold will not notice such a low fellow : " were he disposed 
 to resent audacious and unprovoked insolence, there are a few 
 braying asses of rank whom he would first chastise " : but the 
 captain has ordered one of his negro drum-boys to chastise his an 
 tagonist. Morris again writes in general invective against Arnold, 
 and follows with an address to Battersby, in which he says he does 
 not believe the story of Arnold s offer of surrender, because he 
 never heard it from any one else : and that if it were true, Ar 
 nold should have gone off without Clinton s knowledge. 
 
 Morris now strove to get a meeting from Arnold while a friend 
 looked after Battersby. " Captain Battersby," he gently observes, 
 " I should have no objection to see killed by any other hand in 
 stead of my own, while there was any chance of General Arnold 
 giving me the meeting." Volunteers came to his aid against Anti- 
 Yankey (Captain Battersby) : " I am your man," writes Mr. 
 Thomas Hailing, " against Anti-Yankey, or any other rascally 
 refugee whatsoever. 
 
 I ll fight him, 
 
 I ll beat him, 
 
 I ll roast him, 
 
 I ll eat him!" 
 
 At last, a duel was arranged. Major Stanhope (Lord Harring 
 ton s brother) was the captain s second ; but being prevented from 
 acting, Governor Skeene took his place. Captain Bailie acted for 
 Morris. A reconciliation however intervened and the dispute was 
 accommodated : and since Arnold s courage at least was unques 
 tionable, we must suppose there was some other reason for his not 
 meeting his assailer. In truth Morris s publication was in very 
 bad taste. He says Burgoyne remarked of the dispute between 
 himself and Battersby and its occasion : " that it was just like two 
 gentlemen quarreling for a common ." 
 
 More valuable by far, though not of less singular rarity, is the 
 Remarks on the Travels of M. de Chastellux: London, Wilkie, 
 1787: 8vo. pp. ii. 80; an anonymous work which I am more 
 and more convinced was written or directed by Arnold s own 
 hand. The translator of Chastellux had printed matters in his 
 Notes peculiarly offensive to Arnold and of such a nature that the 
 author would never have admitted many of them into his own 
 pages, severe though they be in their reflections on the English 
 and their recent acquisition. All that is said, however, by the 
 
458 APPENDIX. 
 
 writer of the Remarks in relation to the business of West Point is 
 rather in vindication of Arnold s conduct than in explanation of 
 its details. 
 
 " From the Translator we gather, that general Arnold received 
 seven thousand pounds in the funds ; and from the Author, that 
 he was to deliver up West Point. The death of major Andre is 
 universally known; and the rank that he bore of adjutant-general 
 in the British army. From these inferences, admitting their truth, 
 what deductions can we draw ? Could Arnold alone give up West 
 Point? Would an adjutant-general have visited him for what he 
 alone could have accomplished ? Would he have been hazarded for 
 the completion of so small an object ? Is there nothing in Arnold s 
 asseverations V Gave he no reasons for his conduct ? He did. 
 Much of this extraordinary event will doubtless be ever concealed; 
 and probably little more than what has already transpired will be 
 known to the present generation. Arnold s assertions, that Amer 
 ica in general was satisfied with the offers of the British nation, 
 that it was averse to the French, and the continuation of the war, 
 were true. It has been before observed, that Washington asserted, 
 that he would never agree to independency ; and though the Con 
 gress decreed that all their votes should be styled unanimous, it is 
 well known that more than once a single voice or two has decided 
 upon their most important resolutions. To a certain length Gal 
 loway acceded to the American cause, and in England, people at 
 different periods desisted from their support of America as she 
 receded from her connections with this country ; this did the great 
 and wise earl of Chatham, the first statesman of the age. 
 
 " The argument is not whether this change of sentiment pro 
 ceeded from patriotic principles, or sinister passions; it is the fact 
 that I insist on. In our own civil wars, Hyde and Essex, Falkland 
 and Whitlock, and many others, furnished the precedent; and this 
 conduct must arise from the nature of man, imperfect in himself, 
 his judgments, and opinions; and actuated from events and effects 
 originating from so imperfect a source. Was it not so, how could 
 a war ever be terminated V A brave, but a divided people, under 
 the influence of conscience, and a firm belief of the justice of 
 their cause, would fight to their mutual destruction, and darkness 
 be the burier of the dead/ History, when it points out to us the 
 calamities of civil wars, uniformly delineates their termination, not 
 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 459 
 
 so much in the destruction of mankind, as in their change of 
 opinion. Had Lambert escaped from his pursuers, and the army 
 revolted from Monk, what would have been Monk s fate ? And in 
 what light would posterity consider his memory ? A republican, 
 and therefore unconstitutional party, at present detract from his 
 reputation, but he is venerated by Englishmen in general, as the 
 restorer of the peace of his country. That general has been blamed 
 for permitting the restoration of the king without compact : the 
 time necessary for making such a free, general, and English com 
 pact, would have ruined his measures ; secrecy alone could give 
 success to his arduous undertaking. He trusted, and he trusted 
 justly, that the spirit of the times would secure the liberty of the sub 
 ject, against which it was visible the crown must contend in vain. 
 Clarendon had wisdom sufficient to distinguish the momentary ac 
 clamations of all ranks of people, happy in the termination of 
 their individual miseries, from the sober and collective voice of 
 their judgment. If the house of Stuart, on the removal of that 
 great man, forgot their own interests, and ungratefully invaded the 
 liberties of the people, it certainly was contrary to the calculations 
 of reason, and they lost the crown in consequence; the spirit of 
 the people, as one man, rose up against them, and let it be re 
 membered, the Revolution was effected without bloodshed. Had 
 Arnold, and those who thought with him, given a severe blow, and 
 without bloodshed, to Washington s army ; had he broke the civil 
 chains of the people, and restored the sword to their hands, had 
 they accepted the more than independency which was offered to 
 America by Great Britain ; and had the empire by these means 
 been restored to union, who would have enjoyed the blessings of 
 this age, and been the favourite of posterity, the active, enterpris 
 ing American Arnold, or the cool, designing, frenchified Washing 
 ton ? These terms are derived from the Marquis s Memoirs ; his 
 opinions, and the rejoicings of the Americans upon the failure of 
 Arnold s attempt, establish its magnitude." 
 
 In other places, the Remarks give some information of affairs 
 that would be valuable according to our absolute certainty of the 
 communicator. Of the American army he says that it was made 
 up of all nations, and only kept efficient by the severest discipline 
 and the cooperation of the civil authorities, which punished 
 severely all who did not profess devotion to America. The 
 
460 APPENDIX. 
 
 militia spread around the camp at least served to intercept desert 
 ers and prevent marauds. Many of the generals are roughly 
 handled ; La Fayette, Sullivan, Stirling, and Greene among the 
 number. Wayne has some praise ; " if he should ever read my 
 account of the Marquis de la Fayette, he will enjoy it, and say 
 it is true." Lee, Mifflin, and Gates are spoken of more kindly. 
 Reed is spoken of with severity ; and what are alleged to be par 
 ticular facts in connection with the imputed defection that Arnold 
 on his trial brought up against him are recited. Of Washington 
 the writer observes : "I have no resentment to that general ; 
 his virtues and his vices are now out of the question ; and whether 
 he continues a land-jobber in Virginia, or the president of Con 
 gress, is totally indifferent. The exposition of truth is all my 
 design. Success animates a mercenary army ; Mr. Washington 
 had no hold on this chain of union. The capture of Lord 
 Cornvvallis s army was the effect of joint operation and French 
 artillery. The surprise of Washington at Brandywine and de 
 feat at Germantown, have not added to his reputation ; and the 
 terming his repulse at Monmouth a defeat of the British army, 
 proved, that having assumed French politics, he was intoxicated 
 with their manners. The Congress called it a victory, the army 
 knew the term to be a dishonourable gasL-onade. " 
 
 Arnold s affairs could not have been bad in England, but they 
 were not good to his wish. In the spring of 1785, he was so dis 
 appointed at not getting a hearing before the Board on Loyalist 
 Claims that he resolved to withdraw his suit and retire into the 
 country. Later in the year, he proposed going into trade again. 
 " General Arnold is gone out to America too," wrote Adams to 
 Jay. " From this, some persons have conjectured that war is de 
 termined on, or at least thought not improbable. He went to 
 Halifax in a vessel of his own, with a cargo of his own, upon a 
 trading voyage, as is given out. This I can scarcely believe. It 
 would hardly be permitted a general officer to go upon such a 
 trade. He said himself he had a young family to provide for, and 
 could not bear an idle life. This is likely enough. I rather think 
 then, that he has obtained leave to go out and purchase himself a 
 settlement in Nova Scotia or Canada, that he may be out of the 
 way of feeling the neglect and contempt in which he is held by 
 not only the army, but the world in general." 
 
 The same military spirit, the same intolerance of inactive subor- 
 
THE CAPTORS. 461 
 
 dination that marked his character in our service followed Arnold 
 into that of the British. Great as were his crimes, he can neither 
 be accused of a lack of personal intrepidity, nor of a cringing 
 subservience that prized slothful prosperity above the hazards of 
 the field. In 1 780 an English writer, commenting on his gen 
 eral s neglecting or refusing to disturb our military arrangements, 
 uses these words : " General Arnold, in beseeching Clinton to 
 march out and attack Washington and Rochambeau, and on his 
 refusal offering to do it himself with 6000 or even 5000 men, 
 must have ruined himself completely with Sir Henry. It would 
 be much better now for General Arnold to be in London than at 
 New York." It must not, however, be forgotten that his defection 
 encountered from many quarters as severe censure in England as 
 it had received in America. To the samples of this opinion al 
 ready cited I will add but one other, which is curious as showing 
 how Andre was by some still styled St. Andre. 
 
 ARNOLD: OR, A QUESTION ANSWERED, 
 
 Our troops by Arnold thoroughly were bang d, 
 And poor St. Andre 1 was by Arnold hang d; 
 To George a rebel, to the Congress traitor, 
 Pray what can make the name of Arnold greater? 
 By one bold treason, more to gain his ends, 
 Let him betray his new adopted friends ! 
 
 No. II. 
 
 THE CAPTORS. 
 
 THERE has been for some years a controversy about the char 
 acter and motives of the men who arrested Andre. On the one 
 hand is the contemporaneous eulogy bestowed on their conduct by 
 Washington, and the sense in which it has generally been re 
 garded by the public. New York gave each of them a farm. 
 Congress ordered silver medals inscribed Fidelity and Vincit 
 Amor Patrice to be made for Paulding, Williams, and Van Wart ; 
 and also voted each a yearly pension of two hundred silver dol 
 lars for life. On the other is the assertion of several weighty 
 
462 APPENDIX. 
 
 evidences that they were marauders, whose object was simply 
 spoil. 
 
 On the 13th January, 1817, Paulding s petition for an increased 
 pension was debated in the House of Representatives. Tall- 
 madge opposed the prayer earnestly, going with minuteness into 
 the details of the event from which it arose. He said the captors 
 only brought their prisoner in because they thought they would get 
 more for his surrender than for his release : that he fully believed 
 in Andre s assertions that their object was to rob him, and that they 
 would have let him go if he could have satisfied their demands. 
 They took off his boots in quest of plunder, not to detect treason ; 
 and were, he said, men of that suspicious class who passing be 
 tween both armies were as often in one camp as the other ; and 
 whom he himself should probably have apprehended, as was al 
 ways his custom, had he fallen on them. His wishes prevailed 
 with the House, and the petition was rejected by a large majority : 
 but out of doors his language was strongly criticised and his conduct 
 condemned. Van Wart and Paulding came forth with affidavits 
 declaring the imputations untrue : and a sort of autobiography of 
 Williams confirms the statement that it was no idea of the captors 
 to negotiate with their prisoner. Van Wart swears he had not, nor 
 did he believe his comrades had, any intent of plundering Andre ; 
 while Paulding alleges they took everything he had. The testi 
 mony on Smith s trial in 1780 shows that the proposal of releasing 
 Andre for money first came from Williams and was put a stop to 
 by Paulding: but Ave may suppose the former to have been insin 
 cere in his proffer, though it was promptly accepted by the captive. 
 
 In support of Tallmadge s view, King, who had the earliest 
 charge of Andre, suggests that the time and place where the ar 
 rest occurred made the character of the captors questionable. 
 " The truth is, to the impudence of the men, and not to the pa 
 triotism of any one of them, is to be attributed the capture of 
 Major Andre." Major Shaw too, Washington s aide, who was 
 present in all the proceedings attendant on the discovery of the 
 treason, calls them " militia, or rather a species of freebooters who 
 live by the plunder they pick up between the lines." A distin 
 guished P^nglish friend, whose father served at the time with Clin 
 ton, has favored me with what we may suppose was the opinion 
 derived at New York from Andre s letters, " I must frankly say 
 that my father has repeatedly told me he was taken by some 
 
THE CAPTORS. 463 
 
 marauders lying, as was commonly the case, on the neutral ground 
 for pillage. That they told him if he could make good his offers 
 anywhere without going within the lines they would free him 
 but on recent occasions young officers had made promises and 
 had handed the delinquents over to the Provost-Marshal on arriv 
 ing. This, and the magnitude of his offers, led them to decide 
 on turning north in lieu of south : nothing else." Thus it is es 
 tablished that what the captors deny was maintained by Andre 
 himself and by well-informed officers of our army. Now the rep 
 utation of Taihnadge, King, and Shaw is just as good in our eyes 
 as that of Paulding, Van Wart, and Williams : and it certainly 
 was a great deal better in their own day. The only reason why 
 their declarations do not weigh down the others is that they were 
 not eye-witnesses of the scene. It is fair therefore to look further 
 into the antecedents of the Captors. 
 
 John Paulding their leader was a lusty youth, six feet high and 
 just turned of manhood, and of active spirit. Twice had he al 
 ready been taken to New York a prisoner, and each time escaped. 
 He returned from his second captivity but four days before he 
 stopped Andre. His grandfather Joseph Paulding was a tenant 
 of the great landholder Philipse at the beginning of the war, and 
 professing neutrality was not disturbed. His sons however are 
 represented as whigs ; though I take it that Joseph, the captor s 
 father, was one of those who, April 11, 1775, protested their abhor 
 rence of Congress and their devotion to "King and Constitution." 
 The old man died : the farm was pillaged : the young men had 
 nothing to do ; and on Paulding s second escape in the dress of 
 a German Yager that he got in New York, he joined this party 
 to waylay the road and intercept the returning Cowboys. The 
 act of legislature of 24th June, 1780, made it lawful for any man 
 to seize for his own use cattle going to the enemy : under this it is 
 said they were sanctioned in their purpose. Whatever this plea 
 may be worth, and -even admitting a certain undisciplined wild- 
 ness of youth, it seems from his own statements that Paulding 
 was in his propensities decidedly a whig. 
 
 Isaac Van Wart in his old days most solemnly protested that 
 he never held unlawful intercourse with the enemy or visited their 
 camp. In opposition to this is the assertion of one of the tory 
 Pines of Pine s Bridge that he knew Van Wart was a British 
 militia-man, for he " had been told so by Van Wart himself." 
 
464 APPENDIX. 
 
 There is also an ominous complaint preserved in Ohio among the 
 family papers of General Putnam. " Mrs. Hannah Sniffen says 
 that Gabriel, Joseph, and Abraham Riquard, David Hunt, Isaac 
 Van Wart, and Pardon Burlingham, did, on the night of the 27th 
 ult, take from Mr. James Sniffen, an inhabitant of White Plains, 
 without civil or military authority, three milch cows, which they 
 have converted to their own private use. Crom Pond, July 9th, 
 1780. Hannah Sniffen, in behalf of her father " 
 
 David Williams tells us himself all we know of him : he served 
 for six months with Montgomery at St. John s, and was till 1779 in 
 the militia of Westchester county. He narrates the marauds he 
 shared in while in this service. In the summer of 1780 being out 
 of employ, he and his friends " worked for their board on Johnny- 
 cake " ; and occasionally took their guns and went on the road. 
 Van Wart was his cousin : and twice in the summer they made 
 seizures of people and cattle. The American civil authorities in 
 terfered in both instances and compelled restitution. Then came 
 the adventure with Andre. A monument on the spot commemo 
 rates this last event : nor are honorable memorials wanting to the 
 several graves of the three captors. 
 
 Mr. Headley thinks Paulding alone was free from the charge of 
 seeking to bargain with their prisoner. The public at large be 
 lieve them pure alike, and honorable. I cannot for my own 
 part but confess that there was at least colorable ground for the 
 conclusion of Tallmadge ; but the encouragement of Washington 
 and Congress and their own solemn affidavits are two serious ob 
 stacles to an implicit faith in its truth. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE S EXECUTION. 
 
 WHETHER or not Andre composed a sort of farewell song be 
 fore he died, it is certain he has had the reputation of doing so. 
 The doughty Sergeant Lamb of the Fusilecrs, in his Journal of 
 the American War (p. 338), gives a hymn of nine verses as hav- 
 
VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDREWS EXECUTION. 465 
 
 ing been written by Andre in his confinement. The opening 
 stanza will I fancy be sufficient : 
 
 Hail, sovereign love, which first began 
 
 The scheme to rescue fallen man ! 
 
 Hail matchless, free, eternal grace 
 
 Which gave my soul a hiding place ! 
 
 The philosopher of the kitchen, the accomplished Brillat-Savarin, 
 evidently did not refer to this piece in his Physiologie du Gout. 
 In October, 1794, he visited his friend Mr. Bulow, a revolutionary 
 officer at Hartford, Connecticut; and was overjoyed at killing 
 " une dinde sauvage." After the toils of the chase were ended, 
 says he : " Pour reposer la conversation, M. Bulow disait de 
 temps a autre k sa fille ainee : Mariah ! give us a song. Et 
 elle nous chanta sans se faire prier, et avec un embarras charmant, 
 la chanson nationale Yankee dudde, la complainte de la reine 
 Marie et celle du major Andre, qui sont tout k fait populaires en 
 ce pays." The words and music of these last two pieces are given 
 in The American Musical Miscellany: Northampton, 1798. I 
 find Andre s Lament also in a large collection of broadsides, made 
 by the late Isaiah Thomas of Worcester and preserved in the 
 American Antiquarian Society. It is entitled " Major Andre : 
 written while he was a prisoner in the American camp ; " and was 
 " printed by Nathaniel Coverly, Jr., Milk-street, corner Theatre- 
 Alley, Boston." A very rude and unmeaning woodcut adorns or 
 disfigures the head of the sheet : and the lines are given here less 
 as Andre s own than as a matter of curiosity. 
 
 Ah, Delia! see the fatal hour ! farewell, my soul s delight, 
 But how can wretched Damon live, thus banish d from thy sight? 
 To my fond heart no rival joy supplies the loss of thee; 
 But who can tell if thou, my dear, will e er remember me? 
 
 Yet while my restless, wand ring tho ts pursue their lost repose, 
 Unwearied may they trace the path where er my Delia goes ; 
 Forever Damon shall be there attendant still on thee. 
 But who can tell $c. 
 
 Alone, thro unfrequented wilds, with pensive steps I rove, 
 I ask the rocks, I ask the trees, where dwells my distant love ? 
 The silent eve, the rosy morn, my constant searches see. 
 But who can tell $c. 
 
 Oft I ll review the smiling scenes, each fav rite brook and tree, 
 Where gaily pass d those happy hours, those hours I pass d with thee. 
 30 
 
466 APPENDIX. 
 
 What painful, fond memorials rise from every place I see ! 
 Ah ! who can tell cfc. 
 
 How many rival votaries soon their soft address shall move ; 
 Surround thee in thy new abode, and tempt thy soul to Love : 
 Ah, who can tell what sighing crowds their tender homage pay ; 
 Ah, who can tell <fc. 
 
 Think, Delia, with how deep a wound the sweetly painful dart, 
 Which thy remembrance leaves behind has pierc d a hopeless heart: 
 Think on this fatal, sad adieu, which severs me from thee : 
 Ah ! who can tell cf-c. 
 
 How can I speak the last farewell ; what cares distress my mind ; 
 How can I go to realms of bliss and leave my love behind ! 
 When Angels wing me to the skies I d fain return to thee: 
 But who can tell cf c. 
 
 The concluding verse is not to be found in the version of the 
 Repertory. 
 
 What Andre may have neglected himself, other hands supplied. 
 The Literary Miscellany (Stourport: J. Nicholson; 1812), vol. 
 vii., declares the lines to Delia beginning " Return, enraptured 
 hours " were composed in his imprisonment. Others formed his 
 praises into a Glee, wherewith to compose the souls of aldermen 
 at corporation feasts. 
 
 A 4 VOC. PAXTON.* 
 
 Eound the hapless Andre s urn 
 
 Be the cypress foliage spread ; 
 Fragrant spice profusely burn, 
 
 Honours grateful to the dead : 
 Let a soldier s manly form 
 
 Guard the vase his ashes bears; 
 Truth, in living sorrow warm, 
 
 Pay a mourning nation s tears. 
 Fame, his praise upon thy wing, 
 
 Through the world dispersing tell ; 
 In the service of his King, 
 
 In his Country s cause he fell ! 
 
 But it was his friend Miss Seward who at greatest length and 
 with most applause brought Poetry to lament Andre s fate. From 
 the beginning to the end this lady was au courant as to the army 
 in America ; and I have heard that from her Scott got the premises 
 
 * Hobler s Glees, as sung at the Crown and Anchor Tavern : London, 
 1794. 
 
VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE S EXECUTION. 467 
 
 of The Tapestried Chamber. She had for several years been ac 
 customed to pour forth her verses among a party of poets of 
 quality who thus amused themselves under the auspices of Lady 
 Miller, and whose bantlings were printed in four volumes in 1781 
 as Poetical Amusements at a Villa near Bath. Wai pole so in 
 imitably describes the whole assembly that we will trespass a little 
 to give their account in his own words : " You must know, Madam 
 that near Bath is erected a new Parnassus, composed of three 
 laurels, a myrtle-tree, a weeping-willow, and a view of the Avon, 
 which has been new-christened Helicon. Ten years ago there 
 lived a Madam Riggs, an old rough humourist who passed for a 
 wit ; her daughter, who passed for nothing, married to a Captain 
 Miller, full of good-natured officiousness. These good folks were 
 friends of Miss Rich, who carried me to dine with them at Batheas- 
 ton, now Pindus. They caught a little of what was then called 
 taste, built and planted, and begot children, till the whole caravan 
 were forced to go abroad to retrieve. Alas! Mrs. Miller is re 
 turned a beauty, a genius, a Sappho, a tenth Muse, as romantic as 
 Mademoiselle Scuderi, and as unsophisticated as Mrs. Vesey. The 
 Captain s fingers are loaded with cameos, his tongue runs over 
 with virtu, and that both may contribute to the improvement of 
 their own country, they have introduced bouts-rime s as a new dis 
 covery. They hold a Parnassus-fair every Thursday, give out 
 rhymes and themes, and all the flux of quality at Bath con 
 tend for the prizes. A Roman vase dressed with pink ribbons 
 and myrtles receives the poetry, which is drawn out every festival ; 
 six judges of these Olympic games retire and select the brightest 
 compositions, which the respective successful acknowledge, kneel 
 to Mrs. Calliope Miller, kiss her fair hand, and are crowned by it 
 
 with myrtle, with 1 don t know what. You may think this is 
 
 fiction, or exaggeration. Be dumb, unbelievers ! The collection 
 is printed, published. Yes, on my faith, there are bouts-rimes on 
 a buttered muffin, made by her Grace the Duchess of Northum 
 berland ; receipts to make them by Corydon the venerable, alias 
 George Pitt ; others very pretty by Lord Palmerston ; some by 
 Lord Carlisle ; many by Mrs. Miller herself, that have no fault 
 but wanting metre ; and immortality promised to her without end 
 or measure. In short, since folly which never ripens to madness 
 but in this hot climate, ran distracted, there never was anything 
 so entertaining or so dull for you cannot read so long as I have 
 been telling." 
 
468 APPENDIX. 
 
 Under such friendly auspices Miss Seward wrote her Monody 
 on Andre, a poem of considerable merit, which has possessed 
 greater popularity than any other of her writings and has gone 
 through numerous editions. Its objurgations of Washington were 
 regarded as just censure by many of her admirers, who considered 
 his reputation snuffed out like a candle by Miss Se ward s elo 
 quence : 
 
 Thy pen, more potent than Ithuriel s spear 
 Strips from the ruthless Chief his corselet s pride, 
 And shews his heart of Nero s colour dy d. 
 
 And indeed she herself esteemed it highly. To commemorate 
 the death of Lady Miller, she invokes the same Muse that had 
 then befriended her : 
 
 Ye, who essay d to weave the golden thread, 
 And gem with flow rs the woof of high applause 
 The pious veil o er shroudless Andre spread, 
 O er Andre, murder d in his country s cause. 
 
 That his memory might rest in literature like Garrick in the 
 picture between the Tragic and the Comic Muse, James Smith 
 has added his mite to Miss Seward s labors, in a pretended vol 
 ume of letters from America called Milk and Honey, or the Land 
 of Promise : Letter vii. ; Mr. Richard Barrow to Mr. Robert 
 Briggs. 
 
 Bob, Jonathan s queer ; he is mizzled a ration, 
 He does not half-stomach a late exhumation ; 
 Some culls, here, have taken to grubbing the clay 
 That tucks up the body of Major Andre*. 
 With yon resurrectionists, that is not very 
 Unusual, who dig up as fast as you bury, 
 And charge iron coffins the devil s own fee 
 (Lord Stowel there buried the poor patentee,) 
 But here, Bob, the gabies have not come to that. 
 Would you fancy it? Jonathan s yet such aflat 
 As to think, when a corpse has been waked by a train 
 Of mourners, tis wicked to wake it again. 
 
 Methinks you re for asking me who Andre" was ? 
 (Book-learning and you, Bob, ain t cronies, that s pos.) 
 I ll tell you, Andre, urged by arguments weighty, 
 Went out to New York Anno Domini 80. 
 He quitted the land of bis fathers to bleed 
 In war, all along of his love for Miss Sneyd ; 
 
COLONEL TALLMADGE TO GENERAL HEATH. 469 
 
 But, finding his name not enroll d in a high line 
 
 Of rank for promotion, he took to the Sj>y-line. 
 
 He sew d in his stocking a letter from Arnold: 
 
 A sentinel nabbed it why didn t the darn hold? 
 
 Or why, when he stitch d it up, didn t he put 
 
 The letter between his sole-leather and foot? 
 
 By mashing it, then, he had scap d all disaster, 
 
 As Pipes mash d the letter of Pickle, his master. 
 
 "Within the lines taken, a prisoner brought off, 
 
 They troubled him with a line more than he thought of ; 
 
 For, finding the young man s despatches not trim, 
 
 To shorten my story, Bob, they despatch d him. 
 
 He long might have slept with the ci-devant crew, 
 
 As soundly as here other buried men do ; 
 
 But fashion, as somebody says on the stage, 
 
 In words and in periwigs will have her rage. 
 
 The notion of bringing dead people away 
 
 Began upon Paine, and went on to Andre"; 
 
 The Yankees thought Cobbett was digging for dibs, 
 
 But when out he trundled a thighbone and ribs, 
 
 They did not half-like it; and cried with a groan, 
 
 " Since poor Tom s a-cold, why not leave him alone? " 
 
 American writers have also made the story their fictitious theme. 
 The tragedy of Arnold, that of Andre, and the verses of Mr. Wil 
 lis and Mr. Miller have at various times been given to the public. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE TO GENERAL HEATH. 
 [From the Heath MSS.] 
 
 Pine s Bridge, Oct. 10$, 1780. DEAR GENERAL: Since my 
 return from Head Quarters a few days since, I have been honored 
 with your agreeable favor of the 21st ult. with its enclosed from 
 Mr. Broome, as also another of the 30th ult. I am much obliged 
 to you for your kind attention in forwarding my letters to Mr. 
 Broome as well as his Returns to me. 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 Before this reaches you, the information of Major Andre s exe 
 cution must undoubtedly have been received. Thro the course 
 of his Tryal and Confinement (during which I had the charge of 
 him a great part of the time) he behaved with that fortitude which 
 did him great honor. He made every confession to the Court 
 which was necessary to convict him of being a Spy, but said 
 nothing of his accomplices. During his confinement I became 
 intimately acquainted with him ; and I must say (nor am I alone 
 in the opinion) that he was one of the most accomplished young 
 gentlemen I ever was acquainted with. Such ease and af 
 fability of manners, polite and genteel deportment, added to an 
 enlarged understanding, made him the idol of General Clinton 
 and the B. army. On the day of his execution he was most ele 
 gantly dressed in his full regimentals, and marched to the destined 
 ground with as much ease and cheerfulness of countenance as if 
 he had been going to an Assembly room. Tho his fate was just, 
 yet to see so promising a youth brought to the gallows drew a tear 
 from almost every spectator. He seemed, while with me, to be 
 almost unmindful of his fate, and only regretted his disappoint 
 ment. 
 
 Since Arnold has been at New York, he has flung into the 
 Provost many of our friends whom he will have punished if pos 
 sible. I fear it will injure the chains of our intelligence, at least 
 for a little time, till the present tumult is over. I am happy that 
 he does not know even a single link in my chain. His Excel 
 lency General Washington has undoubtedly given you the partic 
 ulars of the whole hellish plot, which was laid to have nearly over 
 thrown the liberties of this country. So providential, I had almost 
 said miraculous a detection of such deep-laid villany can hardly be 
 found in the history of any people. 
 
 Joshua Smith, an accomplice with Arnold, was under arrest 
 when I left Head Quarters a few days since, and will doubtless be 
 punished capitally. 
 
 Oct. llth. I have this moment received information from my 
 agents at New York, but no letters. The conduct of that in 
 famous Arnold has been such since his arrival at New York that 
 our friends, who were not even suspected, are too much agitated 
 at the present juncture to favor us with intelligence as usual. I 
 hope in a little time the storm will blow over. I have two ac- 
 
COLONEL TALLMADGE TO GENERAL HEATH. 471 
 
 counts from New York, but neither thro my old channel ; one of 
 which is that the enemy have embarked a considerable body of 
 troops and were put to sea ; another that their embarkation goes 
 on very slowly. 
 
 The letter herewith sent please to forward to Mr. Broome. 
 With compliments to the gentlemen of your family, I am, &c. 
 
 P. S. His Excellency General Washington, with the Light 
 Infantry, the Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Lines, 
 has moved lower down New Jersey, near Posaick falls. General 
 Green with the New Jersey, New York and New Hampshire 
 Lines, has gone to West Point. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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